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MEMOIRS
OF THE
LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION
OF
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
EARL OF ORFORD.
VOLUME THE FIRST.

UNIV
OF
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SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
Earl of Orford.
From an Original Painting in Enamel by Zinck.
In the Possession of the Hent. W. Walpole.
квать ант ит
Published Nov 11797 by Cadell & Davis Strandt.
M
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Я я Іг
DLAC BITW
MEMOIRS
OF THE
LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION
OF
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
EARL
OF OR FOR D.
WITH ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE AND AUTHENTIC PAPERS,
r
NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED.
IN THREE VOLUME S.
VOLUME THE FIRST;
CONTAINING THE MEMO IR S.
BY WILLIAM COXE, M.A. F.R.S. F.A.S.
RECTOR OF BEMERTON.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR T. CADELL, JUN. AND W. DAVIES, IN THE STRAND.
1798.
DA
501
WZ
C88
“ OMNIA PRIUS EXPERIRI VERBIS QUAM ARMIS SAPIENTEM
DECET."
TERENCE.
"THE BLOOD, OF MAN SHOULD NEVER BE SHED BUT TO
REDEEM. THE BLOOD OF MAN. IT IS WELL SHED FOR
OUR FAMILY, FOR OUR FRIENDS, FOR OUR GOD, FOR
OUR COUNTRY, FOR OUR KIND. THE REST IS VANI.
TY, THE REST IS CRIME."
BURKE.
TO THE
REV? HUMPHREY SUMNER, D.D. PROVOST,
AND TO THE
FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
O F
KING'S COLLEGE
IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE,
THESE
MEMOIRS OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
(ONCE A MEMBER OF THEIR SOCIETY)
ARE RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED
4
BY
THE AUTHOR,
WHO IS INDEBTED FOR HIS EDUCATION
TO THE
PIOUS MUNIFICENCE
OF
HENRY THE SIX TH.
231401
Directions to the Binder.
The Head of Sir ROBERT WALPOLE is to face the. Title Page of this
Volume.
The Genealogical Table is to face Page 2.
The Four Plates of the Fác Simile are to be placed after the Advertiſe-
ment of the Second Volume.
›
1
ERRAT A.
1. 20.
for three years older, read a year younger.
P. 14. 1. 20.
21.
1. 16.
47. 1. 28.
for three, read two.
firſt line of the note, for two, read one.
dele as.
for confidentially, read confidently.
63. J. 19.
82. 1. 15.
after Dungannon, add and ducheſs of Munfter。
96. 1 15.
dele although.
103. 1. 12.
after his, infert own.
164. 1. 12.
for difficulties, read duties.
186. 1. 23.
after grant, add of.
209. 1. 2.
for another, read the.
256. 1. 2.
after meaſures, add he.
264. 1.33.
for had, read as having.
374. 1.
from bottom, dele act.
311. 1. 21.
365. 1. 3.
1.
2.
3.
after buſineſs, add he.
from bottom, for recorded, read has recorded.
from bottom, for reflects, read reflect.
406. 1. 23.
for found, read founding.
467. 1. 33.
for himself, read the minifter.
498. 1.15.
for ſeaſonable, read reaſonable.
525. 1. 17.
for member, read members.
553. 1. 2.
576. 1. 31.
from bottom, for Germans, read German pages.
for there, read here.
577. 1. 24.
607. 1. 28.
note,
623. 1. 5.
629. I.
1. 5.
after motion, dele as propofed by Pulteney.
for them, read it.
for Thomas Townshend, read Stephen Poyntz.
for and, read or.
for and, read that.
CONTENTS TO VOLUME THE FIRST.
MEMOIRS OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
PREFACE
I
PERIOD THE FIRST:
From his Birth, to the Acceffion of GEORGE the Firft:
1676—1714.
XV
CHAP. I. Family.-Birth.-Talents.- Education.
I
Country Purfuits.- Marriage.
-Paternal Eftate
Page 1
CHAP. 2. Elected Member of Parliament.-Sketch of the important Tranfactions
during the Two laft Parliaments of King William.—Act of Settlement in favour of the
Proteftant Succeffion and Family.-Principles and Conduct of the Leaders at the Revo-
lution.-Ineffectual Endeavour of William to extend the A&t of Settlement in favour of
the Hanover Line, virtually introduced by the Act for disabling Papiſts.-Artful Ma-
nagement of William to procure the Extenfion of that Act on the Death of the Duke of
Glouceſter
7
13
CHAP. 3. Walpole foon becomes an active Member of Parliament.-Is upon various
Committees, and Teller on feveral important Queſtions.-Supports the Whigs.-Se-
conds the Motion for extending the Oath of Abjuration to eccleſiaſtical Perfons.-Death
and Character of King William
CHAP. 4. Acceffion of Anne.-Walpole makes a Motion in Oppofition to Sir Ed-
ward Seymour.-Diſtinguiſhes himſelf in the Proceedings on the Ayleſbury Election.
-Noticed by Earl Godolphin, and the Duke of Marlborough.-Appointed one of the
Seven Council to the Lord High Admiral.-Secretary at War, and Treaſurer to the
Navy. Nominated one of the Managers for the Houſe of Commons, upon the Profe-
cution of Sacheverel.-His Speech, and Publication on that Occaſion
18
CHAP. 5. Intrigues and Cabals which occafioned the Removal of the Whig Adminiſtra-
tion.-Walpole holds a confidential Correſpondence with the Duke of Marlborough,
Lord Townſhend, and Horace Walpole.-Rejects the Offers and deſpiſes the Threats
of Harley.-Refuſes to take a Part in the new Adminiſtration
26
CHAP. 6. Conduct of Walpole in Oppofition.-Ably defends the late Adminiftration
againſt the Charge of not accounting for the public Expenditure.-Accuſed of Breach
of Truft and Corruption when Secretary at War.-Committed to the Tower.-Ex-
VOL. I.
pelled
A
Period I.
1676 to 1714.
vi
CONTENT S.
Period II.
1714 to 1720.
t
pelled the Houſe, and incapacitated from fitting in the prefent Parliament.-Vifited
by Perfons of the firſt Diſtinction and Abilities.-Writes an able Defence of him-
felf
Page 33
CHAP. 7.
Releaſed from his Imprifonment.-Exertions in Favour of his Party.-
Publiſhes various political Pieces.-Eulogium of him, by Godolphin.-Publiſhes the
Hiſtory of the late Parliament.-Re-elected for Lynn.-Speaks againſt the Peace;
the Treaty of Commerce; and the Schifm Bill:-In favour of Sir Richard Steele, for
printing the Criſis and the Engliſhman
4I
CHAP. 8. Zeal of Walpole for the Hanover Succeffion.-Juftification of his Conduct,
on the Preſumption that the Proteftant Succeffion was in Danger.-Public Alarms and
Apprehenfions.-Death of Queen Anne
46
PERIOD THE SECOND:
From the Acceffion of GEORGE the Firft, to the Commencement
of the South Sea Scheme.
1714—1720.
CHAP. 9. General State of the European Powers at the Death of Queen Anne, with
reſpect to their Inclination or Capacity to promote or obſtruct the Acceffion of George
the Firſt.-State of Great Britain.-Character of George the Firſt-not calculated to
promote his Cauſe
Page 51
CHAP. 10. Proceedings in Parliament on the Death of Queen Anne.-Acceffion of
George the Firſt.-Tranfactions at Hanover.-Artful Policy of the King, in his Con-
duct to the Two Parties. His Arrival in England.-Formation of a Whig Miniſtry.
-Walpole Paymafter of the Forces.-Inveteracy of Parties
58.
CHAP. II. Rife and Character of Lord Townfhend.-Intimacy with Walpole.-Meet-
ing of the new Parliament.-Walpole takes the Lead.-Draws up the Report of the
fecret Committee.-Manages the Impeachment of Bolingbroke-Ormond and Ox-
ford.-Motives for that Conduct.-Rebellion.-His Activity and Services.-Appointed
Firſt Lord of the Treaſury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer.-Proceedings in Parlia-
ment.-Trial and Execution of the Rebels
63
}
i
CHAP. 12. Illneſs of Walpole.-Recovery.-Septennial Bill.-Impatience of the King
to vifit Hanover.-Repeal of the reftraining Claufe in the Act of Settlement.---Mifun-
derſtanding between the King and the Prince of Wales, who is appointed Guardian of
the Realm.-Departure of the King for Hanover
$
74
CHAP,
CONTENTS.
vii
3
CHAP. 13,
State and Difunion of the Miniftry.-Cabals of Sunderland.-Intrigues Period III.
and Venality of the Hanoverian Junto
Page 79 1720 to 1727.
86
CHAP. 14. Acquifition of Bremen and Verden.-Alliance with France
CHAP. 15. Situation of Affairs at Home.-Conduct of the Prince of Wales.-Preca-
rious and perplexed Situation of Townſhend and Walpole.-Departure of Sunderland.—
Cauſes of the King's Diſpleaſure againſt Townſhend and Walpole.-Their Oppoſition
to his continental Politics.-Walpole's Refiftance to the Payment of the German
Troops.-Intrigues and Arrogance of the Hanoverian Miniſters.-Sunderland arrives
at Hanover. Cabals with the German Junto.-Gains Stanhope.-Prevails on the
King to diſmiſs Townſhend
93
CHAP. 16. Diſcontents in England and Holland at the Disgrace of Townſhend.
Sunderland and Stanhope, and the Hanoverians, are alarmed.-Apologize for their Con-
duct.—The King prevails upon him to accept the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland.-Mo-
tives for his Conduct.-Townshend and Walpole coldly fupport Government.-Sun-
derland increaſes his Party.-Townshend difmiffed from the Lord Lieutenancy of Ire-
land.-Walpole propoſes and carries his Scheme for reducing the Intereſt of the Na-
tional Debt.—Reſigns.-Many of the leading Whigs follow his Example.-Weakneſs
of the new Adminiſtration
CHAP. 17.
Walpole propofes his Plan for reducing the Intereft of the National
Debt.-His Refignation excites warm Debates.-Altercation with Stanhope.-Remarks
on the baneful Spirit of a fyftematic Oppofition to all the Meaſures of Government.-
Walpole not exempted from that Cenfure.-His uniform Oppoſition, and Influence in
the Houfe of Commons
103
108
CHAP. 18. Origin and Progreſs of the Peerage Bill.-Oppoſition and Speech of Wal-
pole.-Bill rejected
116
PERIOD THE THIRD:
From the South Sea Act, to the Death of GEORGE the Firft.
1720—1727.
CHAP. 19. Origin and Progrefs of the South Sea Company.-Their Project for
liquidating the National Debt.-Efpoufed by the Miniftry.-Oppofed by Walpole.-
Accepted by Parliament.-Walpole reconciles the King and the Prince of Wales.-
Forms a Coalition with Sunderland.-Townshend appointed Prefident of the Council.
-Walpole Paymaſter of the Forces.-Retires into the Country
Page 126
CHAP. 20. Departure of the King for Hanover.-Rife and Fall of the South Sea
Stock.-National Infatuation and Deſpair.-Walpole's Endeavours to reſtore the Cre-
2 2
dit
viii
CONTENTS.
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
dit of the Company.-The King returns from Hanover.-Alarming State of Affairs.
-Embarraſſment of the Miniftry.-Defpondency of the King.-Walpole's Plan for
the Reftoration of Public Credit.-Difcuffed
Page 133
CHAP. 21.
Public Indignation againſt the Directors.-Proceedings in Parliament.
-Report of the Committee of Secrecy.-Rigorous Treatment of the Directors.-
Bill of Pains and Penalties.-Moderation of Walpcle.-Defends Charles Stanhope.
-Saves Sunderland.-Promotes the Bill for reftoring Public Credit.-Advantages
finally derived from the South Sea Scheme.-Arrears of the Civil Lift paid.—Con-
troverfy concerning the Bank Contract
147
CHAP. 22. Townshend appointed Secretary of State on the Death of Earl Stan-
hope, and Walpole Firft Lord of the Treaſury, on the Refignation of Sunderland.-
Supports the Swediſh Subfidy.-Affairs of Sweden to the Peace of Nyftadt.-Domef-
tic Tranfactions.-Commercial Regulations.-Abolition of various Duties.-Importa-
tion of Naval Stores encouraged.-Advancement of national Induftry.-Dean Tucker's
Eulogium of Walpole
159
CHAP. 23. Meeting of the new Parliament. Atterbury's Plot.- Memoirs.-Bill
of Pains and Penalties.-Conduct in Exile.-Death.-Tax on the Eftates of Roman
Catholics, and Non-jurors
166
CHAP. 24. Walpole's Son made a Peer. - Character, Views, and Intrigues of
Carteret. Struggle in the Cabinet for Pre-eminence.-Conteft for continuing or re-
moving Sir Luke Schaub.-Miffion of Horace Walpole to Paris.-Death of the Duke
of Orleans. Successful Efforts of Townshend and Walpole.-Schaub recalled, Horace
Walpole nominated Embaffador. Change in the Miniftry; Carteret appointed Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland.-Unanimity in Parliament.-Walpole made Knight of the Bath
and Garter
176
CHAP. 25. Anecdotes of Henry St. John Viſcount Bolingbroke. - Difagreement
between him and Oxford.-His Schemes in favour of the Pretender.-Difgraced on
the Acceffion of George the Firft.-Flies.-Joins the Pretender.-Appointed his Se-
cretary of State.-Removed.-Caufes of his Difmiffion.-Makes Overtures to the
Britiſh Cabinet.-Receives a Promiſe of being reſtored.-Writes his Letter to Sir
William Wyndham, under that Suppofition.-Cenfures Minifters.-Makes Overtures
to them.-Cabals againſt them.-Renews his Offers of Attachment to them.-Con-
duct of Walpole in his Favour.-Bolingbroke receives his Pardon in Blood.-His
Overtures to the Walpoles.-Act of Parliament in his Favour.-Motives for Walpole's
Conduct.-Bolingbroke joins Oppofition.-Remarks on his Conduct and Writ
196
ings
CHAP. 26. Disturbances in Ireland, occafioned by Wood's Patent.-Public and
fecret Hiſtory of that Tranſaction.-Character of Lord Midleton.-His Difagree-
ment with the Duke of Grafton.-Indiſcreet Proceedings of Government.-Embar-
raffments and Conduct of Walpole.-Duke of Grafton recalled, and Lord Carteret
appointed Lord Lieutenant.-Refignation of Lord Midleton.-Surrender of the Pa-
tent.-Tranquillity reſtored.-Tumults in Scotland, on levying the Malt Tax.-Pru-
dent Conduct of Walpole.-Character and Services of the Earl of Ilay
CHAP. 27.
215.
Diffolution of the Congress of Cambray. Origin and Progrefs of
the Union between the Emperor and Spain.-Treaty of Vienna.-Affairs of the
North. Alarms and Conduct of England. Application to Parliament
236
СНАР..
❤
CONTENTS,
ix
CHAP. 28. Conclufion and Object of the Treaty of Hanover.-Objections of Walpole.
Removed. Obfervations on the fecret Articles in the Treaty of Vienna - Page 245
CHAP. 29. The King's dangerous Paffage to England.-The Treaty of Hanover
approved by Parliament, and vigorous Meaſures adopted.-Public Indignation againſt
the Emperor.-Walpole's pacific Views.—Preliminaries agreed to by the Emperor-
and Spain.-The King departs for Hanover
253
CHAP. 30. Cabals of the Duchefs of Kendal and Bolingbroke to remove Walpole.
-Bolingbroke's Interview with the King.-Sanguine Hopes of Oppoſition.-Death
of the King.-Memoirs of his Wife, the unfortunate Sophia of Zell
262
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
PERIOD THE FOURTH:
From the Acceflion of GEORGE the Second, to the Refignation of
Lord TowNSHEND.
1727-1730.
CHAP. 31. Acceffion and Character of George the Second.-Education-Character→→
Perfon-Conduct and Influence of Queen Caroline.-Account of Mrs. Howard,
afterwards Countefs of Suffolk
Page 270
CHAP. 32.
Rumours of a Change in Adminiftration. Intrigues of the Tories,
Pulteney, and Bolingbroke.—Character of Sir Spencer Compton, who declines the
Office of prime Miniſter.-Continuation of Townſhend and Walpole, by the Inter-
vention of Queen Caroline.-The good Effects of her Influence over the King
282
CHAP. 33.
Walpole obtains an Increaſe of the Civil Lift, and a Jointure of
£.100,000 for Queen Caroline.-Meeting and Proceedings of the New Parliament.
-State of the Oppofition.-Important Difcuffion on the State of the Sinking Fund
and National Debt.-Report of the Houſe of Commons on that Subject.-The King
refuſes to make Charles Stanhope a Lord of the Admiralty.-Foreign Affairs.-
Tranſactions with Spain and the Emperor.-Alliance with Brunfwick.-Act of the
Pardo.-Congrefs of Soiffons.-Treaty of Seville
289
CHAP. 34. Debates in Parliament on a fuppofed Promife of George the Firſt to re-
ſtore Gibraltar to Spain. Miſtakes generally entertained on that Subject-True
State of Facts.-Conduct of the Regent. Of the King and Queen of Spain, and its
Confequences
304
CHAP
CONTENTS.
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
CHAP. 35. Rife, Difgrace, Impriſonment, Eſcape, and Arrival of Ripperda in England.
-Reception and Conferences with the Minifters.-Diffatisfaction and Departure.-
Enters into the Service of the Emperor of Morocco
Page 311
CHAP. 36. Sanguine Hopes of Oppofition that Walpole would be removed.Their
Efforts in Parliament. Debates on the Imperial Loan on the Penfion Bill-on
Dunkirk and the Renewal of the Eaft India Company's Charter.-Arrangement
of the Miniſtry on the Refignation of Lord Townfhend. Characters of the Duke of
Newcaſtle and Lord Harrington
320
CHAP. 37. Origin and Progreſs of the Difagreement between Townſhend and Walpole.
-Refignation-Retreat and Death of Townſhend
332
PERIOD THE FIFTH:
From the Reſignation of Lord ToWNSHEND, to the Diffolution of
the Parliament.
3
1
1730-1734.
CHAP. 38. Walpole inclines to a Reconciliation with the Emperor.-Negotiations
which preceded and terminated in the Treaty of Vienna.-Treaty of Seville car-
ried into Execution.-Tranfactions in Parliament.-General Satisfaction.-Character
of Earl Waldegrave, the new Embaffador at Paris
Page 340
CHAP. 39. Biographical Memoirs of William Pulteney.-Origin and Progreſs of his
Miſunderſtanding with Walpole
352
CHAP. 40. Walpole propoſes to take Half a Million from the Sinking Fund, for the
Service of the current Year.-Encroachments from its firft Eftabliſhment to this
Motion.-Oppofition to the Bill.-Subftance of the Reaſons on both Sides.-It paffes
the Houſe. Subfequent Encroachments.-Beneficial Conſequences which would have
been derived from appropriating the Produce to the Liquidation of the Debt.-Ill
Confequences of alienating it.—Motives which induced the Miniſter to take that Me-
thod of raifing Supplies
366
CHAP. 41. Origin and Progrefs of the Excife. Object of Walpole's Scheme.-
Arts of Oppofition.-Parliamentary Proceedings.Speech of Walpole.-Bill aban-
doned.-Views and Conduct of Oppofition.-Influence of Walpole.-Removals and
Promotions.-Prorogation of Parliament.
372
CHAP. 42. Character of Lord Hardwicke.-Parliamentary Proceedings.-Efforts of
the Minority in Parliament.-The Excife.-The Removal of the Duke of Bolton and
Lord
{
}
CONTENTS.
xi
Lord Cobham.-The Place Bill.-Motion for the Repeal of Septennial Parliaments.
Sir William Wyndham's Speech.-Walpole's Reply.-Bolingbroke's Retreat to
France. The King's Speech.-Diffolution of Parliament
Page 407
CHAP. 43. View of Foreign Tranfactions from the Death of Auguftus the Second
to the Diffolution of Parliament.-Succeſsful Hoftilities of France, Spain, and Sar-
dinia, againſt the Emperor.-Neutrality of the Dutch.-Cauſes which induced Eng-
land to reject the Application of the Emperor for Succours
428
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
PERIOD THE SIXTH:
From the Diffolution of Parliament, to the Death of Queen
CAROLINE.
A
1734-1737.
CHAP. 44. Succeſsful Operations of the Allies.-Embaffy of Horace Walpole to
the Hague.-Indignation of the Emperor, and his Attempts to remove Walpole.-
Origin, Progreſs, and Termination of the Secret Convention.-Renewal of Hoftilities.
-Fluctuating State of the Britiſh Cabinet.-Embarraſſments and Firmnefs of
Walpole
Page 440
CHAP. 45. Event of the general Elections.-Meeting of the new Parliament.-
Proceedings.-Prorogation.-Difference between Spain and Portugal-adjuſted by
the armed Mediation of England.-Progreſs of Hoftilities between the Allies and the
Emperor.-Detail of the various Negotiations which led to the Conclufion of the
Preliminaries.—King's Speech.-Unanimity of Parliament, in regard to Foreign
Affairs
45.5
CHAP. 46. Parliamentary Proceedings.-Gin A&t.-Motion to repeal the Teft Act,.
negatived.-Bill for the Relief of the Quakers paffes the Commons, but is thrown
out by the Lords.—Account of Edmund Gibſon, Biſhop of London.-Prorogation.
-Horace Walpole declines the Office of Secretary of State.-Accompanies the
King to Hanover, as Vice Secretary.-Foreign Negotiations.-Prudence of Sir
Robert Walpole.-Private Correfpondence with his Brother.-Objects to guaranty
the Provifional Succeffion to Berg and Juliers.-Oppoſes the Northern League, and
the Mediation between Ruffia and the Porte.-Promotes the definitive Treaty.-
The Delays of the Emperor.-Ineffectual Attempt to bribe Chauvelin.-Secret Cor-
refpondence with Cardinal Fleury, and Difmiffion of Chauvelin
475
CHAP
1
XN
CONTENT S.
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
CHAP. 47. Meeting of Parliament. Speech from the Throne. Proceedings:-
On the Bill reſpecting the Tumults at Edinburgh-On Sir John Barnard's Scheme
for the Reduction of Intereſt-Licentiouſneſs of the Stage.-Origin and Progreſs of
the Playhouſe Bill
Page 493
CHAP. 48. Origin and Progreſs of the Miſunderſtanding between the King and
Prince of Wales.-Application to Parliament.-Conduct of Walpole of Lord Chan-
cellor Hardwicke-of Oppofition
^
519
CHAP. 49. Illneſs-Fortitude-and Death of Queen Caroline.-Virtues.Grief of the
King.-Affliction of Sir Robert Walpole
547
PERIOD THE SEVENTH:
From the Death of Queen CAROLINE, to the Refignation of
Sir ROBERT WALPOLE.
1737-1742.
CHAP. 50. Hiftorical Deduction of the commercial Treaties between Spain and Eng-
land, relating to America.-Spaniſh Depredations.-Meeting of Parliament.-De-
bate on the Reduction of the Army.-Refolution, prohibiting the Publication of De-
Page 556
bates
CHAP. 51. Proceedings in Parliament relative to the Spaniſh Depredations.-Petitions.-
Examination of Witneffes.-Cafe of Jenkins.-Report of the Committee.-Debates
thercon.-Firm and temperate Conduct of Walpole.-Refolutions of both Houſes 573
CHAP. 52. Difficulties attending the Negotiation with Spain.-Articles of the Con-
vention.-Proteſt of Spain.-Parliamentary Proceedings.-Debates on the Conven-
tion
587
CHAP. 53. Seceffion of the Minority. Conſequences.
Confequences. Beneficial Acts of Parlia-
ment.-Daniſh Subfidy.-Oppofition and Anecdotes of John Duke of Argyle.-Vote
of Credit.-Termination of the Spaniſh Negotiation.-Declaration of War.-Conduct
of England:--And of Sir Robert Walpole.-Divifions in the Cabinet
604
CHAP. 54. Meeting of Parliament. Return of the Seceders. Efforts of Oppofi-
tion.-Embarraſſments of Walpole.-Supplies.-Capture of Porto Bello.-Expedi-
tion to America.Altercations in the Cabinet.-Foreign Affairs.-Death of the King
of Pruffia-Of the Emperor.-Invafion of Silefia
626
CHAP. 55. Meeting of Parliament.-Addreſs. —Views of Oppofition. -Motion for
the Removal of Sir Robert Walpole.-Speech of Sandys.-Conduct of the Tories.
Shippen withdraws
641
CHAP.
CONTENTS.
xili
CHAP. 56. Reply of Sir Robert Walpole.-Motion negatived. Similar Motion in the
Lords.--Conduct and Anecdotes of Shippen
Page 656
CHAP. 57. Proceedings of Parliament on the Auftrian Subfidy.- Grant of Three hun-
dred thouſand Pounds to the Queen of Hungary.-Her Inflexibility-and difuftrous
Situation
674
682
CHAP. 58. Diffolution of Parliament.-State of the Miniſtry.-Walpole deferted or
fecretly thwarted by many of his former Friends.-Successful Exertions of the Oppofi-
tion.-Weſtminſter Election.-Schifm in the Cabinet.-Neutrality of Hanover.-Su-
pineneſs of Walpole.-Clamours againſt him
CHAP. 59. Meeting of Parliament.-Complexion of the new Houfe of Commons.--
King's Speech.-Walpole permits an Alteration to be made in the Addrefs.--Small
Majority in Favour of the Boffiney Election -The Appointment of a Chairman of
the Committee of Election carried againſt him.-Lofes the Queſtion of the Weſtmin-
fter Election. -Adjournment of the Houfe.-Ineffectual Attempt to detach the Prince
of Wales from the Oppofition.-Houſe again aſſembles.-Walpole lofes the Chippen-
ham Election.-Adjournment of the Houfe of Commons, at the King's Requeft.-Sir
Robert Walpole created Earl of Orford, and refigns.—Affecting Interview with the
King-Regret of his Friends
688
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745-
PERIOD THE EIGHTH:
From the Refignation of Sir ROBERT WALPOLE to his Death.
1742—1745.
CHAP. 60. Exertions and Influence of Walpole.-Negotiations with Pulteney for the
Arrangement of a new Adminiftration.-Jealoufies and Divifions of Oppofition.--
Meeting at the Fountain Tavern.-Interference of the Prince of Wales.-Parliamen-
tary Inquiry into the Conduct of the Ex-minifter.-Secret Committee.-Indemnity
Bill.-Pafles the Commons.-Rejected by the Lords.-Pulteney created Earl of Bath.
His Unpopularity.Accufations against him-Examined and refuted Page 698
CHAP. 61. Examination of the Report of the Secret Committec.-Heads of Accu-
fation urged againſt Sir Robert Walpole.-Undue Influence in Elections.-Grants
of Fraudulent Contracts. Peculation, and Profufion in the Expenditure of the Money
for Secret Service.-His private Fortune, pecuniary Acquirements, and the State of
his Affairs at his Death
VOL. I.
b
719
CHAP.
}
xiv
CONTENT S,
сол
Period VIII. CHAP. 62. Renewal of the parliamentary Attack on Lord Orford-Defeated.-Con-
1747 to 1745.
fulted by the King.-His Influence in miniſterial Arrangements.-Exerts himſelf for
the Continuance of Hanoverian Troops in the Britiſh Pay.-His Speech in the
Houſe of Lords.—Goes to Houghton.-Returns to London at the King's Requeſt.-
Illnefs.-Death
Page 732
CHAP. 63. Principles of Walpole's Adminiſtration.-Pacific Syftem.-Finance.-Com-
merce.-Public Character
•
744
CHAP. 64. Private Character of Sir Robert Walpole.--Perfon.-Difpofition.-Man-
ners.-Social Qualities.-Neglect of Men of Letters.-Conduct in Parliament - 755
PREFACE.
T is unneceffary to offer an apology for fubmitting to the Public,
I The to offer an
the Memoirs of Sir ROBERT WALPOLE, which embrace a pe-
riod fo important in the annals of this country. It will be fufficient
to explain the motives which induced me to undertake this Work;
to announce the plan; to ftate the authorities from which the mate-
rials are derived; and to acknowledge obligations.
Nine years have elapfed fince I undertook to write The Hiflorical
and Political State of Europe; the plan of which was printed, and
ſubmitted to the public. In the proſecution of that work I ob-
tained acceſs to various collections of original papers, particularly
thofe of the earls of Hardwicke, Harrington, and Peterborough,
and of Sir Benjamin Keene. It was in fuch forwardnefs, that
the hiftories of Spain, Portugal, Auftria, the German conftitution,
Ruffia, and part of Pruffia and Sweden, were already prepared for the
prefs; I had alſo ſketched the hiftories of the Italian States, Holland,
and France: ſeveral maps were finiſhed. Finding it impoffible to
obtain in England fufficient information refpecting foreign countries,
I vifited Germany in 1794, with a view to obtain an accurate know-
ledge of recent events.
the
On my return, I went to Wolterton, for the purpoſe of infpecting
papers of Horatio lord Walpole, father of the prefent lord Wal-
pole, whoſe intereſting correfpondence, during his embaffies in France
b 2
and
xvi
PREFACE.
and Holland, were of the utmoſt importance to my undertaking.
I employed feveral months in perufing and arranging theſe papers.
In the courſe of this occupation, I traced motives of action unknown
to hiſtorians, which placed in a new light the foreign and domeſtic
tranfactions of the cabinet. I alfo derived, from the converſation of
lord and lady Walpole, inany facts and anecdotes which elucidated the
events adverted to in the papers.
The progrefs of the French revolution, and the uncertain pofition
of Europe compelled me, notwithſtanding the expence, and lofs of
time and labour, to fufpend my original defign, and to defer the com-
pletion of The hiftorical and political ftate, till the return of more quiet
and favourable times.
With the fanction of lord Walpole, I propofed, therefore, to give
to the public a felection of his father's papers. In the courſe of
this undertaking, I met with ſeveral letters and papers of Sir Robert
Walpole, which made me folicitous to obtain farther information
concerning his character and adminiſtration.
On my arrival in London, I had frequent converfations with the
late earl of Orford, who related many anecdotes of his father, which
led to further inquiries. It now infenfibly became a part of my plan,
to blend in the narrative, as many particulars relating to Sir Robert
Walpole as could be authenticated, and to infert, in the correfpon-
dence, as many of his letters as I could obtain.
This defign was promoted by the kindneſs of lord Orford, who im-
parted to me all his father's papers which remained in his poffeflion,
and permitted me to uſe them at my diſcretion, without the ſmalleſt
controul.
The connection and friendſhip which, for a long period, had ſub-
fifted between Sir Robert Walpole, and his brother-in-law Charles
viſcount Townſhend, naturally fuggefted that the Townshend
muft afford confiderable information.
papers
The acquifition of theſe important documents, led to the diſco-
very
PREFACE.
xvii
very and communication of others, particularly in the Hardwicke,
Grantham, Waldegrave, and Poyntz collections.
With theſe fources of information, the work gradually expanded,
and Sir Robert Walpole from being a fecondary, became the prin-
cipal object. I therefore interrupted the impreffion of lord Wal-
pole's correfpondence, and poftponed that publication. I determined
to give to the world, the Memoirs of the Life and Adminiſtration of
Sir Robert Walpole, drawn from theſe copious and original fources,
and to illuftrate, by interefting and authentic documents, the tranfac-
tions of the buſy and eventful period, in which that minifter acted fo
confpicuous a part.
In purſuance of this extenfive plan, I found myſelf under the ne-
ceffity of difcuffing the interefts of Great Britain and of Europe, of
developing the intricacies of cabinets, of tracing motives of action,
of delineating characters, and difcriminating the views of difcordant
politics.
Anxious to avoid an error, too common with biographers, that of
confidering only one fide of the queftion, I was no lefs folicitous to
procure the papers of thoſe who oppoſed, than of thoſe who ſup-
ported the meaſures of Sir Robert Walpole. With this view I ap-
plied for and obtained communications of the Stanhope, Midleton,
Melcombe, and Egremont Papers. Theſe I have printed without in-
terpolation and without diſguiſe, not omitting a ſingle invective, but
leaving the reader to judge between the partial eulogiums of Hervey,
and the acrimonious reproaches of Bolingbroke.
The Plan of this work is to give an uninterrupted narrative of the
life and adminiſtration of Sir Robert Walpole, illuftrated by original
correfpondence and authentic papers.
The Memoirs, which are contained in the firſt volume, are divided
into eight periods, comprehending a term of fixty-nine years, from.
his birth in 1676, to his death in 1745.
The
Vini
PREFACE.
1
The Correfpondence, which occupies the fecond and third vo-
lumes, is, for facility of reference, alſo divided into eight periods, ap-
plying to the ſubjects of the correſponding periods in the narrative.
The Authorities from which the materials are derived, may be
divided into PRINTED, ORAL, and MANUSCRIPT information.
PRINTED INFORMATION.
Though this fource of intelligence is open to every writer, and an
omiffion to confult and compare the advocates on both fides of the
queſtion, indicates either negligence or want of candour, yet Smollett
and Belſham, in their accounts of the times, have betrayed theſe
faults in the highest degree. Dazzled by the eloquence of Pul-
teney, feduced by the fophiftry of Bolingbroke, or deluded by
the fpeciouſneſs of Cheſterfield, they appear to have formed their
opinions without compariſon, to have ftigmatized the whole ad-
miniſtration of Sir Robert Walpole, as an uniform mafs of cor-
ruption and depravity, as a gloomy period, during which not a
fingle ray of light gleams through the impenetrable darkneſs.
Though I have occafionally noticed the mifreprefentations of theſe
writers, yet, as Smollett quotes no authorities, and appears never to
have confulted the Journals, and either partially or fuperficially to have
peruſed the parliamentary debates; and as Belfham is, in general, a
mere copyift of Smollett as to facts, though he differs from him in
fpeculations; I have not relied on either as an authority.
The hiſtory of England which I have principally confulted, is
the continuation of Rapin, publiſhed under the name of Tindal, but
principally written by Dr. Birch. His papers in the Muſeum, and
in the Hardwicke Collection, which I have examined with fcrupu-
lous attention, and various other documents which were fubmitted to
his inſpection, and to which I have had acceſs, prove great accuracy
of reſearch, judgment in felection, and fidelity in narration. Ho
derived confiderable affiſtance from perfons of political eminence,
Ve
HC
particularly
PREF A CE.
xix
particularly the late lord Walpole, the late earl of Hardwicke, and
the honourable Charles Yorke *. Birch was a ftaunch Whig, but his
political opinions have never led him to forget his duty as an hiſto-
rian. He has not garbled or falfified debates, or miftated facts; he has
not wantonly traduced characters, or acrimoniously reviled indivi-
duals, becauſe they efpoufed the cauſe which he diſapproved; but
in his whole work, whether he praifes or blames, there is a manly
integrity and candid temperance, which muft recommend him to
the difcerning reader.
It naturally became a part of my taſk to confult all works which
treat of the life and adminiſtration of Sir Robert Walpole; and it is
remarkable, that except political pamphlets, which were confined to
temporary and ſpecific objects, my utmoſt reſearch could only diſcover
two publications.
The firſt is, "A critical Hiſtory of the Adminiſtration of Sir Robert
"Walpole, now Earl of Orford, collected chiefly from the Debates
"in Parliament, and the political Writings on both Sides, 1743."
This anonymous work is contemptible both in matter and ftyle.
It is, with few exceptions, a mere compilation from the moſt
virulent oppofition pamphlets, but is ufeful as an index of the
points which, at the time, drew moft attention, and as containing
an account of the moſt remarkable publications on both fides.
66
The fecond is "Hiftoire du Miniſtère du Chevalier Valpool de-
" venu Miniftre d'Angleterre, et Comte d'Oxford, Amfterdam, 1704,
"in three volumes." This work is principally compiled from the
preceding publication, although the author affects greater impartia-
lity, and frequently turns the moft virulent cenfures into the moſt
fulſome panegyric. The writer is fo ignorant as to call him earl of
Oxford, and ſo deficient in point of information, that the whole pe-
* The account of the partition treaty was written by the late earl of Hardwicke.
The account of lord Somers's argument in Barker's cafe, was written by his great
nephew, the late Mr. C. Yorke. I can alfo trace numerous communications by Horace
Walpole, though they cannot be fo eaſily ſpecified.
1
riod,
XX
PREFACE.
}
{
riod, from the declaration of war against Spain in 1739, to the re-
fignation of the minilter in 1742, is contained in fourteen lines. From
fources fo partial and deficient, little information could be derived.
I have carefully confulted the political writings of the times, on
both fides of the queftion. I have perufed with the fame attention
the moſt violent invectives, and party ſtatements againſt the miniſter,
as well as thofe that were written in his favour, and from a fcrupu-
lous compariſon of both have endeavoured to extract the truth.
Theſe works are too numerous to recapitulate.. To the political
writings of Bolingbroke, Pulteney, and Cheſterfield, I have paid pe-
culiar attention, and fcrutinized them with a cloſe, and, I truſt, an
impartial inſpection.
The "Craftſman," which commenced in 1727, was the great vehi-
cle of oppofition effays. This paper, as it always contained the ſtrength
of the arguments urged againſt the meaſures of government, detailed
with
great eloquence and wit, has been affiduouſly examined. The
Political State of Great Britain, the Hiſtorical Regifter, and Annals
of Europe, ample and not incorrect periodical publications, have
contributed information with refpect to domeftic events, points of
chronology, and debates in parliament.
I have derived collateral affiftance from the Gentleman's and
London Magazines, which were ably conducted.
I have occafionally collected the fubftance of debates from Chan-
dler's Parliamentary Proceedings, to the general accuracy of which,
though recently called in queftion, feveral reafons have induced me
to give credit.
1. They are taken from the contemporary papers, fuch as the
Hiſtorical Regiſter, and the Political State of Great Britain; the
authors of which were frequently ſupplied with notes and memoran-
dums by members of parliament. From the year 1735, when the
debates were no longer publiſhed in the Political State, the ſpeeches
were given in the Gentleman's Magazine by Guthrie, and in the
London
PREFACE.
xxi
}
London Magazine by Gordon, both of whom conftantly attended in
the gallery of the houſe, and received information from members of
parliament.
2. There are among the Walpole and Orford papers minutes of
Sir Robert Walpole's fpeeches, and occafional notes, taken by him
in the houſe of commons, of thoſe of other members. In comparing
theſe minutes and notes with the ſpeeches in Chandler, I generally
find the leading expreffions preferved in the debates; which
proves the
authenticity of thoſe particular ſpeeches, and furniſhes a ſtrong pre-
fumption in favour of the reft.
3. Several letters, which I have publiſhed in the Correſpondence,
contain brief accounts of the parliamentary proceedings, and in moſt
inſtances accord with the printed debates.
4. Sir Robert Walpole told his fon, the late earl of Orford, that
his fpeeches were in general faithfully reprefented in the public
prints.
5. Lord Bath affured the prefent biſhop of Saliſbury, Dr. Douglas,
that moſt of his ſpeeches were correctly given, yet better than he had
delivered them.
From the 19th of November, 1740, many of the debates were
written by Dr. Johnſon, and publiſhed in the Gentleman's Magazine.
Doubts have ariſen concerning their authenticity. Some of John-
fon's biographers have declared, that they were partly compofed by
himſelf, another, Sir John Hawkins, that they were wholly ficti-
tious; and Johnſon himſelf is faid to have confeffed, that they
› were not authentic, and excepting their general import, were the
work of his own imagination.
This account, however, is not perfectly confonant to fact. Either
Johnſon deceived himſelf into an exaggeration of his own powers,
or his biographers miftook his affertion. The real truth is, that
Johnſon conftantly received notes and heads of the fpeeches from
VOL. I.
C
perfons
*ii
PREFACE.
perfons employed by Cave, and particularly from Guthrie. The
biſhop of Saliſbury recollects to have feen feveral of theſe notes;,
which Guthrie communicated to him on the very day on which
he obtained them, which were regularly tranſmitted to Johnſon,,
and formed the bafis of his orations..
ORAL AND MANUSCRIPT INFORMATION..
WALPOLE PAPERS..
My firſt and warmeſt acknowledgments are due to lord Walpole,,
for the papers of his father Horatio, the firſt lord Walpole of Wolter-
ton, brother of Sir Robert Walpole, and embaffador in France and
Holland. This collection has afforded the moft. ample materials.
It contains his original correfpondence, both public and private, as
well abroad as in England; many confidential letters which paffed.
between him, the queen, and Sir Robert Walpole; various docu-
ments, memorials, and political differtations, which afford the cleareſt
infight into foreign affairs, and prove his active and indefatigable
exertions.
A fpecific detail of this collection, which occupies no less than
one hundred and forty folio volumes, muſt be referred to a future
publication, in which I purpoſe to give a felection of the moſt inte-
refting letters not inſerted in this work.
I am also indebted to lord Walpole for many interefting anec
dotes and explanations, which he had from his father.
ORFORD PAPERS.
The late earl of Orford, third ſon of Sir Robert Walpole, favoured
me with acceſs to all the papers of his father remaining in his pof-
feffion.
Had
PREFACE.
xxiii
66
Had this collection been preferved entire, it would have been in-
valuable and unparalleled, both for extent and importance, but fome
have been deſtroyed, others difperfed, and many loft. When he retired
from office, the miniſter deſtroyed a large quantity. Not long before
his death he ſaid to his fon, Horace, when I am gone, you will find
many curious papers in the drawer of this table," and mentioned,
among others, the memorial which had been drawn up by Boling-
broke, and preſented by the duchess of Kendal to the king. When
his fon, fome time after his death, infpected the drawer, the papers
were loft, and were never afterwards recovered. In relating this
anecdote, the late earl of Orford declared his opinion that the pa-
pers had been either inadvertently deftroyed by his elder brother, or
ſtolen by a ſteward. Several letters belonging to this collection
were given to the late lord Walpole, and are preferved at Wolterton.
Notwithſtanding theſe defalcations, the collection ftill contains many
documents of high importance, of which I have availed myſelf.
To lord Orford I am highly indebted for numerous facts and
anecdotes relating to Sir Robert Walpole, which nobody but him-
felf could have authenticated. In gratefully acknowledging theſe
favours, I feel it my duty to pay a juſt tribute to his candour He
repeatedly faid, "You will remember that I am the fon of Sir
Robert Walpole, and therefore must be prejudiced in his favour.
Facts I will not miſrepreſent or diſguiſe, but my opinions and reflections
on thoſe facts you will receive with caution, and adopt or reject at
your diſcretion." Although he teſtified a natural folicitude to ſee the
memoirs of his father, yet he not unfrequently expreffed his wifhes
that the work might not appear while he was alive, left it might be
thought that from motives of delicacy, I had not delivered my fen-
timents with freedom.
c 2
TOWNSHEND
xxiv
PREFACE.
TOWNSHEND PAPERS.
I am obliged to the marquis Townſhend for acceſs to the papers
of his grandfather Charles, the fecond viſcount Townſhend, who
was plenipotentiary at Gertruydenberg and at the Hague, and principal
ſecretary of ſtate. Lord Townshend's masterly letters to George
the Firft; the notes between George the Second and him; the confi-
dential intercourſe which he regularly maintained with his brother in
law, Sir Robert Walpole, while he was at Hanover; have materially
contributed to illuſtrate thoſe tranſactions in which the brother mi-
nifters had a principal fhare.
HARDWICKE PAPERS.
To
my
noble friend the earl of Hardwicke, I gratefully acknow-
ledge my obligations for the uſe of his collection. From it I have
been ſupplied with various papers, memorandums, and narratives of
his grandfather, the lord chancellor, and of the late earl of Hardwicke ;
letters from the duke of Newcaſtle; the confidential correfpond-
ence between Sir Robert Walpole and lord Townſhend, and the pa-
pers of Sir Luke Schaub, together with other documents of im-
portance.
SYDNEY PAPERS.
I am indebted to lord Sydney for the communication of letters
which belonged to his father, the honourable Thomas Townſhend,
fecond fon of Charles vifcount Townſhend, and the confidential
friend of Sir Robert Walpole. The kindneſs of lord Sydney, and
his brother, Charles Townſhend, Efquire, has alfo fupplied many
anecdotes derived from the converfation of their father.
WALDEGRAVE PAPERS.
To the Countess of WALDEGRAVE, I am obliged for fubmit-
ting to my inſpection the diſpatches of her grandfather James, firſt
§
earl
1
PREFACE.
XXV
earl of Waldegrave, during his embaffies at Vienna and Paris, from
1727 to 1740. Among other points of fecret hiſtory, they detail
many intereſting converfations with Cardinal Fleury, and with
Chauvelin, keeper of the feals. They contain alfo various letters to
and from Sir Robert Walpole, of the moſt private and confidential
nature, which are printed in the Correfpondence.
In addition to thefe, I have to enumerate other communications
made in the moſt liberal and obliging manner, and to offer my grate-
ful acknowledgments:
HARRINGTON PAPERS.
To the earl of Harrington, for the correfpondence of his grand-
father William Stanhope, firft earl of Harrington, who was envoy and
embaſſador at Madrid, plenipotentiary at the congrefs of Soiffons, and
ſecretary of ſtate. Alfo for fome papers of Charles Stanhope, elder
brother of the firſt earl of Harrington, who was private and confi-
dential ſecretary to earl Stanhope, and ſecretary to the treaſury under
the earl of Sunderland. This collection fupplied me with many
intereſting letters, which relate to the fchifm in the adminiftration
in 1716, and a confidential correſpondence between Newcaſtle and
Harrington, previous to the difmiffion of lord Townshend.
GRANTHAM PAPERS.
To lady Grantham, for the papers of Sir Thomas Robinſon,
first lord Grantham, who was confidential fecretary to lord Wal-
pole, during his embaffy in France, and envoy and plenipotentiary
at Vienna. Thefe documents compriſe an interefting account of the
negotiations and tranfactions between Great Britain and the houſe
of Auſtria, during a period of eighteen years.
POYNTZ
t
xxvi
PREFACE.
>
POYNTZ PAPERS.
To Stephen Poyntz, Efquire, for various communications from
the papers of his father Stephen Poyntz, Efquire, confidential fecre-
tary of lord Townfhend, envoy to the court of Sweden, and one of
the plenipotentiaries at the congreſs of Soiffons.
KEENE PAPERS.
To Benjamin Keene, Efquire, for the papers of his uncle Sir Ben-
jamin Keene, fo long, and with ſuch diſtinguiſhed eminence, envoy
and embaffador at Madrid.
CAMPBELL PAPERS.
To Archibald Campbell, Efquire, for the papers of his grand-
father, Archibald earl of Ilay, and duke of Argyle; in which I had
the good fortune to find ſeveral original letters of Sir Robert Wal-
pole.
DEVONSHIRE PAPERS.
To the late worthy and much regretted lord John Cavendish,
for ſeveral interefting letters, in the poffeffion of the duke of Devon-
fhire, written by Sir Robert Walpole, the marquis of Hartington,
and Sir Robert Wilmot, to William duke of Devonshire, lord lieute-
nant of Ireland, a fhort time previous to the refignation of Sir Robert
Walpole.
ETOUGH PAPERS.
To John Plumptre, Efquire, for the papers of the Rev. Henry
Etough, rector of Therfield, Hertfordshire. Thefe papers form a
valuable maſs of intelligence. They contain ſketches of the reigns
of William, Anne, George the Firſt and Second; numerous ac-
counts of Sir Robert Walpole, which he obtained in converfation,
either from the miniſter himſelf or Horace Walpole, the minutes of
which,
PREFACE.
xxvii
which, in various inftances, he noted down. They compriſe much
information derived from Mr. Scrope, fecretary to the treafury, and
other perfons whofe authorities he conſtantly cites; and a long and
intereſting correfpondence with Horace Walpole. Etough was
a man of great refearch and eager curiofity, replete with prejudice,
but idolizing Sir Robert Walpole. In the examination of theſe
ample documents, I have only adopted ſuch parts as were in my
judgment entitled to full credit.
The following are the principal articles in this collection, of which
I have availed myſelf: "A Miſcellany, being Minutes of feveral Con-
verfations while Sir Robert Walpole, and when Lord Orford, on feveral
Subjects, from 1734 to 1744, with fome Particulars relating to his lateft
Tranfactions."--" Minutes of a Converfation with Sir Robert Wal-
pole, on the Attempt of Lord Bolingbroke and the Duchefs of Kendal, to
obtain his Difmiffion in 1727." Printed in the Correfpondence.-
"An imperfect Effay on the Character and Behaviour of the late
Earl of Orford, addreſſed to the right honourable Horatio Walpole,
Efquire." "Minutes of two Conferences with Horatio Walpole ·
at Putney, August 6th and 20th, 1752."--"Minutes of a Conver-
fation with the right honourable Horace Walpole, Efquire, Novem-
ber 3, 1755."
"Obfervations on the Elections in 1734 and 41,
relative to lord Orford."--"Minutes of a Converfation with
Mr. Scrope, fecretary to the Treaſury, relating to the Arrangement of
the new Miniſtry on the Acceffion of George the Second." Printed
in the Correſpondence.
WESTON PAPERS.
To the Rev. Charles Wefton, prebendary of Durham, for com-
munications from the papers of his father, Edward Weſton, Eſquire,.
under ſecretary of ſtate; containing, among other interefting particu-
lars, letters from Sir Robert Walpole and lord Townshend, on the
arrival
1
xxviii
PREFACE.
arrival of the duke of Ripperda in England, and a manly remonstrance
of lord Townshend to the king, diffuading the journey to Hanover
which the reader will find in the Correfpondence.
ONSLOW PAPERS.
To lord Onflow, for fome very intereſting remarks of ſpeaker
Onflow, on various parts of Sir Robert Walpole's conduct, with
anecdotes of the principal leaders of oppofition. Printed in the Cor-
refpondence.
ASTLE PAPERS.
To Thomas Aftle, Efquire, keeper of the records at the Tower,
for various communications from his private collection of manu-
fcripts, particularly, correſpondence of the earl of Clarendon, during
his miffion at Hanover, and letters from fecretary St. John to Drum-
mond; which are printed in the Correſpondence.
STANHOPE PAPERS,
The fchifm in the Whig adminiſtration divided Walpole and
Stanhope, and converted their long eſtabliſhed friendſhip into bitter
enmity. As the character of James, firſt earl of Stanhope, was fe-
verely arraigned by Townshend and Walpole, candour impelled me
to apply to his repreſentative, the preſent earl, for any documents in
his poffeffion, which might tend to vindicate his memory from thoſe
aſperſions. This requeſt was acceded to in the moſt liberal manner,
and thoſe papers have materially tended to elucidate the tranſactions
of that period.
MIDLETON PAPERS.
I am indebted to lord Midleton for the papers of his grandfather,
the chancellor of Ireland, which develope the hiftory of Wood's
patent,
PREFACE.
xxix
patent, and compriſe ſeveral letters from his brother Thomas Bro-
drick, chairman of the committee of fecrecy in the South Sea inquiry,
and of his fon Saint John Brodrick; moſt of theſe are replete with
the ſevereſt ſarcaſms and invectives againſt the miniſter.
EGREMONT PAPERS.
To the earl of Egremont, for the letters of lord Bolingbroke to his
grandfather Sir William Wyndham, remarkable for that anina-
tion, elegance of ſtyle, plauſibility of argument, and virulence of in-
vective, which diſtinguiſh his writings. They contain the moſt ſe-
vere animadverfions on the conduct and principles of Sir Robert
Walpole, and are filled with the moſt bitter reproaches againſt his
meaſures: I have thought it my duty not to fupprefs a fingle pa-
ragraph which reflected on the adminiſtration of the miniſter.
PULTENEY PAPERS.
To Sir William Pulteney, for the papers of his wife's father Da-
niel Pulteney, who was commiffioner of the board of trade, lord of
the admiralty, who became the ftrenuous opponent of Sir Robert
Walpole, and wrote againſt him with great ſeverity in the "Craftſ-
man."
MELCOMBE PAPERS.
To Henry Penruddocke Wyndham, Efquire, for the papers
of George Dodington, Lord Melcombe, from which I have ſe-
lected ſeveral private letters, animadverting, with much acrimony,
on the conduct and fyftem of Sir Robert Walpole, extolling the prin-
ciples and directing the views of that oppofition which drove him
from the helm..
VOL. I
d.
To.
XXX
PREFAC C E.
To Dr. Douglas, biſhop of Saliſbury, I am indebted for feveral
interefting particulars, derived from daily converfations, during
an intimate intercourfe of many years with his friend and patron
the earl of Bath. While I gratefully acknowledge my obligations
to this learned and highly-reſpected prelate, for much valuable in-
formation during the progrefs of this work, 1 feel extraordinary gra-
tification in reflecting that the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole have
derived affiſtance from the friend of his great opponent, William
Pulteney.
?
-
Governor Pownall claims my grateful acknowledgments for the
communication of a very ingenious and able effay on the conduct and
principles of Sir Robert Walpole, which places the minifter in a new
point of view. It is inferted in the Correfpondence.
With the affiftance of thefe extenfive fources of information, I have
been enabled to elucidate many parts of fecret hiftory, either totally
unknown, or wholly mifreprefented, and to trace the motives of
action which influenced the conduct of the minifter, and directed the
views of the Britiſh cabinet.
I have not been biaffed by the prejudices of party hatred or party
affection. I have always confidered the connections and principles of
the perſons from whom I derived political information, and after duly
weighing all the circumftances, have equally avoided the extremes
on either fide.
It has naturally been my principal object to trace and difcufs
thofe events, which perfonally relate to Sir Robert Walpole, either
in his public or private character, and in which he was either di-
rectly or eventually concerned. In the courfe of my inquiries, and
in the perufal of the numerous documents to which I have had ac-
cefs, I obtained information of various collateral circumftances, and
of
PREFACE.
xxxi
of numerous characters, which though they did not immediately at-
tach to the life of the minifter, yet were connected with the tranf-
actions which he either influenced or directed. Hence I have been
led to make occafional digreffions, in order to elucidate interefting but
obſcure points of hiſtory. I have alſo introduced biographical mé-
moirs of eminent perfons, who were either the oppofers or favourers
of the miniſter, whoſe characters the papers and documents in my
poffeffion have enabled me to illuftratę.
Fully aware of the uncertainty of tradition, I have been extremely
cautious to confine myſelf to the narrowest limits. I have never
once adopted the hearfay of a hearfay, and have paid no attention
to any anecdotes or facts except from thofe who derived their in-
formation from perfons of veracity, that were themſelves engaged in.
the tranſactions of the times, and who authenticated their narratives.
I have, in general, quoted my authorities, and though in fome
inſtances I have omitted to enumerate them, that I might avoid the
appearance of affectation, yet I can fafely aver, that I have not ad-
vanced a fingle fact in the whole work, of the truth of which I have
not been convinced by the moſt unexceptionable evidence.
I
In a few inftances I have collected the fubftance of the minifter's
fpeeches from parliamentary minutes in his own hand writing.
From theſe memorandums I have particularly drawn his fpeeches
againſt the peerage bill, on propofing the excife fcheme, in oppofing
Sir John Barnard's plan for the reduction of intereft, and in reply
to the motion made by Sandys to remove him.
I have ſcrupulouſly avoided all allufions to the tranfactions which
are now pafling before us, left I might have been tempted to
make my work the vehicle of panegyric or invective, and have
fallen into an error not uncommon with fpeculative writers, who
judge of remote facts by recent circumftances, and affectedly affi--
milate
**
xxxii
PREFACE.
milate the events of paſt ages with the tranſactions of the pre-
fent day.
I cannot cloſe this Preface without paying a juft tribute of gra-
titude to my ingenious friend Mr. Adolphus, for the advantages
which I have derived from his literary affiftance in preparing theſe
Memoirs for the prefs.
March 10, 1798.
ΤΟ
st
HAND WRITING OF GEORGE 1-
Mon Cousin
Joke bon Cousin
Gerged
HAND WRITING OF GEORGE 2′
nd
may
и
be of very
I believe all you poopoje mikelihood of an
great use,
et us there is no
accommodation wh the Empt. I think it rigth to
great a friendship & intimaty it France
rost the; I defire only all this
be in as
ао
white;
very pirate.
may
be kept
HAND WRITING OF QUEEN CAROLINE .
jet pene que je vous riverais ex
Invarais Corporel Camin
те
ви
жити
Napier feulp- Sarum.
Caroline
FAC SIMILES OF THE HAND WRITING OF SIR R.WALPOLE.
N2
aver en
my Lan
Jum ave
&&
де
Avalpole
an
Instum, & tracem propositivimu
Cinium Arda prava jubintian
mente qualil solod
men
But of the Dutch, from
of braving the
incapacity of
of another war, ow=
Barshan of
人
​el
when
once begin, no man can foresee
determine the conclusion
or
If
Circum, tances atter thing. Distant & cornfual
1
guld to profond damprzy
р
апри
my Orme alt all, is my long
tinuance in office of long
con
In other word, the Exclufion of
Thop who now combine against the
Fryford ) Houghton
July. 28th 1744.
тир
Napier foulp!
Townshend
Marlborongh
Fundehand
Hottest Sandakand
Shishencart James Stanhope
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of
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Carteret
Besterfiels
Jpm Galbanez.
Bath
S. Compton
Wilmington
Midbten
The Brodrick
ғ
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St John Brodrich.
Frevor
es.
D
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HAND WRITING OF THE PRETENDER .
For mer Plunkett, shunday morning.
this criorly to diviet
и
виш
you
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not to menhon-
any thing of bunnies to any bity will thamton
you, I have not beenen tonight expecting
wiits, but bourer Wall to glad to be gewalone
with you
you the most much way & manne,
for your conyoucar time to meet. The Graves
F. Kennedy will hing you very piccalily to my
how to night about light a clock,
радни
K Buckinghami
Bolingbroke
Rendall
в
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James K..
Fra. Roffen
Wits: Shippen
Bothmer
Roberson
Dellington on Ringdanit
Aaron de Wassenaer
Soho Square
Di
し
​30
hey january very.
The Duchess or Buckingham
- The Duchess er Kendal
Juvenvoirde
Müx
* Atterbury Bishop of Rochester
# The Countess or Darlington
N°4
MEMOIR S
OF
SIR ROBERT WALPOL E.
PERIOD THE FIRST:
From his Birth, to the Acceffion of GEORGE the Firſt;
1676—1714.
CHAPTER THE FIRST: 1676-1701.
Family.Birth. Talents.- Education. — Country Purſuits. ·Marriage.-
Paternal Eftate.
HE anceſtors of Sir Robert Walpole, who was the eighteenth male of
TH
Period I.
FAMILY.
his family, in a lineal deſcent, may be traced from the conqueft. They 1676 to 1714.
took their furname, according to the cuftom of thoſe days, from the town of
Walpole, in Norfolk, on the borders of Lincolnſhire, where they had their
refidence, until one of them exchanged the family feat for Houghton, in the
fame county
*
Sir Edward Walpole, his grandfather, was elected member for the borough
of Lynn Regis, in the convention parliament, affembled in April 1660, and
voted for the reſtoration of Charles the Second. As a recompence for his
zeal in the royal caufe, he was created Knight of the Bath. He was remarkable
for his eloquence and weight in parliament, and once, on a warm altercation in
the houſe, he fuggefted an expedient which was immediately adopted by both
Annexed Genealogical Table. Edmonfon's Baronegium. Collins's Peerage; Article, Eari
of Orford. Documents among the Orford Papers.
VOL. I
B
parties.
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
parties, for which Waller the poet, in a high ftrain of panegyric, ironically
1676 to 1714 propofed that he fhould be fent to the Tower, for not having fooner com-
pofed the diſpute when he had it in his power He died in 1667.
Robert, the eldeſt fon and heir of Sir Edward Walpole, fat in parliament
for the borough of Caftle Rifing, in the county of Norfolk, from the first
year of William and Mary, till his deceafe in November 1700. He was
elected deputy lieutenant, and colonel of the militia, in the county of Norfolk,
and took as active a fhare as his fituation and circumftances permitted in for-
warding the Revolution. He confiderably improved his eftate by his pru-
dent management; educated a large family with much credit, and was held
in great eſtimation by the Whig party, whoſe meaſures he appears to have
uniformly ſupported. He had by his wife Mary, only daughter and heireſs of
Sir Jeffery Burwell, of Rougham, in Suffolk, nineteen children, of whom
Robert, afterwards Sir Robert Walpole, and Earl of Orford, the ſubject
of theſe Memoirs, was the third fon.
It ſeems to be an error not uncommon in mankind, to endeavour to exalt
the merit of favourite and eminent characters, by falfe and exaggerated en-
comiums, and to attribute folely to nature, what is ufually the combined effect
of nature, education, and accident. The voice of friendſhip, admiration, or
flattery, has declared, with a fimilar prejudice, that Sir Robert Walpole was
born a minifter. It was faid of him, that he was endowed with a genius
for calculation; and that the method which he adopted in ſettling ac-
counts, was a myſtery underſtood only by himſelf. Others of his admirers
confidered application in him as not neceffary, becauſe he knew every thing
by intuition. But truth and impartiality reject fuch unqualified affertions,
and the events of his early life will fhew that the natural talents of Walpole,
were rather folid than brilliant, and that his acquirements were the fruit of
confiderable induſtry.
He received an excellent education. He came early into parliament;
fpoke at firft indifferently, until habit and practice rendered him an able de-
bater. He was promoted to an office in the admiralty in the 28th year of
his age; became fecretary at war at thirty; was trained to bufinefs under
Marlborough and Godolphin; and managed the houſe of commons during
the Whig adminiflration. Being deprived of his place, he diftinguifhed him-
felf in oppoſition; was perfecuted by the Tories, and confidered as a martyr
by the Whigs. He promoted, with unabated zeal, the Proteftant fucceffion,
and was rewarded for his fervices with the place of paymafter of the forces by
* Ades Walpolianæ.
The early traits in the life of Sir Robert Walpole, were principally communicated by his
fon Horace, the late earl of Orford,
4
the
A GENEALOGICAL TABLE of the WALPOLE FAMILY, with the Defcendants of Sir ROBERT WALPOLE.
To face Rage 2. VOL. I.
Logez.
REGINALD DE WALPOLE,
Time of William the Conqueror.
1
RICHARD de WALPOLE.
I
Sir HENRY de WALPOLE.
I
HENRY WALPOLE.
I
Sir JOHN WALPOLE.
Sir HENRY WALPOLE.
I
Sir HENRY WALPOLE,
Knight of the Shire, 9 Edw. II. 1316.
HENRY WALPOLE, d. 1442.
bur. at Houghton.
1
HENRY WALPOLE.
JOHN WALPOLE.
t
CATHARINE SORTER, Sir ROBERT WALPOLE,
daughter of
Sir John Shorter,
Lord Mayor of London,
of Bybrook in Kent.
d. 1737.
Vifct WALPOLE,
and Earl of ORFORD,
b. 1676. d. 1745.
THOMAS WALPOLE, d. 1514.
I
EDWARD WALPOLE, d. 1557•
JOHN WALPOLE, d. 1585.
CALIBUT WALPOLE, 1646, or 1648.
ROBERT WALPOLE,
b. 1593. d. 1663.
Sir EDWARD WALPOLE,
d. 1667.
ROBERT WALPOLE,
b. 1650.
MARIA SKERRET,
daughter of
Thomas Skerret, Efq;
d. 1738.
MARY,
m. Sir Charles
Turner, Bart.
b. 1673,
of Warham,
in Norfolk.
11
SUSAN, daughter of
Sir Edward Barkham,
Lord Mayor of London.
SUSAN, daughter of
Robert Crane.
MARY, daughter of
Sir Jeffeley Burwell.
DOROTHY,
b. 1686,
d. 1726,
2nd wife of Charles,
2nd Viſcount
Townſhend.
SUSAN,
b1687.
d1763,
m Anth.
Hammond, Efq.
South Wotton,
Norfolk.
HORATIO WALPOLE,
HORATIO WALPOLE,
b. 1678. d. 1757.
firft Baron WALPOLE
of Wolterton,
GALFRIDUS,
m. Mary Lombard,
coheiress of Peter Lombard, Efq.
of Burnhamthorpe, Norfolk.
b. 1683,
d. 1726.
$
MARGARET,
daughter of
Samuel Rolle, Efq.
of Hayrton,
Devonshire.
Sir EDWARD, WALPOLE.
Knight of the Bath,
d. 1784, aged 78.
HORATIO WALPOLE,
4th Earl of ORFORD,
d. 1797, aged 79,
in whom the Title
of ORFORD
became extinct.
MARY WALPOLE, d. 1732..
m. George, Vifct Malpas,
afterwards 3rd Earl of Cholmondeley.
HORATIO,
2d Baron WALPOLE of Wolterton,
fucceeded as
Baron WALPOLE of Walpole, 1797,
on the death of Horatio, 4th Earl of
Orford in 1797•
ROBERT,
created Baron WALPOLE
of Walpole, 10 June 1723,
2nd Earl of ORFORD,
d. 1751.
ד
GEORGE,
3rd Earl of ORFORD,
b. 1730. d. 1791.
GEORGE, Viscount MALPAS,
d. 1764.
GEORGE JAMES,
4th Eail of Cholmondeley,
fucceeded to the Eftate and Seat at Houghton,
on the Death of Horatio, 4th Earl of Orford.
GEORGE HORACE, Viſcount Malpas.
WILLIAM
*
ROBERT.
GEORGE JAMES.
HORACE GEORGE.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
3
Chapter 1.
the new fovereign, whom he had affifted in fixing upon the throne. Thus
educated and inured to buſineſs, having thus ferved under government, and 1676 to 1701.
acted in oppoſition, he was placed at the head of the treaſury. In this fitua-
tion, adored by his family, beloved by his friends, and eſteemed by his party,
he was courted and idolized. His facility for tranfacting buſineſs, and his
talents for calculation, were confidered by his fond admirers as the gift of
nature, when, in reality, they were the refult of education, affiduity, and ex-
perience.
Robert Walpole was born at Houghton on the 26th of Auguſt 1676*. BIRT.
There is great confufion, and difference
of opinion, with regard to the age of Sir Ro-
bert Walpole. He himſelf writes, in his letter
to general Churchill, June 24th 1743; "No
difgrace attends me fince Sixty-feven." Ac-
cording therefore to this account he muſt have
been born in 1675, and died aged 69; or in his
70th year. His fon Horace, the late Earl of
Orford, confirmed this account, and told ine
that, had he lived till the 26th of Auguſt 1745,
he would have been 70.-The regiſter at
Houghton gives no account of his birth or time
of baptifm; but his death is thus recorded:
A. D. 1745. The right honourable earl of
Orford died March 18, and was buried the 25th,
in the 68th year of his age.-At the bottom of
the fame page, in another hand, is, "The
great Sir Robert Walpole, earl of Orford, de-
parted this life the 18th March 174, aged
"68 Years, and was interred the 25 D.".
According to Collins's Peerage, and the Gen-
tleman's Magazine, he was 71 at the time of his
death, which would place his birth in 1674-
The regiſter of his birth by his mother
fettles the difpute. The reverend Horace
Hammond, rector of Great Maffingham, in
Norfolk, great nephew to Sir Robert Walpole,
to whom I am obliged for the abovementioned
extracts from the pariſh regiſter, favoured me
with an account of the births of all the children
of Robert and Mary Walpole, regiſtered in her
own hand, in a book which is in his poffef-
fion.
AGE OF MY CHILDREN.
Sufan was born
Mary
Edward
8
3
€
}
Burwell
0
ROBERT
John
Horatio
Chriſtopher
· Elizabeth
Elizabeth
Galfridus
Anne
Dorothy
Sufan
Mordaunt
1
1
A boy ftill-born
Charles
William
D
પ
Q
A daughter ftill-born
20
0
}
ธ
อ
**
@
-
A
0
6th June
8th June
1672.
1673.
23d June
1674
0
6th Auguſt
1675-
26th Auguſt
1676.
0
3d September
1677.
8th December
R
#
0
8
0
0
8
0
24th March
16th October
B 2
15th March
6th April
18th September
5th December
13th December
8th April
30th June
7th April
20th January
1678.
20th February
1679.
169.
1682.
8
16983
1685.
1686.
1687.
$688.
ย
1690.
1691.
1693.
0
0
1 6 2 a
162A
He
다
​MEMOIRS, OF
Period I.
1676 to 1714.
1689.
He received the firft rudiments of learning at a private feminary at Maffing-
ham, in Norfolk, and completed his education on the foundation at Eton,
under Mr. Newborough, who appears to have been diftinguiſhed for his
knowledge, and to have raiſed the ſchool to a high degree of eminence.
Walpole was naturally indolent, and difliked application, but the emula-
tion of a public feminary, the alternate menaces and praiſes of his maſter,
the maxim repeatedly inculcated by his father, that he was a younger
brother, and that his future fortune in life depended folely upon his
own exertions, overcame the original inertneſs of his difpofition. Before he
quitted Eton, he had fo confiderably improved himſelf in claffical literature,
EDUCATION. as to bear the character of an excellent ſcholar. A peculiar fondneſs for
Horace*, marked his good fenfe, and even after his retirement from public.
life, when he had long diſcontinued his early ſtudies, he was by no means de-
ficient in the knowledge of the Greek language. His talents for oratory
began to develop themſelves at a very early period, for his fchool-mafter
being informed that ſeveral of his former ſcholars who had been educated at
Eton, and particularly St. John, had diſtinguiſhed themfelves for their elo-
quence in the houſe of commons, replied, " But I am impatient to hear that
Robert Walpole has ſpoken, for I am convinced that he will be a good orator."
66
On the 22d of April 1696, he was admitted a ſcholar at King's College,
in the univerſity of Cambridge. During his refidence, he was feized with the
fmall-pox, which was of a moft malignant fort; and he continued for fome
time in imminent danger. Doctor Brady, the famous hiſtorical advocate for
the Tory principles of the Engliſh conftitution, who was his phyſician, faid
to one of the fellows of King's College, warmly attached to the fame party;
"We muſt take care to fave this young man, or we ſhall be accuſed of
having purpoſely neglected him, becauſe he is fo violent a Whig." It was
indeed principally owing to his kind and affiduous attention, that Walpole
recovered. Notwithſtanding Brady's political prejudices, he was fo much
pleafed with the ſpirit and diſpoſition of his young patient, that he obſerved,
with an affectionate attachment, "His fingular efcape ſeems to me a fure in-
"dication that he is referved for important purpoſes." In the latter period
of his life, when the prediction had been fulfilled, this anecdote was frequently
related by Walpole with a complacency, which fhewed that it had made a
*He was accuftomed to give his fon, the
late earl of Orford, fubjects for his Latin com-
pofitions, and he almoſt always took them
from Horace. Lord Orford uſed to recollect
two themes which were applicable to his fitua-
tion as first minifter:
Principibus placuiffe viris non ultima laus eft.
Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum.
+ Regiſter of King's College.
A collection being made, after he was
prime minifter, for the new building at King's
College, he fubfcribed. 500, and on receiving
the thanks of the provoft and fellows, he re-
plied, "I deferve no thanks, I have only paid
for my board."
deep
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
5
1
deep impreffion on his mind, and proved his fatisfaction at the recollection Chapter 1.
of an event that feemed to anticipate his fubfequent elevation.
1676 to 1701.
At college he formed a ſtrict intimacy with Hare and Bland, who were-
members of the fame foundation, and in every ſituation of life, ſhewed an af-
fectionate regard for the friends of his early youth. He raiſed Hare, who
afterwards ably diſtinguiſhed himſelf in defending the meaſures of the Whig
adminiſtration, to the bishopric of Chicheſter, and promoted Bland to the
provoſtſhip of Eton College, and deanery of Durham.
On the death of his elder furviving brother, in 1698, becoming heir PATERNAL
to the paternal eſtate, he refigned his ſcholarſhip on the 25th of May. ESTATE.
He had been originally defigned for the church, and was frequently heard
to ſay, with the confidence which characteriſes an aſpiring mind, that if ſuch
a deſtination had taken place, inſtead of being prime miniſter, he ſhould have
been archbiſhop of Canterbury. Fortunately the fuperſtructure of his edu-
cation was made before the death of his elder brother, for after that event he
relapſed into his natural indolence, and, the impulfe of neceffity being re-
moved, no longer continued to profecute his ftudies for the purpoſe of purfu-
ing a liberal profeffion. His father alfo affifted in withdrawing him from
literary occupations. He immediately took his fon from the univerſity, en-
deavoured to fix him in the country, and make him attend to the improve-
ment of his eſtate: with that view he employed him once a week in fuperin-
tending the fale of his cattle at the neighbouring towns, and feemed ambitious
that his fon fhould become the firft grazier in the county. His father was of a
jovial diſpoſition, and often puſhed to exceſs the pleaſures of the table: the hof-
pitable manfion of Houghton was much frequented by the neighbouring gentry,
and the convivial temper of Walpole accorded with the ſcenes of ruftic
jollity. At theſe meetings the father occafionally fupplied his glafs with a
double portion of wine, adding, "Come Robert, you ſhall drink twice, while I
drink once; for I will not permit the fon, in his fober ſenſes, to be witneſs to
the intoxication of his father." His mornings being thus engaged in the oc-
cupations of farming, or in the ſports of the field, of which he was always ex-
tremely fond, and his evenings paffed in feftive ſociety, he had no leifure for
literary purſuits.
On the 30th of July 1700, he married, in Knightsbridge Chapel *, Ca-
therine, daughter of Sir John Shorter, lord mayor of London, a woman
of exquifite beauty and accompliſhed manners, and the amuſements of
London fucceeded the more active employments of the country. Soon after
* Regiſter of Knightsbridge Chapel, which
the reverend D. Lyfons, the learned author of
the Environs of London, was fo obliging as to
fearch at my requeſt.
the
Nov. 28.
1700.
6
MEMOIRS OF
}
Period I.
the marriage his father died, and Walpole inherited the family eftate, the
1676 to 1714 rent-roll of which exceeded £. 2,000 a year*. It was charged with his mo-
ther's jointure, and with the fortunes of the younger children, which amounted
to £.9,000. His wife's dowry diſcharged this incumbrance, and his mother's
jointure fell in by her death in 1711.
The death of his father threw him into the bufy fcenes of public life, when
the violent ſpirit of party gave an impulfe to his political exertions; and at
the moment when the demise of Charles the Second, king of Spain, fixed the
attention of Europe, and excited general apprehenfions in England, left the
united dominions of the whole Spaniſh monarchy fhould center in a prince
of the houfe of Bourbon.
* Among the Orford Papers is a document
in the hand-writing of his father, fhewing the
amount of the eftate, of which the fubftance
June 9, 1700.
is fubmitted to the reader, as a proof that the
reproaches caſt upon him by his opponents, of
being a needy adventurer, were unfounded.
A particular of my eſtate within the county of Norfolk, as it is now let.
Manor of Houghton
Manor of Birch Newton
Manor of Great Bircham
Manor of Birchain Toft
of Darlingham
of Siflem
8
£. s. d.
352 11
80
I
of Weſtwich
of Gloftnops in Ledgett
of Harply
In Burrough, near Yarmouth
Small lands and tenements
277
ΙΟΙ
253 II
304 16 8
180 10
100
100 II
18
50
Total in Norfolk
1,818
In Suffolk.
Manor of Haffet
300
Farm of Cavendish, &c.
51
Total
2,169
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
7
SECOND.
CHAPTER THE SECOND.
1700-1701.
Elected Member of Parliament.-Sketch of the important Tranfactions during
the Two laft Parliaments of King William.-A&t of Settlement in favour of
the Proteftant Succeffion and Family.-Principles and Conduct of the Leaders
at the Revolution.-Ineffectual Endeavour of William to extend the Act of
Settlement in favour of the Hanover Line, virtually introduced by the Act
for difabling Papifts.-Artful Management of William to procure the Exten-
fion of that Act on the Death of the Duke of Gloucefter.
O
N the deceaſe of his father, Walpole was elected member for Caſtle
Rifing, and fat for that borough in the two fhort parliaments, which
were affembled in the two laft years of the reign of king William.
Chapter 2.
1700 to 1701.
The death of Charles the Second, king of Spain, in the month of October
1700, the acceptation of his teftament by Louis the Fourteenth, in breach of
the ſecond partition treaty, and the quiet acceffion of Philip duke of Anjou
to the crown of Spain, acknowledged by England and the United Provinces,
were events which had preceded the meeting of the parliament in which
Walpole firſt fat. The act of fettlement in favour of the electrefs Sophia; the POLITICAL
violent conduct of the Tory houſe of commons in the impeachment of EVENTS.
Somers and the Whig lords; the death of James the Second; the acknow-
ledgment of his fon as James the Third, by Louis the Fourteenth; the in-
dignation of the Engliſh at that event; the fuccefsful manoeuvres of Wil-
liam to rouſe the ſpirit of the nation againſt France, and to obtain the con-
currence of the Tories to a Continental war; the fecond grand 'alliance;
the diffolution of the Tory parliament and miniſtry; the choice of a Whig
adminiſtration and parliament; the declaration of war againſt France; the
attainder of the pretended prince of Wales; the abjuration oath; the death
of William, at the moment when he had infuſed an impulſe into the grand
combination; were the important events which agitated the public mind.
during the two laſt parliaments of his reign. To give a detail of theſe compli-
cated and intereſting tranſactions is not the province of a writer of memoirs,
but muſt be left to the hiftorian of the times; except fo far as they may be
fuppoſed to influence the future conduct and policy of the minifter, whofe
life I am attempting to delineate. With this view, it may not be improper
1
to
ار
MEMOIRS OF ·
t
Period I.
*
to ftate the circumftances which preceded and accompanied the paffing of
1676 to 1714. the act of fettlement, and induced all parties, notwithſtanding the avowed
repugnance of a majority in the commons, to adopt that meaſure, which
fecured to the houfe of Hanover the throne of Great Britain, and had fo
ſtrong and permanent an influence on the ſubſequent conduct of Walpole.
When the arbitrary conduct of James the Second againſt the conftitution
and religion had raiſed the indignation of England, and when our great de-
liverer William, the prince of Orange, had co-operated with the nation
in driving that monarch from the throne; the leaders of the convention
parliament, which eſtabliſhed the revolution, acted with a ſpirit and wiſdom
well becoming the arduous fituation of affairs, and with a temper which ac-
commodated itſelf, as occafion required, to the cuſtoms and prejudices of the
nation. While they ſet aſide that abfolute and indefeaſible right, which it was
averred no conduct, however tyrannical, could violate, and laid down the doc-
rine of refiftance in cafes of extreme neceffity, they dreaded the evils of an
elective monarchy, and guarded againſt the future eſtabliſhment of a repub-
lican form of government. When they found it neceſſary to break the here-
ditary line of defcent, they made the deviation as ſmall as poffible, no more
than the exigency of circumſtances required, and re-eſtabliſhed it in the ſame
manner as it exiſted before that breach was made. With theſe principles
conſtantly in view, they declared that James, having endeavoured to ſubvert
the conſtitution, had abdicated the government, and thereby rendered the
throne vacant.
•
The throne being thus declared abdicated or vacant, by the abſence of
James the Second, and his fon being fuppofed illegitimate, the next in order of
fucceffion was Mary, eldeſt daughter of James. But as the nation owed its
deliverance from arbitrary power to William, the convention departed from
the regular line by declaring him king, jointly with his wife Mary, and by
veſting in him the fole adminiſtration of government. This appointment
was a deviation from the ſyſtem of hereditary deſcent, dictated by imperious
neceffity, and confirmed by gratitude; yet as Mary and Anne both con-
fented to devolve their right to the crown on William, the convention may
be faid only to have confirmed this transfer. This fingle deviation excepted,
the fucceffion was continued after the death of William and Mary in the
natural order: in the children of Mary; in Anne; in the children of Anne;
and in the children of William, who being the fon of Mary, eldeſt daughter
of Charles the First, was, after Anne, the next in order of fucceffion *.
* Blackstone's Commentaries, Vol. I. page 212.
1
1
In
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
9
1
•
In 1689, the first parliament which was fummoned by William and Mary Chapter 3.
confirmed this act of fettlement; but the king, ever anxious to promote the 1700 to 1701.
tranquillity of his fubjects, and to prevent thofe future troubles which might
arife, fhould all the perfons named in that A&t die without iffue, thought it
indifpenfibly neceffary to extend it to the next heirs in the Proteftant line.
He ordered, therefore, biſhop Burnet to propofe in the houſe of lords, the
addition of an amendment to the bill of rights, nominating Sophia, dutchefs
of Hanover, and her iffue, next in the fucceffion. Being carried by the
lords without oppofition, it was thrown out in the houfe of commons by the
Republicans, high Tories, and Jacobites, who all united on this occafion
againſt a bill which equally confounded their refpective hopes, under the
ſpecious pretence that fuch a nomination was unjuſt, becauſe it would pre-
clude all thoſe who were prior in lineal defcent to the dutchefs, even ſhould
they become Proteftants. The birth of the duke of Glouceſter, having ſtill
farther removed the apprehenfions of a popiſh fucceffor, William did not
chufe to preſs the nation in favour of the Hanover line, but was ſatisfied in
obtaining his views by a more concealed but not leſs effectual method. In-
ftead of naming Sophia, a claufe was annexed to the bill of rights, difabling all
Papifts from fucceeding to the crown, or fuch as fhould marry Papifts.
This clauſe firſt opened the profpect of fucceffion to the houſe of Brunſwick,
without naming it; becauſe that family, being the firft among the Proteftant
defcendants of James the Firſt, became, from the perpetual exclufion of Catho-
lics, next in expectancy to the perfons named in the act of fettlement. This
remarkable claufe paffed, in both houſes, without oppofition or debate, notwith-
ftanding the well known difinclination of the majority of the lower houſe;
and the management of the whole affair reflects the highest honour on the
judgment and temper of William.
}
Such was the order of fucceffion when Walpole came into parliament ; at
which time the recent death of the duke of Glouceſter alarmed the nation with
the dread of a Popifh fucceffor, and enabled William to carry into execution
his favourite meaſure of extending the act of fettlement to the houſe of
Hanover. Having been deceived by Louis the Fourteenth in the negocia-
tions for the fecond partition treaty, he had difmiffed the Whig miniſters, who
had rendered themſelves obnoxious by figning it, and formed a Tory admini-
ſtration, at the head of which were Rochefter, Godolphin, and Harley, who,
from being a violent partifan of the Whigs, now fided with their opponents,
* Burnet, vol. 2. p. 15. Tindal, vol. 13. p. 144.
VOL. I.
C
Villiam
1Q
MEMOIRS OF
'
Period I.
William well knew that the greater part of the Tories had confented
1676 to 1714 with the utmoſt reluctance to the breach of hereditary defcent at the
1
revolution, and had almoft uniformly oppofed his endeavours in favour of
Sophia, as tending, in their opinion, to overturn the fyftem of hereditary
monarchy, fo long cherished by the conftitution of England. He alfo
well knew that the whole body of the real Whigs earneſtly promoted the
transfer of the crown to the fucceffion in the Proteftant line, but, at the fame
time, he was aware that among thofe who called themfelves Whigs, were
many Republicans, who would oppoſe it from a hope, that if the perfons
named in the act of fettlement should die, means might be found to
eſtabliſh their favourite. form of government. He had long perceived that
the Whigs themſelves could never have carried the bill which he had fo
much at heart, in oppofition to the united force of the Tories, Jacobites,
and Republicans; but he had now divided the Republicans from the Tories,
by placing the latter in power, and being fecure of the Whigs on this
queftion, he thought it a favourable opportunity to make the extenfion
of the act of fettlement with the minifters the price of their elevation.
accordingly recommended, in his ſpeech from the throne, February 1701, a
further provifion for the fucceffion of the crown in the Proteftant ine; not-
withſtanding this acquiefcence of the Tories, he could not carry his point without
the confent of the princefs Anne, who was at that time entirely governed by
the dutchefs of Marlborough; and the dutchefs was highly incenfed againſt
William, for having formerly arreſted the duke her huſband, and ſtill more
for having publicly withdrawn his confidence from him. With a view there-
fore to counteract the influence of that artful favourite, and to gain the con-
currence of Anne, he permitted infinuations to be thrown out, as if he in-
tended to make a ceffion of his crown to the fon of James the fecond.
Theſe artful rumours alarmed both the princeſs and her favourite, and ex-
torted her confent to the act of fettlement *..
He
But although the Tories had promiſed the king to promote the extenfion
of the Act of Settlement, before they came into power, and had even per-
mitted a recommendation of it to be introduced into the king's ſpeech,
yet the method in which they conducted the bufinefs, proved their wifh
to obftruct it. The fpeech was made. on the 11th of February; the com-
mons, in their addreſs, took not the leaft notice of that part which related to
the Proteftant fucceffion; and it was not until the 3d of March that the
houſe refolved itſelf into a committee to take that fubject into confideration.
• Cunningham, vol. 1. p. 185. Somerville's Hiſtory of King William, p. 545-
Harley
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
II
Harley obferved, that the hafte in which the government was fettled at
the revolution, had prevented the nation from requiring fuch fecurities from
the future fovereign, as would have prevented much mischief; and he hoped
they would not fall into the fame error; he therefore moved, that before the
perſon ſhould be named, a proviſion ſhould be made by a committee for the
fecurity of the rights and liberties of the people.
This propofal being
accepted, the refolutions of the committee were laid before the houſe, on
the 12th of March, fpecifying certain reſtrictions *, to be ratified by every
future fovereign.
1
Burnet, whoſe reflections on the Tories cannot be admitted without ex-
treme caution, obferves, that theſe limitations were defigned to diſguſt the
king, and to raiſe diſputes between the two houſes, by which the bill might
be loft; although fome of theſe reſtrictions were juft, and highly benefi-
cial, this obfervation is fully juftified by the fubfequent proceedings of the
commons. So many delays were ſtill made, that the patience of the Whigs
began to be exhaufted, and one of their party was going to propoſe the elec-
treſs Sophia. Harley could only prevent this meaſure by bringing on the
queftion. With a view, however, to caft a ridicule on the act of ſet-
tlement, he employed Sir John Bolles, who was difordered in his fenfes,
to propoſe the bill. The bufinefs was fo contrived, that this man thus de-
ranged in his intellects, was, by the forms of the houſe, appointed one of the
committee who were inftructed to prepare the bill, was twice placed in the
chair, and twice gave in the report. The firft reading was poftponed to the
1. All things relating to the well govern-
ing of this kingdom which are properly cog-
mizable in the privy council, by the laws and
cuſtoms of this realm, fhall be tranſacted
there, and all refolutions taken thereupon fhall
be figned by fuch of the privy council as fhall
adviſe and confent to the fanie.
2. No per-
fon born out of the kingdoms of England,
Scotland, or Ireland, or the dominions there-
unto belonging, or who is not born of Engliſh
parents beyond the feas, although naturalized
or made a denizen, fhall be capable to be of
the privy council, or a member of either houſe
of parliament, or to enjoy any office or place
of truft. 3. No fuch perfon fhall have any
grant of lands, tenements, or hereditaments
from the crown to himſelf, or to any others in
truft for him. 4. In cafe the crown fhall
hereafter come to any perfon not being a native
of the kingdom of England, this nation fhall
not be obliged to engage in any war for the de-
fence of any dominions or territories not be-
longing to the crown of England, without the
confent of parliament. 5. Whoever ſhall here-
after come to the poffeffion of the crown, ſhall
join in communion with the church of Eng-
laud. 6. No pardon under the great feal ſhall
be pleadable to an impeachment in parliament.
7. No perſon who ſhall hereafter come to the
poffeffion of the crown, fhall go out of the do-
minions of England, Scotland, or Ireland,
without the confent of parliament. 8 No
perſon who has an office or place of profit un-
der the king, or receives a penfion from the
crown, fhall be capable of ferving as a member
of the houſe of commons. Judge's commif-
ſions ſhall be made quam diu fe bene gefferint,
and their falaries afcertained and eſtabliſhed :
But, upon the addrefs of both houfes of parlia-
ment, it may be lawful to remove them.
C 2
Journals of the Houfe of Commons.--Tindal
+ Vol. 2. p. 271.
+ Burnet.-Journals,
firf
Chapter 2.
1700 to 1701.
12
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
firſt of April, the fecond to the feventh, and it did not finally pass till the
1676 to 1714. fourteenth of May. Thus the act of fettlement, which was to fecure the
zeligion and conſtitution of the country, was received with fo much cold-
neſs and contempt, that ſeveral members, during the fitting of the committee,
indecently quitted the houſe, and fo many delays were purpoſely made, that
more than three months elapfed, from the day in which it was recommended
from the throne to the time it was fent up to the lords. It paffed that houſe
after a flight oppofition from the marquis of Normanby. Being carried back
to the commons, it was received in a thin houſe, and ſeveral reproachful ex-
preffions were uttered againſt it by fome of the members *.
After fuch a conduct, apparently calculated to render the bill odious and
contemptible, what thanks can be given to the Tories,, and to their idol.
Harley, for having in this manner brought forwards the act of ſettlement?
Is it not evident that they had been drawn into a promiſe to fupport it by
the artful management of William, and that they endeavoured to counteract
the bill at the very moment when they appeared to promote it? The moſt
zealous Whig, however, cannot preſume to deny that the nation is highly in-
debted to the Tories for one of the limitations in the act of fettlement,
which the Whigs, with all their ardour for civil and religious liberty, would
not have ventured to propoſe, becauſe, it was conſidered by the king as an
infult on his conduct and adminiftration. The reftriction to which I allude
is, that no foreigner, though naturalized, fhould be a member of the privy
council, or of either houſe of parliament, or ſhould enjoy any office or place
of truft, or have any grant of lands from the crown.
Thefe neceffary pre-
cautions, naturally fuggefted by the experience of thofe evils to which the
nation had been already expoſed, in confequence of raiſing a foreign prince
to the throne, proved highly beneficial in preventing, on the acceffion of
George the Firft, the admiffion of German denizens into the councils and ca
binet of England.
Burnet.-Tindal.-Oldmixon.
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
1-3
CHAPTER THE THIRD.
1701-1702.
Walpole foon becomes an active Member of Parliament.-Is upon various Com-
mittees, and Teller on feveral important Questions.-Supports the Whigs.-
Seconds the Motion for extending the Oath of Abjuration to ecclefiaftical Per-
fons.-Death and Character of King William.
A
LTHOUGH neither the Journals of the Houfe of Commons, nor any
contemporary accounts, nor the traditions of his family, record that
Walpole made any ſpecific motion, or ſpoke in favour of the act of ſettle-
ment, yet there is no doubt that he joined the Whigs in promoting it.
The Journals of the Houſe of Commons prove, that he foon became a very
active member. His name appears upon feveral committees, and in one for
privileges and elections, ſo early as the 13th of February, only three days
after the meeting of the parliament in which he firft fat. He was particularly
attentive to the buſineſs which related to the county of Norfolk; and zea-
louſly promoted the queſtions which concerned the trade of Norwich. He
made the report from the committee on the bill for erecting hoſpitals and
workhouſes in the borough of Lynn, and for the better employing and
maintaining the poor, and was ordered to carry it up to the houſe of lords.
He is alfo mentioned as teller on feveral important queftions which re-
Iated as well to the trade and revenues of England, as to queftions of party.
He was one of the tellers againſt the bill propoſed by the Tories for the bet
ter prefervation of the Proteftant religion, and for preventing the tranſlation
of biſhops from one fee to another. His high veneration for the character
of Lord Somers, and his zealous attachment to his party, naturally induced
him to oppoſe the motion for his impeachment, and it is not improbable that
he afterwards took a confiderable part in his defence. Being young and unex-
perienced at the period when that queftion was moved, he gave only a filent
vote, but he made a judicious remark, which proved his fagacity: it was,
that the zeal of the warmest friends is oftentimes more hurtful to the perfon
whoſe cauſe they efpoufe, than the bitteret accufations of the moſt invete-
rate opponents. The defence ſpoken by Somers in the houſe of commons
was ſo able and perfpicuous, and made fo deep an impreffion, as induced
Walpole to be of opinion, that if the queftion had been immediately put,
the
Chapter 3.
1701 to 1702.-
ITOI
April 2
April 14-
14
MEMOIRS OF
Period I
1676 to 1714
the proſecution would have been withdrawn. But the accufers of Lord
Somers, foreſeeing this event, made fuch inconfiftent obfervations, and uſed
fuch intemperate expreffions, as provoked his friends to reply. According to
the account of this debate, given by Walpole, Harcourt began with extreme-
ly fallacious, but as plaufible remarks, as the fubject could admit. Cow-
per's indignation moved him to reply, which occafioned the prolongation of
the debate, at the end of which, what had been fignificantly and fully urged
by Somers, was in a great meaſure forgotten. But had the impetuous zeal
of his friends been reftrained, and his enemies been permitted to proceed
without interruption, as long as they thought fit, Walpole apprehend-
ed they would have not been able to divide the houſe *. He was one of
the tellers in favour of the queftion, that the engroffed replication to the
anfwer of Lord Somers to the articles of impeachment, fhould be read. On
which motion, he divided with 90 againſt 140.
On entering into parliament, a due diffidence of his own powers repreffed
his zeal; and he formed a refolution not to ſpeak until he had attained more
experience, and fome degree of parliamentary knowledge: but his prudence
and caution were overcome by the more powerful paffion of emulation.
During his continuance at Eton, he had been the rival of St. John, who
was three years older than himſelf. The parts of St. John were more lively
and brilliant; thofe of Walpole more fteady and folid. Walpole was in-
duftrious and diligent, becaufe his talents required application. St. John
was negligent, becauſe his quicknefs of apprehenfion rendered lefs labour
neceffary. When both came into public life, this emulation did not ceafe;
and as they took different parties, oppofition kindled their zeal. St. John
foon diftinguiſhed himſelf in the houfe of commons, and became an eloquent
debater; repeated encomiums beſtowed on his rival, rouſed the ardour of
Walpole, and induced him to commence ſpeaker ſooner than he at firſt in-
tended. It does not, however, appear at what time, or on what occafion,
he firſt ſpoke in the houſe of commons; all that is known on that fub-
ject is, that the first time he rofe, he was confufed and embarraffed, and
did not feem to realize thofe expectations which his friends had fondly con-
ceived. At the fame time, another member made a ftudied fpeech, which
was much admired. At the end of the debate, fome perfons cafting ridi-
cule on Walpole as an indifferent orator, and expreffing their approbation
on the maiden fpeech made by the other member, Arthur Mainwaring,
* The general account of this debate is ac-
curately ftated in Tindal's Continuation of
Rapin, by the author, Dr. Birch, on the ex-
prefs authority of Sir Robert Walpole himſelf.
I have added other particulars from the autho-
rity of Etough. He derived his information
from a conference which he had with Sir Ro-
bert Walpole October 31, 1734.
X
who
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
15.
1
}
who was preſent, obſerved in reply, " You may applaud the one, and ridi- Chapter 3.
cule the other, as much as you pleaſe, but depend upon it, that the fpruce 1701 to 1702.
gentleman who made the fet fpeech will never improve, and that Walpole
will in time become an excellent ſpeaker*." The prediction of Mainwaring,
was foon verified. Walpole took a ſtill more active part in the debates of the
enfuing parliament, which met on the 30th of December 1701; which being
compofed of a majority of Whigs, and acting under a Whig adminiſtration,
whom William had again called to the helm of government, was more con-
genial to his political opinions. Yet notwithſtanding the preponderance of
their intereft, the Tories gained a victory in the choice of a ſpeaker, of
which lord Townshend takes notice in a letter to Walpole, who was detained
at Houghton by the illneſs of his wife: "Mr. Harley has carried it from
Sir Thomas Littleton, by a majority of four votes, which gives his party
great encouragement, and is no fmall mortification to the Whigs. I am ex-
tremely forry to hear my cofin has mifcarried of a fon, but I hope fhe is
in no danger, and that we ſhall ſhortly have the happineſs of ſeeing you
here." Walpole did not long delay taking his feat in the new parliament.
At this period, Louis the Fourteenth having, on the death of James the
Second, acknowledged his fon king of England, under the title of James the
Third, William ordered his embaffador, the earl of Mancheſter, to quit
France, and in a fpeech to the new parliament, told them, "He need not
preſs them to lay ſeriouſly to heart, and to confider what further means might
be uſed for ſecuring the fucceffion of the crown in the Proteftant line, and
extinguiſhing the hopes of all pretenders, and their open and fecret abettors."
Animated by this exhortation, the commons addreffed the crown not to make
peace with France, until reparation was made for the great indignity offered
by the French king, in arming, and declaring the pretended prince of Wales
king of England, Scotland and Ireland. The Whigs having now the power,
abundantly teftified their inclination to confirm the act of fettlement by every
means beſt calculated to favour the exclufion of the dethroned family. Accord-
ingly, a bill for attainting the pretended prince of Wales, paffed in both
houfes with little oppofition. A bill alfo for the fecurity of the king's perfon, for
the fucceffion of the crown in the Proteſtant line, and for extinguishing the
hopes of the pretended prince of Wales, was carried with equal fuccefs. A claufe
in this bill, well known under the title of the act of abjuration, enjoined all
fubjects to fwear allegiance to the king, by the title of lawful and rightfu
king, and his heirs, according to the act of fettlement: this oath was to be
+ December 30.-Orford Papers,
C 4
* From Charles Townſhend, Efq,
VOL. I.
taken.
16
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
taken by all perfons in any office, truft, or employment, and to be tendercd
1676 to 1714. by two juftices of the peace, to any perfon whom they fhould fufpect of
ditation. Even this claufe met with no oppofition, and the great ftrug-
gle was confined to the queftion, whether this oath fhould be compulſory
or free. The enemies of the Proteftant fucceffion could not venture to
oppofe the oath of abjuration, but they exerted their whole ftrength to ren-
der it null, by contending, that it ought not to be impoſed by force, but
left to the option of every perſon to take or to decline it. The conteft on
this occafion was fo great, and the two parties fo equal, that this important
188 to 187, clauſe was only carried in a full houſe by one voice.
This great victory being thus obtained, it was thought proper to extend
the oath to all ecclefiaftical perfons, and members of the univerfities. Sir
Charles Hedges accordingly moved for an addition to the claufe, which
fhould comprehend all clergymen, fellows of colleges, and fchool-mafters.
Walpole having, during his refidence at Cambridge, obferved many inftances
where maſters and fellows of colleges had never taken the oath of allegiance,
feconded the motion for this amendment, and it was carried without a
divifion; fo effectual was the triumph of the Whigs, over the friends
of the dethroned family. Horace Walpole alludes to his conduct on
this memorable occafion, in a letter from Cambridge *, in which he de-
fcribes the confternation of the nonjurors, on being compelled to take the
oath of abjuration, and the indignation which they expreffed againſt his
brother, for his zeal, in promoting the Proteftant fucceffion.
2.
When the bill was moved in the houfe of lords, the Tories propofed,
and warmly ſupported an additional amendment, excufing the peerage from
the obligation of the oath. Nottingham particularly diftinguiſhed him-
ſelf in its favour, and fpoke with fo much agitation, that the tears fell
from his eyes †.
But the fingular abfurdity and injuftice of exempting
the upper houfe from the fame ftrict nefs of engagements to which the lower
houfe had confented, met with the fate which it deferved: The motion
was negatived. Although the Tories could not carry their queftion, they
fucceeded in adding two amendments, with a view ftill farther to protract
the buſineſs. The opponents of the Proteftant fucceffion in the lower houſe,
coincided with their intentions, for the bill fent down to the commons, with
theſe amendments, was not returned to the lords till the 3d of March. It
was there detained feveral days, and was not fent back to the commons
Feb. 28, 1701-2. See Correfpondence.
Etough's Papers.
8
till
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE
17
till the 7th, on a Saturday *, in the hope of deferring it till the Mon-
day; and as the king then lay upon his death bed, almoſt at the laſt extre-
mity, fuch a delay would have been fatal. But the precautions of William,
and the vigilance of the Whigs defeated their well-laid fcheme. The com-
mons adjourned till fix in the afternoon; in this interval, the king, who was
fo weak that he could not hold a pen in his hand, ftamped his name to the
commiffion for paffing the acts. When the commons met, a meſſage was
brought from the lords, importing that the king had figned the commiffion,
and defiring the houſe to come up. The ſpeaker, accordingly, accompanied
as ufual with other members, went out, and returned with the report, that
the royal affent had been given to the bill, and to two other acts. No
event ever happened in a more critical moment; for William expired be-
tween eight and nine on the following morning. Thus the laſt exerciſe of
his kingly power, was his affent to the oath of abjuration, emphatically ſtyled,
by the friends of the dethroned family, his curfed legacy. Thus, obferves a
contemporary author, he confirmed to pofterity, with his expiring breath, that
liberty, civil and religious, for which during his life he had fo often fought in
the field; which he was indefatigably augmenting and eſtabliſhing in his
parliament; which he was continually bringing to perfection in his councils,
and which, on his acceffion to the throne, he promifed (as he faithfully per-
formed) to ſecure againſt all future attempts to fubvert it."
CC
Chapter 3.
1701 to 1702.
March 8.
*
Journals of the Lords and Commons.
VOL. I.
D
+ Toland.
18
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
1676 to 1714.
Supports the
Whigs.
CHAPTER THE FOURTH:
1702-1710.
Acceſſion of Anne.—Walpole makes a Motion in Oppoſition to Sir Edward Sey-
mour.-Diftinguishes himself in the Proceedings on the Aylesbury Election.
-Noticed by Earl Godolphin, and the Duke of Marlborough.-Appointed
one of the Seven Council to the Lord High Admiral-Secretary at War, and
Treaſurer to the Navy.-Nominated one of the Managers for the House of
Commons, upon the Profecution of Sacheverel.-His Speech, and Publication
on that Occafion.
I
N the firſt parliament of queen Anne, Walpole was returned for Lynn Regis,
where his family had long poffeffed a permanent intereft. For this borough
he was regularly chofen, until he was created earl of Orford.
Although he had ſpoken frequently in the houſe of commons, yet the firſt
time in which he appears upon record, on a public * queſtion, in the parlia-
mentary debates, was on the 23d of December 1702, when Sir Edward Sey-
mour having carried a reſolution to bring in a bill for the refumption of all
grants made in the reign of king William, and applying them to the fervice of
the Public; Walpole moved, that all the grants made in the reign of the late
king James, ſhould alſo be reſumed; but his motion was negatived. The
propofition of Sir Edward Seymour, directed againſt the Whigs, who had re-
ceived the principal grants from king William, was fupported by a Tory mi-
niſtry, and eaſily paffed through a Tory parliament; and the counter motion
by fo young a member, levelled against the grants made to the Tories, and
in oppofition to one of their great leaders, fufficiently proved that Walpole
was rifing into confequence, and had decidedly enlifted himſelf under the
banner of the Whigs †.
*Notitia Parliam.-Lifts of the Houſe of
Commons in Chandler's Proceedings of Par-
liament.
+ Journals of the Houfe of Commons.
Tindal, v. 15. P. 474.
As a proof of Walpole's activity, and an in-
dication of the principles and party which he
fupported, I have extracted, from the Journals
of the Houſe of Commons, the ſeveral quef
In
tions in which he was teller, befides thoſe al-
ready mentioned, until he was appointed fecre-
tary at war.
1702.-February 19th.-Againſt a claufe
to be added to a bill, for the further ſecurity of
his majeſty's perfon and government, that per-
fons who take upon them offices, fhall not de-
part from the communion of the church of
England.-February 26th.-Againſt delaying
to
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
19
Chapter 4.
In the celebrated caufe concerning the Aylesbury-election, Walpole di-
ſtinguiſhed himſelf in an eminent degree, and attained an high eſtimation 1702 to 1713.
with his party. Complaints of great partiality and injuftice in the election
Aylesbury
of members of parliament, had been continually urged againſt the ſheriffs in 1704.
the counties, and returning officers in the boroughs, who often found pre- January.
texts for rejecting thofe electors who voted againſt the members they
eſpouſed. When theſe diſputes were brought before the commons, the
houſe ſeldom entered into the merits of the caufe, but ufually decided in Cafe.
favour of the candidate who voted with the majority. It was no eafy mat-
ter to apply a remedy for fuch a glaring abuſe; becauſe all parties, when
oppreffed, made heavy complaints, and when certain of a majority forgot the
grievance againſt which they had before fo loudly exclaimed, and even ex-
cuſed themſelves on the neceffity of retaliation. At length, after many at-
tempts to obtain juftice, Afhby, a freeman, profecuted William White,
conftable of Aylesbury, for having refuſed to admit his vote at the election
of burgeffes. A verdict, with damages, was found in favour of Afhby, but
to read, the report of a committee, to confider
further of the rights, liberties, and privileges of
the houſe of commons.-March 3d.-In fa-
vour of a motion for an inftruction to a com-
mittee on the bill for granting to his majeſty
divers fubfidics.-1703.-January 5th.-For
an amendment to an addreſs, in reply to the
queen's meffage.-1704.-November 14th.
- Against leave to bring in a bill for prevent-
ing occafional conformity.-December 14th.
-Againſt the faid bill.-December 19th.
Against an inftruction to a committee, that
they have power to receive a clauſe for the
qualification of juftices of the peace, in a bill
- for the better recruiting her majefty's land
forces, and the marines.-1705.-January
16th. For a motion, that a bill be committed
for appointing commiffioners to treat of an
union between England and Scotland, &c.-
January 17th.-For a queſtion, that towards
the fupply, a duty be laid upon all goods im-
ported from the Eaft Indics, Perfia, and China,
into England, prohibited to be uſed in Eng.
land, and from thence to be exported to Ire-
land, or any of the plantations.-January 27th.
-Againſt a bill, to prevent perfons who are
entitled by their offices to receive any be-
nefit by public annual taxes, from being mem-
bers of parliament, while they are in fuch of-
fices.February 21ft.-For an amendment
in a bill for prohibiting all trade and com-
merce with France.-March 14th.-Againſt a
claufe in an act for preventing the further
growth of popery.-December 8th.-Againſt
a motion for a committee to confider of the
refolution of the lords, declaring thoſe who
ſhould infinuate the church to be in danger,
enemies to the queen, the church, and the
kingdom. December 19th.-For the ſecond
reading of a bill, for better fecurity of her ma-
jefty's perfon and government, and the fuccef-
fion in the Proteftant line.-1706.-February
4th.-For an amendment made by the lords
in the fame bill.-February 13th.-Againſt a
clauſe to prevent irregular lifting of men, to be
added to the bill for recruiting the army and
marines.1707.-February 10th.-For an
amendment to a bill for fecuring the church of
England, as by law eſtabliſhed.-February 22d.
-Againſt a motion for an inftruction to the
committee on the Bill of Union, that the fub-
jects of this kingdom fhall be for ever free from
any oath, teft, or fubfcription, within this
kingdom, contrary to or inconfiftent with the
true Proteftant religion of the church of Eng-
land, as is already provided for the fubjects of
Scotland, with respect to their Prefbyterian go-
vernment.- December 12th.-For an ainend-
ment to the above bill.-1708.-January 29th.
For the adjournment of a debate on the Eng、
lifh forces in the fervice of Spain and Portugal,
in 1707.
D 2
reverfed
30
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
1676 to 1714.
reverfed by the court of Queen's Bench. The cauſe being carried by appeal
to the houſe of lords, the order of the Queen's Bench was fet aſide, and the
verdict given at the affizes confirmed. The Tories, who formed the majority
of the commons, confidering thefe proceedings as an encroachment on their
privileges, and eſteeming that houſe the judge of fuch queſtions as related to
the election of its members, the folicitor-general, Sir Simon Harcourt,
moved, “That the fole right of examining and determining all matters re-
lating to the election of members to ferve in parliament, except in fuch caſes
as are otherwiſe provided for by an act of parliament, is in the houſe of com-
mons; and that neither the qualification of the electors, or the right of the
perfons elected, is elſewhere cognizable or determinable." The queſtion was
debated with uncommon vehemence and ability; on the fide of the Tories,
principally by Harley, St. John, Harcourt, and Sir Edward Seymour; on
the fide of the Whigs, by Sir Jofeph Jekyll, Cowper, King, the marquis of
Hartington, and Walpole. He took a ſhort, but fenfible part in the debate;
and after arguing with much judgment againſt the motion, propoſed to omit
that part of it which concerned the qualification of the electors. This
amendment, feconded by the marquis of Hartington, was negatived by a ma-
jority of only eighteen, and the original queſtion carried.
Yet, although the Whigs were defeated, their arguments produced a ſtrong
effect on the public mind. A general diſcontent prevailed againſt the ſeverity
of the commons, for committing to Newgate Afhby, and four other inha-
bitants of Aylesbury, who had likewife fued the returning officers; for pre-
venting their having a Habeas Corpus, and for addreffing the queen not to
permit a motion for a writ of error in the houſe of lords, which would have
releaſed them from priſon, and for declaring all folicitors and council, who
ſhould proſecute or plead in any fuch cauſe, guilty of a high breach of privi-
lege. The final decifion of this important controverfy was fufpended by
the perfeverance of the lords, who declared, that a writ of error was a matter
of right, not of grace; by the ſteady determination of the queen not to ob-
ſtruct, in favour of the houſe of commons, the courſe of judicial proceedings
in the courts of law; and by the manly oppofition of lord chief juflice Holt.
Theſe contrary pretenfions produced a violent quarrel between the two
houſes, which was terminated by the diffolution of parliament *. Although
the queſtion was never revived, yet from this time, the houſe of commons
confidered itſelf as the fole judge of the qualifications of electors, and of all
other matters which related to the return of members. It was principally
See Journals of the Lords and Commons.-Raymond's Reports, p. 938.-Proceedings in
the great caſe of Aſhby and White, and in the caſe of the Ayleſbury men.-Chandler.-Tindal.
owing
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
I
CA
Chapter 4.
owing to theſe refolutions, that the decifions, in regard to controverted elec-
tions, were feldom regulated by the merits of the cafe, but became queſtions 1702 to 1710.
of perfonal or political expediency; nor was this abuſe corrected, until the
act, known by the name of Grenville's Bill, referred to a committee, chofen
(1770.)
by ballot, and acting upon oath, the final decifion in all contefted elections.
At this period of his life, Walpole began to be held in high eſtimation by Highly
the great leaders of the Whigs, and was particularly noticed by the duke of esteemed by
his party.
Devonshire, the earl of Sunderland, lord Halifax, and lord Somers. Among
the perfons of his own age, with whom he entered into habits of cloſe inti-
macy, were James, afterwards earl Stanhope, Spencer Compton, afterwards
earl of Wilmington, the marquis of Hartington, eldeft fon of the duke of
Devonshire, whofe family uniformly proved themſelves his firm friends
and adherents, and viſcount Townfhend, who was then juft beginning to
acquire political importance. But Walpole owed his rife and confequence
lefs to his connections, than to his own talents and fituation. A member of
parliament of a great Whig family, whofe intereft brought in three * repre-
ſentatives, and who had diſtinguiſhed himſelf in the debates for found fenfe,
manly argument, and perfpicuous eloquence, could not long remain unno-
ticed. Nor was his reputation folely confined to the party whofe cauſe he
fo warmly eſpouſed. The lord treaſurer Godolphin †, at a period when a Noticed by
Whig was his averfion, difcerned his rifing abilities, favoured him with his Godolphin.
immediate protection, and ſtrongly recommended him to the patronage of
the Duke of Marlborough.
The firm adherence of Walpole to his party, was, however, a hindrance to
his preferment, as long as Godolphin continued to act folely with the Tories;
but no fooner had the leaders of the Whigs regained their loft popularity, and
appeared ſecure of a majority in the enfuing parliament, than the lord trea-
furer brought ſeveral into office, and opened to others a profpect of prefer-
ment. The duke of Newcaſtle was declared privy feal, in the room of the
marquis of Norinanby; and among the inferior places of government,
Walpole was appointed one of the council to prince George of Denmark,
lord high admiral of England. This firft fervice was attended with many
diſagreeable circumftances: Great mifmanagement, both at home and at fea,
was imputed to the navy board. Admiral Churchill, brother to the duke of
Marlborough, poffeffed, at this period, the greateſt influence at the admiralty,
and was accuſed, with fome of the other members, of negligence and corruption.
* Two for Caſtle Rifing, and one for Lynn
Regis.
From the late earl of Orford.-Etough's
Summary Account of Sir Robert Walpole.
Walpole Papers.-MS. ccount of Sir Ro-
bert Walpole, in King's College, Cambridge.
-Collins's Peerage.
1705.
March 1705.
Appointed
one of the
the lord high
admiral.
council to
June.
To.
22
MEMOIRS OF
啻
​Period I.
To him the merchants attributed their loffes; their loud complaints were heard
1676 to 1714 in both houſes, and zealouſly fupported by the principal Whigs. Walpole en-
deavoured to excufe and mitigate the conduct of the council, and gave a proof
of the ſpirit that marked the decifion of his character. Being reproached by
one of his friends for acting againſt his party, he replied, "I never can be fo
mean to fit at a board, when I cannot utter a word in its defence *." But
although he conceived, that it was unbecoming in him not to defend thoſe
with whom he fat in council, and although he well knew that their faults
had been exaggerated, yet he found fufficient abuſes to call for immediate
correction. He laboured therefore to prove to the board, the neceffity of
affuming a more decifive conduct; and he fo far ingratiated himſelf with his
fellow counſellors, that his advice was followed, and his plans were uſually
adopted.
1705.
October.
The union of ſpirit and prudence, in fo young a man, ftill farther recom-
mended him to the notice of Godolphin, who appears to have placed in him
the moſt implicit confidence, and to have availed himſelf of his advice and
affiftance on many important occafions.
At the meeting of the new parliament, Walpole feconded the motion,
made by lord Granby, to nominate Smith ſpeaker, who was favoured by the
New parlia Whigs, againſt Bromley, who was propofed by the Tories. The conteſt
was carried on with great heat and animofity between the two parties; but
the majority in favour of Smith proved the triumph of the Whigs.
ment.
Reconciles
Godolphin
with the
Whigs.
Walpole had already exerted himſelf with confiderable fuccefs, in cement-
ing this union between Godolphin and the Whigs; but he now came forward
with ſtill greater effect, and ſtrenuouſly exhorted his patron to obtain the
zealous co-operation of that powerful and popular party. He urged, that the
leaders of the Tories in the houſe of commons, were directed and influenced
by his enemies and rivals; and cenfured the ſpirit of bitterneſs and violence,
of umbrage and perfecution which had been lately predominant in all their
meaſures; he repreſented, in the ſtrongeſt terms, that the Tories, although
they had been roufed by the general energy of the nation to approve and ſe-
cond the grand alliance, were yet averfe to the continuance of the war with
France; and that on the contrary, the Whigs were not only fincere, but en-
thuſiaſts in their zeal for the depreffion of the houſe of Bourbon.
His reprefentations were liftened to with attention, and gradually had
their effect; Godolphin availed himſelf of his intimacy with Devonshire,
Halifax, Somers, and Townſhend, to arrange the coalition, which afterwards
* From the late lord Walpole, to the late earl of Hardwick.
+ Etough's Account of Sir Robert Walpole.
took
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
23
i
took place. If the union of the Treaſurer with this party was not fo complete
and uniform as fome of the zealous Whigs expected, the failure proceeded
from his apprehenfions of the queen's diſpleaſure, his inclination to the prin-
ciples of the Tories, and his affection for the dethroned family, which was
never entirely obliterated.
Chapter 4.
1702 to 1710.
December
In confequence of theſe repugnant principles, the adminiſtration was a Changes in
motley mixture of Tories and Whigs, perpetually at variance, and fecretly the cabinet.
caballing to fupplant each other. At firſt the Tories feemed predominant in
the cabinet; but the afcendancy of the Whigs foon appeared, from the no-
mination of Cowper to be lord keeper of the great ſeal, in the room of fir
Nathaniel Wright; yet Harley ftill continued fecretary of ſtate, and through
the means of Mrs. Maſham, was gradually undermining the influence of
Godolphin and Marlborough. During theſe cabals, the leaders of the
Whigs, perceiving that the queen favoured the Tories, forced Charles earl of
Sunderland into the office of ſecretary of ſtate, in the place of fir Charles
Hedges, in direct oppoſition to the avowed wiſh of the queen, and in con- 1706.
tradiction* to the fecret inclinations both of Godolphin and Marlborough.
The appointment of Sunderland was a decided victory, and from that mo- Whig admi--
ment the whole adminiſtration adopted the principles, and followed the mea- niftration.
fures of the Whigs. After fome unavailing ſtruggles, Harley was difmiffed
from the office of fecretary of ftate, and fucceeded by Henry Boyle, after-
wards lord Carleton, who proved his friendſhip for Walpole, by appointing.
his brother, Horace, his private fecretary; and the ſubſequent nomination
of lord Somers to the preſidentſhip of the council, completed the triumph of February
the party.
1708.
war.
Walpole himſelf was not overlooked in the change. He was felected by Appointed
Marlborough as the moſt proper perfon to fucceed his favourite, St. John, fecretary at
in the delicate office of fecretary at war; an office which required a perſon
of no leſs prudence than ability. During the abſence of Marlborough, the
ſecretary at war tranſacted the buſineſs of the department perfonally with the
queen; he was to correfpond officially and confidentially with the commander
in chief; and had the difficult tafk to conciliate the capricious temper of the
duchefs of Marlborough, who interfered in all buſineſs, governed her huſband
with the moſt abfolute ſway, and who now treated the queen with thoſe
marks of diſreſpect, which finally occafioned her own difgrace, and the fall.
of the Whig adminiſtration.
* Conduct of the Duchefs of Marlborough.
+ The office of ſecretary at war was deftined
to Cardonnel, confidential fecretary to the
duke of Marlborough; but as he was abroad.
with the duke, Walpole retained that place
until his return.
On:
24
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
On the deceaſe of Sir Thomas Littleton, Walpole was appointed treaſurer
1676 to 1714. of the navy, which office he held for a ſhort time, with that of fecretary at
1709.
Treaſurer of
the navy,
Manager for
the trial of
Sacheverel.
1710.
war.
In addition to his parliamentary abilities, Walpole endeared himſelf to
Godolphin by activity and punctuality in buſineſs, order and preciſion in
accounts, great knowledge of finance, and the moft engaging manners.
The treaſurer admitted him into his moft fecret councils, entruſted him with
"the delicate office of compofing the fpeeches from the throne, and from the
time of Harley's refignation, committed to him the management of the houſe
of commons *. Nothing will place the prudent and conciliating character of
the young fenator in a ſtronger light, than that Godolphin and Marlbo-
rough, who never cordially coalefced with the Whigs, fhould take into their
confidence, one who had proved himſelf, and ftill continued to prove him-
felf, fo ardently attached to that party; at the fame time he was fo far from
forfeiting the favour of the Whigs, that he was equally beloved and truſted
by their leaders.
In 1710, Walpole was appointed one of the managers for the impeach-
ment of Sacheverel, and principally conducted that buſineſs in the houſe
of commons. To bring Sacheverel to a trial, and to diſtinguiſh him with
an impeachment, managed in the moſt folemn manner, for a miſerable per-
formance, which, without fuch notice, would have ſpeedily funk into oblivion,
was an inexcufable degradation of the dignity of the houſe of commons,
and affords a ſtriking inftance of the height of folly and infatuation to which
the ſpirit of party will carry even the wifeſt men. It is well known that this
meaſure was ſuggeſted by Godolphin, who was feverely fatirifed in the fer-
mon under the name of Volpone, and that it was warmly oppofed by
Somers and the Whig lords. Walpole, in conformity to their opinion, en-
deavoured to prevail on Godolphin to defiſt from the profecution; but all
arguments were ineffectual. The minifter, in this inftance, laid afide his'
ufual circumfpection, and, irritated by a paffion unworthy of the occafion,
infifted with ſo much vehemence, that he finally extorted the conſent of his
colleagues in office.
Walpole, acting in conformity to their refolutions, conducted himſelf on
the occafion with no lefs prudence than fpirit. It fell to his ſhare to fupport
the firſt article of the charge; that Sacheverel had fuggefted and maintained,
"That the neceffary means uſed to bring about the happy revolution, were
"odious and unjuſtifiable; that his late majeſty, in his declaration, diſclaim-
"ed the leaſt imputation of refiftance, and that to impute refiftance to the
* Etough's Account of Sir Robert Walpole.
* faid
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
25
"faid revolution, was to caft black and odious colours upon his late majefty Chapter 4.
"and the faid revolution."
On this delicate fubject, which it is fo difficult to define and reſtrain
within the proper bounds, while the doctrine of refiftance is allowed, in
cafes of extreme neceffity, he ſpoke with equal precifion, moderation, and
energy, and drew the happy medium between the extremes of licentiouf-
nefs and rational liberty; between a juft oppofition to arbitrary meaſures, and
a due fubmiffion to a free and well-regulated government*. While he re-
probated, in the ſtrongeſt terms, the doctrines of divine indefeaſible right,
and paffive obedience, he by no means encouraged, even in the flighteſt
degree, any vague notions of refiftance in undetermined cafes, or upon trivial
motives; but eſtabliſhed hereditary right as the effence of the Britiſh con-
ſtitution, never to be tranfgreffed, except in ſuch inſtances as juftified the
revolution.
The refult of this ill-judged trial was far different from the event which
Godolphin and his friends weakly expected. The triumph of the Tories was
evident from the lenity of the fentence, which only ordered, that the fermon
ſhould be burnt by the common hangman, and fufpended Sacheverel from
preaching during three years. The unpopularity of the minifters was highly
increaſed; the inclination of the queen, in favour of their opponents, was
oftentatiouſly manifefted; the populace was inflamed; and the confequence
of this act of imprudence and precipitation, was the downfall of thoſe who
hoped to find, in the condemnation of Sacheverel, the revival of their popula-
rity, and the eſtabliſhment of their power.
It may not perhaps, in this place, be improper to obferve, that the fatal
and mischievous confequences which refulted from the trial of Sacheverel,
had a permanent effect on the future conduct of Walpole, when he was af-
terwards placed at the head of adminiſtration. It infuſed into him an aver-
fion and horror at any interpofition in the affairs of the church, and led him
to affume, occaſionally, a line of conduct which appeared to militate against
thoſe principles of general toleration, to which he was naturally inclined.
Soon after the removal of the Whig adminiftration, Walpole publiſhed a
pamphlet on this remarkable trial, entitled, Four Letters to a Friend in
North Britain, upon the publiſhing the Trial of Dr. Sacheverel. The firſt
letter ſtates the particulars which preceded the trial; the fecond, thoſe which
* This fpeech, written in his own hand, is
ftill extant among the Orford Papers. The
printed fpeech, in the account of Sacheverel's
trial, is taken from it verbatim. Burke has
quoted a fenfible paffage of it in his Appeal
from the new to the old Whigs, p. 65.
VOL. I.
†This pamphlet is erroneoufly attributed to
Arthur Mainwaring, by Tindal, and the Bio-
graphia Brittanica. See Royal and Noble Au-
thors; Article, Earl of Orford.
E
accompanied
1702 to 1710.
і
20
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
accompanied it; the third, thofe which followed it; and the fourth difplay
1676 to 1714. the confequences. The purport of this publication, was to prove in clear and
familiar language, and by a plain, but ſtrong deduction of reaſoning, that
the abettors of Sacheverel were the abettors of the Pretender; and that thoſe
who agreed with him to condemn ſuch reſiſtance as dethroned the father,
could have no other meaning than the reftitution of the fon.
CHAPTER THE FIFTH:
Removal of
the Whig ad-
miniftration.
1710.
Intrigues and Cabals which occafioned the Removal of the Whig Adminiſtration.
Walpole holds a confidential Correfpondence with the Duke of Marlborough,
Lord Townshend, and Horace Walpole.-Reje&s the Offers and defpifes the
Threats of Harley.-Refufes to take a Part in the new Adminiftration.
WAL now beganthe
ALPOLE now began to enjoy, in the poffeffion of an honourable
and lucrative office, the reward of his able and uniform conduct,
and had the pride of ſeeing his country fucceſsful beyond the example of
former ages, fince the days of Elizabeth, under a great and wife adminiftra-
tion, in which he bore an active part. Marlborough, Godolphin, Somers,
Sunderland, Wharton, Cowper, Halifax, and Townfhend, occupied the firft
pofts of government, were united in the fame caufe, acted with the fame
views, and promoted the honour and advantage of England by the moft
vigorous and fpirited meaſures; but he did not long feel this fatisfaction,
for at the very moment when the country was reaping the fruits of their
wiſdom, forefight, and energy, the miniftry was removed. Had not this
change taken place, the king of France must have accepted the terms of
peace offered by England, and unequivocally compelled his grandfon,
Philip, to renounce the crown of Spain. St. Simon* calls the intrigues
which introduced a Tory adminiſtration that faved France, les miracles de
Londres. The king of Pruffia, alfo fpeaking of Marlborough, fays,
* Memoires ſecrets du regne de Louis XIV, par Louis duc de St. Simon.
↑ Dialogue Des morts Marlborough, Eugene, Lichtenſtein.
• What!
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
27
"What! Hoechftedt, Ramilies, Oudernarde, Malplaquet, were not able
to defend the name of that great man; and even victory itſelf could not
ſhield him againſt envy and detraction? What part," he adds, " would Eng-
land have acted without that true hero? he fupported and raiſed her, and
would have exalted her to the pinnacle of greatnefs, but for thoſe wretched
female intrigues, of which France took advantage to occafion his difgrace.
Louis the Fourteenth was loft, if Marlborough had retained his power two
years more."
In fact, the removal of the Whig miniftry retarded, inſtead
of accelerating the peace, becauſe it encouraged Louis the Fourteenth to
break the congrefs of Gertruydenberg, threw the queen entirely into his
power, and the prediction of Marlborough, in a letter to Walpole, was
eventually verified.
"If the fchemers are fond of a peace; they are not
very dexterous, for moft certainly what is doing in England, will be a great
encouragement to France for continuing the war."
There never was any event in the annals of this country attended with
more difgraceful confequences to England, or followed by more fatal effects
to Europe in general, than the difmiffion of thoſe great men, who formed
that glorious and fuccefsful adminiftration in the reign of queen Anne,
called, by way of diftinction, the Whig adminiftration.
Our regret at their fall, is ſtill further heightened from the confideration.
that it was occafioned by the overbearing temper of a miſtreſs of the
robes, and principally effected by the petty intrigues of a bed-chamber-
woman, against her benefactrefs. The furprifing influence which the
duchefs of Marlborough had acquired over the weak and irrefolute mind
of the good queen Anne, is well deſcribed in that extraordinary apology of
her conduct, which the duchefs gave to the public. We there find a
princefs of the moft placid temper, fafcinated by the captivating manners of
an artful, but agreeable woman; a queen, imbued with high notions of regal
dignity, and a moft exact obferver of forms, throwing off all etiquette, and
correfponding with her favourite, under the fictitious names of Morley and
Freeman. We find the duchefs, after having engaged the affections of her
miſtreſs by the moſt affiduous attention, relapfing into grofs neglect, and in con-
fequence gradually finking in favour. We find her at the fame time either not
perceiving, or ſtriving to conceal from others, and even from herfelf, the decline
of her aſcendancy, and increaſing the difguſt of the queen, by her rude and
intemperate behaviour. Unfortunately, the ducheſs of Marlborough had fo
*See Correfpondence, June 23d, 1710.
Duchefs of Marlborough,
Abigail Hill, Mrs. and afterwards lady Mafham.
Chapter 5.
1710.
1710,
!
E 2
much
28
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
much credit and power with the duke, her husband, and Godolphin, that to
1676 to 1714. remove her it became neceffary to remove the miniftry, over whom the pof-
feffed fo ftrong an influence. The artful and cautious manner by which
Mrs. Maſham fupplanted the duchefs of Marlborough, is alſo related in this
apology, which may be called a manual of court intrigues, and her cabals
with Harley, are detailed in the writings of Swift, who derived his informa-
tion on that fubject, from the moſt unquestionable authorities.
Intrigues of
Harley.
The Whigs were beginning to loſe their popularity, when the trial of
Sacheverel raiſed a ferment in the nation, and excited a general outcry
againſt them. The miniſtry, and particularly the duke of Marlborough,
were accuſed of protracting the war for their own intereſts; and this calumny
was urged fo boldly and repeatedly, that it was finally believed; the terms
alſo, which the Britiſh plenipotentiaries attempted to exact from Louis the
Fourteenth, though ftrictly confonant to true policy, and founded on the
principles laid down at the commencement of the war, were declared illiberal,
and only advanced to prevent that haughty monarch from acceding to them.
From an impartial review of the numerous papers, to which I have had
accefs, and from a diligent compariſon of the political writings of thoſe
times, I feel the ſtrongeſt conviction, that the miniſtry were fincerë in
propofing the terms of peace at the congrefs of Gertruydenberg; that they
were even anxious to lower the demands of the Dutch, and make them as
moderate as were confiftent with the fecurity of Europe, and that they were fan-
guine in their expectations that Louis the Fourteenth, circumftanced as he
then was, would accede to them. It alſo appears, from the Diary of Lord Cow-
per, that he was the only one of the minifters who harboured a doubt on the
fubject, and that by expreffing that doubt he incurred the indignation of
Godolphin
Godolphin *. During the trial of Sacheverel, when their unpopularity in-
* 23d Janry. 1709, Sunday, lord treaſurer
at his houſe, read duke Marlborough's letter,
dated abo* 15 days before, from Hague; that
Buys and 3 of the Burgis of Amfterdam,
and the Penfioner had recd fometime fince, by
overtures of peace from France, vizt
to quit Spain and the Weſt Indies, and to give
a barrier to ſtates in Flanders, that 'twas a
great fecret, known only as above; that the
Penfioner faid he ſhould be ruined if known
he had kept it from the ſtates ſo long. Lord
treaſurer faid, he fhew'd it me by queen's or-
der; I advis'd, and it was agreed only to put
the propoſals more particularly, and at large,
as foon as poffible, feveral intermediate debates
in cabinet, fhew'd by lord treaſurer.
creaſed,
April 12, the following letter from duke Marl-
borough, Hague, April 19, 1709. The depu-
tys of States Gen¹ were with me yeſterday
abot 2 hours, the which time was ſpent upon
the ſubject of their barrier. After I had given
them all the affurances I thought neceffary of
the intentions and inclinations of the queen
and Engliſh nation, of concurring with them
in what might be reafonable for their barrier,
I did endeavour to cure them of any jealouſy
they might have of my being particularly con-
cerned. I hope it has had a good effect with
'em; however, I have done all I can, and fhall
do fo to keep them in good humour, if poffible.
The incloſed is what they defire for their bar-
rier. It inclofes what might be thought a great
kingdom.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
29
creaſed, Harley was admitted, by the introduction of Mrs. Maſham, to feveral
private interviews with the queen, in which he endeavoured to perfuade her
to diſmiſs the miniftry, but as ſhe was of a timid, procraftinating difpofition,
he had great difficulty in fucceeding. Not being able to prevail upon her
to take a bold ſtep, he artfully led her, by infenfible degrees, to the accom-
pliſhment of his ſcheme. With this view, he perfuaded her to confult the
duke of Shrewſbury, whom he had previouſly gained, and in whom ſhe
placed great confidence, on theſe points; " Would the public credit ſuffer by
the change of adminiſtration? Could that meaſure be carried into effect
without a diffolution of parliament ? or would that diffolution be attended
with danger? Could a peace be negotiated with fafety to the queen, and
with honour to the allies ?"
ઃઃ
The duke of Shrewſbury having given his opinion in the affirmative, and
fupported the queen in her refolution, Harley perfuaded her to appoint earl
Rivers lieutenant of the Tower, in oppofition to the recommendation of
Marlborough, and to beftow a regiment, vacant by the death of the earl of
Effex, on Mr. Hill, brother to Mrs. Mafham. As the promotion of this
officer was highly difagreeable to the duchefs of Marlborough, and muſt
tend to leffen the duke's weight and authority in the army, he remonſtrated
in perſon, and urged his objections in fuch a manly and fpirited manner, as
diſpleaſed the queen, and induced her to anfwer, that he would do well to
advife with his friends. Godolphin having no lefs ineffectually reprefented
to her, that the duke's long and faithful fervices, deſerved a more favourable
treatment, Marlborough retired in difguft to Windfor, and wrote a high
kingdom. I hope to perfuade them from ſome
of it; ſo that I beg very few may ſee it: but
when I have done all that may be in my
power, I fhall then ſend it to the feci, ſo that
it may come regularly to her majefty, and the
cab. counc. Mons Rouillies meffenger re-
turned laſt night, but I am told he defires two
days to decypher his diſpatches; ſo that Tuef-
day will be the fooneft I ſhall be able to give
you an account of this matter. This is fo cri-
tical a time, that I dare not be of any opinion:
but I tremble when I think that a very little
impatience may ruin a fure game. Barrier,
Dendmª, Chateau de Ghent, Dame, Oftend,
- Newport, Furnes, Knocq, Ipres, Menin, Lifle,
Tournay, Condé, Mons, Valenciennes, Mau-
beuge, Charleroy, Namur, Luxemburgh, Sier,
Haut-Geldre en propre, permiffion to fortify
Hall, S' le Demer, the head of Flanders, with
the forts on the Scheld, Huy, Leige, and
Bon.
Note, during the remaining tranſaction of
the intended peace, which was laid in all its
fteps before whole cabinet, lord treaſurer, lord
prefident Somers, and all othe: lords, did ever
feem confident of a peace. Bly own diftruft
was fo remarkable, that I was once pfectly
chid by the lord treafurer, never fo muchin any
other cafe, or faying fuch oiders would be
proper if the French King figned the prelimi-
nary treaty. He refented my making a queſtion
of it, and ſaid there could be no doubt, &c. For
my part, nothing but feeing fo great men be-
lieve it, could ever incline me to think France
reduced ſo low as to accept fuch conditions.-
Lord Cowper's Diary; Hardwicke Papers.
* Life of the Duke of Shrewſbury.
+ Swift's Memoirs relating to the Change
in the Queen's Miniftry, v. XV. p. 20.
fpirited,
Chapter 5.
1710.
30
MEMOIRS OF
Puiod I.
fpirited, but indifcreet letter; which, after ftating his readiness to obey her
1576 to 1714. commands, expreffed his regret that all his fervices could not protect him
from the malice of a bedchamber woman, and requefted inftant permiffion
to retire. Before the queen had received this letter, ſhe became apprehenfive
left the refignation of the duke at this critical juncture, fhould caufe difcon-
tents in the nation, and alarmed at the threats of Sunderland, to propofe in
the houſe of lords the removal of Mrs. Maſham, ordered Godolphin to in-
form Marlborough, that he might difpofe of the regiment. In reply to his
letter, ſhe alſo expreffed her concern at what had paffed, and by this con-
defcenfion engaged him to continue the command of the army in Flanders.
But although the queen yielded in this inftance, fhe perfevered in her inten-
tions, and foon afterwards gave unequivocal proofs of her refolution, by dif-
miffing the marquis of Kent from the poft of lord chamberlain, and con-
ferring that office on the duke of Shrewsbury, againſt the inclinations of the
miniftry.
Walpole
correfponds
withMarlbo-
rough.
Laments the
difunion of
the Whigs.
ネ
​During thefe tranfactions Walpole maintained an official and confidential
correſpondence with the duke of Marlborough, while abfent from England;
with Lord Townfhend, plenipotentiary at the congrefs of Gertruydenberg;
and with his brother Horace Walpole, private fecretary to Lord Townſ-
hend. The whole of this interefting correfpondence is not extant, but a
fufficient part is ftill preferved to do honour to the perfons who were engaged
in it, to throw a new light over the tranfactions of that period, and to
illuftrate the conduct of the minifters on that memorable occafion. It fhews
that their fall was owing no lefs to their own difunion, than to the intrigues
of Mrs. Maſham and Harley, and the oppofition of the Tories. It plainly
appears to have been the opinion of Walpole, that more active and decifive
meaſures fhould have been purfued before the removal of Sunderland. He
lamented the divifion of the miniftry, the jealoufy and coldnefs of Godol-
phin, who would not make any attempt to fave Sunderland; he conjec-
tured that his difgrace would be followed by the difmiffion of Godolphin
and Marlborough, which they did not forefce, or elſe their difinclination to
Sunderland overcame the apprehenfions which they ought to have enter-
tained for their own ſafety.
Walpole was at that time in a fubordinate fituation. He had great obli-
gations both to Godolphin and Marlborough, and he was joined in opinion
with the Whig leaders. He had therefore a very delicate part to act; yet
he wrote to Marlborough with great fpirit and freedom; and even ventured
to adviſe him not to offend the queen, by refufing obftinately to promote the
* See Correfpondence, Period I.
huſband
f
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
3 1
huſband and brother of Mrs. Mafham; although fuch advice was moſt likely
to offend, as in fact it did offend, the duchefs of Marlborough. It appears
alfo from theſe letters, that Marlborough and Godolphin meanly tampered
with the duke of Shrewſbury, and attempted, through his influence over the
queen, to prevent the diffolution of the parliament; inſtead of boldly and
manfully coming forward, they acted this underhand part, and fuffered by this
dilatory and equivocal conduct Harley to divide and difunite the Whigs.
Perhaps it may be conjectured, that if on the difmiffion of Sunderland,
which was fure to be followed by other changes, notwithſtanding the pofitive
affurances of the queen to the contrary, Godolphin and all his friends had
inſtantly reſigned their places, and if the duke of Marlborough had given
up his command of the army, fo unanimous and bold a meaſure would have
difpirited the queen, and alarmed the Tories. Under theſe impreffions fhe
could not have ventured to make a fudden and total change; fhe would
probably have been checked by the apprehenfion of alienating the whole
party of the Whigs, who then formed a large majority in parliament, and of
diſguſting the monied men, many of whom made the public credit perſonal
to Godolphin, and fcrupling to advance money upon the faith of the na-
tion, offered it upon his fingle word *. She would have dreaded the re-
monftrances of the emperor and the Dutch, who juſtly confidered the great
fucceffes of the war as principally owing to the military talents of Marlbo-
rough.
Such was the opinion of Walpole; and Sir Richard Temple, afterwards
Lord Cobham, expreffed his fentiments in favour of a general reſignation, in
a ſpirited letter to his friend Walpole, with whom he then acted, and by
whom he had been ſtrongly recommended to the duke of Marlborough.
But, both Walpole and his brother Horace forefaw and lamented that the
Whigs, inſtead of adopting this decifive and manly conduct, would be divided
among themſelves, and that feveral would liften to the infidious overtures of
Harley. In effect, that artful minifter flattered them with the hopes that
the parliament ſhould not be diffolved, and reprefenting the danger which
would threaten the conftitution and religion, fhould their whole body defert
the queen, he uſed the remarkable expreffions, "That a Whig game was
"intended at the bottom," and that his great object would be to promote
the Proteftant fucceffion.
Theſe repreſentations and promifes had a due effect, and helped to break
the phalanx, which, had it remained firin and compact, must have been in-
vincible.
Life of the duke of Shrewsbury.
you
Cowper's Diary; Hardwicke Papers.
Many
Chapter 5.
1710.
32
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
Many of the Whigs hefitated, and delayed their refignation. Newcaſtle
1676 to 1714. remained in power until he was removed. The duke of Somerſet was per-
fuaded by the queen to keep his place, but affected to declare that he would
not attend the privy council; and even Halifax, the ftern champion of the
party, is faid to have availed himſelf of his long acquaintance with Harley,
and to have fo effectually treated with him in private, that none of his own
relations were difplaced *. Marlborough retained the command of the army
only to be difmiffed with ignominy, when his fervices were no longer thought
neceffary. Devonshire, Henry Boyle, Wharton, Somers, and Cowper, were
among the few leaders who refigned with ſpirit and dignity.
Refignation
of Lord Cow-
per.
Walpole re-
jects the
overtures of
Harley.
Lord Chancellor Cowper, in particular, behaved with unexampled firm-
nefs and honour. He rejected with fcorn all the overtures which Harley
made, in the moſt humble and fupplicating manner, to induce him to con-
tinue in office. When he waited on the queen to refign, fhe ftrongly op-
poſed his reſolution, and returned the feals three times, after he had laid
them down. At laft, when he could not prevail, fhe commanded him to
take them; adding, I beg it as a favour of you, if I may ufe that expreffion.
Cowper could not refufe to obey her commands; but after a fhort paufe,
taking up the feals, he faid that he would not carry them out of the palace,
except on the promiſe, that the ſurrender of them would be accepted on the
morrow. "The arguments on my fide," to uſe the words of Lord Cowper
himfelf," and profeffions, and the repeated importunities of her majefty,
"-drew this audience into the length of three quarters of an hour." On
the following day, his refignation was accepted, and foon afterwards the feals
were given to Sir Simon Harcourt.
Walpole acted on this occafion an honourable and difintereſted part.
In the wreck of this great adminiſtration, Harley, defirous of retaining in
power ſeveral of the Whigs, with a view to counterbalance the credit of
St. John and Harcourt, who already began to give him umbrage, endeavour-
ed to gain Walpole. He made very flattering advances; told him that he
was worth half his party §, and preffed him to continue in adminiſtration;
but all his efforts proved ineffectual.
Harley finding at laſt, that promiſes and flattery were employed without
avail, had recourſe to threats. Hawes, one of his confidential emiffaries, who
was afterwards receiver of the cuſtoms, informed Walpole, that the treaſurer
had in his poffeffion a note for the contract of forage, indorfed by him; this
letters from Bolingbroke to Drummond. See
Correfpondence, Period I, 1711.
* Cunningham's Hiſtory of Great Britain,
vol. 2. p. 305:
Letter from Horace Wal-
pole to Etough, September 21ft 1752. See
Correſpondence, Period II.
+ The manner in which Marlborough was
treated by the new miniftry, appears by two
Cowper's Diary.
§ Letter to Mr. Pulteney, in anſwer to his
Remarks, p. 47.
infinuation
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
33
infinuation was made in fuch a manner, as to imply, that if Walpole would
come over to the new ininiſtry, this note ſhould not be produced againſt him.
But he, no leſs difdainful of menaces than before he was regardleſs of pro-
miſes, rejected all overtures. In a letter* written on the 19th of September,
he obſerves to his friend general Stanhope; " I believe, in all probability, this
"I
"will be the laft letter I fhall write from this office. We are in fuch a way
“here, as I cannot deſcribe. But you can imagine nothing worſe than you
"will hear. The parliament is not yet diffolved, but this week will certainly
“determine it. Dear Stanhope, God profper you, and pray make hafte to us,
"that you may ſee what you will not believe if it were told you." A few
days after writing this letter, he retired from the office of ſecretary at war.
Harley, however, was not repulfed by the firft refufal of Walpole to fup-
port his adminiſtration. He had too much fuccefs with many of the Whigs,
not to exert every effort to gain a man whoſe talents and eloquence he held
in the higheſt eſtimation. He fuffered him to continue in his place of
treaſurer of the navy, feveral months after the Whig miniſtry were entirely
routed. He ſent ſeveral meffages, and held feveral converfations with him,
to perfuade him to moderate his oppofition againſt the new meaſures; but
his conftant anſwer was, "Make a fafe and honourable peace, and preferve
the Proteftant fucceffion, and you will have no oppofition ."
Chapter 5.
1710.
Sept. 29.
Retires from
the office of
fecretary at
war.
CHAPTER THE SIXTH:
1711-1713.
Conduct of Walpole in Oppofition.-Ably defends the late Adminiftration against
the Charge of not accounting for the public Expenditure.-Accufed of Breach
of Trust and Corruption when Secretary at War.-Committed to the Tower.
Expelled the Houfe, and incapacitated from fitting in the prefent Parliament.-
Vifited by Perfons of the first Diftinction and Abilities.-Writes an able De-
fence of himself.
A
S Walpole dignified and fupported an adminiftration profperous at
home and glorious abroad, fo when it was vilified and difgraced, he
made animated replies to the attacks of a powerful and irritated party. During
* Walpole Papers.
VOL. I.
+ Etough's Papers; Horace Walpole to Etough, O&. 14, 1752.
F
the
Chap. 6.
1711 to 1713.
Supports the
late adminif
tration.
34
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
the intervening period, from his refignation to the death of queen Anne, he
1675 to 1714 perfevered in attachment to his late affociates, and in haraffing the new mi-
niſters, with great ability, both in and out of parliament. The firft inſtance
in which he appeared the champion of the fallen party, was upon the mo-
tion of an addrefs to the queen. On this occafion, Walpole, whom Swift,
- in his hiftory of the four laſt years of queen Anne, calls one Mr. Robert Wal-
pole, propofed an amendment to the addrefs, importing that no peace can
be honourable to Great Britain and Europe, if Spain and the Indies are to
be allotted to a branch of the house of Bourbon. This clauſe, which had
been carried by the lords, was negatived in the houſe of commons by a very
great majority.
Speaks in fa-
your of Go.
dolphin.
But his fubfequent efforts were ſtill more important and uſeful. The To-
ries having attempted to arraign the meaſures of their predeceffors in office,
turned their principal objections againſt the management of the revenue;
a topic on which it was moſt eaſy to delude the public mind, by introducing a
ſeries of complicated calculations. This attack was principally levelled againſt
Godolphin, who was accuſed of having profufely laviſhed the public money,
and of not having accounted for the fums voted by parliament. When
feveral of his former adherents in the houſe of commons deferted the ex-mi-
nifter, a few defended his cauſe, and argued that the clamours raiſed againſt
him, were merely the effufions of malice and calumny. The infidious at-
tack was mafqued under the plauſible appearance of appointing a committee
for examining and ftating the public accounts. St. John employed all the
powers of his eloquence, to fhew the neceffity of taking into confideration
the national expenditure; maintained that none but thoſe who were enemies.
to their country, or who would themfelves plunder the treaſury, would be
fo bold as to oppofe the inquiry; and fupported his arguments with the
moft ardent affectation of zeal for the church and conſtitution.
No fooner had St. John ceafed fpeaking, than Walpole rofe with great
fpirit to vindicate his patron from the imputation of corruption and malver-
fation. He did not, however, condefcend to make any reply to the hypo-
critical affeveration of St. John, in regard to religion, but confined his re-
marks to the fubject of debate. He explained, in a calm and diftin&t man-
ner, the accounts of the public expenditure, and confirmed the truth of his
report, by the original receipts, and the moſt authentic teftimonies. After
having proved that the inquiry was founded on party animofity, he con-
cluded by obferving, "If he is accufed, who cannot be charged with any
crime, or any juſt fufpicion of a crime, and whom the member who ſpoke laft
could neither fear nor hate, take heed left the conftitution ſhould receive
a wound through his fides. It is obvious, how much the multitude is under
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
مسما
35
cour.
Chapter 6.
1711 to 1713.
committee.
the influence of bribery, it is obvious, that the people of England are at
this moment animated against each other, with a fpirit of hatred and ran-
It behoves you, in the firſt place, to find a remedy for thoſe diſtem-
pers, which at prefent are predominant in the civil conftitution, and unleſs
you reject this inquiry with becoming indignation, I leave you to conjec-
jure the ſituation to which this kingdom and government are likely to be
expoſed *".
But the zeal and eloquence of Walpole had no effect; for the Report of the
committee was appointed, confifting of perfons principally Tories, and two
notoricus Jacobites; all previouſly determined to arraign the proceedings
of the former adminiſtration. The refult of their inquiry was given in a moſt
extraordinary report, which paffed the houſe on the 12th of April, and was
prefented to the queen on the fame day. After ftating the great arrears due
from public taxes, many embezzlements and ſcandalous abuſes, evil miſma-
nagement in public offices, and mifapplication of parliamentary ſupplies, it
boldly afferted, "That of the monies granted by parliament, and iffued for the
public ſervice to Chriſtmas 1710, THERE REMAINS UNACCOUNTED FOR,
THE SUM OF £.35,302,107, FOR A GREAT PART OF WHICH NO AC-
COMPTS HAVE SO MUCH AS BEEN LAID BEFORE THE AUDITORS;
66
<<
"and for the reft, though fome accompts have been brought in, yet they
"have not been profecuted by the accomptants, and finiſhed." This unqua-
lified reproach caft by the houſe of commons on the ex-minifters, had for a
fhort time a prodigious effect in increafing the unpopularity of the Whigs.
The people conceived it to be impoffible, that the commons would advance
fuch an affertion, without the moft convincing proofs in its favour. A general
belief gained ground, that the nation had been deceived and betrayed; freſh
confidence was placed in the new minifters, who thus difplayed their care
for the people, and proved their capacity by contriving fuch means as might
afcertain and fecure fo vaft a debt.
Anfwered by
In oppofition to thefe accufations, Walpole again came forth as the cham
pion of his colleagues, and publifhed "The Debts of the Nation ftated and Walpole.
"confidered," and the " Thirty-five Millions accounted for." In thefe
publications, the author, who is called by Arthur Mainwaring, the beſt maſter
of figures of any man of his time, gave, in a fmall compais, fo accurate a ſcheme
of the public debts, eſpecially of the navy, together with the management
of the revenues, the anticipations, the debts, and the reafons and neceffity of
them, as entirely undeceived the public, and refuted the calumnies which
had been fo induftrioufly raifed f. He proved, in a clear and fatisfactory
†.
* Cunningham's Hiftory of Great Britain,
vol. 2. p. 349, 350.
+ Conduct of Robert Walpole, Efquire,
from the beginning of the reign of queen
Anne, to the prefent time, 1717, p. 29.~Tin-
dal.Oldmixon.
F 2
manner,
36
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
manner, that the debt of the navy, which was eſtimated at £. 5,130,539,
1676 to 1714, did not exceed £. 574,000; and that of the whole £35,000,000, all but
£. 4,000,000 had been accounted for.
Accufed of
corruption.
December 21.
1712.
January 17.
Walpole had diftinguifhed himſelf too ably in the houſe of commons, and
by his publications had proved himself too warm a friend of the fallen mi-
niftry, and too powerful an adverſary to the reigning adminiſtration, not to
be fingled out as one of the facrifices to be made at the ſhrine of party
vengeance. His expulfion, therefore, from the houſe of commons was re-
folved, and a meeting held for the purpoſe of confulting on the means of
proceeding, by the leaders of the oppofite party. But the injuftice of this
act was eſteemed fo flagrant, and the imputations of guilt fo faint and falſe,
that many of thoſe who had united to overturn the late adminiſtration, de-
clared their averfion to this malicious defign. Bromley *, however, re-
moved their fcruples, by declaring that the expulfion of Walpole was the
unum neceſſarium, as they could not carry on the bufinefs, if he was fuf-
fered to continue in the houſe. It is no wonder, therefore, that his enemies,
who could command a majority, fhould find a plaufible pretext. The
commiffioners of public accounts laid a charge of venality and corruption
againſt him for forage-contracts in Scotland while he was fecretary at war.
They accufed him of having taken, in two contracts, two notes of hand, one
for 500 guineas, the other for £.500, the firft of which had been paid, and
a receipt given in his name, and of the other £. 400 was paid. It appeared,
on examination of the witneffes, on oath, that the contractors, rather than
admit into their partnerſhip Robert Mann, agent for Walpole, who, accord-
ing to the tenour of the original agreement, referved a fhare for a friend, to
have a benefit of the fifth part, if not redeemed by the contractors with a
fum of money, had preferred paying the 500 guineas and £. 500; and that
Mann had received the money for the first note, and had obtained the fe-
cond note as a depofit for the fum fpecified to be paid..
In confequence of theſe reports, Walpole was heard in his own defence,
though no particulars of his ſpeech are preferved in the proceedings of par-
liament; after he had withdrawn, a warın debate took place, which lafted
till paſt ten at night. His friends, on this occafion, ſupported him with
fo much zeal, that the houſe was divided four times in the fame fitting;:
and the ininifters, who carried all political queftions in this feffion with only.
a trifling oppofition, gained the motions for his condemnation and expulfion,.
by a ſmall majority. On the firft divifion, in which. Pulteney, then his
intimate friend, afterwards his moft bitter opponent, was teller, the
* Letter from Horace Walpole to Etough, September 21, 1751.
$
amendment,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
37
Chapter 6.
1711 to 1713.
amendment, to leave out the words, " and notorious corruption," was ne-
gatived by a majority of 52. The main queſtion paffed in the affirmative
by 57. The motion for committing him to the Tower by only twelve;
and his expulfion was decreed by 22 *. Theſe ſmall majorities fuffi-
ciently prove, either that Walpole poffeffed great perfonal influence in the
houſe, or that many of the Tories confidered his accufation a fcandalous
proſecution, and would not give their votes againſt him. The houſe, how- Expelled the
ever, refolved, "That Robert Walpole, efquire, was guilty of a high breach houfe.
of truſt, and notorious corruption. That he fhould be committed prifoner
to the Tower of London ;" and on a fubfequent motion, which was carried
only by a majority of twenty votes, that he ſhould be expelled †.
to the Tower..
On the next morning, Walpole furrendered himſelf a prifoner, and was Committed
committed to the Tower. It was expected, that he would have petitioned,
and ſubmitted himſelf to the cenfure of the houſe; but he refuſed making
any conceffion, which could imply a conſciouſneſs of guilt, and he there-
fore remained a prifoner until the prorogation of parliament. In the mean
time a new writ being iffued for Lynn, he was re-chofen for that borough;
but a petition being made against the return, by Samuel Taylor, the oppof-
ing candidate, the commons refolved, "That having been expelled this
houſe for an high breach of truft in the execution of his office, and notori-
ous corruption, when ſecretary at war, he was incapable of being re-elected
a member to ferve in the prefent parliament ."
+
While he remained a prifoner, he was confidered as a martyr to the
cauſe of the Whigs, and repeatedly vifited by perfons of the higheſt diftinc-
tion and abilities, particularly by the duke and duchefs of Marlborough,
Godolphin, Sunderland, Somers, and Pulteney; and his apartment exhi-
bited the appearance of a crouded levee ||.
Vifited by
perfons of
diftinction..
During his confinement, he had fufficient leifure to compofe a clear and Publiſhes his
judicious vindication of himſelf, which was publiſhed under the title of defence.
"The Cafe of Mr. Walpole, in a Letter from a Tory Member of Parliament
to his Friend in the Country." In this maſterly defence, he fully juſtifies
himſelf, and appeals to evidence, taken upon oath, from the two principal
charges, high breach of truft, and notorious corruption. In regard to high
* ft. 155 against 207. 2d. 148-205: 3d.
156-168 4th. 148-170. The motion of
cenfure against the duke of Marlborough was
carried by a much greater majority, 270 againft
165.-Journals.
Journals. Chandler's Debates.
Journals.-Chandler's Debates.
Life of the Duke of Shrewtbury.-Annals
of Queen Anne, for 1712, p. 140.-Conduct
of Mr. Walpole.-Anfwer to a fcurrilous
Libel..
breach
38
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period I.
breach of truft, he fhews that he had no advantage in the contracts; that
1676 to 1714. he was not the only perfon concerned in making them, and that they were
fettled on the beſt and moſt advantageous terms to be obtained at the time;
in reply to the charge of notorious corruption, he proves that a ſhare in the
contract being given to his friend, Robert Mann, the contractors preferred
paying him a fum of money in recompence for giving up his fhare; that
the contractor, who had negociated this bargain with Mann, dying, the
other not knowing his name, made the note of hand payable to Walpole
or order, for the uſe of his friend; that the note was endorſed by himſelf
only for form, and the money received by Mann was for his own uſe and be-
fit, and that Walpole had not the leaſt intereſt, directly or indirectly, in this
affair.
Laftcourt's
ballad.
I have been thus particular in ſtating the defence of Walpole, becauſe it
gives ſtrong proofs of his innocence, and was never fairly and candidly an-
ſwered; becauſe fome of the very perſons who viſited him in priſon, and
not only defended but applauded his conduct in this inftance, afterwards,
when in oppofition, reproached him with the commiffion of this very crime,
of which they had publicly and formally abfolved him; and becauſe ſome
late writers, of different principles, have ftigmatiſed his memory, without
having fufficiently examined his defence.
This impriſonment has been called the prelude to his rife; and lord
Lansdowne, who was afterwards configned to the fame apartment, wrote
theſe lines under Walpole's name, which he had left on the window:
Good unexpected, evil unforeſeen,
Appear by turns, as fortune fhifts the ſcene;
Some rais'd aloft, come tumbling down amain,
And fall ſo hard, they bound and riſe again ‡.
A popular ballad, compofed by Eaftcourt the player, in honour of Wal-
* See Smollet, vol. 2. p. 209. Macpherfon's
Hiftory, vol. 2. p. 537.
↑ For the inveſtigation of this inquiry, in
which the honour and character of Sir Robert
Walpole is involved, 1 have confulted and
compared the Journals of the Houfe of Com-
mons, Proceedings in Parliament, Burnet, Tin-
dal, Oldmixon, Cafe of Mr. Walpole, Con-
duct of Robert Walpole, efquire, and An An-
fwer to the Character and Conduct of Ro-
bert Walpole, efquire, with an exact account
of his popularity, published in 1717. In this
laft publication, the author endeavours to re-
fute Walpole's defence of himſelf, and to fhew
that the money paid to Mann was for Walpole
himſelf, but as all his accufations amount to
mere affertions and conjectures, without the
fmalleft evidence of the fact, it is only here
mentioned as a proof that I have not examined
only one fide of the queftion.
Walpole's Catalogue of Royal and Noble
Authors, V. II. p. 128. Lanfdowne's Poems.
pole,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
39
pole, during his impriſonment, proves the high efteem in which he was then
held by his party, and predicted, with a true prophetic fpirit, his future
greatnefs.
On the Jewel in the Tower.
I.
If what the Tower of London holds
Is valu'd for more than its power;
Then counting what it now enfolds,
How wondrous rich is the fame Tower.
2.
I think not of the armory,
Nor of the guns and lion's roar,
Nor yet the valu'd library,
I mean the Jewel in the Tower.
3.
This jewel late adorn'd the court,
With excellence unknown before;
But now being blown upon in fport,
This Jewel's cafe is now the Tower.
4.
State lapidaries there have been,
To weigh and prove and look it o'er;
The
very faſhion's worth being feen,
Th' intrinfic, more than is the Tower.
5.
"Tis not St. George's diamond,
Nor any of his partner's ftore;
It never yet to fuch belong'd,
Which fent this Jewel to the Tower.
6.
With thouſand methods they did try it,
Whoſe firmneſs ſtrengthen'd ev'ry hour;
They were not able all to buy it,
And fo they fent it to the Tower.
Chapter 6.
1711 to 1713.
They
40
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
1676 to 1714.
.
7.
They would have prov'd it counterfeit,
That it was right 'twas truly fwore;
But oaths, nor words, cou'd nothing get,
And fo they fent it to the Tower.
S.
It's brilliant brightneſs who can doubt,
By Marlborough it was fometimes wore;
They turn'd the mighty mafter out,
Who turn'd this jewel into the Tower.
9.
Theſe are the marks upon it found,
King William's creft it bears before,
And liberty's engraven round,
Though now confin'd within the Tower.
IO.
Nor France in it an intereft has,
Nor Spain with all its golden ore;
For to the queen and high allies,
Belongs this Jewel in the Tower.
II.
The owners modeftly reſerv'd
It in a decent Norfolk bower,
And ſcarce yet think it has deferv'd
The Cæfar's honour of the Tower.
I2.
The day fhall come to make amends,
This jewel fhall with pride be wore,
And o'er his foes, and with his friends,
Shine glorious bright out of the Tower.
Lady Walpole *, who had a pleafing voice, ufed to fing this ballad with
great ſpirit and effect, and was particularly fond of dwelling on the laſt verſe,
at the time when the prophecy was fulfilled; when the prifoner
"O'er his foes, and with his friends,
"Shone glorious bright out of the Tower."
* From Lord Orford.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
41
Chapter 7.
CHAPTER THE SEVENTH:
1712 to 1714.
1712 1714.
Releafed from his Imprisonment.-Exertions in Favour of his Party.-Publifes
various political Pieces.-Eulogium of him, by Godolphin.-Publiſhes the Hj-
tory of the late Parliament.-Re-elected for Lynn.-Speaks against the Peace;
the Treaty of Commerce; and the Schifm Bill:-In favour of Sir Richard Steele,
for printing the Criſis and the Engliſhman.
T
HE miniftry having protracted the feffion by adjournment *, inſtead
1712,
of ending it by prorogation, merely to detain him in prifon, Walpole June 21.
was not releaſed until the 8th of July. From that period till the diffolution, Releaſed.
which took place on the 8th of Auguft 1713, being incapacitated from ſerv-
ing his party in the houſe of commons, he exerted himſelf in maintaining the
union of the Whigs, in conciliating the leaders, often difcordant in their
opinions, jealous of each other, or lukewarm in their conduct. He was a
principal director of their counſels, and the great manager of their delibe-
rations. The magnanimity and cheerfulncfs with which he acted and fuf-
fered, his liberality in expending large fums in procuring intelligence, and
promoting the Proteftant fucceffion, the hofpitality with which he enter-
tained his political affociates, endeared him to the party, animated their
counſels, and contributed to preſerve them from defection. The heavy ex-
pences incurred by thefe means, injured his private fortune, and involved
him in pecuniary embarraffments; a circumſtance which perhaps gave rife to,
or at least fanctioned the report, afterwards induftriouſly circulated by op-
poſition, of his being a needy adventurer, who had not credit enough to raiſe
an hundred pounds on his own fecurity. The gratitude he afterwards dif-
played to thoſe perfons who accommodated him with money at a confider-
able rifk, does honour to his character.
During this period, he ably employed his pen in the fervice of his party. Political
He affifted Steele in feveral political pamphlets; and publifhed an anfwer publications,
* Journals. History of his Adminiſtration,
P. 16.
† Pulteney's Reply to Sedition and Defa-
VOL. I.
mation Displayed, p. 8.—An Anſwer to one
Part of an Infamous Libel, &c. p. 34.
‡ Macpherion's Papers, vol. 2. p. 511.
G
to
42
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period I
to the vote of the houſe of commons, that the ſtates general had been deficient
1676 to 1714. in their proportion of troops, and that the queen had paid fubfidies to
the amount of three millions of crowns above the fum ftipulated.
September
1712.
His zeal and exertions were fo confpicuous, that he received a flattering
teftimony of eſteem, in a vifit which he paid to Godolphin, while confined
with his laſt illnefs at St. Alban's, in the houſe of the dutchefs of Marlbo-
rough. The dying ſtateſman turning to the dutchefs, who ſtood by his bed-
fide, ſaid to her, "If you ever forfake that young man, and if fouls are per-
mitted to return from the grave to the earth, I will appear to you and re-
proach you for your conduct *"
The diffolution of the parliament at length taking place, Walpole's inca-
pacity was removed, and he was again chofen for Lynn. While the elec-
tions were depending, it was the opinion of Somers, and the Whig lords,
that to ſtate to the people, in a ſtrong and perfpicuous manner, the proceed-
ings of the late parliament, with a view to expofe the meaſures of the miniftry,
and to guide the electors in the choice of the new reprefentatives, would be
Publiſhes the highly advantageous to their party.
As no one feemed better calculated for
this office than Walpole, he undertook a pamphlet, at their defire, on the
Thurſday, and publiſhed it on the Tueſday following, under the Title
of, A Short Hiftory of the Parliament, with the motto:
Hiſtory of
the laft Par-
liament.
Venalis Populus, venalis Curia Patrum.
To this publication is prefixed, a dedication by Pulteney, then his coad-
jutor, compofed in a ſtrain of irony and humour peculiarly his own, and in
which, though addreffed to an anonymous peer, it was cafy to perceive that
the earl of Oxford was the object of alluſion.
The pamphlet tends to prove, that the proceedings of the parliament had
been directly contrary to the honour and advantage of England. The au-
thor defends the meaſures of the late adminiftration with great ability;
and after refuting the cenfures paffed on Marlborough and Townshend,
inftances his own cafe, and deſcribes himſelf as ſharing the honour of an im-
peachment with thofe illuftrious men. His animadverfions on the conduct
of the parliament, were made with fo much freedom and afperity, that it
was not deemed prudent to entruſt them to a common printer. Walpole him-
ſelf, at a ſubſequent period, expreffes the apprehenfions of the danger he might
have incurred, had the author been difcovered. "There is a noble lord
From the late earl of Orford.
+ Article, Earl of Orford, in Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, in which many of his
other pamphlets are enumerated.
in
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
45
in the other houfe, who can, if he pleaſes, inform gentlemen, that the author
of that hiſtory was fo apprehenfive of the confequences of printing it, that
the prefs was carried to his houſe, and the copies printed there *.”
In the new parliament, which met on the 16th of February, Walpole, de-
riving freſh luftre from his late temporary eclipſe, diſtinguiſhed himſelf with
more than ufual ability. He warmly oppofed the peace; the foundation of
the South Sea company; the treaty of commerce with France; the fchifm
bill: and in all theſe inftances he proved his confummate knowledge and
experience in affairs of the moſt complicated nature, and greatly embarraffed
the ſpeakers on the fide of government.
Chapter 7.
1713 to 1714.
1714.
He was alſo particularly active in defence of Steele, who had rendered him- Defence of
felf obnoxious to the minifters by his bold writings on the fide of the Whigs, Steele.
and was accufed by auditor Foley, fir William Wyndham, and the Tories,
of having publiſhed the Englishman and the Crifis. The rage of party was
fo violent on this occafion, that an attempt was made to compel Steele to
withdraw, without entering into his own defence, but this unjuſt propofition
was over-ruled without a divifion, though it occafioned a debate of fome
length, in which Walpole took an active part. The motion, that he fhould March 18.
be permitted to make his defence to the imputed libel, paragraph by para-
graph, was, however, determined againft him. He then entered on his de-
fence, with a temper, modefty, and eloquence quite unufual to him, and conti-
nued fpeaking three hours. After he had withdrawn, no member on the fide
of the miniſtry attempted to anſwer him; and auditor Foley only obferved,
that without amufing the houfe with long fpeeches, it was plain to every
body, that the writings complained of, were feditious and fcandalous, in-
jurious to her majeſty's government, the church, and the univerſities;
and moved for the queftion. This motion occafioned a warm debate, in
which Walpole bore the moſt active and principal fhare. Among other
bold animadverfions, he obferved, That this violent profecution ftruck at
the liberties of the fubject in general, and of the members of that houſe in
particular; juftified Mr. Steele on all the heads of the acculation raiſed
against him; and faid, he hoped the houfe would not facrifice one of their
inembers to the refentment and rage of the miniflry, for no other crime than
his expofing their mifimanagements, and, like a good patriot, warning his
countrymen against the imminent dangers with which the nation in general,
and in particular her majefty's facred perfon were threatened, by the vifible
encouragement that was given to the Pretender's friends. In this defence,
* Chandler's Debates, April 13, 1738.-Probably the peer alluded to was lord Cobhim.
G 2
Walpole
44
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period I.
Walpole afked the houſe, "Why the author was answerable in parliament for
1676 to 1714 the things which he wrote in his private capacity? And if he is puniſh-
able by law, why is he not left to the law? By this mode of proceeding, par-
liament, which uſed to be the fcourge only of evil minifters, is made by mi-
nifters the fcourge of the fubject. The minifters, he added, are fufficiently.
armed with authority; they poffefs the great fanction of rewards and pu
niſhments, the difpofal of the privy purfe, the grace of pardoning, and the
power of condemning to the pillory for feditious writings; powers confiftent
with, and naturally arifing from their exalted fituation, and which they can-
not too jealouſly guard from being perverted to anſwer indirect or criminal
purpoſes. In former reigns, the audacity of corruption extended itſelf only
to judges and juries; the attempt fo to degrade parliament was, till the
preſent period, unheard of. The liberty of the prefs is unreftrained; how
then ſhall a part of the legislature dare to punish that as a crime which is
not declared to be fo by any law, framed by the whole? And why ſhould
that houſe be made the inftrument of fuch a deteſtable purpoſe; that houſe,
which had to boast the honourable diſtinction of being applied to, as the
fource of redrefs, in all cafes of oppreffion. Steele, he obferved, has advanced
nothing which bears a direct criminal conftruction; nothing which can be
conftrued into guilt without the affiftance of forced inuendoes; and fhall
parliament affume the ungracious part of thus inferring guilt from mere ar-
bitrary conftruction? If they do, what advantage to government or the
community can be expected to refult from fuch a meaſure? Are doctrines
refuted, and truths fuppreffed, by being cenfured or ftigmatized?—in the
reign of James, it was criminal to fay, that the king was a Papift; but the
feverity of the law, or the cruelty of its minifters could not eradicate from
the mind of a fingle individual, the confirmed belief of the fact. Steele is only
attacked, becauſe he is the advocate for the Proteftant fucceffion; the caufe
which he fo ably defends, gives the offence; through his fides the fucceffion is
To be wounded; his puniſhment will be a fymptom, that the fucceffion is in
danger; and the miniſtry are now feeling the pulſe of parliament, to ſee how
far they may be able to proceed. Does Mr. Steele, he inquired, incur any
blame for writing against Popery? In the reign of James, indeed, preaching
againſt Popery was confidered as cafting a reflection on the miniftry. But it
was not fo in the reign of king William. From what fatality does it ariſe, that
what is written in favour of the Proteftant fucceffion, and was countenanced
by the late miniftry, is deemed a libel on the preſent adminiftration? General
invectives in the pulpit against drinking, fornication, or any particular vice,
have never been eſteemed a reflection on particular perfons, unleſs theſe per-
I
fons
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
45
1
1
1
1
Chapter 7.
fons are guilty of the darling fin againſt which the preacher inveighs. It be-
comes, then, a fair inference, from their irritability and refentment against its 1713 to 1714.
defender, that the darling fin of the preſent adminiſtration is to obſtruct the
Proteftant fucceffion. If a Papift, nay an Iriſh Papift, who for many years
has been a fervant to the late king James, and the Pretender, (meaning Sir
Patrick Lawleſs) one who has borne arms againſt her majeſty in France
and Spain; one who is ftrongly fufpected of having embrued his hands in
the blood of the late duke of Medina Celi, and marquis of Leganez; if fuch
a man be not only permitted to come into England, but to appear at court,
in the prefence-chamber; if he be careffed by the minifters; nay, I fpeak
it with horror, if fuch a man be admitted into her majefty's private audience,
in her cloſet, will not every good fubject think her perfon in danger? And
is it then a crime in Mr. Steele to fhew his concern for fo precious a life *."
The minifters, however, carried their point; the Crifis and Engliſhman
were voted feditious libels, and Steele was expelled the houfe +.
66
པ་
The ſpeech of Walpole on this occafion procured him great applauſe;
but the public did not know, that the defence made by Steele himſelf, was
in a great degree the offspring of his eloquence; a fact related by biſhop
"When Steele was to be ex-
Newton, on the authority of Pulteney .
pelled the houſe of commons, Mr. Walpole and Mr. Pulteney, and Mr. Ad-
“diſon, were commiffioned to go to him, by the noblemen and members of
"the Kit Kat Club, with their pofitive order and determination, that Steele
"fhould not make his own fpeech, but Addifon fhould make it for him,
infertion or
"and he ſhould recite it from the other's writing, without any
"addition of his own. Addifon thought this an hard injunction, and faid,
"that he muſt be like a fchool-boy, and defire the gentlemen to give him a
"little fenfe. Walpole faid, that it was impoffible to fpeak a fpeech in cold
"blood; but being preffed, he faid he would try, and immediately ſpoke a
very good ſpeech of what he thought proper for Steele to fay on the occa-
"fion; and the next day in the houſe made another ſpeech as good, or better,
"on the fame fubject; but ſo totally different from the former, that there
"was fcarce a fingle argument or thought the fame; which particulars are
" mentioned as illuftrious proofs of his uncommon eloquence."
66
* The principal part of this ſpeech is taken
from memorandums, in the hand writing of Sir
Robert Walpole: Crford Papers.-Chandler.
+ Steele afterwarus publifhed, " An Apolo-
gy for himſelf and his Writings occafioned
by his Expulfion from the Houfe of Com-
mons," which, with a becoming gratitude, he
dedicated to Walpole.
Life of Bishop Newton, by himſelf.
1
46
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
1676 to 1714
27140
CHAPTER THE EIGHTH:
1714.
Zeal of Walpole for the Hanover Succeffion.-Juftification of his Conduct, on the
Preſumption that the Proteftant Succeffion was in Danger.-Public Alarms and
Apprehenfions.-Death of Queen Anne.
THE
HE great question, in which Walpole appears to have always exerted
himſelf with unabated zeal, was on the ftate of the nation with regard to
the danger of the Proteftant fucceffion. In the courfe of this debate, Bromley,
ſecretary of ſtate, having attempted to prove the negative, by repreſenting
the endeavours of the queen to fecure that object, and to remove the Pre-
Declares the tender from Loraine; Walpole, with great ſpirit and warmth, avowed his opi-
nion, that although the queen herſelf afforded no cauſe of apprehenfion, yet
much was to be dreaded from the dubious conduct of fome perfons, and
therefore infifted that her name fhould not be introduced.
Proteftant
fucceffion in
danger.
Examination
of his mo-
tives.
Intrigues in
favour of the
Pretender.
The zeal of Walpole on this fubject, was by no means adopted from a
fpirit of oppofition, and was not a fudden ſpark ftruck out by the circum-
ſtances of the moment: it was a leading principle which had regulated his
political conduct from his firft entrance into life; it had been inftilled into
him by education, and matured by reafon and reflection, to which he uni-
formly adhered in all fituations and under all circumftances.
If his object in fpieading thefe alarms was to diftrefs government, and to
excite tumults against the minifters, he acted a falfe and wicked part; but
if he really had reafon for his fufpicions, he muſt be juſtified by every prin-
ciple of attachment to the religion and conſtitution of the country. He can
only be fully vindicated from the conviction, that it was the fecret with
and refolution of the queen to exclude the Hanover family, and to restore
the Pretender, and that the minifters were difpofed to co-operate with her
inclinations. At the period of which we are now fpeaking, the ſtrongeſt ſuſ-
picions were entertained, that fuch a fcheme was in agitation, and thoſe fuf-
picions have been ſince verified by the moſt authentic documents.
It was natural to fuppofe, that as the queen had no furviving iflue, her affection
for her brother, of whofe legitimacy fhe appears never to have entertained a
doubt, would fuperfede her inclination to a forcign family. She had often de-
clared that ſhe did not confider the crown as her right, and the impreffions of
conſcience
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
47
1714.
conſcience naturally led her to atone for the wrongfulneſs of her poffeffion, by Chapter 8.
permitting it to refume its ancient courfe of defcent. In theſe ideas, fhe
was encouraged by her favorite, Mrs. Maſham; and when, by the intrigues of
that artful woman, the chief impediment to her projects, the afcendancy of the
Whig party, was removed, fhe entertained them with leſs reſerve, and em-
ployed herſelf affiduouſly to give them effect. Harley, who had fucceeded
in dividing the Whigs, fo as to prevent their exerting their whole united
force in a confiftent oppofition, yet found he could not carry on the govern-
ment, and make a peace, without the affiftance of the Jacobites: a direct
communication was opened between the court of St. Germain's, and that
of London; the Pretender addreffed a pathetic letter to the queen,
urging his own right to the crown, in which every foothing effort of
fupplication and fubmiffion was employed, and every appeal made to fa-
mily pride, to tenderneſs, and juftice, which could be fuppofed to influence
a mind naturally benevolent and juft, and which was beginning, through
laffitude and perplexity, to feek fome repofe from the multiplied cares of a
ftormy government. Under theſe finifter aufpices, the peace of Utrecht was
made; a peace which confounded the characters of victors and vanquiſhed,
and in which the grand objects of the war were completely relinquiſhed.
The interefts of the Pretender were kept in view, rather than thoſe of the
country, and the queen was anxious that the French king fhould not be
deprived of the power of affording him effectual affiftance.
The eſtabliſhment of the Proteftant religion was the only motive which
could counterect the bias of the queen's mind in favour of her brother.
The influence of that confideration was much diminiſhed by her diflike to
the family deſtined to fucceed her; a prejudice which induced her to refift all
approach of them to her perſon, and to oppoſe the applications of the electrefs
Sophia, for a writ to call up the electoral prince to the houſe of peers; as a
prejudice fo well known to thofe who poffeffed her confidence, that Mrs.
Maſham made no fcruple to declare to the French minifter, whom Louis
the Fourteenth fent to treat for peace, that the Hanover family was all their
averfion*, and that it was the with of the queen, that matters ſhould be ſo ar-
ranged that juftice might at fome time take place. Thole who favoured the
cauſe of the Pretender, were fo anxious to avail themſelves of theſe favourable
appearances, that they adviſed him, either in fhew, or in fact, to renounce his
religion, to withdraw himſelf from the protection of the French king, to marry
a Proteftant, and refide in Sweden. Matters were carried fo far, that fome
* Macpherſon's Papers, vol. 2.
of
48
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
of his fanguine partifans adviſed him to come to Scotland, and others
1676 to 1714 even projected a plan for his being prefented by the queen to the parlia-
ment, and publicly acknowledged as her fucceffor *. Meetings were alfo
held, both in town and country, to promote the repeal of the act of
fettlement, and to veſt in the queen the power of nominating a fuccef-
for. Theſe ſchemes were directly over-ruled, or indirectly counteracted by
Harley, who, notwithſtanding his junction with the Jacobites, for the fole
purpoſe of making a peace, and maintaining his ground againſt the Whigs,
does not appear ever to have wiſhed to fruftrate the proviſions of the act of
fettlement. His conduct at length made fuch an impreffion on that party, that
through their intrigues he was difmiffed from adminiftration, on a fufpicion
of lukewarmnefs or duplicity, and Bolingbroke, who was fuppofed to be more
implicitly devoted to their interefts, was recommended as his fucceffor by
the duke of Berwick, natural fon of James the Second, and the Pretender's
agent with the difaffected in England.
The Whigs
apprized of
thefe in-
trigues.
Arguments
of the other
party.
Theſe intrigues were too public and notorious to elcape the knowledge
of the friends to the Proteftant fucceffion; Sir Robert Walpole, in the
latter period of his life, frequently declared that the leaders of the Whigs
were fully apprized of them, and that he, in particular, drew his information
from two perfons who were prefent at a meeting in the country between the
chiefs of the miniftry and the leading men of both houſes. Their deliberations
turned on the manner of invalidating or repealing the act of fucceffion. An
actual repeal, and a pofitive declaration of the Pretender's right, was moved
by fome: it was recommended by others, to leave to the queen a full power
to nominate her fucceffor by will.
Thoſe who treat the danger of the Proteftant fucceffion as chimerical,
obſerve in reply to theſe inferences, that from the time of the Revolution,
many of the miniſters had correſponded with the Pretender and his family;
fome of them with the connivance of the fovereign on the throne, and probably
with a view of diſcovering the fchemes of the Jacobites. On fimilar principles
it may be conjectured, that Bolingbroke and Ormond might alfo have
caballed with Berwick and the agents of the Pretender, with a view only
of obtaining the difmiffion of Oxford, and the fupport of the Jacobites; and
might, as foon as they had fecured themſelves in their places, have followed
the example of Oxford. In corroboration of this argument, it appears from
a letter of Erafmus Lewis to Swift §, that Bolingbroke, at this period, courted
* See Memoires de Berwick.
+ Etough's Minutes of a Conference with
Horace Walpole, at Putney, Auguft 6 and 20,
1752.
See Macpherſon's Papers, vol. 2. p. 529
-534.
§ Swift's Letters, vol. 1. Letter 150.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
49
the principal leaders of the Whigs, and Walpole * himſelf admitted that Bo-
lingbroke had held a meeting with them for the purpoſe of arranging the terms
of a coalition, at which he gave the moſt pofitive affurances of his good
wiſhes to the Proteftant fucceffion; but when it was infifted, that as a proof of
his fincerity, the Pretender ſhould be removed to fuch a diſtance as would
prevent his interference in the affairs of England, the minifter declared his
inability to obtain the confent of the queen, to what ſhe deemed the baniſh-
ment of her brother. To attempt to fathom the politics, and unqueſtion-
ably trace the deſigns of the artful and unprincipled Bolingbroke, would
be difficult, even at this time, when party prejudices have fubfided, and
when many lights have been thrown on his conduct. But at the period
here alluded to, the tafk was impracticable. How could the Whigs dif
criminate whether his intrigues with Marlborough, and his attempts to open
a negotiation with fome of their leaders, were intended merely to counteract
the defigns of Oxford, or to deceive them; or whether his correfpondence
with Berwick and the Pretender, was carried on with the view to promote or
fruftrate their ſchemes?
Chapter 8.
1714.
But fuch conjectures do not strictly apply to the queftion in agitation, Refuted.
Whether intrigues were not employed to fet afide the Hanover line, and
to induce the queen to affift in placing the Pretender on the throne? That
fimple fact is incontrovertible, and affords a juftification of the Whigs, and of
thofe Tories who were friends to the Hanover line, that having knowledge of
fuch cabals, or even entertaining ſtrong prefumptions of them, they ſhould uſe
every means to defeat thoſe attempts. They were bound in duty to propofe
fuch ſtrong meaſures as would awaken the Proteftants to a fenfe of their danger,
and force the queen and miniftry to confent to fuch acts, as were moft likely to
fecure the fucceffion; and they were to come forwards repeatedly and conti-
nually, that the paffions of men might not be fuffered to fleep, and that the
danger might be made manifeft to the difcernment of the public. They are
therefore fufficiently vindicated for ſetting a price on the Pretender's head; for
confulting with the agents of Hanover; for adviſing Baron Schutz to demand
the writ for the electoral prince to be called to the houſe of peers, and for
infifting that he ſhould be permitted to refide in London, although Oxford
told the duke of Kent, that to bring over one of the electoral family, would
be to bring the queen's coffin to her view. Here then is an ample juflifica-
tion of the Whigs, and of Walpole their zealous partifan, for fo decifively
VOL. I.
*
Etough's minutes of a conference with Sir R. Walpole.
HI
endeavouring
Friends of
the fucce.-
fien vindi-
cated.
50
MEMOIRS OF
Period I.
endeavouring to counteract, in every legal manner, the defigns of the queen
1676 to 1714. and the Jacobites.
Alarming
ſtate of af-
fairs.
*""
The laſt fix months of the reign of Anne, was a fearful period; big with
alarms, during which the kingdom ftood on the " perilous edge* of domeftic
commotions and foreign invafion. The nation was divided into three par-
ties, each differently intereſted in regard to the fucceffion of the Hanover
line. The Jacobites, hoſtile and exulting; the Tories, difaffected, neutral,
or lukewarm; the Whigs, always active, yet occafionally defponding, anxious
to avoid a civil war, yet determined to hazard their lives and fortunes in
ſupport of their religion and conftitution; and it is impoffible to read the
Stuart and Hanover Papers, in Macpherfon's Collection for 1714, and the
Memoirs of Berwick, and of the duke of Hamilton, without shuddering at
the dangers which ſeemed likely to burſt forth from the violence of thoſe par-
ties, and the collifion of difcordant opinions.
The earl of Cheſterfield was firmly convinced, that if the queen had lived
three months longer, the religion and liberties of this country would have been
in imminent danger. The patience of the Whigs was nearly exhauſted;
their apprehenfions increaſed, and induced them to form affociations for the
protection of their religion and liberties; the people caught the alarm; many
of the Tories began to fee the danger, and to act in conjunction with the
Whigs for the general fecurity.
At this important crifis, the queen was ſeized with a ſudden ſtroke of
apoplexy, which took away her fenfes, and foon occafioned her death. Al-
though ſhe had diſmiſſed Oxford, ſhe had not yet nominated his fucceffor;
and while Bolingbroke and his party were wavering, the dukes of Argyle and
Somerſet entered the council chamber without being fummoned, and moved
for an examination of the phyſicians. The queen being pronounced in
great danger, they reprefented that it was neceffary to fill up the place of
lord treaſurer, and the duke of Shrewſbury was propofed. The whole board
affenting, the queen, during a lucid interval, delivered to him the white ftaff.
The privy counſellors being fummoned, Somers, and other friends to the
Proteftant fucceffion, made their appearance; and every precaution was
taken to quiet the public mind, and to enfure the acceffion of the elector of
Hanover. Anne expired on the first of Auguft 1714; and Bolingbroke,
Queen Anne. expreffes himſelf in a § letter to Swift, dated Auguſt 3; "The earl of Ox-
ford was removed on Tueſday; the queen died on Sunday. What a world
is this, and how does fortune banter us !"
Death of
* Milton.
+ Life of Lord Cheſterfield, p. 13.-Letter
to Mr. Jumeau.
↑ Tindal.
§ Swift's Letters, vol. 1. p. 507.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
5)
PERIOD THE SECOND:
From the Acceffion of GEORGE the Firſt, to the Commencement
of the South Sea Scheme:
1714-1720.
CHAPTER THE NINTH.
General State of the European Powers at the Death of Queen Anne, with respect
to their Inclination or Capacity to promote or obftruct the Acceffion of George the
Firft.-State of Great Britain.-Character of George the Firft-not calculated
to promote his Cauſe.
No pr
Period II.
prince ever afcended a throne under more critical circumſtances, and
with lefs appearance of a quiet reign, than George the Firft; whether 1714 to 1720.
we confider the ſtate of the European powers, the fituation of parties in Great
Britain, or his own character.
Moſt of the European powers were at this critical juncture, from motives
of prejudice, alliance, or perfonal diſlike, averſe to the interefts of the elector
of Hanover; and thoſe who had not taken a decided part againſt him, with
the exception of Pruffia and Holland alone, were indifferent, or incapable of
fhewing their friendſhip.
State of
Europe.
Although Louis the Fourteenth had guaranteed, at the peace of Utrecht, France.
the right of the houfe of Hanover to fucceed to the crown of Great Britain,
and on the demiſe of Anne had acknowledged George the Firſt, yet it
was well known that his attachment to the Roman Catholic religion,
his jealoufy of England, and a ſpirit of magnanimity which he greatly affect-
ed, would lead him to affift, if poffible, the unfortunate prince, whom
he had once publicly received as the lawful fucceffor of James the Se-
cond. Though too much exhauſted by the late war, to follow his inclina-
tions by any active interference, he connived at the preparations making by
the
H 2
52
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
the Pretender within his dominions; and fhould any domeftic infurrections
714 to 1720. take place, fo as to give hopes of fuccefs, he was ready to pour in the whole
force of France to promote a reſtoration.
Spain.
Portugal.
The Em-
peror.
Pruffia.
Spain, at this period, was little more than a province of France, and her
fovereign Philip the Fifth acted in perfect ſubordination to the will of his
grandfather Louis the Fourteenth, to whofe affiftance he was principally
indebted for the crown. He nouriſhed a violent antipathy to the elector
of Hanover, and though prudence and neceffity induced him to acknow-
ledge him king of Great Britain, yet his principles and wiſhes inclined
him to favour the Stuarts.
John the Fifth reigned in Portugal, a prince who poffeffed greater talents
and activity than any of the fovereigns of the line of Braganza. But he was
already involved in a war with Spain, and though he had fome confidence
in the promiſes of affiftance from George, yet he depended more on the me--
diation of France, and was, of courſe, liable to be biaffed by the cabinet of
Verfailles.
The emperor Charles the Sixth, the head of the houſe of Auftria, difap-
pointed as well as incenfed at the manner in which the peace of Utrecht had
been concluded, maintained a gloomy referve with refpect to the affairs of
England, and might fairly be fuppofed rather inimical than otherwiſe to the
interefts of George, whofe growing influence in Germany, he watched with
a jealous circumfpection. He well knew that the party in England, which
favoured the acceffion of the houfe of Brunfwick, was extremely weak, and
believed that the Elector himſelf was indifferent to his elevation, and on
theſe accounts he was unwilling to offend his competitor by too great an op-
pofition to his intereft *. In confequence of theſe motives, he refuſed, at
the peace at Raftadt, to guaranty the fucceffion of the family of George the
Firſt to the crown of Great Britain.
The moft powerful among the German princes was Frederic William king
of Pruffia, who was included in the entail of the act of fettlement, and who
had eſpouſed Sophia Dorothea, the daughter of George the Firft. Upon the
firſt news of Anne's illneſs, he repaired to Hanover, and affured his father-
in-law, the elector, that he would affift him with all his forces to main-
Lain his title to the British throne. But the Pruffian monarch had not
yet eſtabliſhed, on a firm bafis, his great fyftem of military tactics, and his
whole force could only tend to preſerve the electorate of Hanover, but could'
* Macpherſon's State Papers, vol. 2. p. 638.
Lord Townshend to Count Starenberg Goerde, October 24, 1725. ·
not
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
53-
not afford any effectual affiftance to the king of Great Britain in refifting ex-
ternal enemies, or curbing internal oppofition.
The United Provinces, enfeebled by exertions above their ſtrength, bending
under a vaſt load of debt, confidering themfelves fhamefully deferted by
England, and unwilling to contract new engagements which might again
expoſe them to freſh dangers and new debts, yet were the only ſtate who
acted with fincerity and ſpirit. Conſcious that the reſtoration of the Pretender
would be followed by a ftrict union between France and England, which
might prove deſtructive to their interefts, they promoted, to the utmoſt of
their power, the acceffion of George the Firſt, and received him, as he paſſed
through their country to take poffeffion of his throne, with every demonftra
tion of reſpect and affection.
Chapter 9.
1714.
Holland.
Ruffia was juſt emerging from Afiatic indolence and barbarity, and rifing Ruffia.
into importance under the amazing efforts of Peter the Great, who already
entertained thoſe jealoufies againſt George the Firſt, which afterwards nearly
broke out into open hoftilities. But at prefent he was engaged in a war
with Sweden and Turkey;, and was not in a fituation either to obſtruct or.
affift the acceffion.
Sweden, involved in a deſtructive war with Ruffia, Denmark, and Poland, Sweden.
in which ſhe had loft her faireft provinces, and feen her veteran foldiers either
exterminated or taken priſoners, was no longer in that proud fituation which.
enabled her to give law to the north. Irritated against George the Firſt for
the claims which he had begun to make on Biemen and Verden, Charles the
Twelfth would have oppofed his acceffion, if his circumſtances and fituation
had permitted. But he was at this critical moment reſident in Turkey, uſe-
leſsly diſplaying thoſe inſtances of romantic bravery and inflexible obftinacy,.
which characteriſed rather the leader of a favage horde of Tartars, than a.
fovereign of a great and civilized people.
Denmark, under the wife adminiſtration of Frederic the Fourth, was juft Denmark.
beginning to recover from the deep wounds inflicted by a long war with Swe-
den, which ſtill continued; her commerce languifhing, and the refources of
the ſtate almoſt exhaufted. The king might confider the acceffion of his
ally, who had long afpired to fhare the fpoils of Sweden, a fortunate occurrence..
But Denmark was more likely to derive affiftance from George, than George
to receive any effectual fuccour from Denmark. Frederic was at the beft.
but a paffive friend, and only in a fituation to defend his own territories and
conqueſts, and not to act offenfively in his favour.
1
Poland, under the feeble domination of an elective monarch, was declining, Poland,
faſt in the political ſcale of Europe. Auguftus the Second was almoſt a
cypher, totally governed by Peter the Great, to whom he owed his re-efta-
bliſhment,
}
54
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
bliſhment, and in no reſpect fufficiently confiderable to affect the fucceffion
1714 to 1720. in England.
Italy.
The Pope.
Savoy and
Piedmont,
The ſmall ſovereignties, and petty republics of Italy, were of little confi-
deration.
The Pope, no longer a great temporal prince, took no active fhare in the
general affairs of Europe. Innocent the Thirteenth, however inclined to favour
the Pretender, poffeffed neither influence or ftrength fufficient to obſtruct
the fucceffion of the Proteftant line; he could only offer an afylum to
a prince, whofe father had facrificed his crown to his religion; and who,
after being driven from place to place as an outcaft from fociety, thought
himſelf fortunate in being permitted to hide his profcribed head within the
capital of the ecclefiaftical dominions.
Savoy and Piedmont, from their critical fituation between France and
the Milaneſe, and from the tranfcendent talents and military fkill of
feveral fovereigns, particularly Emanuel Philibert, and Charles Emanuel
the Firſt, had riſen from a petty principality into confequence. Victor Ama-
deus, the reigning prince, no lefs ambitious and enterpriſing than his
great predeceffors, had followed their policy, in felling himſelf to thoſe
who bid the higheft for his affiftance and alliance, and in making gradually
fmall acquifitions, which increafed his ftrength, without giving umbrage to
his neighbours, acting in conformity to a proverb, which he is faid to have
applied to the Milanefe: "I muft acquire the Milanefe province by province,
"as I eat the leaves of an artichoke."
Of all the European fovereigns who had acceded to the grand alliance,
Victor Amadeus alone had reafon to be contented with the meaſures of the
British cabinet. Anne had zealouſly exerted herſelf in his favour, and
obtained for him, at the peace of Utrecht, the kingdom of Sicily; that part
of the duchies of Montferrat and Milan, by the ceffion of which Leopold
had detached him from France, and the guaranty of the fucceffion to the
crown of Spain, on the failure of the male line of Philip the Fifth.
Yet theſe important advantages had not fatisfied the aſpiring views of Victor
Amadeus. His confort, Anna Maria, grand-daughter of Charles the Firſt of
England, and the next in fucceffion after the children of James the Second, had
proteſted againſt the act of fettlement, as contrary to her right by hereditary
deſcent; and he confidered the elector of Hanover as ufurping a crown
which belonged to his fon. He, therefore, looked with an evil eye on the
peaceful acceffion of George the Firſt, and with that verfatility of politics
that marked his character, was already meditating a return to his old alliance
with France, which he afterwards effected.
Such
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
Such was the general fituation of Europe at the death of queen Anne;
George had more enemies than friends, and his fole dependance was placed
on the ſpirit and vigour of his partifans in England; but the ſtate of this
country was not fuch as to augur fuccefs.
55
Chapter 9.
1714.
The reigns of his two immediate predeceffors had been ftormy, diftracted State of par-
with factions, and opened a gloomy proſpect of a new reign, under a foreign
ties.
fovereign. The contending political parties, exafperated by long oppofition
and all the injuries attending alternate elevation and depreffion, expreſſed
their rancour in mutual accufation and virulent reproach.
The Tories, who, though extremely powerful, both in refpect of numbers
and property, were cenfurable for their arrogance, in pronouncing them-
felves, exclufively, the landholders and proprietors of the kingdom, reviled
their opponents as a faction which leaned for fupport on the enemies of the
church and monarchy, and on the bank, and monied intereft, which was as
they faid raiſed by ufury, and founded on corruption.
The Whigs retaliated by charging the Tories, who formed the bulk of the
nation, and included moſt of the country gentlemen and parochial clergy,
with an attachment to the French, and hatred of the Dutch; with all the
crimes with which they loaded the framers of the peace of Utrecht, and with.
favouring the interefts of Louis the Fourteenth, becauſe he ſupported their
idol the Pretender. It is a great injuſtice however, to confound, as they
did, the characters of the Tories and Jacobites; for although many of the
Tories had, from motives of pique or difappointed ambition, as well as from
affection, correſponded with the court of St. Germains, yet it did not follow
that they all uniformly entertained the fcheme of reftoring the dethroned
family: Yet the inculpation was not divefted of all fhew of truth; the ge-
neral principles of the Tories tended ſtrongly to enforce paffive obedience
and non-reſiſtance, and as they diſapproved the doctrines which occafioned
the revolution, cenfured by implication the Proteftant fucceffion. The Ja-
cobites too, dilappointed in their towering hopes, favoured this popular
miſapprehenfion, by endeavouring to connect the caufe and opinions of the
Tories with their own. The ſtrong feature of diſtinction between the Whigs
and Tories was, that the Tories were willing to have affented to the re-
ſumption of the crown by the Pretender, if he would have embraced the
Proteſtant perſuaſion; while the Whigs, armed with juft diffidence and dif-
truſt, and conſidering the political principles in which he had been educated,
no leſs hoftile to their liberties, than his faith was to their religious perfua-
fion, would admit of no compromiſe,, nor on any terms agree to his refto-
ration.
The
36
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
The Tories were reinforced by the Jacobites, who poffeffed great credit
1714 to 1720. abroad, and influence at home; who had acquired an unlimited afcendancy in
the Clans of Scotland, full of refentment at the act of union, which deſtroyed
their independence; and amongst the Papifts of Ireland, who formed the
bulk of that kingdom, and were attached to their caufe by every tie of religious
confideration. The Whigs, to balance the influence of the Jacobites and Ca-
tholics, had the affiftance of the whole body of Diffenters, who, irritated at
the feverity of the fchifm bill, paffed under the influence of the Tories, hoped,
from a Proteftant monarch, and a Whig adminiſtration, a repeal of that
law.
Character of
George the
First.
The Whigs now raiſed themſelves from the defpondency into which they
had been thrown by the meafures of the four laft years of the queen, and
hailed the new reign as the commencement of their triumph. The Tories,
divided and irrefolute, concealed their chagrin in a fhew of fubmiffion, while
they meditated new manoeuvres for the attainment of power; and the Ja-
cobites, precipitated from the exultation of hope too fondly indulged, fub-
mitted for the preſent, but refolved to embrace the first opportunity of break-
ing into open rebellion.
›
George the Firſt, who, by the death of his mother, the electreſs Sophia
fucceeded to the throne of Great Britain, in virtue of the act of Settle-
ment, was ill calculated by nature, difpofition, and habit, to reconcile
thefe jarring parties, and remove the unfavourable impreffions, which it was
natural for all people to entertain of a foreigner, deftined to rule over them.
He was already fifty-four years of age, and had been long habituated to a
court of a different defcription from that of England, to manners and cuſtoms,
wholly repugnant to thofe of his new fubjects. He was below the middle
ftature, and his perfon, though well proportioned, did not impreſs dignity or
refpect. His countenance was benign, but without much expreffion; and
his addreſs aukward. He was eaſy and familiar only in his hours of relaxa-
tion, and to thofe alone who formed his uſual fociety; not fond of attracting
notice, phlegmatic and grave in his public deportment, hating the fplendour
of majesty, fhunning crouds, and fatigued even with the firft acclamations
of the multitude. This natural referve was heightened by his ignorance of
the language, of the first principles of the Engliſh conftitution, and of the
fpirit and temper of the people. Without tafte for the fine arts, except muſic,
or the ſmalleſt inclination for polite literature, men of talents had no reaſon
*Sophia, grand-daughter of James the Firſt, and widow of Erneſt Auguftus, elector of Hanover,
died the 8th of June, 1714, only two months before queen Anne, in the 84th year of her age.
to
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
57
to expect from his influence, that patronage which had attended them in the Chapter 9.
preceding reign.
*
It was currently reported that meaſures were preparing to evade the laws
which excluded foreigners from honours and employments. The example
of William was not forgotten, who by his largeffes to Bentinck, Zuleftein,
and Keppel, had given fo much umbrage, and George had feveral miftreffes,
of whom two the moſt favoured were expected to accompany him to Eng-
land, with a numerous train of Hanoverian followers, eager to ſhare the
fpoils of the promised land; to fet up a court within a court, and an in-
tereft oppofite to the true intereft of England. It was alfo malicioufly cir-
culated, that he was indifferent to his own fucceffion, and ſcarcely
willing to ſtretch out a hand to graſp the crown within his reach; a report
which materially leffened his influence in foreign courts, and tended to pro-
duce reciprocal indifference in the English. But he had excellent qualities
for a fovereign, plainneſs of manners, fimplicity of character, and benignity of
temper; great application to buſineſs, extreme exactneſs in diftributing his
time, the ſtrictcft economy in regulating his revenue; and, notwithſtanding
his military ſkill and tried valour, a love of peace; virtues, however, which
required time before they were appreciated, and not of that fpecious caft to
captivate the multitude, or to raiſe the tide of popularity.
From this repreſentation, it appears that few circumftances concurred to
favour his quiet acceffion; and yet no fon ever fucceeded his father on the
throne, after an uninterrupted fucceffion of a long line of anceſtors, with
greater tranquillity than George the Firft. This fuccefs was principally
owing to the abilities, prudence, activity, and forefight of the great Whigs,
and to the precautions which they had always taken, and now took, to pre-
mote the fucceffion in the Proteftant line, with whom the Hanoverian agents
in London concerted their mode of conduct, and to whom the elector of
Hanover, from the firft news he received of the queen's death, wholly refigned
himſelf and his caufe.
1714.
*Macpherfon, vol. 2. p. 638.
VOL. 1.
I
58
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
3714101720.
Proceedings
on the death
of the queen.
Proclamation
of king
George.
Auguft 1.
Meeting of
Parliament.
CHAPTER THE TENTH:
1714.
Proceedings in Parliament on the Death of Queen Anne. Acceffion of George the
Firft.-Tranfactions at Hanover.-Artful Policy of the King, in his Conduct to
the Two Parties.-His Arrival in England.-Formation of a Whig Miniftry.
-Walpole Paymaster of the Forces.-Inveteracy of Parties.
TH
HE queen had no fooner expired, than the great officers of the realm,
in whom the regency bill had veſted the executive power, together with
certain peers, appointed by the elector of Hanover, in three inftruments
written by himſelf, took upon themſelves, as lords juftices, the adminiſtra-
tion of affairs till the arrival of the new fovereign, and fummoned the privy
council.
George was proclaimed king, with the ufual folemnities, in the cities of
London and Weftminſter; no diforder was committed, or oppofition made,
and the earl of Dorſet was diſpatched to carry to Hanover the news of his
inauguration, and to attend him to England. The proclamation took place
with equal tranquillity at Edinburgh and Dublin.
On the Sunday, when the queen died, the parliament met purſuant to the
act which regulated the fucceffion. Sir Thomas Hanmer, the fpeaker, being
abſent, Bromley, ſecretary of ſtate, moved that the houſe ſhould adjourn to
Wedneſday; but fir Richard Onflow oppofing this motion, from the confider-
ation that time was too precious to be loft at fo critical a juncture, propoſed,
that the houſe fhould adjourn only to the following morning, which was
carried. The three fucceeding days being occupied in taking the oaths, on
the 5th the lords juftices came to the houſe of peers, and the chancellor, in their
name, made a ſpeech, declaring that they had, in virtue of the act of fettle-
ment, and in conjunction with the privy council, proclaimed the elector of
Hanoverking; and as ſeveral branches of the public revenue had expired by the
demiſe of the queen, recommended the houſe of commons to make fuch pro-
vifions as were requifite to fupport the dignity and honour of the crown *.
Both houſes unanimouſly agreed to addreffes of condolence for the death
of queen Anne, and of congratulation on the acceffion of the king; and
* Journals.
when,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
59
Chapter 10.
1714.
ports the
when, in the houſe of commons, the ſecretary of ſtate, in moving the addrefs,
expatiated on the great lofs which the nation had fuftained, Walpole fe-
conded the motion, but propoſed "to add fomething more fubftantial
than words, by giving affurances of making good all parliamentary funds;" Walpole fup-
and Onflow, member for Surry, obferved, that the force of the addreſs motion for
ought to confift, not in condolence only, but congratulations, and in an addrefs.
affuring the king of their firm refolution to fupport his undoubted title
to the crown, and to maintain the public credit. The Whigs acted with
extraordinary prudence at this crifis: For when the renewal of the civil lift
was brought into the lower houfe, the Tories, under pretence of extraor-
dinary zeal for the new government, propofed one million, which was
£300,000 more than the revenue of the late queen. But the king's friends,
apprehenſive that the Tories acted infidioufly, either with a view to conciliate
favour, or for the purpoſe of reproaching him afterwards, as oppreffing the
nation by a higher revenue than his predeceffor had enjoyed, did not fecond
the motion, and it was dropped. A bill paffed, fixing the fame fum which
had been granted in the laſt reign, with two additional clauſes, moved by
Horace Walpole, for the payment of arrears due to the troops of Hanover,
and for a reward of £. 100,000, from the treaſury, to any perfon apprehend-
ing the Pretender, if he ſhould attempt to land in any part of the Britiſh
dominions,
The king having returned an anfwer to the addreffes, the lords juftices
came again to the houſe of peers on the 23d of Auguft, and the chancellor
intimated his majefty's great fatisfaction at the loyalty and affection which
his fubjects had diſplayed: other loyal addreſſes were made in reply; the royal
affent was given by the lords juftices to the money bills, and parliament
prorogued to the 23d of September; and thus ended a feffion, which was
conducted with a degree of tranquillity and unanimity long unknown to
their proceedings, and feemed to give a happy omen of a quiet and profperous
reign *.
The king's
anfwer to the
addreffes.
During theſe tranſactions, the eyes of Europe and the expectations of Eng- Tranfactions
land were naturally directed to Hanover. On the 26th of July, the earl of at Hanover.
Clarendon, a zealous Tory, who was appointed envoy extraordinary from the
queen, had arrived in that capital; but it was not till the 4th of Auguſt that
he received his firft audience at the palace of Herenhaufen. At this interview
the elector affected to repoſe the higheft confidence in the promiſes of the
queen, expreffed a ſenſe of the obligations which his family owed to her, and
* Journals-Political State of Great Britain.-Chandler.-Tindal.
I 2
profeffed
60
MEMOIRS OF
profeffed himſelf unacquainted with the demand made by the electrefs, of
17141720 the writ for calling his fon to the houfe of peers*. Craggs, who had been fent
Prudent con-
duct of the
ling.
with an account of the queen's dangerous illnefs, arrived there on the 27th,
and inftantly went to Herenhaufen with the letter from the privy council;
and on the fame night three other expreffes came over, two to the king,
and one to Clarendon, with the news of the queen's death. On the receipt of
this intelligence, the king fummoned his council; and baron Polnitz, who
was at Hanover, adds, "many people were pleaſed to ſay, that the elector
hcftated whether he fhould accept of the auguit dignity; but for my part,
I fancy that the voyage to England was more the fubject of the council's
deliberation, than the qu ftion whether the crown fhould be accepted.
دو
When the council was over, he was complimented on his acceffion; and
gave orders to make preparations for his departure, which he judiciously
delayed, that he might obtain from England fuch information as would
affift him in the difficult tafk of forming a new adminiſtration, which he
managed with great prudence and dexterity.
George had already conducted himſelf with fo much addrefs, that Cla-
rendon does not appear to have entertained the fmalleft fufpicion of any
difinclination to the Tories; and Bernfdorf and Goertz, his two principal
minifters at Hanover, correfponded refpectively with each party. Bernsdorf
efpoufed the Whigs, Goertz the Tories, fo that each party entertained
hopes of being called into office. The expectations of the Tories were ſtill
farther raiſed by the conduct of Halifax, who, difappointed of the office of
lord high treaſurer, by the influence of Townſhend, propofed the formation
of a motley miniſtry, recommending, among other Tories, Bromley to be
chancellor of the exchequer, and Sir Thomas Hanmer one of the tellers.
The hope that the king would accede to this, or fome other arrangement,
and their " dependance on real credit and fubftantial power under the new
government ||," kept the Tories in ſuſpenſe, and prevented their oppofing
his eſtabliſhment. Yet, though the king did not feem averſe to their
cauſe, he appears at that very time to have formed, with the advice of
Bothmar, his agent in London, an adminiſtration entirely of Whigs,
but of this he gave no public indication till after his arrival at the
Hague, which occafioned a report, that he was not before decided from
which party he ſhould felect a cabinet. At the Hague, the afcendancy
of the Whigs was manifeft, by the publication of the appointment of
66
* Correfpondence, period 2d. Clarendon's
Letter to Bromley—Auguſt 7th.
Tindal, v. 18, p. 388.
Memoirs of Polnitz: Article Hanover.
|| Bolingbroke's Letter to Sir William
Wyndham,
2
Townshend
{
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
61
f
1714.
Townshend to be fecretary of ftate, with the power of nominating his col- Chapter 10.
league. In fact, Horace Walpole *, the brother in law and confidential fecre-
tary of lord Townſhend, by whofe recommendation Stanhope was afterwards
affociated with Townshend as fecretary, pofitively denies that it was ever the
king's intention to form a Tory adminiftration.
The moft agreeable accounts being tranfmitted by Bothmar, that things
wore a favourable appearance, the king continued a fortnight at the Hague,
receiving the affectionate congratulations of the ftates, and the compliments
of the foreign miniſters, and fettling with the Whigs the mode of his future
conduct, and the members of the new adminiftration to be appointed on his
arrival in England.
At fix in the afternoon, on the 18th of September, amidſt a large con- Arrival of
courſe of nobility and gentry, George the Firſt landed at Greenwich. He the king.
particularly diſtinguiſhed the Whig lords, did not pay the ſmalleſt attention
to Ormond and Harcourt, and only flightingly noticed Oxford, who was on
the following morning admitted to kifs his hand.
The appointment of the new adminiſtration had been already announced New mini-
by previous arrangements. The lords of the regency declared Addifon their fry.
fecretary, and ordered all difpatches to be forwarded to him; to the great mor-
tification of Bolingbroke, who was obliged to ftand at the door of the coun-
cil with his papers, without obtaining admittance. On the 28th of Auguſt,
an exprefs had arrived from Hanover, bearing orders from the king for
removing Bolingbroke from his office of fecretary of ſtate; the difmiffion was
attended with evident marks of difpleaſure from the lords of the regency,
Shrewſbury, Somerſet, and Cowper taking the feals, and locking the doors of
his office; and on the 17th of September, before the king's arrival, Townſhend
was fworn principal fecretary of ſtate in his place. Stanhope was appointed
the other fecretary; Cowper, lord chancellor; Marlborough, commander in
chief; Wharton, privy feal; Sunderland, lord lieutenant of Ireland; Halifax,
firſt lord commiffioner of the treaſury; Devonshire, lord fteward of the
houſehold; Orford, firft lord commiffioner of the admiralty; Somerfèt,
mafter of the horſe; Walpole, paymafter of the forces, and many of his
friends provided for in fubordinate offices. The principal employments
were filled with Whigs; Shrewsbury, who had been the oftenfible means
of defeating the fchemes of Bolingbroke, having refigned the high trufts
of lord treaſurer, and lord lieutenant of Ireland, was conftituted groom
of the ftole; and the only Tory who was admitted into a high department,
*Letter to Etough, September 21, 1752. Correfpondence, Period II.
VOL. I.
1 3
and
62
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
and treated with any degree of confidence, was Nottingham, who was de-
1714 to 1720. clared prefident of the council. A new privy council was appointed, and a
Inveteracy of
parties.
cabinet formed, confifting principally of Marlborough, Nottingham, Sunder-
land, Halifax, Townſhend, Cowper, Stanhope, and Somers, who, on account
of his increafing infirmities, was incapable of filling any active.department.
The King, or rather Townſhend and Walpole, to whom the formation of
the new miniſtry was principally attributed, have been ſeverely cenſured for
excluding the Tories, and confining all places of truft and confidence exclu-
fively to the Whigs, thus making the monarch the leader of a party, inſtead
of fovereign of his people at large,
It may not be improper to remark, that in treating of paft events, writers
are too apt to form a judgment of things according to principles of theoretical
juſtice or fancied perfection, without confidering the temper of the times, or
making fufficient allowance for the powerful operation of opinions and pre-
judices. When we confult contemporary accounts, we find that fo great was
the inveteracy which fubfifted between the Whigs and Tories, that neither
would have been content with lefs than the whole power; and fuch was the
temper of the nation at the time of the king's acceffion, and the animofity
derived from the clafh of civil and religious opinions, that it would have
been impracticable to form a ftable coalition between the two parties. In
fact, the ſcheme of uniting the Whigs and Tories was incompatible; for even
fo late as 1742, when Pulteney attempted to form his new adminiſtration on
an extended and liberal principle, he would not venture to introduce many
Tories; he declared that the bafis of the miniftry muſt be a Whig trunk en-
grafted with Tory branches; and that gradually the grafts would become more
and more numerous and thriving. Nor was it till 1744, when the junction
ludicrously called the Broad Bottom was arranged, that the great bodies of
Whigs and Tories could be brought heartily to coalefce.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
63
Chapter 11.
1714101716.
THE ELEVENTH:
CHAPTER THE
1714—1716.
Rife and Character of Lord Townshend.—Intimacy with Walpole.-Meeting of
the new Parliament.—Walpole takes the Lead.-Draws up the Report of the
fecret Committee.-Manages the Impeachment of Bolingbroke- Ormond and
Oxford.-Motives for that Conduct.—Rebellion.- His Activity and Services.
-Appointed First Lord of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer.-
Proceedings in Parliament.—Trial and Execution of the Rebels.
C
HARLES Viſcount Townſhend, who now took the lead in the
adminiftration, was eldeſt ſon of Sir Horatio Townshend, who was fo
highly inſtrumental in forwarding the reſtoration of Charles the Second,
that in 1682 he was created a peer.
Charles took his feat in the houſe
of peers in 1696, and being of a Tory family, attached himſelf ſo ſtrongly
to that party, that he figned the proteft refpecting the impeachment of the
Whig lords. But his zeal for the Tories ſoon abated, and even took a contrary
direction, to which the repreſentations and conduct of his friend Walpole
greatly contributed. He then attached himſelf to Somers, and acted fo cordially
with the Whigs, that when William formed a new adminiftration, principally
compofed of that party, a rumour was confidentially circulated, that he was
appointed privy feal *. In 1706, he was nominated one of the commiffioners
for ſettling the union with Scotland; in 1707, captain of the yeomen of the
queen's guard, and in 1709, accompanied the duke of Marlborough to Gertruy-
denberg, as joint plenipotentiary, to open a negotiation for peace with France;
he was deputed in the fame year embaffador extraordinary to the ſtates gene-
ral, and concluded with them the barrier treaty. Soon after the change of
the Whig adminiſtration he refigned his embaffy, was removed from his
poft of captain of the yeomen, and cenfured by the Tory houſe of com-
mons for having figned that treaty. During the early part of the reign of
queen Anne, on account of his youth, he had acted only a fubordinate
part, and was not confidered as one of the great leaders of the Whig
*Letter from Henry Bland to Robert Walpole, February 3, 1701-2. Orford Papers.
3
intereft,
Character of
lord Tow nf
hend.
64
MEMOIRS OF
!
Period II.
intereſt, but towards the clofe of that reign, his fervices and decifive conduct
1714 to 1720. raiſed his confequence; and he gained great acceffion of character, with his
party, on being profecuted at the fame time with the duke of Marlborough.
Walpole's in-
timacy with
Townſhend.
Though naturally of flow parts, he had acquired from long experience, the
talent that rendered him an able man of buſineſs, which was the fole object
of his ambition; he was rough in manners, impatient of contradiction, of a fan-
guine difpofition, impetuous, and overbearing; though inelegant in language,
and often perplexed in argument, yet he ſpoke fenfibly, and with a thorough
knowledge of his fubject *. He was generous, highly difintereſted, of un-
blemiſhed integrity, and unfullied honour: initiated in diplomatic tranſac-
tions during the congreſs at Gertruydenberg and the Hague, he cheriſhed
too great an attachment to negotiation, and fond of vifionary fchemes, was
too apt to propoſe bold and decifive meaſures, which the more temperate and
pacific difpofition of Walpole was continually employed in counteracting.
During the two months, which immediately preceded the queen's death,
and the interval which enfued between that event and the arrival of the king,
he ſeems to have fecured and governed + Bothmar, and the other Hanoverian
agents in England; to have fupplanted Sunderland and Halifax, and to have
obtained the entire confidence of the king, of which he had previouſly acquired
a very diſtinguiſhed ſhare, by his great reputation for integrity and talents,
by the recommendation of penfionary Heinfius, Slingelandt, and other leading
men of the Dutch republic, and by his uniform adherence to the caufe of
the Proteftant fucceffion.
An early and intimate connection had been formed between Townſhend
and Walpole; they were diftantly related, neighbours in the fame county,
and educated at the fame fchool; they joined the fame party, acted under
the fame leaders, underwent the fame perfecutions, and co-operated in the
fame oppofition. The marriage which Townshend had contracted with Do-
rothy Walpole, in 1713, drew clofer the bonds of amity, and added an union
of blood to the connection of party. Walpole had performed too many
effential fervices to the Hanover family, and was too able a ſpeaker in the
houfe of commons, not to occupy a diftinguished fituation at the accef-
fion of George the Firſt, and his connection with Townshend facilitated his
promotion. Soon after the landing of the king, he was appointed, as I have
already mentioned, paymafter general of the forces, to which was added the
* Lord Cheſterfield's Letters to his Son, vol. 2. p. 258,
↑ Macpherſon's Papers, vol. 2.
paymaſterſhip
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
65
paymaſterſhip of Chelſea hofpital; very lucrative employments, in which he Chapter 11.
confiderably improved his fortune.
A diffolution taking place on the 5th of January, the new parliament met
on the 17th of March, and a great majority were Whigs. The temper of
the governing party, in regard to the proſecution of the Tories, and the reſo-
lution of calling the late miniftry to account, evidently appeared from the
proclamation for diffolving the parliament. The addrefs of the lords con-
tained expreffions highly injurious to the queen's memory, and warmly con-
demned the peace, and meaſures of the late adminiſtration. But the addreſs
of the commons was ſtill ſtronger. "The ſpeaker having reported to the houfe
the king's fpeech, Walpole expatiated upon the great happineſs of the nation,
by his majeſty's ſeaſonable acceffion to the crown; recapitulated the mifma-
nagements of the four laſt years, and concluded with a motion for an ad-
dreſs of thanks to the king, conformable to the ſeveral heads of the ſpeech *.”
The motion being carried with only one diffenting voice, it was drawn up
by Walpole, and contained thefe ftrong expreffions: "It is with juft re-
fentment we obſerve, that the Pretender ftill refides in Lorrain, and that he
has the prefumption, by declarations from thence, to ftir up your majeſty's
fubjects to rebellion; but that which raiſes the utmoft indignation of your
commons is, that it appears therein, that his hopes were built upon the mea-
fures that had been taken for fome time paft in Great Britain. It fhall
be our buſineſs to trace out thoſe meaſures whereon he placed his hopes,
and to bring the authors of them to condign punishment." Part of this addreſs
being warmly oppofed by the Tory members, on the grounds of its being a
reflection on the late queen: Walpole obferved, "that nothing was farther
from their intentions, than to afperfe the late queen; that they rather de-
figned to vindicate her memory, by expofing and puniſhing thoſe evil coun-
fellors, who had thrown on that good, pious, and well-meaning princeſs, all
the blame and odium of their counfels." He added, "that they muft dif-
tinguiſh between cenfuring minifters, and condemning the peace in general,
and condemning particular perfons. That they might, in equity and juftice,
do the firſt, becauſe the whole nation was already fenfible that their honour
and true intereft had been facrificed by the late peace; that in due time
they would call them to account, who made and adviſed fuch a peace; but
God forbid they fhould ever condemn any perfon unheard."
Walpole fhewed, in a fubfequent debate, his judgment no lefs than his
zeal. For when Sir William Wyndham endeavoured to prove that the
* Journals.
VOL. I.
+ Chandler.
K
Chandler.
king's
1714 to 1716.
1715.
New parlia
ment.
Moves an ad<
drefs, reflect-
ing on the
meafures of
the late
queen.
Conduct to
wards Sir
• William
Wyndham,
66
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period II. king's proclamation was of dangerous confequences to the very being of par-
1714 to 1720. liament, and being called upon to explain himſelf, but refufing, many mem
bers exclaimed, "To the Tower! To the Tower!" Walpole, foreſeeing.
that he would acquire popularity, ſhould that meaſure be adopted, obſerved,
"I am not for gratifying the defire which the member, who occafions this
great debate, fhews of being fent to the Tower; it would make him too
confiderable but as he is a young man of good parts, who fets up for a
warm champion of the late miniftry, and one who was in all their fecrets,
I would wiſh him to be in the houſe when we inquire into the conduct of
his friends, both that he may have an opportunity to defend them, and be a
witneſs of the fairneſs with which we ſhall proceed againſt thoſe gentlemen;
and that it may not be faid, that we take any advantage againſt them *.
It was principally owing to his influence, that although Sir William Wynd-
ham continued to refufe making any explanation, he was only ordered to be
reprimanded by the ſpeaker.
Profecution
of the ex-
miniſters.
His report as
chairman of
the com-
mittee of fe-
crecy.
The threats of the addrefs, which implied a refolution of profecuting the
late miniſters, were foon carried into execution. The papers of Bolingbroke,
Strafford, and Prior, having been feized and examined, fecretary Stanhope
prefented to the houfe of commons, thoſe which related to the negotiations
for peace and commerce; and a committee of fecrecy, confifting of twenty-
one members, being appointed to examine if there was any juſt cauſe of im-
peachment, Walpole was nominated chairman, and took the lead in the
whole buſineſs. He drew up the maſterly report, which is remarkable for
perfpicuity of ſtyle, method of arrangement, and for digeſting, in ſo ſhort a
compaſs, ſuch a maſs of materials. William Shippen having triumphantly
infinuated, that notwithſtanding the clamour which had been raiſed againſt
the late miniſtry, the fecret committee would not be able to bring any proofs
of their guilt, Walpole indignantly, though intemperately obferved, that he
wanted words to expreſs the villany of the late Frenchified miniſtry; and
it was judged proper to haften the report. Accordingly, on the 9th of June,
only two months after the houſe had ordered the committee to reduce the
papers into order, Walpole read the report, which he continued without in-
terruption five hours.
It was divided into two parts. The firft ftated the clandeftine nego-
tiations with Mefnager, the French plenipotentiary, which produced two
fets of preliminary articles; the one private and fpecial, for Great Britain
only, the other general, for all her allies: the deceitful offers of the French
* Political State of Great Britain.-Chandler.
plenipo-
\
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
67
plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, with the connivances of the miniftry; the nêgo-
tiation in regard to the renunciation of the Spaniſh monarchy; the fufpen-
fion of arms; the ſeizure of Ghent and Bruges by the duke of Ormond, and
his acting in concert with the French general; the journey of Bolingbroke
to France, for arranging a feparate peace; the negotiations of Shrewſbury and
Prior, and the precipitate conclufion of the treaty of Utrecht, with a view
of criminating the minifters for having deferted their allies, and betrayed the
intereſts and honour of their country. The fecond part ſtated, their ſecret
tranfactions with the Pretender; a letter from Oxford to the queen, contain-
ing a brief account of public affairs from Auguſt 6, 1710, to June 8, 1714;
the deſertion of the Catalans, and fome other papers of lefs importance *.
On the conclufion of the report, Sir Thomas Hanmer moved, that the
confideration ſhould be adjourned to the 21ft; and being feconded by the
friends of the late adminiſtration, Walpole obferved," he could not but
wonder, that thoſe gentlemen who fhewed fo much impatience to have the
report laid before the houſe, ſhould now preſs for adjourning the confidera-
tion of it. That as for the committee of fecrecy, as they had not yet gone
through all the branches of their inquiry, he could have wiſhed ſome longer
time had been allowed to perufe and digeft feveral important papers. That
for this purpoſe, they would have deferred three weeks or a month, the laying
their report before the houfe; but that fome gentlemen having reflected on
the pretended flowneſs of the committee, fince the faid report was now be-
fore them, they muſt e'en go through with it." The motion of Sir Thomas
Hanmer being negatived, Walpole impeached Bolingbroke of high treaſon,
and other crimes and miſdemeanors; and the queſtion being carried with only
a flight oppofition of two members, Lord Coningsby ſtood up and ſaid, "The
worthy chairman of the committee has impeached the hand, but I impeach the
head; he has impeached the clerk, I impeach the mafter;" and immediately
impeached Robert earl of Oxford and Mortimer, of high treaſon. On the
21ft of June, Stanhope alſo impeached Strafford of high crimes and miſde-
meanors.
The current of opinion ran fo violently againſt the late adminiſtration, that
theſe profecutions were carried without much difficulty, and with little op-
pofition. The drawing up of the articles of impeachment was entruſted to
the committee of fecrecy, and confequently to Walpole, who, in conjunction
with Stanhope, now principally directed the houſe of commons. The arti-
*Reports of the fecret committee, in the
Journals. Abſtract of the fecret committee,
in Hiftorical Regifter, from 1714 to 1716,
vol. 1. p. 164 to 269.-Tindal, vol. 18. p. 246
to 288.
+ Chandler.Hiftorical Regifter, v. 1. p. 270.
K 2
cles
Chapter 11.
1714 to 1716.
Impeach-
ment of Bo-
lingbroke,
Oxford, and
Strafford.
Walpole
draws up the
articles of im
peachment.
63
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
cles of impeachment were feverally carried up to the houſe of lords. Ormond
1714 to 1720. and Bolingbroke having abfconded, were attainted. Oxford acted a more
manly part, fupported his profecution, and defended his conduct with dig-
nity and moderation, and made a calm and firm anſwer to the accufation of
the commons. His defence being tranſmitted by the lords, was read in the
lower houfe, where Walpole animadverted on it with great acrimony, and
drew up a replication.
Conduct of
the parties
accufed.
Oxford's de
fence.
Walpole's re-
plication.
Obfervations
on theſe pro-
fecutions.
The profecution of the leaders of the late adminiftration has been con-
ſtantly, and in fome degree juflly, held up by the Tory hiſtorians as a ftrik-
ing proof of the ſpirit of party-refentment and party-vengeance, and no leſs
conſtantly defended by the Whigs. The argument, however, which Oxford
advanced on his trial, which his partifans adopted in both houſes, and which
has been fince urged in his juſtification, that he had acted only in obedience to
the commands of the queen, was more fpecious than folid. If admitted in
the utmoſt latitude, it would eftabliſh the pofition, that thoſe who gave pre-
nicious counfels to the fovereign, might ſhelter themſelves under the fanc-
tion of thoſe very commands which they had dictated. If the voice of the
fovereign is fufficient to authorize the fervants of the crown in execution of
orders, however illegal, it follows then that the crown would be arbitrary;
and as the king can do no wrong, no minifter would be refponfible for the
abuſe of the executive power. But there is another argument againſt the
impeachment of the late minifters, far more convincing. It was forcibly
urged by Sir William Wyndham, that the peace had been approved by two
fucceffive parliaments, and declared fafe, advantageous, and honourable;
ſhould it be even allowed that the meaſures of the Tory adminiſtration were
contrary to the honour and interefts of the nation, yet with what pretence of
juſtice could minifters be puniſhed ? our conftitution knows no limits to the
power of the king, lords, and commons affembled in parliament; and though
a ſubſequent parliament may annul any laws which a former parliament had
decreed, yet it cannot, and ought not to call any minifters to juſtice for mea-
fures which had been fanctioned by the three branches of the legiflature.
It is far from my intention or wiſh, to palliate the injuſtice, or to ſanction the
malignant ſpirit of party, yet I may be allowed to examine the principal
motives which might have led men of fuch approved humanity as Townf-
hend, Devonshire, Stanhope, and Walpole, to adopt theſe fevere meaſures.
The Whigs were firmly convinced, that the late queen defired to reſtore the
Pretender, after her death; that Harley and Bolingbroke had, through the
fecret intereft of the Pretender and his agents, obtained the difmiffion of the
Whig adminiſtration; that, with a view to remain in power, they found a peace
9
with
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
бе
with France to be effentially neceffary; and that to obtain that peace, they had not
fcrupled to uſe the affiftance of the court of St. Germains, and the co-opera-
tion of the Jacobites in England; that they had opened fecret negotiations
with France, in contradiction to the leading principles of the grand alliance,
and that, had not the death of the queen prevented their ſchemes, they would
have ſet aſide the act of fettlement, and introduced a popiſh ſovereign on
the throne; and it must be confeffed, that documents now become public,
and then ſtrongly fufpected by the Whig leaders, place thefe facts in fo clear
a light, as to render them abfolutely incontrovertible.
Chapter 11.
1714 to 1716.
of the Pre-
tender.
The imprudent conduct of the Pretender increaſed the animofity of the Imprudence
Whigs, and haftened the proſecution of his fuppofed adherents. His mani-
feſto, dated Auguſt 29, 1714, fent to fome of the principal miniſters, contained
theſe remarkable expreffions: "Upon the death of the princefs our fifter, of
whofe good intentions towards us, we could not for fome time paft well doubt; and
this was the reaſon we then fat ftill, expecting the good effects thereof, which
were unfortunately prevented by her deplorable death *." Although from
the very nature of the tranfaction, and the fuppreffion of many papers, they
could not procure fuch legal proof as would be admitted in a court of juſtice
on the condemnation of a criminal, yet the collateral evidence was fo con-
vincing, as not to admit of the ſmalleſt doubt. It muſt, however, be con-
feffed, that that part of the report which infers the intention of the late mi-
niſtry to reſtore the Pretender, is extremely weak, founded only on vague
conjecture and circumſtantial evidence; they could not, therefore, venture to
lay any great ſtreſs on ſuch affertions, as proofs of high treaſon, but grounded
their proſecution on the public events which related to the peace. Though
animated by the powerful impreffions of a high fenfe of national diſgrace, the
recollection of an eſcape from recent danger, and all the ſpirit and reſentment
of party, they confined their attacks to a few victims; they impeached only
Oxford, Bolingbroke, and Ormond of high treaſon, and Strafford of high
crimes and miſdemeanors.
As to Bolingbroke, when Walpole brought forward his impeachment, only Bolingbroke
one member ſpoke in his defence, and that member was a notorious Jacobite, attainted.
and when his flight was reported to the houſe, the bill of attainder againſt
him paffed without a fingle diffenting voice.
But the fituation and character of Ormond were far different. When Stan-
hope moved for the impeachment of Ormond, Hutchefon, member for
Haftings, made a long fpeech in his behalf, and urged many palliating cir-
cumſtances; and Sir Jofeph Jekyll, whoſe principles and conduct had always
* Tindal, vol. 18. p. 251.
proved
Ormond de-
fended by his
friends.
70
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
1714 to 1720.
The Whigs
cenfured for
the profecu-
tion of Ox-
ford,
Commence.
ment of the
Rebellion.
proved him a fincere friend to the Proteftant fucceffion, fpoke warmly on
the fame fide. The debate continued above nine hours, and Ormond
had ſo many friends, that his impeachment was carried only by a majority of
forty-feven. The proceedings againſt Ormond would not, in all probability,
have been conducted with much aſperity, had he preferved the moderation,
which, under his circumftances, would have been becoming; but, on the
contrary, while his conduct was under inquiry before the fecret committee,
he lived in an unfuitable ſtyle of magnificence, affected to court popularity,
and faw with complacency his name made the fignal of tumult, and difloyal
exclamation. Even after his impeachment, Devonshire had arranged for him
a private interview with the king; but far from availing himſelf of this kind-
neſs, and contrary to the promiſe extorted from him by his Tory friends, he
withdrew from the kingdom, and precluded the poffibility of a return to his
native country, by inſtantly entering into the ſervice of the Pretender. Hav-
ing once embraced that defperate meaſure, he was too honeft and zealous to
act like Bolingbroke, and obtain a pardon by facrificing the interefts of his
new maſter, or by entering into a compromiſe with his profecutors.
The warmest advocates for the Whigs muft admit, that in the proceedings
againft the earl of Oxford, party refentment was too predominant. He cer-
tainly had, either from inclination, fear, policy, or pique, defeated all the at-
tempts of the Pretender's friends, and had been one great cauſe of ſecuring
the quiet fucceffion of the houſe of Hanover. On the acceffion of George
the Firſt, he had fhewn fuch unequivocal proofs of his attachment and
triumph*, as difgufted his former friends, and there is not the leaſt doubt
that had the queen lived, Oxford would have joined the Whigs, and exerted
himſelf in favour of the houſe of Hanover. But it is a juftice due to Townf-
hend and Walpole, to obferve, that they ftrenuouſly infifted, Oxford ſhould
not be accuſed of high treafon, but only tried for high crimes and miſde-
meanors; and that they uniformly oppofed his bill of attainder, which was
no leſs warmly ſupported by Marlborough and his adherents. Oxford acted
with great magnanimity during the whole courfe of his profecution; and
evinced a conſciouſneſs of his innocence of the charge of having promoted
the fucceffion of the Pretender, by abiding his trial.
The multiplicity of bufinefs protracted the fitting of the parliament
till the 21ft of September. Before its prorogation, the tumults and riots
which preceded the Rebellion had already begun. The earl of Mar fet up
"The Dragon was thought to fhew more
joy in proclaiming the king, than was confift-
ent with the obligations he had received from
He was hiffed all the way by the
mob, and fome of them threw halters in his
coach." Charles Ford to Swift, Auguſt 5, 1714,
+ Correfpondence. Period II.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
7 x
the ſtandard of the Pretender in Scotland, under the name of James the
Third. His party increaſed, and became formidable from the number of
difaffected. In this crifis, the vigilance and activity of the minifters was
aided by the zeal of parliament. The habeas corpus act was fufpended. The
earl of Jerſey and lord Landfdowne were committed to the Tower; Sir Wil-
liam Wyndham, and other fufpected perfons of the houſe of commons, were
apprehended; large fupplies were voted; a confiderable body of men
marched under the command of the duke of Argyle, and troops were ob-
tained from Holland, by the repreſentations of Horace Walpole, who was
deputed to the Hague for that purpoſe. The reader will find, in the hif-
tories of the times, an account of the partial defeat of the Rebels under the
earl of Mar at Dumblain, by the duke of Argyle, which effectually pre-
vented their junction with thofe in the fouth; the total route of their force
at Preſton, by general Carpenter; the landing of the Pretender in Scotland;
his ſhort diſplay of mock dignity at Perth; his flight from Scotland, and
return to France, and the final fuppreffion of the rebellion. To enter into
the detail of theſe tranſactions, does not fall within the compaſs of the pre-
fent work. It is fufficient for the author of theſe memoirs to obſerve,
that vigour in counfels, exertion in parliament, readineſs to forward every
ſupply, to anſwer every occafion, and to facilitate the meaſures of govern-
ment, increaſed the reputation of Walpole, and endeared him to his king
and country.
In confideration of his fervices and uſeful talents, he was, on the 11th of
October 1715, appointed firſt lord commiffioner of the treaſury, and chan-
cellor of the exchequer, vacant by the death of the earl of Halifax, and the
removal of the earl of Carlifle, who had immediately fucceeded Halifax.
He was raiſed to this high ſtation at a very critical juncture; a rebellion in
*The following anecdote, relating to the
arreſt of Sir William Wyndham, places Lord
Townshend's firmneſs of character in a con-
fpicuous point of view.It was communi-
cated to me by his grandfon Lord Sydney.
When the intelligence that Sir William Wynd-
ham was concerned in a projected rifing in
favour of the Pretender, was laid before the
cabinet, the duke of Somerfet, anxious that his
fon-in-law, Sir William Wyndham, fhould
not be taken into cuftody, offered to be re-
ſponſible for him. The miniſters were in-
clined to give way, for fear of offending a
perfon of the duke's confequence, who, be-
fides his fituation of mafter of the hoffe, had
great influence with the Whigs. The king
was prefent. The proofs againſt Sir William
Wyndham were ſo ſtrong, that Lord Townſ-
hend deemed it neceffary that government
ſhould not appear afraid to arreſt fuch an
offender, let his rank or connexions be what
they might, and moved accordingly to have
him taken into cuftody. Near ten minutes.
paffed in filence before any one ventured
to agree with him; when at laſt, two or three
rofe at the fame moment to ſecond him, and
the arreſt was decreed. As the king retired in-
to his clofet, he took hold of Lord Townf-
hend's hand, and faid, "You have done me a
great fervice to-day."
+ See State Trials, vol. 1, and Hift. Re-
gifter.
the
Chapter 11.
1714 to 1716.
Walpole's
activity at
this time.
He is ap-
pointed firft
treaſury, and
chancellor of
lord of the
the exche-
quer.
72
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
the kingdom; a faction fecretly aiding and abetting the Pretender; divifions
1714 to 1720. in the cabinet, and a difaffected body among the Whigs, already preparing the
ſchiſm which broke out in the enfuing year; and in the latter part of his life,
he often adverted to the difficulty he now experienced in conciliating the dif-
cordant members of adminiſtration, and ſupporting the houſe of Brunſwick on
the throne.
Proceedings
in parlia-
ment.
1716.
Feb. 22d.
The king's fpeech; the zealous addreffes of congratulation made by both
houfes on the fuppreffion of the rebellion; the impeachment and condemna-
tion of the rebel lords, took up the principal attention of both houſes, for a
confiderable time after the meeting of parliament, on the 14th of December;
and the petitions in favour of the earls of Derwentwater, Nithifdale, and
Kenmure, were urged with fuch vehemence, and fo warmly fupported by
feveral members in the houſe of commons, as irritated Walpole, and induced
him to obſerve, "I am moved with indignation to fee that there thould
be fuch unworthy members of this great body, who can, without bluſhing,
open their mouths in favour of rebels and parricides, who, far from making
the leaſt advance towards deferving favour, by an ingenuous diſcovery of the
bottom of the preſent horrid conſpiracy, have rather aggravated their guilt,
both by their fullen filence and prevaricating anſwers; the earl of Derwent-
water," added he, "pretended, and affirmed, that he went unprepared,
and was drawn unawares into this rebellion; yet to my knowledge, he had
been tampering with feveral people, to perfuade them to rife in favour of the
Pretender, fix months before he appeared in arms*:" and with a view to pre-
vent the houſe being troubled with any further petitions, which it was deter-
mined to reject, Walpole himſelf propoſed an adjournment to the 1ſt March,
was known that their execution was to take place before that time :
the motion met with fo ftrong an oppofition, that it was carried only by a
majority of ſeven voices. But Walpole proved his indignation to originate in
virtuous and difintereſted motives, when he ſtated to the houſe, that he had
been offered £. 60,000 † to ſave the life of one fingle perfon (the earl of Der-
wentwater). He alſo ſpoke, as one of the managers for the commons, in the
proſecution of the earl of Wintown, another of the rebel lords; and he ſeems
in every inſtance to have urged the neceffity of adopting ſevere meaſures in
the preſent alarming crifis; a mode of conduct ſo oppofite to the natural
bias of his temper, which always leaned to the fide of humanity, as proved
his full conviction, that too much lenity fhewn to perfons taken in flagrant
rebellion, would at this period have proved dangerous to the ftate.
* Oldmixon, p. 631.
† Political State of Great Britain, 1716.-
+ Second letter to Robert Walpole, Efquire, 30. Chandler.-Tindal.-Etough.
Much
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
73
to
Much has been faid of the ſeverity fhewn by government to the people
who took up arms in favour of the Pretender; and from the accounts of the
party writers, it might be ſuppoſed, that thouſands and tens of thouſands
had fallen facrifices to their miſtaken principles; that no clemency was ſhewn
any
of the rebels; no diftinction made between the leaders and their de-
luded followers. But on a candid inveſtigation of the fact, on the authority
of the perſons who have condemned theſe meaſures, the reſult will be, that
three lords were beheaded on Tower-hill; that the judges having found
many guilty of high treafon in Lancaſhire, two-and-twenty were executed at
Preſton and Mancheſter; that of a great number found guilty at London, only
four were hanged * Such were the lenient proceedings againſt the rebels,
which writers, adopting a peeviſh expreffion of the great Lord Somers, have
magnified into the profcriptions of Marius and Sylla; and faſcinated by the
metaphorical eloquence of Bolingbroke, have taken in its full latitude his
malignant affertion, "That the violence of the Whigs dyed the royal ermines
with blood." In fact, no government can exift, if all rebels taken with arms
in their hands are permitted to eſcape with impunity; and too great lenity
under a new king, who was a foreigner, ftruggling againſt a competitor
claiming the crown by hereditary right, and ſupported by all the Roman
Catholics, and the principal Tories, would have been not only imprudent,
but even inhuman; becauſe it would have held up impunity to thoſe who
ſhould raiſe the ſtandard of infurrection in future. Nor did it ever happen,
on the conclufion of a rebellion for a diſputed fucceffion, that fo few facri-
fices were made to the public fecurity.
* Smollet, Vol. 2. p. 311.
+ Smollet.-Belfham's Memoirs, vol. 1. p. 113.
Chapter 11.
1714 to 1716.
VOL. I.
I
74
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
1714 to 1720.
Illness and
recovery.
May 11th.
Septennial
bill,
CHAPTER THE TWELFTH;
1716.
Ilinefs of Walpole.-Recovery.-Septennial Bill.-Impatience of the King to vifit
Hanover.-Repeal of the refraining Claufe in the Act of Settlement.-Mif-
understanding between the King and the Prince of Wales, who is appointed
Guardian of the Realm.-Departure of the King for Hanover.
THE
HE activity of Walpole's exertions at this important period, and the
great corporeal and mental fatigue to which they fubjected him,
brought on a ſevere illneſs, which nearly hurried him to the grave. His re-
covery was at length effected, but its progrefs was fo gradual, that he was,
for a long time, incapacitated from attending to the bufinefs of the nation.
His reſtoration to health was forwarded by a temporary retreat to his favourite
refidence at Chelſea, from which place, he writes to his brother, in theſe
terms: "I have been here about ten days, and find ſo great a benefit from
the air, that I gather ftrength daily, and hope as much time more will reco-
ver me from the loweft and weakeft condition that ever poor mortal was
alive in, and I fhall be able to get to town and do buſineſs again." Con-
gratulations on the recovery of a man, to whom the Proteftant eſtabliſhment
owed fo much, and who was the foul of his party, flowed in from all quarters.
Numerous verſes were made on the event, and Rowe, the great dramatic poet,
did not difdain to write a ballad on the occafion *.
During this interval, the feptennial bill was brought into parliament. Al-
though Walpole was not able to give this meaſure his fupport in the houſe
of commons, yet, as it had been previouſly arranged with his concurrence,
and as he alſo conftantly oppofed the repeal, it has always been justly confi-
dered an act of his adminiftration.
This memorable bill, which is to be confidered as the bulwark of our civil
and religious liberties, becauſe it effectually fupported the houfe of Brunf-
wick on the throne; was undoubtedly one of the moft daring uſes, or, ac-
* See Collection of Whig Ballads, or Pills to purge State Melancholy, part 2.
cording
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
75
1
cording to the reprefentations of its opponents, abuſes of parliamentary Chapter 12.
power that ever was committed fince the revolution: for, it not only length-
1716.
ened the duration of future parliaments, but the members who had been
elected only for three years, prolonged, of their own authority, the term of their
continuance for four years more. The great body of the Whigs, influenced
by theſe confiderations, were, at the firſt propofition, averfe to the meaſure,
and did not agree to give their affiſtance in ſupport of it, till mature deliberation
had convinced them of its neceffity. During the debates which took place on
this occafion, the arguments of oppofition and defence, were not unequal to
the importance and dignity of the fubject. We, who live at this diſtance of
time, without being heated by the warmth of party, without fufficiently con-
fidering the temper and ftate of the nation, and without weighing the pecu-
liar circumſtances which occafioned its introduction, muft confefs, that in
theory, the arguments of thoſe who oppoſed it, are the moſt ſpecious and
convincing; but if we recur to the events of the times, and the ſtate of the
country, we muſt applaud the wiſdom of thoſe who facrificed fpeculation to
practice. It is the remark of a judicious author, "That the act of fep-
tennial parliaments was paffed, when the kingdom was threatened with an
immediate invaſion, when a rebellion had but juſt been quelled, and when
the peace and ſafety of the nation depended on the uſe of this power by par-
liament. Such was the opinion of the people at that time, and the act met
with general approbation, from the general conviction of its neceffity *."
That the neceffity muſt have been great and evident, appears from the
confideration, that it was ſupported by men of the firſt rank, independence,
and probity in the kingdom; that in the houfe of lords, where it was pro-
poſed by the duke of Devonſhire, there were only 36 voices againſt it, and
that, on being fent to the houfe of commons, there was a majority of 264 againſt
121. But whatever opinion might be formed of the juftice of the right
exerciſed by parliament, in repealing the triennial bill and fubftituting fep-
tennial parliaments, yet it can ſcarcely be contefted, that it has in effect been
highly advantageous to the well-being of the legislature, and to the real in-
tereſts of the nation. The fpeaker, Onflow, who was no ill judge of parlia-
mentary proceedings, was frequently heard to declare, That the paffing
of the feptennial bill formed the era of the emancipation of the Britiſh houſe
of commons from its former dependence on the crown and the houſe of lords.
From that period it has rifen in confequence and ſtrength.
Adams's Letter againſt Paine.
↑ Communicated by Sir George Colebrook.
L 2
We
70
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
We who live to enjoy the benefits of an act, which has greatly contri -
3714 to 1720. buted to fet bounds to faction, which has relieved us from the miſchievous
effects of too frequent elections, and from the interference of foreign powers;
which has given permanence and independence to our councils, and prevented
thofe frequent changes of men and meaſures, which left us open to every fluc-
tuation of public fentiment, to every impulfe of craft and artifice, we ought
not too ſeverely to fcrutinize the arguments which were uſed in fupport of a
meaſure recommended by the neceffity of the times, and which fubfequent
experience has demonſtrated to be no leſs beneficial and prudent, than bold
and decifive. The immediate effect is beſt aſcertained by the unceaſing clamors
of a defperate faction, whofe hopes were at once deſtroyed by a ſtep which
placed at a great diſtance the chance of influencing the public mind, and pro-
ducing dangerous ferments by the accuſtomed means of popular delufion.
Hiſtory enables us to aſcertain its more remote confequences; and whoever
fairly confiders the permanence of peace, the energy of war, and amelioration
of jurifprudence which have refulted to the nation; the wiſdom of counſel,
boldness of eloquence, and increaſe of importance which have diſtinguiſhed
the commons, fince the period of its formation, muſt acknowledge that many
of the moſt ineftimable bleffings of our conftitution are to be attributed to
this meaſure, which originally appeared to invade its firſt principles. It is to
be hoped, that there are few perfons who would defire to replunge the nation
into that feverish ftate which attends frequent elections in cities and counties,
and to revive that perpetual enmity which muſt ariſe from the frequent agi-
tation of contradictory interefts, and the inveſtigation of claims, which can
hardly be once decided, before they are again conteſted.
Obfervation
of lord So-
mers,
Although a queftion like this cannot be decided by the opinion of any indi-
vidual, yet furely the judgment of lord Somers, the conſtant friend of liberty,
and the oracle of the revolution, is intitled to fome reſpect, and the time and
manner of giving it, render it peculiarly intereſting. While the bill was in
agitation, Dr. Friend, the celebrated phyfician, called on lord Townſhend, and
informed him, that lord Somers was at that moment reftored to the full pof-
feffion of his faculties, by a fit of the gout, which fufpended the effect of his
paralytic complaint. Townshend immediately waited on Somers, who, as
foon as he came into the room embraced him, and faid, "I have juſt heard
of the work in which you are engaged, and congratulate you upon it; I
never approved the triennial bill, and always confidered it in effect, the re-
verſe of what it was intended. You have my hearty approbation in this bu-
finefs,
4
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
77
'
ſineſs, and I think it will be the greatest fupport poffible to the liberty of the coun- Chapter 12.
try
1716.
The king re-
folves to go
to Hanover
The impatience of the king to vifit his German dominions now became
fo great, as totally to overcome every reſtraint of prudence, and fuggeſtion of
propriety, and imperiously to demand indulgence, though the unfettled ftate
of the public mind, from the effect of rebellion, hardly yet intirely fuppreffed,
and the prejudice excited by the new meafures, both of legiflation and pro-
fecution, fhould have oppofed infuperable obftacles to his defire. The mi-
niſtry were confiderably embarraffed on this occafion; and drew up a ſtrong
remonftrance, repreſenting the inconveniences which would refult from the
projected journey. This remonftrance, however, not only failed of fuccefs,
but ſo far exaſperated the king, that he declared he would not endure a longer
confinement in this kingdom. Under theſe circumftances, the miniftry could
not venture to make any further oppofition. When the act was paſſed, which
fettled the fucceffion on the houſe of Brunſwick, it was accompanied with vari-
ous reftrictions, limiting the future fovereign in feveral inftances. Some of
theſe reſtrictions had been repealed during the reign of queen Anne. But the
clauſe which reſtrained the king from going out of the kingdom, without con-
fent of parliament, ftill fubfifted. It must be allowed to have been a neceffary
limitation, and its continuance would have been highly beneficial to the true
intereſts of England. For no circumftance more impeded public buſineſs, or
more alienated the public mind, than the frequent vifits which the two firſt
fovereigns of the houſe of Brunſwick made to the electorate of Hanover. This
predilection to their native country, was in them both natural and excuſable;
yet, for the benefit of England, it ought to have been confined within due
bounds, although it is not probable that the parliament would ever have with-
held their confent, yet the neceffity of obtaining that confent would doubtleſs
have checked the too frequent repetition of the demand, and have prevented
the abſence of the fovereign in times of public emergency. But at the preſent Repeal of
juncture, it was confidered more reſpectful to obtain a repeal, than to fubject the reftrain-
ing clauſe in
the fovereign to the neceffity of obtaining a parliamentary confent, for which the act of fet
meſſages muſt have been ſent to both houſes, previous to each voyage. When tlement.
the motion was made by Sir John Cope, to repeal the reſtricting claufe, and
feconded by Hampden, it paffed unanimoufly, not a fingle member,
amongſt many who were diffatisfied with the fucceffion of the Hanover line,
venturing to make the flighteſt oppofition to the repeal of a clauſe, which,
however conformable to the hopes of the nation, could not but be confi-
dered as invidious and difgraceful to the new fovereign. The ininifters were
* Communicated by lord Sydney, and Charles Townfhend, efquire, who frequently heard this
anecdote related by their father, the late honourable Thomas Townfhend, fon of lord Townshend.
often
1
7.8
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
5
often obliged to make the moſt preffing remonftrances, as well to prevent the
1714001720. abſence of the king, as to haften his return; theſe remonftrances were often
ineffectual, but always offenfive; and Walpole, during the courſe of his admi-
niftration, lamented an evil which he had in vain attempted to remedy, and
which nothing but the continuance of the reftraining clauſe, or an abſolute ceſ-
fion of the electorate, could have prevented. Some authors, in treating of theſe
long and frequent abfences, have thrown out reproachful fuggeſtions on the
framers of the act of fettlement, for not infifting that a foreign prince ſhould
refign his continental dominions before he affumed the poffeffion of the crown.
Such a provifion did not eſcape the fagacity of the legiflators of the day, and
would, moſt probably, have been carried into effect, but for the obvious cer-
tainty that no prince would renounce the quiet poffeffion of his continental
dominions, however ſmall, to acquire the brilliant, but precarious dignity of
fovereign of a large kingdom, expoſed to the evils of a powerful faction, and
the dangers of a difputed fucceffion. Theſe confiderations deterred the
framers of the bill from propofing a meaſure, which would infallibly have
fruſtrated all their other efforts for the prefervation of our civil and religious
liberties.
The king's
jealousy of
the prince of
Wales.
This difficult point being adjufted, another question, of equal delicacy, oc-
curred, which related to the method of carrying on the government during
the king's abfence. The most obvious and natural method was the appoint-
ment of the prince of Wales to the regency; but this meaſure was ob-
Atructed by an unfortunate jealoufy which the king entertained of his fon.
This miſunderſtanding had already commenced at Hanover, before the
death of Queen Anne. Sophia had often behaved to George the Firſt with
diſtance and reſerve, and did not always confult him in regard to the affairs
of England. She was extremely fond of her grandfon, and in feveral in-
ftances, of great importance, had acted in concurrence with him alone, and
particularly, the demand of the writ for him to fit in the houſe of peers, as
cuke of Cambridge, was made without the knowledge *, or againſt the incli-
nation of George the Firft. This preference of her grandfon, naturally
created a coldneſs between the father and fon, which was afterwards increaſ
ed by the artful propofal of the Tories, in voting the civil lift, that a fe-
parate revenue of £. 100,000 per annum ſhould be fettled on the prince of
Wales. The motion was negatived by the influence of the Whigs. The
eagerneſs which the prince expreffed to obtain the title and office of regent,
* Communicated by lady Suffolk, who
was then at Hanover, to the late earl of Or-
ford. See alfo Chap. 8. and Clarendon's Letter
to Secretary Bromley. Conefpondence, period I.
+ Chandler.
augmented
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
79
1716.
augmented the difguft of the king. Confcious that he was inftigated in moft Chapter 13
of his proceedings by the duke of Argyle, his groom of the ftole, whofe
faſcinating manners and fpecious addrefs had gained a great afcendancy over
the prince, he inſiſted on the difmiffion of the duke. Under theſe impref-
fions, the king was unwilling to entruſt him with the government, without
joining other perfons in the commiffion, and without limiting his authority
by the moſt rigorous reftrictions. With a view of forming a regency under
thofe conditions, he ſubmitted his wiſhes, through the channel of Bernſdorf,
to the council. Their anfwer on this fubject, declared, that, " on a careful
perufal of precedents, finding no inftance of perfons being joined in com-
miffion with the prince of Wales, and few, if any reſtrictions, they were of
opinion, that the conftant tenor of ancient practice could not conveniently
be receded from *." Although he relunctantly fubmitted to confign to the
prince the fole direction of affairs, yet, inftead of the title of regent, he ap-
pointed him guardian of the realm and lieutenant, an office unknown in Eng-
land fince it was enjoyed by Edward the black prince.
from Eng-
land.
Having made this arrangement, and removed the duke of Argyle from the Departure
houſehold of the prince, and from the command of the army in Scotland, he
committed to Townshend and Walpole the principal direction of affairs, and,
accompanied by fecretary Stanhope, took his departure from England on the
9th of July, and arrived on the 15th at Hanover.
CHAPTER THE THIRTEENTH:
1716.
State and Difunion of the Miniftry.-Cabals of Sunderland.-Intrigues and Ve-
nality of the Hanoverian Junto.
W
E have hitherto contemplated the miniftry in which Townshend and
Walpole took the lead, in the higheſt degree profperous and refpect-
able. It would naturally be fuppofed, that union and tranquillity in the ca-
binet were indiſpenſably neceffary to produce fuch wife counfels and vigorous
meaſures, but this fuppofition is not verified by fact. The feeds of difcontent.
* Letter from Lord Townshend to Bernfdorf. Correfpondence, Period II.
Political State of Great Britain, 1716.—Tindal.
Difunion of
the miniſtry.
had
So
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period II.
had already taken root, and were bringing to maturity by the petty intrigues
1714101720. and felfifh cabals of thofe Hanoverian miftreffes and minifters who had fol-
lowed the fortunes of the king.
Sunderland
difcontented.
The principal perfon who fomented the difunion in the cabinet, was
Charles earl of Sunderland, whofe father, Robert, is ſo notorious in the annals
of this country, for his great abilities and confummate treachery. He had
married Anne, ſecond daughter of the duke of Marlborough, and had ferved
under his father-in-law, both in a military and diplomatic capacity. The
origin of the miſunderſtanding between him and Townſhend, may be dated
from the death of queen Anne. At that period, Sunderland, as the great
leader of the Whigs, and in confideration of his fervices to the Hanover fa-
mily, was led to expect that he ſhould be placed at the head of the admi-
niſtration, and become the perfon under whofe aufpices the new cabinet was
to be formed. Bothmar had reprefented him as a man who had always
ſhewn more attachment to the king than any other. He had firſt recom-
mended Sunderland to be lord lieutenant of Ireland, and Townſhend to be
fecretary of ſtate; but on Sunderland's expreffing his defire to have that
office, Bothmar propofed that Townshend fhould be provided in another
place. This arrangement was firſt ſuggeſted on the 13th of Auguſt, yet, on
the 31ft of the fame month, Bothmar expreffed his wiſhes to Robethon, that
it might be given to Townſhend, although Sunderland had aſked for it *.
In fact, the king was at this period influenced by Bothmar, Bothmar was
wholly governed by Townſhend, and the new adminiftration was principally
fettled by him. Although Sunderland was received with fingular attention
by the king on his arrival, yet it is remarkable, that his name does not ap-
pear among the lords juſtices added in the lift communicated by Bothmar
to the ſeven great officers of the realm. The aſpiring Sunderland, under
whom Townshend had hitherto acted a fubordinate part, could not brook
this preference; though he did not openly fhew his diſguſt, yet he ſcarcely
took any active part in defending the meaſures of government; he who was
before accuſtomed to make a confpicuous figure in every debate, feems to
have remained almoft uniformly filent; and from the acceffion of George
the Firſt, till the beginning of 1717, his name feldom occurs in the pro-
cecdings of the houſe of lords. He had been nominated lord lieutenant of
Ireland, which he confidered a ſpecies of baniſhment, and as a place far below
his expectations. Soon after the death of the marquis of Wharton, he was
appointed privy ſeal. But his promotion to this high office did not remove
his diſguſt.
1
* Macpherfon's Papers, vol. 2.
Nor
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
81
This fpirit of diſcontent had not been confined to Sunderland. Not-
tingham, whoſe Tory principles could never coalefce with a Whig adminiftra-
tion, and whofe vehement interference in favour of the condemned rebel
lords, had given offence, was difmiffed from the preſidentſhip of the council.
Somerſet was removed from his poſt of maſter of the horſe, on account of
fome indiſcreet expreffions on the arreſt of his ſon-in-law, Sir William Wynd-
ham.
Chapter 13.
1716.
Nottingham
returns to the
Tories.
Somerſet dif-
miffed from
the place of
mafter of the
horfe.
Halifax dif
affected.
The earl of Halifax had eſtimated his ſervices and talents at ſo high a rate,
that he expected to have been appointed lord high treaſurer: created firft-
commiffioner, he was highly chagrined; nor was his diſguſt removed by the
garter, the title of earl, and the transfer of the place of auditor of the ex-
chequer to his nephew. Inflamed by diſappointed ambition, he entered into
cabals with the Tory leaders, for the removal of thoſe with whom he had fo
long cordially acted; but his death, on the 10th of May 1715, put an end Dies.
to his intrigues *,
diffatisfied.
Marlborough alfo was among the diffatisfied. Soon after the death of queen Marlborough
Anne, Bothmar fays of him, "He is not pleafed that he is not of the regency,
and that there is any man but the king higher than him in this country;"
and his diſguſt was not diminiſhed after the king's arrival: For although he
was appointed commander in chief, yet he did not enjoy the ſmalleſt ſhare of
power or confidence. George the Firſt never forgot, that during the campaign
of 1708, when he commanded the Imperialifts, Marlborough had contrived,
that no troops or ſupplies were ſent to the Rhine, but that the whole force
was deſtined for the army in Flanders, by which arrangement he had been ob-
liged to act on the defenfive, and could not diſtinguiſh his command by any
fucceſsful operation againſt the enemy. In confequence of this difinclination,
Marlborough, though commander in chief, could not obtain even a lieute-
nancy for a friend; and he not unfrequently requeſted Pulteney, who was ſe-
cretary at war, to folicit in his room, adding, "but do not fay it is for me,
for whatever I afk is fure to be denied,"
fecure.
To thefe difcontents Walpole alludes in a private letter to his brother Walpole too
Horace, on the removal of Nottingham “I don't well know what account
to give you of our ſituation here. There are ftorms in the air, but I doubt not,
they will foon be blown over." In this inftance, however, his prediction was not
verified; Sunderland increaſed his party with a number of difaffected perfons.
He particularly gained among the Whigs, Carleton, Cadogan, Lechmere, and
Hamden; courted the Tories; entered into cabals againſt his colleagues; and
Tindal, vol. 18. p. 371.
VOL. I.
+ Macpherſon's Papers, vol. 2. p. 640.
M
Walpole Papers.
was
1
82
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
was prepared to ufe all his efforts, and employ any opportunities which might
1714 to 1720. offer, to prejudice the king againſt them *; nor were fuch means and oppor-
tunities wanting.
Hanoverian
venality.
Character of
the duchefs
of Kendal.
One of the greateſt difficulties which Townshend and Walpole had to en-
counter, aroſe from the management of the German junto, who principally
governed the king. This junto, at his acceffion, and for fome time after,
confifted of his two miftreffes, the duchefs of Kendal and the countefs of
Darlington, and his German minifters and favourites.
Erengard Melefina, baronefs of Schulenburgh, and princefs of Eberſtein,
was the favourite miſtreſs of George the Firſt, when electoral prince, and
after his feparation from his wife, the unfortunate Sophia, princeſs of Zell,
he is faid to have efpoufed her with his left hand, a fpecies of marriage
not uncommon in Germany. She accompanied the king to England, and
was, in 1716, created baronefs of Dundalk, counteſs and marchionefs of
Dungannon of the kingdom of Ireland; and, in 1718, made a peereſs of
Great Britain, by the title of baronefs of Glaſtonbury, counteſs of Fever-
ſham, and duchefs of Kendal, by which title fhe is commonly known.
Her influence over the king was fo confiderable, that the different parties
in the cabinet, and the leaders in oppofition, paid the moft obfequious court,
and even the emprefs of Germany maintained a private correſpondence with
her, with a view to induce the king to renew the connection between England
and the houſe of Auftria. This afcendancy is the more furprifing, when it
is confidered that ſhe did not poffefs much beauty of countenance, or ele-
gance of perfon; for the electreſs Sophia, pointing her out to Mrs. Howard,
faid t
"Do you fee that maukin? you would ſcarcely believe that ſhe has
captivated my fon ;" and according to Sir Robert Walpole, (whoſe opinion,
however, as he did not readily fpeak in any foreign language, and fhe could
not converſe in Engliſh, muſt be received with caution) her intellects were
mean and contemptible. Money was with her the principal and prevailing
confideration, and he was often heard to ſay, ſhe was ſo venal a creature, that
ſhe would have fold the king's honour for a fhilling advance to the beſt bid-
der §. She affected great and conftant regularity in her public devotions,
frequently attending feveral Lutheran chapels in the fame day. The minifter
of the Lutheran church in the Savoy, refuſed to admit her to the facrament ;
but ſhe was received at the church of the fame communion in the city ||.
→ Walpole's letter to Stanhope, July 30th,
1716.-Correfpondence, Period II.
+ Extinct Peerage.
From Lord Orford,
§ Etough.-Minutes of a converfation with
Sir Robert Walpole.
|| Etough.
His
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
83
C
His other miſtreſs, whom he brought over with him to England, was
Sophia Charlotte, of the houſe of Offen. She was fifter of the celebrated
counteſs of Platen, miſtreſs of the elector Erneſt Auguftus, and wife of baron
Kilmanfeck, from whom ſhe was ſeparated. On the death of her huſband,
in 1721, fhe was created countefs of Leinfter in the kingdom of Ireland, ba-
ronefs of Brentford, and countess of Darlington *. She was a woman of great
beauty, but became extremely corpulent as ſhe advanced in years. Her
power over the king was not equal to that of the duchess of Kendal; but
although ſhe was younger, and more accompliſhed than her rival, feveral
perfons about the court, conceiving her influence to be greater than it really
was, ineffectually endeavoured to rife by her means. Her character for ra-
pacity was not inferior to that of the duchefs of Kendal.
Chapter 13.
1716.
Character of
the countefs
of Darling-
ton.
Bothmar.
The Hanoverian minifters who had the principal influence over the king, Character of
were baron Bothmar, count Bernſdorf, and Robethon. Baron Bothmar had
been the king's principal agent in England during the latter years of queen
Anne. By his advice George had almoſt uniformly acted; and it was prin-
cipally owing to his interpofition, that Townshend was entrusted with the
chief power, and became the head of the new adminiſtration. Bothmar now
conceived that his fervices could not be too amply rewarded by the miniſter
to whofe elevation he had greatly contributed; he took umbrage on finding
that his recommendations were often rejected, and that fufficient reſpect was
not paid to his opinion.
Count Bernsdorf, of an illuſtrious family, folid talents, and confiderable Bernſdörf.
experience, was the minifter whom George confulted in foreign affairs.
On his arrival in England, he was anxious to increaſe his confequence, and
improve his fortune. But finding his views oppofed by Townſhend and Wal-
pole, he became diſguſted, and joining with Bothmar and the miſtreffes, was
prepared to forward any attempt which might be made to drive them from
the helm.
}
The party was farther ſtrengthened by the acceffion of Robethon, the king's Robethon.
French fecretary. This man was of a French refugee family, and became
private ſecretary to king William, from whofe fervice he entered into that of
the houſe of Brunfwick. He foon became confidential fecretary, firft of the
duke of Zell, and afterwards of George the First, when elector of Hanover,
and was the perfon employed in carrying on the confidential correfpondence
with England. This private intercourfe gave him a confiderable afcendancy
over his mafter; and being a man of addrefs, great knowledge of mankind,
and well acquainted with the leading members in both houfes of parliament,
+ Macpherſon's Papers, vol. 2.
M 2
*Extinct Peerage.
he
$4
MEMOIRS OF
Period II. he was enabled to act a confpicuous part.
His fituation with the king
1714101720. rendered him infolent and prefumptuous; his neceffities were great, and his
venality was fo notorious as to excite the difpleafure, and call forth the re-
monftrances of Townshend and Walpole; confequently, he became their in-
veterate enemy, zealouſly promoted the views of Sunderland, and attached
himſelf to thoſe who were labouring to obtain their difmiffion.
Two Turks
of the king.
To theſe perfons of oftenfible confequence, muſt be added twoTurks, known
in the fervice by the names of Muſtapha and Mahomet*. They had been taken priſoners by
the Imperalifts in Hungary, and had ferved the king when electoral prince,
who was wounded in that campaign, with fuch zeal and fidelity, that he took
them to Hanover, brought them to England, and made them pages of the
back-ftairs. Their influence over their maſter was ſo great, that their names
are mentioned in a difpatch of count Broglio to the king of France, as
poffeffing a large fhare of the king's confidence. Thefe low foreigners ob-
tained confiderable fums of money for recommendation to places.
Rapacity and
ambition of
thele perfons.
Theſe miſtreſſes, miniſters, and favourites, coming from a poor electorate,
confidered England as a kind of land of promife, and at the fame time fo
precarious a poffeffion, that they endeavoured to enrich themſelves with all
poffible ſpeed. With this view they fold their influence over their mafter
at a high price, and difpofed of all the places and honours which the king
could confer, without the intervention of his Engliſh minifters. Their ve-
nality aroſe to fo great a height, as obliged Walpole to remonftrate againſt
them; but the king almoſt fanctioned the abuſe, by replying with a ſmile,
"I fuppofe you are alfo paid for your recommendations." Private emolu-
ments, and concealed advantages, did not however fatisfy their rapaciouſneſs;
they began to aim at the honours of rank and pre-eminence. The ladies were
defirous of being made peereffes; Bothmar and Bernfdorf, afpired to a
feat in the houſe of lords; while Robethon, affected to content himſelf with
the title of baronet. To thefe pretenfions, which the conduct of William
had fanctioned, the act of fettlement prefented an infuperable barrier, In-
* Pope has mentioned one of theſe Turks
in terms of approbation, in his moral effays,
Epiftle 2nd, to a lady.
"From peer or biſhop 'tis no eaſy thing,
“To draw the man who loves his God, or king,
"Alas! I copy (or my draught would fail)
"From HONEST MAH'MET, or plain parfon
"Hale."
Portraits of the two Turks are on the great
ſtair-cafe in Kenſington palace. Lyfon's En-
virons of London, vol. 3. p. 103.
During the whole reign of George the
Firſt, after the refignation of the duke of So-
merfet, no mafter of the horſe was appointed;
the profits of the place were appropriated to
the duchess of Kendal. The emoluments of
the maſterſhip of the buck hounds, were alfo
referved for one of the Germans.
From Lord Orford.
tereft
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
85
tereft foon enabled them to diſcover that the regulations of that act did not
extend to Ireland; the baronefs of Schulenberg was gratified with the title
of duchefs of Munſter, and the Iriſh eſtabliſhment loaded with penfions.
But this advancement did not fatisfy that ambitious woman, who was lefs
gratified by this title, than irritated againſt Townſhend and Walpole, for
oppofing her demand of being created an Engliſh peerefs. The miniſters
and ſecretary, animated with a fimilar rancour, behaved with great infolence
towards the leaders of the cabinet, infomuch that Walpole once, in the pre-
fence of the king, rebuked the prefumption of an impertinent affertion, by
the ftern reproof, "Mentiris impudentiffime*." In confequence of thefe
repeated altercations, the Hanoverian crew endeavoured to counteract, by
their intrigues, the influence of Townshend and Walpole, and infuſe into
the king's mind, fuch fufpicions and prejudices as, affifted by other intrigues,
ended in the difmiffion of thoſe able minifters.
Thefe, and many other mifchiefs, which were the neceffary confequences of
the introduction of a foreign family, cannot be concealed or controverted.
Yet, while we relate and deplore them in their full latitude, let us not fo far
forget the bleffings derived from the fame fource, as to overlook our eſcape
from ſtill greater evils. This event, which was occafionally productive of
great inconveniences, was the price paid for the prefervation of our religion
and conftitution. The option was neceffarily made between Hanover and
Rome; between civil and religious liberty, accompanied by temporary dif-
advantages, or papal and defpotic tyranny, followed by fure and permanent
degradation.
Chapter 13.
1716.
Refifted by
Townshend
and Walpole,
→ From Lord Orford.
}
86
MEMOIRS OF
Period II,
1714 to 1720.
CHAPTER THE FOURTEENTH:
1716.
Acquifition
of Bremen
and Verden.
HAN
Acquifition of Bremen and Verden.-Alliance with France.
ANOVER now became the centre of the most important negotia-
tions. The two great objects of theſe negotiations were to complete
the acquifition of Bremen and Verden, and to fecure tranquillity at home,
by a ftrict union with France.
At the peace of Weftphalia, the archbishopric of Bremen, and bishopric
of Verden, were ceded to Sweden. But their commodious fituation, between
the territories of the houſe of Brunſwick and the fea, rendered them a defir-
able object of acquifition to the dukes of Zell and Brunfwick, and thofe
princes had formed feveral attempts to obtain poffeffion, but had always
failed of fuccefs. At length George the Firſt obtained what his anceſtors
could not accompliſh. Frederic the Fourth of Denmark, having, in 1712,
conquered Holſtein, Slefwic, Bremen, and Verden, and unable to retain them,
or even to refift the arms of Sweden, on the return of Charles the Twelfth
from Turkey, found it prudent to cede a part, that he might not be de-
prived of the whole. He accordingly concluded a treaty, which though long
fettled, was not ratified till the 17th of July, 1715, with George, as elector of
Hanover; by which it was agreed, that Bremen and Verden ſhould be put
into the poffeffion of the king of England, on the condition, of paying
£. 150,000, and declaring war againſt Sweden. In confequence of this treaty,
George joined the coalition againſt Sweden, and a Britiſh fleet was, in 1715,
diſpatched to the Baltic, with the pretence of protecting our trade againſt the
Swediſh depredations, but for the real purpoſe of compelling Sweden to accept
a fum of money as an equivalent for thofe dominions.
The king of Sweden, provoked at the conduct of George the Firſt, and
well aware, that in the capacity of elector only, he would not have joined the
confederacy against him, directed his efforts of vengeance against the Eng-
liſh; his miniſters at London, and at the Hague, caballed with the difaffect-
ed in England, and preparations were making to invade Great Britain, with
a confiderable army, in favour of the dethroned family.
The Pretender did not fail taking advantage of this tranfaction, to ren-
der the new king odious to his Engliſh fubjects; and he artfully obferved,
Tindal, vol. 18. p. 451.
א
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
87
in his new manifefto, " Whilſt the principal powers engaged in the late wars
enjoy the bleffings of peace, and are attentive to diſcharge their debts, and
eaſe their people, Great Britain, in the midſt of peace, feels all the load of a
war, new debts are contracted, new armies are raiſed at home, Dutch forces
are brought into theſe kingdoms; and by taking poffeffion of the Duchy of Bre-
men, in violation of the public faith, a door is opened by the ufurper to let in
an inundation of foreigners from abroad, and to reduce thefe nations to a
ſtate of dependence on one of the moft inconfiderable provinces of the em-
pire."
Chapter 14.
The advocates for Townshend and Walpole, have afferted that they uni-
formly counteracted the acquifition of Bremen and Verden, and that their
oppofition to that favourite object of Hanoverian politics, was the principal
cauſe of their ſubſequent difgrace. But whatever blame or merit reſults
from that meaſure, attaches to them; for I diſcover among the papers com-
mitted to my inſpection, unequivocal proofs, that they approved, in the
ſtrongeſt manner, the propofed acquifition. Slingelandt, afterwards pen-
fionary of Holland, and the confidential friend of lord Townſhend, had
declared, in a letter dated March 10th, 1717, "As much as the crown of
Great Britain is fuperior to the electoral cap, fo much is the king intereſted
to facrifice Bremen and Verden for a peace, rather than continue any longer
in a war." But Townſhend was fo far from approving the facrifice, that he
obferved in anſwer; "I am of opinion, that every attempt fhould be made
to induce the king of Sweden to make peace, without depriving him of any
of his dominions fituated out of the empire, for in regard to his German
provinces, I muſt tell you frankly, without any partiality to the pretenfions
of the king, but fimply with a view to the interefts of Great Britain and
Holland, that we muſt not ſuffer Sweden to retain any longer thoſe gates
of the empire, which, fince the peace of Weftphalia, fhe has never made uſe
of but for the purpoſe of introducing confufion and diſorder, or of turning
Germany from the purſuit of its true interefts againſt France." And in
another part of the fame letter, he adds, "I lay it down as a principle, that
for the advantage and tranquillity of Europe, the king of Sweden ought to
be deprived of thofe provinces which have fupplied him with the means of
doing fo much mifchief."
Horace Walpole, in his pamphlet, " The Intereft of Great Britain ſteadily
purſued," has amply expatiated on this fubject, and explained the motives
which induced his brother to favour this purchaſe. "It is the intereft of this
country," he obferves, "that thoſe two provinces, which command the na-
vigation of the Elbe and Wefer, the only inlets from the Britiſh feas into Ger-
many,
4
1716.
€8
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
many, and which, in caſe of any diſturbance in the North, are moſt capable
1714 to 1720. of protecting or interrupting the Britiſh trade to Hamburgh, ſhould rather
Treaty with
France.
Death of
Louis the
Fourteenth.
be annexed to the king's electoral dominions, than remain in the hands of
Denmark, who has frequently formed pretenfions on that city; or of Sweden,
who has molefted our commerce in the Baltic."
The next great object which the Britiſh cabinet had in view, was to ſecure
the tranquillity of Great Britain, by forming fuch alliances with the European
powers, as would counteract the intrigues of the Pretender abroad, deprive
him of foreign affiſtance, and awe his followers into fubmiffion.
Townſhend and Walpole were well aware, that the danger of invaſions
and interior troubles, did not ſo much proceed from the efforts of the dif-
affected at home, as from the hopes of affiſtance from France. If the pro-
ſpect of French interpofition could be removed, or the effect counteracted,
tranquillity would be the neceffary and unavoidable confequence. To attain
that great end, only two methods could be adopted; the one to form fo
intimate a connection with the emperor and Holland, as to fet France at
defiance; and the other to fecure the friendſhip of France, and to employ
the public and private efforts of that power, which had hitherto either openly
or covertly promoted the reſtoration of the dethroned family, and encou-
raged the efforts of the Jacobites in Great Britain, againſt that very family,
and in fupport of the Proteftant fucceffion.
No charge was ever more frequently or more violently urged againſt the
principles of the adminiftration, which Walpole either directed, or in which
he co-operated before he acquired the power and influence of prime mini-
fter, than that of deferting the houſe of Auftria, our natural ally, and of
joining with France, our inveterate enemy. I fhall therefore lay before the
reader the motives which induced the two brother minifters to prefer, at this
particular juncture, the connection with France to the union with the Houfe of
Auftria. To Townshend and Walpole is undoubtedly due the credit or reproach
of having firſt formed the project of that alliance, and of having carried that
ſcheme into execution, in oppofition to the opinion of Sunderland and Stan-
hope, and in direct contradiction to the firſt views of the Hanoverian mi-
niſters.
The death of Louis the Fourteenth, on the 1ft of September 1715, had
given a new afpect to the affairs of France and of Europe, and haftened the
final conclufion of thoſe complicated negotiations which the treaty of Utrecht
had entailed upon a Britiſh adminiſtration. Although, during the latter
days of that bigotted and ambitious monarch, the bleffings of peace were
the conſtant theme of his converfation, a paffion for glory, and the frenzy of
*
war,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
89
war, ftill lurked in his heart. His cabals with the mal-contents in England,
his connivance at the intrigues of Ormond and Bolingbroke at Paris, the
permiffion of providing arms and ammunition, and the preparations making at
Dunkirk for an attack upon England, were too manifeft to eſcape obfervation.
Chapter 14.
1716.
Under thefe circumftances, the earl of Stair, who had fuperfeded Prior in
his embaffy at Paris, made fecret overtures to the duke of Orleans, who was
apprehenfive left the king of Spain fhould wreft the regency out of his
hands; and at a meeting with the abbe du Bois, the confidential agent * of the
duke of Orleans, promiſed him the affiftance of England to fecure the re-
gency to the duke on the death of Louis the Fourteenth, and his fucceffion
to the crown of France, fhould the dauphin, afterwards Louis the Fifteenth,
die without iffue. Stair reiterated theſe affurances in a perfonal interview
with the duke; who folemnly pledged himſelf not to affift the Pretender,
and to demoliſh the fluices at Mardyke. The fame offers were renewed, in a Conduct of
ſtill ſtronger manner, on the death of the king of France. Hints were at the the regent.
fame time thrown out, that the true way to eſtabliſh a perfect underſtand-
ing between the two countries, would be to fend the Pretender out of Lor-
raine, and his two adherents, Ormond and Bolingbroke, out of France. But
the duke of Orleans had no fooner fucceeded in annulling the teftament of
Louis the Fourteenth, and fecured to himſelf the regency without reſtric-
tions, than he ceaſed to expreſs himſelf fo warm a friend to George the Firſt,
but while he gave affurances that he would demolith Mardyke, anfwered
nothing pofitive with refpect to the Pretender, Ormond, and Bolingbroke,
and fecretly affifted, or at leaſt connived at, the invafion of Great Britain.
When theſe attempts of the Pretender had failed of ſucceſs, and the ſtand-
ard of rebellion was overthrown, the regènt found it his intereſt to court
the friendſhip of England, whofe affiftance might be neceffary in fecuring to
him the crown of France in cafe of the death of Louis the Fifteenth, who
was a weak and fickly boy. It was generally ſuſpected that Philip the
Fifth would not think himſelf bound by his renunciation of the crown of
France; and as Spain, under the adminiftration of cardinal Alberoni, was be-
ginning to awake from her lethargy, and to make vaft preparations both
by land and fea, du Bois fuggefted that the fole purpoſe of thefe exertions
was to affert the rights of Philip to the crown of France. The regent ac-
Hardwicke State Papers, vol. 2.
+ The ſudden change of behaviour of the
regent and his court, occafioned by the fup-
preffion of the rebellion, appears in lord Stair's
Journal, "A la cour on eſt tout etonné; les
plus fages commencent à traiter le Chevalier
VOL. L
de St. George du Pretendant. Il y a deux
jours qu'il etoit le roy d'Angleterre par tout,
et tout le monde avoit levé le mafque. Il n'y
avoit plus un feul François, quafi perſonne de
la cour, qui mettoit le pied chez moy."
Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. 2. p. 550.
cordingly
N
90
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
cordingly renewed his overtures; but the king, incenfed at his former equi
1714 to 1720. vocal conduct, would not cordially liften to his offers, and opened a ne.
Alliances
with the Em-
peror and
Holland.
Vigorous and
prudent mea.
fures of the
British cabi-
net.
gotiation with the court of Vienna and the States General for a feparate de-
fenfive alliance. In confequence of theſe refolutions, the ancient alliance
with the United Provinces was renewed at Weſtminſter on the 16th of Fe-
bruary, and a new defenfive treaty with the Emperor on the 25th of May;
and the British cabinet informed the regent, that the departure of the Pre-
tender to the other fide of the Alps, was an indifpenfable preliminary. In
vain France attempted to prevent the union of the three powers, by offering
to conclude a defenfive alliance with Great Britain and the United Provinces,
and in cafe of a war with the Emperor, to obſerve a neutrality in the Low
Countries. The infidioufnefs of this propofal, did not efcape the obferva-
tion of Townſhend, who, in a letter to Horace Walpole, reprobated it as
chimerical and full of delufion *; and expreffed a determination to form
fuch alliances with the Emperor and the States General, as would let the
French fee, that if they had a mind to fall out with one of them, they would
certainly bring the rest into the quarrel.
Thefe vigorous meaſures alarmed the regent; and induced him now to court,
with zeal and fincerity, the friendſhip of England. Stair availed himſelf of
theſe favourable fentiments, to promote the fucceſs of the negotiation. But
his addrefs, and the influence which he had gained over the regent, gave
umbrage to Torcy, d'Huxelles, and the French minifters who were averfe to
the treaty; and they had intereſt ſufficient to have the negotiation transferred
* Letter from Townshend to Horace Wal-
pole, 27th December 1715. Walpole Papers.
"This morning the three mails, which
came in from Holland, brought me your letters
of the 27th and 31ft N. S. which I have read
to his majefty, who was glad to ſee that the
French ambaſſador was diſappointed in his
hopes of the great effects his propofal of neu-
trality for the Auftrian Low Countries, in cafe
of a war, would have in Holland. Indeed the
project ſeems ſo chimerical, and is fo full of
delufion, that it was hardly fit to be feriouſly
offered by one, or received by the other. And
none but France, who is uſed to contrive fuch
amufing ſchemes, could pretend to propoſe to
ftipulate with a third power, a neutrality for
the dominions belonging to another, who may
not confent to it. For what could fuch a
convention between the Dutch and the French
fignify, if the emperor, who is maſter of the
country, fhould not think it for his intereft to
mind it? Methinks we are giving opportunities
to France to play over the fame game they did
after the peace of Ryfwick, when the terrible
apprehenfions of a new war, made us and the
Dutch run into the meaſures of the Partition
Treaty, which was believed might be a won-
derful prefervative againſt a war, but in effect,
proved the fource, and the chief occafion of it.
We here, the States may be fure, fhall not be
fond to engage in a new war, who feel the ef-
fects of one at prefent in our bowels; let us,
therefore, keep to our old maxims, and unite
strongly together. The way to avoid a war,
is not to be much afraid of one, and to form
fuch an union among the allies, as to let the
French fee, that if they have a mind to fall out
with one of us, they will certainly bring all the
reft into the quarrel."
4.
to
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
91
to the Hague, under the direction of Chateauneuf, the French ambaffador, Chapter 14,
who was hoftile to the whole tranfaction.
1716.
Horace Walpole, as minifter from England, conducted the bufinefs with
great ability. He counteracted the intrigues of Chateauneuf, and threw a
momentary ſpirit into the weak and wavering counfels of the Dutch repub-
lic. He faw and appreciated the advantages which would refult from an
alliance with France, in infuring domeftic fecurity and foreign tranquillity.
He was apprehenfive left the infidious conduct of the regent might ſo far
excite a juſt, though imprudent indignation in the king and miniſtry, as to
induce them to reject all overtures of accommodation with France, and
laboured inceffantly to avert what he juſtly conſidered ſo great an evil *.
In a conference with penfionary Heinfius, of which Horace Walpole gives
an account in a private letter to Lord Townſhend, he details, in a few words,
the advantages which would refult to the king and nation, from an alliance
with France.
do
"If I may venture to give your lofhip
my own ſentiments upon this matter, it is
very natural to think that France has two
views in her preſent conduct; 1º, if the regent
fhould propofe to enter into new engagements
with his majeſty, and the States, and they
fhould accept of his propofall, and make a
treaty with him, he may defign by that means
to amuſe and difarm them, and thereby have
a better opportunity to attack either; or 240, if
the regent's offers of this nature ſhould be re-
jected, he may hope to take an advantage of fuch
a refufall, and to infinuate, both in England
and Holland, that his majeſty has a deſign to
keep his forces on foot; and to quarrell with
France; by not forgetting what is paſt, nor
being willing to come to a better underſtand-
ing with the regent; and if fuch a notion
fhould once take place, it would have a very
ill effect in both countrys; but to disappoint
France in theſe two views, may it not be ad-
viſeable not to talk directly againſt an alliance
with France, to prevent further miſchiefs, at
leaft no further than to fhow how neceffary it
is, after the regent's late conduct, to conclude
the defenfive treaty with the Emperour, pre-
ferable to any other whatfoever, fince it can-
not be expected that his majeſty ſhould ſeek
the friendſhip and confidence of France, after
the ufage he has received from her; and if the
regent fhould make any propofition for an al-
liance with his majefty, and the States, it may
be fo far received as to have it leifurely conti-
dered, and his majeſty has reafon and right
enough to infift upon foine certain articles to
be made part of that treaty, which, if accepted
and executed, may putt us out of all apprehen-
fions of the Pretender; and if rejected, will ex-
pofe the regent's ill defigns to all the world.
In the mean time, I fuppofe, that the defenfive
alliance with the Emperour ſhould be pro-
moted as much as poffible, and a force by fea
and land, fufficient for our fecurity, be kept
up. For as of one fide we must take care of
not being duped by France, we muft on the
other avoyd being thought defirous of a quar-
rell, and irreconcileable, even for our own fe
curity, and the prefervation of the peace.
+ "The prefent fituation of affairs in Eng-
land can by no means be agreeable to him.
On one hand, it can't be fafe or prudent for
his majefty to break his troops and difarm him-
felf, untill he has reafon to believe, that France
has abandoned the caufe of the Pretender; on
the other fide the people of England may grow
uneafy at the burthen and expenfe of a stand-
ing army; fo that it is certainly the intent both
of his majefty and his miniftry, to have a
friendſhip and confidence with France, that by
having nothing to apprehend from thence, the
government may return to its naturall confti-
tution of guards and garrifons, and enjoying
perfect eafe and repofe; and I added, that it is
evident, by his majefty's whole conduct, that
he has done all that is poffible for him to gain
the regent's amity and good will."
N
A
Townshend
92
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
Townshend had previouſly adopted the fame fentiments; and it was in
1714 to 1720, a great meaſure owing to his fuggeftions, that the Britiſh cabinet opened a
Conclufion
of the al-
liance with
France,
Auguft 21.
negotiation for a defenfive alliance with France. But the deceitful behaviour
of Chateauneuf, and the dilatory proceedings of the Dutch, enforced the ne-
ceffity of more expeditious and decifive meaſures. Lord Stair dexterouſly
counteracted the intrigues of the French minifters at Paris, by contriving to
place the negotiation in the hands of the abbe du Bois, who repaired to Ha-
nover, where the bufinefs was carried on by fecretary Stanhope under the
immediate aufpices of the king. The negotiation was conducted with fuch
fecrecy and difpatch, that an interval of a few days only elapfed between the
arrival of du Bois, and the adjuſtment of the preliminaries *.
After a few conferences, Du Bois agreed, in the name of the regent, to
fend the Pretender beyond the Alps, and to demoliſh the port of Mardyke †,
called by Lord Townſhend, in a letter to Horace Walpole, "that terrible
"thorn in the fide of England," on condition of confirming the article in
the treaty of Utrecht, which guarantied the fucceffion of the crown of France
to the houſe of Orleans, thould Louis the Fifteenth die without iffue.
• Correfpondence, Period II.
+ One of the articles in the treaty of
Utrecht, exprefsly ftipulated the demolition of
Dunkirk, from which port the trade of Eng-
land and Holland had been incommoded during
the late war. The king of France had lite.
rally fulfilled this article; but had, at the fame
time, opened a new canal at Mardyke, which
would have been equally prejudicial to the
trade of Great Britain. Prior, at that time em-
baffador at Paris, was ordered to prefent a me-
morial, preffing the performance of the 9th
article of the treaty of Utrecht. The king of
France declared in exprefs terms, that Mar-
dyke was not Dunkirk, and that the treaty of
Utrecht did not deprive him of the natural
right of a fovereign, to conſtruct fuch works as
he fhould judge moſt proper for the preferva-
tion of his fubjects. The truth is, that the
Engliſh plenipotentiaries had been extremely
negligent; in ftipulating the demolition of
Dunkirk, it could not be their intention that
another and a better harbour fhould be made
on the fame coaft: But that ftipulation ſhould
have been inferted; and it was natural that
all advantages fhould be taken by the French,
on whom fuch articles were impofed ‡, and
according to Lord Stair §, Prior, embaffador
at Paris, feemed altogether unknowing as to
the affair of Mardyke; to have had no in-
ftructions while the canal was making; and
to have concerned himſelf no farther about it,
fince he delivered the memorials. The earl
of Stair profecuted the affair with greater zeal
and vigour; it now became an object of im-
portance, and lord Townshend obferves to
Horace Walpole, "The article of Mardyke July 31st,
is in truth the chief and moſt effential point for
the intereft of England, for which his majeſty
has occafion to defire this alliance."
‡
Tindal, vol. 18. p. 327. 331.
§ Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. 2, p. 528,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
93
Chapter 15.
1716.
CHAPTER THE FIFTEENTH:
1716.
Situation of Affairs at Home.-Conduct of the Prince of Wales.-Precarious and
perplexed Situation of Townshend and Walpole.-Departure of Sunderland.-
Cauſes of the King's Diſpleaſure against Townshend and Walpole.—Their Op-
pofition to his continental Politics.-Walpole's Refiflance to the Payment of the
German Troops.-Intrigues and Arrogance of the Hanoverian Minifters.
Sunderland arrives at Hanover.—Cabals with the German Junto.-Gains
Stanhope.-Prevails on the King to diſmiſs Townſhend.
W
W fequence and dignity to the Britiſh negotiations abroad, and in fe-
HILE Townshend was thus fuccefsfully employed in reſtoring con-
curing tranquillity at home; while Walpole was conducting the affairs of
finance with wifdom and ability, and laying a plan to reduce the intereſt of
the national debt, an active cabal was undermining the favour of the brother
miniſters; advantage was taken of the king's proneness to jealoufy; every en-
gine was employed againſt them at Hanover; and after a fhort, but manly
ſtruggle, Townshend was difmiffed, and Walpole refigned his employment.
This change in the adminiſtration, was derived from the miſunderſtand-
ing between the king and the prince of Wales; the oppofition of the ca-
binet to ſome of the plans of continental politics propofed at Hanover;
the intrigues and arrogance of the Hanoverian junto; and the cabals of Sun-
derland and Stanhope.
On the king's departure, the prince of Wales had affumed the internal
adminiſtration of affairs, and fuch part of foreign tranfactions as could not
be carried on at Hanover. The rebellion having been fuppreffed, and tran-
quillity reſtored, the people became gradually more and more fatisfied with
the new government. The king's enemies imputed this fatisfaction, which
was the natural confequence of events, to the good conduct of the prince,
and likewiſe affected to spread abroad, that many acts of grace, the opening
of the communication from Dover to Calais, and the diſpenſing with paſſ-
ports, were owing to the fame caufe. Reports of his affability and con-
defcenfion to all perfons, without diſtinction of parties, were circulated, with
a miſchievous intention to decry the coldneſs and reſerve of the king; and
Caufes of the
change in ad-
miniſtration.
Conduct of
the prince of
Wales.
his
91
MEMOIRS-OF
Period 11.
his partial acquaintance with the Engliſh tongue, was nagnified, and repre-
1714 to 1720. fented as a proof of his earneſt defire to accommodate himſelf to the cuftoms
of the nation. He increafed his popularity by a fhort progrefs into Kent,
Suffex, and Hampſhire, and addreffes were preparing in feveral places, ex-
tolling his wiſdom in the adminiſtration of affairs, and the graciouſneſs of his
manners*. Thefe, and other circumftances, together with the extreme popu-
larity of the princeſs of Wales, were not concealed from the king, and
could not fail to augment the diſguſt he had already entertained against his
fon. The prince ftill farther offended the king, by fhewing particular at-
tention to the duke of Argyle; by his referve to the minifters in England,
and by the court which he paid to the Tories.
Oppofition to
Continental
politics.
While the miniſters were thus expoſed to the refentment of the prince,
for their fuperior attachment to his father, rumours were circulated that
their favour was declining with the king. In feveral letters to Stanhope,
Walpole bitterly complains of their irkſome fituation; and, in the extremity
of his chagrin, compares himſelf and his colleagues, to galley flaves, chained
to the oar. In this uneaſy ſituation, they judged it neceſſary for the king's
ſervice, to remove the prejudices, and to acquire the confidence of the prince,
which their prudence and addrefs had no fooner effected, by deftroying the
credit of Argyle, than they awakened the fufpicions of the king, who was
feelingly alive to fentiments of jealoufy towards his fon.
Another cauſe of the king's diſpleaſure was, the oppofition of the cabinet
to the continental politics, and their unwillingneſs to plunge the country
into a war with Ruffia. A difpute had arifen between the duke and nobles
of Mecklenburgh, in which the duke was fupported by Peter the Great ; the
nobles by the Emperor, the king of Pruffia, and George the Firſt, as elector
of Hanover. George was influenced by Bernfdorf, who, being a noble of
that duchy, was irritated againſt the Czar. Though thefe potentates em-
braced contrary fides, their views were the fame, the poffcffion of the duke's
territories.
Thoſe who indifcriminately cenfure the conduct of Walpole, have not
fcrupled to affert, that he embarked in every fcheme of aggrandizement
which intereſt or ambition might ſuggeſt to the fovereign on the contrary,
in this affair, he and Townshend diſplayed that manly refiftance which does
honour to their character, and refutes fuch groundleſs accufation. In the
courſe of this quarrel, Bernfdorf propoſed to Stanhope the wild and daring
project of feizing the fhips, difarming' the forces of the Czar, by means
* Tindal, vol. 19. p. 33. 38.
+ Political State of Great Britain, vol. 12. p. 140.
See Correſpondence, Period II.
of
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
95
1716.
of the Danes, and arrefting and detaining his perfon until his troops ſhould Chapter 15.
evacuate Denmark and Germany. Townshend reprobated, in the ſtrongeſt
terms, this violent propofal; reprefented that the profecution of the war in
the north, would be the ruin of England, declared that parliament could not
be induced to ſanction ſuch a profufion of the public money, for purpoſes
foreign to her real interefts; recommended a peace with Sweden, and ſtrongly
urged the neceffity of obtaining that bleffing by fome equivalent reftitutions.
The freedom of remonftrance ufed on this occafion, incenfed the king, who
declared that he confidered his deareſt intereſts facrificed to the parfimony of
the Engliſh miniſtry. His refentment was ftill farther inflamed againſt Wal-
pole, by his declaration of the impracticability of replacing the money ad-
vanced for the pay of the troops of Munſter and Saxe-Gotha, till the receipt.
of the fums appropriated by parliament to that uſe. The anger of the king
rofe fo high, that Walpole was reproached with having broken his promife;
the miniſter vindicated himſelf with becoming fpirit, and declared, that though
he could not venture to contradict the king's affertion, yet, that if he had
ever made fuch a promiſe, it had eſcaped his memory.
The rapacity and ambition of the German favourites had received feveral Influence of
checks from the ſpirit and inflexibility of Townshend and Walpole; they had the Germans.
hoped to appropriate to themſelves large fums from the grant of the French
lands in the iſland of St. Chriftopher, ceded at the peace, and the duchefs
of Munſter had engaged for a fum of money to procure a peerage for Sir
Richard Child, a violent Tory. Both theſe meaſures were counteracted,
to the great mortification of the whole junto. The haughty and inter-
efted miſtreſs, accuſtomed to domineer over the minifters of the electo-
rate, could ill brook to be thwarted by the Engliſh cabinet. Robethon dif-
played his refentment by the moft infolent demands, and petulant reproofs *.
When the earl of Sunderland arrived at Gohre, although he had already
ſecured the powerful aid of the Hanoverian junto, by the promiſe of obtaining
a repeal of the diſqualifying clauſe in the act of fettlement, yet his intrigues
had no other chance of being attended with fuccefs, unleſs he could gain fe-
cretary Stanhope, who owed his appointment folely to the influence of
Townſhend, and the friendſhip of the Walpoles, and poffeffed their implicit
confidence. As Townshend himſelf, on account of his wife's pregnancy, Gains Stan-
declined going to Hanover, his colleague was to be entrusted with that im- hope.
portant ſervice; he was to keep the king ſteady to his minifters in England,
and to watch and baffle the intrigues which might be formed to remove
Arrival and
intrigues of
Sunderland,
at Hanover.
October 22.
• See Correfpondence, Period II. paffim. Political State of Great Britain, vol, 12. p. 477-
them.
96
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
them. Stanhope appeared peculiarly qualified for this taſk.
qualified for this taſk. A long and in-
1714 to 1720. timate connection with Walpole, had bound them in the ftricteft ties of
friendship, and when Walpole recommended him to Townshend, he an-
fwered for his integrity, as for his own. Stanhope himſelf had made no
application for the office of fecretary. His frequent refidence in camps, and
ſkill in the profeffion of arms, rendered him, in his own opinion, more fit for
a military than a civil ſtation; and when Walpole propoſed it, he conſidered
the offer as a matter of raillery, and applied his hand to his ſword *. It
was not till after much perfuafion, and the moft folemn affurances, that
his compliance would materially contribute to the fecurity of the new ad-
miniſtration, that he was induced to accept the poſt.
One of the principal charges which Stanhope had received from his friends
in England, was to be on his guard againſt the intrigues of Sunderland; who
had, under pretence of ill health, obtained the king's permiffion to go to Aix-
la-Chapelle. Although, at the time of his departure, he had given the moſt
pofitive affurances of repentance and concern, for his late endeavours to re-
move his colleagues, and after the moft folemn profeffions of friendſhip and
union, had condefcended to afk their advice for the regulation of his conduct
at Hanover, to which place he intended to apply for leave to proceed.
Townshend and Walpole fufpected his fincerity; they had experienced his
abilities; they knew his ambition, and they dreaded the afcendancy which
he might obtain, through the channel of the Hanoverians, over the king.
But they implicitly trufted in the fagacity and integrity of Stanhope, either
to prevent his appearance at Hanover, or, if he came, to counteract his views,
Stanhope, however, did not follow their directions, for when Sunderland de-
manded acceſs to the king, inſtead of oppofing, he promoted the requeſt
with all his influence.
The mode of correfpondence adopted, during his continuance at Hanover,
fufficiently proved the unbounded confidence placed in Stanhope. Walpole
wrote in his own hand, occafional letters of the moſt private nature, in which he
repreſented the internal ſtate of affairs, the behaviour of the prince, the fen-
timents of individuals, and the conduct of Bothmar and other perſons who
were caballing against them. In addition to this mode of communication,
Stephen Poyntz, the confidential ſecretary of lord Townſhend, was appointed
a fupernumary clerk in the fecretary of ftate's office. His principal employ-
ment was to lay before Stanhope fuch occurrences and obfervations as Town-
fhend and Methuen, who acted as fecretary of state during the abſence of
* From Lord Orford.
+ See Correſpondence.-September 8th. Period II.
Stanhope,
2
97
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
4
Stanhope, thought improper to be inferted in their public difpatches. He
was never to write but through the channel of a meſſenger, and Stanhope
was requeſted to communicate theſe letters to the king, under the ftrongeſt
injunctions of fecrecy, or to withold them at difcretion. With the fame pre-
cautions, and by the fame conveyance, Stanhope was to fend, under cover to
Poyntz, fuch particulars as the king might judge improper and inconve-
nient to be laid before the prince, or the cabinet council *.
In this confidential correfpondence, Townſhend and Walpole ſtated freely
their objections to the continental politics, declared their diffatisfaction at
the interference of the Hanoverians, and their contempt at their venal and
intereſted conduct. They therefore put it in his power to betray their pri-
vate ſentiments, and to increaſe the averfion of the Hanoverian junto. The
feduction therefore of Stanhope from his former friends, was a maſter-piece
of art, as the defection of the perſon in whom they placed the moſt implicit
confidence, rendered every attempt to baffle the efforts of Sunderland inef-
fectual, becauſe the mine was not diſcovered until it was ſprung.
At what preciſe periòd, or by what inducement Stanhope was gained by Sun-
derland, cannot be pofitively aſcertained; but from the general difintereſted-
nefs of his character, I am led to conclude, that he did not lightly betray
his friends, or yield to the fuggeftions of Sunderland from venal or ambi-
tious motives. The private information I have received, and the letters which
paffed between Stanhope and Walpole, feem to prove, that Sunderland had
convinced him, that the Engliſh cabinet were fecretly counteracting the con-
clufion of the alliance with France, that their oppoſition to the northern
tranſactions was a dereliction of the principles on which the revolution was
founded; and he was made to believe that his friend Walpole had broke his
word with the king in the affair of the Munſter and Saxe Gotha troops.
This coolness of Stanhope towards the two minifters was ftill further aug-
mented by the tranfactions in Holland, and the conduct of Horace Wal-
pole, whoſe frank and open character fcorned to diſguiſe his fentiments, and
refuſed to follow orders which he confidered as repugnant to honour and
plain dealing. He had cenfured the proceedings at Hanover, in regard to
the politics of the north, in terms ftill ftronger than thoſe uſed by Townſ-
hend. He lamented that the whole fyftem of affairs in Europe, fhould be
entirely fubverted on account of Mecklenburgh. To Horace Walpole had
been intruſted the fecret negotiation of the defenfive treaty with France, and
while it was carrying on, the ſtricteft fecrecy was enjoined. Afterwards it was
thought prudent to remove the negotiation to Hanover, where, as has been
* Poyntz to fecretary Stanhope, 1716. Correfpondence, Period II.
VOL. I.
Q
already
Chapter 15.
1716.
98
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
already obferved, it was conducted, by fecretary Stanhope himſelf, and Du
1714701720. Bois, and the proceedings communicated to Horace Walpole. During its
progrefs he had folemnly affured the penfionary and greffier, that no treaty
would be concluded feparately from the Dutch; but the urgency of affairs,
and the king's impatience to fettle the preliminaries before the regent of
France could avail himself of the diffenfions with Ruffia to ſupport the Czar
in the affair of Mecklenburgh, rendered it impolitic to wait for the dilatory
proceedings of the Dutch republic, and full powers were therefore forwarded
to him and lord Cadogan, as joint plenipotentiaries at the Hague, to fign the
treaty with Du Bois, without farther delay. On the receipt of theſe orders,
Horace Walpole earneſtly exhorted Sunderland and Stanhope at the Hague,
to intercede with the king to difpenfe with his figning the treaty, and re-
queſted lord Townshend to obtain permiffion of the prince of Wales for his
return to England, under pretence of ill health. He declared, in the moſt po-
fitive and unequivocal manner, that no confideration on earth ſhould induce
him to comply; that he would relinquiſh all preſent and future advantages,
and lay his life at the king's feet, rather than be guilty of fo nefarious an
action. Theſe repeated remonftrances had their effect, and permiffion was at
length granted from Hanover, that he might depart, and leave to Cadogan
the fignature of the treaty.
During his refidence at Gohre, Sunderland received many marks of favour,
and by his confummate addrefs foon acquired the full confidence of the
king. He found it no difficult matter to ſelect, from the numerous tranſ-
actions in which Townshend had been employed, fome apparent inftances of
diſreſpect, or of neglect in his department. But it is remarkable, that not-
withſtanding the known zeal of Townshend for the French treaty, that al-
though he was the original adviſer and promoter of it, and had gradually
furmounted the indifference of the king *, the oppofition of Sunderland, the
diſapprobation of Stanhope, and the objections of the Hanoverian minifters,
yet it was now alledged as a crime againſt him, that he had purpoſely delayed
its fignature. This extraordinary imputation was conveyed to him in letters
from the king, Stanhope, and Sunderland. The letter from the king is miff-
ing, but that of Sunderland will give a ftriking proof of the influence he
had already gained over his mafter, and the imperiouſneſs of his character,
when he delivered his cenfures in fo harſh and authoritative a manner to the
prime miniſter in England.
While the anſwer to the charge was expected at Hanover, Sunderland
• Lord Townshend's letter to the king,
+ Correfpondence, Period II. November 11.
urged·
1
SİR ROBERT WALPOLE.
99
1
urged another fubject of complaint, which made a ſtill greater impreffion
on the king, and contributed to the fuccefsful iffue of his intrigues. He
availed himſelf, with great addrefs, of the miſunderſtanding with the prince
of Wales. He infinuated to the king, that Townſhend and Walpole were
caballing with the duke of Argyle and the earl of Ilay; that their repeated
remonftrances to draw him from Hanover, were only fo many feints to cover
their own infidious defigns; that their great object was to detain him abroad;
and by urging the neceffity of tranfacting the public bufinefs, to induce him
to inveſt the prince of Wales with fuller powers, and enable him to open thic
parliament, and to obtain an increaſed, permanent, and independent interest.
The effect of theſe repreſentations was aided by the anxious folicitude which
the prince difcovered, on all occafions, to open the parliament in perfon, and
by his imprudence in preffing Stanhope, by means of a letter from Townſ-
hend, to obtain a fpeedy anſwer, announcing the king's definitive refolu-
tions *.
When thefe infinuations, feconded by the Hanoverian miftreffes and mi-
niſters, had made a deep impreffion, with a view to obtain a fatisfactory
proof of theſe intentions, Sunderland adviſed the king to demand of the
cabinet council, the heads of the bufinefs to be brought forward in the next
feffion; and to declare that he was defirous of paffing the winter at Han-
over, if any expedient could be adopted for fummoning the parliament, and
tranfacting affairs. This demand being forwarded to the minifter, the coun-
cil inſtantly deliberated on the meffage, and Townſhend, anxious to gratify
the inclination of the king, tranfmitted a favourable anfwer, by his confiden-
tial friend and brother-in-law Horace Walpole, who had just arrived from
the Hague. He was fo anxious to convey this diſpatch with all poffible
ſpeed, that he quitted London on the 13th of November, the evening of its
fignature, left the Hague on the 17th, and, travelling night and day, arrived
at Gohre on the 22d. He flattered himfelf with a favourable reception, as
the meffenger of good tidings, but found the ſtate of affairs far different
from that which his fanguine expectations had fuggefted.
He found the king devoted to Sunderland, and exafperated against his
brother and Townshend, to whom the letters on the delay in figning the
French treaty, expreffive of his high indignation, had juft been forwarded.
He found him ftill greatly diffàtisfied with their oppofition to the plan of
northern politics, and difgufted with the backwardness of Walpole to ad-
vance the fubfidies for his troops of Saxe Gotha and Munfter, and fo trongly
Correfpondence.
Q 2
tipveiled
Chapter 15.
1716.
100
MEMOIRS OF
7
Period II.
impreffed with the danger of permitting the prince of Wales to open the
1714 to 1720. parliament in perfon, as to declare that no confideration fhould induce him
to confent to the grant of difcretionary powers for that purpoſe. He found
Stanhope difpleafed with the conduct of Townshend, and convinced that his
negotiations for the peace with France, and for the operations in the north,
were counteracted by the Engliſh cabinet.
Townshend
Juftifies him-
felf.
The franknefs and warmth of his temper, impelled him without diſguiſe
to ſpeak plain truths, and to expoftulate with a manly freedom and digni-
fied ſpirit which aſtounded Sunderland, and difconcerted Stanhope. He
reminded Stanhope in particular, that he owed his high fituation to Townſ-
hend and his brother; he remonftrated with him for having concurred with
their enemies, and affirmed that the fufpicions he had entertained againſt
Townshend were totally groundleſs. He candidly avowed, that if blame
was incurred by any delay of figning the treaty with France, that blame
muſt attach folely to him, whofe delicacy prevented him from affixing his
name to an act, after he had folemnly affured the leading men in Holland,
that England would not conclude a feparate treaty. He finally anſwered
for the honour and friendſhip of the brother miniſters in England.
Stanhope, affected with thefe remonftrances, ſo forcibly urged by his
friend, acknowledged that he had been deceived by falſe fuggeftions; ſpoke
of Townſhend and Walpole in terms of praiſe and affection; expreffed a high
fenſe of his obligations to them; requeſted that what was paft might be
forgotten, and what was to come might be improved; and promiſed in the
moſt folemn manner to uſe his influence with the king, which he repreſented
as very confiderable, in favour of thoſe who had committed to him his pre-
ſent truſt. Horace Walpole was fully fatisfied with theſe declarations.
Stanhope feemed to act in conformity with his promifes, and to labour to
efface the ill impreffions which the king had entertained of his miniſters in
England. Sunderland appeared confounded; the Hanoverians abaſhed
and the king inclined to recover his former ſatisfaction and complacency.
;
While theſe favourable ſymptoms of returning good will and harmony
apparently prevailed, the anſwer of Townshend to the charges of delaying
the fignature to the French treaty, arrived at Gohre. To Sunderland's info-
lent reproofs he did not condefcend to make any reply; to Stanhope he
wrote only a few lines, teftifying his concern and indignation at being be-
trayed by one in whom he placed the moſt implicit confidence; but his an-
fwer to the king *; contained a full and dignified refutation of the malicious
calumnies and mifrepreſentations of his enemies; and was written in a ſtyle
* November 11. See Correfpondence, Period II,
and
\
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
ΙΟΣ
and manner, expreffing without diſguiſe the high opinion which he enter- Chapter 15.
tained of his own character.
1716.
This manly and ſpirited letter appeared to have its due effect. The king,
convinced that he had haftily and unjustly accuſed lord Townſhend, can-
didly acknowledged his miſtake. Stanhope, highly affected with a letter from
his friend Walpole, juſtifying himſelf and Townshend from the malicious
imputations laid to their charge, renewed his proteftations of gratitude and
devotion, and requeſted the interference of Horace Walpole to bring about
a thorough reconciliation, and to re-eſtabliſh the former harmony and good
underſtanding. The king commiffioned him to convey the ſtrongeſt af-
furances of reſtored confidence in his faithful counſellors in England; and
Horace Walpole quitted Gohre with a full conviction that all refentment
had totally fubfided, and that Stanhope was fincere; and he was as anxious
to return to England with the good tidings, as he had been eager to repair
to Hanover with the letter from the cabinet council.
Townſhend.
His journey being fomewhat retarded by unforeſeen accidents on the road,
and by the difficulty of croffing Maefland Sluys, he did not arrive in Lon-
don till the 11th of December. He inftantly executed his commiffion; de-
livered to Townshend and his brother Stanhope's letter, containing the
ſtrongeſt affurances of devotion and friendſhip; announced the king's fa-
vourable declarations; reconciled all parties, and re-eſtabliſhed, as he thought,
the moſt perfect harmony and good underſtanding in the cabinet. But he
had ſcarcely effected this happy reconciliation, before diſpatches were brought
from Stanhope, announcing the king's command to remove Townſhend from Removal of
the office of fecretary of ftate, and to offer him the lord lieutenancy of Ire-
land. As Brereton, who conveyed theſe diſpatches without being appriſed of
their contents, could not have quitted Gohre more than three days fubfe-
quent to the departure of Horace Walpole, it was obvious that he had been
duped and deceived, that the plan for the removal of Townshend had
been then fettled; and that the folemn promiſes, made by Stanhope, were
never intended to be fulfilled. A letter from Sunderland to one of his
friends, of the fame date with thofe that brought the difmiffion of Townf-
hend, fully proved the motives which had influenced the king to countenance-
this proceeding. It accuſed Townſhend, Walpole, and the chancellor, of
caballing with the prince of Wales and Argyle, and forming defigns againſt
the king's authority *. In fact, the letter from the cabinet council, which
Horace Walpole had conveyed to Gohre, was the death warrant of Townf-
* See Townshend's letter to Slingelandt, January 2, 1717. Correfpondence.
*.
hend's
102
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
hend's adminiſtration. It contained many expreffions and opinions highly
1714 to 1720. unfavourable to the fentiments and inclinations of the king, and wholly op-
pofite to the views of the Hanoverian junto. By the demand, that full and
diſcretionary powers ſhould be ſent to the prince of Wales, it confirmed the
opinion fuggeſted by lord Sunderland, that the object of the minifters in
England, was to exalt the ſon above the father, and to fhew that the bufi-
nefs of parliament could be tranfacted by the prince of Wales. It irritated
the king to fuch a degree, that the immediate removal of the miniſter would
have been the inevitable confequence, had not the prefence of Horace Wal-
pole, and his expoftulations with Stanhope, difconcerted, for a fhort time,
the plans of Sunderland. But the favourable impreffions which his reprefen-
tations and the manly reply of Townſhend had effected, were foon worn off
by the ſuggeſtions of the Hanoverian junto; the king's jealouſy again re-
turned with redoubled force, and Townshend was difmiffed.
Townshend
declines the
lord lieute-
ΙΙ
22
His letter to
the king.
Townshend received the unexpected account of his difmiffion with no leſs
furpriſe than indignation, In his letter to the king, he announced his refo-
nancy, Dec. lution to decline the offer of the lord lieutenancy, with great dignity and ſpirit.
"I have received with deference, and with the utmoft fubmiffion, your ma-
jeſty's commands, intimated by M. fecretary Methuen, depriving me of the
office of fecretary of ſtate. I moſt humbly demand permiffion to remind your
majefty of what I faid, when you did me the honour to confer on me that
employment; that I ſhould eſteem myſelf happy, if I had as much capacity
as zeal and affection for your majefty's fervice, in which cafe I am fure that
your majeſty would have every reaſon to be fatisfied with my fervices. I
can venture to affirm with truth, that the defire of teftifying my gratitude
has been the only motive capable of hitherto fupporting me under the fa-
tigues of my employment. I am highly fenfible of the honour which your
majeſty confers on me, by condefcending to appoint me lord lieutenant of
Ireland: But as my domeſtic affairs do not permit me to refide out of Eng-
land, I ſhould hold myſelf to be totally unworthy of the choice which your
majeſty has been pleaſed to make, if I were capable of enjoying the large
appointments annexed to that honourable office, without doing the duty of
it. I trust that your majefty will grant me the permiffion to attend to the
private affairs of my family, which I have too much neglected. Yet I will
venture to affure your majefty, that whatever may be my fituation, your ma-
iefly will always find me a faithful and grateful fervant, anxious to promote,
with all his power, your majeſty's fervice; having the honour of being, with
* Townshend Papers.-Sce the French letter, of which this is the original draught, in the
Correſpondence.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
103
the moſt inviolable attachment, fire, your majeſty's moſt humble, moft obe- Chapter 16.
1716 to 1717.
dient, and moſt faithful ſubject and fervant."
In a fhort letter to Stanhope, Townshend calmly reproached him for the
duplicity of his conduct, and particularly dwelt on the violation of the pro-
miſes which he had made to Horace Walpole. But Stanhope had to en-
counter the ſtill feverer reproaches from his confidential friend, Walpole. To
him he opened himſelf in a private letter, which was delivered twenty-four
hours before that which announced the difmiffion of Townshend. In this
apology he was extremely anxious to juftify his conduct, and to attribute
his acquiefcence to the pofitive commands of the king, who bitterly com-
plained of the warmth and impracticability of Townshend's temper and
manner, and he imputed folely to his influence, that the difgrace of the mi-
niſter was foftened by the offer of the lord lieutenancy. He took merit to
himſelf for having removed the prejudices which the king had entertained
againſt Walpole, and earneſtly exhorted him to employ his intereft with lord
Townſhend to accept the proffered dignity. The reader will find, in the Walpole re-
correſpondence, this fpecious juftification of his conduct, and the reproachful proaches.
Stanhope.
anſwers of Walpole, who after complaining of the hardſhip with which Townſ-
hend was treated, obſerved, that it was ftill more unjuſt to load him with
falſe imputations to juſtify ſuch ill treatment, and concluded with expreffing
his reſolution to act invariably with him..
CHAPTER THE SIXTEENTH:
1716—1717.
Difcontents in England and Holland at the Disgrace of Townshend.-Sunder-
land and Stanhope, and the Hanoverians, are alarmed.-Apologize for their
Conduct.-The King prevails upon him to accept the Lord Lieutenancy of Ire-
land.-Motives for his Conduct.-Townshend and Walpole coldly Support Go--
vernment.—Sunderland. increases his Party.-Townshend difmiffed from the
Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland.-Walpole propoſes and carries his Scheme for re--
ducing the Interest of the National Debt.—Refigns.-Many of the leading
Whigs follow his Example.-Weakness of the new Adminiſtration..
TH
H E precipitate manner in which Townshend was removed from the
office of ſecretary of ftate, was occafioned by a violent burft of refent-
ment and jealoufy in the king. But as foon as the firſt emotions of anger had
fubfided,
+
Alarms on
difmiffion of
Townſhend.
104
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
1714 to 1720.
In England.
In Holland.
Apprehen-
fions of Sun-
Stanhope.
derland and
fubfided, and the firſt raptures of triumph among thoſe who had obtained
his diſgrace had given way to fober and ſerious reflection, the whole body
began to be alarmed at the fatal confequences which feemed likely to enfue
from that event.
Reports were tranfmitted from England, that theſe meaſures had excited
very
ſerious diſcontents and miſtruſts amongſt the monied men in the city;
that the greater part of the Whigs were highly exafperated; that of the ca-
binet council, Devonſhire, Orford, Cowper, Walpole, and Methuen adhered
inviolably to the fallen miniſter, and that their feceffion might create a dan-
gerous divifion, and diftract the plans already concerted for the enfuing fef-
fion. But above all confiderations they dreaded the oppofition of Walpole,
who took a principal lead in the houſe of commons; and whofe ability
for the affairs of finance was fo well underſtood, as to render it difficult to
fupply his place at the head of the treaſury at this particular juncture, when
he was forming a ſcheme, which had been highly applauded by the king, for
reducing the intereft of the national debt.
Theſe apprehenſions were not confined to England, but extended to fo-
reign parts, and particularly Holland. Many calumnious imputations having
been infinuated by Sunderland and the Hanoverians, Townshend wrote a full
and fpirited juftification of his and Walpole's conduct, and detailed the real
motives which had occafioned their diſgrace, in a letter to his confidential
friend, Slingelandt, afterwards penfionary of Holland; who ſtrongly expreffed
regret at his difimiffion, and concern at his refufal to accept the lord lieutenancy
of Ireland.
*
This letter had a very ſtriking effect over his friends in Holland. Penfion-
ary Heinfius, Fagel, Slingelandt, Duvenvoirde, and other leading men in
that republic, expreffed the moſt ferious concern at the fatal confequences
which might refult to the united interefts of the two countries from this fatal
divifion; and reprobated a meaſure, which, according to their opinion, was
calculated to make the crown totter on the head of the king. The opinion.
of theſe men, warmly attached to the Engliſh intereft, had great weight
with George the Firft, during the fhort time which he paffed at the Hague,
on his return to England.
The terror of Sunderland and Stanhope on this occafion, is fully proved
by the extraordinary attention they now paid to Townshend and Walpole.
Sunderland apologized for having accufed them of caballing with the duke
of Argyle; and acknowledged that the report had originated from a miſre-
prefentation of Lord Cadogan, whofe hafty temper was well known. He ex-
* Correfpondence.
preffed
SIR
105
ROBERT WALPOLE.
preffed his regret and repentance for having written an infolent letter to the
earl of Orford, in which he had infulted the cabinet minifters who adhered
to Townſhend. Both he and Stanhope vied in making the moſt artful ex-
cuſes for their paft conduct; declared that they did not in the fmalleſt de-
gree contribute to his difgrace, and threw the whole blame on the Hano-
verians. They finally expatiated on the danger to the true Whig intereſt,
if Townſhend now deſerted his tried friends. Stanhope wrote in the ſtrongeſt
manner to Walpole, and ufed every argument to appeafe his refentment.
He renewed his affeverations, that the removal of the minifter was the fole
determination of his royal maſter, pronounced it an impoffible attempt to
think of perfuading the king to recall his commands; expreffed his apprehen-
fions of the dangerous conſequences, if Walpole and the other leaders of the
Whigs ſhould deem it neceffary to refign; and repeated his earneft entreaties to
prevent things from being carried to fuch extremities as he dreaded to think of.
He exhorted Methuen, who declared his refolution of acting with Walpole,
not to defert the good caufe; and throw the king into the hands of the
Tories; but folicited his humble interpofition with Townshend and Wal-
pole: "They may poffibly," he added, “unking their maſter, or (what I
do before God think very poffible) make him abdicate; but they will never
force him to make Townſhend ſecretary." On their arrival in England,
they acted in the fame abject manner, and continued to make the moſt
humble fubmiffion.
The king himſelf treated Townshend with the moſt flattering marks of
diftinction. He apologized in perfon for the precipitation with which he
had deprived him of the feals, and acknowledged that he had been im-
pofed upon by falſe reports; he fent Bernſdorf to reprefent the fatal effects
which would be derived from his oppofition at this period. That artful
minifter offered him, in his mafter's name, a reſtoration to his former favour,
and every fatisfaction which he could defire; declared that the king having
taken from him the feals, could not immediately reftore them confiftently with
his own honour; promiſed that no other changes fhould be made; intreated
him to accept the proffered dignity. He affured him that he might con-
fider that office only as a temporary poſt, and be permitted to reſign it at
pleaſure, in exchange for any other he fhould prefer t.
As it was impoffible, after the infolent letters of Sunderland, and the in-
fidious conduct of Stanhope, that he could ever repofè any confidence in
thoſe who had thus infulted and deceived him, he would have acted a nobler
* See letter from M. Duvenvoirde to Lord Town fhend. Correfpondence.
+ Letter from Stanhope to Methuen.-Correfpondence.
VOL. I.
Duvenvoirde to Lord Townshend.-Correfpondence.
Р
and
Chapter 16.
1716 to 1717.
Conduct of
the king.
1717.
Townshend
accepts the
nancy.
lord lieute.
1
106
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
and a wifer part, had he declined accepting any office. Had he perfifted irr
in
1714 to 1720. his refufal of the lord lieutenancy, had Walpole, Devonshire, Orford, Cow-
per, Methuen, and Pulteney, inſtantly refigned on his difmiffion, the party
of Sunderland was fo weak and infufficient, that he could not have obtained a
majority in parliament. But Townſhend, mollified by the folicitations of the
king, overcome by the importunities of his friends in Holland, and dreading
the confequences of a difunion of the Whigs at this moment, when an in-
vafion from Sweden was threatened, at length accepted the vice-royalty,
and remaining in England, affifted at the deliberations of the cabinet. All the
friends of Townſhend were fuffered to continue in their places. Methuen,
who had acted as fecretary of ſtate during the abſence of Stanhope, now ſuc-
ceeded to the ſouthern department. Walpole remained at the head of the
treaſury and the great body of the Whigs ftill appeared to act with union
and cordiality.
Proceedings
in parlia-
ment.
Feb. 21.
March 4.
Fresh divi-
fions.
9th.
In confequence of this apparent amity, the oppofition in the commons
was fo trifling, that the addrefs, thanking the king for laying before the
houſe the paper proving the projected invaſion from Sweden, paffed una-
nimouſly *; and when the eſtimates relating to the land forces were preſented,
the motion for putting off the confideration, was carried by a triumphant
majority of 222 voices againſt 57 .
But the good underſtanding between the different members of adminiftra-
tion, did not long continue. It foon appeared, that the king's promiſes of
favour, made by Bernſdorf to Townshend and Walpole, were not fulfilled;
and that the king placed his chief confidence in Sunderland and Stanhope.
New divifions took place; Townshend and Walpole continued to defend
the meaſures of government, but their fupport was cold and formal, and ſo
different from their former zeal, as plainly fhewed extreme diffatisfaction.
Sunderland had now confiderably increaſed his party, and thought himſelf
fufficiently ſtrong to carry on the public buſineſs, and defy the oppoſition.
In this fituation, an open rupture in the cabinet was unavoidable. The
first public ſymptoms of this difference appeared in the houſe of commons.
On a motion that a fupply be granted to enable the king to concert ſuch
meaſures with foreign princes and ftates, as may prevent any apprehenfions
from the deſigns of Sweden for the future: Walpole, who on all fuch occa-
fions uſed to give a great bias to the houſe, maintained a profound filence,,
and the reſolution was carried by a majority of only 4 voices ‡.
As it was evident that this mode of inimical proceeding originated from
‡ Journals.
* Journals.-Chandler.
t Chandler.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
107
the party of which Townſhend was leader, he received, on the fame evening, Chapter 16.
a letter from Stanhope, announcing his difmiffion.
1716 to 1717.
The king himſelf ſo highly appreciated the fervices and talents of Wal-
Tow nfhend's
pole, that he dreaded his refignation, and was perfuaded to remove difmiffion.
Townſhend, under the belief that he would ftill remain at the head of the Walpole re-
treaſury. When
When Walpole, therefore, on the following morning, requeſted figns.
an audience, and gave up the feals, the king was extremely furpriſed. He
refuſed to accept his refignation, expreffed a high fenfe of his fervices in the
kindeft and ſtrongeſt terms; declared that he had no thoughts of parting
with fo faithful a counſellor; intreated him not to retire, and replaced the
feals in his hat. To this Walpole replied, with no leſs concern than firm-
neſs, that however well inclined he might be to obey his majeſty's com-
mands, yet it would be impoffible to ſerve him faithfully with thoſe minif-
ters to whom he had lately given his favour, “ They will propoſe to me,"
he faid, "both as chancellor of the exchequer, and in parliament, fuch
things, that if I agree to ſupport them, my credit and reputation will be loſt;
and if I diſapprove or oppoſe them, I muſt forfeit your majeſty's favour.
For I, in my ſtation, though not the author, muſt be anſwerable to my king
and to my country for all the meaſures which may be adopted by adminiftra-
tion." At the concluſion of theſe words, he again laid the feals upon the
table; the king returned them not leſs than ten times, and when the mi-
nifter as often replaced them on the table, he gave up the ftruggle, and
reluctantly accepted his refignation, expreffing great concern and much re-
fentment at his determined perfeverance. At the conclufion of this affect-
ing ſcene, Walpole came into the adjoining apartment, and thoſe who were
preſent, witneffed the anguiſh of his countenance, and obferved that his eyes
were fuffuſed with tears. Thoſe who immediately entered into the clofet,
found the king no lefs difturbed and agitated *.
Theſe removals were foon followed by an almoft total change in the ad- Further
miniſtration. Devonshire, Orford, Methuen, and Pulteney, refigned; Stan- changes.
hope was appointed firft lord of the treaſury, and chancellor of the exche-
quer; Sunderland and Addiſon ſecretaries of ſtate; the duke of Bolton
lord lieutenant of Ireland, and the duke of Newcaſtle lord chamberlain; the
earl of Berkley firft lord of the admiralty, and the duke of Kingſton re-
tained the office of privy feal, to which he had been nominated in the pre-
ceding year, on the refignation of Sunderland, who was made treaſurer of
Ireland for life.
This interefting anecdote is taken from a letter of Horace Walpole to Etough, dated Wol-
4erton, October 12, 1751. See Correfpondence.
P 2
108
:
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
1714 to 1720.
7
حما
Walpole's
fcheme for
reducing the
national
debt.
CHAPTER THE SEVENTEENTH:
1717 1719.
Walpole propofes his Plan for reducing the Intereft of the National Debt.-His
Refignation excites warm Debates.—Altercation with Stanhope.—Remarks on
the baneful Spirit of a fyftematic Oppofition to all the Meaſures of Government.
-Walpole not exempted from that Cenfure.-His uniform Oppofition, and In-
fluence in the House of Commons.
T
HE refignation of Walpole happened at a time when he was exerting
his abilities for finance, in the arrangement of a ſcheme highly advan-
tageous to the country. When he was firft placed at the head of the trea-
fury, the national debt amounted to 50 millions, and although the common
intereft of money had been reduced in the late reign to 5 per cent. yet the
intereſt of ſome of the debts were as high as 8, and none lower than 6;
fo that the average was 7 per cent.
The difference between this rate of
intereſt, and that on private mortgages, prefented a real fund for leffening
the public debt.
This debt was confidered under two heads; redeemable, and irredeem-
able. The redeemable, or fuch debts as had been provided for by parlia-
ment with a redeemable intereft of fo much per cent. the public had a
right and power to diſcharge whenever they were able, either by providing
money for fuch proprietors as infifted upon money, or by offering new terms,
in diſcharge of all former conditions, which, if accepted by the pro-
prietors, was to be deemed an actual redemption of the firſt debt, as if it
had been paid off in ready money. As for the irredeemable debts, or long
and ſhort annuities, nothing could be effected without the abfolute confent of
the proprietors. The only method, therefore, to treat with them, was to
offer fuch conditions as they ſhould deem advantageous *.
Upon theſe principles Walpole gave the firſt hint of this great ſcheme, by
propofing to borrow £. 600,000, bearing intereft only 4 per cent. and to ap-
ply all favings, arifing from the intended redemptions, for the purpoſe of re-
* Tindal, vol. 19. p. 102,
ducing
f
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
109
ducing and diſcharging the national debt, which was the firft refolution ever
taken in parliament in order to raiſe or eſtabliſh a general finking fund*.
When he brought his ſcheme into the houſe, the project appeared fo well
digeſted and advantageous, that the oppofition which had been intended
was converted into approbation, and every article was agreed to.
Unfortunately for the completion of this great arrangement, the able pro-
jector was no longer in office. On bringing in the bill, Walpole gave a
hint that he had refigned his places, by faying, "that he now prefented it
as a country gentleman, but hoped that it would not fare the worſe for
having two fathers, and that his fucceffor would take care to bring it to per-
fection ." The difficulties which he had to encounter in this fcheme,
will appear from the confideration, that no reduction of intereft could be
made without the confent of the public creditors themſelves. It was folely
by his addreſs and management, that the companies of the Bank and
South Sea agreed not only to reduce their own intereft, but to furniſh large
fums for the difcharge of fuch other creditors as ſhould refufe to comply
with an equal reduction; a ſtriking proof of the general eſteem in which
he was held by the proprietors of the national debts; of their regard for his
judgment, and confidence in his equity.
The refignation of Walpole caufed a great fenfation in the houſe of com-
mons, where regret for the want of his talents for finance, feemed to
prevail, and he was as much inveighed againſt for refigning, as he was
afterwards reviled for remaining in power. His withdrawing from govern-
ment at this crifis, was called a defection; a criminal confpiracy, with
a view to embarraſs the king, and to force him to comply with his unwar-
rantable demands. In anſwer to theſe accufations, Walpole juſtly obſerved,
"That perfons who had accepted places in the government, had often been
reflected on for carrying on defigns, and acting contrary to the intereſt
of their country; but that he had never heard a man arraigned for laying
down one of the moſt profitable places in the kingdom: that for his own
part, if he would have complied with ſome meaſures, it had not been in the
power of any of the prefent minifters to remove him; but that he had rea-
fons for refigning his employments, with which he had acquainted his ma-
jeſty, and might, perhaps, in a proper time, declare them to the houſe.
In the mean while, the tenour of his conduct fhould fhew, that he never
intended to make the king uneafy, or to embarraſs his affairs."
* Hiftorical Regifter for 1717, p. 150.-
Some Confiderations concerning the Public
Funds, 1735, p. 11.
+ Chandler.
† Chandler.
Chapter 17.
1717 to 1719.
March 23,
1717.
April 12th.
Defends his
refignation
But
£10
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
Reflected on
}
But a more ferious charge was brought againft him by Stanhope, who
1714 to 1720. obferved, in the heat of debate, that "he would endeavour to make up by
application, honefty, and difintereſtedneſs, what he wanted in abilities and
by Stanhope. experience. That he would content himſelf with the falary and lawful per-
quifites of his office; and, though he had quitted a better place, he would not
quarter himſelf upon any body. That he had no brothers, nor other rela-
tions to provide for; and that upon his firft entering into the treaſury, he
had made a ſtanding order againſt the late practice of granting reverfions of
places." Walpole, touched with thefe infinuations, complained in the firſt
place of breach of friendſhip, and betraying private converfation. He then
frankly owned, that while he was in employment, he had endeavoured to
ferve his friends and relations; than which, in his opinion, nothing was
more reaſonable and juft. "As to the granting of reverfions," he added,
"I am willing to acquaint the houſe with the meaning of the charge which
is now urged againſt me. I have no objections to the German minif-
ters, whom the king brought with him from Hanover, and who, as far as
I had obferved, had behaved themfelves like men of honour; but, there is
a mean fellow *, of what nation I know not, who is eager to difpofe of em-
ployments. This man, having obtained the grant of a reverfion, which he
defigned for his fon, I thought it too good for him, and therefore reſerved
it for my own fon. On this difappointment, the foreigner was fo impertinent
as to demand. 2,500, under pretence that he had been offered that fum
for the reverfion; but I was wifer than to comply with his demands. And
I am bold to acknowledge, one of the chief reafons that made me refign
was, becauſe I could not connive at fome things that were carrying on."
Conduct in
oppofition.
Mutiny bill.
When Walpole afferted in the houſe, that he never intended to embarraſs
the affairs of government, he either was not fincere in his profeffions, or if he
was, did not poffefs that patriotic and difintereſted firmneſs which could
refift the fpirit of party; for almoſt from the moment of his refignation, to
his return into office, we find him uniform in his oppofition to all the mea-
fures of government. We fee him leagued with the Tories, and voting
with Sir William Wyndham, Bromley, Shippen, and Snell; and we obferve,
not without regret at the inconfiftency of human nature, Shippen expref-
fing his fatisfaction, that Walpole, when contending for the fervice of his
country, was no more afraid than himſelf of being called a Jacobite by
thoſe who wanted other arguments to fupport their debates. We find him
even oppofing the mutiny bill, that neceffary meaſure for the regulation of
* Alluding to Robethon.
Chandler, vol. 6. p. 156.
military
† Chandler.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
PII
1
+
Chapter 17.
1717 to 1719.
military diſcipline, and in the heat of argument, making uſe of this me-
morable expreffion, "He that is for blood, fhall have blood": But
though he spoke thus ftrenuously againſt the bill, he voted for it, and
fecured a large majority. Being reproached for this apparent inconfift-
ency, he juſtified himſelf by declaring, that although in the debate he
was of opinion that mutiny and defertion fhould be puniſhed by the civil
magiſtrate, yet he was convinced that thoſe crimes ſhould be puniſhed by
the martial law, rather than eſcape with impunity * We find him taking Schifm bill.
an active part againſt the repeal of the occafional and fchifm bills, not-
withſtanding his animated declaration, on a former occafion, that the fchifm
bill had more the appearance of a decree of Julian the apoftate, than a law
enacted by a proteftant parliament, fince it tended to raiſe as great a perfecu-
tion againſt our proteftant brethren, as either the primitive chriſtians ever
fuffered from the heathen emperors, or the proteftants from popery and the
inquifition. In ſupport of the queftion for reducing the troops, he
afforded a ſtriking inftance of inconfiftency, by enlarging on the common
topic of the danger of a ſtanding army in a free nation, and by infifting that
12,000 men were fully fufficient. Yet at this very period, a rebellious fpirit
continued to fubfift in England, and prevailed ftill more in Scotland.
though the king of Sweden's defign to fupport the Pretender had been dif-
covered, yet he flill perfifted in his refolution, and waited only for a fa-
vourable opportunity of carrying his project into execution. The queen
of Spain, and cardinal Alberoni, had revived war in the fouth of Europe,
and were forming vaft preparations; and the reception and encouragements
given to the adherents of the Pretender, were fure fymptoms of their incli-
nations in his favour. Walpole was well aware of all thefe circumſtances,
and could not be ignorant that the reduction of the army muſt have been
attended with fatal confequences, and therefore his fupport of this meaſure
could be dictated only by party reſentment.
Al-
Speaks for
the reduc-
tion of the
army,
We find him, who had spoken with fuch heat and force of argument Acquittal of
againſt the makers of the peace of Utrecht, who had been the indefatigable Oxford.
chairman of the fecret committee, and had drawn up that able report, which
brought fuch heavy accufations againſt Oxford, now grown languid and
lukewarm in the proſecution, abfenting himſelf from the committee fo often,
that another chairman was chofen in his place, and ironically complimented
by Shippen, that he who was the moft forward and active in the impeach-
ment, had abated in his warmth fince he was out of place §. At length, by
* Hardwicke Papers.
+ Chandler, 1712.-Tindal.
*
‡ Tindal.
§ Chandler.
his
ΣΙΣ
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
his connivance, a feigned quarrel as to the mode of proceeding took place
1714 to 1720. between the two houfes, and no profecutors appearing on the day fixed for
the continuance of the trial, Oxford was unanimouſly acquitted.
Inquiry into
the conduct
of lord Ca-
dogan.
June 4th.
Influence in
parliament.
Supports the
Swedish fub-
fidy.
December
4th 1717.
Walpole alfo, and the Whigs in oppofition, whom Shippen humorously
called his new allies, zealously fupported the inquiry into the conduct of lord
Cadogan, for fraud in the charge of tranſporting the Dutch troops, at the
time of the rebellion, to and from Great Britain. Walpole fpoke in this
debate near two hours, and in the courfe of his fpeech, ftrained his voice
fo high, and uſed fuch violent efforts, that the blood burft from his noſe,
and he was obliged to retire for fome time from the houſe *. In anſwer to
his arguments, it was ably obſerved by Lechmere, that the inquiry was fri-
volous, the reſult of party malice, and of the fame nature with thoſe which
had been inſtituted againſt Marlborough, Townshend, and Walpole himſelf;
and he justly obferved, that thoſe perfons who were now moft zealous about
the inquiry, had been filent about thefe pretended frauds while they were
in place. But the advocates for the inquiry were fo powerful, that it was
negatived only by a majority of 10 voices .
But whatever were the motives by which Walpole was guided, he confi-
derably influenced the houfe of commons, during the whole time of his op-
pofition. Three days after his refignation, Stanhope having moved for
granting the fum of £.250,000 to enable the king to concert meaſures
againſt Sweden; and Pulteney, who had juſt refigned his place of ſecretary at
war, having ſpoke with great vehemence againſt a German miniftry, the
motion was in great danger of being loft, till Walpole clofed the debate, by
obferving, "That having already ſpoken in favour of the fupply, he ſhould
now vote for it ;" and the motion, in confequence of his interference, was carried
without a divifion. A few words in favour of Mr. Jackſon, who had offended
the houſe by declaring that there were amongſt them a fet of men who made
it their ſtudy and buſineſs to embarraſs the government, faved him from the
Tower. And when Shippen faid, "the fpeech from the throne feemed
rather calculated for the meridian of Germany, than of Great Britain," and
urged, as the only infelicity of his majefty's reign, that he was unacquainted
with our language and conftitution; a few palliating expreffions from Wal-
pole would have been attended with the faine effect, if the inflexible orator
had not maintained what he had advanced, and by that obftinacy occaſioned
his own commitment §. Even in the article of fupplies, he occafionally
prevailed againſt the miniftry. In fpeaking for the diminution of the army
* Chandler.
+ Hiftorical Regifter.-Chandler.
Hiftorical Regifter.-Chandler.---Tindal.
§ Chandler, vol. 6. p. 157.
eſtimates,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
113
Chapter 17.
December
eftimates, his propofal, that £.650,000, inftead of £.681,618, fhould be
granted for defraying the charges of guards and garrifons* was adopted; and 171 to 1719.
in the fame feffion, when the miniftry demanded £. 130,361, for the pay of
reduced officers, and the Tories would only grant £.80,000, Walpole pro- 9th 1718
poſed a medium of £.99,000; and his motion was carried without a divi-
fion.
January 12,
1710.
A propofal from the South Sea company, for advancing £.700,000, South Sea
loan applied
having been accepted by the houſe, ſome of the members were for applying to the finking
it towards the prefent and growing neceffities of the government. But in a fund.
grand committee of ways and means, Walpole, in favour of his finking
fund, infifting that the public debts already incurred fhould be firſt con-
fidered, a reſolution was taken, and a bill afterwards brought in, directing the
application of this money, agreeably to his fentiments. "It is indeed plain,"
adds a virulent pamphleteer, who decried the adminiſtration of Sir Robert
Walpole, that "in all tranfactions of money affairs, the houfe relied more
upon his judgment than on that of any other member†.”
Thus it appears that Walpole, even when in oppofition, almoſt ma-
naged the houfe of commons; and being in oppofition he could not gain
that aſcendancy, by the means of corruption and influence, which were af-
terwards fo repeatedly urged againſt him, and which the fame virulent au-
thor calls "fome SECRET MAGIC of which he feemed to have been a perfect
mafter." In fact, the magic which he applied, was derived from profound
knowledge of financé, great ſkill in debate, in which perfpicuity and found
fenſe were eminently confpicuous, unimpeached integrity of character, and the
affiftance of party.
tranfactions
Walpole was no leſs vehement in his oppofition to thofe meaſures of go- Foreign
vernment which related to foreign affairs, and which, at this time, embraced
a very large field for approbation or cenfure. The fatal confequences of the
peace of Utrecht, placed England in a very delicate fituation between the
oppofite pretenfions of Spain and Auftria. To fatisfy both was impracti-
cable; but the alliance with France, concerted by Walpole and Townshend,
and the neceffity of oppofing the unjuſt ſchemes and dangerous intrigues of
Cardinal Alberoni, compelled Great Britain to fide with the Emperor. Yet
though it was generally known that Spain, in concert with Sweden, medi-
tated a deſcent on our coafts, to overturn the eftablifhed government, and
fet the Pretender on the throne; though Philip the Fifth grafped at the pof-
• Chandler, vol. 6. p. 175. + Hiſtory of the Adminiſtration of Sir Robert Walpole, p. 11,
VOL. I.
feffion
Q
114
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
feffion of Gibraltar and Minorca, and the fubverfion of the regent's power
1714 to 1720. in France; and the ambition of his confort, Elizabeth Farneſe, aimed at the
acquiſition of the Italian provinces for her fon; though a Spaniſh fleet had
been fent into the Mediterranean, and a Spanish army had over-run the
kingdom of Sardinia, and threatened the reduction of Sicily, no attempts
ſeem to have been wanting on the fide of England, to induce the king
of Spain, by perfuafions, to adopt pacific meaſures.
Immediate prepa-
rations were arranged with the Emperor, France, and the United Pro-
vinces, and every proper ineafure was concerted with thofe powers to pre-
vent hoftilities. Cadogan was fent to the Hague, Dubois came to London,
and fettled with the miniftry, terms for an accommodation between the Em-
peror and the king of Spain *. George the Firſt even proceeded fo far as to
propoſe the ceffion of Gibraltar, on the confideration of an equivalent, and
permitted the regent duke of Orleans to make the offer to the king of Spain,
if he would ratify the terms ſpecified in the treaty, called the quadruple
alliance, paffed at London on the 2d of Auguft 1718, between the Emperor,
England, and France, and afterwards acceded to by the United Provinces.
By this alliance, the Emperor renounced all claims to the crown of Spain,
conſented, that Tuſcany, Parma, and Placentia, as male fiefs of the empire,
ſhould defcend, in default of male heirs, to Don Carlos, eldeſt ſon of Eliza-
beth Farneſe, by Philip the Fifth. In return for theſe conceffions, the Em-
peror was to be gratified with the poffeffion of Sicily, in lieu of which terri-
tory, Sardinia was to be allotted to Victor Amadeus. The terms to be im-
poſed on Philip were, the renunciation of all claims to the dominions of the
Emperor, in Italy, and the Netherlands. Three months being allowed to
Philip for the acceptance of theſe conditions, Stanhope himſelf employed this
interval in conducting the negotiation in perfon: he repaired to Paris, and
after adjuſting meaſures with the regent proceeded to Madrid. In a confer-
ence with Alberoni, he reprefented that a French army was preparing to in-
vade Spain, and that a Britiſh ſquadron, under the command of admiral
Byng, was failing for the Mediterranean, with orders to attack and deſtroy
the Spaniſh fleet, if Sicily was not evacuated: he even gave a lift of the
number and force of the Ships, to convince him of their evident fupe-
riority. Theſe overtures were rejected with haughtiness and even con-
tempt. Stanhope's immediate departure from Spain became the fignal
for war; the French troops advanced, admiral Byng attacked, captured and
deſtroyed the greater part of the Spaniſh fleet. The king of Spain, diſap-
*Tindal, vol. 19, p. 167. + See Chapter on Gibraltar, in Period IV.
Earl Stanhope's Letter to Secretary Craggs; Hardwicke Papers,
pointed
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
115
pointed in his hopes of making an impreffion on England, by the death of
Charles the Twelfth, and the defection of the Czar, was compelled to difmifs
Alberoni, and to accede to the quadruple alliance.
Chapter 17.
1717 to 1719.
Oppofes the
war with
Spain.
March 17,
1718.
During the whole progrefs of thefe tranfactions, Walpole ftrenuoufly op-
poſed the conduct of government. On the motion, made by Sir William
Strickland, for an addreſs of thanks to the king for his unwearied endeavours
to promote the welfare of his kingdoms, and to preferve the tranquillity of
Europe, and to affure him that the houſe would make good fuch exceedings
of men for the fea fervice, for the year 1718, as his majefty fhould find ne-
ceffary *, Walpole obſerved, that fuch an addrefs had all the air of a decla-
ration of war againſt Spain. In the following feffions, when fecretary Craggs
laid before the houfe, copies of fome of the treaties relating to the quadruple
alliance, alluded to in the fpeech from the throne, Walpole no lefs warmly
objected to the words in the motion for an addrefs, expreffing the entire fatis-
faction of the houſe in thoſe meaſures which the king had already taken; he
urged, "That it was againſt the common rules of prudence, and the methods Nov. 11.
of proceeding in that houfe, to approve a thing before they knew what it
was; that he was thoroughly convinced of, and as ready as any perfon in
that affembly, to acknowledge his majefty's great care for the general peace
of Europe, and the intereft of Great Britain; but that to fanction, in the
manner propofed, the late meafures, could have no other view than to
fcreen minifters, who were confcious of having done fomething amifs, and,
who having begun a war againſt Spain, would now make it the parliament's-
war: and concluded, by expreffing an entire diffatisfaction at a con-
duct contrary to the law of nations, and a breach of folemn treaties.'
When Craggs, in reply, gave an abſtract of the articles of the quadruple
alliance, Walpole, after reiterating his profeffions of duty and affection to
the king, diftinguifhed between him and his minifters, and expreffed his un-
willingneſs to approve the meaſures purſued, until the treaties on which thoſe
meaſures were founded had been fully and maturely examined. Craggs
having preſented the tranflations of the remaining treaties, and the king Nov. 13.
having fent a meffage, that he had declared war against Spain, Walpole Dec. 17.
combated the addrefs, and while his brother Horace made a long ſpeech
against the quadruple alliance, and particularly argued that the grant of
Sicily to the Emperor in exchange for Sardinia, was a breach of the treaty
of Utrecht, he himself exclaimed against the injuftice of attacking the
Spaniſh flect before the declaration of war §. But the anfwer given to this vio-
$ Chandler, vol. 6. p. 191.
* Chandler.
+ Chandler.
↑ Chandler.
Q
>>
lent
116
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
lent declamation by the minifterial advocates, was not unreaſonable. They
1714to 1720. ftated, that the blame could attach only to Spain; the conduct of the king
and miniſters was agreeable to the law of nations, and to the rules of equity.
Was it juſt to attack Sardinia, without any previous declaration of war, and
while the Emperor was engaged with the Turks? Was it juſt to invade Sicily,
without the leaft provocation? And was it not juſt in the king of England
to vindicate the faith of treaties, and to protect the trade of his fubjects,
which had been violently oppreffed? But though Walpole might in this,
and other inſtances, appear influenced by the ſpirit of party, yet the ar-
guments which he and his friends urged againſt the articles of the qua-
druple alliance, are proved by experience to have been well founded; for al-
though the acceffion of Spain feemed to complete the peace of Utrecht, fince:
the Emperor acknowledged Philip king of Spain, and Philip renounced all
claims to the Netherlands, the Milanefe, Naples, and Sicily, yet thofe two
princes were too much irritated to enter cordially into this fcheme of paci
fication: both parties had made ceffions without relinquishing their refpec-
tive pretenfions, and it will be difficult to decide, whether the Emperor or
Philip were moft diffatisfied with the quadruple alliance..
Objects to
the quadru-
ple alliance.
Motives for
the introduc-
tion of the
peerage bill.
CHAPTER THE EIGHTEENTH:
1718-1719...
Origin and Progress of the Peerage Bill.-Oppofition and Speech of Walpole.----
Bill rejected.
In
the
N oppofition to the peerage bill, Walpole employed all. his. talents and.
eloquence, and bore the moſt confpicuous part in obtaining its defeat.
This bill was projected by Sunderland; his views were, to reſtrain the
power of the prince of Wales, when he came to the throne, whom he had
offended beyond all hopes of forgiveneſs, and to extend and perpetuate his
own influence, by the creation of many new peers. The unfortunate mif-
underſtanding between the king and his fon, which had recently increaſed to
a very alarming degree, favoured the fuccefs of his fcheme; and the king,
from a motive of mean jealouſy, was induced to give up this important and
honourable branch of his royal prerogative, and to ftrip the crown of its
brighteſt
1
}
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
117
}
1
brighteft jewel. Sunderland had little difficulty in acquiring a large majo-
rity in the houſe of lords, in favour of a meafure which fo highly increafed
their power; the whole body of the Scotch peers in the upper houfe were
gained by the promiſe of an hereditary feat, and many of the lords, who
from form oppoſed the bill, were fecretly not averfe to its paffing. Being
fecure of the lords, he relied for fuccefs in the houſe of commons, on the
known abhorrence of the Whigs, who formed a large majority, to the crea-
tion of the twelve peers, during the adminiſtration of Oxford; he had been
witneſs to their repeated and vehement affeverations, that the crown ought
in future to be deprived of a prerogative which by that act had brought dif-
honour on Great Britain, and endangered the liberties of Europe. Even the
Whigs in oppofition he thought could not venture to obftruct a bill of fuch
a nature, without lofing the confidence of their party. Under thefe cir-
cumſtances, a bill to limit the number of peers was propofed.
The king fent a meffage to the houſe, that," he had fo much at heart
the fettling the peerage of the whole kingdom, on fuch a foundation as might
ſecure the freedom and conftitution of parliament in all future ages, that he
was willing his prerogative fhould not ftand in the way of fo great and necef-
fary a work *"
In confequence of this meffage, a bill was brought in "to
fettle and limit the peerage in fuch a manner, that the number of Engliſh
peers fhould not be enlarged beyond fix of the preſent number, which, upon
failure of iſſue male, might be fupplied by new creations: that, inſtead of the
fixteen elective peers from Scotland, twenty-five fhould be made hereditary on
the part of that kingdom; and that this number, upon failure of heirs male,
ſhould be ſupplied from the other members of the Scotch peerage" after a
ſtrenuous oppofition from Cowper, and fome partial objections from Townf-
hend and Nottingham, the bill was twice read, and the articles agreed to with-
out divifion; but on the day appointed for a third reading, Stanhope ob-
ferved, “That the bill having made a great noiſe, and raiſed ſtrange appre-
henfions; and ſince the defign of it had been fo mifrepreſented, and ſo mif-
underſtood, that it was like to meet with great oppofition in the other houſe,
he thought it adviſeable to let that matter lie ftill till a more proper oppor-
tunity."
Chapter 18.
1718 to 1719
The king's
meffage.
2d. March,
14th.
Bill with-
drawn.
The unpopularity of the meaſure, and the ferment it had excited in the Its unpopu
nation, were the motives which induced Sunderland to withdraw the motion larity.
at the moment of certain fuccefs in the houſe of lords. In vain the pen of
* Journals of the Houfe of Lords.-Chandler.
+ Lords Journals.
+ Ibid.
Addiſon
{
1S
MEMOIRS OF
Period 11.
Walpole's
pamphlet.
Addiſon had been employed in defending the bill, in a paper called The
1714 to 1720. Old Whig, againſt Steele, who attacked it in a pamphlet intitled The Plebeian :
and whofe arguments had greater weight with the public. Walpole alfo pub-
liſhed a pamphlet on the fame fide of the queftion, "The Thoughts of a Member
of the lower Houfe, in relation to a Project for reftraining and limiting the Power
of the Crown in the future Creation of Peers *." In this publication, he ex-
plained the nature of the bill, and expofed the views of thofe who introduced
it, with a perfpicuity of argument, and fimplicity of ftyle adapted to all ca-
pacities, and calculated to make a general impreffion.
Sunderland's
efforts,
Meeting of
the Whigs at
Devonshire
houfe.
The miniſter, however, did not relinquish his darling bill. During the
interval between the prorogation and meeting of parliament, he exerted every
effort to engage a majority in its favour. Bribes were profufely laviſhed,
promiſes and threats were alternately employed, in every fhape which his fan-
guine and overbearing temper could fuggeft. He affected to declare, that it
was the king's defire, and not the act of the miniftry; he did not attempt to
conceal that it was levelled againſt the future government of the prince of
Wales, whom he reprefented as capable of doing mad things when he came
to the throne. He declared that the neceffary confequence of its rejection
would be the ruin of the Whigs, and the introduction of the Tories into the
confidence and favour of the king; expreffed his ſurpriſe that any perſon who
flyled himſelf a Whig fhould oppofe it; and exerted himſelf in the buſineſs
with ſo much heat and violence, that in endeavouring to perfuade Middle-
ton, lord chancellor of Ireland, who refuſed to fupport the meaſure in the
British houfe of commons, the blood gufhed from his nofe .
1.
Theſe efforts were attended with fuch ſucceſs, that at a meeting held by
the leaders of the Whigs in oppofition, at Devonshire houfe, Walpole found
the whole body lukewarm, irrefolute, or defponding: feveral of the peers
fecretly favoured a bill which would increaſe their importance; others de-
clared, that as Whigs, it would be a manifeft inconfiftency to object to a
meaſure tending to prevent the repetition of an abuſe of prerogative againſt
which they had repeatedly inveighed; thofe who were fincerely averfe to it,
were unwilling to exert themſelves in hopeleſs refiftance, and it was the
pre-
vailing opinion that the bill ſhould be permitted to pafs without oppoſition.
Walpole alone diffented, and reprobated, in the ſtrongeſt terms, this refolu-
tion as daftardly and impolitic. He maintained that it was the only point
on which they could harrafs adminiftration with any profpect of fuccefs;
Royal and Noble Authors, vol. 2. p. 140.
Lord Middleton's converſation with Lord
Sunderland. Correfpondence, Period II.
See Lord Middleton's Letters and Mi-
nutes. Correfpondence, Period II.
that
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
119
that he would place it in fuch a light as to excite indignation in every inde-
pendent commoner; that he faw a fpirit rifing againſt it among the Whigs,
and particularly among the country gentlemen, who were otherwife not
averſe to ſupport government. He faid, that he had overheard a member of
the houſe of commons, a country gentleman, who poffeffed an eſtate of not
more than £. 800 a year, declarc to another with great warmth, that although
he had no chance of being made a peer himſelf, yet, he would never confent
to the injuftice of giving a perpetual exclufion to his family. He was con-
vinced, he added, that the fame fentiment would have a ftrong effect upon the
whole body of country gentlemen; and concluded his animated remonftrances,
by declaring, that if deſerted by his party, he himſelf would fingly ſtand
forth and oppofe it. This declaration, urged with uncommon vehemence, oc-
cafioned much altercation, and many perfuafions were made to deter him from
adopting a meaſure which appeared chimerical and abfurd; but when they
found that he perfifted, the whole party gradually came over to his opinion,
and agreed that an oppoſition ſhould be made to it in the houſe of com-
mons
*
Chapter 18.
1718 to 1719.
The bill was again introduced to the notice of parliament, at the open- Bill paffes the
ing of the feffion, by the following artful expreffions in the king's fpeech: lords.
"If the neceffities of my government have fometimes engaged your duty
"and affection to intruft me with powers, of which you have always, with
66
66
66
good reaſon, been jealous, the whole world muft acknowledge they have
"been fo ufed, as to juftify the confidence you have repofed in me. And
as I can truly affirm, that no prince was ever more zealous to increaſe his
own authority, than I am to perpetuate the liberty of my people, I hope
you will think of all proper methods to eſtabliſh and tranſmit to your po-
fterity, the freedom of our happy conftitution, and particularly to fecure
that part, which is moft liable to abufe. I value myfelf upon being the
firft, who hath given you an opportunity of doing it; and I muſt recom-
"mend it to you, to compleat thoſe meaſures, which remained imperfect
"the laſt feffion †.”
66
66
66
This ſpeech was made the 23d of November; on the 25th, the duke of
Buckingham brought the bill into the houfe, where it was only oppofed by
Cowper. It was committed on the 26th, ingroffed on the 28th, paffed the
30th, and fent down to the houſe of commons on the 1ft of December. Sent to the
At this period the bill had undergone no alteration from that propoſed in the commons.
See fpeaker Onflow's Remarks on Oppofition. Correfpondence.
Journals.-Chandler.
+
Journals.-Chandler.
9
1
laf
120
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
1714 to 1720.
Walpole's
fpeech.
laſt ſeſſion; but it was underſtood, that in order to conciliate the com-
mons, the king was willing to give up another branch of his prerogative,
that of pardoning in cafes of impeachment, and the lords would wave their
privilege of ſcandalum magnatum
*
This memorable bill was read a fecond time on the 8th of December, and
a motion made for committing it, gave rife to a long and warm debate: it
was principally fupported by Craggs, fecretary of ftate, Aiflabie, chancellor
of the exchequer, Lechmere, attorney-general, and Hampden; it was op-
pofed by Sir Richard Steele, in a very maſterly ſpeech, by Smith, Sir John
Parkington, Methuen, and Walpole.
On this occaſion he forfook his uſual mode of debating, which was plain,
and feldom decorated with metaphorical ornaments, and, with great ani-
mation, began his fpeech by introducing this claffical allufion :
Among the Romans, the temple of fame was placed behind the tem-
ple of virtue, to denote that there was no coming to the temple of fame, but
through that of virtue. But if this bill is paffed into a law, one of the
moft powerful incentives to virtue would be taken away, fince there would
be no arriving at honour, but through the winding-ſheet of an old decrepit
lord, or the grave of an extinct noble family: a policy very different from
that glorious and enlightened nation, who made it their pride to hold out
to the world illuftrious examples of merited elevation,
"Patere honoris feirent ut cuncti viam.
"It is very far from my thoughts to depreciate the advantages, or detract
from the reſpect due to illuftrious birth; for though the philofopher may
ſay with the poet,
Et
genus et proavos, et quæ non fecimus ipfi,
Vix ea noftra voco;
yet the claim derived from that advantage, though fortuitous, is fo generally
and ſo juſtly conceded, that every endeavour to fubvert the principle, would
merit contempt and abhorrence. But though illuftrious birth forms one
* Words fpoken in derogation of a peer, a
judge, or other great officer of the realm, are
called fcandalum magnatum, and, though they
be fuch as would not be actionable in the cafe
of a common perfon, yet when ſpoken in dif-
grace of fuch high and refpectable characters,
they amount to an atrocious injury, which is
redreſſed by an action on the cafe, founded on
many ancient ftatutes; as well on behalf of
the crown to inflict the puniſhment of impri-
fonment on the flanderer, as on behalf of the
party to recover damages for the injury fuf-
tained.-Blackſtone's Commentaries. B. 3.
C. 8.
+ See Journals.Chandler, by miſtake, fays
the 7th,
undisputed
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
121
undisputed title to pre-eminence, and fuperior confideration, yet furely it
ought not to be the only one. The origin of high titles was derived from
the will of the fovereign to reward fignal fervices, or confpicuous merit, by
a recompenfe which, furviving to pofterity, fhould difplay in all ages the
virtues of the receiver, and the gratitude of the donor. Is merit then fo
rarely diſcernible, or is gratitude ſo ſmall a virtue in our days, that the one
muſt be ſuppoſed to be its own reward, and the other limited to a barren
difplay of impotent good-will? Had this bill originated with fome noble
peer of diſtinguiſhed anceſtry, it would have excited lefs furpriſe; a defire to
exclude others from a participation of honours, is no novelty in perſons of
that claſs: Quod ex aliorum meritis fibi arrogant, id mihi ex meis afcribi nolunt.
"But it is matter of juſt ſurpriſe, that a bill of this nature ſhould either
have been projected, or at leaſt promoted by a gentleman * who was, not
long ago, ſeated amongſt us, and who, having got into the houſe of peers, is
now defirous to fhut the door after him.
"When great alterations in the conftitution are to be made, the experiment
ſhould be tried for a fhort time before the propofed change is finally carried
into execution, left it ſhould produce evil inſtead of good; but in this cafè,
when the bill is once fanctioned by parliament, there can be no future hopes
of redreſs, becauſe the upper houfe will always oppoſe the repeal of an act,
which has fo confiderably increaſed their power. The great unanimity with
which this bill has paffed the lords, ought to inſpire fome jealouſy in the
commons; for it muſt be obvious, that whatever the lords gain, muſt be
acquired at the lofs of the commons, and the diminution of the regal prero-
gative; and that in all difputes between the lords and commons, when the
houſe of lords is immutable, the commons muft, ſooner or later, be obliged
to recede.
"The view of the miniftry in framing this bill, is plainly nothing but to
ſecure their power in the houſe of lords. The principal argument on which
the neceffity of it is founded, is drawn from the miſchief occaſioned by the
creation of twelve peers during the reign of queen Anne, for the purpoſe of
carrying an infamous peace through the houſe of lords; that was only a
temporary meafure, whereas the mifchief to be occafioned by this bill, will
be perpetual. It creates thirty-one peers by authority of parliament; fo
extraordinary a ftep cannot be fuppofed to be taken without fome finifter
defign in future. The miniftry want no additional ftrength in the houfe of
lords, for conducting the common affairs of government, as is fufficiently
VOL. I.
Lord Stanhope.
R
-proved
Chapter 18.
1718 to 1719.
1
122
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
proved by the unanimity with which they have carried through this bill.
1714 to 1720. I, therefore, they think it neceffary to acquire additional ftrength, it muſt
be done with views and intentions more extravagant and hoftile to the con-
ftitution, than any which have yet been attempted. The bill itfelf is of a moft
infidious and artful nature. The immediate creation of nine Scotch peers,
and the refervation of fix Engliſh peers for a neceffary occaſion, is of double
ufe; to be ready for the houfe of lords if wanted, and to engage three times
the number in the houſe of commons by hopes and promiſes.
"To fanction this attempt, the king is induced to affect to wave ſome
part of his prerogative; but this is merely an oftenfible renunciation, un-
founded in fact, or reafon. I am defirous to treat of all points relating to
the private affairs of his majefty, with the utmoſt tenderneſs and caution,
but I ſhould wiſh to afk the houſe, and I think I can anticipate the anſwer;
Has any fuch queftion been upon the tapis, as no man would forgive the
authors, that ſhould put them under the neceffity of voting againſt either
fide * ? Are there any misfortunes, which every honeft man fecretly laments
and bewails, and would think the laſt of miſchiefs, ſhould they ever become
the fubject of public and parliamentary converfations? Cannot numbers that
hear me teſtify, from the folicitations and whiſpers they have met with,
that there are men ready and determined to attempt theſe things if they had
a proſpect of fucceſs? If they have thought, but I hope they are miſtaken
in their opinion of this houfe, that the chief obftacle would arife in the
houfe of lords, where they have always been tender upon perfonal points,
eſpecially to any of their own body, does not this project enable them to
carry any queſtion through the houfe of lords? Muft not the twenty-five
Scots peers accept upon any terms, or be for ever excluded? Or will not
twenty-five be found in all Scotland that will? How great will the tempta-
tion be likewiſe to fix Engliſh, to fill the prefent vacancies? And ſhall we
then, with our eyes open, take this ſtep, which I cannot but look upon as the
beginning of woe and confufion; and fhall we, under theſe apprehenfions,
break through the Union, and fhut up the door of honour? It certainly
will have that effect; nay, the very argument advanced in its ſupport, that
it will add weight to the commons, by keeping the rich men there, admits
that it will be an exclufion.
“But we are told, that his majeſty has voluntarily confented to this limi-
tation of his prerogative. It may be true; but may not the king have been
deceived? Which if it is ever to be ſuppoſed, muſt be admitted in this caſe.
* He here probably alluded to the miſunderſtanding between the king and prince of Wales.
It
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
123
It is incontrovertible, that kings have been over-ruled by the importunity
of their miniſters to remove, or to take into adminiſtration, perfons who are
diſagreeable to them. The character of the king furniſhes us alſo a ſtrong
proof that he has been deceived; for although it is a fact, that in Hanover,
where he poffeffes abfolute power, he never tyranniſed over his ſubjects, or
defpotically exerciſed his authority, yet, can one inftance be produced when
he ever gave up a prerogative ?
"If the conftitution is to be amended in the houſe of lords, the greateſt
abuſes ought to be firſt corrected. But what is the abuſe, againſt which this
bill fo vehemently inveighs, and which it is intended to correct? The abuſe
of the prerogative in creating an occafional number of peers, is a prejudice
only to the lords, it can rarely be a prejudice to the commons, but muft ge-
nerally be exerciſed in their favour; and ſhould it be argued, that in caſe of
a difference between the two houſes, the king may exerciſe that branch of
his prerogative, with a view to force the commons to recede, we may reply,
that upon a difference with the commons, the king poffeffes his negative,
and the exerciſe of that negative would be lefs culpable than making peers
to fcreen himſelf.
"But the ſtrongeſt argument againſt the bill is, that it will not only be a
difcouragement to virtue and merit, but would endanger our excellent con-
ftitution; for as there is a due balance between the three branches of the le-
giſlature, it will deſtroy that balance, and confequently fubvert the whole con-
ſtitution, by cauſing one of the three powers, which are now dependent on
each other, to preponderate in the fcale. The crown is dependent upon the
commons by the power of granting money; the commons are dependent
on the crown by the power of diffolution: The lords will now be made in-
dependent of both.
Chapter 18.
1718 to 1719.
"The fixteen elective Scotch peers, already admit themſelves to be a
dead court weight, yet the fame fixteen are now to be made hereditary,
and nine added to their number. Theſe twenty-five, under the influence of
corrupt miniſters, may find their account in betraying their truft; the ma-
jority of the lords may alſo find their account in fupporting fuch miniſters,
but the commons, and the commons only, muft fuffer for all, and be deprived
of every advantage. If the propofed meafure deftroys two negatives in the
crown, it gives a negative to thefe twenty-five united, and confers a power,
fuperior to that of the king himfelf, on the head of a clan, who will have the
power of recommending many. The Scotch commoners can have no other
view in fupporting this meafure, but the expected aggrandizement of their
own chiefs. It will diffolve the allegiance of the Scotch peers who are not
amongit
R 2
124
MEMOIRS OF
Period II.
amongst the twenty-five, and who can never hope for the benefit of an elec
1714 to 1720. tion to be peers of parliament, and almoft enact obedience from the fovereign
>
to the betrayers of the conftitution.
"The prefent view of the bill is dangerous; the view to pofterity, perfonal
and unpardonable; it will make the lords mafters of the king, according to
their own confeffion, when they admit, that a change of adminiſtration ren-
ders a new creation of peers neceffary; for by precluding the king from
making peers in future, it at the fame time precludes him from changing the
preſent adminiſtration, who will naturally fill the vacancies with their own
creatures; and the new peers will adhere to the first minifter, with the fame
zeal and unanimity as thofe created by Oxford adhered to him.
"If when the parliament was made feptennial, the power of diffolving it
before the end of feven years had been wrefted from the crown, would not
fuch an alteration have added immenſe authority to the commons? and yet,
the prerogative of the crown in diffolving parliaments, may be, and has been
oftener abuſed, than the power of creating peers.
"But it may be obſerved, that the king, for his own fake, will rarely make
a great number of peers, for they, being ufually created by the influence of
the firſt miniſter, foon become, upon a change of adminiſtration, a weight
againſt the crown; and had queen Anne lived, the truth of this obſervation
would have been verified in the cafe of moft of the twelve peers made by
Oxford. Let me afk, however, is the abufe of any prerogative a fufficient
reaſon for totally annihilating that prerogative? Under that confideration,
the power of diffolving parliaments ought to be taken away, becauſe that
power has been more exerciſed, and more abuſed than any of the other prero-
gatives; yet in 1641, when the king had affented to a law that difabled him
from proroguing or diffolving parliament, without the confent of both
houfes, he was from that time under fubjection to the parliament, and from
thence followed all the ſubſequent miſchiefs, and his own deftruction. It
may alſo be afked, Whether the prerogative of making peace and war has
never been abuſed? I might here call to your recollection the peace of
Utrecht, and the prefent war with Spain. Yet who will prefume to adviſe
that the power of making war and peace, fhould be taken from the crown?
"How can the lords expect the commons to give their concurrence to a
bill by which they and their pofterity are to be for ever excluded from the
peerage? How would they themſelves receive a bill which ſhould prevent a
baron from being made a viſcount, a viſcount an earl, an earl a marquis, and
a marquis a duke? Would they confent to limit the number of any rank of
peerage? Certainly none; unlefs, perhaps, the dukes. If the pretence for
D
this
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
125
this meaſure is, that it will tend to fecure the freedom of parliament, I fay
that there are many other fteps more important and lefs equivocal, fuch
as the diſcontinuance of bribes and penfions.
“That this bill will ſecure the liberty of parliament, I totally deny; it will ſe-
cure a great preponderance to the peers; it will form them into a compact im-
penetrable phalanx, by giving them the power to exclude, in all cafes of extinc-
tion and creation, all fuch perfons from their body, who may be obnoxious to
them. In the inſtances we have ſeen of their judgment in fome late caſes,
fufficient marks of partiality may be found to put us on our guard againſt
committing to them the power they would derive from this bill, of judging
the right of latent or dormant titles, when their verdict would be of uch
immenſe importance. If gentlemen will not be convinced by argument,
at leaft, let them not fhut their ears to the dreadful example of former
times; let them recollect that the overweening difpofition of the great barons,
to aggrandize their own dignity, occafioned them to exclude the leffer barons,
and to that circumftance may be fairly attributed the fanguinary wars which
fo long defolated the country
*""
Chapter 18.
1718 to 1719.
The effect of this fpeech on the houſe, exceeded the moſt fanguine ex- Bill rejected.
pectation; it fixed thoſe who had before been wavering and irrefolute, brought
over many who had been tempted by the fpecioufnefs of the meaſure to fa-
vour its introduction, and procured its rejection by a triumphant majority of
269 againſt 177.
*The fubftance of this fpeech is collected
from memorandums in Sir Robert Walpole's
own hand-writing, among lord Orford's pa-
pers. See alfo, Onflow on Oppofition, Cor-
refpondence, Period II.-Hiftorical Regiſter,
1719.-Chandler.
126
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
PERIOD
THE THIRD
From the South Sea Act, to the Death of GEORGE the Firſt :
1720 1727.
Origin of the
South Sea
Company.
CHAPTER THE NINETEENTH:
1720.
Origin and Progress of the South Sea Company.-Their Project for liquidat-
ing the National Debt.-Efpoufed by the Miniftry.-Oppofed by Walpole.
-Accepted by Parliament.-Walpole reconciles the King and the Prince of
Wales.--Forms a Coalition with Sunderland.-Townshend appointed Prefident
of the Council.-Walpole Paymaster of the Forces.Retires into the Country.
THE
HE commencement of this period forms a memorable æra in the po-
litical life of Sir Robert Walpole, and holds him forth as the reſtorer
of the national credit, which the fatal effects of the South Sea fcheme had
brought to the brink of deftruction.
The South Sea Company owed its origin to a chimerical project, formed
by Harley in 1711, for the purpoſe of reſtoring the public credit, which had
been greatly affected by the difmiffion of the Whig miniſtry, and of eſtabliſh-
ing a fund for the diſcharge of the navy and army debentures, and the other
parts of the floating debt, which amounted to £. 9,471,325; and was after-
wards increaſed to £. 10,000,000. With a view to fettle a fund for paying
the intereft of 6 per cent. on thefe arrears, which amounted to the annual
fum of £. 568,279, all the duties upon wines, vinegar, tobacco, India goods,
wrought filks, whale fins, and a few other duties, were rendered permanent.
In order to allure the creditors with the hopes of advantages from a new
commerce, the monopoly of a trade to the South Sea, or coaft of Spaniſh
America, was granted to a company compofed of the feveral proprietors of
this funded debt, which being incorporated by act of parliament, took the ap-
pellation
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
127
1720.
pellation of the South Sea Company *. The great advantages to be derived Chapter 19.
from this commerce, had been held forth and exaggerated from the time of
our firſt voyages to Spaniſh America, in the reign of Elizabeth, and had
been ſtill farther increaſed by the reports of the buccaneers. The confider-
able riches which France had brought from America, fince the eſtabliſhment
of Philip the Fifth on the throne of Spain, had contributed to raiſe the fan-
guine expectations of the Britiſh merchants; a rumour, induftriouſly circu-
lated, that four ports on the coafts of Peru and Chili, were to be ceded by
Spain, inflamed the general ardour; the profpect of exchanging gold, filver,
and rich drugs for the manufactures of England, were plauſible allurements
for an enterprifing and commercial nation; and the mines of Potofi and
Mexico, were to diffufe their incxhauftible ftores through the medium of the
new company.
The famous act of parliament, which incorporated the fubfcribers of the
debts, under the name of the governor and company of merchants of Great
Britain trading to the South Seas and other parts of America, was called the
earl of Oxford's mafter piece, and confidered by his panegyrifts as the fure
means of bringing an inexhauſtible mine of riches into England. But in
fact this ſcheme was fettled on a falſe foundation; for by the peace of Utrecht,
Spain and the Indies being confirmed to Philip the Fifth, that monarch was
too jealous to admit the Engliſh to a free trade in the South Sea, and inftead
of the advantageous commerce which Oxford had held forth, the company
obtained only the affiento contract, or the privilege of ſupplying the Spaniſh
colonies of America with negroes for 30 years, with the permiffion of fend-
ing to Spaniſh America an annual fhip, limited both as to tonnage and value
of cargo, of the profits of which the king of Spain referved one fourth, and
five per cent. on the other three fourths. But this diſappointment was at-
tempted to be counteracted by the declaration made by Oxford, that Spain
had permitted two fhips, in addition to the annual fhip, to carry merchan-
dize, during the first year to the northern coafts of Spaniſh America, and a
pompous nomination of the feveral ports where the company had leave to
trade, and ſettle factories. But the grand benefits of this commerce were
never realifed. The firft voyage of the annual fhip was not made till 1717,
and in the following year, the trade was fuppreffed by the rupture with Spain.
Their effects, factories, and fervants were feized and detained, notwithſtand-
* James Poftlethwayt's Hiftorical State of
the South Sea Company.-Anderfon on Com-
merce, vol. 3. p. 43. Tindal, vol. 17. p.361.
† Affiento is a Spaniſh word, fignifying a
firm or contract.
+
Anderfon, vol. 3. page 55.
Progrefs and
fufpenfion of
their trade.
17130
ing
3
}
128
MEMOIRS OF
Period III. ing the agreement in the affiento, which allowed, in cafe of a rupture, eighteen
1720 to 1727. months for the removal of their effects.
Plan of liqui-
dating the
national debt.
Propofal laid
before parlia
ment.
Feb. 22d.
Objected to
Such was the ſtate of the South Sea Company, when the miniſtry, inſtead
of attempting to leffen the national incumbrances, by the only juft and fuc-
cefsful means, a clear and inviolable finking fund, adopted the viſionary
ſchemes of projectors, and gave to the South Sea Company the power of
faſcinating the minds of the public, and ſpreading an infatuation fimilar to
that which had recently involved France in a national bankruptcy. The
grand point which government had in view, was the reduction of the irre-
deemable annuities, created in the reigns of William and Anne, for a period
of 89, 96, and 99 years, amounting nearly to £. 800,000 per annum, as no
effectual meaſures could be adopted to leffen the public debts, whilft theſe
annuities remained irredeemable.
In order to effect this liquidation, the minifter accepted propofals from the
South Sea Company, for reducing the debts to a redeemable ftate: as the
object of the minifters, who had previouſly and fecretly arranged the fcheme
with the directors, was to ſurpriſe the houſe of commons into the meaſure of
granting this extenfive privilege to the South Sea Company, and of prevent-
ing competition, they entertained the moft-fanguine hopes of fuccefs, from
the fpecious advantages which they held forth to the public as the neceffary
confequences. They accordingly laid the buſineſs before a committee of the
houſe of commons *. Aiſlabie having opened the propoſal of the South Sea
Company, and declared that, if it was accepted, the national debt could be
liquidated in twenty-fix years, was followed by fecretary Craggs, who after
congratulating the chancellor of the exchequer, on the clear and intelligible
manner in which he had explained the bufinefs, and the nation on the pro-
ſpect of diſcharging the debt fooner than was generally expected, concluded
by obferving, that no other regular motion could be made, than that the
chairman ſhould report progrefs, and defire leave to fit again, as he took it
for granted, that every gentleman was ready and willing to receive the pro-
pofal according to the ſcheme which had been fo well explained. On fitting
down a profound filence enfued, and continued for almoft a quarter of an hour,
until the fecretary again rofe, and made the motion in form. Thomas Bro-
drick, member for Stockbridge, then rofe, and after obferving, that until the
national debt was diſcharged, we could not properly fpeaking, call ourfelves a
Journals.
+ Brother of lord Middleton, lord chancellor of Ireland.
nation,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
129
1
1720.
nation, and that therefore every propofal, tending to that great end, ought to be Chapter 19.
received and confidered: He added, that the firft gentleman who ſpoke, ap-
peared to recommend this ſcheme exclufively, and the ſecretary had agreed with
him; but it was to be hoped, that with a view of obtaining the beſt bargain for
the nation, every other company, or any fociety of men, might be alſo at full li-
berty to deliver in their propoſals. This obſervation diſconcerted and confound-
ed the minifters. They felt themſelves embarraffed, and being unable to give any
reaſonable arguments in favour of fuch a conduct, they had recourſe to violent
affertions and perſonal reflections. Aiſlabie, in particular, having uſed fome
unguarded expreffions," that things of this nature muſt be carried on with ſpirit,”
was interrupted by Sir Jofeph Jekyl, who obferved, with much warmth,
"It is this fpirit which has undone the nation; our buſineſs is to conſider
thoroughly, deliberate calmly, and judge of the whole upon reaſon, not with
the ſpirit alluded to." Aiſlabie, in attempting to explain, betrayed fo much
embarraffment, that he excited the laughter of the houſe. Walpole then Walpole fa-
roſe, and put a momentary ſtop to theſe indecorous altercations. He ap-
plauded the defign, agreed in general to the propriety of the fcheme, but tition.
declared that ſome parts required amendment, and a few others were un-
reaſonable, concluding ftrongly in favour of receiving all propofals, which
feemed to be almoſt the general opinion. Lechmere replied, but inſtead of
confining himſelf to the fubject in debate, he poured forth invectives againſt
the ſcheme which had been propofed by Walpole, for the payment of the
national debt, and gave the preference to that before the houſe. Walpole,
irritated by this virulent attack, roſe again, and with no leſs afperity, but with
more calmneſs and fkill, retorted on Lechmere he proved, from papers
which he held in his hand, that the member who fpoke laft had unfairly re-
prefented facts, expofed his deceitful mode of reaſoning, entered minutely
into the ſcheme, and laid open its fallacy in many material points. Lech-
mere, ftill farther provoked, again attempted to reply, but met with
repeated interruptions. In vain the chairman called to order, and ex-
* Among the Orford Papers, are feveral notes
and memorandums in Sir Robert Walpole's
hand writing, which contain comparative
accounts of the two propoſals, and give the
preference to that of the bank. Thefe are
pobably fome of the papers from which he
South Sea, prefent capital
Purchaſe of the redeemable debts
Irredeemables
made his ſtatements to the houſe, but as they
were written merely for his own private uſe,
and confift principally of figures, with few
ſpecific references, little ufe could be made of
them. The magnitude of the South Sea pro.
ject, will appear from one of theſe notes.
And including the original capital, the whole ſtock is
VOL. I.
$
11,746,844 8 10
15,924,218 12 101
15,057,493 13 8
£. 42,728,556 15 44
claimed,
vours an
open compe-
130
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Propofal of
the bank.
Feb. ift.
Walpole
fpeaks againſt
the South Sea
fcheme.
claimed,
Hear your member.". The whole houfe repeatedly cried out,
"We have heard him long enough." The chairman quitted the chair, and
the ſpeaker having refumed it, the houſe unanimouſly agreed to receive all
propoſals, and to refolve itſelf into a committee the following Wedneſday, to
confider farther of the fubject *.
In confequence of theſe refolutions, the bank of England laid a propo-
fition before the commons, offering ftill more advantageous terms, and
as it was fuppofed, that confiderable benefits would accrue to thoſe whoſe
fcheme was accepted, a ftrong competition prevailed between the bank
and South Sea company, who endeavoured to outbid each other. The
South Sea company had offered to give £.3,500,000; but the bank,
having bid £5,500,000, the company were fo irritated, that at a general
court, the directors were inftructed to obtain the preference, cost what it
would, and they fucceeded, by the offer of paying the enormous fum of
£. 7,567,500, as a gratuity to the public. This propoſal being laid before the
houſe of commons, was warmly oppofed by Walpole, who spoke in favour of
the bank. In vain he diſplayed the fallacy of the South Sea fcheme, and
the great difference between that and the bank, by fhewing, that the com-
pany was not limited in the price they were to put on the ſtock made over
to them; whereas the bank offered a fpecific fum of £. 1,700 ftock, for
every hundred pounds in the long annuities, and the fame proportion for the
fhert annuities. In vain he urged, that it countenanced the pernicious prac-
tice of ftock jobbing, by diverting the genius of the nation from trade and
induſtry; that it held out a dangerous lure for decoying the unwary to their
ruin by à falſe profpect of gain, and to part with the gradual profits of their
labour, for imaginary wealth. In vain he infiſted, that if the propoſal of the
South Sea company ſhould be accepted, the rife of their ſtock ought to be li-
mited. In vain he dwelt on the miferies and confufion which then pre-
vailed in France, from the adoption of fimilar meaſures. In vain he argued,
that as the whole fuccefs of the ſcheme muſt chiefly depend on the riſe of
the ſtock, the great principle of the project was an evil of the firft magni-
tude; it was to raiſe artificially the value of the ſtock, by exciting and keep-
ing up a general infatuation, and by promifing dividends out of funds which
would not be adequate to the purpoſe. In vain he predicted, that if the
eſtabliſhment fucceeded, the directors would become mafters of the govern-
ment, form an abfolute aristocracy in the kingdom, and controul the re-
folutions of the legiflature; or if it did not fucceed, the failure would cauſe
* No account of this extraodinary debate is
to be found in any publication:-The fub
ftance is taken from a letter of Thomas Bro-
A
derick to lord chancellor Middleton, Janu-
ary 24th. See Correſpondence, Period III.
True State of the South Sea Scheme.
a general
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
131
a general diſcontent. He clofed his fpeech by obferving, that fuch would
be the deluſive confequences, that the public would conceive it a dream *
His arguments and his eloquence were of no avail. He was compared by
his friends to Caffandra, predicting evils which would only be believed when
the event proved their reality, and only deprecated when they were felt; and
he whofe fpeeches, in matters of finance, occupied the houſe with more than
ufual attention, was now fcarcely heard. The preference was given to the
South Sea, and the bill was afterwards carried by a majority of more than 3 to
I. Thus paffed this fatal act, compared by earl Cowper to the Trojan horſe,
which was uſhered in and received with great pomp and acclamations of joy,
but was contrived for treachery and deftruction. Walpole not only ſpoke
with energy against the project, but gave to the public a pamphlet on the
ſubject, called, “The South Sea Scheme confidered t."
Chapter 19.
1720.
April.
At this period, Sunderland felt himſelf involved in great difficulties; he Townshend
had promifed the Hanoverians to procure for them a repeal of the reftraining join Sunder-
and Walpole
claufe in the act of fettlement, but the fuccefs which marked the efforts of land.
his adverfaries, proved the impracticability of fuch an attempt. The impa-
tience of the foreign favourites to obtain the full poffeffion of the expected
honors and emoluments, rendered them diffatisfied with the minifter, who while
he profeffed an inclination, avowed his want of power to gratify them. Thus
expoſed to the hoftile attacks of one party, and ill fupported by the other,
he found himſelf under the neceffity of gaining friends to ftrengthen his ad-
miniſtration. The oppofition which Walpole had given to the meaſures of
government, and his great influence in the houfe of commons, where he was
feebly refifted by Craggs, Aiſlabie and Lechmere, pointed him out as the
moft defirable co-adjutor in the prefent ftate of circumftances; overtures
were made to him and Townſhend, and a partial coalition took place.
On the 6th of May, Walpole feconded a motion, made by Pelham, for
an addreſs of thanks to the king; on the 4th of June he was appointed pay-
mafter general of the forces, and on the 11th, Townshend was nominated
prefident of the council. Previouſly, however, to this arrangement, Wal-
pole had, in conjunction with the duke of Devonshire, been the principal
means of effecting a reconciliation between the king and the prince of Wales,
whoſe miſunderſtanding had arifen to fo alarming a height, as to threaten a
* Political State of Europe, vol. 20. An-
derfon.Memorandums and Letters in the
Walpole and Orford Papers.
+ Journals.-Political State, vol. 19, p. 430.
Royal and Noble Authors-Article, Earl
of Orford. Hiftory of the South Sea Company.
Anderfon, vol. 3. Steuart's Political Eco-
nomy, vol. 2. p. 387.-Sir Robert Walpole's
Pamphlet, called South Sea Scheme confider-
ed.-Sir John Blunt's Pamphlet; The true
State of the South Sea Scheme.Political
State of Great Britain, vol. 19, 20, 21.-Tindal,
vol. 19.
S 2
diſturbance
Walpole pay
forces.
mafter of the
Reconciles
the king and
prince.
1.32
MEMOIRS OF
•
Period III.
diſturbance of the public tranquillity. The caufes of this miſunderſtanding
1720 to 1727. have been already related, and it was ftill farther increaſed and brought into
notice, by an incident which happened at the chriſtening of one of the young
princes. The king was to ftand godfather, and the prince had defigned his
uncle, the duke of York, for the other; but, when the ceremony was per-
formed, the duke of Newcaſtle, lord chamberlain of the houſehold, ftood god-
father, by the king's command, not as proxy for the duke of York, but in
his own name. This circumſtance irritated the prince, who, at the conclu-
fion of the ceremony, violently reproached the duke, almoſt in the king's
preſence, for having folicited the honour in his defpite. The king, incenfed
at this indiſcreet want of reſpect, fignified his diſpleaſure, by commanding him
to remain in his apartment, under arreſt, and ſoon afterwards ordered him to
quit the palace. Notice was alfo formally given, that no perſons who paid
their reſpects to the prince and princess of Wales, would be received at court,
and they were deprived of their ufual guard, and of all other marks of diftinc-
tion *.
The refentment of the king was alfo carried to fuch an extremity, that
with a view to embarraſs his fon, he formed a refolution of obtaining an act
of parliament for compelling him to refign, on his acceffion to the throne, his
German dominions. With this view, the opinion of the lord chancellor Parker,
afterwards earl of Macclesfield, was demanded, and a conference held to confi-
der of the legality and expediency of the ſcheme. The anſwer given by the.
chancellor, fully put a stop to the meaſure, as inexpedient and impracticable,
and liable to be followed by very dangerous confequences.
The honour of effecting the reconciliation in the royal family was princi-
pally due to Walpole. In a conference which he held with Sunderland, to
arrange the plan of a joint adminiftration, the minifter, who was averfe to the
union of the two courts, endeavoured to detach him from the prince, and
offered him any conditions for himſelf and friends, provided he would con-
fent that the prince ſhould remain in difgrace. But Walpole rejected theſe
overtures, and infifted on the reconciliation, as an indiſpenſable preliminary,.
before he would listen to any terms of coalition. Having extorted this
conceffion, he, with the affiſtance of the duke of Devonſhire §, diſpoſed the
prince of Wales to write a fubmiffive letter, in which permiffion was requeſt-
* Tindal, vol. 19, p. 169.
+ The original draught of this curious con-
ference, in the hand writing of the lord chan-
cellor, is in the poffeffion of Thomas Aftle,
efquire,
Etough.-Communicated by Sir Robert
Walpole.
§ Tindal, vol. 19. p. 344. Grove's Lives
of the Dukes of Devonshire, vol. 2. p. 90.
ed:
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
133
1720.
ed to wait upon the king. He was accordingly admitted to a private con- Chapter 19.
ference, and on his return from the palace to Leiceſter houſe, where he had
taken up his refidence, was attended by a party of guards, and from that time
the father and fon appeared to be reconciled.
Although Walpole accepted the place of paymaſter of the forces, yet he
did not cordially coalefce with the adminiſtration; and on the prorogation
of parliament, he took no active ſhare in the government. He paffed the
remaining part of the fummer at Houghton, and was called to take a
leading part, when the voice of the king, of the parliament, and of the na-
tion unanimouſly fingled him out as the perfon beft qualified to heal the
wounds, which the frenzy and frauds of the South Sea company had in-
flicted on the public credit.
Retires to
Houghton.
1720.
July 28.
CHAPTER THE TWENTIETH:
1720—1721.
Departure of the King for Hanover.-Rife and Fall of the South Sea Stock.-
National Infatuation and Defpair.-Walpole's Endeavours to restore the Credit
of the Company. The King returns from Hanover.-Alarming State of Af-
fairs.-Embarraſſment of the Ministry.-Defpondency of the King.-Walpole's
Plan for the Restoration of Public Credit.-Difcuffed.
SOON
after
OON after the appointment of Townſhend and Walpole, the king de-
parted for Hanover; having previouſly named a council of regency,
compoſed of ſeveral high officers of ſtate, contrary to the general expecta-
tion, which in confequence of the fuppofed union between the king and
prince of Wales, looked to him as regent in the abſence of his father.
1
June 14:
The king'
goes to Han-
over.
At this crifis the general frenzy in favour of the South Sea fpeculation had South Sea
riſen to an enormous height. The compenfation to the South Sea company, infatuation.
for the immediate payment of the £.7,567,500, feemingly for no value re-
ceived, was to be drawn from the profits of their ſcheme. Theſe profits
were to ariſe from, 1. The exclufive advantages of the trade, which although
precarious, and depending on a peace with Spain, were ſtated at no lefs than
£. 200,000
"
{
134
Period III.
$720 to 1727
Artifices of
MEMOIRS OF
£.200,000 a year. 2. The allowance for the charge of management, which
was to be proportioned to the augmentation of their ſtock. 3. The difference
of receiving 5 per cent. for the money expended in purchafing the public
debts, when the ufual intereft was only 4 per cent. 4. The great addition
to their wealth, from the conftant rife in the price of the ftock, in confe-
quence
of the artifices uſed to enhance its value; on which the whole fuccefs
of the ſcheme depended *.
The company could not fulfil its engagements with government, and pay
the company. fo large a fum as between ſeven and eight millions, without taking advan-
tage of the general infatuation, and availing themſelves of that fpirit of pecu-
niary enterpriſe, which had feized the public mind. Imaginary advan-
tages were accordingly held forth; groundleſs and myfterious reports were
circulated concerning valuable acquifitions in the South Sea, and hidden trea-
fures; dividends of ten, thirty, and even fifty per cent. were voted, which
the directors knew could never be paid, and for which there was no founda-
tion.
Exaggerated
advantages.
The promoters of the ſcheme highly exaggerated the profits; rumours were
at the fame time ſpread, that the company, by monopolizing the fund
of the whole national debt, would reduce government to the neceffity of ap-
plying to them for loans, which would be advanced on their own terms; and
it was even infinuated, that the proprietors would obtain, by the weight of
their wealth, a majority in the houſe of commons, and make and depofe mini-
fters. The public being intoxicated with theſe ideas, the ſtock, which at the
clofe of the books at Chriſtmas, 1719, was only at 126, rofe, at the opening
of the firſt ſubſcription, on the 14th of April, to above £. 300, the market-
price being on that day 325: in other words, the creditors of the nation
made over a debt of 100 for 333 in South Sea ftock. As the frenzy ſpread,
of the flocks. and the defire of making rapid fortunes became contagious, the ftock fuc-
ceffively roſe to above 1,000 per cent. at which price the books were opened
for the fourth fubfcription the 24th of Auguft; and this fubfcription, though
the market-price of the eſtabliſhed ſtock was below 800, was fold the fame
day for a premium of 30 and 40 per cent.
Rife and fall
* Steuarts Political Economy, vol. 2. p.
386, 387. Anderſon's Hiſtory of Commerce
vol. 3. p. 96.
+ To theſe myſterious hints and fancied
treaſures, a ballad on the South Sea alluded;
What need have we of Indian wealth;
Or commerce with our neighbours?
Our conſtitution is in health,
And riches crown our labours.
Our South Sea Ships have golden shrouds,
They bring us wealth, 'tis granted;
But lodge their treafure in the clouds,
To hide it till it's wanted.
Political State, vol. 20. p. 178.
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
135
The fanguine cupidity, which marked this ſpeculation, was not confined to
the South Sea ſcheme: the whole nation became ftock-jobbers and projectors:
every day produced new propofals*, fome of apparent importance and utility,
others fo abfurd and futile, that their fuccefs was, matter of furprife, and al-
moſt exceeds credibility. So prevalent was this rage, amongít perfons even
of the higheſt rank, that the prince of Wales was induced to become governor
of the copper company. In vain Walpole and Compton endeavoured to dif-
fuade him from this act of degradation, by reprefenting, that he fubjected
himſelf to a proſecution, that he would be reviled in parliament, and that
the prince of Wales's bubble would be hawked about in Change alley. Their
remonftrances had no effect, the prince became governor, but afterwards, on
receiving notice that a profecution would be commenced againſt the com-
pany, withdrew his name, with a gain of £. 40,000.
•
Theſe delufive projects received their firſt check from the power to which
they owed their birth: The directors of the South Sea company, jealous of
their fuccefs, and defirous to monopolize all the money of the fpeculators,
obtained writs of fcire facias againſt the conductors of bubbles, and thus
put an end to them. But in opening the eyes of the deluded multitude,
they took away the main prop of their own tottering edifice. Sufpicion
once excited was not to be fuppreffed, and the public, no longer amuſed by
pompous declarations, and promifes of dividends, which they were convinced
could never be realized, declined all farther purchaſes of ſtock, which fell in lefs
than three weeks to 400, and thoſe who had bought at large premiums were
involved in diſtreſs and ruin. Amongſt the numbers who fuffered by theſe
ſpeculations, were not only perfons of the firſt rank, but merchants and
traders of every claſs, and bankers, who having advanced the monies commit-
ted to them, on the fubfcription receipts, by their temporary ftoppages aug-
mented the general calamity.
When the public diftrefs was arrived to a moft alarming height, and de-
ſpair pervaded all ranks of people, to Walpole every eye was directed, as the
only perſon capable of affording affiſtance, under the preffure of immediate
* The reader will find near two hundred of
thefe bubbles, enumerated in Anderfon's Hifto-
ry of Comn.erce, vol. 3. p. 103. Amongst the
moſt abfurd may be mentioned, projects, For
tranfmuting quickfilver into a malleable and
fine metal. For importing a number of large
jack-affes from Spain, in order to propagate a
large breed of mules ;-and for trading in hu-
man hair.
But the moſt impudent and bare-
S
faced delufion, was that of a man who adver-
tifed, that upon payment of two guineas, the
fubfcribers fhould be intitled to a hundred pound
fhare, in a project which would be diſcloſed
in a month; the extreme folly of the public
was fuch, that he received a thouſand of thefe
fubfcriptions in one day, and then went off.
+ Secretary Craggs to Earl Stanhope, July
12th. Correfpondence, Period III.
neceffity.
Chapter 20.
1720 to 1721.
Other pro-
jects or bub.
bles.
Walpole'sen-
deavours to
credit of the
retrieve the
company.
136
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
$720 to 1727.
Arrival of
the king.
National de-
spondency.
neceffity. When the aid of the bank became neceffary to preferve the South
Sea company from ruin, he was called from the country, and importuned to
ufe his intereft with the governors, to perfuade them to accept a propoſal
made by the South Sea company, to circulate a number of their bonds. At
this awful moment the clamour of diftrefs was irrefiftible, and the bank,
after great reluctance, arifing from a natural dread of being involved
in the fame ruin which threatened the South Sea company, was at length
induced to liften to the propofals. Walpole was preſent at ſeveral con-
ferences between the committees of the two companies, and drew up, in
the first conference, a minute, well known afterwards by the name of the
bank contract, fpecifying the agreement of the bank, to circulate three
millions of South Sea bonds for one year, on certain conditions, which were
ſpecified at a ſubſequent meeting. The report of his * interference, and the
intended aid to be given by the bank, occaſioned a temporary rife in the South
Sea ftock, but the public was in fuch a ftate of terror and agitation, and fo
defperate was the fituation of the South Sea company, that any community
of intereſts between the two companies, was confidered as fatal to both. In
confequence of this notion, fuch a demand was made on the bank, that the
governors refuſed to abide by the terms of their agreement; alledging, that
it was deficient in legal validity .
The critical ſtate of the nation having rendered the immediate prefence of
the king neceffary, he haftily quitted his German dominions, and landed at
Margate, on the 9th of November. But his preſence had not the defired
effect. South Sea ſtock, which at the king's arrival was at 210, fell in a
few days to 135. The public now looked with anxious expectation for
the affembling of parliament, which was to meet on the 25th of November;
yet fuch were the difficulties under which the miniftry laboured, to form a
proper ſcheme for remedying the national diftrefs, which daily increaſed,
that it was farther prorogued to the 8th of December.
Nor is it a matter of wonder that the miniſtry were alarmed, and uncer-
tain what meaſures to purfue. England had never experienced fo total a de-
ftruction of credit, never was any country in fo violent a paroxyfm of defpon-
dency and terror. The South Sea company was confidered as the fole cauſe of
all the national misfortunes, the directors were indiſcriminately loaded with
execrations, and devoted by the public voice to condign puniſhment. Thofe
who had promoted the ſcheme were involved in the fame general deteſtation.
*Political State.
+ True State of the South Sea Scheme.-
Some Confiderations concerning the Public
Funds, p. 88, 91.-Tindal.
Political State.-Tindal.
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
137
The king, in addition to the odium of being a foreigner, and governed by
foreign counfels, and of increafing his own dominions in Germany, at the
expence of England, was now moft virulently reviled for having favoured
the South Sea act. Well-founded fufpicions were formed, that his Ger-
man miniſters and miftreffes had received enormous largeffes in ftock to re-
commend and promote the project. Moſt of the principal minifters of the
Engliſh cabinet, Townshend excepted, were accuſed of being implicated in
the fame ſcandalous traffic, either by themſelves or their relations, and had
totally forfeited the public opinion.
Chapter 20.
1720to1721.
་འི་
Idle reports were circulated, and believed, that Sunderland* was endea- Popular cla-
vouring to prevail on the king to marry the duchess of Kendal, with a view mours.
to diminiſh the influence of the prince of Wales; and that he was following
the example of his father with James the ſecond, in driving his maſter to
fuch acts of unpopularity, as might caufe a depofition, and eſtabliſh a re-
public on the ruins of the throne. A general outcry prevailed, that the king
and minifters had leagued with the South Sea company to dupe the nation,
and that the remedy for theſe enormous evils, would be more dangerous than
the diforder itſelf.
The public diſcontents were increaſed to fo great a height, that fome of
his Hanoverian counſellors fuggefted the raſheſt meaſures. They ad-
viſed the king to affect a refignation of the crown to the prince of Wales,
and infinuated, that William, his great predeceffor, had furmounted the
factions of the time by threatening to retire, and leave the country to its
fate. As a laſt and defperate effort, he was recommended to apply to the
army to found the officers, many of whom it was faid, had declared, that
rather than ſubmit to the eſtabliſhment of a commonwealth, or a popiſh com-
petitor, they would affift to render the king abfolute. Others were alarmed,
and dreaded a miſunderſtanding between the king and the parliament; de-
precated any attempt to apply to the army, oppofed the refignation of the
crown, by infinuating, that it was not the first time, that a king of Eng-
land had ruined himſelf by retiring, with the hope of quelling the fury of
the populace; adviſed rather, that fecret applications fhould be made to the
Emperor and the other allies, for troops, if neceffary, to defend his perfon
againſt any rebellious attempts.
In this alarming crifis, the king was penfive and defponding, uncertain The king de-
how to act, and by whom to be directed.
* Letters from Count Bernfdorf, and other Hanoverian minifters, among the Townfhend
fpondent.
Papers.
VOL. I.
+ Ibid.
T
Fortunately,
138
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
Applies to
Walpole.
Fortunately, in this moment of fufpenfe and agitation, the public voice
1720 to 1727. called forth Walpole, as the only man calculated to fave the nation from im-
pending deftruction. In conjunction with Townſhend, he ſtood at the head
of a large party, highly refpected for their tried integrity; among whom the
names of Cavendish and Ruffel were moft confpicuous, who had uniformly
acted with him; while the dukes of Newcaſtle, Bolton, Grafton, and many
other Whigs, who had united with Sunderland, were now ready to join his
ftandard. He was attached to government by the office of paymaſter of the
forces; but as he had fcarcely taken any part in public tranfactions, he did
not ſhare with adminiftration the general odium. He had acquired great po-
pularity by his uniform oppofition to the South Sea act, and by having pre-
dicted the evils which were now moft feverely felt.
Walpole now poffeffed the power, had he poffeffed the inclination, to
ruin the South Sea company, the directors of which had treated him with
many marks of contempt and obloquy, and to wreak his vengeance upon
its principal contriver, Sunderland, who by his cabals in 1716, had driven
him and Townſhend from the helm of government *. He was not ignorant
that the Hanoverian junto were diffatisfied with Sunderland. The pro-
mifes which he had made of obtaining the repeal of the incapacitating
clauſe, were not fulfilled, and when he was reproached for the breach of his
word, he had excufed himſelf by alledging, that Walpole, on whom he had
- relied for carrying the meaſure through the houſe of commons, was no longer
in adminiſtration. Walpole, therefore, was fecure of their co-operation, if
he had deigned to make overtures to them. He alfo well knew, that Sun-
derland had principally promoted the South Sea act, for the purpoſe of ſe-
curing, by largeffes of ftock, a majority in both houfes of parliament. He
was aware that the minifter had never cordially coalefced with him and
Townſhend, and that as foon as he had ftrengthened his party by their
means, he had formed a refolution to obtain their difmiffion.
The affairs of the South Sea company were in fo defperate a fituation, the
popular outery againſt the directors fo violent, and the general diſtreſs fo ur-
gent, that he did not want excufes for juftifying a refufal to undertake this
arduous bufinefs.
But Walpole was not of a vindictive temper; he cheerfully facrificed his
own refentment, and though fully fatisfied of Sunderland's infidious and
overbearing character, came forward to affift in relieving his country from
• Letter from Wm. Pulteney, Correfpondence, Period III.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
139
the general calamity. He was fully aware of the numerous embarraffinents
which oppoſed his fuccefs. To him was enjoined the difficult task of pre-
ferving the honour of the king, which feemed contaminated by the notorious
avarice and venality of his German followers; of counteracting the unpopu-
larity of the minifter, by whofe authority and influence the South Sea bill
had been framed and carried; of fatisfying the fufferers, who loudly ap-
pealed for indemnification, without detriment to the public; of drawing
the difficult line between too much lenity and too much ſeverity; of recon-
ciling the people to the king, and of calming the diſcontents, which threat-
ened tumults and infurrections. He did not, however, fhrink from the trial;
but engaged in the task with that ardour and affiduity which marked his
character. After examining various propofals which were fubmitted to his
conſideration, he adopted a plan for ingrafting a certain portion of the South
Sea ſtock in the bank and Eaft India company; the firft hint of which
was ſuggeſted by Jacombe *, under fecretary at war. Having amended
the ſcheme in ſeveral inſtances, and prepared it for public deliberation, he
referred it to the king, in a letter, in which, after expreffing his ftrong
ſenſe of the difficulties which he had to encounter, he declared, that he engaged
in the undertaking folely in obedience to his majefty's command. The
king and cabinet having ratified the ſcheme, and the monied part of the
nation having fanctioned it with their approbation, he came prepared to
fubmit it to parliament.
Chapter 20.
1720 to 1721
Walpole
forms a plan
for the refto-
ration of
public credit.
dence
The moment in which it was publicly known that Walpole, in conjunc- Reftores pub-
tion with Townſhend, was employed on a ſcheme for the reſtoration of public conn
lic credit, a new fpirit and refolution feemed to be infufed into the nation.
The country revived from its late defpondency; and his ability for finance
was fo thoroughly appreciated, that a propofal which he made to the mi-
nifter on the 19th of November, being agreed to, had ſuch an inflantaneous
effect, as again to raiſe the ſtock from 125 to 200 ‡.
On the meeting of parliament, Walpole had many difficulties to fur-
mount, before he could venture to lay his plan before the houſe. One of
the greateſt aroſe from the zeal of thoſe who were more remarkable for their
integrity than their judgment, and whoſe indignation excited them to adopt
fuch violent reſolutions, as without producing any effential benefit to the
fufferers, would have occafioned a total deftruction of public credit.
• Jacombe's letter to Robert Walpole, Octo-
ber 11. Correfpondence, Period III. and Wal-
pole's fpeech, at the end of this chapter.
+ Correspondence, Period III.
Letter from William Pulteney to Daniel
Pulteney, Correfpondence, Period III.-Po-
litical State, 1720.
T 2
3
This
140
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Proceedings
in parlia-
ment.
"
This vindictive fpirit difplayed itſelf in the first debate which took place
on the king's fpeech.
on the king's ſpeech. Pulteney having moved for an addreſs, affuing his
majefty that the commons would at this critical juncture proceed with all
poffible care, prudence, and temper, to inquire into the caufes of thofe mif-
fortunes, and apply the proper remedies for reftoring and fixing public cre-
December 8. dit upon fuch folid foundations, as might effectually give cafe and quiet to
the minds of his majeſty's fubjects: Shippen propoſed an addition, after the
words for refloring public credit," "as far as it is confiftent with the
honour of parliament, the interefts of the nation, and the principles of juf-
tice." This amendment was warmly feconded; and occafioned a violent
debate, in the courfe of which the directors were ftigmatifed with every op--
probrious appellation which language could fuggeft. Several of the members
urged the moſt bitter invectives againſt the act for vefting too large powers
in a ſet of men, whom they called miscreants, the fcum of the people *. Sir
Jofeph Jekyll hoped that all the directors were not equally culpable, but fure
he was, that fome who were not directors were highly criminal; and truſted
that a Britiſh parliament would not want a vindictive power to puniſh great
national crimes. Lord Molefworth owned, that there were no laws in being to
puniſh the South Sea directors, but contended that the example of the Ro-
mans ought to be followed, who, becauſe their laws were defective, in not
having provided a penalty for parricide, made one to puniſh the crime after it
had been committed, and adjudged the guilty wretch to be fewed up in a fack
and thrown alive into the Tyber. He concluded, "that as he looked upon
the contrivers and executors of the South Sea fcheme, as the parricides of
their country, he ſhould be fatisfied to fee them undergo the fame fate.”
In the height of this altercation, Walpole remarked, that it was impru-
dent to begin the feffions with irritating inquiries before they examined the
caufe; that if the city of London was on fire, all wife men would rush forwards
to extinguiſh the flames, and prevent the ſpreading of the conflagration, before
they inquired who were the incendiaries. In like manner, public credit hav-
ing received a moft dangerous wound, and being ftill in a bleeding con-
dition, they ought to apply a fpeedy remedy; and afterwards they might
inquire into the caufe of the calamity. "For my part," he continued,
I never approved the South Sea fcheme, and am fenfible it has done a
great deal of miſchief: but fince it cannot be undone, it is the duty of all
good men, to affift in retrieving it: With this view, I have already beftowed
fome thoughts on a propofal to reſtore public credit, which, in a proper
+ Political State.--Chandler.
* T. Brodrick's Letters. Correfpondence.
time,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
141
time, I will fubmit to the wifdom of parliament *." This mild exhortation
calmed the houſe, and the amendment was negatived by a majority of 261
againſt 103 . But although he carried his point at this time, yet on the
next day, the temper of the houſe appearing more inclined to ſeverity,
he did not attempt to oppoſe the prevailing fpirit; and an addition to the
addreſs, " for puniſhing the authors of our prefent calamities," being moved,
was carried without a divifion.
In theſe debates, it appeared, for the firft time, that party had no con-
cern; Whigs and Tories could not be diftinguiſhed by their votes. Thefe
partialities were fufpended, and almoft annihilated by various other paffions,
which produced numberless intrigues. Many of the commons were fincerely
touched with the public calamities, or moved by their own private loffes:
others, diffatisfied with the miniſtry and court, were pleaſed to have an opportu-
nity of covering their revenge, with the fpecious pretence of juftice and the
public good: fome had in view, by their loud and bitter complaints, to in-
creaſe their own importance, or draw the attention of the oppoſite party;
others, engaged in the fecret practices of the South Sea, hoped, by an
affected feverity, to prevent fufpicion. A few there were, who concealed,
under the appearance of zeal and indignation, their devotion to ſome of
the principal managers. The party hoftile to the eſtabliſhed government
took advantage of the public indignation, and excited the moſt violent cla-
mours againſt thofe who, like Walpole, oppofed extreme feverity, and la-
boured to mitigate the fpirit of revenge. Their views were directed to in-
creaſe confuſion and inflame difcontent, with the hopes of procuring a ma-
jority of the difaffected in the new parliament, and by means of popular
infurrections, to haften the reftoration of the Pretender, which they now
looked up to as a certain event. Such were the views and temper of parties
in the houſe of commons, which Walpole had to encounter, and fuch was
the fpirit of difcontent which he had to allay, before he could carry any
ſcheme into execution; and yet it was in the midſt of theſe difcordant
fentiments, and petulant oppofition, that by means of confummate prudence
and management, he gradually brought the houſe to reafon and difcretion.
A committee was appointed, on the 9th of December, to take into confidera-
tion the flate of public credit on the 15th, but on the 12th it was moved,
that the directors fhould forthwith lay before the houfe, an account of all
their proceedings; this motion being warmly feconded and fupported, was
→ Political State, vol. 2o. p. 568.
† Journals.
Tindal, vol. 19. p. 379.
oppofed
Chapter 20.
1720 to 1721.
142
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727
Prudence of
Walpole.
oppofed by Craggs, Lord Hinchinbroke, and the two Walpoles. The pre-
vious queftion being called for againſt this delay, Sir Richard Steele argued,
that this nation, which two years ago poffcffed more weight and greater
credit than any other nation in Europe, was reduced to its prefent diftrefs
by a few cyphering cits, a ſpecies of men of equal capacity, in all reſpects,
(that of cheating a deluded people only excepted) with thofe animals who
faved the capitol, who were now to be fcreened by thofe of greater figure,
for what reaſon they beſt knew, others were at liberty to judge. In reply
to an argument againſt the queſtion, that this vindictive juftice fo much
contended for, would not be effectual, becauſe it would be impracticable to
procure a true account of the delinquents' eftates, another urged, that all
the laws againſt bankrupts enacted into one againſt the directors (for fo he
fhould call them, as a word that conveyed more obloquy than any other
expreffion) would in his opinion, attain the end propofed *. Horace Wal-
pole, in fpeaking for the previous queftion, confeffed that the South Sea
ſcheme was weak in its projection, villanous in its execution, and calamitous
in its end; but that, in his opinion, they ought to begin with applying a re-
medy to the evil. Walpole himſelf did not attempt to make any defence
of the directors; but faid, "that as he had already declared, he had paffed
ſome time upon a propofal for that purpoſe; he was, however, apprehen-
five, that if they went on in a warm, paffionate way, the fcheme might be
rendered altogether impracticable: and therefore, he defired that the houſe
would proceed regularly and calmly, left by running precipitately into odious
inquiries, they ſhould exaſperate the diftemper to fuch a degree, as to render
all remedies ineffectual.'
,,
In reply to this exhortation to mildneſs, Sir Jofeph Jekyll enforced, with
uncommon animation, the neceffity of an immediate inquiry. He urged,
that it was abfurd to attempt a cure before they were acquainted with the
diforder; and was convinced that the wifdom of the houſe would not want
ſchemes to apply proper remedies. Walpole, finding that this ſpeech had
made a deep impreffion, did not infift on the previous queftion, and fuffered
the original motion to paſs without a divifion. Several refolutions were ac-
cordingly carried, ordering the directors to deliver in an account of all their
proceedings in relation to the exccution of the South Sea act.
So great was the impatience of the commons, that on the 14th, com-
plaints were made of the dilatorineſs of the directors; on the 15th fome of
their accounts were laid before the houſe; on the 19th, Sir Jofeph Jekyll
T. Brodrick to Lord Middleton, De-
cember 13.-Correfpondence, Period III.
9
+ Political State for December 1720.-
Chandler.
moved
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
143
moved for a felect committee to inquire into all the proceedings relating to
the South Sea act. The motion, however, was dropped, at the reprefentation
of Walpole, who obferved, as on a former occafion, that public credit being in
a bleeding condition, a ſpeedy remedy fhould be applied, and therefore, any
delay would be highly dangerous. This was immediately followed by in-
vectives againſt ſtock-jobbers, to whofe arts the public calamity was im-
puted; and a vote was paffed, without any oppofition, "that nothing can
tend more to the eſtabliſhment of public credit, than preventing the in-
famous practice of ſtock-jobbing*."
After paffing this vote, which was on the following day formed into a bill,
Walpole ventured to found the temper of the houſe, in regard to the main
queſtion on which his ſcheme was founded. It was to promote the reduc-
tion of the national debt, by retaining that part of the South Sea act which
would affift in promoting this end, and his fpeeches and conduct were uni-
formly directed to enforce this beneficial purpoſe. But a miſtaken principle
of juſtice and compaffion feemed likely to prevent the fuccefs of his ſcheme,
or at leaſt retard its effects. With a view to alleviate the fufferers, it was
propoſed, among other things, to annul the contracts made by the South Sea
company, to declare the fubfcriptions void, and to reſtore the proprietors of
the public debts to their former ftate, or in other words, to leave the debt
of the nation on the fame footing on which it ftood before the opening of
the fecond South Sea ſubſcription. To enforce this propoſal, petitions were
preſented to the houfe from feveral proprietors of the irredeemable debts and
lottery tickets, " praying that their cafe might be taken into ferious confi-
deration, and that they might be defended in their just rights againſt the
illegal proceedings of the South Sea company, by forcing them to take ſtock
for their debts, at a much higher rate than it would fell for; and admit
them to be heard either by themſelves or council, or grant them fuch other
relief, as ſhould be thought fit." This petition was warmly fupported by
Sir Joſeph Jekyll, under the patriotic pretence of afferting public faith,
equity, and juſtice, which had been notoriouſly violated by the directors.
re
In oppofition to this fpecious, but impolitic propofal, Walpole explained
the views with which the South Sea act was framed, which were to pro-
mote the landed and trading intereft of the nation, by leffening the incum-
brances, and reducing them to a method of being diſcharged in a few years.
This falutary benefit would not, he added, be effected, unleſs a way had
Political State for December.
Chapter 20.
1720 to 1721.
been
144
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
Dec. 19 and
20.
been found to make the annuities for long terms redeemable, which had
1720 to 1727. been happily effected by the South Sea fcheme, without a breach of parlia-
mentary faith; and if they could now unravel what had been done, they
ſhould not only ruin the South Sea company, but, inftead of alleviating, ag-
gravate the prefent misfortunes; and he added, that if any injuftice was done
to the ſubſcribers, they were at liberty to feek relief by law * He then
claimed the attention of the committee; and faid, "That (as he had
before hinted) he had prepared a ſcheme for reſtoring public credit, but
that the execution of it depending upon a pofition which had been laid
down as fundamental, he thought it proper, before he opened his ſcheme,
to be informed, whether he might rely on the main foundation, that the
fubfcriptions of public debts and incumbrances, money fubfcriptions, and other
contracts made with the South Sea company, fhould remain in the prefent ftate?
This was the cauſe of two long and violent debates, after which it paffed
in the affirmative, by a majority of 232 againſt 88, with a reſervation in
theſe words, "unlefs altered for the eaſe and relief of the proprietors, by
a general court of the South Sea company, or fet afide by due courſe of
law."
Walpole lays
his ſcheme
before the
houſe.
Dec 21.
Having thus gradually fmoothed his way, and obtained the avowal of
the commons, that the fubfcriptions of the proprietors of the debt fhould
be conſidered as valid, he brought forward his ſcheme; it was, in fub-
ſtance, to engraft nine millions of ſtock into the bank of England, and
the fame fum into the Eaft India company, on certain conditions; the
remaining twenty millions were to be left to the South Sea compa-
ny. In his fpeech, recommending this plan, Walpole ftudiouſly avoided
the introduction of any ſpeculative topics, or any affertions which were not
proved by papers before the houfe: He promifed, and frequently repeated,
that he founded his calculations on the veracity of thoſe ſtatements, and by
his prudence in that refpect, filenced many cavils which muft neceffarily
have ariſen from affertions leſs cloſely connected with obvious and attaina-
ble proof. After a few objections, made by Hutchefon, and fome other
members, it was ordered, that propofals fhould be received from the bank of
England, and the Eaft India company, for reftoring public credit. It met
however with a warm, but fruitless oppofition from the three companies, be-
cauſe neither derived from it any peculiar advantage; their propoſals were
Political State, vol. 20. p. 586.
↑ Thomas Brodrick to Lord Middleton,
22d December. Correfpondence, Period
† Journals.Chandler.-Political State.-
Brodrick's Letters. Correfpondence, Period III.
IIL
preſented
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
145
prefented to the houſe, and a bill framed accordingly. In its paffage through
the commons, it was in ſome reſpects altered and amended; but the princi-
pal features were preferved. The chief management of the bufinefs was com-
mitted to Walpole, and though it was violently* oppoſed in its progreſs,
yet his prudence and difcretion either gave way to the general clamour, or
ſubmitted to various amendments, or his weight and eloquence, aided by
the influence of government, obtained a majority in its favour: it paffed the
houſe of lords, and received the royal affent.
Chapter 20.
1720 to 1721.
Feb. 22.
Paffes the
two houſes.
March 22.
The good effects of Walpole's ſcheme were counteracted by the petulant
oppofition of the advocates for indifcriminate ſeverity, and many unjuſt
farcafms and violent invectives were thrown out againft its author. Amongſt
others, Shippen, the inflexible oppofer of lenient meaſures, obferved, that April 25,
the houſe had hitherto done nothing towards the reſtoration of public credit:
that indeed, a member of great parts and abilities had, at firſt, propoſed a
fcheme for that purpofe; but that inftead of proving an effectual remedy, it
appeared at laſt to be a mere palliative, which had rather inflamed than alle-
viated the distemper. That by this time the whole injured nation called
aloud for vengeance; and if they neglected to hear the voice of the people, it
would look as if they had a mind to provoke them to do themfelves juftice .
It was ever his opinion, that the only effectual means to reſtore credit, was
to call thoſe to a ftrict account, who had ruined it; and in particular, all
fuch as had applied any part of the public money, intruſted in their hands,
in ſtock-jobbing, and had raiſed vaft fortunes by robbing the nation. He
then moved, that an inquiry fhould be made what public money had been
employed in ſtock-jobbing, or in the purchaſe of annuities, or other parliamen-
tary fecurities, by any officer of the revenue, to their own private advantage,
fince the firſt day of December, 1719. Sir William Wyndham feconded the
motion, and after animadverting on the profufe expenditure of the public
money, and allowance of arrears, due to foreign troops, which had been taken
into Britiſh pay, moved for copies to be laid before the houfe, of the ſeveral
warrants and fign manuals, by virtue of which the late commiffioners ap-
pointed to examine the debts of the army, inlued any certificates.
Walpole having expreffed his furpriſe and ſtated his objection to this mo-
tion; Lechmere obſerved, that he was neither for or againſt it, but he would
freely tell the gentleman who oppofed it, that while the nation was under
* February 3, on the firft reading, 165 to
118.-January 5, on the motion for adjoun-
ing the report, 153 against 140.January 10,
VOL. 1.
againſt recommitting it, 267 to 134.—Febru.
ary 7, on the fecond reading, 237 to 139.
4 Chandler.
U
the
ļ
146
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
the preffure of heavy debts, he muft expect that many motions would be
17:0 to 1727. made, for the purpoſe of finding out methods to cafe the public burdens,
That as that gentleman was now in a higher poft than formerly, a great deal
more was expected from him; the rather, becauſe the fcheme which he had
propoſed at the beginning of the feffion, for raiſing the ſtocks, and reſtoring
public credit, had not had the defired effect. Walpole, moved at this invec-
tive, could not contain his indignation. "It is known, he replied, that I ever
was againſt the South Sea ſcheme, and have done all that lay in my power to
hinder its taking place; but when the miſchief was done, and things were
brought to fuch extremities, I thought it my duty, and therefore was willing
to try the beſt method I could think of to extricate the nation out of its diffi-
culties: I do not pretend to work miracles, but only to uſe my utmoſt en-
deavours towards retrieving the late misfortunes: with this honeft intention
I promoted a ſcheme which had been laid before me *, and appeared the moſt
plauſible of any then propoſed, for reftoring public credit: It cannot be de-
nied, that while that ſcheme was purſued, it did fome good, and kept up the
price of ſtocks; and that they have fallen fince it has been laid afide: I
never intended however to raiſe ſtocks above their intrinfic value, for that
would bring us again into the fame unhappy circumftances which their extra-
ordinary riſe had before occafioned." He then lamented the ill difpofition of
fome perfons, who inftead of concurring with others in remedying the pre-
fent diftempers, ufed all poffible means to irritate the minds of the people:
and concluded with a motion for appointing a day to confider the ſtate of
public credit, which was unanimouſly agreed to.
Although the engrafting ſcheme was not carried into execution, and was
fuperfeded by the bill which paffed at the cloſe of the feffion, for reftoring
public credit, yet it produced a beneficial effect, by calming the general diſ-
contents, and inducing the proprietors of the national debt, who had fe-
verely fuffered from the South Sea infatuation, to form hopes of relief from
the efforts of parliament.
By Jacombe, under fecretary at war. See
nore, p. 139.
+ Journals.Political State for April 1721,
and Chandler.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
147
Chapter 21.
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FIRST:
1721.
1721.
Public Indignation against the Directors.-Proceedings in Parliament.-Report
of the Committee of Secrecy.-Rigorous Treatment of the Directors.-Bill of
Pains and Penalties.-Moderation of Walpole.-Defends Charles Stanhope.
Saves Sunderland.-Promotes the Bill for reftoring Public Credit.-Advantages
finally derived from the South Sea Scheme.-Arrears of the Civil Lift paid.
-Controverfy concerning the Bank Contract.
D
URING the period in which this fcheme was carrying through Indignation
both houſes of parliament, the loudeſt and moſt violent clamours of the public.
were excited as well againſt the directors, as against the minifters who
had promoted the South Sea act, which was confidered as the fole
cauſe of the national diftrefs. The general infatuation in favour of the
South Sea company was forgotten; and the frenzy of ſtock-jobbing was
not taken into confideration. All the managers were indifcriminately in-
volved in the fame guilt; the very name of a director was fynonimous with
every ſpecies of fraud and villany. Petitions from counties, cities, and bo-
roughs, in all parts of the kingdom, were preſented to the houſe, crying for
juſtice due to an injured nation againſt the villany of thefe peculators, and
the fufferers looked up for indemnification from the confifcation of their pro-
perty, or for vengeance in the puniſhment of their guilt. All thofe, who
like Walpole oppofed extreme feverity and indifcriminate punishment, were
expoſed to repeated inſults and virulent invectives; they were devoted, both
in anonymous letters and public writings, to the ſpeedy vengeance of a much
injured people.
The popular frenzy feized parliament, and influenced their proceedings. Parliamenta
On the recess, the houſe was divided into two parties; the one for ry proceed-
ap- ings.
plying an immediate remedy to the diſtreſs occafioned by the South Sea
act, was fuperior to that for inquiring into the cauſes of the national misfor-
U 2
tunes,
148
MEMOIRS OF
Period III,
April 30.
tunes, and punishing the authors, as the moſt effectual means of redreffing
1720 to 1727 them. To the preponderant party Walpole inclined; and his opinion had
great weight in inclining the decifions of the houſe to the lenient fide.
But at the meeting after the recefs, it immediately appeared, that the vindic-
tive party had gained the afcendancy; and that ftrong cenfures were thrown
cut againſt fome of the leading members of adminiftration. Walpole foon
perceived the general inclination of the houſe; conſcious that all attempts,
either to perfuade or oppofe, could only ferve to inflame their refentment,
and deriving a warning from the intemperate heat of ſecretary Craggs, he
took but a ſmall ſhare in the debates which related to the inquiries into the
South Sea project, and the conduct of the directors.
Committee
of fecrecy.
Jan. 23.
Rigorous
proceedings
against the
directors.
Jan. 25.
C
16 February.
Report of the
committce.
*
The com-
A committee of fecrecy being appointed by the commons, to examine all
the books, papers, and proceedings relating to the execution of the South Sea
act, the members were choſen from the moſt violent of thoſe who were advo-
cates for indifcriminate and unrelenting feverity. Alarmed at theſe proceedings,
Knight, caſhier of the company, who alone was privy to all the fecret tranf-
actions, eſcaped from England, foon after his firft examination, carrying
with him the regiſter called the green book, and it was generally ſuſpected,
that he took this ftep with the connivance of government.
mittee having reported this event to the houfe, the commons ordered the
doors to be locked, and the keys laid on the table. General Rofs then
ftated, that the committee had diſcovered, "a train of the deepeſt villany
and fraud hell ever contrived to ruin a nation, which, in due time, ſhould
be laid before the houfe." In conſequence of this vague affertion, four of
the directors, who were members, were expelled the houſe, and taken into
cuftody. The other directors ſhared the fame fate; all their books, papers, and
effects were feizcd, and the royal affent was given to a bill, for reſtraining
them from leaving the kingdom, difcovering their eftates, and difqualifying
them for holding offices in any of the companies.
If any thing could juftify thefe extraordinary acts of rigor, it was the re-
*This committee was compoſed of the
following perfons:
Thomas Brodrick, chairman.
Archibald Hutchefon, Lord Molesworth,
Sir Jofeph Jekyll,
Edward Wortley,
Sir Thomas Pengelly,
Col. Strangways,
William Sloper,
N. Lechmere,
William Clayton,
Edward Jefferies,
General Rofs,
Hon. Dixie Windfor.
The heat and violence of Brodrick, in this in-
quiry, are fufficiently fhewn in his letters: (See
Correfpondence, Period III.) And the vindic-
tive and acrimonious fpirit of the majority of
the committee is apparent in their ſpeeches
and motions on the ſubject, in Chandler, the
Political State of Great Britain, &c.
port
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
149
1721.
port of the ſecret committee, which when preſented to the houſe, expofed a Chapter 21.
ſcene of fraud and iniquity almoſt unparalleled in the annals of hiftory.
The committee ſtated that their inquiry had been attended with nu-
merous embarraffiments and difficulties; that in the different books were
made falſe and fictitious entries; entries with blanks, eraſures, and alterations,
and in fome, the leaves were torn out. Some books had been deftroyed,
others fecreted.
Before the South Sea bill was paffed, and with a view to promote it,
the directors, to whom the fecret management was principally intrufted,
had diſpoſed of a fictitious ſtock of £. 574,000; this ſtock was noted as fold
at feveral days, and at various prices, from 150 to 325 per cent. amounting
in the whole to £. 1,259,325, it was to be eſteemed as holden of the com-
pany, for the benefit of the pretended purchaſers, though no mutual agree-
ment was then made for the delivery or acceptance of the ſtock at any ftated
time; and no money was depofited, and no fecurity given for the payment.
By this contrivance, no lofs could have been ſuſtained, if the ſtock ſhould
fall, and the gain would be received, if it ſhould riſe.
As this hctitious ſtock was defigned for promoting the bill, the fub and
deputy governors, Sir John Blunt, Mr. Gibbon, Mr. Chefter, Mr. Holditch,
and Mr. Knight, the cafhier, had the chief difpofal of it, and it was diftri
buted as follows;
To the earl of Sunderland, at the requeſt of
Mr. Craggs, fenior
The dutchefs of Kendal
The countess of Platen
Her two nieces
Mr. Craggs, fenior
Charles Stanhope, eſquire
The fword blade company
0
,
-
་
#
9
£.
50,000
10,000
10,000
10,000
30,000
10,000
50,000
>
It alſo appeared, that Charles Stanhope had received a difference of L. 2 50,000,
through the hands of Sir George Cafwal and Co. but that his name had been
partly eraſed from their books, and altered to Stangepe. That Aiflabie, chan-
cellor of the exchequer, had an account with Turner, Cafival, and Co. to the
amount of £.794,451, and that he had adviſed the company to make the
fecond fubfcription £. 1,500,000, inſtead of a million, by their own autho-
rity, and without any warrant. That of the third fubfcription, Aiflabic's
lif
150
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
liſt amounted to £. 70,000, Sunderland's to £. 160,000, Craggs's to £.659,000,
1725 to 1727 and Stanhope's to £47,000. That on the pawned ftock which had been
fold, there was, by the means of Mr. Knight, a deficiency of £. 400,000.
This report was fucceeded by fix-others, leſs important; at the end of the
laft, the committee declared that the abſence of Knight, who had been prin-
cipally, and often folely intrufted, put a period to their inquiries into this
black and deftructive affair.
Farther pro-
ceedings.
Remarks on
In confequence of the firſt of theſe reports, the houſe paſſed ſeveral ſtrong
refolutions, after which a bill was brought in for the relief of the fufferers
by the South Sea company, the title of which, on the third reading, was
changed into a bill for a raiſing money on the eftates of the fub, and deputy
governors, directors, cafhier, deputy cashier, and accountant of the South
Sea company, and of Mr. Aiſlabie and Mr. Craggs, towards making good
the damages fuftained by the company, and for diſabling fuch of thoſe per-
fons as were living, to hold any place, or fit in parliament for the future. In
confequence of theſe reſolutions, the greater part of the eſtates belonging to
the directors, and to other perfons mentioned therein, were confifcated to a
very large amount, and applied towards difcharging the debts of the com-
pany. The eftates of the directors alone were valued at £.2,014,123, the
allowance made to them was £. 354,600, the confiſcation therefore, amounted
to £.1,659,523. Yet thefe enormous forfeitures did not fatisfy the unrelent-
ing advocates for extreme ſeverity, many of whom expected nothing leſs than
confifcation of all their property, and feveral were diffatisfied, becauſe the
puniſhment of death was not inflicted.
An eminent hiftorian has juftly remarked, that "the equity of modern
the occafion. times muft condemn the arbitrary proceedings which diſgraced the cauſe of
juſtice, by introducing a bill of pains and penalties, a retroactive ftatute,
to puniſh offences which did not exiſt when they were committed." " Againſt
a bill of pains and penalties," he obferves," it is the common right of every
ſubject to be heard by his council at the bar; they prayed to be heard, their
prayer was refuſed; and their oppreffors, who required no evidence, would
liften to no defence."
* Infult was fometimes added to confiſca-
tion. On the motion for allowing Grigsby
L. 10,000, whoſe eſtate was valued at £.31,687,
a member obferved, that fince that u ftart had
once been fo prodigally vain as to bid his
coachman fced his hofes with gold, no doubt
he could feed on it himſelf; and therefore he
moved that he might be allowed as much gold
as he could eat, and that the rest of his eſtate
might go toward the relief of the fufferers. Po-
litical State. June 1721.
+Saint John Brodrick to Lord Middleton,
May 24. Correfpondence.
Gibbon's Memoirs, p. 11.
Walpole
得
​***
151
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
1721.
Moderation
of Walpole.
Walpole however is exempted from this juft cenfure: we have already Chapter 21.
mentioned his endeavours to ftem the torrent of parliamentary vengeance,
and to incline the fentiments of the houſe to terms of moderation; and
although the current of opinion ran violently againſt lenient meaſures,
yet he did not ſhrink from avowing his fentiments, when any flagrant
act of injuftice was going to be committed; thus, when a motion was
made for declaring the eftates of Craggs liable to the fame forfeitures as
thoſe of the directors, and his two fons in law, who were both members
of the houſe, requeſted to be heard by counſel in right of their wives, as
daughters of the deceaſed; he ftrenuouſly ſpoke in their favour. For his
interpofition he incurred cenfure, and was ironically complimented by Lech-
mere, as being fully capable to adviſe them, and to ferve them as counſel;
an office he had already performed for fo many others. Walpole finding that
all appeals to reafon and equity were ineffectual, and not willing to irritate
the houſe, prudently returned no anfwer to this farcafm, and the requeſt
was withdrawn.
At another period, when the directors prayed alfo to be heard by counſel,
Walpole, though he avowed himſelf conscious, that any thing which might
be interpreted in favour of a South Sea director, would be very ill heard, and
fubject the ſpeaker to great difadvantages; yet he defended their petition
upon the juſt and obvious principle, that no criminal, however great, ought
to be condemned unheard, or deprived of any advantage in making his de-
fence.
Defends
Charles Stan-
hope.
The part of theſe tranſactions which involved Walpole in the greateſt em-
barraſſment, was the neceffity of defending the miniſtry againſt thoſe attacks,
to which their conduct had laid them open, but which, had they been too
cloſely fcrutinifed, would have occafioned diſcoveries extremely dangerous
in the irritated ſtate of the public mind, and produced changes fraught with
danger and portentous of the greateſt miſchief. Stanhope had been charged Feb. 28.
by the report of the committee, with having taken, through Knight,
£. 10,000 ftock, without any valuable confideration, and with having bought,
through Turner and company, £. 50,000 ftock, at a very low price, by the
difference of which he had gained £.250,000. In proof of theſe averments,
the examinations of Sir John Blunt, Holditch, Sawbridge, and Henry
Blunt were read, and they were interrogated at the bar, but their teftimony
rather detracted from, than ftrengthened their former depofitions; and
it was apparent as to the £.10,000, that Stanhope had received no ſtock
without a valuable confideration, and that as to the £. 50,000, his name had
been uſed without his privity or confent. Yet the houſe was fo little fatis-
fied
7
152
MEMOIRS OF
མི་མིན་་་་་་་
Period III.
fied with this exculpation, that though Walpole and his brother Florace ex-
1720 to 1727, erted great ability in his defence, he was acquitted by a majority of three
only, 180 to 177 *.
March 8.
Aiflabic ex-
relled.
Walpole
fives Sun-
derland.
Aiflabie's cafe was fo flagrant, and his criminality verified by fo many
proofs, that, on his firft accufation in the houſe of commons, neither Wal-
pole or his friends attempted to defend him; he was expelled the houſe, and
committed to the Tower. But when the bill was brought in for fubjecting
his cftates in common with thofe of the South Sea directors, Walpole ob-
ferved, that impeaching, not billing minifters, was the parliamentary rule of
our anceſtors, treated the bill as a bill of attainder, and made a ſtrong appeal
to the compaffion of the houfe, in favour of his wife and family. Failing
in theſe efforts, he moved, that fuch parts of his property as had been in his
poffeffion towards the end of the year 1719, before the South Sea bill was
brought in, might be exempted from confifcation. This was, however, over-
ruled, and it was finally carried, that all the eſtate he poffeffed on the 20th
of October 1718, fhould be allowed to him and his family.
To preferve Sunderland from the ſame cenfure which had involved Aiſlabie,
and would have involved fecretary Craggs, had he lived, was the great object
of the court. But as he was accufed by the fecret committee of having re-
ceived, through Knight, £. 50,000 fictitious ſtock, without having made any
payment, or given any fecurity; and as the parliament had in many inſtances
taken prefumption for guilt, and appearances for realities, it was no eaſy
matter to turn the fenfe of the houfe in favour of the minifter, who fat at
the head of the treafury when the South Sea act was framed and carried.
Under theſe inauſpicious circumftances, Walpole, however, obtained the ac-
quittal of Sunderland.
That part of the report which related to lord Sunderland, being propoſed
to be taken into confideration, was adjourned till the 15th of March, on the
preffing inftances of Walpole, as neceffary for the farther information of
the houſe, that ſeveral witneffes who had been examined by the committee,
fhould be re-examined at the bar; as they might vary in their depofitions,
or give a different explanation to the words, which they had made uſe of in
their examination. Having obtained this point, the object of which was to
delay the buſineſs, for the purpoſe of gaining over feveral of the Whigs, he
repreſented to them, that if they gave their votes againſt Sunderland, and he
Thomas Brodrick to Lord Middleton,
March 7. Correfpondence, Period III.-Po-
litical State.-Chandler.-Tindal.
+ Brodrick's Letters. Correfpondence.
Ibid.
C
was
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
153
was difgracefully removed, their cauſe would fuffer, and the Tories be called
into power. Theſe repreſentations had a due weight, and brought over many
to his purpoſe. The proof of the fact reſted principally on the affertion of
Knight, before he went off, as given on the oath of Sir John Blunt, who as
prefident of the company, could not be fuppofed ignorant of the tranſaction;
and who depofed to his having heard the particular declarations of Knight,
that ſuch ſtock had been taken, and a note of acknowledgment given by
Sunderland. Of five directors examined at the bar, one could only affirm,
that he was alone with Knight, when it was communicated to him; and
two others acknowledged that Knight had informed them of the faid circum-
ſtances in preſence of Sir John Blunt, but could not pofitively afcertain whe-
ther he was within hearing. Walpole, who had in a previous debate on the
cafe of Charles Stanhope, endeavoured to weaken the evidence and illiberally
expoſed the character of Sir John Blunt, as a fraudulent projector, purſued
the fame line of conduct with increafed afperity. He declared himſelf au-
thoriſed by Sunderland to deny the fact, and to avow that no fuch ftock had
been taken in his name, and no fuch note given, and reprobated the idea, that
fuch hearſay evidence fhould operate to the ruin of the fortune and charac-
ter of any man.
To Walpole, Sunderland was indebted for his acquittal. His perfonal
weight, his authoritative and perfuafive eloquence were effectually employ-
ed on this occafion, and, aided by the influence of government, met with
fuccefs. The minifter was acquitted by a majority of 61 votes, 233 againſt
172 *.
Having obtained the acquittal of Sunderland, and fecured the continu-
ance of the Whig adminiſtration, of which he foon became the head, the
great object of Walpole was directed to promote the reſtoration of public
credit, which was in danger of being diminiſhed, if not overturned, by the
violent proceedings of the commons. In this delicate buſineſs he acted with
his uſual prudence, and though he could not in all infances prevent the
adoption of meaſures which he did not approve, yet he moftly contrived
either to delay their execution, or to mitigate their effect by various expedients.
As chairman of the committee, he drew up the addrefs of the com-
* Chandler.-Although the public voice,
notwithſtanding his acquittel by to large a ma-
jority, criminated Sunderland; vet ſeveral ex-
tenuations may be ur ed in his favour. For it
appears from private documents which have
cafually fallen under my infpection, that to
early as July, he had refufed to recommend to
the directors any more lifts for fubfcriptious;
VOL. I
that he did not at leaft enrich himſelf or
his friends; that he expreffed great fatisiac-
tion, that neither himſelf or his friends bad fold
out any South Sea ftock, as he would not have
profited of the public calamity .- - Letters from
calamity.--Letters
Fckerfal and Drummond to Daniel Pultency>
Correlpondence, Period III.
X
mons
Chapter 21.
1721.
154
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
Addrefs of
mons to the king; it reprefented the ftate of public eredit, and recited
1720 to 1727. perfpicuouſly, in a full though fummary manner, the confufion and miſ-
chiefs which were derived from the execution of the fatal South Sea fcheme :
It defcribed the caufe of thofe mifchiefs, explained the difficulty of ap-
the commons. plying proper remedies, and mentioned certain refolutions which had paffed
for re-eſtabliſhing public credit, remitting £.4,156,341, to the South Sea
company, dividing all the remaining capital ftock among the proprietors
and preventing ftock-jobbing. Theſe refolutions were made the founda-
tion of an act that paffed under the title of a bill for making feveral pro-
viſions to reſtore the public credit, which fuffered by the frauds and mifina-
nagements of the late South Sea directors and others.
Bill for reftor-
ing pubhe
credit.
Tumults in
oppoſition to
it :
Allayed.
In the paffage of the bill through the commons, a daring attempt was
made to obtain its rejection, or to fruftrate its effects. Though the general
diſpoſition of Walpole was mild and temperate, yet in this inſtance, when
threats were employed to awe the legiſlative body into a compliance, he
flood forth the ſupporter of parliamentary freedom. On the day in which
the bill for réftoring puplic credit was to be read a fecond time, the
lobby of the houſe of commons, and the adjacent places, were filled with a
numerous body of proprietors of the ſhort annuities and other redeemable
debts, who tumultuouſly demanded juftice of the members as they were
paffing, and put into their hands a printed letter to a member of parlia-
ment, in which the unreaſonablenefs and partiality of binding down the
redeemables are fully demonftrated, and 'a written paper, containing theſe
words; pray do juftice to the annuitants who lent their money on parlia-
mentary fecurity. The juftices of peace for the city of Weſtminſter, and
the conftables, were inſtantly ſent for, and the houſe proceeded to buſineſs.
Sir John Ward preſented the petition of the proprietors of the redeemable
funds, praying to be heard by themſelves or counfel againft the bill. The
petition being ordered to lie on the table, the bill was read a fecond time,
and ordered to be committed. Sir John Ward then ſpoke in favour of the
petition, and was feconded by Sir Gilbert Heathcote. Walpole obferved, that
he could not fee how the petitioners could be relieved; that the refolutions
on which the bill was founded had been approved by the king and coun-
cil, and been agreed to by a great majority of the houfe; he therefore
moved for the previous queftion, and adjourning the debate. Brodrick
warmly oppoſed the original motion, and was ftrenuouſly feconded by Sandys;
but the queſtion for adjourning was carried by a majority of 78 to 29.
Meanwhile the tumult continuing, the juftices of peace, who attended
according to orders, were commanded by the ſpeaker to diſperſe the rioters,
which
7
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
135
1
1721.
which they effected not without fome difficulty, and after reading the riot Chapter 21.
act, many of them exclaiming as they retired, "You firſt pick our pockets,
and then fend us to gaol for complaining." On the following day, the bill
was laid before the committee, and, after fome warm debates, in regard to
the price at which the holders of the faid fubfcriptions fhould take South
Sea ftock, and the repeal of a claufe for compelling the bankers to reſtore
the whole money they had borrowed, which Walpole fuccefsfully oppofed,
was carried in the affirmative, and ordered to be engroffed. On the 7th, it Bill paffes.
was read the third time, paſſed, and ſent to the lords, and on the 10th re-
ceived the royal affent *.
This bill for the reſtoration of public credit, arranged the affairs of the
South Sea company in fuch a manner, that five millions of the feven, which
the directors had agreed to pay the public, were remitted. The incum-
brances were partly diſcharged from the confifcation of the forfeited eſtates;
the credit of their bonds maintained, £.33. 6s. 8d. per cent. were divided
among the proprietors; the company was foon in a fituation to fulfil its en-
gagements with the public, and two millions were referved towards the liqui-
dation of the national debt. But the proprietors made fuch loud and re-
peated complaints on the hardſhip of depriving them of theſe two millions,
that the parliament afterwards remitted that fum, which made an addition
of £.6. 55. per cent.
The fpirit by which Walpole was directed, and the principles by which
he acted, during the whole progreſs of this delicate buſineſs, are laid down
in the ſpeech from the throne, on the prorogation of parliament, which he
drew up.
"The common calamity, occafioned by the wicked execution of the
South Sea ſcheme, was become fo very great before your meeting, that the
providing proper remedies for it was very difficult; but it is a great com-
fort to me to obferve, that public credit now begins to recover; which
gives me the greateſt hopes that it will be entirely reſtored, when all the
provifions you have made for that end, fhall be duly put in execution.
I have great compaffion for the ſufferings of the innocent, and a juft indig-
nation againſt the guilty; and have readily given my affent to ſuch bills as
you have preſented to me, for puniſhing the authors of our late misfortunes,
and for obtaining the reftitution and fatisfaction due to thoſe who have
been injured by them, in fuch a manner as you judged proper. I was at
the fame time willing and defirous, by my free and general pardon, to give
Journals.-Political State for July and Auguft.
X 2
Lafe
King's
fpeech on
the proroga.
tion.
156
MEMOIRS OF
{
Period III.
1720 to 1727,
Advantages
derived from
the South Sea
fcheme.
Payment of
the civil lift
debt.
eafe and quiet to the rest of my fubjects, many of whom may, in fuch a generat
infatuation, have been unwarily drawn in to tranfgrefs the laws *.
Thus at length, by the ability, addreſs, and perfeverance of Walpole, the
fatal project of the South Sea was converted into a national benefit; the dif
treffes are forgotten, and the advantages remain. Although by the remif-
fion of the ſeven millions, the public did not enjoy all the benefits which
had been fanguinely expected, yet much greater advantage was derived
than is ufually fuppofed. £.632,698 of long and ſhort annuities were con-
verted into redeemable ftock, which at this time bears an intereſt of only
3 per cent. and the intereft on the company's capital was reduced at
Midfummer 1727 to 4 per cent. By this the public gained annually
£.339,631, which, calculated at 25 years purchaſe, was worth above
8 millions. This reduction was alſo productive of great uſe and national
advantage; it was a precedent for future arrangements of a fimilar nature,
and in 1724, £. 3,775,027 was alſo reduced to 4 per cent.
In the midst of thefe diftreffes, from the decline of public credit, and
dearth of money, the enormous profufion of Sunderland's adminiſtration,
laid Walpole under the neceffity of applying to parliament for the difcharge of
the debts of the civil lift, which amounted to no less a fum than £. 550,000.
To propofe the laying on of new burdens on the people for the diſcharge
of theſe arrears, in this moment of general calamity, would have been ex-
tremely unpopular, and perhaps not practicable. Walpole, therefore, hit
upon an expedient which effectually fucceeded, without impofing an addi-
tional tax on the public at large. It was to make the civil lift diſcharge its
own arrears, by deducting fix pence in the pound on all payments from
the crown, towards raiſing a fund for liquidating the intereft of the fum
required. The propofal being, on the 12th of July, laid before a commit-
tee of the whole houfe, Pulteney, who though not in oppofition yet began
to be diffatisfied with the adminiſtration, moved for a deduction of one
fhilling in the pound, adding, that if this deduction were too much for
the preſent occafion, it might be applied to the diſcharge of the civil
lift debts. This motion was carried by 153 voices againſt 63 ‡. On
the 14th, this refolution being fubmitted to the houſe, was oppoſed
with greater effect by the friends of adminiftration, and negatived by a
majority of 132 against 83 §. The original propofition was then moved,
and paffed without a divifion, "That his majefty fhould be enabled to
raife
any fum not exceeding £. 500,000, to diſcharge the arrears and debts
due and owing upon the civil lift, to his fervants and others, by ſettling a
* Journals.
↑ Sinclair on the Revenue, Part 2. p. 106.
+ Political State for July 1721.
$ Chandler.
yearly
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
157
yearly fund for payment of annuities, after the rate of five pounds per cent.
per annum, out of the civil lift revenues, until the fame fhall be redeemed
by the crown; and that his majefty, his heirs and fucceffors, be enabled to
make good, for the ufes of the civil government, all fuch money as from
time to time ſhall have been paid thereupon, by cauſing a deduction, not
exceeding fix pence in the pound, to be made out of falaries, wages, pen-
fions, or other payments from the crown*" Thus Walpole arranged this
delicate buſineſs, which he was often heard to fay † gave him much embar-
raffiment, and on the ſucceſsful iffue of which he prided himſelf as much as
on any other financial operation which he effected during the courſe of his
adminiſtration.
The whole conduct of Walpole in the South Sea buſineſs, was fanctioned
by both houſes of parliament, and approved by the nation in general. No
invective was thrown out againſt him, even by party, except that he had em-
ployed the power of government and his own influence in fcreening Sunderland;
and that he had endeavoured to prevent the juſtice of the nation from over-
whelming the projectors of the fatal South Sea fcheme. For this caufe, he
was invidiouſly reviled in the periodical writings and pamphlets of the times,
and Saint John Brodrick, in a letter to the lord chancellor Middleton, la-
ments that the interpofition of Walpole, whom he ſtigmatiſes by the name of
the Screen, faved the directors from confiſcation and hanging. But at the
diſtance of fourteen years, the oppofition accuſed him of having fraudulently
propoſed the bank contract, and of deluding the unhappy fufferers with falſe
hopes of relief. It was afferted that he took a fcandalous advantage of the
general calamity, and made the misfortunes of his country the means of en-
riching himſelf; that he had preconcerted the project feveral months before
with the bank, and that in order to engage the governors confent, he gave
them private affurances of being releafed from their engagement, if it ſhould
prove unfavourable.
This attack on the character of Walpole was managed, in the Craftſman,
and other antiminifterial writings, with all the art and ſtrength which
could be fupplied by the fophiftry of Bolingbroke, and the wit of Pulteney.
The charge was alſo rendered more plaufible by the concurrence of Aiſlabie,
who, in conjunction with fecretary Craggs, had been confidered as the prin
cipal manager of the buſineſs on the fide of government, and was prefent
at the meeting in which the contract was figned. This heinous charge was
Journals.-Political State.-Chandler.
† From Lord Orford.
Cafe of the Sinking Fund, Craftíman for
1735.
Chapter 21.
1721.
anfwered
158
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
t
anfwered by the minifter himſelf, and by the writers* in his intereft. With-
out entering into a tedious inquiry on this fubject, or attempting to juſtify
the conduct of Walpole in every particular, I ſhall obſerve, that on a candid
review of the whole controverfy, it appears that an accufation urged for the
first time fourteen years after the fact, when it was impoffible for him to
recollect all the circumftances, and to juftify every part of the tranfaction,
was malicious in itſelf, and undeferving of credit. It may be alfo remarked,
that the affertions of Aiflabie, cannot be admitted as fair evidence in his own
cauſe; and that he falfely arraigned the minifter, may be implied from a pri-
vate letter written in 1722, in which he frankly confeffed his own folly
and weakneſs in promoting the South Sea fcheme, and expreffed, in the
ſtrongeſt terms, his gratitude for the kindneſs and lenity fhewn to him by
government, which he folely imputes to the interference of Walpole.
In regard to the moſt heinous part of the charge, that he had firft induced
the bank to accede to the agreement, and " afterwards releafed them from
the obligation, when his own private purpofes were ferved;" the bank con-
tract, it was anſwered, being precipitately drawn up in the midſt of general
alarm and defpondency, and at the earneſt importunity of the miniftry and
South Sea directors, there could be no collufion betwixt him and the bank;
and no blame could attach to him, becauſe the governors refuſed to fulfil
the terms of an agreement they had reluctantly acceded to, which if they had
fulfilled, would have involved the bank and South Sea company in equal
ruin.
It muſt not be omitted, that foon after the bank contract was drawn up,
and the ingraftment ſcheme had paffed, he was accufed of favouring the bank,
in preference to the South Sea company, that he might fell out the money he
had in the bank at an advanced price. But as in reply to this attack, he had
publicly declared in the houfe of commons, that he had not one penny in
the bank at that juncture, but poffeffed a large ſtock in the South Sea com-
pany, his opponents afterwards, in 1735, reverſed the accufation, and de-
clared that he had adopted thoſe meaſures to favour the South Sea in prefer-
ence to the bank, that he might fell out the money he had in that ſtock at
an advanced price. Theſe two contradictory affertions deſtroy each other,
and prove the weakneſs of both.
* Some Confiderations on the Public Funds, Gazetteer for 1735, paffim.
Correfpondence, Period III.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
159
1
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SECOND:
1721-1722.
Townshend appointed Secretary of State on the Death of Earl Stanhope, and
Walpole First Lord of the Treafury, on the Refignation of Sunderland.-Sup-
ports the Swediſh Subfidy.—Affairs of Sweden to the Peace of Nystadt.
Domeſtic Tranſactions.-Commercial Regulations.-Abolition of various Du-
ties.-Importation of Naval Stores encouraged.-Advancement of national
Induſtry.-Dean Tucker's Eulogium of Walpole.
TH
Chapter 22.
1721 to 1722.
Walpole firſt
lord of the
treaſury.
HE death of earl Stanhope, and the accufation of Sunderland, February 4.
opened the way to the re-eſtabliſhment of Townſhend and Walpole Townshend
in their former places: for although Sunderland had been acquitted by a con-
fecretary of
ftate.
fiderable majority, yet the public opinion was too unfavourable for him to
be continued in the office of firft lord of the treafury. The negotiation for
fettling the new adminiſtration had been entruſted, by Devonshire and
Townſhend, to the management of Walpole; and it was not without great
difficulty that Sunderland, who maintained the moſt unbounded influence
over the fovereign, had been induced, or rather compelled, to confent to the
propoſed arrangement, and particularly to relinquish the diſpoſal of the ſecret
ſervice money *; but he at length acceded. Townshend had been previouſly
appointed ſecretary of ſtate on the death of Stanhope. Methuen was made
comptroller of the houſehold, Walpole firſt lord of the treaſury and chan-
cellor of the exchequer, and a new board, confifting of his confidential
friends, was nominated at his diſcretion.
April 2.
1721.
Supports the
Swediſh ſub-
fidy.
Almoſt the firſt meaſure of government which Walpole fupported in the
houſe of commons after his elevation, feemed to belie his conduct while in
oppofition, for which he has been bitterly reproached by thofe writers who
perceive no difference between oppofing a treaty before it is concluded,
and fupporting the national honour by adhering to it when ratified.
The death of Charles the Twelfth was the prelude to the pacification of Affairs of
the north; and changed the fituation of Sweden, and the fyftem of English
Pulteney's Anſwer to one Part of a late
infamous Libel, p. 55.
↑ Sir George Bailey, Sir Charles Turner,
Henry Pelham, Richard Edgecumbe.
politics
Sweden.
160
MEMOIRS OF
!
Period III.
1720 to 1727
politics in that quarter. On that event, Charles Frederic duke of Holftein
Gottorp, the fon of Hedwige, eldeſt fifter of Charles, was the next heir; and
if hereditary right had prevailed, would have fucceeded to the throne. But
the preponderating party in Sweden, efpoufed the pretenfions of Ulrica
Eleanora, youngeſt fifter of the deceaſed monarch, who was married to Fre-
deric prince of Heffe Caffel.
The news of the king's death no fooner reached Stockholm, than the fe-
nate repaired to the apartment of Ulrica, and congratulated her on her ac-
ceffion to the throne*; at the fame time the new queзn declared her con-
ſent to renounce that abfolute power which Charles the Eleventh had vefted
in the crown, and which had proved the fource of many calamities to Swe-
den. Her title was foon afterwards acknowledged by the army, in oppofi-
tion to the remnonftrances of the duke of Holſtein, who laid claim to the throne
as his right by hereditary defcent; and the pretenfions of his rival were con-
firmed by the ſtates, which affembled at Stockholm on the 20th of January
1719. In that aſſembly, count Horn, a nobleman of great diſtinction and
capacity, obſerved in full fenate, and in the prefence of the queen, with
whom he had concerted the declaration, that both Ulrica and her fifter
Hedwige had forfeited their title to the crown, becauſe their marriages had
not been confirmed by the ftates. On the meeting of the ſtates, Ulrica
delivered a memorial, in which ſhe diſclaimed all pretenfions, and that the
throne being vacant, they might proceed to an election. On this formal
renunciation, Ulrica Eleonora was elected by the ftates, and gave her
confent to the new form of government, which rendered the fovereign
of Sweden, from the moſt abfolute, the moſt limited monarch in Europe.
The new queen, or rather the fenate, who poffeffed the whole power of go-
vernment, had ſufficient occupation to deliver the country from the dread-
ful fituation to which it had been reduced by a war of twenty years, and to
conclude terins of pacification with Hanover, Pruffia, Denmark, Poland, and
Ruffia.
Before the death of Charles the Twelfth, a congrefs had been held in the
Iſle of Aland, between the Swediſh and Pruffian plenipotentiaries; and had
the Swediſh monarch lived, Baron Gortz could have reconciled Peter and
Charles, both equally incenfed againſt George the Firſt, and a combined army
of Swedes and Ruffians, after conquering Norway, would have landed in
Scotland for the purpoſe of placing the Pretender on the throne of Great
Britain.
* Lagerbring Hift. de Suede,
On
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
161
On the death of Charles, George, though involved in difputes with Spain,
yet fecure of the co-operation of France, difpatched Carteret and Baffewitz
to break up the congrefs of Aland, and to prevent the pacification between
Ruffia and Sweden, from a dread, left their union fhould render his media-
tion unneceffary, and induce Sweden to decline confirming the ceffion of
Bremen and Verden. Carteret fucceeded in his negotiation, and is ap-
plauded, though not without regret, by the Swedish- hiftorians *, for the
confummate addrefs with which he prevailed on Sweden to conclude a fe-
parate peace with Hanover, which was followed by a fubfidiary alliance with
England, under the mediation and guarantee of France.
Before the pacification was finally concluded, Sweden fuffered feverely for
breaking off the congrefs of Aland. The Danes took Marſtrand, the Gi-
braltar of the north, and threatened Gotheborg. Forty thouſand Ruffians
landed in different parts of Sweden, and carried havock and deftruction into
the kingdom, reduced eight towns, and above 1,300 villages to afhes.
The arrival of the Engliſh fleet put a temporary ftop to this invaſion, and
haftened the peace of Sweden with Hanover, Pruffia, and Denmark. Car-
teret, fupported by the prefence of an Engliſh fleet in the Baltic, deluded
Sweden with promiſes to affift in wrefting from Ruffia the conquered pro-
vinces, and prevailed on her to confirm the ceffion of Bremen and Verden to
Hanover; Stetin and the diftrict between the Oder and Plene, to Pruffia;
to renounce the claims of exemption from the Sound duties, and to engage
not to affift the duke of Holſtein, ſhould he attempt the recovery of Slefwic.
Denmark gave back to Sweden Marftand, Stralfund, and the Ifle of Wifmar
for 600,000 rixdollars, relinquifhed her alliance with Ruffia; and, as an
indemnification for the conqueſts reſtored, England and France gratified
Denmark by guarantying Slefwic §.
Peter, incenfed at theſe treaties, which expofed him fingly to the united
forces of Sweden and England, did not lofe courage, but continued his în-
vafion of Sweden, which the Engliſh fleet could not prevent; arreſted the
Engliſh merchants who were ſettled in his dominions, and his refident in
London delivered a strong memorial againſt the infolent interpofition of
Great Britain.
Chapter zz.
1721 to 1722.
In confequence of the Ruffian invafion, Sweden had recourfe to England Proceedings
in parlia-
for affiſtance. The king fent a fleet into the Baltic, and applied to parlia-
* Lagerbring, Hift. de Suede.
+ Schuidt Ruff. Goſch. vol. 2. p. 308.
VOL. I.
+ Lagerbring.
§ Mallet, Hift. de Danemarc.
Y
ment
ment.
}
162
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
June 19.
Peace of
Ny ftadt.
September.
ment for a fubfidy of £. 72,000, according to the terms ftipulated by the
treaty of alliance. The motion to make good thefe engagements was vio-
lently oppofed in the houfe of commons by Sir William Wyndham, Shippen,
and lord Molefworth, who had long refided in Denmark, and who publiſhed
an excellent account of that kingdom. He ably contended, that the al-,
liance was contrary to former treaties with Denmark and Ruffia; that it was
unjuſt to infift that Peter fhould reſtore his conquefts, while other princes re-
tained the ſpoils of Sweden; and that the only equitable mode of proceed-
ing, was for Pruffia to reſtore Stetin, and the elector of Hanover, Bremen and
Verden; he artfully infinuated that the claim to - Mecklenburgh was one of
the cauſes which occafioned the rupture with Ruffia; urged that England
ought not to intermeddle with the affairs of the empire; and that the pro-
curing of naval ftores was the principal advantage of our trade to the Baltic.
To theſe ſtrong arguments Walpole could only reply, that the fubfidy al-
lowed to Sweden and the miffion of the fquadron to the Baltic had been ſti-
pulated by former engagements, which, if not complied with, would affect the
national honour. But the chief motive which induced the parliament to grant
this fubfidy, was the declaration that another would not be demanded, as the
preliminaries between Ruffia and Sweden were wholly ſettled; yet ſo ſtrong
were the objections to the hoftilities againſt Ruffia, that the motion for the
fubfidy was only carried by a majority of 59 *.
Sweden deriving no effectual affiftance from England, was compelled to
receive the terms of peace dictated by Ruffia; and Peter, refuſing to accept the
mediation of a power which had offended him, granted, under the guarantee
of France, the peace of Nyftadt. Sweden ceded to Ruffia Livonia, Eftho-
nia, Ingria, part of Carelia, and the diſtrict of Viborg in Finland. In return,
Peter reſtored the remaining part of Finland, paid 2,000,000 rixdollars.
(£. 500,000) as an indemnification for Livonia, and promifed not to inter-
fere in the domeftic concerns of Sweden.
During theſe tranſactions, Ulrica Eleonora had refigned the crown in
favour of her huſband Frederick- the Firft, who purchafed his election by
confirming all limitations of prerogative to which the queen had conſented.
This transfer of the crown occafioned many diſcontents, increaſed the Hol-
ftein faction, gave to Peter the Great the means of gaining a ſtrong party in
the fenate, and enabled him to foment the internal diſcontents natural to a
popular government; it expoſed the country to future conflicts in the north,
and entailed on the Britiſh adminiftration, a ſeries of complicated, and diffi-
cult negotiations.
* Journals.➡Chandler.
}
Walpole
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
163
1721 to 1722.
Commercial
Walpole had fcarcely fettled the buſineſs of the South Sea, and reftored Chapter 22.
public credit, when he turned his attention to trade and manufactures, and
gave a convincing proof of his liberal and extenſive views. On being again
placed at the head of the treaſury, he found the foreign trade fhackled with
numerous petty duties and impoverishing taxes, which obftructed the expor-
tation of our manufactures, and leffened the importation of the moſt necef-
fary commodities. Walpole framed the noble plan of aboliſhing at once all
thefe reſtrictions, and giving freedom to the moſt valuable branches of our
external and internal commerce.
regulations.
The ſpeech delivered from the throne at the opening of the feventh and
laft feffion of this ever memorable parliament, in conformity to this plan, is
juftly praiſed by Uztariz *, an eminent Spaniſh writer, as a model of good
ſenſe and liberality of fpirit. It was drawn up by Walpole, and contains the October 19,
great outlines of the falutary plan which he had formed for the extenfion of 1721.
trade.
"In this fituation of affairs, we ſhould be extremely wanting to ourſelves, King's
if we neglected to improve the favourable opportunity which this general ſpeech.
tranquillity gives us, of extending our commerce, upon which the riches and
grandeur of this nation chiefly depend. It is very obvious, that nothing
would more conduce to the obtaining fo public a good, than to make the
exportation of our own manufactures, and the importation of the commo-
dities uſed in the manufacturing of them, as practicable and as eaſy as may
be; by this means, the balance of trade may be preſerved in our favour,
our navigation increaſed, and greater numbers of our poor employed. I
muſt therefore recommend it to you, gentlemen of the houſe of commons,
to confider how far the duties upon theſe branches may be taken off, and
replaced, without any violation of public faith, or laying any new burthen
upon my people. And I promiſe myſelf, that by a due confideration of this
matter, the produce of thoſe duties, compared with the infinite advantages
that will accrue to the kingdom by their being taken off, will be found fo
inconfiderable, as to leave little room for any difficulties or objections.
"The fupplying ourſelves with naval ftores upon terms the moſt eafy and
leaft precarious, feems highly to deſerve the care and attention of parliament.
Our plantations in America naturally abound with moſt of the proper ma-
terials for this neceffary and effential part of our trade and maritime ſtrength;
and if by due encouragement, we could be furniſhed from thence with thoſe
naval ftores, which we are now obliged to purchaſe, and bring from foreign
* Uztariz, Theory and Practice of Commerce, ch. 28. vol. 1. p. 131.
Y 2
countries,
164
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
countries, it would not only greatly contribute to the riches, influence, and
1720 to 1727. power of this nation, but, by employing our own colonies in this ufeful and
advantageous fervice, divert them from fetting up, and carrying on manufac-
tures which directly interfere with thofe of Great Britain *
Abolition of
various du-
ties.
Importation
of naval
ftores en-
couraged.
Tucker's
eulogium of
Walpole.
In confequence of this recommendation, one hundred and fix articles of
Britiſh manufacture were allowed to be exported, and thirty-eight articles of
raw materials to be imported duty free.
The other great object recommended in the fpeech, which regarded the
importation of naval ftores from the American colonies, was effected in the
fame feffions. It had long been a matter of complaint, that naval ſtores,
which were principally drawn from the Baltic, were clogged with numerous
difficulties, and raiſed to an enormous price. It was found, on inquiry
into the commerce with, Ruffia, Sweden, Denmark, and the Hanfeatic
towns, that the imports exceeded the exports to the amount of more than
£. 200,000; it was proved that fince the Ruffia company had engroffed the
trade to that country, the price of tar had been doubled, and it was likewiſe
notorious, that the fupplies of naval ftores might be prohibited, ſhould
England be at war with Ruffia, and the Czar, with a view to increaſe
his own navy, infiſt that naval ftores fhould only be exported in Ruffian
veffels. It was an obvious remark, that fince theſe commodities were ne-
ceffary for the navy, it was impolitic to be at the mercy of a foreign prince,
eſpecially as we might be fupplied from our own plantations on eaſier terms,
and in exchange for our own manufactures. Such were the motives which
induced Walpole to countenance a bill for encouraging the introduction of
naval ftores, and granting bounties and premiums to the importers of them
from our colonies in North America.
It is the obſervation of a judicious writer, that the advancements which
have been made in fhipping, commerce, manufactures, and in all kinds
of induſtry, fince the paffing of this law, have been prodigious; and it can-
not be denied, even by the bittereſt enemies of the minifter, that this national
improvement was principally due to his liberal and enlarged fpirit. He
adds, “ I am perfuaded, that impartial pofterity will acknowledge, that if ever
a ſtateſman deſerved well of the public, Sir Robert Walpole was that man.
And yet none of the Engliſh hiftorians have paid a due tribute of applaufe
to theſe beneficial exertions of minifterial capacity; while fome of them enter,
with a tedious minutenefs, into a detail of foreign tranfactions, and echo from
one to the other the never failing topic of Hanoverian influence; while they
* Chandler, vol. 6. p. 263.
printed, but never publiſhed.-Anderſon on
Commerce-Chalmers's Eftimate, p. 96.
dwell
7
+ Tucker's Theory of Commerce, p. 149.
SFR ROBERT WALPOLE.
165
dwell with malignant pleaſure on thoſe parts of his conduct, which in their
opinion, prove the aſcendancy of influence and corruption; while they re-
peat the ſpeeches and reproaches of oppofition, they fuffer theſe falutary regula-
tions, which ought to render the name of Walpole dear to every Engliſhman,
to be principally confined to books of rates and taxes, and only to be men-
tioned by commercial writers.
Although Sunderland had refigned all his official employments, yet he ſtill
retained his influence at court, and never heartily coalefced with the new minif-
ters. He had obtained the appointment of lord Carteret to be fecretary of ftate
in the place of Craggs, who died on the 16th of February, and the prefident-
ſhip of the council for lord Carleton, in preference to the duke of Devon-
ſhire, who was fupported by all the influence of Townſhend and Walpole.
He fomented a divifion in the cabinet, and carried feveral points in oppofi-
tion to the other members.
Chapter 22.
1721 to 1722.
Influence of
Sunderland
not dimi-
niflied.
Mystery of
The conduct of Sunderland at this period, is involved in fo much myftery,
as to leave his character open to every fufpicion. It is impoffible to afcertain his conduct.
to what fatal purpoſe he meant to employ his afcendancy over his fovereign,
or to what extremes he might have been driven by his difguft againſt the
prince of Wales; he intrigued with the Tories, and * made overtures to biſhop
Atterbury. He propoſed, at a time when the ferment occafioned by the
South Sea ſcheme was at its extreme height, to diffolve the parliament,
and induced the king to fanction his views, by perfuading him that there
was not money enough in the treaſury to fecure the return of a Whig
majority, and that the Tories, under his influence, would ſcreen the
projectors of the South Sea, and fupprefs all inquiry on the fubject. But
this dangerous and infidious propofal was over-ruled by the fagacity and
intrepidity of Walpole, who reprefented the extreme danger and impo-
licy of the meaſure, and took on himſelf the charge of finding the fums
neceffary to ſupport the Whig majority. Sunderland did not dare to
avow any intimate connection with, or preference of the Tories, and was
obliged to yield to theſe arguments and affurances; but the Pretender and
the Jacobites certainly, at this time, entertained the moft fanguine hopes,
Sunderland became a great favourite with them and the Tories, his health
was conftantly drank by them, and they affected to be fecure of attaining, by
his means, the accompliſhment of their wishes.
Not all the fervices which Walpole had performed to his king, to his coun-
try, not even his merit in fcreening Sunderland from the rage of the houſe of
→ Walpole Papers.
+ Etough,
Secret Intelligence.Townshend Papers.
commons,
I
166'
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
commons, could expiate the crime of having fuperfeded that ambitious and
1720 to 1727. domineering minifter at the head of the treafury, who dreaded his abilities and
His attempt
to remove
Walpole, de-
feated.
Death of
Sunderland.
popularity, and who faw in him a rival not unlikely to fupplant him in the
confidence and favour of the fovereign. Sunderland, jealous of his growing
power, determined either to remove him from his fituation in the houſe of
commons, or again to obtain his diſmiffion. Under the femblance of favour,
he requeſted the king to create him poftmafter general for life; a lucra-
tive office, which if he had received would have incapacitated him from a
feat in parliament, and if he refuſed, would fubject him to the reſentment
of his fovereign. Contrary, however, to his expectations, George inquired
if Walpole had defired it, or was acquainted with it: Sunderland replied in
the negative: "then" returned the king," do not make him the offer, I parted
with him once againſt my inclination, and I will never part with him again
as long as he is willing to ferve me *" This unexpected demur fufpended
the defigns of Sunderland; and his death, which happened on the 19th of
April 1722, prevented his attempts to remove Walpole, which, confidering his
influence and aſcendancy, might have been finally fucceſsful.
1
Meeting of
the new par
liament.
Atterbury's
plot.
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-THIRD:
1722-1723.
Meeting of the new Parliament.-Atterbury's Plot.-Memoirs.-Bill of Pains
and Penalties.-Conduct in Exile.-Death.-Tax on the Estates of Roman
Catholics, and Non-jurors.
TH
HE parliament, in purſuance of the opinion of Walpole, was not dif-
folved until the 10th of March, a few days before it would have died a
natural death. The new parliament affembled on the 19th of October; and it
foon appeared, that the promiſe of Walpole to obtain a majority of Whigs
was fulfilled.
1
During the ferment of the general election, the plot of which biſhop At-
terbury was the head, was detected, and from the mention of it in the king's
ſpeech, it became the firſt object which engaged the attention of the legiſla-
1
* Horace Walpole to Etough, July 31, 1731. Correfpondence, Period III.
4
ture.
$
167
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
ture. As Walpole, from his fituation and intelligence, procured the earlieſt
information of this confpiracy, and took an active fhare in the profecution,
I hall throw together a few anecdotes of biſhop Atterbury, and add
fuch new information as can be derived from the Orford and Walpole Pa-
pers.
Chapter 23.
1722 to 1723.
Francis Atterbury was born at Middleton, near Newport Pagnel, in Buck- Account of
inghamſhire, in 1662. He received his education at Weſtminſter ſchool, Atterbury.
and was from thence elected a ftudent of Chrift Church College Oxford. At
both places he took indefatigable pains in improving himſelf, and at a very
early period, was diſtinguiſhed for the elegance of his taſte, and his knowledge
of claffical literature, which he diſplayed in a Latin verfion of Dryden's
Abfalom and Achitophel, and a tranflation of fore odes of Horace. In the
24th year of his age he proved his talents in controverfial writing, by vindi-
cating Martin Luther, in a publication, which induced Burnet to rank him
among thofe eminent divines who had ſignaliſed themſelves by their admir-
able defences of the Proteftant religion. On taking orders, he acquired a
high reputation by his talent in preaching, and by ſupporting, againſt Hoadly
and Wake, the doctrines of the high church. Bred up in Tory principles,
he wrote in favour of paffive obedience, and difplayed fo much learning and
ingenuity, that he was chofen prolocutor of the lower houfe of convocation,
and chiefly managed the affairs in that affembly. A fimilarity of opinion
induced him warmly to eſpouſe the cauſe of his friend Sacheverel, and he is
fuppoſed to have had the principal ſhare in drawing up the maſterly de-
fence which the doctor delivered at his trial. He was firſt patroniſed by
Sir Jofeph Trelawney, bifhop of Exeter; appointed by the Tory admini-
ftration of queen Anne, dean of Chrift church, and, in 1713, advanced, at
the recommendation of the earl of Oxford, to the bishopric of Rocheſter
and deanery of Weftminster. At that period he was in fuch high eſtima-
tion with the queen and miniſtry, that he was not unfrequently confulted in
points of the utmoft importance; he was always inimical to the fucceffion of
the Hanover line, and on the death of queen Anne, was accufed, by Har-
court, of haying offered to affift at the proclamation of the Pretender, in his
lawn fleeves; and when Ormond and Bolingbroke declined taking any vigor-
ous ftep, is reported to have exclaimed," Never was a better cauſe loft for
want of fpirit." It is certain that he was involved in the fchemes of Boling-
broke, and a letter from that miniſter * foon after the queen's death, proves
the extreme confidence repofed in him.
On the acceffion of George the Firſt, he received evident marks of cold-
nefs from the new fovereign; and on the breaking out of the rebellion, gave
Macpherſon's Papers, vol. 2. p. 651.
an
168
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
an inſtance of his difaffection, by refuſing to fign the declaration of the bi-
*720 to 1727. ſhops, in favour of the crown. He uniformly employed his great eloquence
in the houſe of lords, in oppofing the meaſures of government, and in draw-
ing up the moſt violent proteſts. Atterbury was of a reſtleſs aſpiring temper,
and eager to obtain the higheſt honours of the church, which he would cer-
tainly have acquired, had not queen Anne died. The active part which he
had taken during her reign, againſt the fucceffion of the houſe of Brunſwick,
and his uniform oppofition to the government of the new fovereign, pre-
cluded him from all expectations of promotion. But when Sunderland
courted the Tories, and made overtures to him as to the leader of the dif-
affected party, his conduct was fo equivocal, that his friends * reproached him
with having deſerted his principles; and his enemies did not heſitate afferting
that he had engaged in a confpiracy againſt the government, becauſe his de-
mand of the bishoprick of Wincheſter was rejected. There feems, however, to
be no foundation for theſe reflections; it is probable, that in liſtening to the
overtures of Sunderland, he conceived hopes, that the miniſter was inclined to
promote the cauſe of the Pretender, and that Sunderland was duped by
him, rather than that he was duped by Sunderland. And if we may judge
from the inflexibility of his character, there is reafon to believe that he rejected
all offers of promotion, and was never inclined to deſert his party.
1
Confpiracy
diſcovered by
the regent.
Habeas cor-
ad.
It appears from Sir Luke Schaub's correſpondence from Paris, that the
firft intimation of the confpiracy in which he was engaged, came from the re-
gent duke of Orleans, to whom the agents of the Pretender communicated
the plot, in hopes of receiving affiſtance from him, and that he betrayed them
to the king of England.
In confequence of his full conviction of the truth and danger of the con-
pus fufpend- fpiracy, Walpole took a very active ſhare in conducting the proſecution:
He first mentioned it to the houſe, when the bill for fufpending the ha-
beas corpus act was oppofed, and a motion made to limit its duration
to fix months. This motion being ſtrongly and ably feconded, ſeemed on
the point of being carried, when Walpole laid before the houſe fome parti-
culars of the conſpiracy; he ſaid, "That this wicked deſign was formed about
Chriſtmas laſt; that the confpirators had at firſt made application to fome
potentates abroad, for an affiſtance of 5,000 men: that being denied, they
afterwards, about the month of April, made farther application, and earneſt
inftances for 3,000; that being again diſappointed in their expectations from
foreign affiſtance, they refolved deſperately to go on, confiding in their own
ftrength, and fondly depending on the difaffection of England; and that
ry.-Memoirs of his Life prefixed to his Mif-
cellaneous Works by Nicholls.
Hardwicke Papers.
*
Prior to Swift, April 25, 1721.-Swift's
Letters, vol. 2.
Biographia Britanica.-Article Atterbu
their
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
169
their firſt attempt was to have been the feizing of the bank, the exchequer,
and other places where the public money was lodged: that although govern-
ment had undoubted informations of this plot ever fince May laft; no per-
fons had been apprehended, becauſe there being then two terms coming on
together, they would have had the benefit of the habeas corpus act, and their
arreft was deferred till the long vacation." He added, "That the traiterous
defigns againſt his majefty's perfon and government had been projecting
ever fince the death of the late queen; and evident proofs would ap-
pear that there had been a meeting of fome confiderable perfons, one of
whom was not far off, wherein it had been propoſed to proclaim the Preten-
der at the Royal Exchange; that an exact account of this deteſtable con-
fpiracy would, in due time, he laid before parliament." He concluded, by
obferving, "that although it was true, that the habeas corpus act had never be-
fore been ſuſpended for above fix months; yet, as the lords had made this
ſuſpenſion for a whole year, if the commons ſhould propofe any alteration, it
might occafion a difference between the two houſes, which, at this time of
jealouſy and danger, might be attended with bad effects in foreign courts *.”
Accordingly the bill was carried by a majority of 246 againſt 193.
Chapter 23.
1722 to 1723.
1722.
Bill of pains
againſt Atter-
and penalties
bury.
March 2zd.
25th.
29th.
Bills of pains and penalties having been paffed againſt the inferior agents,
Plunket, Kelly, and Layer, that of the biſhop became the object of general
attention. In confequence of the report of the committee, a bill was brought
into the houſe of commons, for fubjecting him to banishment and depri-
vation. On receiving a copy of the bill, he wrote a letter to the ſpeaker,
requiring to have the affiftance of counfel and folicitors in making his de-
fence, which was granted. Having obtained this indulgence, he laid before
the houſe of lords, a petition, ftating that, by an order of their houfe, no
lord might appear by counfel before the houſe of commons, that he was
under great difficulties how to act, and requeſting their directions. It was
accordingly moved, « That the biſhop being a lord of parliament, ought not
to anſwer, or make his defence by counfel, or otherwife, in the houſe of com-
mons, to a bill there depending." This motion produced an argument of
fome length, which was terminated by the obſervation of the duke of Whar
ton, “That the biſhop having already applied to the houſe of commons, in
a letter to their ſpeaker, for counfel, it was prepofterous now for him to pray
the lords not to give him leave to be heard before the commons, which was
the drift of his petition." And upon a fecond queſtion, leave was given for
him to be heard by his counſel, or otherwife, as he might think proper. Left 4th April.
VOL. I.
* Chandler.
Z
thus
17༠
MEMOIRS OF
9th.
Period III. thus to his own difcretion, on the day he was expected to have made his defence,
1720 to 1727 he fent a letter to the fpeaker, ftating, "That he fhould decline giving that.
houfe any trouble, contenting himſelf with the opportunity, if the bill went
on, of making his defence before another, of which he had the honour to be
a member." The bill having paffed the commons, was fent up to the lords,
and on the 6th of May, he was brought to the bar to make his defence; he
made a long and artful fpeech himfelf, and his counfel, Sir Conftantine
Phipps and Mr. Wynne, difplayed great zeal and ability; but the bill finally
paffed the lords, and received the royal affent *.
27th May.
His popula-
rity;
The confpiracy in which Atterbury was concerned, and for which he was
exiled, has ſhared the fate of many other plots which have not been carried
into execution. It was at the time credited by one party, and difbelieved by
the other; and even fubfequent writers have, according to their principles,
confidered it as real or pretended. The public opinion of the minifter is
fufficiently known from the active part which he took in difcovering and
counteracting the confpiracy, and his private opinion is detailed in a confi-
dential letter which he wrote to his brother Horace, then envoy at the
Hague; about three months before Atterbury was arrefted.
It would be needlefs as well as tedious to canvafs the principal arguments
for or againſt biſhop Atterbury. It will be fufficient to obferve that the proofs
of his guilt, though not derived from pofitive, but from circumſtantial and
prefumptive evidence, were as ftrong as the nature of the cafe would admit of;
confidering the early period at which the plot was diſcovered, and the
great art and talents of the culprit, they were fuch as to ſtamp on the im-
partial mind, the moſt indelible conviction. It was indeed a ftrong proof
of the lenity of government, that a bill of attainder was not brought in againſt
him, and that he was only puniſhed with deprivation and baniſhment.
The commitment of the bishop of Rocheſter to the Tower, had occafioned
great clamours. Under pretence of his being afflicted with the gout, he
was publicly prayed for in moſt of the churches of London and Weſtmin-
fter, and a print of him was circulated, in which he was reprefented looking
through the grate of a priſon, and holding in his hand a portrait of arch-
bishop Laud, with fome verſes, commiferating his fituation, and calling him
"a fecond Laud,
"Whoſe chriſtian courage nothing fears but God.”
Journals.-State Trials.-Chandler.-
Lords' Debates.-Tindal.-Speaker Onflow III.
on Oppofition, Correfpondence, Period IV,
May 29th, 1722, Correfpondence, Period
+ Political State, vol. 4. p. 21.
It
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
171
It was alſo apprehended, that his removal on board the fhip which was to
convey him into baniſhment, would have been the fignal of infurrection, but
no tumults took place. Walpole, in a letter to Townſhend, dated Whitehall,
June 20, 1723, thus fpeaks of his embarkation:
"The late biſhop of Rocheſter went away on Tuefday. The croud
that attended him before his embarkation was not more than was expected;
but great numbers of boats attended him to the ſhip's fide. Nothing very
extraordinary, but the duke of Wharton's behaviour, who went on board the
veffel with him; and a free converfation betwixt his holinefs and William-
fon *; with menaces of a day of vengeance.”
Many reports have been circulated concerning the feverity with which
Atterbury was treated in the Tower; but upon a candid examination of the
facts alledged by the bishop and his friends, we have no reafon to imagine
that he underwent more rigour than a ftate prifoner accuſed of a trea-
fonable confpiracy ufually meets with. The following inftance of lenity
is not generally known. He was arreſted in August 1722: The ar-
ticles of impeachment were brought into the houſe the 23d of March
1723, paffed the houſe of commons on the 9th of April; he ſpoke in his
`own defence on the 6th of May, and on the 27th, the king gave his royal
affent to the bill of pains and penalties. During the interval between his
impeachment and condemnation, feveral chapters were permitted to be held,
under his aufpices as dean of Weſtminſter, and the fubdean was allowed
to act as his proxy. During the month of May, not lefs than eight chap-
ters were held for figning leafes, and on the 31ft, it was agreed
"That
the leafe of the manor of Penfham be now fealed and lie in the chapter
clerk's hands as an efcrole, till the bills he has fent up for the fines are due
and paid, this being the laſt chapter likely to be held till another dean be
made, and that the prefent dean have his proportion of the fine." This
unuſual mode of proceeding, by which a very confiderable fine was, before
payment, referved for Atterbury, was entirely owing to the connivance, if not
to the interference of government, for it is a well known fact, that the biſhop
of Rochefter had offended the chapter by his overbearing behaviour.
Atterbury received the tribute of applaufe from the firſt poets of his time
Swift, Pope, and Gay have not omitted to pay high encomiums to his talents
and learning. Gay obferves, in his Epiſtle to Pope,
"See Rocheſter approving nods his head,
“And ranks one modern with the mighty dead."
to a friend who is a prebendary of Weftinin-
fter.
* Governor of the Tower,
+ I am indebted for the communication of
thefe particulars, taken from the Chapter Books,
Z z
Pope,
Chapter 22.
1722 to 1723
Highly
efteemed by
Pope, Rus
}
MEMOIRS OF
872
Period III.
Pope, in his Epilogue to the Satires, defcribes his unfhaken firmneſs and
1720 to 1727. refignation in the hour of proſecution:
"How pleafing Atterbury's fofter hour;
་
Cabals with
"How Thines his foul unconquer'd in the Tower.
19
Pope and Swift kept up a conftant correfpondence with him during his
exile, and always expreffed the higheſt ſentiments of veneration and reſpect
for his character. Pope, in particular, almoft idolifed his baniſhed friend,
and was fully convinced of his honour and integrity, and that he was of a
mind too noble to be led by the fpirit of vengeance to cabal againſt his
country.
How ignorant Pope was of his real character, and how much Atterbury be-
lied his admirable portrait of a good and wife man in exile *, neither acting
from a principle of refentment, or impelled by revenge, was proved by his
fubfequent conduct. He had no fooner landed on the Continent, than he threw
himſelf into the fervice of the Pretender, and became the principal agent of
his affairs, firft at Bruffels, and afterwards in France.
The advocates of Atterbury have in vain endeavoured to deny or palliate
this fact; and to imprefs a belief that he never attempted to excite a re-
bellion in England; and that for the purpoſe of avoiding folicitations from
the Jacobites, he quitted Paris, and went to Montpelier in 1728, where he
refided above two years but the contrary is proved from the moſt un-
queſtionable evidence, from his private correfpondence with the rebels in
Scotland, in 1725, publiſhed by Sir David Dalrymple; from the repeated
accounts tranſmitted by Horace Walpole, during his embaffy at Paris; from
the information of fpies, who diſcovered his cabals, and from the corre-
ſpondence between him and his fon-in-law Mr. Morice, of which extracts
are given in the fecond volume. It appears alfo, from his own account,
that he quitted managing the affairs of the Pretender in 1728, from diſguſt,
and not from principle.
In fact, Atterbury was of too afpiring a temper to act a fécondary part:
the Jacobites. The expected to have been the principal manager of the cabals in France, and to
have been employed in carrying on the correfpondence with the difaffected in
England. But on finding that lord Mar and Dillon were more trufted than
Letter from Pope to Atterbury, Pope's
Works, vol. 5. p. 354.
+ Miſcellaneous Works of Bishop Atterbu-
ry, by John Nichols.
Letter from Bishop Atterbury to Mr. Mo-
rice, Epiftolary Correfpondence, vol. 4. p.
161.
himſelf,
‹ [67,2
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
173
himfelf, he endeavoured to undermine their influence. With this view he en-
tered into cabals with Murray and Hay, whofe wife was the Pretender's miſtreſs,
and the cauſe that his confort, the princeſs Maria Clementina, had retired in-
to a convent, and publicly demanded a feparation. Although Atterbury was
ſcandaliſed at the Pretender's inconſiſtent conduct, and diſguſted with the
influence of Hay, yet he meanly condeſcended to join in intrigues with him
and Murray, juſtified the Pretender, reviled his confort, and predicted that
ſhe would repent of her indifcretion when her huſband was reftored to the
throne of his anceſtors, which event his fanguine expectation again led him
to confider as not far diftant. He had no fooner fucceeded in deſtroying
the influence of Mar and Dillon, than he became jealous of Hay and
Murray, reviled the Pretender, juftified his confort, and retired from Paris,
expreffing a conviction that the follies and vices of his attainted fovereign ex-
cluded all hopes of effectually ferving him. During his refidence at Mont-
pellier, he affected a love of retirement, and a fondneſs for the calm pleaſures
of a country life; but in the midſt of theſe philofophical reveries he did not
relinquiſh his cabals for fupplanting Hay and Murray, and after a year's
continuance at Montpellier, returned to Paris for the purpoſe of completing
his ſcheme *.
At this period his conduct was remarkable for duplicity: for while he
feemed abſorbed in projects for obtaining the aſcendancy in the court of the
Pretender, he was looking forwards to England with fond expectations of an
act of grace. Soon after his return to Paris, he held frequent conferences in
the Bois de Boulogne, with the Duchefs of Buckingham, natural daughter of
James the Second, for the oftenfible purpoſe of giving her advice concerning
the education of her fon. The real object of theſe conferences was not
diſcovered until her arrival at Rome, when fhe prevailed on her brother to
remove Hay and Murray, and inveft Atterbury with the principal manage-
ment of his affairs in France. His fanguine expectations foon led him to
anticipate the fall of Sir Robert Walpole, whom he always confidered as the
greateſt ſupport of the reigning family; and whofe difgrace, he thought,
would be followed by the afcendancy of the Jacobite party in England, and
the reſtoration of the Stuarts.
Chapter 23.
1722 to 1723.
Notwithſtanding his boafted philofophy, Atterbury paffed his time in exile, His conduct
in a manner which reflects no credit on the firmnefs of his mind, or the purity in exile;
of his principles. The reſtleſſneſs of his temper, his aſpiring ambition, his
conftant cabals, his anxious defire to return, the narrowness of his income, com-
* Secret Intelligence from Paris; Orford and Walpole Papers.
+ Ibid.
pared
174
MEMOIRS OF
Period, III. pared with his former opulence, and the continual defection of his partizans in
1720 to 1727. England, preyed upon a mind like his, fed with hopes which were conſtantly
difappointed, and ftung with refentment which could not be gratified. His
ſituation was embittered by the ill conduct of his fon, and by the death of
his beloved daughter Mrs. Morice, who expired in his arms, and of which
fad event he has given a pathetic account in a letter to Pope. He died at
Paris, on the 15th of February 1731, in the 70th year of his age.
and death.
Steadineſs to
the Proteft-
One fact highly honourable to him, ought not to be omitted; he re-
mained, at all times, true to the Proteftant religion, and regular in the per-
ant religion. formance of its duties. He reprobated with warmth, the conduct of the
duke of Wharton, lord North and Grey, and others, who had facrificed their
religion with a view to obtain the Pretender's favour; he even quarrelled with
the Duke of Berwick, who propoſed giving a Catholic preceptor to the young
duke of Buckingham, and uſed his influence over the ducheſs, to place none
but Proteftants about the perſon of her ſon.
His papers
depofited in
the Scots
College.
A fhort time before his death, Atterbury was alarmed, left his papers
ſhould fall into the hands of government, and that their contents -fhould en-
danger fome of his correfpondents. Several of the moſt ſecret he deſtroyed, and
with a view to ſecure the remainder, he applied to the Engliſh embaſſador, lord
Waldegrave, to affix his feal on them, that they might be delivered to his exe-
cutors *. But lord Waldegrave declined this delicate exertion of his diploma-
tic privilege, alledging that Atterbury was not intitled to the rights of a Britiſh
fubject. His motives for this refufal were derived from an unwillingneſs to
place himſelf in the embarraffing fituation of receiving orders from his own
court, to deliver up the confidential depoſit of an exile. Atterbury then ap-
plied to the French goverment, but fome difficulties arifing, he withdrew
his folicitation, and died before he had made an effectual arrangement. On
his death, John Sample, a ſpy in the pay of government, who lived in
habits of intimacy with the bishop, endeavoured to obtain poffeffion of the
papers, for the oftenfible purpoſe of fending them to the Pretender; but the
friends of the deceaſed interpofed; the papers were fent to the Scots Col-
lege, and the feal of office affixed. Morice, his fon-in-law and executor,
obtained all thofe which related to family affairs, and the remainder were
left in the college. On his return to England, his papers were feized, and
Morice was examined before the privy counfel. Several of thefe docu-
ments, with the marks of office, are preferved among the Orford papers;
they contain part of the correſpondence between the bishop and his fon-in-
* Correſpondence, Period III. Article Atterbury.
law,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
175
1720 to 1723.
law, feveral mifcellaneous articles in Atterbury's hand-writing, and fome Chapter 23.
letters from William Shippen, relating to the character of Hampden, in
Clarendon's Hiftory, which Oldmixon accufed Atterbury, biſhop Smal-
ridge and Dr. Aldrich, of having interpolated, to which accufation the
biſhop publiſhed a fatisfactory anſwer *. From theſe papers a felection of
the moft curious articles is given in the correfpondence.
The bishop's body was conveyed to England, for the purpoſe of being inter-
red in Weſtminſter Abbey. On its way the hearſe was ſtopped, and his coffin
opened, which occafioned a great outcry againſt the minifters, as if their ven-
geance continued to purſue him even after death; but it foon appeared that
this indignity proceeded from the cuſtom-houſe officers, who had inforına-
tion that a confiderable quantity of brocades, and other prohibited goods, was
concealed in the coffin. This fearch being effected, the hearſe was ſuffered to
proceed without moleſtation, and the body, after fome difficulty, was buried
in Weſtminſter Abbey.
Soon after the fufpenfion of the habeas corpus act, Walpole introduced
a bill for raiſing £. 100,000, by laying a tax on the eſtates of Papiſts, which
was afterwards extended to all Non-jurors. The liberal fpirit of the preſent
age, condemns a meaſure which tended to increaſe the difaffection of a large
body of fubjects, and which the arguments advanced by the minifter in its
favour were calculated only to palliate, but could not juſtify. For on being
urged by feveral members, and particularly by Onflow, who declared his
abhorrence of perſecuting any ſet of men becauſe of their religious opinions,
Walpole reprefented "the great dangers incurred by this nation finçe
the reformation, from the conſtant endeavours of Papifts to fubvert our
happy conftitution and the Proteftant religion, by the moft cruel, violent,
and unjuſtifiable methods; that he would not take upon him to charge
any particular perſon among them, with being concerned in this horrid con-
fpiracy: That it was notorious that many of them had been engaged in the
Preſton rebellion, and fome were executed for it; and the prefent plot was
contrived at Rome, and countenanced in popiſh countries; that many of the
Papifts were not only well-wishers to it, but had contributed large fums for
fo nefarious a purpoſe, and therefore he thought it but reaſonable they fhould
bear an extraordinary ſhare of the expences to which they had fubjected the
nation". Whatever opinions may be formed of this meaſure, according to
the flrict rules of theoretical juftice, the policy was unquestionable. This
inftance of rigour effectually difcouraged the Papifts from continuing their
attempts againſt the government, and operated as a conftant check on the
turbulent fpirit of the Non-jurors.
The bishop's Vindication is printed in Atterbury's Epiftolary Correſpondence, by Nichols,
↑ Chandler.
vol. 3.
Buried in
Weftminster
Abbey.
Tax on Ro-
man Catho-
lics.
Nov. 23.
1722.
1
176
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
June 10.
Walpole de-
clines a peer-
age.
ed a baron.
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FOURTH:
1723. 172 4.
Walpole's Son made a Peer.-Character, Views, and Intrigues of Carteret.-
Struggle in the Cabinet for Pre-eminence.-Conteſt for continuing or removing
Sir Luke Schaub.-Miffion of Horace Walpole to Paris.-Death of the Duke
of Orleans.-Successful Efforts of Townshend and Walpole.-Schaub recalled,
Horace Walpole nominated Embajador.-Change in the miniftry; Carteret ap-
pointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.-Unanimity in Parliament.-Walpole made
Knight of the Bath and Garter.
IN this year the king rewarded the fervices of Walpole, by creating his fon
a peer.
Hitherto it had been customary for thoſe who were intrufted with
the chief direction of affairs, to be placed in the houſe of lords; and the
fame diftinction had been offered by the king to him; but confcious
that his talents were beft calculated for the houſe of commons, and that his
confequence would foon decline if he was called to the upper houfe, he waved
the dignity for himſelf, but accepted it for his ſon, who was created baron
His fon creat- of Walpole, in the county of Norfolk. The patent takes notice of this cir-
cumſtance in a manner highly honourable to the minifter: "Our moſt be-
loved and moſt faithful counſellor, Robert Walpole, firſt commiffioner of the
treaſury, with the affiftance of other felect perfons, and chancellor of our
exchequer, having highly recommended himſelf to our royal favour, by his
many ſervices to us, to our houſe, and to his own country, we did not think
him unworthy to be advanced to the rank of the peers of this realm; `but
though he rather chufes to merit the higheſt titles than to wear them, we have
however thought fit, in order to ennoble his family, to confer on the fon the
honour due to the father, and to raife to the peerage Robert Walpole, junior,
efquire, &c*.
The deaths of Stanhope and Sunderland feemed to remove all obftacles to
the power of Townshend and Walpole, who now became the great leaders of
the Whigs, and being ſtrictly united both in blood and intereft, concentered
* Tindal, vol. 19. P. 494.
in
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
177
1
in themſelves the favour of the crown, and the confidence of their party.
Yet notwithſtanding theſe aufpicious appearances, their authority was by no
means eſtabliſhed on a firm foundation; for beſides the oppofition, they had
to ſtruggle againſt lord Carteret, who covered, under the appearance of devo-
tion and friendſhip, inimical defigns, and united great talents with the moſt
afpiring ambition.
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724.
and views of
Carteret.
John lord Carteret, was fon of George lord Carteret, by lady Grace, Character
daughter of John, the laft earl of Bath, of the line of Granville. He was
born in 1690, and fucceeded his father in the title when he was only in the
fifth year of his age; he was educated at Weſtminſter ſchool, and removed
from thence to Chrift Church college Oxford. He made fuch an extraordi-
nary progreſs in his claffical ſtudies as induced Swift to reproach him, in his
humourous ſtile of panegyric, with having carried away from Oxford, more
´Greek, Latin, and philoſophy than became a perſon of his rank *. To claffi-
cal erudition he united a knowledge of the modern languages, and every
fpecies of polite literature. He had no fooner taken his feat in the houſe of
peers, than he diftinguiſhed himſelf by an ardent zeal for the Proteftant fuc-
ceffion, and on the acceffion of George the Firſt was appointed lord of the
bed-chamber.
On the ſchiſm of theWhig miniſtry, in 1717, he attached himſelf to Sunder-
land; was appointed, in 1719, embaſſador extraordinary at Stockholm, con-
cluded the peace between Sweden, Hanover, and Pruffia, which finally annexed
Bremen and Verden to the electorate of Hanover; and mediated a reconcilia-
tion between Sweden and Denmark. Soon after his return to England, he
was promoted, on the death of Craggs, to the poft of fecretary of ſtate for
the Southern department, and divided in the cabinet with Sunderland and
Stanhope, to whom he owed his elevation, againft Townshend and Walpole.
He was eſteemed one of the moſt eminent ſpeakers in the houſe of lords, for
dignity of manner, propriety of elocution, and force of argument, although his
diction was often cenfured as too florid and metaphorical. He acquired great
favour with the king, by his capacity for buſineſs and indefatigable applica-
tion; by his perfect knowledge of foreign affairs; by the facility with which he
converfed in French, Italian, and Spanish, and by an acquaintance with the
German, which he ftudied with a view to ingratiate himſelf ftill farther with
his fovereign.
1
1
}
1
On the death of Sunderland, he feems to have heſitated whether he fhould His influence
form, in conjunction with Cadogan and Carleton, a party feparate from that with du Bois.
of Townshend and Walpole, or coalefce with thofe minifters. He was more
* Vindication of Lord Carteret, from the charge of favouring none but Tories, Swift's Works,
val. 10. P. 334.
VOL. I.
A a
particularly
178
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Sends Sir
to Paris,
particularly uſeful at this juncture, becauſe he had fucceeded to the influence
which earl Stanhope poffeffed in the cabinet of Verſailles, by means of du
Bois, who was gratified with a large penfion, and who had been raiſed, by the
artful management of the earl of Stair, to the office of minifter for foreign
affairs. Du Bois was no fooner nominated to this poft, than he contrived to
appropriate to himſelf the management of the moſt ſecret tranſactions. All
affairs of importance paffed through his hands alone; and the members of
the reſpective councils were difmiffed *. Stair, who had conducted the ne-
gotiations at Paris with great addrefs, having quarrelled with Law, who
then directed the affairs of finance, and in conjunction with du Bois go-
verned the regent, Stanhope himſelf repaired to Paris, and arranged in
perſon with the regent and du Bois, the plan of future intercourſe and cor-
reſpondence. Stair was recalled, and fucceeded by Sir Robert Sutton.
The failure of the Miffiffippi ſcheme, which reduced France to a ftate of
bankruptcy, and the difgrace of Law, increaſed the aſcendency of du Bois,
and his nomination to the archbiſhopric of Cambray, was furthered by the
expreſs interpofition of George the Firſt .
On the death of earl Stanhope, du Bois was under great alarm, left the
new miniſters ſhould not treat him with the fame confidence; and was fully
aware that his credit with the regent would ceafe, if the good underſtanding
which had been recently maintained between England and France ſhould be
diminiſhed. He was, however, foon undeceived; lord Townſhend, the new
fecretary of ſtate, expreffed his refolution in a letter § to du Bois, of main-
taining the friendſhip between the two kingdoms, and paid particular com-
pliments to him, as the perfon who had firft promoted and concluded the
alliance, which had been fo highly beneficial to both parties.
On the death of Craggs, and the removal of Sunderland,. the apprehen-
Luke Schaub fions of du Bois were again revived and increaſed by the reports of difunion
in the Britiſh cabinet, and by exaggerated accounts of the defperate ſtate of
affairs in England, from the failure of the South Sea fcheme; the regent alfo
experienced the ill effects of theſe rumours, from the violent oppofition made
to his meaſures by the parliament of Paris, in conjunction with thofe who
confidered the alliance with England as no leſs diſhonourable than detri-
mental. For the purpoſe of removing theſe alarms, Sir Luke Schaub was
deputed to Paris by Carteret. Schaub was a native of Bafil, and had been
the confidential fecretary of earl Stanhope, through whom his firft corre-
→ Memoires de Du Clos, tom. I. p. 408.
Harwicke State Papers, vol. 2. paffim.
Du Clos.
Townshend Papers.
43
1
X
ſpondence
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
179
ง
1
fpondence and connections with du Bois had been principally conducted.
On the reconciliation with Spain, in 1719, he had been fent to Madrid,
where he remained till the arrival of William Stanhope, afterwards earl of
Harrington. Soon after his return to England, he repaired to Hanover, and
was employed by earl Stanhope in keeping up the harmony between the
two courts, and difpelling the doubts and fufpicions which occafionally pre-
vailed on both ſides. On the death of Stanhope, he was confidered by Car-
teret as the fitteſt perſon to repair to Paris.
*
The arrival of Schaub gave great fatisfaction to du Bois, who placed no
reliance on Sir Robert Sutton; and who expreffed a conviction, that he
ſhould not long maintain his credit with the regent, if the confidence which
that prince had hitherto repofed on the king of England ſhould be deſtroyed.
Schaub eaſily convinced the regent of the king's ſteadinefs to his former en-
gagements, and thus fupported the authority of du Bois. Sutton was foon
afterwards recalled, Schaub folely managed the affairs of England, and his
influence increaſed, as du Bois was fucceffively created, by the interpofition
of England, cardinal and prime minifter. During theſe tranſactions, Schaub
became the channel through whom the cabals of the Jacobites, and the in-
trigues of Atterbury were communicated to the Britiſh cabinet.
Du Bois transferred his devotion to Carteret, as the minifter who was fup-
ported by Sunderland, and who boaſted that he had fucceeded to the influ-
ence as well as to the principles of Stanhope: Schaub defcribed him as the
'perſon who principally directed foreign affairs; and the friendſhip of du Bois,
whoſe good-will at this period was highly prized, increaſed the conſequence
and promoted the intereft of Carteret.
On the death of Sunderland, du Bois offered, through Schaub, to uſe his
intereft with George the Firſt in favour of Carteret, but ſtrongly adviſed
him to coalefce with Townshend and Walpole, becauſe he would on one fide
find it difficult to place himſelf at the head of the Whigs, and on the other,
it would be dangerous to throw the king into the arms of the Tories *. In
reply to thefe offers of affiftance, Carteret expreffed his gratitude to the car-
dinal, and informed Schaub, that he had previouſly refolved to act in that
manner, as well with a view to promote the king's fervice as his own parti-
cular intereft. He boafted, that he was fufficiently ſtrong to have no appre-
henfions but thoſe which arife from the common danger to which miniſters
are fubject; he added, that his principles would never change, and intreated
him to convince the cardinal, that were he not fully perfuaded of the good
→ Correſpondence between Lord Carteret and Sir Luke Schaub, Hardwicke Papers, May
1722.
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724.
A a 2
intentions
180
MEMOIRS OF
Period III. intentions of his colleagues, he would not continue long united with
them *.
1720 to 1727.
Carteret
forms a divi-
fion in the
cabinet.
Notwithſtanding theſe profeffions, Carteret never cordially coalefced with
Townſhend and Walpole; he confidered himſelf as fucceeding to the intereſts
of Sunderland and Stanhope, expreffed, in his letters and converfation, the
profoundeſt veneration for their memory, headed the remnant of their
party in the British cabinet, and caballed with the leaders of the Tories,
whom he confidently affured of fuccefs, by declaring that he was fupported
by thoſe who governed the king. He was led to make this declaration,
which he implicitly believed, becauſe he had fecured the concurrence of
Bothmar and Bernsdorf, and had gained the countefs of Darlington, and her
fifter, the counteſs of Platen, whofe influence in the Hanoverian counſels he
Promotes the confidered as predominant. With a view of effecting his purpoſe, he adopted
a propofal, made by Schaub, of a marriage between Amalia, daughter of the
counteſs of Platen, and the count de St. Florentin, fon of the marquis de la
Vrilliere, fecretary of ftate, which was arranged under the condition, that
George the Firſt ſhould obtain from the duke of Orleans, through the means
of cardinal du Bois, a dukedom for the family of la Vrilliere. The king eagerly
favoured the ſcheme, and likewife commiffioned Schaub to uſe his name,
provided he was fecure that the requeſt would not be rejected, and that du
Bois could facilitate the grant of the dukedom, without offending thoſe fa-
milies who afpired to the fame honour.
views of the
countess of
Platen.
Promotes vi-
gorous mea
Having thus obtained the concurrence of the king, Carteret entertained
the moſt fanguine expectations, that the management of this fecret tranfac-
tion, confined to him and Schaub, would increaſe his influence in the cabinet ;
yet as it was foon known to many perfons, he was alarmed left fome rumours
fhould be circulated, and he communicated a part of the buſineſs to lord
Townſhend, but contrived to retain the negotiation entirely in his own
hands. With that view he defired Schaub to confine the confidential ac-
count to his private correſpondence, and in his oftenfible letters, to touch
upon that affair only in general terms, and to do it in fuch a manner and
with ſuch a naiveté as ſhould make it appear as if he had not received any
particular order on that fubject. Thefe private communications were con-
ſtantly ſhewn to the king, who expreffed his fatisfaction in the higheſt terms
of approbation.
Carteret alfo drew from the afpect of northern affairs, high expectations of
fures againſt increaſing his influence, by fomenting the king's refentment againſt Ruffia,
Ruffia.
* May 4, 1722, Hardwicke Papers,
+ Ibid.
by
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
181
by flattering his inclination to interfere in the affairs of Sweden, and by fa-
vouring the opinions of thofe Hanoverian minifters, whofe advice appeared
to him to have weight in the councils of the German cabinet.
Since the treaty of Nyſtadt, which reſtored peace to the North, the only
ſubject of alarm, on the fide of Hanover, was derived from the fupport which
the Czar gave to the duke of Holftein, both in his attempts to obtain the
crown of Sweden, and to recover the duchy of Slefwic. Peter, proudly con-
ſcious of his ftrength and reſources, and of the formidable marine which he
had created in the Baltic, formed the moſt extenfive defigns of aggrandife-
ment, and promoted every meaſure which might embarraſs George the Firſt.
He had affumed the title of emperor, which the European powers refuſed to
acknowledge. He affianced his daughter Anne *, whom he probably de-
figned for his fucceffor, to the duke of Holſtein, and fent to Copenhagen an
embaſſador, to require that Slefwic ſhould be reſtored to the duke of Holſtein,
and that his fubjects, in the provinces conquered from Sweden, fhould be ex-
empted from the payment of the Sound duties. When Frederic the Fourth
rejected theſe demands, Peter fitted out a naval armament, affembled a body
of troops on the frontiers of Courland; and a new war feemed on the
point of being kindled in the North. George the Firſt, who by the treaty
of Travendahl, had been conftituted a guarantee of Slefwic, was bound to
fuccour his ally Frederic; he accordingly concerted the moſt efficacious
means of defence; an Engliſh fquadron again appeared in the Baltic, and
joining the Daniſh fleet, fufpended the operations of Ruffia, and Peter af-
terwards turned his views to Sweden, where the weakneſs of the government,
and the fury of contending factions, gave him the faireſt proſpects of ſucceſs.
Such was the general ſtate of Carteret's hopes and intrigues, when the king
repaired to Hanover. Townshend had not forgotten that his removal, in
1716, had been principally owing to his continuance in England, by which
means a full ſcope was given to the cabals of Sunderland, and the Hanoverian
junto. He was unwilling to fall again into the fame error, and accompanied the
king. Although it was unuſual for both fecretaries of ſtate to be abſent at
the fame time, yet Carteret had rendered himſelf fo agreeable, and his pre-
fence was thought fo neceffary for carrying on the negotiation with Schaub,
for the marriage and the dukedom, that he received orders to repair to Ha-
nover, and Walpole was appointed to act as fole ſecretary of ſtate in England,
during the king's abfence.
* See Travels in Ruffia, Book 4, chap. 10.
+ Mallet, Hift, de Dannemarc.
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724
1721;
Arrival of the
king at Han-
over.
Soon
182
MEMOIRS OF
?
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Struggle be-
tween
Townshend
and Carteret.
Townshend
gains the
duchefs of
Kendal.
Soon after their arrival at Hanover, the two fecretaries of ſtate made a vio
lent ſtruggle for pre-eminence.
Townſhend had a difficult and a delicate part to act. He was conſcious
of Carteret's eminent abilities, and of his high favour with the king; he was
not ignorant of his fuccefsful intrigues with Bernsdorf and Bothmar, and of
having conciliated lady Darlington and the counteſs of Platen, whoſe in-
fluence he fufficiently appreciated; he was aware that Carteret was eagerly
inclined to promote the king's German meaſures, and that he would be ſe-
conded in all his fchemes, by the powerful co-operation of the Hanoverian
minifters. He felt the neceffity of employing intrigue againſt intrigue, and
manœuvre againſt manoeuvre; he laboured effectually to fecure the duchefs
of Kendal, whofe afcendancy over the king, fatal experience had demon-
ftrated to be predominant; he fomented the jealoufy which ſhe had long en-
tertained, left the projected marriage ſhould furnish the counteſs of Platen
with a prétence for going to Paris, and from thence to England,` and he
fucceeded fo far in gaining her good graces, that he calls her, in his moft
private letter to Walpole, " the good duchefs, and their faſt friend". He alſo
obtained the concurrence of lady Walfingham, who poffeffed great influ-
ence over the duchefs, and no inconfiderable favour with the king. Relying
on theſe ſupports, he procured the diſgrace of Bernſdorf, and rendered in-
effectual the intrigues of Bothmar, who made an unexpected vifit to Han-
over with a view of aiding Carteret. He obtained the appointment of Har-
tenberg to the poſt of miniſter of ftate; broke the union which had hitherto
fubfifted between him and the duchefs of Kendal, and rendered them both
fubfervient to his views. He counteracted Carteret in all his meaſures, ob-
tained the nomination of feveral places in oppofition to his particular recom-
mendation, and ſo triumphantly carried all before him, that he boafted, in a
letter to Walpole, of the fuccefs of his political campaign at Hanover, which,
in ſtating the difficulty of his fituation, he deſcribed as the only place in the
world where faction and intrigue are natural and in faſhion *.
The fuperior influence, however, of Townſhend and Walpole, was not
folely gained by court intrigues, or by the corruption of German favourites, and
was not proſtituted by a preference of Hanoverian interefts to thofe of Eng-
land. In the midſt of theſe cabals, the conduct of the brother miniſters was
firm and manly, moving in direct oppofition to the king's prejudices, and the
wiſhes of the German junto. Townſhend prevented the adoption of violent
meaſures againſt Ruffia, propoſed by Bernſdorf and ſeconded by Carteret,
* See Correſpondence.
which
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
183
which if purfued, muft have involved England in hoftilities with the
Czar; and he exultingly informed Walpole, that the king continued true
to his refolution of figning no paper relating to Britiſh affairs, but in his
prefence.
The continuance of their authority was alſo greatly owing to the profper-
ous ſtate of domeftic affairs. The revival of the national credit, and the tran-
quillity eſtabliſhed by the fuppreffion of Atterbury's plot, which reflected
great honour on the fagacity and ſpirit of the minifters, and gave weight and
dignity to the councils of England in all parts of Europe, made a deep im-
preffion on the mind of the king; and it reflects high honour both on the
fovereign of whom it was faid, and on the minifters by whom it was faid,
that the only method of preferving their power beyond fear of competition
or accident, was to form fome falutary plan for the eaſe of the people and
the benefit of trade, which points the king had much at heart
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724.
The character and conduct of Walpole, were no lefs inftrumental in for- Affifted by
warding the triumph of his party. The beneficial confequences refulting Walpole.
from his commercial regulations had been too obvious to eſcape notice; his
genius for financial operations, and the eaſe with which he obtained parlia-
mentary fupplies, had induced the king to fay that Walpole could create
gold out of nothing. But he did not earn this confidence by mean con-
ceffions and bafe flattery; on the contrary, he ventured to contradict the
wiſhes and prejudices of the king, whenever thoſe wiſhes or prejudices feemed
to militate against the true interefts of England. An indubitable proof of
this fact appears from the correſpondence of this year; the king having re-
queſted £. 200,000 for the purpoſe of oppofing the efforts of the Czar, to
dethrone the king of Sweden, and place the duke of Holſtein on the
throne, Townſhend ftrenuouſly exhorted Walpole to procure that fum. In
reply, Walpole declared that the £.200,000 was reſerved for the king's ex-
pences, if he ftaid at Hanover later than Chriſtmas. He muft, therefore, either
return to England fooner than he had propofed, or the interference in the Swe-
diſh affairs muſt be relinquished. Walpole at the fame time repreſented his
objections to that interference in the ſtrongeſt terms; explained his own
conduct, and the great principle by which he appears to have been uni--
formly directed, which was to be economical of the public money, but to
ſpare no expence when the fecurity of his country was at ftake; to avoid
foreign entanglements, not to be precipitate in contracting new engage-
ments; to feel the pulſe of the nation before any meaſure of confequence
* See Correſpondence, Period III.
† Etough, from Scrope, Correfpondence, Period IV.
was-
184
MEMOIRS OF
+
Period III.
was adopted, and to proceed with due caution. He concluded by obferving,
1720 to 1727 that the profecution of a new war would effectually prevent the adoption of
all fchemes for the eaſe of the people and the benefit of trade. The king,
fo far from being difpleafed with this freedom, was convinced by his argu-
ments, adopted his views, and declared his refolution of implicitly following
the advice of his Britiſh cabinet: He ſpoke of him in the highest terms of
approbation, and when Townshend fhewed his anfwer to that letter, and
afked whether he had not made too many compliments, obferved, that was
impoffible, for Walpole never had his equal in buſineſs *.
Miffion of
Horace Wal-
pole to Paris.
Notwithſtanding, however, theſe evident proofs of Townſhend's and Wal-
pole's afcendancy, reports were induſtriouſly circulated, that Carteret's power
was fuperior; and theſe reports coming by rebound from Hanover, were ex-
aggerated in England and France, and had a conſiderable effect in fuppreffing
the ardour of their adherents, and in giving ſpirit to the friends of their rival.
It became neceffary therefore to undeceive the public, and as Townshend
obſerved, in a letter to Walpole, to obtain fome overt act in their favour; it
was accordingly determined to attack Carteret in his ftrong hold of Paris,
where he fuppofed himſelf invincible.
As the union with France was at this juncture efteemed highly neceffary
to preſerve the peace of Europe, and the internal tranquillity of England,
thoſe miniſters who had the higheſt credit with the court of Verfailles,
were held in the higheſt eſtimation by George the Firſt. Hence, it became
a matter of great concern for Townſhend and Walpole to have their own
'confidential embaffador at Paris, which was now the center of the fecret
negotiations for all foreign affairs, and by theſe means to prevent their oppo-
nent from preferving his weight in the cabinet, which he principally derived
from the fuppofed credit of his creature, Sir Luke Schaub. It was their
intereft therefore to obtain his removal, and to fubftitute fome perfon in
whom they could place implicit confidence, and whofe appointment ſhould
prove to the court of France, and convince both friends and adverfaries in
England, of their afcendancy in the cabinet.
Horace Walpole was ſelected as the fitteft perſon to bring forward on this
occafion. He had from his earlieft years been trained to bufinefs, under
Stanhope, in Spain; under Carleton, when chancellor of the exchequer
and fecretary of ſtate; under Townſhend, at the congrefs of Gertruydenberg,
and during the negotiation for the barrier treaty in 1710. At the acceffion
of George the Firft, he was appointed fecretary to lord Townfhend, and
* Correſpondence, Feriod III.
afterwards
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
185
}
afterwards fecretary to the treaſury; and, as envoy to the ftates general,
had conducted with great ſkill and ability the complicated negotiations which
took place at the Hague in 1715 and 1716. On the removal of Townſhend
and Walpole, he had continued invariably attached to them. At the coalition
with Sunderland, in 1720, he had been nominated fecretary to the duke of
Grafton, then lord lieutenant of Ireland, and in 1721 fecretary to the trea-
fury. He was deputed, in 1722, as envoy to the Hague, which poſt he now
filled with great credit and dignity, and was particularly noticed by George
the Firſt as a man of buſineſs and addreſs.
Although Carteret could not avoid foreſeeing the decline of his intereft
from the death of cardinal du Bois, and confidering the miffion of Horace
Walpole, as a proof of his rival's fuperiority; yet he affected to hold the
credit of Schaub and his own as not in the ſmalleſt degree diminiſhed.
As Townshend could not propoſe the miffion of Horace Walpole to Paris,
without an open quarrel with Carteret, to whofe province, as the ſecretary for
the ſouthern department, that appointment belonged, he took advantage of
the death of cardinal du Bois, which happened at this time, to carry his
ſcheme gradually into execution. He reprefented to the king, that this
event rendered it neceffary to fend a confidential perfon to Paris, for the
purpoſe of gaining authentic information concerning the fituation of af-
fairs, and to aſcertain whether Schaub was not at variance with count Nocé, who
was ſuppoſed to govern the duke of Orleans. He named Horace Walpole as
proper to be intrufted with fo delicate an affair, and fuggefted, that he might
affect to take Paris in his way to Hanover, from a motive of mere curiofity
Having fucceeded in this point, Townſhend fuggefted, that letters creden-
tial, under the pretence of ſending a full power to accept the acceffion of the
king of Portugal to the quadruple alliance, would facilitate the execution of
the commiffion. The king approved this hint, and propofed it as his own
thought to Carteret, who, though confounded at this mortification, could not
venture to make any objection *
Under thefe circumftances, Horace Walpole arrived at Paris on the 19th
of October, and on the 21ft, wrote fo maſterly a diſpatch, deſcribing the
fituation of the court of France, the characters of the duke of Orleans, and
of the principal miniſters, as charmed the king, delighted his friends, and
gave a fure omen of the victory which he was to obtain over Schaub, and con-
ſequently of that which his brother and Townſhend would gain over Carteret.
He particularly dwelt on Nocé's averfion to Schaub, on his refufal to liſten to
* See Lord Townshend's Letters in September and October. Correfpondence, 1723.
+ Walpole Papers.
Vol. I.
B b
any
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724.
Conteft be
tween Horace
Walpole and
Schaub,
186
MEMOIRS OF
1
Nov. 21,
1723.
Period III. any overtures of reconciliation, and on the influence which he poffeffed over
1720 to 1727. the duke of Orleans; circumftances artfully difplayed to prove the neceffity
of appointing an envoy who might fecure the good will of Noce. Before the
arrival of this diſpatch at Hanover, Schaub had written, that the duke of
Orleans was inclined to gratify the king, in conferring a dukedom on the fa-
mily of la Vrilliere, and forwarded copies of letters which he had concerted
with Morville, and which the king was to fend to Louis the Fifteenth, and
the duke of Orleans, preffing them in the ftrongeſt manner to comply with
that requeſt. Carteret, in a tranſport of joy, informed Schaub, that the king
had approved the letters, and had tranfcribed that to Louis the Fifteenth
with his own hand. He warned him however, not to deliver them, unleſs
he was fure of fuccefs, and entreated him to forward the anſwer from the
king of France as foon as poffible. At the fame time Townſhend himſelf
informed Walpole, that the affair of the dukedom was concluded, and that
the marriage would foon take place: He added, that the duchefs of Kendall
already began to be jealous of the counteſs of Platen, and hinted, that
through her influence, it might be practicable to eſtabliſh Horace Walpole
as embaffador at the court of France. The accounts, however, tranſmitted
by Horace Walpole, were of a very different complexion. He maintained
unequivocally, that Schaub was totally miſtaken, and had promifed more
than he could effect. His diſpatches and private letters were filled with re-
preſentations of Schaub's petulant and indifcreet behaviour, in preffing the
grant; the violent oppofition made by the principal nobles, of their bitter
and farcaftic reproaches againft the interference of a Britiſh minifter, or ra-
ther as they termed him, no miniſter, to obtain a dukedom for a family which
was not entitled to fuch a diftinction. He ſtated that Morville, tauntingly
alluding to Schaub as a foreigner, faid that he was happy to tranfact buſi-
nefs with one who was a true Englishman. He detailed a fecret and confi-
dential converfation which he had with the duke of Orleans, who after ob-
ferving that he had requefted to fee him, for the purpofe of converfing
frankly on an affair of great importance; plainly indicated that he could
give no credit to the repreſentations of Schaub, whofe zeal in this whole.
buſineſs, had originated from his attachment to Madame de la Vrilliere, with
whom he was engaged in a love intrigue. The duke then mentioned the
impropriety of granting a dukedom to that family; obferved that the king
was not fully appriſed of the difficulties attending it; and requeſted Horace
Walpole to write to lord Townſhend for authentic information concerning
his majeſty's real fentiments.
Death of the
duke of Or,
leans.
The day after this audience, the duke of Orleans died, and the duke of
Bourbon
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
187
Bourbon was appointed prime minifter. Schaub paid court to, and was well
received by Madam de Prie, miſtreſs of the duke of Bourbon, who favoured
the grant from intereſted motives; and he wrote to Carteret the moſt exag-
gerated accounts of his influence over the new prime minifter, and of his cer-
tain ſucceſs in the affair of the dukedom. Carteret again believed theſe fa-
vourable accounts, and was again deceived.
Horace Walpole acted with great dignity and judgment. He paid no
fervile attention to Madame de Prie, from a conviction that it was not necef-
fary; behaved with deference to the duke of Bourbon, but privately courted
the biſhop of Frejus, afterwards cardinal Fleury, whofe intereft with the
young king of France, he faw and appreciated, and whofe confidence he
gained by his prudent conduct. Although the new prime minifter, from a
defire of gratifying Madame de Prie, who wiſhed to eſtabliſh a precedent in
favour of her huſband's claims to a dukedom, was more inclined to forward
the grant than his predeceffor, yet the loud clamours of the nobility, and the
decided averfion of Louis the Fifteenth to the meaſure, convinced him of its
impracticability. Schaub was either ignorant of this.circumſtance, or affected
to be fo. Anxious to carry a point on the fuccefs of which Carteret's afcen-
dency in the cabinet, and his own continuance at Paris ſeemed ultimately to
depend, and eager to gratify Madame de la Vrilliere, he preffed the duke of
Bourbon, with his uſual indiſcretion, remonftrated againſt the delay as in-
fulting to the king of England, and endeavoured to involve it in fuch a man-
ner with public tranſactions as to make it a ſtate affair.
The duke of Bourbon, embarraffed with thefe folicitations, now applied to
Horace Walpole in the fame manner as his predeceffor had done. He obferved
that the difficulties were infuperable, gave a true ſtate of the affair as it related
to his own ſituation, and the French king's fentiments upon it; declared that
the king, as well as the late duke of Orleans had been deceived and impoſed
upon, and concluded with fome expreffions of refentment and contempt at
Schaub's conduct and importunity *
Horace Walpole received private inftructions from lord Townshend and
his brother to proceed with great caution, and to act in fuch a manner as
not to diſguſt the French cabinet, by preffing fo difagreeable a requeſt, and
yet not to offend the king by appearing as if he was oppofing his wifhes. He
followed thefe inftructions with confummate addrefs; and the accounts of
his proceedings, which were fhewn to the king, increaſed the good opinion
• Horace Walpole to Lord Townfhend, March 7, 1724. Walpole Papers.
Bb 2
already
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724.
Prudent con-
duft of Ho-
race Walpole,
188
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727
Character of
Cadogan,
already entertained of his talents for negotiation, proved the influence he
was rapidly acquiring in the cabinet of Verſailles, and tended to diminiſh
the credit of Carteret and Schaub. The king, on his return to England, con-
vinced that he had been deceived by Schaub, and that the obſtacles to the
grant were infuperable, reluctantly withdrew his folicitation. Carteret had the
unwelcome taſk of commanding Schaub not to prefs the affair
any farther,
and of inclofing a letter from the king to the duke of Bourbon, declaring
that it never was his intention to make the dukedom a ſtate affair, and de-
clining to infiſt on a requeſt which was difagreeable to the king of France
and the prime minifter. Carteret, however, was ftill fo convinced of his ſu-
perior favour, that he either difbelieved, or affected to diſbelieve the reports
of his declining influence. He filled his letters to Schaub with repeated de-
clarations, that the king approved their conduct; exhorted him to be perfectly
tranquil, and to bear all mortifications, until the affair of the dukedom
ſhould be finiſhed; expreffed his full conviction that they ſhould maintain
their ground, and that his own authority was ftronger than ever; yet at the very
time his own fall and the removal of Schaub were evident, from the appoint-
ment of Horace Walpole to be envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary to
the court of Verfailles. The additional honour thus conferred increaſed the
jealouſy of Schaub, who found all the affurances of his patron belied, and
himſelf in danger of being recalled from Paris. But even this mortification
did not induce Carteret to acknowledge the fuperiority of his rivals; he ſtill
gave Schaub the ſtrongeſt affurances of fupport from the king; adviſed him to
attach himſelf to the duke of Bourbon and Madame de Prie; he declared,
that the king was fecretly inclined in his favour, but that he did not love
diſputes, and was unwilling to require fuch explanations as would force him
to take a decided part. He obferved, that the anſwer to the duke of Bour-
bon could by no means be interpreted, as if the king abandoned his requeſt
of the dukedom, although he did not defire that it might be confidered as
a public affair.
Carteret perhaps had fufficient reafon to be fecure of his victory, as well
becauſe he was perfonally a favourite with the king, as becauſe he was
joined by a formidable combination of men who poffeffed great weight
and confequence. Amongst the members of the cabinet who acted with
him, was William earl of Cadogan, who had concentred in himſelf the poſts
of commander in chief, and maſter of the ordnance, and who was fupported
by the friends and adherents of his deceaſed patron, John duke of Marlbo-
Walpole Papers, January 26, 17241
rough,
&
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
189
T
rough, particularly by the duchefs, whofe enormous wealth enabled her occa-
fionally to forward or obftruct the public loans, and who was highly offended
with Walpole, for prefuming to raiſe money at a lefs intereft than fhe had re-
quired. Cadogan was frank, open, vehement, impatient of contradiction, and
inclined, in caſe of difficulties, rather to cut the gordian knot with his ſword,
than to attempt by patience to unravel its intricacy. He was in high favour
with the king for his knowledge of foreign languages, his acquaintance with
foreign manners, and for an eaſe and addrefs which was partly derived from an
early intercourfe with the world, and partly from an intermixture of military
and civil occupations. At this crifis, Cadogan had rendered himſelf fo ob-
noxious to Walpole, that it was determined to open the political campaign
with his difmiffion, which was to be a prelude to other changes. The poſt
of commander in chief had been promiſed to lord Cobham, and the maſter-
ſhip of the ordnance to the duke of Argyle; but the king gave a decided
negative to this propofal, by declaring that he would not part with Cado-
gan. As this attack was made at the opening of the feffion, when the
predominant influence of Walpole in the houfe of commons, feemed to
countenance an opinion, that his demands muſt be complied with; this re-
pulfe was confidered by the friends of Carteret and Cadogan, as the fure
omen of his downfal.
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724”,
In the midſt of theſe divifions in the cabinet, the affairs in Ireland, relating Efforts of
to Wood's patent, gave Carteret an opportunity of impreffing the king with Carteret..
unfavourable fentiments of Walpole, to whofe mifconduct he principally
imputed theſe diſturbances. He fomented the difcontents in Ireland, and
caballed with the Brodricks, who were incenfed againſt the duke of Grafton,
lord lieutenant, for afcribing the oppofition ſolely to the fecret manœuvres
of lord chancellor Midleton, and for infifting, that either he ſhould be de--
prived of the feals, or fhould not be appointed one of the lords juftices *.
Their diſcontent was no lefs vehement againſt Walpole, who fupported the
duke of Grafton; and Carteret increaſed their confequence, by enumerating
to the king the fervices which the family had performed in favour of his fuc-
ceffion, by exaggerating their influence in Ireland, and by dwelling on the ill
confequences which would refult from depriving lord Midleton of the feals.
Theſe commotions, although finally quelled by the prudence and ability of
Walpole, yet gave great embarraffment to his adminiftration, and delayed.
the removal of Carteret.
* See Chapter 26th on the Disturbances in Ireland:
Walpole
190
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Baffed by
Walpole.
1724.
Parliamenta
ry proceed-
ings.
1
Walpole baffled his adverſaries with the fame arts which they endeavoured
to employ against him. Bolingbroke had betrayed to him the intrigues of
Carteret with the Tories, and had made offers from fome of their leaders to
join adminiſtration; although he had rejected theſe overtures, and declined a
general coalition with them, yet he detached feveral from the
party, and
amufed others. He gained a great acceffion of ſtrength by fecuring lord Har-
court, whom he introduced into the privy council, gratified with an increaſe
of his penfion, and for whom he obtained the appointment of one of the lords
juſtices during the king's abfence. By thefe means the leaders of the difaffect-
ed party were allured with hopes of fimilar honours and emoluments, if they
would follow the fame example; and highly diffatisfied with Carteret, made
little oppofition to the meaſures of government; flattering themſelves that
his removal would be foon followed by their introduction into power. To
theſe expectations may be partly attributed the extreme tranquillity which
diſtinguiſhed the next feffion of parliament.
While this ſtruggle for power was carrying on in the interior of the cabinet,
public affairs were conducted with unexampled profperity and quiet. The
parliament met on the 9th of January; the fpeech from the throne concluded.
with dignified expreffions of the connection between the liberty and profpe-
rity of the nation. "In the preſent happy fituation of our affairs, I have
nothing more to recommend to you, than that you would make uſe of the
opportunity, which your own good conduct has put into your hands, in con-
fidering of ſuch farther laws as may be wanting for the eaſe and encourage-
ment of trade and navigation, for the employment of the poor, and for ex-
citing and encouraging a ſpirit of induſtry in the nation. I am fully fatisfied,
that the trade and wealth of my people, are the happy effects of the li-
berties they enjoy, and that the grandeur of the crown confiſts in their pro-
fperity."
The addrefs paffed not only without a fingle diffenting voice, but even
without a debate; and during the whole feffion the only motion that occa-
fioned a divifion, was one for keeping up the fame number of troops for
1724, as was maintained the year before, which was carried by a majority of
240 againſt 100. On the 24th of April, this feffion, fo tranquil in effect,
and ſo barren of incidents, was cloſed by a ſpeech which commended in high
terms of approbation, the unanimity, cheerfulneſs, and diſpatch with which
the buſineſs had been conducted, and expreffed the higheft fatisfaction, that
the fame force was maintained by fea and land, which had enabled the nation
6
to
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
191
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724.
Influence of
Horace Wal-
pole named
embaffadox
to Paris.
to hold among the powers of Europe, the rank and figure due to her honour
and dignity, without laying any new or additional burthen on the people *.
The unexampled unanimity and diſpatch of buſineſs which diftinguiſhed
this feffion, was almoſt folely owing to the good management of Walpole, Walpole.
and to his influence in the houfe of commons, which Saint John Brodrick, in
a letter to lord Midleton, calls prodigious. Hence his preponderance in-
creaſed in the cabinet; and the king was induced to take a decided refolu-
tion in his favour, between the two difcordant parties. As a prelude to the re-
moval of Carteret, Horace Walpole was named embaffador to Paris. Yet fuch
was the credit of Carteret, that this nomination was not finally effected with-
out great difficulty. His addrefs ftill fupplied proofs of his influence, when
it had almoſt totally declined; and Horace Walpole, in his private letters to
his brother and Townfhend, made no lefs heavy complaints of his fituation
at Paris, than Schaub did of his difgufts to Carteret. The diſpatches,
though written to him and Schaub jointly, were by private intimations.
to the meffenger, carried firft to Schaub, and communicated by him to the
French minifters, before Horace Walpole was informed of their contents; the
diſpatches for Spain, and the plenipotentiaries at the congrefs of Cambray,
were encloſed to him, peruſed by him, and forwarded by him. Of this
meaſure, Horace Walpole bitterly complained to his brother, declared his
refolution not to act any longer jointly with Schaub, infifted that one of
them muſt be recalled; and justly obferved, that the removal or continuance
of Schaub, muſt prove to the world, either the full eſtabliſhment or decline
of their credit with the king. Walpole and Townſhend now found it neceffary
to exert all their influence, and to employ the utmoft addrefs §. They com-
miffioned Horace Walpole to write an oftenfible letter to lord Townshend,
in which he ſhould draw the character of Sir Luke Schaub, ftate the impro-
priety of his conduct, and the diſadvantage which was derived to the king's
affairs, by maintaining two minifters at Paris with divided authority, and
infift on his own refignation, rather than continue in a fituation in which he
was perpetually thwarted and oppoſed.
This letter was fhewn to the king, and had its due effect. He directed Schaub res
that Schaub ſhould be immediately recalled, and Townshend himfelf con-
* Journals. Chandler.
+ Correfpondence.
Correfpondence, January 5th, 1723.
§ This account of the intrigues of Car-
teret and Schaub at Paris, and the coun-
sex intrigues of Horace Walpole and the
brother minifters, is drawn from Sir Luke
Schaub's Papers, in the poffeffion of the earl
of Hardwicke, and from the dispatches and
letters to and from Horace Walpole, in the
Orford and Townshend Papers. The moſt
interefting of which will appear in the Walpole
Correfpondence.
zxeyed
called.
1
192
MEMOIRS OF
Period III. veyed the orders to Carteret. But on the evening of the day in which the
1720 to 1727. communication was made, Carteret prevailed on the king to fufpend the
orders for a precipitate recal of Schaub, and was permitted to fend hi
word that the king deemed his prefence in England neceflary for his fer-
vice, and that he might return to Paris for the folemnization of the
marriage between the Count de St. Florentin, and the young countefs of
Platen.
Fall of Car-
teret.
Changes in
the miniſtry.
Afcendency
of Townf-
hend and
Walpole.
In obtaining this point, Carteret had another object in view, befides foften-
ing the difgrace of Schaub, and mortifying his rival; it was to fend him back
to Paris, with a commiffion, which would have rendered his prefence more
neceffary, and finally occafioned the removal of Horace Walpole. This
fcheme was no lefs than to propofe a treaty of marriage between the young
king of France and the princefs Anne, the eldeſt daughter of the prince of
Wales. It was concerted between Carteret and the counteſs of Darlington
at London, Sir Luke Schaub, Madame de la Vrilliere and Madame de Prie
at Paris, and the countefs of Platen at Hanover. Sir Luke Schaub had the
indiſcretion to make the propofal to the king, in his audience, but it was
received with fuch marks of diffatisfaction, as gave Townshend and Wal-
pole an opportunity to remonftrate againſt his prefumption, and repreſent
to the king the great diſadvantage which would reſult to his affairs in
France, if fo indiſcreet a perſon ſhould be ſent back as his miniſter. Schaub
was therefore only permitted to return for the purpoſe of affiſting at the
Count de St. Florentin's marriage. The king gave a portion of £. 10,000
to the bride, but no dukedom was conferred on the family of la Vrilliere.
Schaub was then recalled from Paris, and Horace Walpole received his cre-
dentials of embaffador from the duke of Newcaſtle, appointed fecretary of
ftate in the place of Carteret, who was conftituted lord lieutenant of Ireland.
The duke of Grafton was made lord chamberlain; Henry Pelham, brother of
the duke of Newcaſtle, and the confidential friend of Walpole, was nomi-
nated fecretary at war; and many of Walpole's friends were placed in the
fubordinate pofts of government.
Thus terminated the conteft between Carteret and the brother minifters;
and though the victory was not as complete as they expected, becauſe they
could not obtain the removal of Cadogan, Roxburgh, and Midleton, yet
it gave weight to their adminiftration, and confiderably diminiſhed the
ftrength of the oppofing party in the cabinet. Carteret fupported his de-
feat with great dignity and firmness of mind. He declared, that having no
obligations
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
193
obligations to lord Townshend for his advancement to the poft of fecretary
of ſtate, he was refolved never to have fubmitted to him in that capacity.
He did not affect to conceal his diffatisfaction at the ill ufage he had re-
ceived, and particularly complained that Horace Walpole had been fent to
´interlope in his province. While he avowed that he was defeated, he declared
himſelf happier and eafier in the fituation of lord lieutenant, than that of
fecretary of ſtate, expofed to continual mortifications; and profeffed his refo-
lution to continue on good terms with the minifters, and to promote the
meaſures of government *. Yet his temper was fo fanguine and his ſpirit ſo
little depreffed, that he perfevered in afferting, that his favour with the king
was greater than ever, that his enemies had gained no real ftrength by the
late alterations, and, in expectation of a favourable change, delayed, under
various pretences, his departure for Ireland, until the month of October, when
the neceffary attendance on the duties of his vice royalty annihilated his hopes.
Townſhend and Walpole were now in fuch high favour, that they prevailed over
the king's inclinations, and overcame his jealoufy of the prince of Wales, which,
notwithſtanding the apparent reconciliation, continued ftill unabated, and
fhewed itſelf in repeated refuſals to confer any particular mark of favour on thoſe
who were perfonally attached to his fon. With a view to gratify the prince, and
to fecure the earl of Scarborough, who was his maſter of the horſe, and, next
to Sir Spencer Compton, his greateſt favourite, the brother miniſters had pro-
mifed him the garter; and as it was the cuftom of the king always to retain
one vacant ribband, they waited until there were two undiſpoſed of, when
Townshend requeſted one of them for Scarborough. The king faid, he
could not comply with his requeſt, becauſe it was already conferred; and
when Townshend afked, with fome degree of furprife, who was the perfon?
the king anſwered, " I intend it for your lordship." Townfhend, after ex-
preffing a deep ſenſe of his gratitude, begged leave to decline it. The king
ftill infifted, and Townfhend ftill declined. "Lord Scarborough," he replied,
"is now at the door of the cloſet, expecting every moment to be called in to
thank your majefty for the honour; he will naturally fuppofe that I have de-
ceived him, and that after having left him with a promife to intercede in his
favour, I have afked it for myfelf; which will ruin my character as a man of
honour and veracity." "Well then," returned the king," for once I will break
through my uſual rule, and will confer both the vacant gaiters; one ſhall be
* Stephenoyntz to Horace Walpole, April 5th 1724. Walpole Papers,
+ Saint John Brodrick to lord Middleton.Correfpondence.
Vol. L
Cc
your's,
Chapter 24
1723 to 1724
194
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
The king de.
lays his four-
ney to Han-
over.
Meeting of
parliament.
your's, and the other fhall be given to lord Scarborough, whom you may now
introduce *. Scarborough had accordingly the firft, and both were inſtalled
at the ſame time .
The king gave the ſtrongeſt proof of the full confidence which he placed in
Townshend and Walpole, by fubmitting to defer his journey to Hanover,
even after he had fixed the time of his departure. This change of refolu-
tion was effected by the reprefentations of lord Townſhend, who ftated in
firm, though reſpectful terms, the inconveniences which would refult from
his abfence at this period t.
The continuance of the king in England had operated in fuppreffing
public clamours, and in promoting public tranquillity. The parliament, which
met on the 12th of November, was opened by a ſpeech from the throne,
which dwelt with particular energy and fatisfaction on the profperous ſtate-
of affairs: "Peace with all powers abroad, at home perfect-tranquillity,
plenty, and an uninterrupted enjoyment of all civil and religious rights,
are moſt diſtinguiſhing marks of the favour and protection of divine Provi-
dence, and thefe, with all their happy confequences, will, I doubt not, by the
bleffing of God upon our joint endeavours, be long continued to my people.'
"The fame provifion by fea and land, for the defence and fafety of the na-
tion, will continue to make us refpected abroad, and confequently ſecure at
home. The fame attention to the eafe and encouragement of trade and na-
vigation, will eſtabliſh credit upon the ſtrongeſt bafis, and raife fuch a fpirit
of induſtry, as will not only enable us gradually to diſcharge the national
debt, but will likewife greatly increaſe the wealth, power and influence of
this kingdom. You muſt all be fenfible how much our preſent hap-
pineſs is owing to your union and ſteady conduct; it is therefore wholly
unneceffary to recommend to you unanimity and difpatch in all your
deliberations. The zeal and abilities you have on all occafions fhewn, in
fupporting the intereft of your country, even under the greateſt difficulties,
leave no room to doubt of my having your entire and effectual concurrence
in every thing that can tend to the fervice of the public, and to the good of.
my people §."
This feffion of parliament, no lefs remarkable for the unanimity with
which buſineſs was conducted, than for a barrenneſs of important tranfac-
tions, was only diftinguiſhed by the commencement of Pulteney's oppofition,.
* This anecdote was communicated by lord
Sydney. It is mentioned in a different way
by Count Broglio, in a letter to Louis the Fif«
teenth; but he relates it only as a rumour.
Correfpondence, 1724.
+ Political State.
See Correfpondence.
§ Chandler.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOL E.
195
the recal of Bolingbroke, events which are noticed in fubfequent chapters of
this work, and by the impeachment of lord Macclesfield, in which Wal-
pole took very little fhare. It was cloſed on the 31ft of May.
A few days before the prorogation of parliament, the order of the Bath
was revived, and the minifter was created a knight, from which period he
affumed the title of Sir Robert Walpole, and in 1726, he was inſtalled
knight of the garter; the value of which diſtinction is greatly enhanced by
the confideration, that excepting admiral Montagu, afterwards earl of Sand-
wich, he was the only commoner who had ever been dignified by that order.
On this event he had the honour of being congratulated by the author of
the Night Thoughts, in a poem, called the Inſtalment. The poet com-
mences in an exalted ftrain of panegyric, by invoking the fhades of the de-
ceaſed knights to defcend from heaven to affift at the inauguration of their
new compeer :
Ye mighty dead, ye garter'd fons of praiſe !
Our morning ftars! Our boaft in former days!
Which hov'ring o'er, your purple wings diſplay,
Lur'd by the pomp of this diftinguiſh'd day,
Stoop and attend: by one the knee be bound;
One, throw the mantle's crimſon folds around ;
By that, the fword on his proud thigh be plac'd,
This, clafp the diamond girdle round his waift;
His breaſt, with rays, let juft Godolphin fpread;
Wife Burleigh plant the plumage on his head;
And Edward own, fince firſt he fix'd the race,
None preft fair glory with a fwifter pace,
}
Chapter 24.
1723 to 1724.
Walpole cre-
ated knight of
the bath
and garter.
C & R
196
MEMOIRS OF
!
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Biographical
memoirs of
Bolingbroke.
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FIFTH:
1725 1726.
Anecdotes of Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke.-Difagreement between
him and Oxford.-His Schemes in favour of the Pretender.-Disgraced
on the Acceffion of George the Firft.-Flies.-foins the Pretender.-Appointed
his Secretary of State.-Removed.-Caufes of his Difmiffion.-Makes Over-
tures to the Britiſh Cabinet.— Receives a Promiſe of being restored.-Writes his
Letter to Sir William Wyndham, under that Suppofition.-Cenfures Minifters.-
Makes Overtures to them.-Cabals against them.-Renews his Offers of Attach-"
ment to them.- Conduct of Walpole in his Favour.—Bolingbroke receives his
Pardon in Blood.-His Overtures to the Walpoles.Act of Parliament in his
Favour -Motives for Walpole's Conduct.-Bolingbroke joins Oppofition.-Re-
marks on his Conduct and Writings.
W
HEN Atterbury arrived at Calais, he found Bolingbroke, who had
juſt obtained his pardon, waiting for a conveyance to England, on
which he expreffed his ſurpriſe, and exclaimed, " Then I am exchanged.
And well might the biſhop be aſtoniſhed, that a miniſter who had fecretly ca-
balled to place the Pretender on the throne, and had, fince his flight, openly
engaged in his fervice, fhould experience the lenity of government, and be
permitted to return to his native country, which he had endeavoured to dif-
treſs by ſecret intrigues and open rebellion.
The pardon of Bolingbroke, granted by the king, was foon followed by the
repeal of the bill of attainder paſſed againſt him in 1716; and Walpole, who
had moved for that bill, moved alfo for its repeal; an act of imprudence
which he committed in oppofition to the advice of his moſt approved friends,
the opinion of ſeveral of the king's minifters, and in contradiction to his
own judgment. I fhall in this chapter attempt to develope the cauſes which
led to this extraordinary event, and explain the reafons which induced Wal-
pole to take a ſtep, of which he too late repented. This inquiry will be in-
troduced by a few biographical anecdotes, for the purpoſe of connecting the
narrative.
Henry St. John, fon of Sir Henry St. John, baronet, of Lydiard Tregoze, in
Wiltſhire, by Mary, fecond daughter and heirefs of Robert Rich, earl of War-
wick,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
197
wick, was born in 1678*. He received his education at Eton fchool, and
completed it at Chrift Church, Oxford. He diftinguiſhed himſelf at a very
early period by his talents and exceffes; and made fo confpicuous a figure in
the houſe of commons, that in 1704, he was appointed fecretary at war, by
the influence of Harley, to whom he attached himſelf, and with whom he
acted under the banner of the Tories. On the removal of Harley, in 1707,
St. John refigned his employments, and followed the fortune of his be-
nefactor. On the difmiffion of the Whig adminiſtration, Harley propoſed
to reinftate himn in his employment, and expreffed a defire to admit fome of
the moſt moderate Whigs into the adminiſtration. But St. John oppoſed
the coalition, and infifted on being appointed fecretary of ftate for foreign
affairs, with which demand Harley was obliged to comply.
Chapter 25.
1725 to 1726,
with Oxford.
Bolingbroke was fufpected, during his embaffy at Paris, of having betray-
ed the fecrets of the cabinet to the French court. Theſe fufpicions of his
treachery were probably derived from his inattention and love of pleaſure;
for Madame Tencin, fo remarkable for beauty, abilities, gallantry, and ſkill
in political intrigue, drew him into a connection with her, at the inſtigation
of Torcy, and contrived to ſteal from him ſeveral papers and diſpatches †.
Two fuch oppoſite characters as Oxford and Bolingbroke, could not long Difagreement
cordially agree. Bolingbroke poffeffed great animation of countenance, ele-
gance of manners, and dignity of deportment. He was fafcinating in con-
verſation, of commanding eloquence, abounding in wit and fancy, mafter of
polite learning, which he knew how to draw forth on all occafions. In
his private character he was without morals and without principles, not
only not concealing, but rather proud of his profligacy. He was fond of
pleaſure, yet never fuffered his amuſements to interfere with affairs of
importance; affecting to reſemble the characters of Alcibiades and Pe-
tronius, by mixing pleaſure and bufinefs, in which, when neceffity required
his attendance, he was fo indefatigable, that he would drudge like a com→
mon clerk. Quick in apprehenfion, eafy of accefs, no lefs artful in negotia-
tion than decifive and vigorous in action, clear and perfpicuous in his ftyle,
but too fond of declamation and metaphor; adopting and enforcing all the
violent meaſures of the Tories; fcorning to temporife, caballing with the
*The age of lord Bolingbroke is erro-
neoufly ftated by his biographer, and by Col-
lins, both of whom fay he died in 1751, in his
79th year, which places his birth in 1673. On
the faith of theſe authorities, I mentioned, in
an early part of this work, p. 14, that he was
three years older than Sir Robert Walpole,
*
but the fact is, he was two years younger, as
appears from one of his letters to Sir William
Wyndham, dated New year's day 1738, in
hich he ſays "nine months hence I ſhall be
three-fcore." (Egremont Papers.),
+ Horace Walpole's Letter to Lord Townf-
hend, Nov. 1. 1723. Walpole Papers.
friends
198
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Character of
Oxford.
Bolingbroke
difgulted.
Obtains the
removal of
Oxford.
friends of the Pretender, either with a view to place him on the throne, or to
obtain the removal of Oxford by their affiftance.
Oxford was unimpeached in his private character, never offending againft
morality, either in converfation or action, a tender huſband and a good
father; highly difinterefted and generous. He prided himſelf on his high
deſcent, was ſtiff and formal in his deportment, and fo forbidding in his man-
ner, as not to attract or conciliate thofe with whom he acted. He was learned
and pedantic; embarraffed and inelegant, both in fpeaking and writing. He
was equally an enemy to pleaſure and bufinefs; extremely dilatory and fond
of procrastination; timid in public affairs, yet intrepid when his own perfon
only was concerned; jealous of power, indefatigable in promoting the pet-
ty intrigues of the court, but negligent in things of importance; a Whig in
his heart, and a Tory from ambition; too ready, for temporary convenience, to
adopt meaſures he difapproved, yet unwilling wholly to facrifice his real fen-
timents to intereft or party; affecting the most profound fecrecy in all politi-
cal tranſactions, and myſterious in the moft trifling occurrences. He was li-
beral in making promifes, yet breaking them without fcruple, a defect which
arofe more from facility of temper, than from defign. He correfponded at
the fame time with the dethroned family and the houfe of Hanover, and was
therefore neither trufted or refpected by either party. The only point in
which theſe two minifters agreed, was the love of literature and the patron-
age of learned men; which rendered their adminiftration eminently illuf
trious.
The difagreement naturally occafioned by fuch difcordance of tempers and
principles, was heightened by a perpetual ftruggle for power, and the views
of diſappointed ambition. Bolingbroke was difgufted that Harley was
advanced to an earldom, while he was only created a viſcount; a cauſe of
complaint which he acknowledged, by faying that he was dragged into
the houſe of lords, in fuch a manner as to make his promotion a punish-
inent and not a reward. He was ftill farther difcontented, when he was re-
fuſed the order of the garter, although fix vacant ribbands were conferred,
among whom his rival, Oxford, was not forgotten. But although he was
difaffected, yet he did not venture to give a public oppofition to the firſt mi-
nifter. Oxford maintained the fuperiority of power, by the afcendancy of long
habit, by the influence of the favourite, lady Mafham, and by the ftrong
prejudice which queen Anne entertained againſt Bolingbroke, for his notori
ous profligacy.
But when Oxford neglected the Jacobites, by whofe affiftance he had
made a peace, and offended lady Maſham, by depriving her of a fhare
in
SIR ROBERT. WALPOLE.
199
in the profits of the affiento contract, Bolingbroke took advantage of Chapter 25.
thefe indifcretions; he intrigued with Berwick and the agents of the Pre- 1725 to 1726
tender, caballed with lady Maſham, who favoured the reſtoration of the Pre-
tender, affected to court the Whigs, obtained the difmiffion of Oxford, and
would have fucceeded him in the place of lord high treaſurer, had not the
death of queen Anne difappointed his hopes.
Being, by the command of George the Firft, deprived of the feals with Difmiffed.
marks of difgrace, he fent a vindication of his conduct to the king, and
in a vifit which he paid to Bothmar, attributed his difiniffion to the in-
finuations of Oxford, and accufed his rival of having mifreprefented his
conduct *. When the arrangement of the new adminiſtration precluded
him from all hopes, and the Tories were perfecuted, he acted with fpirit and
dignity, and warmly defended in the houſe of lords, the peace of Utrecht,
when it was attacked by the Whigs. He would not however venture to
ſtand the proſecution which awaited him, but after having received, as he
himſelf afferts, certain and repeated information, " that a refolution was Quits Eng
taken to bring him to the fcaffold," he fled from England.
Notwithstanding the laboured apologies and eloquent vindication of his
conduct, in his letter to Sir William Wyndham; and his pofitive affurances
that he never formed any engagements with the Pretender, until he had been
attainted; it is now afcertained beyond the fmalleft doubt, that Boling-
broke had entered deeply into the fchemes which Oxford, in connivance
with the queen, had formed to break the Proteftant fucceffion, and to place
the Pretender on the throne of Great Britain; that Oxford had caballed
with the Jacobites, principally with a view to overturn the Whig miniſtry,
and to facilitate the peace; and that the real cauſe of his removal was de-
rived from a refufal to continue the defigns in favour of the Pretender,
which Bolingbroke offered to purfue. The whole plan and progrefs of this
confpiracy is detailed in fo clear and unequivocal a manner by Marfhal Ber-
wick, who was principally concerned in the correfpondence, as to demonſtrate
the guilt of Bolingbroke, and fufficiently prove that he was juftly attainted
for treasonous practices by the fovereign whom he had attempted to exclude
from the throne ||.
land.
Having quitted England, to avoid the punishment which awaited him, he Joins the
threw himſelf into the Pretender's fervice, and was appointed his fecretary of Pretender.
ftate. The Pretender, on his return from his ill-conducted expedition into
* Macpherſon's State Papers, vol. 2. p. 650.
+ Tindal, vol. 18. p. 356.
‡ Final Anſwer to the Remarks on the Craftsman's Vindication.
|| Memoires de Berwic.
Scotland,
200
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Cabals with
Stair.
Scotland, fufpecting the treachery or indifcretion of Bolingbroke, difiniffed
him from his fervice with ignominy; many reports were fpread at Paris of the
motives which induced the Pretender to remove a perfon of ſuch diſtin-
guiſhed talents, to which the earl of Stair ludicroufly alludes in a private
letter to Horace Walpole *. But though charges of treachery were laid
againſt Bolingbroke, by the Pretender's party at Paris, yet as Stair gave no
credit to them; and as Marſhal Berwick alfo entirely exculpated him from
any imputation of treachery; we have no reaſon to fuppofe that he acted
contrary to his profeffions, or was mean enough to betray a prince whom he
was at that time intereſted to reſtore. His difmiffion was fudden and un-
expected. He had fupped with the Pretender, who declared that he had
many enemies, but affured him of his unalterable kindneſs. Bolingbroke
retired at one in the morning; and at nine the duke of Ormond came to de-
mand the feals. The real caufe of his difmiffion was derived from fome
abufive expreffions, which, in a ftate of intoxication, he had uttered againſt
the Pretender. Ormond, who was prefent, related them in confidence to
lord Mar, who, defirous of ruining Bolingbroke, that he might fucceed him in
his office of ſecretary of ſtate, afked the duke, in the prefence of the Preten-
der, what the expreffions were which Bolingbroke had made ufe of. Ormond.
declined repeating them, until the Pretender commanded him; he then
obeyed, and the Pretender was fo exafperated, that he inftantly fent Or-
mond to announce his diſgrace. This ftep was taken without the know-
ledge of the queen mother. Hearing of his difmiffion, fhe fent to Boling-
broke, requeſting him not to retire; as matters might be ftill adjuſted be-
tween her fon and him. He returned for anfwer, that he was a free man;
that he wished his arm might rot off, if he ever drew his ſword, or employed
pen in their ſervice §.
his
Bolingbroke, in fact, rejoiced at his difmiffion, for it gave him an imme-
diate pretence to quit the party. "The chevalier, he fays, cut this gordian
knot aſunder at one blow. He broke the links of that chain which former
engagements had faſtened on me, and gave me a right to eſteem myſelf free
from obligations of keeping meaſures with him. I took therefore, from
that moment, the refolution of making my peace at home, and of employing
* Correfpondence, Article Bolingbroke,
Period III.
+ Theſe charges were made in a letter from
James Murray, afterwards created earl of
Dunbar, by the Pretender, and were anſwered
partly by himſelf and partly by his fecretary,
Brinfden II, and his juftification refuted in a
reply ſuppoſed to be written by Mar.
Memoires de Berwic.
§ Earl of Waldegrave's Diary, who received
the account from general Buckley, who was at
the time in the Pretender's houfehold.
Tindal, vol. 18. p. 516–574.
all
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
201
all the unfortunate experience I had acquired already, to undeceive my Chapter 25.
friends, and to promote the union and quiet of my country *."
"As to
He opened accordingly a negotiation with the earl of Stair, who, he fays,
had been commiffioned from England to treat with him, but while he refuſed
to reveal ſecrets which had been intruſted to him, or betray his friends, he
offered his fervices for the fupport of the eſtabliſhed government. He faid
that he never did any thing by halves, that in returning to his duty he pro-
poſed to ſerve his king and country with zeal and affection; that with that
view he thought himſelf bound by duty and gratitude, honour, and even
ſelf intereſt, to inform the king of every thing which his experience could
fuggeft, that might be uſeful to ſtrengthen the public tranquillity, and to
cruſh the projects of the king's enemies. He offered his fervices to recal
to their duty the Tories who had embraced the Pretender's party, by deve-
loping his true character, and by fhewing how greatly they deceived them-
felves in truſting to him for fecurity for their religion and liberties.
myfelf,” adds lord Stair, "I am convinced that he ſpoke to me in the fincerity
of his heart, I firmly believe that he is refolved to do all that lies in his
power to ſuppreſs, and eradicate the Pretender's party; and I am fully fa-
tisfied, that there is no perſon who can do more hurt to the cauſe than he
can. At the end of our converſation, he preffed my hand; and ſaid,
My lord, if the minifters do me juſtice to believe that my profeffions
are fincere; the more they manage iny reputation, the greater will be the ad-
vantage to the king's affairs. If, on the contrary, they fufpect my conduct,
they will act right in enacting conditions, which I ſhall alſo act right in re-
jecting. The difficulties which I make in promifing too much, will gua-
ranty the performance of my engagements. In all cafes, time and my con-
duct will prove the uprightnefs of my intentions; and it is far better to wait
with patience, than to obtain my wifhes earlier, by quitting the path of
honour and probit ."
«
Theſe offers ſeem to have been accepted; promifes were made to him of
reſtoration to his country; a barony was, on the fecond of July 1716, con-
ferred on his father, Sir Henry St. John, with a reverſion to his other fons, and
it was in confequence of thefe favours, and the expectation of a future reward,
and probably by the advice of lord Stair, that Bolingbroke wrote a confidential
letter to Sir William Wyndham, which was purpofely thrown into the
* Letter to Sir William Wyndham.
Correfpondence.
Period III.-Article,
+ Lord Stair's Letter to fecretary Craggs, at Bolingbroke.
the end of lord Bolingbroke's Letter to Sir
William Wyndham.
}
1725 to 1726.
}
Obtains pro-
mife of par-
dou.
VOL. I.
D d
hands
202
MEMOIRS OF
}
Period III.
1720 to 1727
Obtains his
pardon.
Vifits Eng-
land.
hands of the miniftry, and of which an account is given by lord Townfhend
to fecretary Stanhope, who was then at Hanover. This friendly com
munication, in which he exhorts his friend to quit the cauſe of the Pretender,
was followed by his celebrated letter, that was afterwards publiſhed.
Although Bolingbroke, from the hopes of being reſtored to his country,
thus traverſed the views of the Pretender; yet the minifters, who had reaped
great advantage from his recantation, did not fulfil their promiſes, and he
continued in anxious fufpenfe, conftantly expecting the performance of en-
gagements which was as conftantly deferred.
Sunderland and Stanhope, in particular, feem to have given him expecta-
tions, which they either were unable or never intended to realife; and a report
of his reſtoration, in 1719, gave to Walpole, who was then in oppofition, an
opportunity of mentioning it with public diſapprobation. In his pamphlet
on the peerage bill, fpeaking of Oxford, he ſays, " His rival in guilt and
power even now prefumes to expect an act of the legiſlature to indemnify him,
and qualify his villainy; and I doubt not but both * expect once more to
give laws to the kingdom." Yet it was under the adminiftration, and by
the efforts of this very miniſter, who had moved his impeachment in the
houſe of commons, that Bolingbroke was reſtored to his country. In May
1723, his pardon paffed the great feal, or as it was called, his reftoration in
blood, which enabled him to return to his country, but without giving back
his forfeited eftate, or his feat in the houſe of peers.
Bolingbroke, on receiving his pardon, came to England, wrote letters of
thanks to the king, Townſhend, and the duchess of Kendal at Hanover,
waited on Walpole, to whom he behaved in the moſt fervile manner, and be-
trayed the intrigues of Carteret with the Tories. He even propofed to Wal-
pole, a coalition with Sir William Wyndham, earl Gower, and other leaders
of that party, whom he defcribed as diffatisfied with Carteret for having
amuſed them with falfe hopes, difgufted with a fruitless oppofition, and anxi-
ous to join adminiftration. Walpole reprimanded his officiouſneſs with be-
coming dignity, and did not heſitate infinuating, that he was working againſt
his own intereft, in attempting to form a coalition between the Whigs and
Tories, when his reftoration depended folely on a Whig parliament; at
the fame time he frankly declared that great difficulties oppofed it; gave no
hopes that he would rafhly bring before the houſe of commons any motion
† Political State for 1723.
-
* Oxford and Bolingbroke.
+ p. 14.
in
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
203
in his favour, and hinted, that any future reward could only be purchaſed by
future fervices. Bolingbroke received theſe obfervations with the utmoſt de-
ference, acknowledged his obligations to Townſhend and Walpole, and made
the ſtrongeſt profeffions of future attachment. He kept up a correfpondence
with the duchess of Kendal, and truſted to her influence for removing all ob-
ftructions.
He availed himſelf of this journey to renew his intimacy with his former
acquaintances, particularly Sir William Wyndham, and to procure new con-
nections. His infinuating manners and lively converfation captivated many
who had detefted him while in power and profperity. Amongſt theſe lord
Finch and the earl of Berkley received his overtures with complacency, and
zealouſly efpoufed his caufe *.
Chapter 25.
1725 to 1726.
Paris.
After paffing a few weeks at Aix-la-Chapelle, with a view to obtain per- Returns to
miffion to pay a vifit at Hanover; he returned to Paris, at the moment when
Horace Walpole and Schaub were ſtriving for pre-eminence in the cabinet
of Verſailles. Being fully convinced that Carteret would be defeated, and that
the influence of Townshend and Walpole was predominant, he paid the
moſt ſervile court to Horace Walpole, and gave him repeated information
on fubjects of great fecrecy and importance.
of
On the death of the duke of Orleans, a profpect opened to him of ren-
dering his fituation at Paris extremely interefting, by becoming a confidential
channel of communication between the duke of Bourbon and the Britiſh
adminiſtration, and his own efforts were not wanting to carry his fcheme into
execution. He communicated to Walpole and Harcourt the fituation of
affairs at the court of France, drew the character and deſcribed the power
the duke of Bourbon, and the influence of Madame de Prie over him. He
ſtated his own intimacy with the prime miniſter and the miſtreſs, and offered
his fervices to carry on a ſecret correfpondence, and to promote the good
underſtanding between the two kingdoms, which had been eſtabliſhed under
the adminiſtration of the late duke of Orleans, and which, unleſs the duke of
Bourbon could be kept fteady to the fame principles, was in danger of being
overturned.
Bolingbroke managed the buſineſs with fuch dexterity, that he affected to
decline, while he was moſt anxious to be employed in this mediation; and
appeared to be acting in conformity to the fuggeftions of the Britiſh cabinet,
while he was carrying into execution his own arrangements. Walpole was fo
+ Correfpondence.-Article Bolingbroke.
* Etough.
Makes over
tures to the
Walpoles.
Dd 2
far
}
204
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
far impofed on by his artful reprefentations, that he wrote to his brotlier
1720 to 1727. Horace, recommending him to employ Bolingbroke as agent with the duke
of Bourbon; and had not the addreſs and fagacity of the minifter at Paris
declined his interpofition, and opened a direct communication with the duke:
of Bourbon, without the privity of Bolingbroke, the principal management.
of the king's affairs muſt have been thrown into his hands, and the miniſters.
in England have been laid under fuch obligations, that his complete. reftora-
tion would have been an act of juſtice and neceffity. Foiled in this attempt,,
he endeavoured to infinuate himſelf into the negotiation relating to the grant
of a dukedom to the Marquis de la Vrilliere. He related to Horace Wal--
pole the embarraffinents under which the duke of Bourbon laboured, exag-
gerated the indifcretion of Schaub, and hinted that by proper management,
that intrigue might be fo conducted as to lay a foundation of merit with the
French minifter, and deftroy the credit of Carteret. In a conference which
he had with the duke of Bourbon, the account of which he took care:
ſhould be communicated to Horace Walpole *, he decried Carteret, praiſed-
Townſhend, and exalted the abilities and influence of Walpole. This.
double dealing did not escape the notice of Schaub; and in reply to his ac--
count, tranſmitted in his private correfpondence, Carteret was induced to
obſerve, “What you fay of Bolingbroke is ſcarcely credible. If it is true,
he has not half the capacity I thought he had..??
1
༡་
1
In the midſt of theſe intrigues, Bolingbroke opened his fituation and ex-
plained his fentiments to Horace Walpole. He defcribed his fufpence and
agitation, recapitulated the repeated promifes given by Sunderland and Stan-
hope, mentioned his repeated difappointments, and obferved," that autumnal.
promiſes had ended in vernal excuſes." He expreffed his thanks for the act
of favour lately extended to him, and added that he had no reaſon to com--
plain of the preſent miniſters, as they had performed as much as they had
undertaken. He trufted that the inclinations of the king, as well as thoſe of
Townſhend and Walpole, were not unfavourable; and hoped that his reſto-
ration might be obtained in parliament. He endeavoured to feparate his cafe
from all confiderations of party. He artfully declared himſelf at full liberty,
as having no tie nor obligation to any perfons, but to thoſe who would come
forward in his favour; difclaimed all connections with the Tories, whom he
* Letter from Horace Walpole to Robert
Walpole, Paris, December 15, 1723. Walpole
Papers.
-
+ Carteret to Schaub, March 12, 1724..
Hardwicke Papers.
accuſed
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
205
I
accuſed of having treated him with ingratitude and barbarity; and declared
his firm opinion, that the adminiftration could not ftand, nor the govern-
ment be ſupported, excepting on a Whig foundation, and no engraftment
could be made but upon a Whig ſtock. He proteſted that he would prove
himſelf a faithful fubject to the king, and be for ever grateful to thoſe who
had ſerved him in ſo important an affair; and would act as they ſhould pre-
ſcribe to him, either by exerting himſelf in the houſe of lords, or by retiring
into the country.
The reply of Horace Walpole was open, manly, and explicit. He ex-
preffed great fatisfaction at the declaration, that his brother and friends had
never deceived Bolingbroke, and faid that what remained to be done de-
pended on parliament. He expofed the difficulties arifing from the temper
and diſpoſition of parties, hinted at the general averfion of the Whigs to his
reſtoration, deſcribed the embarraſſment of the minifters, and the obſtacles
which might ariſe to defeat it, if precipitately introduced into the houſe of
commons; and he hinted in general terms, that his brother's proneneſs to
mercy, his regard for Bolingbroke, and his inclination to oblige lord Har-
court, would incline him to adopt any practicable means to do him fer-
vice.
Bolingbroke obferving, from this difcourfe, that infuperable difficulties ob-
ſtructed his complete reſtoration, prudently appeared to give up that defign,
and requeſted that Horace Walpole would intercede with his brother, at
leaſt to obtain the reverfal of his attainder, fo far as to render him capable
of enjoying the family eftate, after the death of his father. He added,
that he had not mentioned this requeſt even to his friend lord Harcourt,
but entirely fubmitted it to the good will and judgment of the miniſter at
the head of the treaſury *.
J
His views at this period were facilitated by his marriage with Madame de
Villette, the niece of Madame de Maintenon, a woman of great merit and
accompliſhments, who was highly eſteemed at the French court ; and a private
tranſaction, which related to part of her property, gave him an opportunity
of fending her to England, and of foliciting his reftoration. Madame de
· Villette employed Drummond, an Engliſh banker, to place £. 50,000 in the
funds, who purchaſed, in the name of Sir Matthew Decker, long annui-
ties, bearing intereft at 4 per cent. Decker gave a note to Drummond,
with an order to pay the fum on the demand of Madame de Villette. Eigh-
* Horace Walpole's Letter to Robert Walpole.-Orford and Walpole Papers.
Chapter 25.
1725 to 1726.
1
Marries Ma
dame de la
Villette.
teen
206
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
teen months afterwards, Decker paid £. 1,000 on her draft, and remitted
1720 to 1727, her the annual intereft of the remainder till Chriſtmas 1723. About that
period, he refuſed to transfer any more, money on her order, alledging,
that as fhe was married, he could not deliver it up without being indem-
nified; and the fituation of lord Bolingbroke, whofe eftate and property
had been declared forfeited, rendered his indemnification of no avail. Thus
circumſtanced, his lady repaired to England, bearing the name of Villette, and
required the payment of her money in her own right. She brought ſtrong
recommendations from the duke of Bourbon and count de Morville, and under
cover of this tranfaction, paid affiduous court to the minifters, by whom
the was well received, and from whom he obtained a promiſe to reverſe
that part of the bill of attainder which related to the forfeiture of his eſtate.
Bolingbroke expreffed himſelf highly fatisfied with this promife, although it
fell short of the offers which had been made by the preceding adminiſtration,
and renewed, in the ſtrongeſt terms, his profeffions of devotion to Walpole,
for this effential mark of favour.
Difficulties
attending the
partial rever-
fal of his at-
tainder.
Walpole
fupports the
bill.
1
The miniſter, however, had many difficulties to encounter, and many ob-
ſtructions to remove, before he could venture to fubmit the queſtion to the
houſe of commons. Although Sir William Wyndham had conciliated, in
favour of Bolingbroke, a great number of Tories, yet a confiderable body of
them, highly diffatisfied with his late application to the Whigs, ftill remained
inflexible. But the principal oppofition was expected from the ftaunch
Whigs, thoſe who had been the ftrenuous advocates for the fucceffion in the
Hanover family, and who were the firm fupporters of government. To ob-
tain their affent, or to baffle their attempts, required much ſkill and manage-
inent, and was the work of time and labour.
The time at length arrived when this promiſe was fulfilled. On the 20th
of April 1725, lord Finch offered to the houſe of commons, a petition from
Henry St. John, late viſcount Bolingbroke, fetting forth,
"That he was
truly concerned for his offence in not having furrendered himſelf, whereby
he was attainted of high treaſon, and forfeited all his real and perfonal eftate,
and praying, that leave may be given to bring in a bill for reftoring him to
his family inheritance, and enabling him to make purchaſes of any real or
perfonal eſtate within the kingdom.'
Walpole brought the confent and approbation of the king; and after the
reading of the petition, feconded the motion, made by lord Finch, for bring-
ing in the bill, by obferving, " That he was fully fatisfied the petitioner had
fufficiently atoned for his paft offences, and therefore deferved the favour of
9
that
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
207
1
that houſe ſo far, as to enable him to enjoy his family inheritance, which Chapter 25.
could not be done without an act of parliament."
66
1725 to 1726.
it.
Methuen, comptroller of the hof hold, in an animated fpeech, which
made a deep impreffion on the houfe, expreffed his hearty difapprobation of Oppofition to
the motion, and obferved, " that inc public crimes for which this petitioner
ſtood attainted, were ſo heinous, fo flagrant, and of ſo deep a dye, as not
to admit of any expiation or atonement; and whatever he might have done
to deſerve his majefty's private grace and pardon, yet he thought him alto-
gether unworthy of any national favour." Then, after enumerating the
inftances of his villainous and fcandalous conduct, while he had a ſhare in
the adminiſtration of affairs in the last reign; he concluded, " to fum up all
his crimes in one, his traiterous defign of defeating the Proteftant fucceffion,
the foundation of both our preſent and future happineſs; and of advancing
a popiſh Pretender to the throne, which would have involved his native
country in endleſs mifery." The arguments which ferjeant Miller advanced
were no leſs ſtrong. "He was againſt the motion for three reafons: 1. Becaufe
he thought it againſt the intereſt of the king. 2. Againſt the intereſt of his
country. 3. Againſt the intereſt of the preſent miniftry. That he loved the
king better than he loved himſelf; and hated his enemies more than he did.
That he loved his country as he loved himſelf; and as he thought its intereſt
inſeparable from the king's, fo he would not have any public favour ſhewn
to one, who had acted in ſo notorious a manner againſt both. And as for
the preſent minifters, he was fo well fatisfied with their juft, prudent, and
fuccefsful management, that he would not fee them expofed to the cabals
and intrigues of their inveterate, though ſeemingly reconciled enemies *." This
oppofition was ſtrenuouſly enforced by Arthur Onflow, afterwards ſpeaker of
the houſe of commons, lord William Paulett, Sir Thomas Pengelly, and
feveral others, who almoft uniformly fupported the meaſures of government,
The motion, however, was carried by 231 voices against 113; and lord
Finch and Walpole were ordered to bring in a bill according to the prayer
of the petitioner.
On the fecond reading of the bill, lord William Paulett moved for the ad-
dition of a clauſe, "difabling the late viſcount Bolingbroke from being a
member of either houfe of parliament, or from enjoying any office or place May 13,
of truft." This motion, warmly feconded by feveral members, was no
leſs ſtrenuouſly oppofed by the minifter, and negatived by 154 againſt 84.
* Chandler.
† Journals.
The
208
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
The bill being agreed to, was fent up to the houſe of lords, there it paffed
1720 to 1727. without a diviſion; but not without a violent proteſt ſigned by five * lords,
and finally received the royal affent.
Paffed.
July 24.
Bolingbroke
1eturns to
England.
Complains of
Walpole.
Joins oppofi-
tion.
Mutual ac-
culations.
Thus was concluded this difficult and difagreeable buſineſs, from which
the minifter acquired more unpopularity than from any other act in his ad-
miniſtration, for which he incurred great cenfure both from friends and
enemies, and by which, inſtead of conciliating the favour, he exafperated the
very perfon for whom he expofed himſelf to fo much obloquy.
Soon after the paffing of this act, Bolingbroke returned to England, wholly
diffatisfied with the reverfal of the forfeiture, which he had fo repeatedly and
earneſtly ſolicited as the termination of his hopes, and for which he proffered
his moſt devoted attachment to thoſe who ſhould favour his caufe. "Here
I am," he obſerved in a letter to Swift, " two thirds reftored, my perfon
ſafe, (unleſs I meet hereafter with harder treatment than even that of Sir
Walter Raleigh) and my eſtate, with all the other property I have acquired,
or may acquire, ſecured to me. But the attainder is kept carefully and pru-
dently in force, left ſo corrupt a member ſhould come again into the houſe
of lords, and his bad leaven ſhould four that fweet untainted maſs."
About the fame time, he wrote a letter to the king, claiming the promiſe
that had been made of a full reftitution, laying the blame of the failure on
the miniſter, whom he accuſed of meannefs and treachery, under the maſk
of good will. He difclaimed all obligation to Walpole, always afferted, both
in his public writings and private letters, that the king invited him, and
drew him into England by frequent, folemn, and unſolicited promiſes of his
complete reſtoration §.
He now declared himfelf a decided enemy to Walpole, effected a recònci-
liation with the Tories, whom he had fo recently reviled, joined Pulteney and
the diſcontented Whigs; and a year had fcarcely elapfed fince the paffing of
the bill, before he began to publish in the Craftſman, a political paper, which
first appeared the 5th of December 1726, a feries of effays replete with the
moft bitter invectives.
The adherents of the minifter, in their turn, no lefs bitterly accufed Bo-
lingbroke of ingratitude; that after being reſtored to the liberty of breathing
the air of his native country, and the enjoyment of his fortune (when he
*Coventry, Bristol, Clinton, Lechmere,
Onflow. Journals. -- Chandler.
*
+ Swift's Works, vol. 19. p. 164.
Lord Bolingbroke to lord Hardwicke,
Correſpondence, Period III. Article, Boling-
broke.
§ Lord Bolingbroke to Sir William Wynd-
ham. Ibid.
was
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
209
was defervedly an exile from one, and had juftly forfeited the other) by
the indulgence, favour, and affiftance of another minifter, ufing that
indulgence, and requiting that favour, by labouring the deftruction of his
benefactor.
In all queſtions where party is concerned, and refentment excited, and
where abuſe is thrown out with unabating virulence on both fides, it is diffi-
cult to reconcile difcordant affertions, and to extract truth from oppoſite
accufations. It is no lefs difficult to render the conduct of Walpole con-
fiftent with that prudence by which he was commonly directed, or to juſtify
the motives which induced him to promote an act that enabled Bolingbroke
to ſettle in England, and to haraſs his adminiſtration. He had known Bo-
lingbroke from his early youth; he appreciated his talents, was aware of his
infinuating manners and reftlefs temper, was not ignorant that while he was
paying the moſt fervile court to the Whigs, he had been caballing with
the Tories; was convinced that no dependence could be placed on his word,
and muſt have been conſcious that nothing less than a full reftoration would
fatisfy a man of his aſpiring ambition.
But the apparent inconfiftence and imprudence of Walpole's conduct, are
fufficiently accounted for from the ſecret hiſtory of this whole tranfaction ;
from which it appears, that he did not act from his own impulfe, but was
gradually led to promote a meaſure, which he did not approve. We have
the authority of Sir Robert Walpole himſelf, that the reſtoration of lord Bo-
lingbroke was the work of the duchefs of Kendal, and that it was in obe-
dience to the expreſs commands of the king, that he ſupported the act.
Bolingbroke, continually difappointed in his hopes, had recourfe to a furer
and more powerful channel of favour. He gained the duchefs of Kendal
by a prefent of £.11,000*, and obtained a promife to uſe her influence
over the king for the purpoſe of forwarding his complete reſtoration. Har-
court, with her co-operation, feems principally to have managed this deli-
cate bufinefs; and as at this period Townshend was reconciled to the du-
chefs of Kendal, it was probably owing to her intereft that he was induced
to move the king to grant a pardon to Bolingbroke, and even to give him
ftill farther hopes.
In this juncture, Townshend removed to Hanover, and left to Walpole the
management of the bufinefs. Walpole having founded his friends, and the advo-
* Etough's Minutes of a Converfation with Sir Robert Walpole. Correfpondence.
Chapter 25.
1725 to 1726.
Motives of
Walpole's
conduct.
VOL. I.
E e
cates
210
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
cates of government, found that ſtrong objections were made to the reſtoration of
1720 to 1727. fo obnoxious a perfon, and being himſelf inclined to the fame opinion, hc, with his
uſual franknefs and candour, repreſented the difficulties, not only to Townſ-
hend, but even to Bolingbroke himſelf, and declined entering into any farther
engagements. Bolingbroke, who well underſtood the temper of parties, foon
perceived that infuperable obftacles were oppoſed to his complete reftora-
tion. He thought fit, therefore, to temporize, and requeſted, as I have
already obſerved, the reverfal of part of the bill of attainder, without ob-
taining his feat in the houſe of lords. This requeft, ftrongly enforced by
the duchess of Kendal, was particularly recommended by the king to Wal-
pole, in a moſt authoritative manner. The minifter could not venture to
diſobey the expreſs commands of the king; could not withstand the impor-
tunities of the duchefs, who had recently affifted in driving Carteret and Ca-
dogan from the helm; was anxious to oblige lord Harcourt, with whom he
then lived in habits of the ftricteft intimacy, and was overcome by the un-
ceafing folicitations of Bolingbroke, and ſoftened by his profeffions of in-
violable devotion.
Walpole himſelf performed all he had promiſed; and had reafon in his
turn to expect the accomplishment of thoſe profeffions of gratitude which
Bolingbroke had recently made to him. He was not refponfible for any
agreement made by the preceding adminiftration; he was not anfwerable for
the private affurances of the duchefs of Kendal; he was not even bound
by the promiſes, if any fuch were poſitively made, of the fovereign himſelf.
Bolingbroke had therefore no reaſon to accufe Walpole of meanneſs and
treachery, of having broken his word, and of having deceived him under the
mafk of good-will; for the minifter never in any inftance promiſed a full
reftitution, but always in the moft frank and candid manner, gave no farther
hopes than obtaining the repeal of that part of the bill of attainder which
related to the forfeiture of his eſtates.
But whatever were the motives which induced Walpole to conſent to the
return of Bolingbroke, it was undoubtedly the greateſt act of imprudence
which he ever committed. For till that event, he had only to contend
with an heterogeneous oppofition, unallied in principle, and diveſted of mu-
tual confidence; eafily vanquished, becauſe not capable of uniting under
any leader acceptable to all in a well-concerted attack. It remained for
Bolingbroke to infuſe ſpirit and harmony into this inert and ill-combined
maſs. He foon found means to effect this end, by a plaufible philofophy,
recommended by all the graces of eloquence, and enforced by all the arts of
perſonal addrefs. He directed and inſpired their labours in parliament; and
}
his
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
211
his ready pen was employed at once to juftify their conduct, and to vilify Chapter 25.
their adverfaries.
His ritings were recommended by a glare of metaphorical ornament, at
that time very unuſual, the effect of which was to dazzle the judgment of the
reader, fix his attention upon the furface, and prevent him from penetrating
into the ſubſtance of the argument.
It is a juft remark of his biographer, that Bolingbroke too frequently falls into
the fame error of which he accuſes Clarendon, that of giving characters of per-
fons which are incompatible with their actions. He warped hiſtory to his own
convenience, and was lefs folicitous to reprefent paſt events truly, than, under
colour of relating them, to draw parallels with thoſe againſt whom he di-
rected his efforts, by felecting only fuch parts as fuited his particular views *.
In drawing the character of Walpole, Bolingbroke is guilty of the groffeft
mifrepreſentation, and the moft exaggerated malice. It is recorded of Zeuxis,
the celebrated painter, that for the purpoſe of giving perfection to the por-
trait of Venus, he ſelected the moſt beautiful parts of the moſt beautiful
women, and from the union of thofe parts, formed the goddefs, without a
fingle defect. In his political delineations, Bolingbroke has purſued the
oppofite line of conduct. He ſelected from the minifters of all times and
countries, their prominent vices, and from their affemblage, drew the por-
trait of Walpole without a fingle virtue.
From the verſatility of Bolingbroke's political life, no fundamental prin-
ciple of action could be expected; for where is that principle which at fome
period he had not violated? Where was the party to which he had not ren-
dered himſelf obnoxious? Nothing then remained for him, but to form a
political creed as verfatile as his life, and which, Proteus-like, adapted itſelf
to all times, fituations, and circumftances.
His doctrines are principally reduced under three heads. A government
by prerogative, rather than by influence; coalition of partics; the fup-
pofed perfection of the human ſpecies in particular inftances.
The leading principle of his writings was, that a government by preroga-
tive was better than a government by influence. In enforcing this topic, the
author betrays his averfion to the revolution, while he affects to praiſe it, by
an affertion no leſs remarkable for its audacity than its untruth; namely,
that the rights of the fubject were more endangered by the fyftem of in-
fluence, which had taken place fince, than by that of arbitrary power which
was purſued before that æra. That the crown had acquired more fources
of power by the cftablishment of the funds, and nomination of revenue of
Life of Bolingbroke, p. 334-
E e 2
ficers,
1725 to 1726.
Remarks on
the poli is
writing of
Bolingbroke.
212
MEMOIRS OF
Feried III. ficers, and enjoyed the means of invading liberty more effectually by the
1720 to 1727. conftitution of the revenue, than it ever had been invaded by prerogative.
He characterifes prerogative as a mere chimera, and influence as a nero and
undefinable monster, far more dangerous to our liberties. He avers, that national
corruption, which he makes the neceffary confequence of invefling the
crown with the nomination of the officers employed in managing the re-
venue, is become univerfal, and that the lofs of liberty is the natural and necef-
fary confequence of national corruption. From theſe premiſes he draws the
obvious conclufion, that it becomes highly neceffary to fave the ruin of the
conſtitution, by reducing the power of the king, by means of an independent
houſe of commons; and declares that the only method of effecting this, was
to leſſen the means of corruption, to revive frequent parliaments, and to in-
fure their purity by introducing felf-denying ordinances.
This tenet could only be fupported by the other two doctrines, equally
abfurd and extravagant.
The fecond of thefe doctrines was to enforce
the coalition of parties, by which he understood that all the invidious dif-
tinctions of Whig and Tory *, Diffenter and Church-man, which had ſo long
troubled and diſtracted the kingdom, fhould be funk into thoſe of court
and country; the firft of which he confiders as a faction and confederacy against
the other; and the fecond he characterifes under the denomination of confti-
tutionalists.
With a view to effect this purpofe in a free country, in which party is an
effential requifite, he drew out a ſyſtem of policy fo artfully contrived, that
any man, whatever were his political opinions, might, without appearing to
deſert his own private notions of government, enliſt himſelf under the ban-
ners of any oppofition, or vote in favour of any queftion, however repugnant
to his real fentiments, under the notion of oppofing or driving out a cor-
rupt minifter, and the femblance of laying afide all prejudice and party at-
tachment.
In attempting to explode all former diftinctions, to unite men of all denominations,
and to change the narrow fpirit of party into a diffuſive ſpirit of public benevolence, he
well knew that he contradicted the hiftory of paſt ages, and the experience of
his own; and he therefore broached the third doctrine, the fuppofed perfection
of the human ſpecies, in particular inftances. Convinced of the abfurdity of ad-
vancing, that an oppofition compofed of the moſt heterogeneous parts could
continue uniformly true to their profeffed principles, and would not be di-
vided or defert each other at the inſtigations of ambition or ſelf-intereſt, he
* The impoffibility of reconciling the
Whigs and the Tories, and the different views
of thofe parties, are fully fhewn by his own
confeffion, in a letter to Sir William Wynd-
ham, July 23, 1739. Correſpondence, Pe-
riod VII.
turned
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
213
turned his hopes of fuccefs from the many to the few; to thoſe few who en-
grofs the whole reafon of the fpecies, who are born to inftruct, to guide, and to
preſerve, and who are defigned to be tutors and guardians of human kind.
Forgetting his own complaint, that human paffions are fo ftrong, and human
reaſon fo weak, he defcribed men as they ought to be, and not as they are;
men whom he reprefented as ſtars fill ſtuck in good plenty up and down our
hemifphere, making virtue the foundation of their friendship, and merit the title
to their favour; delighting rather to be thought good than great; just in all their
dealings; moderate in their pleasures; not folicitous for a place because they want
it, but becauſe the place wants them.
But ftill conscious that he overrated the number of thoſe chofen few, he
concentrated the virtues and wiſdom of the whole fpecies into one man,
A PATRIOT KING, whom he confidered as born to form the happineſs and
glory of England, under whofe government the head, and all the members, ſhould
be united in one common caufe, and animated by one common fpirit.
In drawing this chimerical character, he laid down poſitions no leſs chi-
merical. He fuppofed that all diftinctions of party, all cabals for favour,
and all jealoufy in individuals poffeffing, or contending for power, ſhould
be entirely fuppreffed by the wiſdom and virtue of one man, whom he calls
a fort of standing miracle; and that a whole nation fhould be fo perfect in
judgment, and juft in practice, as to acknowledge that they were made happy
by ſuch exertions. In this extraordinary attempt to reconcile the ideas of a
government by prerogative with thoſe of liberty and happineſs, he endea-
vours to bribe the imagination inſtead of convincing the judgment, by an
artificial and brilliant difplay of all thofe fcenes of fplendor and domeftic
felicity which are fo lavishly and exquifitely pourtrayed in the Cyropædia of
Xenophon, and Fenelon's Telemachus; fcenes which adorn the page of
the fpeculative philofopher, but must be confidered as mere puerilities from
a practical politician.
In giving theſe reveries to the public, he made ufe of a fpecious philofo-
phical jargon, then novel, and calculated to make an impreffion on ignorant
minds; fince become more common, and juflly exploded, as the cant of
hypocrify or enthufiafm. Its pretenfions were founded on candour, libera-
lity of fentiment, univerfal philanthropy, and a tender concern for the hap-
pineſs of poſterity.
He defcribed himſelf as labouring to reinfuse the fpirit of liberty, to reform
the morals, and to raise the fentiments of the people. He dwelt with rapture on
the ideas of perfect government, and the completion of focial happiness. He talked
of the moral fyftem of the world, the fyftem of infinite wisdom, the univerfal lew
Chapter 25.
1725 to 1726.
of
214
MEMOIRS OF
Period III. reafon, of moral duty drawn from the conflitution of human nature, of the general
of
1720 to 1727. fitness of things. He maintained that the shortest and eafieft method of arriving at
real knowledge, was to trace back government to the first good principles on which
it is founded; principles and measures of conduct founded on true propofitions, all of
which are obvious, many of them felf-evident; principles laid in the fyftem of
human nature, drawn from that fource from whence all the duties of public and
private morality must be derived. He boafted of the noble prerogative of governing
a fociety of freemen by a conflitution founded on the eternal rules of right reafon,
and directed to promote the happiness of the whole, and every individual. After
fome trite obfervations, that the good of the people is the ultimate and true end of
government, and that without liberty no happiness can be enjoyed by fociety, he
ftyles the king the first fervant of the people, confiders his right as a trust, and
their's, which he calls an indefeafible right, as a property.
From the numberless contradictions and political abfurdities to be found
in almoſt every page of his works, I ſhall ſelect two inſtances which relate
to Walpole. After having defcribed the hideous monster, corruption, and fhewn
that unleſs it was annihilated it would ſwallow up the conftitution, and de-
ftroy thofe liberties without which no happiness could be enjoyed by fociety; after dif
playing the neceffity of flutting up with all the bars and bolts of law, the principal
entries through which the torrents of corruption have been let in upon us, he adds,
I fay the principal entries, becauſe, however it may appear in mere fpeculation, I
think it would not be found in practice to be poffible, no nor ELIGIBLE neither,
to fhut them up aLL.
After having, in a long feries of invectives, reprobated in every particular,
and reproached the corruption of Walpole, afcribed to that all his power in
the cabinet, and in the fenate, branded him with the names of high priest, first
miſſionary, and treaſurer of corruption, he acknowledges that the afcendancy he
had acquirea could not be attributed to his fuperiority of parts, OR HIS CLUMSY
TALENT OF BRIBERY alone, but that his long continuance in office must be aſ-
cribed to the faintnefs and indecifiveness of oppofition.
In fact, the noble writer himfelf lived to fee the impracticability of his own
1peculative doctrines. He therefore looked forward to what he called better
times, and left his vifionary project as a legacy to pofterity; I turn myſelf, he
fays, from the generation that is going off, to the generation that is coming on the
Stage. Thus in a few words he confeffed, that all his writings, and all his
labours were repugnant to the conſtitution of human nature, as exhibited by
his own experience. Fortunately, the baneful effects of Bolingbroke's influ-
ence were counteracted by the known profligacy of his principles, and the un-
popularity
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
popularity of his character. For the public prejudice againſt him was fo
great, that Pulteney recommended his departure from England, becauſe his
co-operation rendered their cauſe leſs refpectable *.
His ſpeculative effufions, notwithſtanding their ſplendour of diction and
graces of ſtyle, are not confulted as containing juſt axioms or practical pre-
cepts; except by thofe who wish to avail themſelves of the laxity of his po-
litical tenets, and his affectation of recurring to firſt principles and abſtract
doctrines, for the purpoſe of fubftituting a capricious and theoretical ſyſtem,
in the place of a well defined and limited government.
215
Chapter 26.
1723 to 1725.
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SIXTH:
1723 172 5.
Disturbances in Ireland, occafioned by Wood's Patent.-Public and fecret Hif
tory of that Tranſaction.-Character of Lord Midleton.-His Difagreement
with the Duke of Grafton.-Indiſcreet Proceedings of Government.—Embar-
raffments and Conduct of Walpole.—Duke of Grafton recalled, and Lord Car-
teret appointed Lord Lieutenant.-Refignation of Lord Midleton.-Surrender
of the Patent-Tranquillity restored.-Tumults in Scotland, on levying the
Malt Tax.-Prudent Conduct of Walpole.-Character and Services of the Earl
of Ilay.
TH
HE year 1725 teemed with events of the higheſt importance to the
intereſt and ſecurity of England, both in regard to foreign and domeftic
affairs, and gave ſufficient employment to the cabinet. The foreign affairs
were diſtinguiſhed by the celebrated treaties of Vienna and Hanover; the
* Lord-Bolingbroke to Sir William Wyndham,
July 23, 1739. Correfpondence, Period VII.
The works of Bolingbroke, principally allud-
ed to, are The Occafional Writer, his effays in
the Craftsman, which were afterwards collected
and re-publiſhed under the Titles of a Differ-
tation on Parties, with a farcaftical dedication to
Sir Robert Walpole, and Oldcastle's Remarks on
the Hiftory of England; Letters on the Spirit
of Patriotifm, on the Idea of a patriot King, &c.
His pofthumous Letters on the Study of Hifto-
ry, have been ably refuted in Horace Walpole's
Anfwer, and in Leland's Reflections.
上
​domeftic
1
216
MEMOIRS OF
-
P'eriod III. domeſtic tranquillity was interrupted by diflurbances in Ireland, arifing from
1720 to 27. Wood's patent of coinage, and tumults in Scotland, both of which were
fuppreffed by the prudence and vigour of Walpole.
Grant of
ཡ
Wood's pa-
tent.
Ferment in
Ireland.
}
No minifter ever fuffered more abufe for the indifcretion and violence of
others, than Sir Robert Walpole. The tumults in Scotland, on account of
the duty on malt, and the diſturbances in Ireland, relating to Wood's pa-
tent, becauſe they happened under his adminiſtration, were folely attributed
to his miſconduct; whereas the duty on malt was carried in the houſe of com-
mons by the country gentlemen, in oppofition to his fentiments; and the
grant of Wood's patent, was an unfortunate legacy left by the earl of Sun-
derland, in which he had no other ſhare than in paffing it when he was at the
head of the treaſury.
To judge by the accounts generally given of that tranfaction, it would
appear a monſter of defpotifin and fraud, that the halfpence were deficient
in weight and goodneſs, and that the circulation of them would have been
followed by the total ruin of Ireland.
In fact, the inimitable humour of Swift, which places the kingdom on one
fide, and William Wood on the other, has mifled our judgment and capti-
vated our imagination; and moſt perfons have formed their opinion from
his Drapier's Letters and fatirical poems, rather than from authentic docu-
ments or well attefted facts. The fimple narrative of this tranfaction, ſtrip-
ped of the exaggerated dreſs in which the malignant wit of the author has
inveſted it, is reduced to a fhort compafs.
There being great deficiency of copper currency in Ireland, the king, in
virtue of his prerogative, granted to William Wood, a patent for coining far-
things and halfpence, to the value of £100,000 fterling, on certain terms.
which the patentee was bound to follow. William Wood, who in the party
language of Swift is ridiculed under the denomination of a hardware man
and a low mechanic, was a great proprietor and renter of iron works in Eng-
land. He had a leafe of all the mines on the crown lands in thirty-nine
counties, was proprietor of ſeveral iron and copper works, and carried on, to a
very confiderable amount, manufactures for the different preparations of thoſe
metals *. Among many propoſals fubmitted to government, that which he
delivered was accepted, and was confidered by all perfons of judgment or ca-
pacity, not biaffed by party or national prejudice, as beneficial to Ireland.
But the natives did not fee it in fo favourable a light, and before the
money was circulated, a general ferment was excited. The oftenfible cauſes
of complaint were derived from the confideration, that the king had treated
* Anderfon's Commerce, vol. III. p. 124.
Ireland
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
217
Ireland as a dependant kingdom *, that the patent was granted to a perſon
who was not a native, that the coin was ftamped in England, and that as a
great profit was likely to be derived, the benefit ſhould have principally ac-
crued to the public. All the attempts of the duke of Grafton, then lord
lieutenant, to fubdue the public averfion were ineffectual. The fpirit of op-
pofition ſeized all orders of men, and even many of the king's fervants, who
held the chief places under his adminiſtration.
Inflamed by national zeal, the two houfes paffed addreffes to the crown
accufing the patentee of fraud and deceit, afferting that the terms of the pa-
tent were infringed both in the quantity and quality of the coin, that the
circulation of the halfpence would be highly prejudicial to the revenue, de-
ftructive of the commerce, and of moft dangerous confequence to the rights
and properties of the fubjects: the commons, with an abfurdity and effron-
tery hardly credible, declared, that even had the terms of the patent been
complied with, the nation would have fuffered a lofs at leaft of one hundred and
fifty per cent! and indeed the whole clamour refted on partial or ignorant
repreſentations. It was not at that time expected or dwelt on as a matter
of ſpeculative propriety, that the weight of the copper coin fhould be ade-
quate to its circulating value; and the affertion that Wood had carried on
notorious frauds and deceits in the coinage, as advanced by Swift, and that the
intrinfic was not equal to one eighth of the nominal value, was proved to be
falſe by an affay made at the mint, under Sir Ifaac Newton, and his two aſſo-
ciates, men of no lefs honour than capacity, the refult of which was, that in
weight, goodneſs, and finenefs, it rather exceeded than fell short of the con-
ditions of the patent.
But the clamour, however unjuft, was raiſed, and became general; and it
was a neceffary act of prudence, not to increaſe the ferment, by forcing
Lord Car-
upon a nation what was confidered as unjuft and fraudulent.
Chapter 26.
1723 to 1725.
teret, who fucceeded the duke of Grafton in the office of lord lieutenant,
failed no less than his predeceffor, in all his endeavours to obtain the introduc-
tion of the copper money. The patent was ſurrendered, and tranquillity re- Surrender of
ftored. Wood, as an indemnification for the lofs he had fuftained, received
penfions to the amount of £. 3,000 a year for eight years.
Such is the public hiftory of Wood's patent; and it is difficult to conceive
by what means or by what intrigues this fimple tranfaction, calculated for
the benefit of Ireland, and in which not a fingle right was infringed, or a
the Patent.
Secret hiftory
of the tranf
action.
* See Primate Boulter's Letters.
+ Correfpondence.
VOL. I.
F f
ingle
218
MEMOIRS OF
Period III. fingle grievance inflicted, could be fo miſunderſtood and perverted, as to
1720 to 1727 create a general ferment, and nearly to overthrow the adminiftration of
Townshend and Walpole. The fecret hiftory of this event, which the docu-
ments, under my inſpection, enable me to give, will affift in tracing the mo-
tives and cauſes which gave rife to the diſturbances, and finally occafioned.
the furrender of the patent.
Walpole's re-
luctance.
Duke of
Grafton,
lord lieu-
tenant.
The emoluments arifing from the difpofal of the patent for fupplying
Ireland with copper coin, were given by Sunderland to the duchefs of
Kendal, who fold it to Wood. Sunderland had warmly recommended it to
his friend, the duke of Bolton, who was at that time lord lieutenant; but he
met with ſo much difficulty in his attempts to countenance and ſupport the
project under hand, that he had neither courage or inclination to propoſe a
ſcheme which he forefaw would greatly embarraſs his adminiſtration. On his
death, the duke of Grafton was promoted to that high office, at the recom-
mendation of Walpole; he confented to bring it forward, and was promifed
the fupport of the king's friends in Ireland.
Walpole, on fucceeding Sunderland at the head of the treaſury, inftantly
faw and appreciated the difficulties in which this tranfaction would involve
him; and with as much frankneſs as his fituation at that time would permit,
remonſtrated againſt the grant, as likely to become unpopular; but being un-
willing to offend the duchefs of Kendal, the extent of whofe influence over
the king, he had unfortunately experienced, reluctantly fubmitted to what
he could not prevent, and employed every means in his power to remedy the
abuſes and obviate the difficulties. He took the advice of the attorney and
folicitor general, obtained the ratification of the lord chancellor of England,
and by proper affays at the mint, fecured the execution of the terms ſtipu-
lated by the patent, which at length paffed the ufual forms, and was fent to
the lord lieutenant for the purpoſe of being put into execution.
When the duke of Grafton returned to Ireland in August 1723, things
were in a ftate very different from that in which they had been erroneoufly
repreſented to him by the Engliſh cabinet. He found a ferment riſing in
the nation; a general averfion to the patent; and a moft decided oppofition
from thoſe who, as he had reafon to believe, had promiſed their warmeft fup-
port. The character and conduct of the duke of Grafton, were not calcu-
lated to conciliate parties, or to reſtore union and harmony in a country like
Ireland, diſtracted with troubles, and abounding with perfons difaffected to
the Engliſh government. He was a nobleman of high honour and difintereſted
probity; but proud and imperious, fretful and choleric, and highly conſcious.
9
of
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
219
Chapter 26.
1723 to 1725.
and character
of lord Mi-
dleton.
of his dignified fituation. Though by no means deficient in abilities, yet he
did not poffefs fufficient ſkill and addrefs to guide the helm of ſtate in a diffi-
cult period: he was well characterifed by his friend, Walpole, as a fair
weather pilot, that did not know how to act, when the first storm arofe.
The fuccefs of the meaſure was principally impeded by the unexpected Oppofition
and inflexible oppofition of lord chancellor Midleton, who has, on that ac-
count, incurred the bitter reproaches of Walpole, Townfhend, and the duke
of Grafton, in their correfpondence with each other. Upon a candid review
of his conduct, however, it appears that he was actuated by no improper mo-
tives, but, in common with many other perfons in Ireland, confidered the
plan imprudently introduced, and inimical to the true interefts of the coun-
try. The private letters which paffed between him, his brother, and fon,
and which I am enabled to lay before the public, will afford a clear explana-
tion of his motives; and a compariſon of them with thofe of the two mi-
nifters, and of the duke of Grafton, relieve the characters of each party from
much of that obloquy which flowed from the rage of difcordant politics.
Alan Brodrick*, defcended from an illuftrious family, whoſe anceſtors.
may be traced from the conqueft, was ſecond ſon of Sir Saint John Brodrick,
knight, of Richmond in Yorkſhire, and of Wandfworth, who obtained a
grant of lands, in the county of Monaghan, during the government of Oliver
Cromwell. He performed fuch effential fervices in affifting the reſtoration,
that he procured a farther grant of a large eſtate in the county of Corke, and
obtained a charter from Charles the Second, for the town of Midleton to
return two members to parliament.
Alan was bred up to the law, and rofe to fuch eminence in that profef-
fion, that in 1695, he was appointed folicitor general, and being choſen mem-
ber for the city of Corke in 1703, he was unanimoufly elected fpeaker of the
houſe of commons, attached himſelf to the Whigs, and having oppofed fome
bills which were favoured by the duke of Ormond, lord lieutenant, he was
removed from the place of folicitor general. In 1707, when the Whig ad-
miniſtration was formed, he was made attorney general, and in 1709, chief
juſtice of the Queen's Bench; but was removed in 1711, when the Tories
came into power. He was chofen, in 1713, member for the county of Corke,
and again elected fpeaker by the Whigs, in oppofition to the caſtle intereft.
During the laſt years of queen Anne, he proved his faithful attachment
to the religion and conftitution, by promoting the fucceffion of the houſe of
* Lodge's Irish Peerage.-Communications from the honourable William Brodrick,
Ff2
Hanover,
1
220
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Hanover, and was highly inftrumental in counteracting the cabals of thefe
who were inclined to reſtore the Pretender. In reward for theſe eminent fer-
vices, he was, at the acceffion of George the Firft,. nominated chancellor of
Ireland, in 1715 was created a peer, by the title of baron Brodrick, and in
1717, advanced to the dignity of viſcount Midleton. In the fame year he
was alfo chofen member of the British Parliament for Midhurst in Suffex,
which borough he continued to reprefent till his death. When the functions
of his high office did not render his preſence neceflary in Ireland, his eloquence
and abilities were uſeful in fupporting the meaſures of government in England.
As he confidered himself obliged to Sunderland for his promotion to an
Iriſh peerage, he attached himſelf to the party of that minifter. But neither
his obligation or intereft could induce him to fwerve from his duty to his
country, or to fupport adminiftration in meafures which he difapproved.
He refifted all the folicitations, offers and menaces of Sunderland, to vote in
favour of the peerage bill, and he perſiſted in oppoſition to the requeſt of the
lord lieutenant, and the orders of the fovereign. The minutes of his con-
verfations with Sunderland and others on that occafion, and the rules which
he laid down for his conduct, afford evident proofs of his integrity and firm-
nefs, and do honour to his memory. His refufal in this inftance offended
Sunderland, and nothing but the difficulty of finding a proper fucceffor for
the office of lord chancellor prevented his diſgrace. He was treated how-
ever, with ſo much coldneſs and difregard, that for three years he expected
every moment to be difmiffed; a fituation of uncertainty, which he bore
with unexampled patience and dignity.
On the death of Sunderland, he attached himſelf to Carteret, in oppofition
to Townſhend and Walpole. He joined to a natural warmth and vehemence
of temper, which he himſelf was the firſt to acknowledge, an high conſciouf-
nefs of his own talents and influence, which produced an unbending perti-
nacity of opinion, and a diſplay, often oftentatious, of his own fervices and
importance. He poffeffed great dignity of fentiment, and a fpirit ſo inde-
pendent, that he would not permit even his perfonal efteem for the king to
bias his conduct in the duties of his high ſtation; he confidered the ſalary of
office his due for his exertions as chancellor, and thought himſelf at liberty
to act, vote, and fpeak in parliament (as a lord) juſt in the fame manner
while he was on the woolfack, as he would have done on one of the benches.
The warmth of his temper was increaſed by the ſtill greater warmth of his
brother and fon.
• Correfpondence. Article Peerage Bill,
+ See Correſpondence.
His
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
221
1
His elder brother, Thomas Brodrick, had from his firft entrance into life,
uniformly promoted the Proteftant fucceffion. He was a member of the
privy council to king William, and fat in the English parliament for the bo-
rough of Stockbridge, and afterwards for Guildford; and in the Irish parlia-
ment for the county of Corke. In confideration of his fervices, he was by the
Whig adminiſtration made comptroller of the falt duties, and joint comptroller
of the army with Sir Philip Meadows, which places he refigned in 1711,
11, when
the Tories came into power. On the acceffion of George the Firſt, he was
again appointed a member of the privy council, but was not gratified with
any place. As chairman of the fecret committee for the examination of the
South Sea affairs, he had acquired great popularity, and had ftood forth one
of the warmeft advocates for fevere and rigorous meafures againſt the di-
rectors, and thoſe who had in any degree promoted the South Sea fcheme.
As a Whig, he was ſtrongly attached to the principles of that party; gene-
rally fupported government, but not uniformly; poffeffed great weight
among the country gentlemen inclined to the Whig intereft, and not unfre-
quently had propofed and carried queſtions in oppofition to the known fen-
timents of the minifter. He was held in high eſtimation by the king, as the
head of a family which had ever fhewn an unabated zeal in favour of his
fucceffion; and had been courted by Sunderland, and after his death, by
Carteret and Roxburgh. He was a man of high fpirit and probity, but his
temper was violent, captious, and overbearing.
Saint John Brodrick, fon of lord Midleton, was not deficient in talents
and knowledge; poffeffed great ſkill in debating, which he managed with
good effect in the Iriſh houſe of commons, where his father's advice and in-
tereſt rendered him highly refpected. He was prefumptuous and confident;
fanguine in his hopes, and vehement in his purſuits; affecting great forefight,
fagacity, and difcernment. He was highly irritable, readily provoked, but
open to flattery and eafy of delufion. He was firft chofen a member of the
Iriſh parliament for the borough of Midleton, and afterwards reprefented,
until his death, the city of Corke. He was elected in 1721, and in the new
parliament, which affembled in 1722, for Beralfton, in Devonſhire.
Chapter 26.
1723 to 1725.
Character of
Thomas Bro-
drick,
and of Saint
John Bro-
drick.
Their antipa-
The pole.
Both the brother and fon caballed with lord Carteret, and feem to have
conceived a violent antipathy againſt Walpole, which was heightened by his thy to Wal-
oppofing the bill for permitting the importation of Irish calicoes.
proud conſciouſneſs entertained by lord Midleton of his abilities and in-
fluence in Ireland, was increafed by the repeated accounts tranfmitted from
his brother and fon, of the king's high fenfe of the fervices rendered by the
whole family, and by Carteret's repeated declarations, that he alone was capable
of
222
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
of governing Ireland. His oppofition received an additional impulfe from
1720 to 1727. the fanguine reprefentations of his fon, that the power of Walpole was declin-
ing, and a full conviction that the combination of Cadogan, Carteret, and
Roxburgh, would triumph in the cabinet.
Mifunder-
ftanding be-
tween Graf-
ton and Mi-
dleton.
Dec. 23,
1723.
Caufes of the
unpopularity
of the patent.
1
An unfortunate miſunderſtanding had taken place between the duke of
Grafton and lord Midleton, who, in the capacity of one of the lord's juftices,
had directed the adminiſtration of affairs, and confcious of his influence in the
two houſes of parliament, expected to retain the fame power on the arrival
of the new lord lieutenant. The duke of Grafton, however, was by no
means inclined to place implicit confidence in the chancellor, who had fhewn
fo many inftances of an intractable temper, and hoftility to Walpole. He.
courted the oppofite party in the cabinet, and particularly confulted his com-
petitor for authority, William Conolly, ſpeaker of the houſe of commons, by
whom he was almoſt implicitly directed. On his arrival in Ireland in 1723,
he was offended at the chancellor, for diſreſpectful behaviour, and bitterly
complained to the archbishop of Dublin, who being inimical to Wood's
patent, did not conceal, or perhaps exaggerated the diffatisfaction of the
lord lieutenant. The conduct of lord Midleton in parliament was fo offen-
five to the duke of Grafton, that he connived at the paffing of a vote of cen-
fure in the houſe of lords, for delays of juſtice, occafioned by his abfence from
Ireland. This infult, ſolely aſcribed, by lord Midleton, to the duke of Grafton,
increaſed the miſunderſtanding; and the duke was fo incenfed, that he pe-
remptorily inſiſted on his excluſion from the number of lords juſtices during
his abfence.
Theſe jealouſies, fomented by Carteret, laid the foundation of a ſucceſsful
oppofition to the introduction of Wood's coinage, which oppofition was aided
by the concurrence of indifcreet and unpopular proceedings.
Great difcredit was thrown upon the meaſure, by a report, induftriouſly
circulated, that the profits of the patent were to be ſhared between Wood
and the duchefs of Kendal. This fact was infidiouſly communicated by Car-
teret, to Alan Brodrick, fecond ſon of lord Midleton, during his viſit at
Hanover, tranſmitted by him to his friends in Dublin, and foon made public
by various alluſions of Swift, in his writings and political ballads, in one of
which he fays:
"When late a feminine magician,
<<
Join'd with a brazen politician,
Expos'd, to blind a nation's eyes,
"A parchment of prodigious fize *."
* A Simile on our Want of Silver, and the only Way to remedy it.
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
223
Chapter 25.
1723 to 1725.
Indifcretion
The indifcretion of Wood, and of his friends in Ireland, was alfo
detrimental to his caufe. They exaggerated the quantity of coin to be
iffued, and the gains which would accrue to the patentee, and made repeated
boaſts of his power and influence in the Engliſh cabinet. Wood himfelf of- of Wood,
fended the privy council, by obferving, that if a proclamation was neceffary,
he could have it, or any thing that was wanting to inforce the currency of his
coin;`and that the complaints and remonftrances were not intended againſt
him, but againſt the king and miniftry for making the grant.
The miſconduct of government was ftill greater. The patent was paffed and of go-
without formally confulting either the lord lieutenant or privy council, and vernment,
its contents were concealed in Ireland: by theſe means exaggerated rumours
of its evil tendency were diffuſed, which were univerfally credited, and not
found to be falfe, until their wide circulation had made a deep impreffion
on the public mind, which it was impoffible to efface. The lord lieutenant
landed on the 13th of Auguft. He had fcarcely affumed the reins of go-
vernment, before he publicly declared, that he was perfectly unconcerned in
the event, that the patent was paffed before he was made acquainted that it
was in agitation, and that he had no inſtructions about it from the king or
the miniſtry. On the 13th of September, an addrefs was prefented from
both houſes, requeſting information concerning the patent. In his anſwer,
returned the 14th, he declared that he had neither the patent, nor any copy,
nor even any paper which would give them any fatisfaction; but on the 16th,
when the houſe was actually affembled with a view to make a ſtrong remon-
ftrance on the ſubject, Hopkins, the fecretary to the lord lieutenant, in-
formed the ſpeaker, that a perſon attended without with the exemplification
of the patent, which, by miſtake, had been delivered to the lord lieutenant's
fervant, inſtead of his private ſecretary, and miſlaid.
Even after the irrefiftible oppofition which fhewed itſelf in parliament, no at-
tempts were made to foften or conciliate thoſe members who were againſt
the patent; on the contrary, fome were received at the caftle with coldneſs;
others were treated with marks of indignity, and Saint John Brodrick was
flighted and offended. By theſe means, the lord lieutenant precluded all
confidential intercourfe with the chancellor and his friends, who were pre-
vented from explaining the motives of their conduct, and undeceiving him in
thoſe points in which he had been mifinformed.
The conduct of Walpole himſelf was not at firft marked with his ufual cau- Conduct of
tion. He ſuffered the lord lieutenant to depart without ſpecific inftructions in Walpole.
what manner he was to act, fhould the parliament oppofe the introduction of the
coinage. He truſted too much to the repreſentations of thoſe who were friends
to
224
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period III.
to government, and who were either ignorant of the real fituation of affairs,
1720 to 1727. or unwilling to offend, by tranſmitting diſagreeable truths which they well
knew would be communicated by others. He did not fufficiently appreciate.
the great influence of the chancellor and his family, in both houfes of parlia-
ment, and when that influence appeared predominant, he attributed the
ftrength of oppofition folely to the combination of the Brodricks with lord Carteret.
He bitterly accuſed lord Midleton of treachery and low cunning, of having
made, in his ſpeeches, diſtinctions between the king and his miniſters, of ca-
balling with Carteret, Cadogan, and Roxburgh, and of purſuing that line
of conduct, becauſe he was of opinion the oppoſite party in the cabinet
would gain the afcendancy. He did not believe the diſturbances to be fo
ferious as they were repreſented, nor was he fatisfied with the duke of
Grafton's conduct, as being folely directed by Conolly, but declared that
the part acted by Conolly, almoft excufed what the Brodricks had done *.
Notwithſtanding this confeffion, he refolved to fupport the duke of
Grafton in his reſentment againſt the chancellor, and obtained from the king
a promife, that he ſhould be removed whenever it was thought expedient,
and the formal notification was made by lord Carteret to the lord lieutenant.
But his removal was confidered at the prefent moment impracticable, by the
temper and fituation of Ireland, and by the influence of lord Midleton's friends
in the Britiſh cabinet.
ས
Carteret complained to the king, that his majefty's name and authority
had been uſed to gratify the private pique and refentment of the lord lieu-
tenant againſt the chancellor; imputed the diſturbances of Ireland prin-
cipally to that fource, and induced the king to declare that thofe ought to
be employed who were moſt capable of ferving him. Thomas Brodrick, in
an audience of the king, expoftulated againſt the propofed indignity of ex-
cluding his brother from the lift of lords juftices, proved the weakneſs of the
duke of Grafton's government, and the preponderancy of the chancellor's party,
which fufficiently appeared from the vote of congratulation, paffed by the
commons, in favour of lord Midleton, contrary to the avowed influence of
the lord lieutenant. This remonftrance effectually convinced the king of the
impropriety of the meaſures which had been hitherto purfued, and irritated
him to fuch a degree, that Walpole became afhamed and uneafy at the con-
duct of the lord lieutenant, which brought him into the greateſt difficulties
he had ever experienced. He difcovered that he had been deceived by the
miſrepreſentations fent from Ireland, that lord Midleton had great power
* Correfpondence.
and
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
225
1
1
and influence, and could not be difpenfed with in the formation of a cabi-
net. Reſolved to withdraw his fupport from the duke of Grafton, and effect
his removal, he had determined to obtain the appointment either for the
duke of Bolton, or the duke of Dorfet, and the arrangement was on the point
of being made; when the duke of Argyle embarraffed him, by claiming that
high dignity for himſelf. This unexpected demand fufpended the execution
of his plan, and together with the increafing ferment in Ireland, rendered it
expedient to adopt a new line of conduct. He found that a queſtion of the
higheſt conſequence was involved in this difpute, no leſs than the indepen-
dence of Ireland; a favourite topic, urged by Molineux, promoted by the
archbishop of Dublin, and ably ſupported by Swift, in his Drapier's Letters,
and other publications. He was too prudent to fuffer this delicate fubject to
be difcuffed in parliament. He held frequent conferences with Saint John
Brodrick, who had taken his feat in the English parliament, attentively
liftened to his accounts of the proceedings, confeffed that he had been groſsly
mifled, ſpoke in terms of the higheſt reſpect of the chancellor's character
and talents, infinuated that the duke of Grafton was about to be recalled,
and was only continued in his poft until a proper fucceffor could be ap-
pointed; diſclaimed any intention of excluding lord Midleton from being
one of the lord juftices, and fucceeded fo far as to foften, in ſome meaſure,
the violent afperity which had long diftinguiſhed that family.
Chapter 26.
1723 to 1725.
At this period the ftruggle in the cabinet, which terminated in the Carteret lord
triumph of Townshend and Walpole, was finally decided. It had been their lieutenant.
original intention to remove Carteret intirely, but the embarraffinent arifing
from the claim of the duke of Argyle, and the great difficulty of managing
Ireland, rendered it neceffary to find a perſon who would promote the
patent, and be likely to perſuade lord Midleton, and thoſe who acted with
him, to foften their oppofition. In this dilemma, lord Carteret was removed
from the office of ſecretary of ſtate to the lord lieutenancy of Ireland.
Lord Midleton was continued in the office of chancellor, conftituted one of
the lord juftices, and Saint John Brodrick was nominated a member of the
privy council.
At the fame time every effort was made to conciliate the people of Ireland, Walpole's
and to induce them to receive the currency. A report was drawn up by Wal- report.
pole, and fubmitted to the king in council. After fully juſtifying Wood
*See chapter 24.
The original is in Sir Robert Walpole's hand writing, among the Orford Papers.
VOL. I
G g
from
226
MEMOIRS OF
Period III. from the charge of not having fulfilled the terms of his contract, and fhewing
1720 to 1727 that his halfpence exceeded in value and weight the conditions required in
the patent, it recommended to the king, that it would be advisable to
order, that inftead of £. 100,000, Wood fhould be permitted to import
into Ireland only £. 40,000, to be current to uch as voluntarily pleafed to
accept them the king fent his order in conformity to this advice.
Increafing
diſturbances.
Moderation
The report, though drawn up with great preciſion and clearneſs, made no
impreffion. It was anſwered by Swift in the Drapier's Letters; his hardy affer-
tions and falfe reprefentations were implicitly believed, and the popular out-
cry was fo violent, that the lords juftices refuſed to iffue the orders for the
circulation of the coin. A general panic feized even the king's beſt friends,
who were apprehenfive of popular commotions. People of all defcriptions
and parties flocked in crouds to the bankers to demand their money, and
drew their notes with an exprefs condition to be paid in gold or filver. The
publiſhers of the moft treaſonable pamphlets eſcaped with impunity, pro-
vided Wood and his patent were introduced into the work. The grand
juries could fcarcely be induced to find any bill againſt fuch delinquents ;
no witneffes in the profecution were fafe in their perfons; and no juries.
were inclined, or if inclined could venture, to find them guilty *. Not.
content with refufing to bring in a bill of indictment against the printer
of the Drapier's Letters, the next grand jury of Dublin, in a prefentment
drawn up by Swift, preſented all perfons as enemies to the government, who
fhould endeavour, by fraud or otherwife, to impofe Wood's halfpence on the
people.
In this alarming ftate of affairs, Walpole acted with becoming mode-
of Walpole. ration: he faw that the popular frenzy was fo ftrong, that it would be
madneſs to attempt introducing the copper currency by force; that to re-
peat the orders to the lords juftices, who had declared their reſolution
not to obey them, would only again expoſe the king's honour, without the
ſmalleſt hopes of fuccefs; that although to permit them to continue after
that refufal, would be to renounce for evèr all authority of the crown, yet to
remove them on this account, would increaſe their popularity fo much,
that they might be able to counteract the meaſures of government. He
refolved, therefore, to act a temporifing part; to fend over lord Carteret
without a moment's delay to bring the people gradually to a proper temper;
to ſuſpend or ſurrender the patent as circumftances required; and, after
the reſtoration of tranquillity, to remove the chancellor, and to appoint
+ Correfpondence.
* Primate Boulter's Letters.
new
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
227
new lords juſtices, of whom, at leaſt the majority ſhould be natives of Eng- Chapter 26,
land.
On his arrival in Ireland, Carteret found himfelf in a very delicate and
embarraffed fituation, and at firft view his whole conduct in this tranfaction
is myſterious and inexplicable. He had fecretly oppoſed the patent, fo-
mented the difcontents and jealoufies of lord Midleton and the Brodricks,
and excited, underhand, the diſturbances in Ireland. In the frequent con-
ferences which he held with Thomas and Saint John Brodrick, accounts
of which were tranfmitted to lord Midleton, he appeared fo hoſtile to
the patent, that Saint John Brodrick fays of him,
"Lord Carteret is per-
fectly free from all fufpicion of being concerned in, or wishing well to this
baſe project *;" and lord Midleton fufpected that Wood's patent would
be infifted on by Walpole, merely with a view to embarraſs lord Carteret,
and create difficulties to his adminiftration. But he had no fooner taken
upon him the office of lord lieutenant, than he promoted the introduction
of the copper coin with fo much zeal, as induced lord Midleton, who was
aftoniſhed at the change of his fentiments, to obferve, that he could not.
have employed more induſtry to attain his end, even if the ſucceſs of his la-
bours would be attended with an entire reftitution of the favour and autho-
rity which he formerly enjoyed.
The motives of his conduct are well explained by lord Midleton, in his
letters to his brother. His fecret fentiments were ſtrongly in favour of the
patent, becauſe it was propofed by his friend Sunderland, and he always
maintained its validity, as derived from the prerogative of the king, which
veſted in the crown the right of coining money. But with a view to em-
barraſs Walpole and Townfhend, whom he wished to remove, he fecretly
favoured the oppofition in Ireland, caballed with the Brodricks, ſpoke flight-
ingly of the duke of Grafton, and infinuated that the duchefs of Kendal had a
Thare in the profits of the patent. He exaggerated the alarm, and irritated
the king by repeated repreſentations, that the diſcontents in Ireland were owing
to the umbrage which the duke of Grafton had given to lord Midleton. His
hopes of overturning his rivals by theſe means were fo fanguine, as induced
him to acknowledge to Saint John Brodrick, that the patent was the luckieft
incident that could have occurred in favour of his party in the cabinet. But
he was no fooner convinced that his credit with the king was declining, and
that he ſhould be removed from the office of fecretary of ſtate, than
he prevented his total difgrace by agreeing to accept the lord lieutenancy
† Correſpondence, p. 425.
* Saint John Brodrick to lord Midleton, May 10, 1724.
Gg 2
under
1723 to 1725.
Motives of
Carteret's
conduct.
228
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
under the promiſe of promoting the patent, and of prevailing with his
1720 to 1727. friend lord Midleton to defift from his oppofition. He confided in his
own efforts and addrefs to effect the introduction of the money, when lower-
ed to £. 40,000; and to ftop the difcuffion on the queftion concerning the
independency of Ireland.
In conformity with theſe promiſes, lord Carteret employed all his addrefs,
and uſed the great influence which he poffeffed over his friend, to prevai
on him to promote, or at leaft not to oppofe the introduction of the coin.
But all his efforts failed. Neither flattery, promifes, or threats, had any
effect; Midleton uniformly and decidedly perfifted in his oppofition; while
he expreffed the higheft obligation to the lord lieutenant, he declared that his
duty to his country was paramount to every other confideration, and re-
fuſed to give any affiftance to government, until the patent was abfolutely
Refignation furrendered.
furrendered. This conduct drew upon him the refentment of his former
friend: he was received at the caftle with coldnefs and referve, and confidered
as an enemy to the king's government; he accordingly refigned the feals
with diſguſt, and Richard Weft, one of the king's counſel, was appointed lord
chancellor in his place.
of lord Mi-
dleton.
May 1725.
Surrender of
the patent
announced
by the lord
lieutenant.
ત
The inflexibility of lord Midleton annihilated all hopes of fuccefs; the king
followed the advice fuggefted by Walpole, and confented to procure the fur-
render of the patent. In the fpeech from the throne, the lord lieutenant obferved,
"I have his majefty's commands at the opening of this feffion, to acquaint
you, that an entire end is put to the patent, formerly granted to Mr.
"Wood, for the coining of copper halfpence and farthings for this king-
❝dom, by a full and effectual furrender thereof to his majeſty, an exemplifi-
"cation of which, under the great feal of Great Britain, ſhall be laid before
""you. So remarkable an inſtance of his majeſty's royal favour and con--
"defcenfion, muft fill the hearts of a loyal and obedient people with the
higheſt ſenſe of duty and gratitude; and I doubt not, but you will make
“fuch fuitable returns as may convince the world, that you are truly fen-
"fible of the happineſs you have enjoyed under his majefty's moft mild and
gracious government, ever fince his acceffion to the throne of theſe king-
"doms; and that the preſervation of all our religious and civil rights muſt
"ever be owing, under God, to the ſupport of his majeſty's government,
"and the fucceffion in his royal houſe *."
*C
<<
t
The gracious manner in which the furrender of the patent was announced,
in compliance with the wiſhes of the nation, did not fatisfy the party in
* Hiftorical Regifter, 1725.
ཅཱ
oppofition.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
229
oppofition. Their great object was to fhew that the furrender was folely
owing to the king, and to caft reproaches on the Engliſh adminiftration, as
if they had occafioned the diſturbances, by promoting the patent, and had
been uniformly averfe to its revocation. With this view, when the primate
moved an addrefs of thanks to the lord lieutenant for his fpeech at the
opening of the feffion, particularly to exprefs their grateful fenfe of the
king's goodness and condefcenfion for putting an end to Wood's patent, the arch-
biſhop of Dublin propofed inferting the words, " and great wisdom," obſerv-
ing, in juftification of this amendment, that the minifters had been the
authors of the patent, but that the king had been wife enough to ſee the
- miſchiefs, and accordingly revoked it. He was powerfully feconded by lord
Midleton, and the motion for the amendment was carried. For the pur-
pofe of counteracting this fuggeftion, the primate laid before the committee,
an addreſs fomewhat differing in form from the refolution of the houſe, and
with the omiffion of the words great wisdom; but the lords in oppoſition
infifting, that the committee was bound to receive thofe expreffions, the
primate was compelled to add them. On the 23d, however, the friends of
government obtained their point. When the report of the addrefs from the
committee was laid before the houfe, a motion was made to leave out the
obnoxious words; and after a ftrenuous oppofition, in which lord Midleton
exerted himſelf with great ability and with much petulance, was carried
by 21 againſt 12 *.
Chapter 26.
1723 to 1725.
Proceedings
in the houfe
of lords,
commons,
This victory decided, in favour of government, the ftruggle in the houſe and in the
of lords, and the decifion of the firſt queſtion in the commons, promiſed a
fimilar iffue. An addreſs was moved, acknowledging the king's great good-
nefs and condefcenfion in obtaining a full and effectual furrender of the
patent, and expreffing a grateful ſenſe of all favours, and of the many
bleffings enjoyed under his mild and gracious government. The unanimity
with which this addrefs was carried, without a fingle diffenting voice, ſeemed
to augur a quiet and fucceſsful feffion; but the friends of lord Midleton,
amongſt whom Saint John Brodrick was the moft able and the moft vio-
lent, excited a warm oppofition, which required fome time and much ma-
nagement before it fubfided.
When a propofal for a fupply was laid before the houfe, it was agreed to
in general terms; but the grant was delayed under various pretences. A
committee being appointed to examine the public accounts, and the amount
of the national debt, the ftatement of government was not allowed. The
* Primate Boulter's Letters, p. 35.
debt
230
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
debt was faid to be magnified with a view to obtain a larger fum than was
1720 to 1727 requifite, and it was particularly objected, that no credit was given for caflı
in the hands of the collectors, and for feveral folvent branches of the revenue
not yet received; various refolutions were paffed, which embarraffed govern-
ment, or delayed the payment of the army; a tax on falaries, profits of em-
ployment, places and penſions, was carried in oppoſition to the caſtle intereſt:
But after ſome ſtruggle, the ways and means were voted *, and on the 8th
of March the lord lieutenant put an end to this ftormy feffion.
1726.
Duty on malt
evaded in
Scotland.
Propofal to
enforce it.
1
The ferment having fubfided, and public confidence being reſtored by
theſe prudent compliances, lord Midleton quitted Ireland, and fettled in
England until the time of his death. Carteret was permitted to retain
only a nominal power; the principal authority was veſted in Dr. Hugh
Boulter, who had, from the biſhoprick of Briſtol, been raiſed, in 1724, to the
primacy of Ireland, and a reſolution was adopted of filling the high charges of
ſtate with the natives of England, which the primate confidered as an effential
requifite for the maintenance of public tranquillity, and for the eaſe of thoſe
who governed in Ireland ‡.
During the progrefs of the diſturbances in Ireland, Scotland became the
fcene of fimilar agitations.
Since the union, the natives of Scotland had objected to the payment of
many taxes impoſed by the Britiſh parliament on the united kingdoms, and
had fhewn themfelves particularly averfe to the duty on malt, which they long
evaded under various pretences.
The Engliſh country gentlemen were highly diffatisfied with this exemp-
tion of the Scotch from a burden which was confidered as heavy and griev-
ous. Accordingly, when in a committee of ways and means, the continuance
of the malt tax was propoſed, Thomas Brodrick moved to adjourn the 'com-
February 7. mittee till Monday, for the purpoſe of confidering of a method for obliging
1724.
* Proceedings of the parliament in Ireland,
Hiſtorical Regiſter for 1725.
Before his return to England, Fawkener,
the printer, requeſted permiffion to dedicate the
Drapier's Letters to him, as the preferver of
Irish liberty, and the father of his country,
but he declined it in terms of high indignation.
It redounds, indeed, much to his honour,
that although lord Midleton refuſed to ſup-
port the patent, yet he condemned, in the
Strongest terms, the violent conduct of Swift,
and of his patron the archbishop of Dublin,
whom he reprefents as the two perfons from
whoſe politics and wrangling, Ireland had re-
ceived more damage than it could have been
in the power of its worst enemies to have
brought upon it.-Lord Midleton to Thomas
Brodrick, November 17, 1724. Correfpon-
dence, Lord Midleton died in 1727.
The
Primate Boulter's Letters, p. 19.
contents of this chapter are principally drawn
from the letters in the Orford, Townshend,
Walpole, and Midleton Papers, Correfpon-
dence, Period III.
Scotland
د.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
231
Chapter 26.
1723 to 1725.
Oppoſed by
Walpole.
Scotland to pay a proportionate part of the duty on malt. Walpole, fore-
feeing the evil effects which might refult from ufing compulfory means, op-
poſed the motion *; but finding the fenfe of the houſe againſt him, pru-
dently fuffered the adjournment to pafs without a divifion. On the next
meeting, however, of the committee, he contrived to evade any alteration in
the bill, which was continued as ufual for one year. But the clamours of the 10th.
country gentlemen were fo violent, that in the next feffion it was propoſed,
that inſtead of the duties on malt in Scotland, a duty of fixpence ſhould be
paid for every barrel of beer or ale; and the question was carried by a ma-
jority of 133 votes againſt 41 .
This act had ſcarcely paffed before the people of Scotland were influenced
by miſtatements of its tendency, and by a partial reprefentation of the
relative fituations of Scotland and England. A legal argument was
drawn up with much fkill, put into familiar language, circulated with great
activity, and had an alarming effect upon the public mind. It was thus ftated:
The Scots act of Charles the Second, paffed in 1681, ftands yet unrepeal-
ed, which declares that the right of fucceffion to the crown fhall devolve ac-
cording to proximity of blood; that no difference in religion can alter or
divert it; and that it is high treaſon, by writing, ſpeaking, or otherways to
endeavour any alteration or diverfion, or to debar the fucceffor from the
immediate, actual, and free adminiftration of the government. The only
bar to the validity of this act, is the treaty of union, which was contracted
by two independent kingdoms, and was to remain in force as long, and
no longer, than each fulfilled its articles. It is univerfally acknowledged
by the public law of nations, and confirmed by the reafon of the law which
prevails in private contracts, that the violation of any material articles of a
compact is a legal diffolution of the whole. The refolutions of the houſe
of commons, which transferred the duty on malt to a duty on beer, being
contrary to the 6th and 7th articles of the Union, will diffolve that Union ;
the diffolution of the Union, by bringing the Scots act into force, inſtantly
dethrones George the Firſt, and renders the next in fucceffion of the line of
Stuarts king of Scotland. The people are releaſed from their oath to the
diffolved government, and under no obligation to obey the laws of the re-
venue; and the commiffions of the judges who are entruſted with the exe-
cution of thoſe laws, are become void. It was alſo obſerved, that the annals
* Saint John Brodrick to lord Midleton, February 8, 1723. Correfpondence.
Political State for December 1724, P. 593.
SO
3
of
December,
carried.
Means em-
ployed to in-
flume the
Scots.
232
MEMOIRS OF
{
Period III.
of hiſtory afford many inftances, where infractions of compacts, though con-
1720 to 1727. fidered at the time of little confequence, have proved no leſs deſtructive to the
party which made the encroachments, than to thoſe who were oppreffed. Ifracl
having once revolted, upon a trifling occafion, from Judah, the feat of go-
vernment, powerful in wealth and arms, could never be reduced to obedi-
ence, and became a feparate kingdom. Sweden joined to Denmark by the
union of Calmar, was releafed from its dependence by the breach of that
union on the part of Denmark; and a defender was found in Guſtavus Vaſa,
who reftored liberty to his native country. The United Provinces, oppreffed
by taxes, and ſhackled in the free exerciſe of religion, fhook off the yoke of
Spain, under the powerful government of Philip the Second; the Scots
gave fufficient proofs of their refiftance to repeated oppreffions under the
reigns of Charles the Second, and James the Seventh, and they are now
called upon to refift the tyranny of the miniſter, who keeps the king and
country in chains, and is attempting to rivet a tax on this country, which is
an infringement of the Union, and hoftile to their liberty and indepen-
dence *
1
Tumults at
Glafgow.
Theſe repreſentations had a ftrong effect, and a general ferment took
place, in a country like Scotland, which teemed with Jacobites, and where, ac-
cording to the expreffions of the earl of Ilay, by a long ſeries of no-adminiſtration,
the mere letter of the law had little or no effect with the people. The public dif-
contents broke out at Glaſgow on the 21st of June, when the commiffioners
of the exciſe were preparing to do their duty, and the people threatened to
ſtone them if they attempted to vifit the malt-houfes. Application being
made to general Wade, commander in chief of the forces in that part of
Scotland, he ſent two companies of foldiers, under the command of captain
Bufhel, for the purpoſe of fupporting the commiffioners, and quelling any
riot.
The populace affembled in confiderable numbers, repeatedly exclaiming,
"Down with Walpole, and up with Seaforth; the Mackenfies are up in the
"north, and will foon come to our affiftance." They broke open and
plundered the houſe of Daniel Campbell, member for the city; affaulted and
drove away the troops, who were finally compelled in their own defence to
fire; and after killing and wounding three or four, retreated in good order
to Dumbarton.
*Grant's Letter to Sir Robert Walpole.
Orford Papers.
+ General Wade's Letter to the duke of
Newcaſtle, July 1, 1726. Walpole Papers.
General
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
233
General Wade, informed of theſe events, marched with a large body of Chapter 26.
troops to Glaſgow, and accompanied by Duncan Forbes, the lord advocate 1723 to 1725.
of Scotland, took quiet poffeffion of the city; arreſted ſome of the rioters,
apprehended the magiftrates, and conveyed them prifoners to Edinburgh,
for being acceffary, or at leaft for having connived at the tumults, and
taken no pains to diſcover the rioters. They were tried by the lords jufti-
ciaries; acquitted, and immediately diſcharged. Captain Bufhel, who had
been arraigned for murder, according to the forms of law, was convicted
and condemned; but as the orders by which he had commanded his troops
to fire, had been dictated by felf-defence, he was pardoned, and promoted in
the fervice. The rioters at Glaſgow were brought to trial; yet fuch was the
lenity of government, that four only, after being fcourged, were fentenced
to tranfportation, and one woman was condemned to ftand thrice in the
pillory.
of brewers
at Edin-
Although this tumult at Glaſgow, and the riots which took place in a Confederacy
few other towns were fuppreffed, yet they gave rife to an affair at Edin-
burgh, which threatened the moſt ſerious confequences. The magiftrates of burgh.
Glaſgow had been accompanied to Edinburgh by a large body of the inha-
bitants, who reproached the people 'for betraying the intereſts of their coun-
try; and upbraided them, that by fubmitting to the law, they would be-
come the inftruments of wreathing about their necks the infupportable
bonds of the malt tax *. The acquittal of the magiftrates being confidered
as a victory over government, the popular diſcontents increaſed to an alarm-
ing degree. The brewers entered into a combination not to give fecurity
for the diſcharge of the new duty, and not to brew if they were judicially
called upon for payment. All the maltfters in Scotland depended on this
combination of the Edinburgh brewers, who were confidered as the chofen
champions of Scottiſh liberty .
The cauſe of the brewers was highly popular among all ranks and diftinc-
tions of men, not only of thofe who were not employed by government,
but even of thofe who were invefted with authority. Some of the lords
jufticiaries were timid, or lukewarm, others fecretly averfe to the impofition
of the tax; while the juftices of the peace, and the magiftrates of the prin-
cipal towns, openly expreffed their difapprobation.
But the greateſt obftruction arofe from the conduct of the duke of Rox-
burgh, fecretary of ftate for Scotland. He was ftrongly attached to Carteret
and Cadogan, and had joined them in attempting to remove Townshend
* Letter from John Campbell to Sir Robert Walpole. Correfpondence.
+ Letter from the earl of Ilay to Mr. Stewart. Correſpondence.
VOL. I.
Hh
and
234
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
and Walpole; and aware that his difmiffion had been recommended to the
1720 to 1727. king on the removal of Carteret, ftill continued to augment the divifion
in the cabinet. He now fecretly encouraged the difcontents in Scotland,
and counteracted or delayed the orders of government, which, in virtue of his
office, were iffued by him. A general opinion alfo prevailed, that a firm
refolution to refift the new impofts with unabating zeal, would be at-
tended with a fuccefs fimilar to the event of the ftruggle which had been
recently made in Ireland, in oppofition to Wood's coinage, where the una-
nimous voice of the country was on the eve of obtaining from government
the ſurrender of the patent.
Miffion of
the earl of
llay.
The brewers were ftill farther encouraged to perfevere, by rumours induf-
triouſly circulated by perfons of credit and confequence, that theſe fevere
meaſures were adopted by the regency, contrary to the inclinations of the
king, only for the purpoſe of fupporting Walpole; that in the next feffion
of parliament he would be difgraced; that the chief power would be lodged
in the hands of Pulteney, in conjunction with the duke of Roxburgh; and
that thoſe who now fubmitted would be expofed to the refentment of the
new adminiſtration, and the fury of the populace.
In this dilemma, the miniſter, with the approbation of the regency, de-
puted Archibald, earl of Ilay, lord keeper of the privy feal in Scotland, to
Edinburgh, armed with full powers from government, and privately in-
ſtructed by Walpole, who tempered the violent orders fent from Hanover.
The removal of the duke of Roxburgh from the office of fecretary of
ftate, which was adopted at the earneft requeft of Walpole, foon con-
vinced the deluded people, that they had been impofed upon by the ene-
mies of government, in fuppofing the miniſter diſagreeable to the king,
and that his opponents would be triumphant. General Wade, in pur-
fuance of the act of parliament paffed in the preceding year, difarmed the
highlanders of the moft difaffected clans, and the inhabitants of the Ifles of
Mull and Sky. The fpirit and zeal of lord Ilay, broke the combination at
Edinburgh, and reſtored tranquillity; to him Walpole wholly attributed the
final fuppreffion of the riots; and the warm praiſes of his conduct, which he
tranſmitted to the king, do honour to the exertions of the one, and to the
gratitude of the other.
From this period lord Ilay became the perfon in whom Walpole implicitly
confided for the management of the Scottiſh affairs, which he conducted
with great ability and prudence, and with fo much real authority, that he
was called the king of Scotland. The rife, progreſs, and termination of
6
thefe
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
233
{
theſe tumults, are minutely related in the correfpondence which paffed Chapter 26.
between Sir Robert Walpole, lord Townshend and the earl of Ilay *.
Archibald, earl of Ilay, and afterwards duke of Argyle, on the death
of his brother John, was fecond fon of Archibald earl of Argyle. He
was born at Ham houfe, at Petersham, in 1682, educated at Eton, and
refided in England until he was about feventeen years of age, when he was
ſent to the univerſity of Glaſgow. Being a younger brother, with a ſmall
fortune, he went to Utrecht, and made a confiderable proficiency in the civil
law, with a defign to practiſe in that line. But his father being created a
duke, he renounced this intention, and embraced the profeffion of arms. He
was, when very young, appointed colonel of the 36th regiment of foot, and
governor of Dumbarton caftle. But finding himſelf more qualified for a ſtateſ-
man than a foldier, he quitted the army, and with his ufual affiduity, employed
himſelf in the acquifition of political knowledge. In 1705, he was appointed
lord regiſter of Scotland, and in the enfuing year, was nominated one of the
commiffioners for fettling the union: in confideration of his fervices, he
was created earl of Ilay, and on the conclufion of the treaty was chofen
one of the fixteen peers of Scotland, and conſtantly elected in every future
parliament, till his death, excepting that which affembled in 1713. His
exclufion at that time, was owing to the zeal with which he had abetted
the cauſe of the Whigs, and promoted the fucceffion of the Proteſtant line.
In 1710, he was made juftice general of Scotland.
Although he had long renounced the profeffion of arms, yet when the re-
bellion broke out in 1715, he placed himſelf at the head of a corps of
royaliſts, prevented, by his prudent conduct, general Gordon, at the head of
1,000 men, from penetrating into the Weſtern Highlands; and raiſing levies,
joined the duke of Argyle at Stirling, and was wounded at the battle of
Dumblain. His military conduct was only a temporary exertion. His
principal merit confifted in his parliamentary abilities, which were very confi-
derable. In his ſtudy of the law, he had acquired acuteness of apprehenfion
and method of arrangement. His fpeeches were replete with folid argu-
ments and keen obfervations, his language was plain and fluent, and his
manner grave and folemn. He continued invariably attached to Sir Ro-
bert Walpole, during his long adminiſtration, and counteracted, as much
as lay in his power, the violence of his brother's politics, when he joined
* Article, Tumults of Scotland,
1723 to 1725.
Character of
the earl of
Ilay.
Hh 2
oppofition.
236
MEMOIRS OF
{
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
oppofition. In 1725 he had been nominated keeper of the privy feal, and
in 1734, he was made keeper of the great feal, which office he held till
his death *
Walpole, having thus, by timely conceffion on one, hand, and by a duc
mixture of vigour and moderation on the other, fuppreffed theſe alarm-
ing diſturbances in Ireland and Scotland, expreffed, in a letter to lord
Townſhend, his exultation, his fenfe of the difficulties from which he had
been relieved, and his refolution to avoid fimilar embarraffiments. "I think
we have once more got Scotland and Ireland quiet, if we take care to keep
them so."
The Empe-
ror and Spain
diffatisfied
with the qua-
druple alli-
ance.
Pretenfions
of the Em-
peror.
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SEVENTH:
1725.
辈
​}
Diſſolution of the Congress of Cambray.—Origin and Progress of the Union between
the Emperor and Spain.-Treaty of Vienna.-Affairs of the North.-Alarms
and Conduct of England.-Application to Parliament.
HAVE already obferved, that the quadruple alliance, which was concluded
with a view to terminate the difputes between the Emperor and the king
of Spain, equally difpleafed both parties. Accordingly both the Emperor and
Philip obftructed the fuccefs of the negotiations at the congrefs of Cam-
bray, where attempts were forming, under the mediation of England and
France, to ſettle the final terms of reconciliation between thoſe two powers.
Beſides many other objects in diſpute, the Emperor was unwilling to re-
nounce the eſtabliſhment of the Eaft India company at Oftend, and was ſtill
more reluctant to beſtow, according to his promife, the inveftiture of Parma
and Tufcany on Don Carlos, from a juft apprehenfion, that the fettlement
* For many of theſe particulars, I am indebted to the obliging communications of lord
Frederick Campbell.
of
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
237
of a Spanith branch of the houſe of Bourbon in Italy, would endanger the Chapter 27.
fecurity of his dominions in that country.
y
Philip no leſs eagerly infifted on the reftitution of Gibraltar, which he
declared had been promiſed to him, as the price of his acceffion to the qua-
druple alliance, and retarded his evacuation of Sicily and Sardinia, until
the inveftitures of Parma and Tuſcany ſhould be beſtowed on Don Carlos.
The confequence of this mutual repugnance to the terms of the quadruple
alliance, was a private overture, made by Philip to the Emperor, and the
miffion of Ripperda to Vienna, for the purpoſe of adjufting the conditions.
of their reconciliation. While this fecret negotiation was pending, the re-
fentment of Philip and his queen was inflamed by an event which touched
their affections and interefts in the tendereft point, and juftified, in fome
meaſure, the violent proceedings which they inftantly adopted.
-
1725.
Of Spain.
duke of Or-
leans.
One principal motive which had induced Philip to accede to the quadru Views of the
ple alliance, was the double marriage between his family and the houſe of
Orleans. Don Carlos was affianced to Mademoiſelle Beaujolois, the fourth
daughter of the duke of Orleans, and the infanta Maria Therefa, daughter of
Philip, by Elizabeth Farnefe, was betrothed to the king of France. This
arrangement was highly advantageous to both the contracting parties; for
as the Infanta was only four years of age, her marriage with Louis the Fif-
teenth, left the chance of an eventual fucceffion to the crown of France ftill
open, to which Philip and his queen, notwithſtanding repeated renunciations,
looked with anxious expectation; and ſhould the young king live to confum-
mate the marriage, the infanta of Spain would become queen of France, and
their defcendants- fit on the throne. The regent was no leſs gratified by the
contemplation of his own advantage refulting from the fame circumflances;
he confidered the precarious health of the young king, and the infancy of his
bride, as placing at a very remote diſtance the profpect of a lineal heir;
and oppofing no obftruction to the hopes he entertained of reigning in his
own right, for the fecurity of which, he depended on the promifed affiftance
of England.
infauta.
During the life of the duke of Orleans, the infanta was treated at Paris Return of the
as the future queen; but after his death, the duke of Bourbon, in compli-
ance with the general fenfe of the nation, and in conformity to his own in-
tereft, fent back the infanta to Spain, and affianced Louis the Fifteenth to
the daughter of Stanislaus, titular king of Poland. This meafure, however
juft or neceffary in itfelf, was conducted with fuch want of addrefs and cir-
'cumfpection, that it produced an immediate rupture between France and
Spain. The abbot de Livry, who was commiffioned to open this delicate
bufinels,
{
238
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Refentment
of the king
1
bufinefs, was ordered to deliver to the king of Spain, letters from Louis the
Fifteenth and the duke of Bourbon, explaining, in reſpectful terms, the reaſons
which induced them to fend back the infanta. Livry, inftead of fulfilling
his orders, was no fooner admitted to an audience, than he threw himſelf on
his knees, kiffed the king's hands in an agony of defpair, burſt into tears, and
thus betrayed his errand before he offered to deliver the letters. Both the
king and queen refuſed to receive them, turned from him with indigna-
tion, and difmiffed him from their prefence with the greateſt marks of ig-
nominy. On receiving a notification from their minifter at Paris, that the
infanta was to be returned, Livry and the French conful were ordered to quit
Madrid in twenty-nine hours, and Philip publicly declared, that Spain could
never ſhed ſufficient blood to avenge the infult offered to his family.
On the day which fucceeded the iffuing of theſe orders, Philip, in an audi-
and queen of dience which he gave to the Britiſh embaffador*, enumerated, in an agony
Spain. of refentment, all the aggravating circumftances which had accompanied this
infupportable indignity offered to his daughter; he made the moſt bitter
complaints at the manner in which it had been carried into execution; and
accuſed the duke of Bourbon of having added duplicity to infult. He
had, they both alledged, repeatedly approved the marriage with the infanta,
had even affured their minifter at Paris, that the efpoufals fhould be cele-
brated on the 30th of March; he had made this declaration even after the
abbot de Livry was commiffioned to notify the refolution of diffolving the
marriage; and then, without waiting for their anfwer, had publiſhed the re-
folution in France. The deceit and fraud of this whole proceeding, they
obferved, were fo flagrant as muft render them contemptible in the eyes of all
Europe, and of their own fubjects, did they not feel the higheſt reſentment
at fuch enormous ingratitude. After thefe expreffions, Philip declared his
determination of feparating himſelf from France for ever; he trufted this re-
folution would not occafion any decreaſe in the friendſhip of the king of
England, but rather draw clofer the bands of union and amity. He was deter-
mined to place his entire friendſhip and confidence in him alone; and declared
that he ſhould order his plenipotentiaries at Cambray to reject the mediation of
France, and to fubmit the final fettlement of the points in difpute, between
him and the Emperor, to the fole mediation of England.
England re-
jects the fole
mediation.
This offer was no fooner declined by George the Firft, as injurious to his
alliance with France, than Philip transferred his refentment to England,
* William Stanhope to the Duke of New-
cafle, 19th March, 1725. Harrington Papers.
† William Stanhope to the Duke of New-
caftle, Madrid, March 20, 1725. Walpole
and Harrington Papers.
broke
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
239
?
broke up the congrefs of Cambray, and fent immediate orders to baron Rip- Chapter 27.
perda, to conclude the terms of a final reconciliation with the Emperor.
Ripperda found an eafy compliance in the Emperor, who had long been
diffatisfied with George, both as king of England and elector of Hanover; as
king, for his ſtrict alliance with France, and his refufal to co-operate in ex-
cluding Don Carlos from the fucceffion of Parma and Tufcany; and as
elector, for the acquifition of Bremen and Verden, and for refufing to pay the
enormous fine demanded for the inveftiture.
1725.
Vienna.
The difputes between Spain and the Emperor, which had fo long embar- Treaty of
raffed and agitated Europe, and which had been rather heightened than
compoſed by the congrefs of Cambray, were terminated in a few conferences,
and the two fovereigns, in whofe quarrels fuch a deluge of blood had been
ſhed, and fuch immenfe treaſures expended, fuddenly contracted an alliance
for the mutual fupport of each other's interefts, without the knowledge of
thofe very powers who had fo long and ineffectually attempted to negotiate
an accommodation between them.
This alliance between the Emperor and Spain, concluded at Vienna, con-
fifted of three feparate treaties. By the firft, figned on the 30th of April, the
two fovereigns confirmed the articles of the quadruple alliance. Charles
the Sixth renounced his pretenfions to the crown of Spain; Philip acknow-
ledged the Emperor's right to Naples and Sicily, the Milaneſe, and the Ne-
therlands, and guarantied the pragmatic fanction, or the fucceffion to the
hereditary dominions of the houfe of Auftria, in the female line.
F
In confequence of this fudden union, the new allies were fufpected of Alarms of
forming the moſt ambitious and dangerous projects. It was not credited England.
that Philip the Fifth would ſo eaſily have renounced that juſt claim, which
he could form on the Netherlands, Naples, and Milan, fhould the Emperor
die without iſſue male, and have guarantied the whole Auftrian fucceffion, in
the female line, unleſs the Emperor, in return, had promifed fome fecret ar-
ticles in favour of the children of Philip, by Elizabeth Farnefe, who wholly
governed the counfels of Spain. Influenced by theſe confiderations, England
and France were no lefs alarmed at the treaty of Vienna, than offended at the
infult offered to them as mediating powers, in concluding that alliance with--
out their interpofition. Thefe fufpicions were foon afterwards ftrengthened
by the indiſcreet and violent expreffions of Ripperda; by intelligence from the
Britiſh minifters at Madrid and Paris, and from St. Saphorin, the Britiſh
agent at Vienna; they were confirmed by the immediate demand of the re-
ftitution of Gibraltar, made by Spain, as the fole and indifpenfable condition
of the continuation of peace and commerce with England..
240
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
Farther trea-
ties.
It foon appeared that a fecond and third treaty had been figned on the
1720 to 1727. firſt of May. The ſecond was a treaty of commerce; and ſupported the
eſtabliſhment of the Oftend company, which the maritime powers confidered
as contrary to the treaty of Weftphalia, and as involving in its confequences
the diminution of their Indian trade. The third was a treaty of mutual de-
fence; the two fovereigns guarantied their reſpective territories, and engaged
to fupport each other with all their force, fhould either be attacked; the king
of Spain to fupply fifteen men of war, 15,000 infantry, and 5,000 horſe,
or ftipulated fubfidies inftead; the Emperor to bring into the field 30,000
foot and 10,000 horſe.
Secret arti
cles.
1
Audience of
the Imperial
minifter.
But befides thefe conditions, reports of other articles were circulated and
believed; that the Emperor promiſed to give in marriage his daughters, the
two arch ducheffes, to Don Carlos and Don Philip, the two infants of Spain,
and affift in obtaining by force the reſtitution of Gibraltar, if good offices
would not avail. In addition, it was ftrongly rumoured, and many circum-
ftances induced the minifters to believe, that arrangements were making to
place the Pretender upon the throne.
George the Firſt received the notification of the treaty of Vienna, from
Count Staremberg, the Imperial embaffador, with the greateſt coldneſs, and
an appearance of the moſt perfect indifference. In an audience, to which
he was introduced by lord Townſhend, he began by obferving, that on
the propofal of Ripperda, at Vienna, to commence a feparate treaty, the
Emperor had replied, that the congrefs of Cambray being eſtabliſhed for
the purpoſe of ſettling the diſputes between him and the king of Spain,
under the mediation of Great Britain and France, he did not fee the necef-
fity of altering the train of the negotiation. But when Ripperda infifted
(on the part of Spain) that an attempt ſhould be made to compoſe their dif-
ferences, the Emperor, reflecting on the difficulties derived from the mifun-
derſtanding between Spain and France, and confidering that Spain had re-
jected the mediation of France, and that the king of England had de-
clined the fole mediation, conceived, that for the promotion of the pub-
lic tranquillity, it was his duty to endeavour to form an amicable com-
promife with the king of Spain. This attempt had been crowned with
fuccefs, the treaty was at length figned; he was commanded to commu-
nicate a copy of it to the king, and Fonfeca, the Imperial minifter at Paris,
was alfo commiffioned to lay another before the king of France. He ob-
ferved, that the treaty was in all refpects conformable to the quadruple alli-
ance, and only regulated thofe points, which remained to be adjuſted. He
remarked,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
241
1725.
remarked, that as the Emperor had bound himſelf by the quadruple alliance, Chapter 27.
to guarantie the fucceffion to the crowns of England, France, and Spain,
Philip had, in conformity to the dictates of reafon and juftice, confented to
guarantie the pragmatic fanction. His Imperial majefty, he faid, trufted and
hoped that the kings of Great Britain and France would alfo guarantie that
order of fucceffion, by acceding to the treaty; that with this view, an arti-
cle was inferted for the admiffion of thofe powers, who, with- the confent
of the contracting parties, fhould accede within a year, and that the article
was thus worded, becauſe it was not thought proper to name France, on
account of the miſunderſtanding with Spain. He particularly ſpecified,
that although the treaty with Spain was figned, yet the Emperor had ordered
his plenipotentiaries not to quit Cambray, until the Spaniſh miniſters had
taken their departure. Ripperda, he added, had informed the Emperor, that
fome points * ſtill remained to be fettled between Spain and England; and the
king his maſter requefted the Emperor to employ his mediation to that
effect. To this requeft the Emperor had replied, that if thofe matters re-
lated to, and were the confequence of the quadruple alliance, and if the king
of England approved it, he would willingly offer his interpofition, but that
otherwife, he would not interfere.
The king, after receiving the copy, congratulated the Emperor and king of Reply of the
Spain on their reconciliation. He then faid, that Spain finding it impoffible king.
to overcome the impartiality of the mediators, and to induce them to act
in contradiction to the quadruple alliance, had deputed Ripperda with a
view to form a direct accommodation with the court of Vienna; that his
miffion taking place before the quarrel aroſe between France and Spain,
it was not to that event, but to the equity and firmnefs of England and
France, that the overtures from Spain were to be attributed; that the
hopes of fupporting the public tranquillity, and maintaining the faith of
treaties, had induced the mediating powers to exert themfelves in attempt-
ing to bring the congrefs of Cambray to a happy conclufion, by fettling the
objects in difpute, between the Emperor and Spain, which were in them-
felves fo little interefting to the two crowns. He did not take the leaft
notice of the delicacy which the Emperor affected to fhew in not being the
firſt to recal his minifters at Cambray, nor of the demand for acceding to
the treaty; and he concluded by obferving, that in regard to the offer made by
the Emperor, of interpofing his affiftance towards adjuſting any differences
between England and Spain, he did not recollect that any other fubfiſted,
1
VOL. I.
Alluding to Gibraltar.
I i
except.
242
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727
Audience of
the Spaniſh
minifter.
Affairs of the
north,
except fuch as related to commerce, and in thoſe there was no occaſion for
a mediation *.
To the Spaniſh embaffador, when he notified the treaty, the king ex-
preffed his fatisfaction at the peace, becauſe he was thereby delivered from
a difficult and burdenfome mediation; and he added, with a fmile, that
he hoped the reconciliation would prove as fincere and durable as the par-
ties expected +.
At the moment when the union of the Emperor and Spain threatened the
fouth of Europe with new diſturbances, the tranquillity of the north was in
danger of being broken by the daring enterprizes of Ruffia, who feemed to
employ, with great effect, the new afcendancy which fhe had gained as an
European power. When Peter the Great had been counteracted in his at-
tempts againſt Denmark, by the vigorous interpofition of England, he turned
his views to Sweden, at that time diſtracted with the troubles naturally de-
rived from a difputed fucceffion, declining under the weak adminiſtration
of a fovereign almoft reduced to a cypher by the new conftitution, and en-
feebled by factions, natural to a government founded on popular principles,
and fomented by a turbulent aristocracy. But he was prevented from taking
an active ſhare in the diſturbances of Sweden by the Perfian war, which car-
ried him from the Baltic to the Cafpian fea. At the conclufion of the
campaign, he again turned his thoughts to Denmark and Sweden. By
gaining the fenate, he concluded, in oppofition to the king, a defenfive al-
liance with Sweden for twelve years. The aim of this alliance was levelled
againſt Denmark; and a fecret article ftipulated, that the contracting powers
fhould employ their good offices to obtain the reftitution of Slefwic to the duke
of Holſtein, and if theſe did not fucceed, ſhould have recourſe to other mea-
fures. He alſo refuſed to liſten to the overtures of reconciliation with George
the Firſt offered through the mediation of France and Sweden, unleſs the
king would bind himſelf to infiſt on the reftitution of Slefwic. The treaty
was fcarcely figned, when Peter died; but his wife Catherine, who was raiſed
to the throne by the intrigues and influence of prince Menchikof, adopted.
all the views of her deceaſed huſband, promoted the cauſe of her fon-in-law
with ftill greater warmth, and made vigorous exertions for the purpoſe of
forcing Denmark to accede to her demands. Thus a new war feemed inevitable,
and preparations were made on all fides against an approaching rupture.
Every attempt made by France and England, to reconcile theſe jarring
* Lord Townshend to St. Saphorin, May 3-14, 1725 Walpole Papers.
+ Walpole Papers.
interefts,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
243
interefts, failed of fuccefs.
Catherine infifted on the reftitution of Slefwic,
or an equivalent (which alluded to Bremen and Vehrden) as the indiſpenſable
condition of her accommodation with Denmark. In vain the fenate ex-
horted her to try the way of negotiation, and earneſtly beſought her, "for
the eaſe and relief of her fubjects, to countermand the chargeable equip-
ments ſhe had been pleaſed to order in favour of the duke's pretenſions on
Slefwic." In anfwer to thefe exhortations, the emprefs warmly replied,
"Let not any one of you all, that would be reckoned an honeſt ſubject, or
hope to enjoy the leaſt ſhare of my favour, dare to offer me fuch mean
fpirited advice. The duke of Holſtein ſtripped unjustly of his hereditary
dominions, took ſanctuary in our country, and threw himſelf into the arms
of my deceaſed lord for protection; he is fince contracted to my daughter,
and is himſelf as dear to me as my own child. I am bound by all the rules
of honour, as well as the ties of blood, to ſee juſtice done to that unfortunate
prince, in whoſe cauſe I would not fcruple to forego the weakneſs of my fex,
and even to draw a fword, or to put myſelf at the head of an army: I could
content myſelf with cloaths to keep me warm, and with bread to eat ; but I
will have you know that my children ought to be, and fhall be treated as
the offspring of my dear lord, and your fovereign deceaſed. Whoever of
you will aid me in this juft caufe of my fon-in-law, fhall be encouraged and
rewarded; but whoever dares oppoſe it, fhall feel the utmoſt weight of my
diſpleaſure. If the kings of France and Great Britain are really difpofed to
help the duke of Holſtein in recovering his right, this equipment will facili-
tate their operations, by intimidating the king of Denmark, and putting
him to a conftant expence. I know that prince will not be able to reſt in
his bed, nor to keep a 'fingle ſhip in his harbours unequipped, as long as he
fees that the fleet and gallies of Ruffia, with 50,000 men on board, can in a
fortnight's time vifit him in the very port of Copenhagen. But let France
and Britain refuſe their affiftance to the duke, while I have Sweden and
Pruffia on my fide, I hope he is in no danger of wanting fubfiftence. In
short, it is for my intereft and glory, as well as your's, to convince the world,
that I have power to fee juftice done to my family, and that I am refolved
to make uſe of it; and I know no fuch way of convincing them of this truth,
as by letting them fee the effects of it with their own eyes.”
At the conclufion of thefe words, fhe gave orders, in their prefence, to
Menchikof and Apraxin, to have the fleet and troops in readineſs by the
middle of May at their peril *.
Stephen Poyntz to lord Townſhend, Stockholm, May 14, 1725. Walpole Papers.
Iiz
In
Chapter 27.
1725.
244
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period III.
1720 to 1727;
Alarming re.
ports.
Application
to parlia.
ment.
In confequence of theſe refolutions, Spain and the Emperor made over-
tures to Catherine, which were cordially received. Large fums of money
were remitted from Madrid to Peterſburgh, and plans of offenfive operation
were concerted between thern. It was reported that the fleet and troops of
Ruffia were preparing to act, not only againſt Denmark, but to join Spain and
the Emperor in their defigns in favour of the Pretender. But none of theſe
tranſactions had any effect in diſturbing the public tranquillity, or exciting
the attention of parliament.
·
As the embarraffed fituation of foreign affairs, and the profpect of an ap-
proaching rupture with the Emperor, Spain, and Ruffia, might render it
highly neceffary to expend large fums in fecret fervice money; as there
was no fum appropriated to ſuch emergencies, and as the revenues of the
civil lift, loaded as they were with a large debt, were incapable of affording
a competent ſupply, the miniſter was again laid under the neceffity of apply-
ing to parliament.
On the 8th of April, a meffage from the king was delivered to the
houſe, importing that he had been engaged in fome extraordinary expences,
which he was perfuaded his loyal commons would believe to have been em-
ployed, not only for the honour and dignity of the crown, but for the intereſt
and proſperity of his people. The report of the treaſury ſtated the debt at
£. 508,363. In the debate, it was afferted that fince the civil lift was fet-
tled, an expence of above £. 90,000 a year had been incurred, which could
not be forefeen, and confequently not provided for. Parliamentary relief
having been given in a fimilar cafe three years before, juft and abundant
matter was fuggefted for parliamentary debates and popular complaints.
Pulteney was particularly urgent, and commenced on this occafion his public
oppofition. A compliance with the meffage however was carried by a large
majority *
* For its being taken into confideration by
a committee of the whole houſe on the 9th,
239 againft 119; and for paffing the bill on the
16th, by 211 againſt 99. Journals.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
245
Chapter 28.
1725.
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-EIGHTH:
1725.
Conclufion and Object of the Treaty of Hanover.- Objections of Walpole.-Re- -
moved.-Obfervations on the fecret Articles in the Treaty of Vienna.
UCH was the fituation of affairs in the north and fouth, when the Negotiations
S at fathe
king arrived at Hanover, on the 25th of June. The whole political
horizon was thickly covered with clouds, which feemed to announce a fu-
ture tempeft. To diſperſe theſe clouds, and to bring back ferenity, feemed
almoſt beyond the power of human prudence.
Hanover, as the Hague in the time of William, now became the great
centre of intrigue and negotiation, and the cabinet of a Britiſh fovereign
in the heart of Germany, pacified or convulfed Europe. The great object
of Townshend's negotiations, was to add vigour to the co-operation of
France, to gain Pruffia, to detach Sweden from Ruffia, and to form with
France, and by her concurrence in the north, a counter treaty to that
of Vienna, which might awe the Emperor and Spain, and prevent the
princes and circles of the German empire, from acceding to an alliance,
which folely regarded the houſe of Auftria, and was wholly unconnected
with the intereſts of Germany. All theſe points were effected with confum-
mate addrefs. Horace Walpole obtained at Paris the concurrence of France,
however averſe to adopt vigorous meaſures. Townſhend, in a conference at
Herenhaufen, lured Frederick William, by an offer of guarantying his fuc-
ceffion to Berg and Juliers, and detached him from Ruffia and Auſtria.
Poyntz, aided by French and Engliſh money, fupported the cauſe of the
king of Sweden, depreffed the Ruffian party, and acquired a majority in the
fenate favourable to the Englifh intereſt.
at Hanover.
Hanover
In the midſt of theſe aufpicious circumftances, a defenfive alliance be- Treaty of
tween England, France, and Pruffia, was figned on the 3d of September at
Hanover, from which it is ufually denominated the treaty of Hanover.
By the third article, the contracting parties mutually ftipulated to furniſh,
in caſe of an attack, two months after requifition, England and France
reſpectively 8,000 foot and 4,000 horfe, and Pruffia 3,000 foot and 2,000
horfe,
}
246™
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Its objects.
Approved by
the cabinet.
Townshend's
projects:
}
horfe, or the value in fhips or money. If thefe quotas were not fufficient,
they were to agree concerning farther fuccours; and, in caſe of neceffity, to
affift the party attacked with all their forces.
The treaty of Hanover, like moſt defenſive alliances, had two meanings.
The oftenfible purport was to guarantie each other's dominions, and the
treaties of Weftphalia and Oliva. The real purport was to form a ſtrong
alliance in oppofition to the defigns of the Emperor, Spain, and Ruffia,
and, under the general tenor of guarantying the privileges of commerce
in particular, which the contracting parties actually enjoyed or ought to
enjoy, as well in as out of Europe, to compel the Emperor to relinquifh his
favourite project of eſtabliſhing the Oftend company, which was confidered
by England and Holland as contrary to the articles of the treaty of Weſt-
phalia; and to counteract the attempts which the Emperor, Spain, and
Ruffia were accuſed of carrying on in favour of the Pretender.
A copy of the treaty being immediately tranſmitted by lord Townſhend
to the duke of Newcaſtle, was firſt communicated confidentially to Sir Ro-
bert Walpole; and by his advice laid before a felect meeting of thoſe *
members of the regency, who were moſt entruſted with the fecrets of the
cabinet. The refult of the conference was, an unanimous approbation of
the contents, and a refolution to fupport the engagements contracted by
this alliance. The lords juftices in like manner gave their confent; and im-
mediate negotiations were fet on foot to obtain the acceffion of the United
Provinces, Sweden, and Denmark, and ſeveral of the German princes and
ftates, which was afterwards effected.
The refentment entertained at Hanover againſt the Emperor, is fuffi-
ciently proved by a vifionary ſcheme, which the fanguine difpofition of
Townshend had conceived for the conqueft and partition of the Auftrian Ne-
therlands, and which he fully enters into and juftifies, in a confidential let-
ter to Horace Walpole. He was moreover fo fully affured of its fucceſs,
that at one time he propofed to divide the conquered provinces between
England, France, and Holland; and at another, to transfer them to the
elector of Bavaria §. It is moft probable that this wild fcheme, the im-
* The lord chancellor King, the earl of
Berkley, first lord of the admiralty, and earl
Godolphin, who was mentioned by the duke
of Newcaſtle as the only perfon, in the abfence
of the duke of Devonshire, to whom it was
thought proper to entruft a matter of fo great
fecrecy and importance.
+ Duke of Newcaſtle to lord Townshend,
September 4, 1725. Correfpondence.
Lord Townshend to Horace Walpole,
Hanover, Auguſt 27, 1725. Walpole Papers.
§ Lord Townshend to W. Finch, 2 Nọ-
vember 1725. Walpole Papers.
practicability
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
247
practicability of which was proved by Horace Walpole in his reply *, was
never communicated to Walpole, but if communicated, we may be fully
convinced that it met with no encouragement from a minifter whofe great
principle it was to avoid as much as poffible all foreign entanglements, and
not to enter into any war which was not connected with the fecurity of
England.
Chapter 28.
tion.
1725.
Townſhend announced, with great triumph, the fuccefs which attended his And exultas.
complicated negotiations, by the conclufion of the treaty of Hanover. In
a diſpatch to Horace Walpole, dated September 3, 1725, he obſerves,
"I muft now congratulate with you on our having fo fuccefsfully begun a
work, which, if cultivated and improved as it may be, will check the am-
bitious views of the court of Vienna, and fecure the tranquillity of Europe;
and in order to obtain that great end, no time ought to be loft to engage
other powers to accede to this treaty.”
It has been uſually afferted, and echoed from one publication to another,
that during the reigns of the two firft fovereigns of the houſe of Brunfwic,
the helm of government was uniformly fteered by the Hanoverian rudder,
and that the interefts of Great Britain were wholly facrificed to the intereſts
of the king's dominions in Germany. But no tranfaction has been more ve-
hemently arraigned as a dereliction of national honour, than this treaty,
upon which lord Cheſterfield has ſaid, “that Hanover rode triumphant on
the ſhoulders of England ;" and lord Chatham, in his energetic language, ob-
ſerved, that " it was a treaty, the tendency of which is diſcovered in the name;
a treaty by which we difunited ourſelves from Auftria, deſtroyed that building
which we now may perhaps endeavour without fucceſs to raiſe again, and
weakened the only power which it was our intereft to ftrengthen." It may,
perhaps, ſeem prefumptuous to affirm, in oppofition to theſe reſpectable opi-
nions, that there was no event fince the acceffion of the houſe of Brunfwic,
in which the intereſts of Hanover were more facrificed to thofe of Eng-
land, than in this very treaty, which then raiſed fuch an outcry againft
the Walpole adminiſtration, and which ſtill affords a theme for political
obloquy.
In the first place it may be obſerved, that if in this treaty the intereſts of
England were wholly facrificed to thofe of Hanover, evident proofs of that fact
would be traced from the conduct of the king and his German miniſters. We
* September 4, 1725. Walpole Papers.
+ Further Vindication of the cafe of the Hanover Treaty.
Imputation
rian in-
fluence:
of Hanove
fhould
2.18
MEMOIRS OF
{
Period III.
Refuted.
fhould find them uniformly promoting that alliance, uniformly concurring in
1720 to 1727 vigorous meaſures againſt the houſe of Auftria; but the contrary is the fact.
The king himſelf oppoſed the Hanover treaty, and objected to all vigorous
proceedings againſt the Emperor, from a dread of being put under the ban of
the empire*, and from a tender concern for his electorate, which was threatened
with an immediate invafion; nor was he induced to fanction the meaſures of
the Britiſh cabinet, until he was perfuaded that, even ſhould a rupture with
the Emperor enfue, his German dominions would not be expofed to an
attack, becauſe it would only be a naval war, and hoftilities would be prin-
cipally confined to the Weſt Indies; and that in all events, ſupported by
the united arms of France and England, he would have no caufe of appre-
henfion t
The treaty was highly difpleafing to the German minifters, who, alarıned
at the repeated menaces of the Imperial court, loudly exclaimed, that the
king was expofing his Hanoverian dominions to the vengeance of the head
of the empire, for the fake only of a few branches of the Engliſh trade.
They accordingly renewed their efforts againſt Townshend and Walpole,
leagued with oppofition, and caballed with thofe foreign powers who were
inimical to the Engliſh cabinet.
We now find the Emperor, with whom the Hanoverians are faid to have
been conftantly at variance during the whole reign of George the Firſt,
courting that very party; we fee his confidential minifters expreffing hopes
of their affiftance to counteract the hoftile intentions of the English cabinet;
lamenting, in moft pathetic terms, the overthrow of that influence, which
is held forth as unfavourable to the Imperial intereft, and caballing with
Bothmar, and Fabricius, the king's chambellan; we trace the emprefs of
Germany correſponding with the duchefs of Kendal, for the purpoſe of in-
fufing pacific fentiments into the king.
Another motive, which had certainly no connection with Hanoverian
politics, and was folely derived from a due confideration of England
alone, is thus detailed in the report of the treaty of Vienna : "The Em-
peror has long been defirous to have a naval force, and though his
endeavours in Italy have hitherto proved fruitlefs, becauſe nothing can
produce navigation but trade, yet ſhould the Oftend company go on with
fuccefs, by the natural courfe of things, the Emperor will in time have a
• Intercepted Letters. Correfpondence, Pe-
riod III.
Palm to the Emperor, December 17th, 1726.
Townshend's Difpatches to Horace Wal-
pole, November 1725, and Auguft 1726.
naval
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
249
1725.
naval force on the coaft of Flanders, which may prove much more inconve- Chapter 28.
nient to us hereafter, than a fleet in the Mediterranean or Adriatic feas; and
there are many reafons why we ſhould be extremely jealous of the increaſe of
ſhipping in the hands of a popifh prince. The command of the feas has
frequently paft from one nation to another; and though Great Britain has
continued longer in poffeffion of the fuperiority than perhaps any other
nation ever did, yet all human affairs are fubject to great viciffitudes. We
have ſeen one confiderable maritime power eſtabliſhed in the north in our
memory; Spain likewife was in a fair way to make a figure at fea not long
ago, and perhaps may do fo ftill; but the proteftant intereft at fea is de-
clining. The Dane and the Swede are no longer confiderable in the Baltic,
and there is reaſon to apprehend, that the Dutch naval force is not at preſent
upon a very good foot *."
Thus then, I have endeavoured to fhew that this treaty was not directed
by the intereſts of Hanover, but diametrically oppoſed them; that it was
wholly an Engliſh treaty in every thing, but the name; and that the motive
which gave rife to it, was the protection and preſervation of Britiſh com-
merce, Britiſh poffeffions, and British government. Its determinate objects
were, the preſervation of Gibraltar, the abolition of the Oftend company,
and, if credit may be given to the ſuppoſed ſecret articles in the treaty of
Vienna, the fruſtration of the plan for reftoring the Pretender.
Treaty of
Hanover, a
Britiſh treaty.
In thus' attempting to explain the motives which led to the formation of Walpole's
the treaty of Hanover, I am not juſtifying Sir Robert Walpole, for he never objections.
entirely approved that alliance; he always thought that the king and Townſ-
hend were too much alarmed with the exaggerated rumours and apprehen-
fions of diftant evils; he was of opinion, that milder meaſures might have
been purſued with greater probability of fuccefs. He ftrongly objected to
one part of their proceedings; that while they were anxious to gain allies on
the fide of Germany, they neglected to fecure Portugal, the advantages of
whoſe friendſhip, in cafe of a rupture with Spain, were incalculably great;
and he did not heſitate to deliver his opinion, however contrary to the fenti-
ments of the king, and his brother-in-law, with that frankneſs to which he
was always accuſtomed. He remonftrated, in the ſtrongeſt manner, againſt
the large fums of money required for gaining Sweden; and when lord Townf-
hend, in the name of the king, demanded £. 100,000 for that purpoſe, he
ventured to declare that it was fo large a demand, as could not be legally
fupplied by any other method than from the civil lift; and that £. 50,000
* Report concerning the Treaty of Vienna. Orford Papers.
Kk
VOL. I.
250
MEMOIRS OF
Period III. was as much as that could furnish, without the greateft difficulties, and
1720 to 17-7 trufted that no more would be drawn for. He thought Townshend too
precipitate in concluding the treaty; hinted his doubts whether the empreſs
of Ruffia had any ferious intention to invade England, and ftrongly oppofed
the fearching or laying an embargo on, the Ruffian fhips, which Townshend
ſuſpected were employed in conveying arms and ammunition to the diſaffect-
ed in Scotland or Ireland.
Motives for
fupporting it.
Secret articles
of the treaty
of Vienna
difcuffed.
He was alſo diffatisfied with, lord Townshend for having concealed the
negotiation which terminated in the treaty of Hanover, until it was entirely
concluded. He doubted the fincerity of France, and fufpected (what really
happened) that ſhe would evade paying her ſhare of the fubfidies, and that
therefore the principal burthen of the expence would fall on England. He
was averſe to enter upon meaſures which might tend to diminiſh the force
of the houſe of Auſtria, whom he had always confidered as the natural ally
of England, and the bulwark againſt the ambitious defigns of France, when-
ever an union with Spain ſhould be re-eſtabliſhed, and their finances be re-
covered from the exhauſted ſtate to which they had been reduced by the
war of the Spaniſh fucceffion, and the fatal effects of the Miffiffippi ſcheme.
He declared, in the moſt pofitive terms, that if a war was to be under-
taken, which he moft heartily deprecated, it was abfolutely neceffary to con-
vince the nation, that an invafion by a foreign power, or an evident defign of
an invaſion, the ſupport of the Pretender, and the cauſe of the Proteftant.
fucceffion, were the principal motives that compelled the king to part with
that peace and tranquillity which had been attended with fuch lafting and
happy effects. But from the moment that there appeared to him any danger
of an invafion in favour of the Pretender, however remote and diftant, he
caught the alarm. He became not lefs anxious than his brother minifter to
adopt meaſures of defence, and to prepare for hoftilities; yet he continued
ſo true to his fyftem, that, during the complicated negotiations which follow-
ed the treaty of Hanover, he inveighed againſt precipitate meaſures, and in-
variably recommended caution and forbearance. He was, in fact, fo very
anxious to prevent a rupture with the Emperor, that he availed himſelf
of the pacific fentiments of the duchefs of Kendal, to counteract, by
her influence over the king, the more violent and hoftile refolutions of
Townſhend, who ſupported the neceffity of vigorous meaſures..
It was obſerved by the late earl of Hardwicke †, that the merits of the
treaty of Hanover, entirely reſt on the ſtill undetermined points, whether
* Correfpondence.
+ Hardwicke Papers.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
251
1725.
the courts of Vienna and Madrid intended only to compoſe their own quar- Chapter 28.
rels, or alfo to take Gibraltar, and to impofe the Pretender on England. As
thefe yet undecided points ftill exerciſe the fagacity, and give full fcope to
the conjectures of native and foreign hiftorians, I fhall here obſerve, that the
papers and documents fubmitted to my inſpection, fully diſplay the proofs on
which the reality of the fecret articles was formed, and which produced the
public declarations of the king and minifters in parliament, that the Emperor
and king of Spain propoſed to attempt the recovery of Gibraltar, and the
reſtoration of the Pretender. From a candid review and compariſon of theſe ac-
counts, we may draw this inference, that the king of Spain, urged by reſent-
ment, ambition, and intereft, was ferious in his refolution to extort the
ceffion of Gibraltar and Minorca, at all events; was prepared to employ his
whole force againſt England to reſtore the Pretender; and that he fully de-
pended on the co-operation of the Emperor, to whom he fent, in four-
teen months, 1,340,000 piftoles; and would have remitted more, had the
galleons arrived. To theſe facts, may be added the frequent conferences of
Ormond and Liria, fon of the duke of Berwick, with the Spaniſh, Imperial,
and Ruffian minifters; the plan of an invafion given in by Liria; the affem-
bling of troops on the coaft of Gallicia; the engagement of officers for the
Pretender's fervice; the redemption of the flands of arms which the Pre-
tender had pawned at Cadiz; the diſtinguiſhed reception of the duke of
Wharton, as agent of the Pretender, with the enfigns of the garter, by him
recently conferred; and his miffion to Vienna for the purpoſe of concerting a
plan of operation. At this crifis, the Britiſh embaffador was treated with flight
and indignity; he was, to uſe his own expreffion, avoided by the grandees like
a peftilence. The Jacobite air, "The king ſhall enjoy his own again," was
infultingly played at court, and the duke of Liria did not fcruple to declare,
that he hoped it would foon be a crime in Spain to mention George the
Firſt as king of England *.
But a diſtinction has been made between the king of Spain and the Em-
peror, on whoſe behalf it has been afferted, that fome reports were afterwards
found to have been exaggerated, and fome imputed projects never intended to
be carried into execution. The Emperor himſelf poſitively denied that he had
ever entertained ferious defigns of affifting the Pretender, and declared that he
had only lured the queen of Spain with the hopes of giving his daughters in mar-
riage to her two fons, which he never meant to realize. Yet at the time there
were ſtrong reaſons to believe that he encouraged the Pretender and his agents.
*
M. Stanhope's diſpatches from Spain, 1725. Harrington and Walpole Papers. See Cor-
refpondence, Article Ripperda.
Kk 2
The
252
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
The Emperor's great object was to eſtabliſh the Oftend company, and to
1720 to 1727. obtain the guarantee of the pragmatic fanction, which England and France
declined, and with that view, to force George the Firſt to a compliance, by
affecting to co-operate with Spain in favour of the Pretender, and by threaten-
ing an invafion of the electorate of Hanover. Yet there were fufficient
appearances to juftify the apprchenfions of the king, and to induce him to
believe that the Emperor was fincere in his defigns of joining Spain with all
his forces, and that he would only be deterred by a counter-alliance. Rip-
perda faid publicly, that by this clofe union of Spain and Auftria, the
two fovereigns would avenge the infults they had received; and the partifans
of the Emperor boafted, that as he was no longer alarmed for Italy, there
was no power in the empire who could venture to oppoſe the dictates of their
mafter in matters of religion or otherwife *. The Auftrian-minifter publicly
boaſted, that the Emperor would give laws to Europe; that he would now
poffefs the fole and entire direction of the court of Spain, and that in future
the king muſt be obliged to him for the continuance of the harmony be-
tween England and Spain, and for the fecurity of the commercial advantages
flipulated with that crown. Count Sinzendorf alfo faid to Petkum, "Let
the king take care of himſelf, for we know that the people of England are
beginning to be tired of him." The Emperor was weak enough to make
an unconſtitutional diftinction between the king and parliament, and boaſted
to count Oropoffa, that by offering to the parliament the exclufive commerce
to Spain and the Indies, he ſhould not only obtain the reftitution of Gib-
raltar, but feduce England from France. "My minifters," he added, "are
"unanimous; I am defirous to favour the people and commerce of England;
but Gibraltar and Minorca muſt firſt be reſtored." As the Emperor was
at this time known to govern the councils of the court of Madrid, and the
ftricteft union appeared to be maintained between them, it was not poffible
for miniſters to diſtinguiſh between his profeffions and intentions; nor does
a fubfequent avowal of duplicity on his part, inculpate thofe who, acting
under the impulſe of opinions fo well founded, formed that treaty which de-
terred the king of Spain and his allies from exerting themfelves in the exe-
cution of thoſe projects, which, if once accompanied with fuccefs, might
have been purſued to an extent not originally intended by the Emperor.
Such were the grounds of alarm which induced Walpole, though not to ap-
prove the proceedings in all refpects, yet to juſtify and to fupport the treaty
in parliament.
St. Saphorin to lord Townſhend, Vienna, 11th May 1725.
+ Duke of Newcaſtle to Mr. Stanhope, May 4th, 1725, O. S.
St. Saphorin to lord Townfhend, Vienna, May 30th, 1725.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
253
Chapter 29.
1725 to 1727.
CHAPTER THE TWENTY-NINTH:
1725 1727.
The King's dangerous Paffage to England.—The Treaty of Hanover approved by
Parliament, and vigorous Measures adopted.--Public Indignation against the
Emperor.-Walpole's pacific Views.-Preliminaries agreed to by the Emperor
―ond Spain.―The King departs for Hanover.
THE
HE prefence of the king being now neceffary in England, for the pur-
poſe of laying the treaty before parliament, he quitted Hanover on the
29th of December, and after a ſhort ſtay in Holland, embarked at Helvoet-
fluys, on the ift of January, O. S. at one in the afternoon; and after a violent
ſtorm, which continued three days, during which he was expoſed to immi-
nent danger, he landed on the 3d at Rye. To the king's efcape, the author
of the Night Thoughts alludes in his feventh Satire, which concludes with
a high eulogium on Sir Robert Walpole.
While fea and air, great Brunfwick thook our ftate,
And ſported with our king's and kingdom's fate,
Depriv'd of what ſhe lov'd, and prefs'd by fear
Of ever lofing what fhe held moſt dear
How did Britannia, like Achilles weep,
And tell her forrows to the kindred deep!
Hang o'er the floods, and, in devotion warm,
Strive, for thee, with the furge, and fight the ftorm!
What felt thy Walpole, pilot of the realm!
Our Palinurus ſlept not at the helm.
His eyes nc'er cloſed, long fince enured to wake,
And outwatch every ftar for Brunſwick's fake:
By thwarting paffions toft, by cares oppreft,
He found the tempeſt pictur'd in his breaſt.
But now, what joys that gloom of heart difpel,
No powers of language-but his own can tell;
His own, which nature and the graces form,
At will to raiſe or huſh the civil ftorm.
$3
The
1
The king's
dangerous
paffage to
England.
254
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
January 20th
1726.
Speech from
the throne.
The fpeech from the throne was penned with great addreſs, and well cai-
1720 to 1727. Culated to produce an impreffive effect. It ſtated, that the diftreffed condi-
tion of the proteftants abroad, the engagements contracted by certain powers,
which feemed to lay the foundation of new difturbances in Europe, and to
threaten his fubjects with the loſs of their moſt advantageous trade, had obliged
the king to conclude a defenfive alliance with France and Pruffia, and to
invite the States General and other powers to accede, with a view to ſe-
cure their rights and privileges, and preferve the peace and balance of Eu-
rope. It adverted to the machinations of the diffaffected party, in fa-
vour of the Pretender; and after urging the neceffity of placing the king--
dom in a poſture of defence, concluded in the true fpirit of the preventive
and pacific fyftem adopted by the minifter. "When the world fhall fee,
that you will not fuffer the Britiſh crown and nation to be menaced and in-
fulted, thoſe, who moft envy the preſent happineſs and tranquillity of this
kingdom, and are endeavouring to make us fubfervient to their ambition,
will confider their own intereft and circumſtances, before they make any at-
tempt upon fo brave a people, ftrengthened and fupported by prudent and
powerful alliances; and, though defirous to preferve the peace, able and
ready to defend themſelves againſt the efforts of all aggreffors. Such refolu-
tions, and fuch meaſures, timely taken, I am fatisfied, are the moſt effectual
means of preventing a war, and continuing to us the bleffings of peace and
proſperity *."
Pulteney in
oppofition.
Addreffes, in conformity with the fpeech, were preſented by both houſes, to
ſupport the king againſt all attempts to diſturb the public repoſe: And
the commons immediately proceeded to confider of a fupply. On the pro-
pofal for continuing the fame number of men as were maintained in the laſt
January 28th. year, a motion of Shippen, to reduce the 4,000 men, was negatived without
February 9th. a divifion, and the original queſtion carried. Another being made by Pulte-
ney, for a committee to ftate the public debts, from 1714 to 1725, Wal-
pole objected to it as unfeaſonable and prepofterous, and calculated to give a
dangerous wound to public credit, when the monied men were too much alarmed
with the appearances of an approaching war; and urged, that in the preſent
poſture of affairs, the commons could not better expreſs their love to their
country, than by fulfilling their promiſes, and raiſing the neceffary fupplies,
for the purpoſe of enabling the king to make good his late engagements,
Journals. Chandler. Tindal.
diſappointing
R
+
า
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
255.
1
1725 to 1727.
diſappointing the hopes of the difaffected, and reſenting any infults which Chapter 29.
might be offered to his crown and dignity. Barnard, member for London,
having confirmed the ftatement of the minifter, and obſerved that ſtocks had
already fallen 12 or 14 per cent.; his remarks made a deep impreffion on the
houfe; and the motion was negatived by 262 againſt 89.
The treaty of Hanover was prefented to the houſe of commons by Sir
Robert Walpole, but he did not take any active part on that occafion.
The buſineſs of the day was principally fupported by his brother Horace
Walpole, who opened the debate with a very able fpeech, in which he
gave a detail of the ftate of affairs in Europe,. from the peace of Utrecht to
that time; dwelt on the dangerous confequences which might reſult
from the union of Spain and the Emperor, and endeavoured to prove the
neceffity of the treaty formed at Hanover, between England, France, and
Pruffia, as being the only method of counteracting the ambitious defigns of
thoſe two ſovereigns, preferving the tranquillity of Europe, reſtoring the ba-
lance of power, and fecuring the trade and commerce of England.
The oppofition, with great art, condemned the treaty, as being made folely
with a view to Hanover, and as likely to engage the nation in a war for the
defence of the king's dominions in Germany, contrary to the article in the
act for limiting the crown in the proteſtant line, which being the bafis of the
act of fettlement, was become part of the conftitution, and therefore ought
to be held facred and inviolable. The objection was well anfwered by Henry
Pelham, "
That the true meaning and intent of that limitation, was not
wholly and for ever to deprive his majeſty's foreign dominions of any affift-
ance from this nation; for if fo, the king in that reſpect would be in a worſe
condition upon his acceſſion to the Britiſh throne, than he was before, but
only to reſtrain the fovereign for the future, from engaging the nation, at
his pleaſure, in a war for the defence of any dominions not belonging to the
crown of England, without the confent of parliament, to whom the legiſla-
ture wifely left to judge and determine, whether fuch a war was juſt and
neceffary or no? That for his own part, he was fully of opinion, that if in the
preſent juncture, his foreign dominions ſhould be attacked or infulted, this
nation ought to fupport the king againſt all his enemies *.
The only ſhare Walpole took in this debate, was in reply to Pulteney, who
ſpoke againſt the motion, and ſuggeſted that the backwardness of the Em-
Chandler, vol. 6. p. 362
Treaty of
Hanover
approved.
Feb. 16th,
1725-6.
peror
256
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
peror in granting the inveftiture of Bremen and Verden might have been
172010 1727 one motive for the late meaſures; obferved, " that the king might long
ago have received the inveftiture, if he would have confented to pay the ex-
orbitant fees demanded on that occafion." An addrefs, moved by Pelham,
was carried in the affirmative, by 285 againſt 107; and the fame trium-
phant majority voted an extraordinary fupply, an increaſe of feamen, and
teftified their hearty concurrence to fupport government in the moſt vigorous
meaſures.
Prorogation
of Parlia
ment.
Vigorous
preparations.
This feffion, in which ſcarcely any oppofition was made to the meaſures of
government, was cloſed on the 24th of May by prorogation; when the king,
after returning his hearty thanks for their attention and zeal, and extolling their
ſpirit and refolution, concluded, "The conftant employment of my thoughts,
and the moſt earneſt wiſhes of my heart, tend wholly to the fecuring to my
ſubjects their juſt rights and advantages, and to the preferving to them and
to all Europe, the enjoyment of a fafe and honourable peace: and I muſt
not conclude without giving you the ſtrongeſt affurances, that the particular
confidence you have placed in me, fhall be made uſe of in fuch a manner
only, as may moſt effectually conduce to the attaining thoſe good and great
purpoſes *."
In confequence of this effufion of parliamentary zeal, the most active pre-
parations for commencing or preventing hoftilities were made, in concert
with France. The firft efforts were directed to the North, as to the point
which appeared moft dangerous and alarming. For it required no great pe-
netration to forcfee, that if Ruffia could either bribe or awe Sweden into com-
pliance, Denmark would not be able to refift the combination of theſe two
powers. A Ruffian fquadron riding in the port of Gotheburg, in conjunc-
tion with the Swedish fleet, would keep Great Britain in continual alarms,
by threatening her with an immediate invafion, and be ready to co-operate
with the Emperor and Spain. The golden fhowers poured into Sweden
from France and England, overcame the Holftein and Ruffian party,
and Sweden prepared, on the first appearance of the Englifli fquadron, to
renounce the alliance with Ruffia, and to receive the Hanoverian allies
with open arms. The fquadron fent to the Baltic under the cominand
of Sir Charles Wager, effected the purpofes for which it was equipped:
it infpired Denmark with confidence; enabled Sweden to recede from
its alliance with Ruffia, and to accede to the treaty of Hanover;-it com-
* Journals. Chandler. Tindal.
pelled
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
257
pelled the emprefs Catherine to renounce her hoftile attempts in favour of
the duke of Holftein; and though fhe afterwards concluded a formal alliance
with the Emperor, yet it was not attended with any material effects.
Threatened with an attack from the united arms of France, England,
Sweden, Denmark, and Holland, who had acceded to the treaty of Hanover,
and finding herſelf not likely to receive any effectual affiftance from her ally
the Emperor, who, though he had feduced Pruffia from the Hanover allies,
had been foiled in his attempts to gain the princes and circles of the
empire, her impotent refentment fubfided at the near approach of danger,
and her fleet quietly remained in her ports, without venturing to oppoſe the
Britiſh fquadron.
Thefe vigorous meaſures in the North, which detached Sweden from
Ruffia, and prevented all concert between the Emperor and Catherine, ef-
fected the moſt difficult part of the bufineſs, and were a prelude to the
fucceſsful iffue of the exertions against Spain and the Emperor. The
haughty and reſtlefs ambition of Spain had roufed up the fpirit of the British
nation, but ftrong prejudices in favour of the houſe of Auftria prevailed in
England. The Emperor had many partizans, and even Walpole was in-
clined not to puſh matters vigoroufly againſt him, but the imprudence of
the Emperor deftroyed theſe favourable impreffions.
This year gave birth to two events of great importance, which occurred
nearly at the fame period, the fall of Ripperda, and the diſgrace of the duke
of Bourbon. The fall of Ripperda, of which a full account is given in a
fubfequent chapter, was unfavourable to the interefts of England. On his
difgrace, he took refuge in the houfe of the Britiſh embaffador, where he
was arrested by command of the king of Spain. Stanhope complained of
the violation of the law of nations, and was warmly fupported by the foreign
minifters. The Spanish cabinet tendered excufes; memorials and counter
memorials paffed between the two courts; the miſunderſtanding was increaſed,
and Philip made vaft preparations by fea and land, which were evidently de-
figned for the fiege of Gibraltar *
Chapter 29.
1725 to 1727.
Fall of Rip-
perda.
June.
the Duke of
Bombon.
The difgrace of the duke of Bourbon was received at the courts of Madrid
and Vienna with the higheft tranfports of joy, as a fure prelude to the Difgrace of
feparation of France from England, and reconciliation with Spain. The
clevation of Fleury was hailed by the Jacobites as the beginning of a new
ra, and the certain forerunner of a fuccefsful attempt to place the Pre-
tender on the throne, by the united arms of France, Spain, and Auftria; but
the addreſs of Horace Walpole, who had fecured his confidence, prevailed
VOL. I.
* Stanhope's diſpatches.
LI
258
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
on the new minifter to maintain the union, and to ratify the engagements
1720to 1727. ſpecified in the treaty of Hanover. While the oppofition in England induſ-
Meeting of
parliament.
Zeal of par-
liament.
Indignation
of the public.
triouſly circulated reports, that the cabinet was duped by Fleury, the French
party hoftile to his meaſures, and the queen of Spain, declared that Fleury
was a coward, and wholly governed by that heretic Horace Walpole *.
The parliament affembled the 17th of January 1727, and the king in his
ſpeech from the throne obferved, that he had received information from dif-
ferent parts, on which he could entirely depend, that the placing the Pre-
tender upon the throne of this kingdom was one of the articles of the fe-
cret engagements; and if time ſhould evince, that the giving up the trade
of this nation to one power, and Gibraltar and Port Mahon to another, is
made the price and reward of impofing upon this kingdom a Popish Pre-
tender, what indignation muft this raiſe in the breaſt of every proteſtant Bri-
ton! This whole fpeech is fingularly full and explicit, and in length ex-
ceeds all others, which, fince the revolution, had been delivered from the
throne. The conclufion peculiarly animated and impreffive: "If preferving a
due balance of power in Europe; if defending the poffeffions of the crown
of Great Britain, of infinite advantage and fecurity to our trade and com-
merce; if fupporting that trade and commerce againſt dangerous and un-
lawful encroachments; and if the preſent eſtabliſhment, the religion, liber-
ties, and properties of a proteftant people, are any longer confiderations
worthy of the care and attention of a Britiſh parliament; I need fay no
more to incite my loyal and faithful houſes of parliament to exert them-
felves in the defence of all that is dear and valuable to them."
The zeal and indignation raifed by this fpecch was fo great, that the ad
dreſs of thanks was carried by a majority of 251 againſt 81; and the com-
mons proved, that the warm terms in which they conveyed their approba-
tion of the meaſures which had been purfued, were not confined to mere
form. Twenty thoufand feamen were unanimoufly voted; the army was
augmented to 26,000 men, and the fupplies demanded for the fervice of the
current year, were voted without the leaſt oppofition. The public indigna-
tion, excited by the peremptory demand of the reftitution of Gibraltar, and
the fecret articles in the treaty of Vienna, which, according to the poſitive
declarations of the king and his minifters, related to the Pretender, was ftill
farther increaſed by the imprudent conduct of Palm, the Imperial minifter
at London. Caballing with the Hanoverian minifters, and confiding in the
* Horace Walpole's Apology. Walpole Papers.
Tindal, vol. 39. p. 562. Journals.
counfels
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
259
1725 to 1727.
counfels of oppofition, he adviſed the Emperor, in a letter which fell into the Chapter 29.
hands of the miniſters, to make a public declaration, that the affertions con-
tained in the ſpeech were falſe *.
of the Em-
peror.
Guided by this imprudent advice, the Emperor, who was wholly unac- Imprudence
quainted with the principles of the English conftitution, ordered Palm to
preſent a memorial to the king. In this memorial, the Imperial minifter,
after reflecting on the ſpeech, and after denying, in his maſter's name, in the
moſt folemn manner, the exiſtence of any fecret articles, concluded in thefe
words: "Which things being thus, the injury offered to truth, the honour
and dignity of his facred Imperial and Catholic majefty require, that they
ſhould be expoſed to your majeſty, to the kingdom of Great Britain, and to
the whole world: and his facred Imperial majefty demands that reparation
which is due to him by all manner of right, for the great injuries which have
been done him by theſe many imputations.
March 13th.
This memorial was printed and circulated, and was accompanied with a
letter from the Imperial chancellor, count Zinzendorff, enjoining Palm to
publiſh it, that the whole nation might be acquainted with it. The in-
temperate language ufed in thefe papers, and the indifcretion of diſtinguiſh-
ing between the king and his fubjects, and of appealing from the throne to
the nation, excited the juſt reſentment of parliament. The memorial being
fubmitted to the houſe of commons, not only thofe who fupported govern-
ment, but even Pulteney, Sir William Wyndham, Shippen, and the leading Unanimous
members in oppofition, agreed in expreffing the higheſt indignation at this addrefs to the
king.
affront offered to the crown, and ſtrongly reprobated the audaciouſneſs of the
Imperial minifter. The whole houfe unanimoufly adopted the addrefs drawn
up by Walpole, "To exprefs the higheſt refentment at the affront and
indignity offered to his moft facred majefty, by the memorial delivered by
Monfieur de Palm, the Emperor's reſident, and at his infolence in print-
ing and difperfing the fame throughout the kingdom; to declare their
utmoſt abhorrence of this audacious manner of appealing to the people
againſt his majeſty; and their deteftation of the prefumptuous and vain at-
tempt of endeavouring to inftil into the minds of any of his majefly's faith-
ful fubjects, the leaft diftruft or diffidence in his moft facred royal word; to
return his majefty the thanks of this houfe, for his care and vigilance, in
diſcovering the fecret and pernicious defigns of his enemies, and his goodneſs
in communicating to his parliament the dangers that threatened this king-
dom; and to affure his majefty, that the houſe would ſtand by and fupport
him againſt all open and fecret enemies, both at home and abroad; and
1 Ilift. Regiſter.
*Correfpondence.
† Tindal, vol. 19. p. 576.
L 1 2
effectually
260
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
Imperial mi-
nifer dif
miffed.
Pacific views
effectually defeat the expectations of all fuch as may have in any manner
countenanced, encouraged, or abetted the diſturbers of the public tranquil-
lity in this extravagant infult upon his majefty, or flattered them with hopes,
that an obftinate perfeverance in their deftructive meafures, could ſtagger
the firmneſs of the Britiſh nation, in vindication of his majeſty's honour, and
the defence of their rights and privileges *."
Soon after the preſentation of this addreſs, Palm was commanded to leave
the kingdom; the Britiſh refident at Vienna quitted the Imperial dominions;
and as the Spaniſh miniſter had previouſly taken an abrupt departure, a rup-
ture with Spain and the Emperor appeared to be unavoidable. The moſt
active preparations were made on all fides; Spain commenced hoftilities.
by the fiege of Gibraltar, and expected to be feconded by the whole force
of the houſe of Auftria. A bloody war would have been the conſequence
of this attack, had the Emperor fulfilled the treaty of Vienna; or had Eng-
land and France inſtantly directed their whole force againſt the reſtleſs and
ambitious court of Madrid. Fortunately, the pacific fentiments of Walpole
and Fleury began to operate on the affairs of Europe, and the government
of England exhibited a ſtriking inftance of vigour and moderation; of vigour
in the preparations for war, and of moderation in fufpending the blow, at the
very moment in which it was ready to ftrike with effect.
Walpole dreaded the interruption of our commerce with Spain, which at
of Walpole. that time formed the moft extenfive branches of the national trade, and with
that view ſtrained every nerve to infuſe ſentiments of reconciliation into the
Britiſh cabinet. Hence the inftructions of admiral Hofier, who had been
ſent on an expedition to the Spaniſh Weft Indies, enjoined him in the
ſtrongeſt manner not to commit hoftilities; hence England alfo declined the
offer of France, to confider the attack of Gibraltar as a cafus fæderis, from
an apprehenſion left the warlike interpofition of France fhould contribute
to the diffufion of hoftilities; hence, notwithſtanding the infult offered to the
king and nation by the Emperor, through the medium of his minifter, over-
tures of accommodation were gladly received through the mediation of
France.
When the Emperor fo grofsly infulted the king and the nation by the
memorial of Palm, he conceived the moſt fanguine expectations of having
formed a confederacy ftrong enough to oppoſe the allies of Hanover. He
had feduced the king of Pruffia from the treaty of Hanover; he had already
gained the clectors of Mentz, Treves, Cologne, and Palatine; fecured the
neutrality of the Saxons, and even prevailed on the duke of Brunſwic Wol-
* Journals.. Chandler.
Walpole Papers.
fenbuttle,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
201
fenbuttle, to admit an Auſtrian garriſon into Brunſwic, from whence he
might eafily make an irruption into Hanover. He had concluded a ftrict
alliance with the Czarina, and collected an army of 30,000 men, ready to
march from the Netherlands to the invafion of Holland.
But the meaſures adopted in oppofition to theſe hoftile defigns, difcon-
certed his views; 20,000 Danes, and 12,000 Swedes, were fubfidifed by
England and France; 12,000 Heffians taken into Engliſh pay; and a French
army was collecting on the frontiers of Germany. The death of the Czarina, in
May, deprived the Emperor of a powerful ally; the king of Pruffia began to
waver; the princes and circles of Germany refuſed to confider the cauſe of
the houſe of Auftria as the cauſe of the empire; and as the king of Spain
was unable to ſupply him with thoſe large fums of money, which the un-
bounded promiſes of Ripperda had led him to expect, Charles found him-
ſelf unable to refift the powerful combination against him. He facrificed
Spain to his own fafety; and after a fhort negotiation commenced by the
Pope, and continued through the mediation of France, he figned at Paris,
on the 31st of May, in his own name, and in that of Spain, the prelimi-
naries of peace with England, France, and Holland. He agreed to fuſpend
the charter of the Oftend company for feven years; confirmed all the treaties
in force anterior to 1725, and confented to fubmit to a general congrefs
the termination of the difputes fubfifling between the allies of Hanover and
Vienna.
Chapter 29.
1725 to 1727
Separate
the Emperor.
peace with
1727.
Difmiffed in
May 1726.
to accede.
Philip the Fifth having, in confequence of his difagreement with France, Spain forced
no miniſter at Paris, the preliminaries were figned at Vienna in the begin-
ning of June, by the duke of Bournonville, the Spaniſh embaffador; the
fifth article declaring that they fhould be executed immediately after
the fignature by the Emperor and the allies, and by Spain eight days
after the king of Spain had received them figned. In confequence of this
agreement, George the Firft iffued orders to lord Portmore, governor of
Gibraltar, and his admirals, both on the coafts of Spain, and in the Weft
Indies, to ceaſe all hoſtilities, and to reſtore all prizes taken from Spain; to
permit the return of the galleons to Europe, and to raiſe the blockade of
Porto Bello, and the other ports in the Weft Indies. In return, it was ex-
pected that the fiege of Gibraltar would be raiſed, and the prizes taken
from England, particularly the prince Frederick, belonging to the South Sea
company, at Vera Cruz, would be reſtored.
On proroguing the parliament, the king obferved, in his fpeech from May 15.
the throne, in a language which breathed the pacific fentiments of Wal-
pole, "The fiege of Gibraltar proves, beyond all diſpute, the aim and
defign
262
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
8720 to 1727
The king's
departure for
Hanover.
defign of the engagements entered into by the Emperor and the king of
Spain; but the preparations I had made for the defence of that place, and
the bravery of my troops, will, I doubt not, convince them of the rafinefs.
and folly of that undertaking. However the love of peace has hitherto pre-
vailed on me, even under this high provocation, to fufpend, in ſome meaſure,
my refentments; and inftead of having immediate recourfe to arms, and de-
manding of my allies that affiſtance, which they are engaged and ready to give
me, I have concurred with the moſt Chriſtian king, and the States General,
in making fuch overtures of accommodation, as muſt convince all the world.
of the uprightneſs of our intentions, and of our fincere difpofition to peace;
and demonſtrate, to whoſe ambition and thirſt of power the calamities of a
war are to be imputed, if thefe juft and reaſonable propofitions are rejected.
In the mean time, I have the pleaſure to acquaint you, that the crown of
Sweden has acceded to the treaty of Hanover, and the convention between
me, his moſt Chriſtian majefty, and the king of Denmark, is actually fign=
ed *." Such was the ftate of the negotiation, when the king departed for
Hanover, in June 1727.
CHAPTER THE THIRTIETH:
Cabals
againſt Wal-
pole,
1727.
Cabals of the Duchefs of Kendal and Bolingbroke to remove Walpole.—Boling-
broke's Interview with the King.-Sanguine Hopes of Oppofition.-Death of
the King.—Memoirs of his Wife, the unfortunate Sophia of Zell.
AT
T this period, Walpole ftood in the higheſt eftimation with the king
and nation; and his pacific fentiments were fo well known, that all
who defired the bleffing of peace, wiſhed for his continuance in office; yet ru-
Journals. Chandler.
mours
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
263
mours of a change in adminiftration were believed and circulated; and a
formal attempt was made by Bolingbroke, in co-operation with the ducheſs
of Kendal, to obtain his removal, and to fubftitute himſelf in his place. A
full account of this intrigue, which has occafioned various conjectures and
uncertain fpeculations, is here given from undoubted authorities.
The duchefs of Kendal, who, by the death of lady Darlington, remained
without a rival in the confidence of the king, had, in confideration of £. 11,000,
affured lord Bolingbroke that ſhe would obtain his complete reſtoration *;
but having failed in effecting her promife, fhe threw the whole blame on
Sir Robert Walpole, as the perfon who obftructed the king's defigns in his
favour; and though fhe was inclined to fecond all attempts for the purpoſe
of obtaining his difgrace, yet many circumftances prevented her from exert-
ing her influence in favour of Bolingbroke.
She was become timid and cautious; fearful of diftreffing the mind of
the king, who was declining in years and health, and eaſily depreffed. She
was unwilling to offend the minifters, who, befides the payment of a pen-
fion of £. 7,500 from the exchequer, which it depended on their punc-
tuality to diſcharge, fecured her good-will by private prefents, and fupplied
her with various means of gratifying her rapaciouſneſs. She affected great
concern for the intereft of England, and facrificed to her own tranquillity
the concerns of the Hanoverian junto. Under theſe circumftances, it was
no eaſy taſk to rouſe her active exertions; but Bolingbroke paid affiduous
court; his wife was no lefs conftant in her attendance, and both anxioufly
watched for a favourable opportunity, which at length feemed to prefent
itſelf.
Chapter 30.
1727.
Bytheduchefs
of Kendal
and Boling-
broke.
intercourfe
The eldeſt fon of Sir Robert Walpole had been appointed ranger of Rich- The king's
mond Park, and the miniſter, while a new lodge was building, took a fmall convivial
tenement on Richmond Hill, where the king after fhooting, occafionally with Wal-
dined with him, and paffed the afternoon drinking punch, of which he pole.
was exceffively fond, in an eafy and convivial manner. The duchefs,
alarmed at this familiar intercourfe, and anxious to render thefe vifits lefs
frequent, attempted, by means of fome of her German friends, who were ge-
nerally of the party, to break up the meeting ſooner than the uſual time of
retiring; but their attempts having no effect, the duchefs liftened to the
overtures of Bolingbroke, who artfully fomented her jealoufy againſt Sir Ro-
bert Walpole, and prevailed on her to fecond his efforts.
• Chapter 25,
He
264
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
Boling-
broke's au-
dience with
the king.
He drew up a long memorial, full of invectives againſt the minifter, which
1720 to 1727. the duchess of Kendal fecretly delivered to the king. After ſtating in various
inftances the miſconduct of adminiftration, he concluded, by requeſting an
audience, and undertook to demonftrate that the kingdom muſt inevitably
be ruined, fhould Sir Robert Walpole continue at the head of the treaſury.
The king put this memorial into the hands of the minifter, who concluded,
that the perfon who conveyed it, could not be ignorant of the contents:
after fome inquiry, he traced it to the duchefs of Kendal, who, on being in-
terrogated, acknowledged that the had delivered it, and attempted to juſtify
her conduct by frivolous excuſes. Walpole in reply, only entreated her as a
favour, to fecond the inftances of Bolingbroke, and to procure for him that
audience, which he ſo earneſtly folicited. The ducheſs, after ſeveral endea-
fo
vours to excufe herfelf, promifed compliance; and at a proper interval,
Walpole befought the king to grant an audience to Bolingbroke; and urged
the propriety, by obferving, that if this requeft was rejected, much clamour
would be raiſed againſt him for keeping the king to himſelf, and for permit-
ting none to approach his perfon who might tell unwelcome truths.
The king declined complying in fo pofitive a manner, that Walpole could
not venture to prefs it any farther in perfon; but waited on the duchefs to
renew his application. He found lady Bolingbroke on a viſit, and when ſhe
retired, was informed, that the king was unwilling to admit Bolingbroke, on
a ſuppoſition that it would make him uneafy. Walpole repeated his earneſt
entreaties, and declared that he could not be eafy, until the audience was
granted. Theſe prefling folicitations finally had their effect; and Boling-
broke was admitted into the clofet.
While Walpole was attending in an adjoining apartment, lord Letchmere
came, and demanded admiffion for the fignature of papers, which he had
brought as chancellor of the duchy of Cornwall. He was informed that
Bolingbroke was with the king, and that Walpole was alfo waiting. In the
midſt of his furprife, Bolingbroke coming out, Letchmere inftantly ruſhed
into the clofet, and without making any apology, or entering upon his own
buſineſs, burſt out into the moſt violent invectives againſt Walpole, whom
he reviled as not contented with doing mifchief himfelf, but had introduced
one who was, if poffible, worfe than himfelf, to be his affiftant. The king,
delighted with this miſtake, calmly aſked him, if he would undertake the
office of prime miniſter. Letchmere made no reply, but continued pouring
forth his invectives, and finally departed without having offered any of the
papers to fign. Walpole found the king fo highly diverted and occupied
with this incident, that it was fome time before he had an opportunity of
↓
9
inquiring
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
265
毕
​inquiring the fubject of Bolingbroke's converfation. The king flightly an-
fwered," Bagatelles, bagatelles."
Chapter 30.
1727.
Produces no
Thus was this formidable attack defeated by the prudence and firmness of
the minifter; the king continued his confidential vifits, and on his depar- effect.
ture for Hanover, ordered him to have the lodge in Richmond Park finiſhed
against his return *.
Such is the account of this extraordinary tranfaction, given by Walpole
himſelf; yet other reports have been circulated, which deferve confideration.
Bolingbroke fo confidently and repeatedly afferted, that on the king's return
from Hanover, he ſhould be appointed minifter, that this opinion obtained
belief, not only from his friends and partizans, but from others who were
lefs inimical to the minifter, and lefs defirous of his fall. Swift expreffes his
hopes on the ſubject, with his uſual freedom, in a letter to Dr. Sheridan,
May 13th, 1727; and Atterbury drew up a memorial to cardinal Fleury, in
which he treated the fall of the minifter as a certain event. Pelham alfo
told ſpeaker Onflow, that at this period, Walpole was fo convinced of Bo-
lingbroke's intended elevation, as to have adopted the refolution of reſign-
ing and accepting a peerage, but was deterred by the remonftrances of the
duke of Devonshire, and the repreſentations of the princeſs of Wales, who
diffuaded him from a ftcp, which would incapacitate him for taking his
accuſtomed lead in the houſe of commons.
On the other hand, Horace Walpole, lady Walfingham, and the duchefs
of Kendal herſelf, in a converfation with Sir Matthew Decker, afferted that
the king did not intend to difmifs Walpole. It is not difficult, how-
ever, to reconcile thefe contradictory reports. It was natural for Bolingbroke
to propagate an opinion tending to exalt his own importance; it is probable
that Walpole, in a peevish moment of diffatisfaction, might have expreffed
a refolution of retiring; and the whole account might poffibly have received
its greateſt authority from Walpole's own declaration, that knowing the
venality of the duchefs of Kendal, her afcendancy over the king, and the in-
fluence of Bolingbroke over her, he was not without apprehenfions that her
efforts might have finally fucceeded.
Vague ru-
mours on the
ſubject.
The king departed for Hanover on the 3d of June; he enjoyed perfect Death of the
health till he arrived at Delden. He was entertained by the count de king.
Twittel, at a country houſe about twenty miles from that town. The king
* From Lord Orford.
Etough's Minutes of a Converſation with
Sir Robert Walpole in September 1727.
Correfpondence.
'
1 Onflow's Remarks.
Period IV.
Correfpondence,
VOL. L
Min
Cat
266
MEMOIRS OF
Period III.
June 10-21.
eat fome melons after fupper, which probably caufed the indigeſtion of
1720 to 1727 which he died. He returned that evening to Delden, and fet out early the
next morning, after having breakfafted on a cup of chocolate. On his arrival
at Bentheim, the king felt himſelf indifpofed, but continued his journey in op-
pofition to the repeated entreaties of his fuite. His indifpofition increaſed,
and when he arrived at Ippenburen, he was quite lethargic;, his hand fell
down as if lifelefs, and his tongue hung out of his mouth. He gave, however,
figns of life, by continually crying out, as well as he could articulate, Ofnabrug,
Ofnabrug. This impatience to reach Ofnabrug, induced the attendants not
to ſtop at Ippenburen, but to haften on, in hopes of arriving at that city before
he died. But it was too late. The exact time and place of his death cannot
be afcertained; but it is moft probable, that he expired either as the car-
riage was afcending the hill near Ippenburen, or on the fummit. On their
arrival at the palace of his brother, the biſhop of Ofnabrug, he was imme-
diately bled, but all attempts to recover him proved ineffectual *. A courier
had been diſpatched to the duchefs of Kendal, who had remained at Delden,
with the account of the king's dangerous fituation; he met her on the road,
about two miles on the other fide of the Rhine; but as fhe was haftening on,
another courier announced his death. She beat her breaft, tore her hair,
and gave figns of extreme grief; and then, difiniffing the English ladies who
accompanied her, took the road to Brunfwic, where fhe continued three
months.
Anecdote of
Walpole.
Lord Townſhend, who was on his journey to Hanover, repaired inſtantly
to Ofnabrug, where he arrived on the 22d, early in the morning; but find-
ing the king demiſed, he wrote a letter of condolence and congratulation
to the new fovereign, and taking poft, purſued his journey to England.
Before I conclude the reign of George the Firſt, one remarkable fact muſt
not be omitted: As the king could not readily fpeak Engliſh, nor Sir
Robert Walpole French, the minifter was obliged to deliver his fentiments.
For this account of the king's death, I
am indebted to my friend Nathaniel Wraxal,
efquire, who obtained it from perfons at Ha-
nover and Ofnabrug, who recollected the
event.
+ The duchefs of Kendal was fifter of
Frederic Achatius, count of Schulenburgh
and Hedlen. Petronelle Melefina, the counteſs
of Walfingham, who afterwards married the
earl of Cheſterfield, was fuppofed to be her
daughter by George the Firft, though fhe was
4.
confidered as her niece. The duchefs returned
to England, and died at a very advanced age.
She principally refided at Kendal Houſe, near
Twickenham, which was after her death con-
verted into a tea garden. Her immenfe pro-
perty was divided amongſt her German rela-
tions, and the countess of Cheſterfield.
Sir Cyril Wick to Stephen Poyntz, June
27, 1727. Correfpondence. Lord Townend
to the king.
in
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
1 267
in Latin; and as that was a language in which neither could converfe with
readineſs and propriety, Walpole was frequently heard to ſay, that during
the reign of the firft George, he governed the kingdom by means of bad
latin *. It is a matter of wonder, that under fuch diſadvantages, the king
ſhould take pleaſure in tranfacting bufinefs with him, a circumftance which
was principally owing to the method and perfpicuity of his calculations, and
to the extreme facility with which he arranged and explained the moſt ab-
ftrufe and difficult combinations of finance.
Chapter 30.
Zell.
1727.
It has been already obferved, that George the Firſt had, by a left-handed Memoirs of
marriage, eſpouſed the duchefs of Kendal, at the time his real wife, the Sophia of
unfortunate Sophia Dorothy, was ftill alive. She was the only child of
William duke of Zell, by Eleanor d'Emiers, of the houſe of Olbreuſe, in
France; was born in 1666, and her hand was courted by the moſt power-
ful princes of Germany. His father Erneft Auguftus had once defigned
him for the princefs Anne, afterwards queen of England; he actually
went to England to pay his addreffes, and was well received and approved
by the whole court. But he was recalled by his father, who had fuddenly
concluded a match for him with his coufin.
Sophia, at the time of their marriage, was only fixteen
years of
age, and
was a princeſs of great perfonal charms and mental endowments, yet her
attractions did not retain the affections of her huſband. After ſhe had
brought him a fon and a daughter, he neglected his amiable confort, and
attached himſelf to a favourite miſtreſs.
Such was the fituation of Sophia, when count Konigſmark, a Swediſh no-
bleman, arrived at Hanover. He was a man of a good figure, and profeſſed
gallantry; had been formerly enamoured of Sophia at Zell, and was fup-
poſed to have made fome impreffion on her heart. On the fight of her, his
paffion, which had been diminiſhed by abfence, broke out with increaſing vio-
lence; he had the imprudence publicly to renew his attentions; and as
George was abfent at the army, he made his folicitations with redoubled
ardour. Information of his attachment, and of his fuccefs, was con-
veyed to Erneft Auguftus; and one evening, as the count came out of her
apartment, and was croffing a paffage, he was put to death by perfons placed
to intercept him, in the prefence of the elector; and tradition ftill marks the
* From lord Orford.
† Rimius.
Brother of count Konigfmark, who was
accuſed of having fuborned affaffins to murder
Thomas Thynne, and of countefs Kouigf-
mark, miſtreſs of Auguftus the Second of Po-
land.
M m 2
fpot
268
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period III.
1720 to 1727.
fpot where this murder was committed. Sophia was immediately put under
arreft; and though the folemnly protefted her innocence, yet circumftances
ſpoke ſtrongly againſt her.
George, who never loved his wife, gave implicit credit to the account of
her infidelity, as related by his father; confented to her impriſonment, and
obtained from the ecclefiaftical confiftory, a divorce, which was paffed on
the 28th of December 1694. And even her father, the duke of Zell, who
doated on his only daughter, does not ſeem to have entertained any doubts
of her guilt, for he always continued upon the ftricteft terms of friendſhip
with Erneft Auguftus, and his fon-in-law.
The unfortunate Sophia was confined in the caſtle of Alden, fituated on
the ſmall river Aller, in the duchy of Zell. She terminated her miferable
exiſtence, after a long captivity of thirty-two years, on the 13th of Novem-
ber 1726, in the fixty-firſt year of her age, only feven months before the
death of George the Firft; and ſhe was announced in the Gazette, under
the title of the Electrefs Dowager of Hanover.
During her whole confinement, ſhe behaved with no lefs mildneſs than
dignity; and on receiving the facrament once every week, never omitted,
on that awful occafion, making the moft folemn affeverations, that he was
not guilty of the crime laid to her charge. Subfequent circumſtances have
come to light, which appear to juſtify her memory; and reports are current
at Hanover, that her character was bafely defamed, and that ſhe fell a fa-
crifice to the jealoufy and perfidy of the counteſs of Platen, favourite mif-
treſs of Erneſt Auguftus. Being enamoured of count Konigfmark, who
flighted her overtures, jealouſy took poffeffion of her breaft; fhe deter-
mined to facrifice both the lover and the princeſs to her vengeance, and cir-
cumftances favoured her defign.
The prince was abfent at the army; Erneft Auguftus was a man of warm
paffions and violent temper, eafily irritated, and when irritated, incapable
of controul. Sophia herſelf had treated count Konigfmark with regard and
attention, and the lover was hot-headed, felf-fufficient, priding himſelf on his
perfonal accompliſhments, and accuſtomed to fucceed in affairs of gallantry.
Thoſe who exculpate Sophia, affert either that a common vifit was con-
ſtrued into an act of criminality; or that the counteſs of Platen, at a late
hour, fummoned count Konigfmark in the name of the princeſs, though
without her connivance; that on being introduced, Sophia was ſurpriſed at
his intrufion; that on quitting the apartment, he was diſcovered by Erneft
Auguftus, whom the counteſs had placed in the gallery, and was inftantly
aflaffinated by perfons whom ſhe had fuborned for that purpoſe.
It
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
269
It is impoffible, at this diſtance of time, to diſcover and trace the cir-
cumſtances of this myfterious tranfaction, on which no perfon at the court.
of Hanover durft at that time deliver his opinion; but the fudden murder
of count Konigſmark may be urged as a corroboration of this ſtatement,
for had his guilt, and that of Sophia been unequivocal, would he not have
been arreſted and brought to a trial for the purpoſe of proving their con-
nection, and confronting him with the unfortunate princeſs.
Many perfons of credit at Hanover have not ſcrupled, fince the death of
Erneſt Auguſtus and George the Firſt, to expreſs their belief that the im-
putation caft on Sophia was falfe and unjuſt. It is alfo reported, that her
huſband having made an offer of reconciliation, fhe gave this noble and
diſdainful anſwer of haughty virtue, unconſcious of ſtain: "If what I am
accuſed of is true, I am unworthy of his bed; and if
and if my accuſation is falſe,
he is unworthy of me. I will not accept his offers."
George the Second, who doated on his mother, was fully convinced of her
innocence. He once made an attempt to ſee her, and even croffed the Aller
on horſeback, oppofite to the Caſtle, but was prevented from having an in-
terview with her by the baron de Bulow, to whoſe care the Elector, her
huſband, had committed her. Had the furvived his acceffion, he intended
to reſtore her to liberty, and to acknowledge her as queen dowager. Her
memory was ſo dear to him, that he ſecretly kept her portrait in his poffef-
fion; and the morning after the news of the death of George the Firſt had
reached London, Mrs. Howard obſerved (in the antichamber of the king's
apartment) a picture of a woman in the electoral robes, which proved to be
that of Sophia.
George the Second told queen Caroline, that in making fome repairs in
the palace of Hanover, the bones of count Konigſmark were found under the
floor of the antichamber which led to the apartment of Sophia. The queen
mentioned this fact to Sir Robert Walpole *, and in various converfations
which the held on this fubject, fhe appeared fully convinced of her inno--
cence; an opinion which the minifter
* From lord Orford.
+ The account of Sophia of Zell, is de-
rived from the MS. Journal of N. W. Wrax-
all Efq; Etough's Papers, and various com-
munications which I received at Hanover,
and Polnitz's Memoirs. A pretended hiſtory
is published under the title of Hiftoire fecrete
himſelf conſtantly adhered to.
de la Ducheffe d'Hanovre, Epoufe de George Pre-
mier, Roi de la Grande Bretagne. Les malheurs
de cette infortunée princeſſe, ſa prifon au Cha-
teau d'Ahlen où elle a fini fes jours; fes intelligen
ces fecrettes avec le comte de Konig fmark, aflaf
finé à ce fujet, which is a mere romance.
«
Chapter 30.
1727.
270
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
न
PERIOD THE FOURTH:
From the Acceffion of GEORGE the Second, to the Refignation of
Lord TowNSHEND,
1727-1730.
#
ว
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FIRST:
1727.
Acceffion and Character of George the Second.-Education-Character-Perfon
-Conduct--and Influence of Queen Caroline.-Account of Mrs. Howard,
afterwards Countess of Suffolk.
G
EORGE the Second, fon of George the Firft, by Sophia, princeſs of
Luneburgh Zell, was born at Hanover the 30th of October 1683, and
principally educated under the direction of his grandmother, the electreſs
Sophia. Being at a very early period initiated into the profeffion of arms,
he made the campaign of 1708 with the allied army in the Netherlands, un-
der the command of the duke of Marlborough. He greatly diftinguiſhed
himſelf as a volunteer at the battle of Oudenard, where he charged the
enemy at the head of the Hanoverian dragoons, and had his horſe fhot
under him*. In 1708, he was created duke of Cambridge, and knight of
the garter; and at the acceffion of George the Firſt, was fo elated, that he
faid to an Engliſh gentleman, "I have not one drop of blood in my veins
which is not Engliſh, and at the fervice of my father's fubjects."
He ac-
companied the king to England; foon after he had taken his feat in the
privy council, was created prince of Wales; and during the king's abfence
in 1716, was appointed guardian and lieutenant of the realm.
* Rimius's Memoirs of the Houſe of Brunſwick.
Polnitz, vol. iv. p. 230. 232.
!
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
271
1727.
The unfortunate miſunderſtanding which took place between him and his Chapter 31.
father, has been already related; and although a reconciliation was effected
through the interpoſition of Devonſhire and Walpole, yet it was more appa-
rent than real: the king gave a ſtrong proof that his jealoufy was not abated,
by never again configning to him the government of affairs during his ab-
fence. Notwithſtanding this cauſe of diffatisfaction, the prince, from the
period of the reconciliation, feldom formally oppofed his father's govern-
ment; but paſſed a retired life, confining himſelf principally to a finall circle
of felect friends, with whom he lived in habits of ftrict intimacy: of theſe,
the earl of Scarborough and Sir Spencer Compton were the moſt favoured.
pro-
George the Second was, at the time of his acceffion, in the 45th year of
his age; and bore the character of a prince of high integrity, honour, and
veracity. His countenance was pleafing, dignified, and expreffive, with
minent eyes, and a Roman nofe. In perfon he was well proportioned, but
much below the middle fize; to which the ballad on the feven wife men
alludes fpeaking of Richard, afterwards lord Edgecumbe, who was very di-
minutive:
"When Edgecumbe fpoke, the prince in fport
Laugh'd at the merry elf;
Rejoic'd to fee within his court
One ſhorter than himſelf.
I'm glad (cry'd out the quibbling fquire)
My lowness makes your highneſs higher."
He poffeffed one great advantage over his father, that he was not ignorant
of the language and conftitution of England, although his knowledge of both
was limited. He was naturally reſerved, except to thofe who belonged to
his houſehold, or were admitted to his familiar fociety, fond of buſineſs,
and of great application whenever application was neceffary; well acquainted
with the ſtate of foreign affairs; and his obfervations, and replies to the
notes of his miniſters, dictated by the occafion, prove good fenfe, judgment,
and rectitude of intentions*. His temper was warm, vehement, and irri-
table; prone to ſudden emotions of anger, and not eafily appeaſed. He was
flow in deliberation, cautious in decifion; but his opinion once formed, he
became inflexible, and impatient of remonftrance. He was flrictly œcono-
mical, punctual in the diſcharge of his expences; ſo peculiarly methodical
in all his actions and occupations, that, to uſe the expreffion of a nobleman
*Correfpondence, Period IV.
much
272
MEMOIRS OF
箋
​1
Period IV.
much about his perfon, "he feemed to think his having done a thing to-
1727 to 1730. day, an unanswerable reafon for his doing it to-morrow *." He was rigidly
attached to ctiquette and punctilious forms, and fond of military parade;
without the ſmalleſt tafte for the arts, or love of fcience; like his father,
he gave no patronage to literature, unleſs from the fuggeftions of his queen,
or the interceffion of his minifters. Cold and phlegmatic in his general
appearance, he at the fame time poffeffed a high degree of fenfibility;
of which he gave many proofs, particularly on the death of his queen, and
the refignation of Sir Robert Walpole, which would appear incredible to
thoſe who were not about his perfon, and who are not acquainted with his
domeſtic character. The love of women was his predominant weakneſs; but
it did not lead him into any exceffes which affected his public character, or in-
terfered with the interefts of his kingdom. He had feen, and lamented, that
his father had been governed by his miftreffes; and was fo extremely cau-
tious to avoid a fimilar error, that the countess of Yarmouth, who was the
only one among them who poffeffed any real influence over him, could
feldom venture to exert her intereft in public concerns. She once re-
quefted Horace Walpole to procure a trifling place for one of her fervants,
but charged him not to mention to the king that it was at her requeſt; " be-
cauſe (ſhe added) if it is known that I have applied, I have no chance of fuc-
ceeding."
Conduct to
queen Caro-
line.
But his conduct was far different in regard to queen Caroline, of whole
judgment and good fenfe he had the higheft opinion, and in whom he ever
placed the moſt implicit confidence. Some of the French writers call hiſtory
la fable convenue, and not without fome degree of reaſon; for moſt hiſtories
are written either by authors who have been themſelves intereſted in the
events which they relate, and glofs over the tranfactions of their own party,
or are compoſed by writers who have not accefs to original papers, know
little more than common occurrences, and derive the principal fource of in-
formation from uncertain publications, traditional information, gazettes, and
news-papers. The perfonage whoſe character I am attempting to delineate, will
afford a ſtriking example of the truth of theſe obſervations; for it is a re-
markable fact, that the hiftorians of the reign of George the Second, fcarcely
mention the name of queen Caroline, who almoft entirely governed the king
during the firſt ten years of his reign; who bore her faculties fo meekly, and
with fuch extraordinary prudence, as never to excite the leaſt uneaſineſs even in
a fovereign highly tenacious of his authority, but contrived that her opinion
* Lord Hervey to H. Walpole, O&. 31 1735.
+ From Lord Walpole.
should
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
273
1727.
Thould appear as if it had been his own; who folely occafioned the conti- Chapter 31.
nuance of Sir Robert Walpole in the miniſtry; who patronifed and promoted
Herring, Hoadley, Clarke, Hare, Sherlocke, Butler, and Pearce; and without
whoſe recommendation or concurrence, fcarely any fituation in church or
ftate was conferred.
Carolina Wilhelmina, daughter of John Frederic, Margrave of Anfpach,
by the princeſs of Saxe-Eyfenach, was born in 1683. Having loft her father
when ſhe was very young, and her mother marrying John George the Fourth,
elector of Saxony, fhe was left under the guardianship of Frederic, elector
of Brandenburgh, afterwards king of Pruffia; paffed part of her early days
at the court of Berlin*, and received her education under the ſuperintend-
ance of her aunt, the accompliſhed Sophia Charlotte, fifter of George the
Firſt. From her example and inftructions, fhe imbibed that politeneſs of
* Polnitz.
+ Sophia Charlotte, the fecond wife of
Frederic, was the daughter of Erneft Au-
guftus, elector of Hanover. This elegant and
accompliſhed princeſs was born in 1668; and
in 1681, having efpoufed Frederic, then elec-
toral prince, became, on his acceffion to the
throne, the great ornament of his fplendid
court. Her features were regular, yet ex-
preffive; her form, though below the middle
ftature, was elegant and graceful; her de-
meanour dignified and polite; and her conduct
ever irreproachable. She never interfered in
affairs of ſtate, though always ready, when
called upon, to aid with her counfels, jour-
nies, and correfpondence, the views of the
king. Her underſtanding was highly culti
vated; fhe ſpoke the principal languages of
Europe with fuch eaſe and fluency, that the
uſually addreſſed herſelf to foreigners in their
reſpective tongues; fhe was well verfed in
hiftory, converfant in different branches of
natural philofophy, and not unacquainted
even with fcholaftic divinity. Though her
learning was fo profound, that fhe was filed
the Female Philofopher, fhe was not only ex-
tremely diffident, but careful to avoid the
affectation of wishing to difplay her multi-
farious acquirements. She was no ftranger
to the polite accompliſhments, fond of danc-
ing, and did not difdain to be an actreſs in
plays which were performed by her com-
mand: the excelled in mufic, fung and com-
pofed with tafte; and was the great patronefs
of fcience and the arts. She drew Leibnitz
to Berlin, and aftonifhed that great philofo-
pher with the extent of her capacity, the
VOL. I
depth of her reſearches, and the folidity of her
obfervations. She died at Hanover in 1705,
on a viſit to her mother the electreſs Sophia,
in the 37th year of her age; and diſplayed
on her death-bed the utmoſt calmneſs and re-
fignation. To the king her huſband ſhe wrote
a tender letter, thanking him for his care, and
recommending her domeftics to his protection.
To her brother, who was difconfolate at her
approaching diffolution, fhe faid, "Nothing
is fo natural as death; I have long confidered
it as a debt; and though I am young enough
to have lived a few years longer, yet I feel no
regret in dying." When La Bergerie, a Cal-
vinift minifter, offered his fpiritual affiftance,
fhe faid "Friends are proved in times of
neceffity; you offer your affiftance at a mo-
ment when I can no longer ferve you; accept
my thanks, which are all that I can beftow."
Then turning to him, as he was going to exhort
her, fhe continued; For twenty years I
have ſeriouſly examined my religion; I have
peruſed the books which treat on that fubject
with too much attention to be in the ſmalleſt
doubt; you can fay nothing to me which I
do not know; and I can affure you, that I
depart in tranquillity." Her phyfician repre
fenting to her that the increafed her com-
plaint by fpeaking; "Adieu then, La Ber-
gerie (he added); I remain your good
friend." Obferving one of her attendants
weeping, ſhe exclaimed, "Why do you weep
could you think that I was immortal?” And
then ſtretching out her hand to her brother,
"Dear brother, (fhe criel) I am fuffocated;"
and in an inftant expired.
Nn
demeanour,
Her educa-
tion, charac
ter, and per-
fon.
274
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
demeanour and dignity of character, thoſe fentiments of philofophy, that ar-
dent love of learning, and fondneſs for metaphyfical knowledge, which me-
rited the eulogium of Clarke and Leibnitz.
She gave an early inftance of her attachment to the proteftant religion.
The fame of her beauty and accompliſhments attracted the notice of the
archduke Charles, fon. of the emperor Leopold the Firſt, and afterwards
Emperor himſelf, who made a tender of his hand. Not allured by the
fplendor of the family into which ſhe might have been adopted, ſhe declined
the offer without heſitation: " But Providence (obferves Addiſon) kept a
ftore in reward for fuch an exalted virtue; and, by the fecret methods of its
wiſdom, opened a way for her to become the greateſt of her fex among thofe
who profefs that faith to which ſhe adhered with ſo much Chriſtian magna-
nimity *.
* 99
Caroline efpoufed, in 1705, George the Second, then electoral prince of
Hanover. She was eſteemed handſome before ſhe had the ſmall-pox, and
became too corpulent. Tickell did not flatter her in his poem of Kenfing-
ton Gardens, when he ſaid;
"Here England's daughter, darling of the land,
Sometimes, furrounded with her virgin band,
Gleams through the fhades. She, tow'ring o'er the reft,
Stands fairest of the fairer kind confeft;
Form'd to gain hearts that Brunſwick's caufe deny'd,
And charm a people to her father's fide.
She had a hand and arm greatly admired for its whiteneſs and elegance, a
penetrating eye," and a fmile celeftial," an expreffive countenance, great
ſweetneſs and grace, particularly when the fpoke. But thefe charms of her
perſon were far furpaffed by the endowments of her mind. She poffeffed
quickneſs of apprehenfion, a natural good underſtanding, which had been
duly cultivated; and obtained a confiderable knowledge in many branches
of uſeful and polite literature §.
Her levees were a ſtrange picturc of the motley character and manners
of a queen and a learned woman. She received company while fhe was at
her toilette; prayers, and fometimes a fermon, were read; learned men and
divines were intermixed with courtiers and ladies of the houſehold: the con-
verſation turned on metaphyfical fubjects, blended with repartees, fallies of
mirth, and the tittle-tattle of a drawing-room. She had a happy turn for
* Freeholder, No. 21.
+ Tickell,
+ Tickell's Kenfington Gardens, p. 258.
§ Rimius.
converſation,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
275
}
}
1727.
converfation, and a readineſs in adapting her difcourfe to the perfons with Chapter 31.
whom ſhe talked; poffeffed peculiar talents for mirth and humour; excelled
in mimicry, and was fond of diſplaying it; was pleaſed with making a re-
partee herſelf, and with hearing it from others. Her conduct, during the
unfortunate miſunderſtanding which took place between George the Firſt
and her huſband, when prince of Wales, was fo prudent and dignified, that
the late king always behaved to her with marks of due refpect and affec-
tion, though he never cordially loved her. Yet notwithſtanding her cour-
tefy, affability of deportment, condefcenfion to men of letters, and fond-
nefs for focial intercourſe, fhe had a high notion of the regal ſtation,
and was partial to the etiquette of a court; the feldom forgot that ſhe
was a queen, and always kept up a due ftate both in public and private.
She would occafionally dine with Sir Robert Walpole at Chelfea; but even
her vifits to a favourite minifter were fubjected to form and etiquette: fhe
fat down to table with lady Walpole, the royal family whom fhe brought
with her, and the lady in waiting: Sir Robert always ſtood behind her chair,
and gave her the firft plate; then retired into another apartment, where
dinner was ferved for him and the queen's houſehold *.
Queen Caroline was fond of converfing and correfponding with men of
learning, and particularly with divines, whom ſhe often perplexed with queſ-
tions concerning the doctrines of the different churches, and confulted with a
view of fettling her faith. Hoadley, Clarke, Hare, and Sherlocke, were among
the number to whom the principally applied. She carried on a correfpon-
dence on thefe fubjects, by means of her bed-chamber woman, Mrs. Clayton,
afterwards lady Sundon, who had acquired a powerful afcendancy over her.
The divine whom the moft particularly noticed, and by whofe conver-
fation fhe often owned that he was moſt inftructed, was Dr. Clarke,
whoſe profound learning, in all branches of facred and profane literature,
was fcarely ever equalled, whoſe piety was unqueftioned, and whofe playful
manners and placid temper rendered him as amiable as he was learned. Dr.
Clarke had only the rectory of St. James's, which was given him by queen
Anne, and the maſterſhip of Wigfton Hofpital; and queen Caroline pro-
pofed placing him on the bench, an honour which Clarke invariably de-
clined. Finding that he perfifted in his refufal, the defired Sir Robert
Walpole to try the powers of his rhetoric, which had never been employed
in vain on a fimilar occafion; the minifter obeyed; and in a conference at
Kenſington palace, ufed every argument in his power to prevail on Clarke
From Lord Orford,
Nn 2
to
276
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV. to accept the proffered dignity; when Clarke declined, he continued to
1727 to 1730. prefs it; and the conference was fo long, that the candles were burnt down
in the fockets; and the pages came into the apartment to know if freſh
lights were not wanted *. But the rhetoric of the minifter had no effect,
and the queen was highly diſappointed, that ſhe was prevented from placing
Dr. Clarke on the bench of biſhops.
Character of
Mrs. How-
ard, Coun-
tefs of Suf-
folk.
Queen Caroline maintained a correfpondence with Leibnitz on the moſt
abſtract ſciences, in which the fupremely delighted; and in the courſe of
this literary intercourfe, the German philofopher having infinuated fome fuf-
picions that the foundations of natural religion were in danger of being hurt
by the doctrines of Sir Ifaac Newton, fhe applied to Clarke for an anſwer
to this fuggeftion. The anſwer brought on a reply, and the reply a fecond
anfwer, until the controverfy was carried on with all the fpirit and learn-
ing which thofe great philofophers could throw into fuch dry fubjects as
the principles of natural religion and philofophy, and free-will and fa-
tality. They fubmitted their reſpective arguments to the princefs as to
an umpire; and vied in unfolding their ſyſtems in as confpicuous a man-
ner as the nature of fo intricate a fubject would allow. The princeſs was
highly flattered with this arbitration, and permitted Dr. Clarke, whofe opi-
nion ſhe ſeems to have embraced, to dedicate to her the account of the con-
troverſy. In this dedication, the learned author has not omitted to pay a
tribute to her defire of knowledge and love of truth, in a ftrain of panegyric
which could hardly be avoided on fuch an occafion. Nor was it folely dic-
tated by flattery; for Whifton informs us, that he often heard Clarke ſpeak
with admiration of her marvellous fagacity and judgment, in the ſeveral parts
of the difpute.
But although this accompliſhed princefs poffeffed confiderable influence
over George the Second, ſhe had acted with ſo much caution, and behaved
with fuch moderation and prudence, that ſhe was confidered at the time of
his acceffion, by the party in oppoſition, as a mere cypher, and the whole
power and influence over the king was ſuppoſed to be lodged in the hands
of Mrs. Howard, afterwards countefs of Suffolk.
Henrietta, fifter of John, the firft earl of Buckinghamshire, was eldeſt
daughter of Sir Henry Hobart, of Blickling, in Norfolk, and eſpouſed
Charles Howard, younger fon of Henry, fifth earl of Suffolk, whom ſhe ac-
companied to Hanover before the death of queen Anne. Having ingratiated
herſelf into the favour of Caroline, then electoral princefs, fhe accompanied
*From Lord Orford and Etough's Papers. + Whifton's Hiftorical Memoirs of Clarke.
+ Collins's Peerage.
her
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
277
her to England, and became her bed-chamber woman.
If we were to draw
an eſtimate of the underſtanding and character of Mrs. Howard, from the
repreſentations of Pope *, Swift, and Gay, during the time of her favour, we
might ſuppoſe that ſhe poffeffed every accompliſhment and good quality
which were ever the lot of a woman.
The real truth is, that Mrs. Howard was more remarkable for beauty
than for underſtanding, and the paffion which the king entertained for her
was rather derived from chance than from any combination of thoſe tranſ-
cendant qualities, which Swift and Pope afcribed to their court divinity.
She had been long wholly unnoticed by the prince, who was enamoured of
another lady that was more cruel to the royal lover than Mrs. Howard. This
lady was the beautiful and lively Mary Bellenden, daughter of lord Bellen-
den †, maid of honour to queen Caroline, when princeſs of Wales, and a
great friend of Mrs. Howard. Gay alludes to her, in his ballad entitled
Damon and Cupid, as one of the reigning beauties:
* See Pope's Letters to Swift, October 25th,
1725.-Miſcellanies.-Swift's Character of
Mrs. Howard.-Gay's Epiftle to Pope; and
other parts of their refpective works.
† From lord Orford.
Sir William Bellenden, created a peer
after the reſtoration of Charles the Second,
died unmarried, making a conveyance of his
eftate and honour to John Ker, a younger fon-
WILLIAM Lord SPENCER.
!
of William, the fecond earl of Roxburgh, who
then changed his name to Bellenden, and took
the arms. He married Mary, widow of Wil-
liam Ramfay, third earl of Dalhoufee, and
daughter of Henry Moore, firft earl of Drog-
heda, by Alice his wife, daughter of William
lord Spencer, by Penelope, daughter of Henry
Wriothefly, earl of Southampton.
PENELOPE WRIOTHESLY.
HENRY, First Earl of SUNDERLAND,
1643.
ALICE Lord DROGHEDA.
MARY MOORE Lord BELLENDEN
1
Chapter 31.
1727.
MARY BELLENDEN JOHN CAMPBELL,
afterwards Duke
of Argyle..
JOHN Duke of
Argyle,
Lord FREDERICK CAMPBELL.
CAROLINE,
m. Firſt, Charles Bruce,
Earl of Aylesbury,
2d. Field Marshal Conway.
66 So
278
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730
The queen's
behaviour
to Mrs.
Howard.
« So well I'm known at court,
"None afks where Cupid dwells;
"But readily reſort,
"To Bellenden's or Lepell's."
She is alfo thus defcribed in an old ballad, made upon the quarrel between
George the Firſt and the prince of Wales, at the chriftening, when the
prince and all his houſehold were ordered to quit St. James's:
But Bellenden we needs muft praiſe,
GS
Who, as down the ſtairs fhe jumps;
Sings over the hills and far away,
Deſpifing doleful dumps.
66
98
This lovely and elegant woman rejected the addreffes of the prince, and
eſpouſed, in 1720, John Campbell, then groom of the bed-chamber to the
prince of Wales, and afterwards duke of Argyle. She was highly favoured
by queen Caroline, and univerfally admired as an accompliſhed pattern of
good fenfe, and exemplary conduct.
The prince, after having communicated his paffion for Mifs Bellenden to
Mrs. Howard, and being rejected, became enamoured of his confidante.
Lord Cheſterfield has obferved, in the unfavourable portrait which he
has drawn of queen Caroline, that she even favoured and promoted the galan-
tries of the king. But this fevere repreſentation is totally devoid of truth, and
proves little knowledge of her real difpofition. It was a principle with
her not to diſguſt the king with remonftrances, or to appear diffatisfied
with his attentions to other women. But certainly never wife felt or la-
mented a huſband's infidelities more than herfelf; although ſhe had too
much good ſenſe and prudence, and too much reſpect for her character to
treat her rivals with marks of ill humour, or to fhew, by her outward beha-
viour, fymptoms of jealouſy and diſpleaſure. She was always able to dif-
guife her feelings and conceal her uneafineſs. It was thus that her beha-
viour to Mrs. Howard led many to ſuppoſe that ſhe was in high eſtimation
*Chefterfield's Letters to his Son, alfo in Mifcellaneous Works, vol. 3.
5
and
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
279
and Swift, Pope, and Gay repeatedly call her the chief favourite of the Chapter 31.
queen.
To her particular friends, queen Caroline was not wanting in complaints
of the king's infidelities, and ſhe uſed to call his favourite, by way of ban-
ter, her fifter Howard, and this expreffion was confidered by the friends of
the miſtreſs as a proof of the queen's partiality and kindneſs, whereas it
was in reality the ſtrongeſt mark of averfion and contempt. But, in fact,
the forced complacency of her outward behaviour, was a violent effort of
prudence and difcretion, and fhe never failed to oppofe the rife of thoſe who
paid their court to the miſtreſs. Among many inftances which may be enu-
merated, I fhall felect thofe of Gay, Swift, and Chefterfield.
Gay began paying his court to her when ſhe was electoral princefs, and
while he accompanied the earl of Clarendon as his fecretary to Hanover.
But the embaffy lafted only nineteen days; and being diſappointed of his
hopes of preferment by the death of queen Anne, the poet turned himſelf
towards the rifing fun, and foon after the acceffion of George the Firſt, drew
the character of Caroline in a high ftrain of panegyric *.
The princeſs, not infenfible to praife, received Gay, foon after her arrival in
England, with great kindneſs, and gave him hopes of promotion. From this
period he commenced courtier, paid a regular attendance, and was honoured
with many marks of her patronage and protection. He continued, however,
his attendance at court for twelve years without obtaining a folid reward of
his affiduity. At her command, he wrote his fables for the duke of Cumber-
land, and being of a fanguine difpofition, formed high expectations of pro-
motion when the acceffion of George the Second would permit his patronefs
to provide for him. When that event took place, his hopes were greatly
magnified on the queen's telling Mrs. Howard, in allufion to the fable of the
Hare and many Friends, that ſhe would take up the hare. But his expec-
tations were by thefe means raiſed fo high, that he confidered the offer of the
place of gentleman ufher to the princeſs Louifa, though above £.200 a year,
as an infult, and rejected it with ſcorn.
Swift was convinced that the minifter had prevented the bounty of queen
Caroline from being fhewn to the author of the Hare and many Friends,
and he obſerves, alluding to it in a copy of verſes addreffed to Gay;
"Fain would I think our female friend fincere,
"Till Bob, the poet's foe, poffeft her ear, &c."
* An Epiftle to a Lady, occafioned by the Arrival of the Princeſs of Wales.
+ Swift's Works, vol. 16. p. 170.
*
In
1727.
Jealouſy of
Gay difap-
pointed in his
expectations
from her
tection.
pro-
280
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
In another place, Swift afferts, that it was principally owing to the dedica-
1727 to 1730. tion, prefixed to the Paſtorals, in honour of Bolingbroke, and to fome expreſ-
fions in his fables, which diſpleaſed the court. He repeats this accufation
in his letters and works, and had even the rudeneſs to hint it to Sir Robert
Walpole himſelf, when he dined with him at Chelſea *. Gay was of the
fame opinion, and in the fecond part of his fables, which were not printed
till after his death, is full of ſarcaſtic and fplenetic allufions to the miniſter.
But as Walpole was neither of a jealous or vindictive difpofition, there is no
reaſon to give credit to the aſperſions of his enemies, and to ſuppoſe that he
uſed his influence over queen Caroline, for the purpoſe of injuring Gay, par-
ticularly when another and a more natural motive of her conduct may be fug-
gefted.
Swift.
In fact, Gay was the innocent caufe of his own difgrace, for he thought
that Mrs. Howard was all powerful at court, and that he, whom Swift hu-
morouſly calls one of her led captains, fhould rife by her recommendation.
Pope alſo, in a letter to Swift, alluding to Mrs. Howard, fays, Gay puts his
whole trust in that lady whom I defcribed to you, and whom you take to be an
allegorical creature of fancy. And Gay thus expreffes himſelf to Swift,
"Mrs. Howard has declared herſelf very ftrongly, both to the king and
queen, as my protector." But in thefe words, they unconſciouſly declare
the cauſe of his disfavour. The queen's jealoufy of the interference and
credit of the miſtreſs, obſtructed his promotion; and his own indiſcretion
afterwards, deſtroyed every hope. Soon after this diſappointment, he pro-
duced the Beggar's Opera; and both his converfation and writings were fo
full of invectives againſt the court, that all expectations of farther notice
from the queen were obviouſly relinquiſhed.
Swift alfo proved the ill policy of attempting to ingratiate himſelf with the
queen through the medium of Mrs. Howard. With a view of changing his prefer-
ments in Ireland for others in England, which the princeſs feemed to exprefs an
inclination to promote, he maintained a correfpondence with Mrs. Howard,
whom he praiſed in the moſt fulfome manner, and courted with the moſt affect-
ed affiduity, by letters when he was abfent, and by conftant perfonal attendance
when he was in England. But as foon as the efforts of Mrs. Howard proved
unſucceſsful, Swift turned his fatire against her, on whom he had heaped fuch
unbounded encomiums, imputed his failure folely to her want of fincerity a
* Swift's Works, vol. 16. p. 169.
Swift's Works, vol. 19. p. 252.
+ Swift's Works, vol. 16. p. 168.
and
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
281
1727.
and reproached her in very bitter and difrefpectful terms. Lady Betty Chapter 31.
Germaine, and his friend Gay, in vain endeavoured to juſtify Mrs. Howard,
and to prove that ſhe was not to blame; but the mifanthropic Swift, when
he had once formed his opinion, was not eafily convinced by any arguments.
He ſays, in a letter to lady Betty Germaine," For theſe reaſons, I did al-
ways, and do ſtill think, Mrs. Howard, now lady Suffolk, an abſolute cour-
tier." When this character was fhewn to lady Suffolk, fhe mildly obſerved,
"It is very different from that which he fent me himſelf, and which I have
in his own hand writing *."
1
The earl of Cheſterfield is another remarkable inftance. He had long co-
veted the poſt of ſecretary of ſtate, and an arrangement had been made in his
favour. After an audience of the queen, to which he was introduced by
Walpole, and thanking her for her concurrence, he had the imprudence to make
a long viſit to the miftrefs; the queen was informed of the circumftance, and
his appointment did not take place. At another time, he had requeſted the
queen to ſpeak to the king for fome trifling favour. The queen promifed, but
forgot it; a few days afterwards, recollecting her promiſe, ſhe expreffed regret at
her forgetfulneſs, and added, ſhe would certainly mention it that very day.
Cheſterfield replied, that her majefty need not give herſelf that trouble, for
lady Suffolk had ſpoken to the king. The queen made no reply, but on
feeing the king, told him ſhe had long promiſed to mention a trifling requeſt
to his majeſty, but it was now needlefs, becauſe lord Cheſterfield had juſt
informed her, that ſhe had been anticipated by lady Suffolk. The king, who
always preferved great decorum with the queen, and was very unwilling
to have it fuppofed that the favourite interfered, was extremely difpleafed,
both with lord Cheſterfield and his miftrefs. The confequence was, that in
a fhort time lady Suffolk went to Bath for her health, and returned no more
to court; Cheſterfield was difiniffed from his office, and never heard the
reaſon until two years before his death, when he was informed by the late
earl of Orford, that his difgrace was owing to his having offended the queen
by paying court to lady Suffolk
* From lord Orford.
† Etough. Trom the communication of
Sir Robert Walpole.
Her husband having fucceeded to the
title of earl of Suffolk, on the death of his
brother in June 1731, he became counteſs
of Suffolk. At the period of her retirement
from court, fhe was a widow, her huſband
having died on the 28th of September 1733,
and the efpoufed, in July 1735, George Berk.
ley, fourth fon of Charles, fecond earl of Berk-
ley. Lady Suffolk lived to an advanced age,
not dying till 1767; the left no iffue, an only
fon, which the had by her first husband, dying
in 1745 unmarried.
Lord Chef-
terfield.
VOL. I
Fid
1
282
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
8727 to 1730.
1
Rumours of
a change of
miniſtry.
Intrigues of
Pulteney :
Of Boling-
broke and the
Tories.
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SECOND:
1727.
Rumours of a Change in Adminiftration.-Intrigues of the Tories, Pulteney, and
Bolingbroke.-Character of Sir Spencer Compton, who declines the Office of
prime Minifter.-Continuation of Townshend and Walpole, by the Intervention
of Queen Caroline.-The good Effects of her Influence over the King.
TH
HE news of the king's death had no fooner reached London, than a
general belief was current that the adminiſtration would be totally
changed. It was credited, that Sir Robert Walpole had irretrievably of--
fended the new king, when prince of Wales, as he had been frequently heard
to proteft, that when he came to the throne, that minifter ſhould never be
employed.
1
Pulteney, before their open rupture, had informed the prince of Wales of
fome difrepectful expreffions uſed on a former occafion, and told him that
he was fold to his father's minifters, by perfons who confidered nothing but
themſelves and their own intereft, and were in hafte to make their fortunes *.
Since their quarrel, he had undoubtedly exaggerated this reprefentation,
and, as he continued on good terms at Leiceſter Houſe, naturally uſed his
whole credit againſt Walpole.
Bolingbroke and the Tories had alfo caballed at Leiceſter Houſe, and
were fupported by the whole weight and influence of the favourite, Mrs..
Howard. Swift alfo, in a letter to his friend Dr. Sheridan, mentions the
hopes of the Tories, and the certain difmiffion of Walpole..
In fact, Walpole himſelf was at this moment convinced of his removal,
and yet was well fatisfied that his exclufion could not be of long continuance.
In conformity with theſe ſentiments, he faid to his friend Sir William Yonge,
"I fhall certainly go out; but let me recommend you not to go into violent
oppoſition, as we muſt foon come in again .'
†.”
In this moment of probable diſgrace, Walpole was deferted by many of
his friends; and Sir Spencer Compton, whom the king had already avowed.
* Anfwer to one Part of an infamous Libel.
† From Sir George Yonge,
1
his
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
283
1
his intention of appointing minifter, became the idol of the day. But the
event turned out otherwiſe, and the public expectations were diſappointed.
It is now well known, that the continuance of the new adminiſtration was
folely owing to the influence of queen Caroline; and writers of great credit,
but not acquainted with the interior fituation of Leiceſter Houſe at that
period, have not ſcrupled to aſcribe her patronage of Sir Robert Walpole,
folely to the offers which he made to obtain from parliament a jointure
of £, 100,000 a year, when Sir Spencer Compton could only venture to
propofe £. 60,000, as if motives of fordid intereft had alone induced the
queen to protect the minifter; and as if her conduct was derived from in-
ftantaneous impulfe, unconnected with any previous communication or inter-
courſe. The offer had doubtless its due effect; but a number of circum-
ſtances combined to influence her in favour of Sir Robert Walpole.
•
The queen was by no means ignorant of his character and abilities. While
he was in oppofition to government, from 1717 to 1720, he had conti-
nued in the higheſt favour with the prince of Wales. During this period,
a woman of her good fenfe, could not fail of diſtinguiſhing that capacity
for buſineſs, thoſe powers of intellect, which raiſed him to the head of his
party; and his wife and able conduct upon the failure of the South Sea
ſcheme, naturally increaſed this prepoffeffion in his favour.
-
*
He had, in conjunction with lord Townfhend, gratified the prince of
Wales, by obtaining from the king the garter for the earl of Scarborough.
And count Broglio, the French embaffador, obferves on this occafion,
"That minifters not unfrequently procured places for thofe perfons who
were attached to the prince, from the confideration that the time might
come, when fuch a conduct would turn out to their advantage."
·
The duke of Devonshire, who had always been the great friend and fup-
porter of Walpole, had continued on good terms with the princefs of Wales.
He had ſtrongly impreffed her with fentiments of high regard for his abili-
ties and minifterial capacity, and had reprefented him as the perfon who had
principally counteracted the intrigues of the Jacobites, diſcovered the plot of
biſhop Atterbury, and whofe good offices were effentially employed in pre-
ferving the family on the throne. Nor can a ftronger proof be alledged of the
height to which this confidential intercourfe was carried, than that the refo-
lution which he had once formed to refign, was communicated by the duke
of Devonſhire to the princefs, and that the perfuaded him to relinquish the
defign.
*Count Broglio to the king of France, 24 July, 1724. Correfpondence, Period III.
+ Onflow's Remarks. Correfpondence, Period IV.
002
But
Chapter 32.
1727.
Walpole
fupported by
queen Caro-
line.
284
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
i
But the principal caufe which fecured to him the protection of the queen,
1727 to 1730. was his prudent behaviour in 12gad to 1 s. Howard. He had penetration
fufficient to foreſee, that George the Second would be governed by his wife,
whom he adored, and of whofe abilities and good fenfe he had formed the
higheſt idea, and not by his miſtreſs, of whofe judgment he never entertained
any favourable opinion. The minifter had always treated the princefs of
Wales with the higheſt refpect, and declined paying court to Mrs. Howard;
a mode of conduct, which, according to the opinion of fuperficial obſervers,
would inevitably bring on his difgrace, but which, in effect, contributed to
his continuance in office.
A contrary mode of proceeding had infpired the
queen with an invincible averfion to Pulteney, Bolingbroke, and the Tories.
Hence ſhe uſed all her influence with the king not to change the admini-
ſtration.
Walpole's
firft inter-
view with
George the
Second.
Character of
Sir Spencer
Compton.
1695.
The account of the king's death was brought first to the minifter at
Chelſea, in a diſpatch from lord Townſhend, who had accompanied George
the Firſt to the continent. He inſtantly repaired to the palace at Rich-
mond. The king was then retired, as was his ufual cuftom, to his after-
noon's nap.
On being informed that his father was dead, he conti-
nued for fome time incredulous, until he was told that the minifter was
waiting in the antichamber with the exprefs. He at length ſtarted up, and
made his appearance half dreffed; but he ftill retained his unbelief, until the
diſpatch from Townshend was produced. Walpole having knelt down, and
kiſſed his hand, inquired whom his majeſty would be pleaſed to appoint to
draw up the declaration to the privy council? "Compton," replied the king
with great abruptnefs, and Walpole quitted the apartment under the moſt
mortifying impreffions. He immediately waited on Sir Spencer Compton.
with the king's commands, who, unacquainted with the etiquette and forms
of expreffion ufed on the occafion, avowed his ignorance, and requeſted the
miniſter to draw up the declaration. Walpole complied, and Compton con--
veyed it to the king *.
Sir Spencer Compton was ſecond furviving fon of James earl of Northamp-
ton; after having received a liberal education, and improved himſelf by fo-
reign travel, he was introduced into parliament at an early period, and de-
ferted the principles of his family, who were Tories,, by adhering to the
Whigs. He was made treaſurer to the prince of Denmark, appointed ma
nager for the trial of Sacheverel, was chairman in feveral important com-
mittees of elections and privileges, in which he acquitted himſelf with much›
From lord Orford.
fatisfaction,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
285
1727;
fatisfaction, and made himſelf mafter of the forms and proceedings of the Chapter 32.
Houſe. At the acceffion of George the Firſt, he was appointed treaſurer to
the prince of Wales; and his conftant adherence to the Whigs, his intimate
acquaintance with Walpole, his numerous connections, and a character he
had acquired for diſpatch of buſineſs, ſecured him the place of ſpeaker with-
out oppofition. With that honourable office he united, in 1721, the poſt
of paymafler of the forces, and treaſurer of Chelſea Hofpital. He was
created knight of the bath on the revival of that order. Compton was not
diftinguiſhed for brilliancy of genius, or eminence of abilities. His formal
and folemn manner contributed to the fupport of his authority as ſpeaker,
and feemed to denote extent of knowledge and profundity of thought, while
his affiduity in buſineſs, and punctuality in accounts, rendered him refpect-
able in the opinion of George the Second, who being extremely regular in
all his proceedings, loved regularity in others, and eſteemed it one of the
moft effential requifites in a minifter. Such was the perfon whom George
the Second had felected; and as the monarch was ufually deemed inflexible
in his refolutions, the appointment feemed irrevocably fixed.
Walpole paſſed the two days which immediately followed the acceffion of
the new king, in great agitation and concern, and held feveral meetings with
his friends at Devonshire Houſe, to confult on the beft mode of proceeding.
Scrope *, fecretary to the treaſury, who was admitted to one of thefe con-
ferences, deſcribed the whole company as without the fmalleft expectation,
abforbed in gloom and confternation. Either the next, or the following
day, Scrope repeated his vifit to the defponding minifter, and found no al-
teration in his mien and appearance. He firft encouraged him in general terms
to hope, and then added reafons for that encouragement, which he had
from one, whofe name he could not divulge. His friend had informed him,
that queen Caroline was diſpleaſed with Compton, who had been deficient in
deference and refpect, and had conceived a high opinion of Walpole's abi-
lity for finance. She ufed to converfe with George the Firſt at chapel, on
political ſubjects; and once in particular, having obſerved that a want of
proper funds would oblige him to difband his Hanover troops, he re-
plied, "No, for Walpole can convert ftones into gold." This anec-
dote recurred to her recollection; fhe communicated it to the king, and.
exerted herſelf to abate his predilection for Compton, and influence him.
in favour of Walpole. The truth of the information foon appeared; the
queen was now affiduouſly employed in removing the prejudices of the king..
She repreſented the folly and hazard of difmiffing a well eſtabliſhed miniſtry,
* Minutes of Scrope's Converfations with Etough. Correfpondence, Period IV.
† See chapter 30.
9
and
286
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
and of forming a motley cabinet of Whigs and Tories; and artfully took
1727 to 1730. an opportunity of hinting the imprudence of placing a man at the head
of the miniſtry, who could not draw up the declaration to be laid before the
privy council, but was compelled to have recourfe to him who was about to
be diſmiſſed; ſhe alſo hinted to him, that Sir Robert Walpole had agreed
to carry through the houſe of commons, an augmentation of £. 130,000
to the civil liſt.
Theſe repreſentations had their effect; and with them, many other cauſes
co-operated to change the king's fentiments. Sir Spencer Compton found
himſelf unequal to the weight of government, and was not eager to take
upon him ſo reſponſible an office. He was convinced, that he could not
bear up againſt the oppofition of Sir Robert Walpole, who had fo much
weight in the houſe of commons, and who would be ſupported by the
united intereſts of Newcaſtle, Devonshire, Townſhend, and the great leaders
of the Whigs, unleſs a Tory adminiftration was formed. George the Second
was averfe to throw himſelf into the hands of the Tories, and yet could not
form a new miniftry, which promiſed ftability, without taking that ſtep.
Pulteney, the only man of great weight and influence among the Whigs
in oppofition, was by no means attached to the Tories, and would not have
heartily coalefced with them. Bolingbroke was fo extremely unpopular,
that his re-eſtabliſhment in the houſe of lords, and his admiffion into the mi-
niſtry, would have occafioned great murmurs and diſcontents among thoſe
who uſually ſupported government. Lord Carteret, the only man of abi-
lities who was cordially inclined to join the Tories, had little perfonal con-
fequence, was not the leader of any party, and did not poffefs the fmalleft
influence in the houſe of commons.
The fituation of foreign affairs alſo no leſs contributed to confirm the king
in his refolution not to remove the miniftry. The treaty of Hanover had been
recently concluded, and the negotiations for the confummation of that al-
liance were in great forwardneſs. They had been planned and were con-
ducting by lord Townſhend, in co-operation with France. The oppofition
had warmly refifted the treaty, and might have introduced a new plan,
which muſt have deranged and overturned the whole fyftem of foreign poli-
tics. Cardinal Fleury, who then governed France, was intimately connected
with Horace Walpole; he had adopted the pacific fentiments which influ-
enced the Engliſh cabinet, and deprecated the change of that fyftem which
had kept Europe in peace for fo long a period. When the news of the king's
death reached Paris, Horace Walpole requeſted and obtained an immediate
conference, which took place at Verfailles on the enfuing day. In this con-
ference,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
287
←
-
ference, the French miniſter conveyed, in the ſtrongeſt terms, profeffions Char
friendſhip from Louis the Fifteenth to George the Second; and in las eva
name declared his firm refolution to maintain the good underſtanding be-
tween the two crowns. He alſo expreffed theſe fentiments in a letter which
he wrote on the fame day to Horace Walpole. Immediately after the con-
ference*, Horace Walpole quitted Paris, without waiting for leave of ab-
fence, repaired to London, and delivered his letter to the king in perfon.
The king was at firft extremely diffatisfied with him for quitting his fta-
tion fo abruptly; but during the conference, which lafted two hours, he
gradually foftened, as Horace Walpole explained, with great addreſs, the re-
lative fituations of England and France, effaced the ill impreſſions that he
had entertained of his and his brother's conduct, and confirmed the fenti-
ments of the French cabinet, which were contained in the letter froin car-
dinal Fleury. Accordingly, the king wrote, with his own hand, a letter
to the cardinal, in which he declared his reſolution to purſue the fame mea-
fures as were purfued by his father, and to continue the fame minifters who
had conducted thoſe meaſures.
Under theſe circumftances, the offer which had been made to Compton,
was the only remaining impediment to the continuance of Walpole. The
manner of furmounting this difficulty was previoufly concerted. The queen
having, in the prefence of Walpole, repeated to Compton the intimation that
the king intended to place him at the head of the treaſury; Walpole inſtantly
declared his ready acquiefcence, and gave affurances of his beft affiſtance
and fupport. Compton was extremely affected at this inftance of his maſ-
ter's kindneſs, and ſhed tears, as he declared his incapacity to undertake ſo
arduous a truft §.
While this fcene was paffing in the cloſet, the door of Sir Spencer Comp-
ton's houſe in St. James's Square was befieged by perfons of all ranks, who
crowded to pay their court to the new minifter. As Walpole was paffing,
through the fquare in his carriage, he faid to a friend who was with him,
"Did you obferve how my houſe is deferted, and how that door is crowded
with carriages? To-morrow the ſcene will be changed: that houſe will be
deferted, and mine will be more frequented than ever.”
* Memoires de Montgon, tome 4. p. 401,
403.
† Etough. From Horace Walpole, Period V.
* Duke of Newcaſtle to Mr. Robinſon and
the earl of Waldegrave. Correfpondence.
Montgon mentions the conference between
Fleury and Horace Walpole, and afferts that
cardinal Fleury wrote a letter to the king of
England; but this letter was to Horace Wal-
pole. Memoires de Montgon.
§ Communicated by Sir Robert Walpole
to biſhop Weſton. Etough Papers.
As
€88
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
As his continuance in office was the work of the queen, it was through her
1727 to 1730. that it was firſt made known to the public. On the firft drawing-room which
ſhe held at Leiceſter Houſe, lady Walpole, among others, prefented herſelf;
but as there was a great crowd, and her husband was fuppofed to have
received his difmiffion, no one retired, till the queen perceiving her at
fome diſtance, beckoned to her, and ſaid, "There I am fure I fee a friend;"
inſtantly the whole company made way. She approached the queen, and
kiffed her hand; her majefty fpoke to her in a moft gracious manner, and
lady Walpole, in relating the anecdote to her fon*, from whom I received
it, added, “and in returning I might have walked upon their heads, ſo
eager were they to pay their court to me.”
From this moment Walpole was courted, and Compton in his turn deferted;
and the miniſtry, with very few alterations, continued in their former offices.
On the 24th of June, the very day in which Swift faid the miniftry would be
changed, Walpole was re-appointed firft lord commiffioner of the treaſury
and chancellor of the exchequer, and lord Townſhend again received the
feal of ſecretary of ſtate. An attempt was finally made by the party,
through Mrs. Howard, to prevail on the king to confer an earldom on lord
Bathurft; but that meaſure being thwarted by the influence of the queen,
they relinquished all hopes of fuccefs, and Bolingbroke retired from London
in diſguſt.
Queen Caroline poffeffed great art in bending the king's mind to the pur-
poſes which his Engliſh miniſter thought advantageous and neceffary, and in
counteracting the Hanoverian cabals. She always affected to retire when
the miniſter came into the cloſet, declared fhe did not underſtand buſineſs,
and only remained as if to obey the king's commands, and not out of incli-
nation or curiofity. She never appeared to liften; never gave her opinion
unleſs folicited, and then delivered it with a modeſty and humility which
captivated and charmed the king. She was extremely fond of power, though
fhe affected the contrary, and preferved her influence over the king by con-
fummate difcretion. She was a friend to peace, and appreciated and en-
forced the pacific fyftem of Sir Robert Walpole, as the only means of pre-
ferving the interior tranquillity, and preventing a rebellion; as the great cauſe
of the national profperity, of the increaſe of commerce, and of the improve-
ment of manufactures and agriculture.
The interpofition of queen Caroline, and the aſſiſtance which ſhe gave to
the miniftry, in regulating the conduct of affairs, was of the higheft advant-
age both to them and the country. She was not unacquainted with the
1
* From Lord Orford.
† Ibid.
conftitution
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
289
conſtitution of England; and fhe often prepared and fmoothed the way Chapter 33.
towards obtaining the king's confent to meafures which he had firſt oppofed, 1727 to 1729.
becauſe they often ran counter to his German prejudices, or to his paſſion
for military glory.
From the time of his acceffion, to the hour of her death, the king had
always appointed her, during his abfence, regent of the kingdom, and an
act of parliament was paffed for the expreſs purpoſe of exempting her from
taking the oaths. He uniformly expreffed as much fatisfaction, that the
affairs of government were conducted by her, as when they were conducted
by himſelf; an honourable teſtimony of his confidence, which ſhe amply
merited by her confummate good fenfe and difcretion. The reliance which
George the Second placed on the queen, is evidently proved by fome ex-
preffions in a letter from Da Cunha, the Portugueſe miniſter at the Hague,
to Azevedo in London. "As to your journey to Hanover, I have already
given my opinion; it is certain neither the king will do any thing without
the queen, nor the queen without the king: and therefore, in point of dif
patch of bufinefs, London is Hanover, and Hanover is London *."
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-THIRD:
1727-1729.
Walpole obtains an Increase of the Civil Lift, and a Fointure of £. 100,000 for
Queen Caroline.-Meeting and Proceedings of the New Parliament.-State of
the Oppofition.-Important Difcuffion on the State of the Sinking Fund and
National Debt.-Report of the House of Commons on that Subject. The
King refuſes to make Charles Stanhope a Lord of the Admiralty.-Foreign
Affairs.-Tranſactions with Spain and the Emperor.-Alliance with Brunf-
wick.-Act of the Pardo.-Congrefs of Soiffons.-Treaty of Seville.
I of the not a min
firmed.
N confequence of the re-appointment of Townſhend and Walpole, not a New mini-
fingle member of the cabinet council was removed, excepting the earl ftry con-
of Berkley, firft lord of the admiralty, who was replaced by Sir George Byng,
viſcount Torrington, the confidential friend of Walpole; and the power of
the minifter was increafed by the nomination of feveral of his friends to
VOL. I.
July 38 1736. Orford Papers.
P P
1
fubordinate
290
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
fubordinate offices in the treafury, admiralty, and other boards of govern-
1727 to 1730. ment. The wisdom of continuing the adminiſtration, was proved by the
Difappoint-
ment and
inactivity of
oppofition.
June 15th.
Proceedings
in parliament.
unanimity with which affairs were at firſt conducted in parliament; and the
acceffion of George the Second, which the Jacobites abroad and at home had
impatiently expected as the fignal of a new revolution, took place with the
moſt perfect tranquillity. They founded their principal hopes on the re-
moval of the minifter. The fecretary of lord Orrery, had obferved to the
exiled biſhop of Rocheſter, that if the project to deftroy Sir Robert Walpole
was fucceſsful, he had more hopes of feeing the Chevalier reſtored, to the
fatisfaction of himſelf and fubjects, than from any Alberoni or foreign affift-
ance in the world. Atterbury himſelf alfo acknowledged that the king
knew his intereſt too well to encourage any attempts againſt the miniſter *.
The general defpondency which they now teftified, was equal to the ardour
of their former expectations, and fufficiently proves that he was confidered
as the great fupport of the proteftant fucceffion, and the bulwark of the reli-
gion and conftitution.
The oppofition feems to have been ſtunned with the re-appointment of the
miniſter, whoſe diſgrace they had fondly anticipated, and the buſineſs was
carried through the houſe of commons almoft with perfect unanimity. The
day after the arrival of the exprefs, with official intelligence of the death of
George the Firſt, the parliment affembled in conformity to the act of ſettle-
ment, and was prorogued by commiffion to the 27th. On that day, the
king came to the houſe of peers, and in his fpeech from the throne, after
expreffing his concern for the death of his father, his determination to pre-
ferve the conftitution inviolable, and to fecure to all his fubjects the
full enjoyment of their religious and civil rights; he gave his full fanction
to the late meaſures. The addreſs of condolence and congratulation, moved
by Sir Paul Methuen, and feconded by Walpole, was carried without
oppofition. It was drawn up in fuch terms as fufficiently proved that he
thought himſelf ſecure of all the influence and power which he had hitherto
poffeffed. On the 3d of July, he propofed that the entire revenue of
the civil lift, which produced about £.130,000 more than the £. 700,000
granted to the late king, might be fettled on his majefty during life. Al-
though this motion was confidered as the price of his continuance in
office, yet no one ventured to oppoſe it, except Shippen, who after a long
peech, moved, that no more than £. 700,000 ſhould be ſettled; but as
→ Secret Intelligence from Paris, September 24th, 1727.-Walpole Papers.
+ Journals.-Tindal, vol. 20. p. 4.-Hiftorical Regifter, 172.-Chandler.
he
SIR ROBERT WALPOLF
291
On
he was not feconded, the orignal motion paffed without a divifion*.
the 9th, in confequence of a meffage requeſting the houſe to fettle a join-
ture on the queen, if fhe fhould furvive the king; it was unanimouſly
agreed that .100,000 fhould be granted for that purpoſe. On the
17th, the king made a ſpeech from the throne, in which, after thanking the
parliament for this mark of attachment and affection, he gave another and a
ſtronger fanction to the conduct of the minifters, and adverted to the flou-
riſhing ſtate of the country. The parliament was then prorogued to the
29th of Auguſt, and foon afterwards diffolved. Thus was this ſhort ſeſſion
of parliament conducted with an unanimity and zeal unexampled in the
annals of this country.
Chapter 33.
1727 to 1729.
Meeting of
the new par
liament.
As the fame men were continued in office, of courſe the fame meaſures
were purſued both at home and abroad. At home, to continue the public
tranquillity, to counteract the fchemes of the Jacobites, to promote com-
merce, to encourage agriculture and manufactures were the great efforts of
adminiſtration, and in thefe Walpole took an active and leading part.
The new houſe of commons, which affembled on the 23d of January 1728,
was of the fame temper and difpofition as the laft; and the members in
favour of adminiſtration were foon found to exceed the complement in the
former parliament. Sir Spencer Compton, who had occupied the chair,
having been created a peer, Arthur Onflow was elected ſpeaker, with an
unanimity which could only be inſpired by an opinion of his integrity and
abilities, an opinion which his fubfequent conduct fully juſtified, by an able
and impartial diſcharge of his duty, during a period of thirty-ſeven years †.
The ſpeech from the throne was remarkable for an appearance of franknefs King's
and fincerity. The king firft alluded to the uncertain fituation of affairs fpeech.
abroad, to the difficulties which had attended the execution of the preli-
minaries with Spain, and to the unavoidable neceffity of not difcontinuing
warlike preparations; and then, after the ordinary profeffions of frugality, and
willingneſs to reduce the national expences, exhorted the commons to take
into confideration the encouragement of feamen in general, that they might
be invited rather than compelled to enter into the fervice of their country,
*It is a curious obfervation of Smollett
(vol. 2. p. 131.) which must tend to fhew with
how much partiality and inaccuracy he com-
piled his hiftory. That "to thefe particulars
(namely, in the fpeech of Shippen) which
were indeed unanswerable, no reply was made.
Even this mark of decency was laid afide, as
idle and fuperfluous." The fact was, that no
reply was made, not becauſe the arguments
were unanfwerable, but becauſe no one fe-
conded the motion; a circumſtance of which
Smollett takes no notice. Belfham alfo ob-
ſerves (vol. 1. p. 172.) with no leſs inaccu-
racy, "The amendment was rejected with a
great majority," which would lead the reader to
fuppofe, that there was a divifion. But in fact,
there was no amendment duly moved and fe-
conded, and the original motion, of courſe,
paffed unanimoufly.
† Tindal.
Pp 2
a con-
292
MEMOIRS OF
Feriod IV.
a confideration, he obferved, worthy of the reprefentatives of a people great
1727 to 1730. and flouriſhing in trade and navigation. To this purpoſe, he propoſed an
addition to the fund of Greenwich Hofpital, and concluded with recom-
mending unanimity, zeal, and diſpatch.
Addrefs.
Debate on
the Heffian
troops.
February 14.
This fpeech was heard with general fatisfaction. The addrefs paffed the
lords without oppofition; being prefented to the commons for their approba-
tion, Shippen propofed, with a view to caft a reflection on the minifters,
after the words difagreeable and uncertain ftate of affairs, to add, at his ma-
jesty's acceffion to the throne. He then took occafion to launch out into the
moſt bitter invectives, and particularly taxed the fquadron with being uſeleſs
and infignificant, for not having rifled the galleons at Carthagena, and plun-
dered Porto Bello. Sir William Wyndham feconded the motion with his
ufual energy, and obferved, that the languid meaſures adopted by govern-
ment, tended only to remove the negotiations from Paris and Madrid to
Cambray, and would not affiſt in removing the difficulties into which this
dilatory mode of proceeding had plunged the nation. But theſe declama-
tory objections did not accord with the temper of the houfe; they rather ex-
cited ſo much indignation among the independent members, that the oppo-
fition did not venture to call for a diviſion, and the addreſs was carried una-
nimoufly. In fact, this conduct of oppofition, not only diſpleaſed the nation,
but even hurt their caufe in the only court, where it was likely to have any
effect. For the great objection which cardinal Fleury had raiſed againſt the
counfels of England, was derived from their precipitancy and violence; and
Bolingbroke had laboured to impreſs this notion on his partizans. The mi-
niſters availed themſelves of this circumſtance, and in conformity to their in-
ſtructions, earl Waldegrave, who in the abſence of Horace Walpole conducted
the affairs of England at Paris, repreſented with due effect to the cardinal,
that the fame meaſures to which he objected, as too prompt and decifive,
were reprobated in England, as deficient in fpirit and energy
*
The firſt queſtion which met with much oppofition, was that made by
Horace Walpole, that .230,923 fhould be granted for maintaining 12,000
Heffians in the British pay. In the debate on this motion, the minority
feem to have firft recovered from their furprife; the Pulteneys and Sir
William Wyndham fpoke with great weight and art on a queftion which
has been fo often difcuffed, and which ftill continues to agitate the public
mind, concerning the expediency of taking foreign troops into British pay.
The argument in favour of the queſtion was, in fubftance, that the late king
had thought fit to provide theſe troops, in order to obtain the ends of the
* George Tilfon to earl Waldegrave, February 2d and 5th, 1727-8. Waldegrave Papers.
treaty
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
293
treaty of Hanover; that they were ready at hand, and much cheaper than
raifing national troops; that a diſappointment, from the defection of the king
of Pruffia, one of the contracting parties in the alliance, was a ſpecial reafon
for their being retained; that time had manifeſted this to have been a pru-
dential meaſure, it having prevented a war in Germany; that the reaſons for
taking them into pay ftill fubfifted, and therefore their continuance was ne-
ceffary till the intended congrefs at Cambray was finished. 84 divided
againſt 280 *.
It was at this period, in which Walpole, confiding on the fupport of queen
Caroline, took the lead in the adminiſtration, and became in reality the firſt
minifter, although lord Townshend ftill oftenfibly retained the name, that
the oppoſition began to form itſelf into conſiſtency, and to compoſe a firm
and compact phalanx, which refifted all the efforts and influence of the mi-
nifters to divide them, and which finally drove him from the helm.
Until the death of George the Firſt, the component parts of this hetero-
geneous body, which confifted of a few difappointed Whigs, Tories, and Ja-
cobites, did not cordially coalefce. Many of thoſe Whigs and moderate
Tories, who looked up to that event as a prelude to their own admiffion into
the miniſtry, kept aloof from thoſe who, as being profeffed Jacobites, or
violent Tories, could not expect the fame fuccefs. But no fooner had the
continuance of Walpole in office annihilated their hopes, than the whole
body became compact and united. In this refpect, the Whigs became Tories,
the Tories Whigs; and the Jacobites affumed every ſhape which tended to
promote their views, by diſtreffing government, and haraffing the minifter,
whom they conſidered as the great fupporter of the houſe of Brunſwick,
The chief aim of the minifter was to comprehend almoſt all the Tories as
enemies to the government, by the name of Jacobites, or at leaſt to give
that ftigma to every one who was not a profeft and known Whig. With this
view, his own adminiſtration being naturally fupported on a Whig founda-
tion, he endeavoured to attach to himſelf all thoſe who had been dependent
on Sunderland. With fome he fucceeded, but not with all; and of thofe
whom he could not gain, feveral remained in their employments, becauſe
they were protected by the Hanover junto. This body of Whigs, fmall but
of conſiderable eminence, remained his enemies to the time of the king's
death, watching for every opportunity to ruin him; and from the acceffion
of George the Second, commenced the oppofition which became afterwards
fo troubleſome and formidable. Pulteney became the great leader of this
*Journals. Chandler.
+ For the characters of the leading mem-
Chapter 33.
1727 to 1729.
The oppofi-
tion.
bers of oppofition, fee Onflow's Remarks, Cor. V
refpondence, Period IV.
body,
294
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730
Debates on
the finking
fund and the
national debt.
-1.
February 22.
body; under him were ranged his kinfman Daniel Pulteney, Sir John Barnard,
Sandys, and afterwards lord Polwarth, Pitt, Littleton, and the Grenvilles.
Sir William Wyndham was the great chief of the Tories, and William Ship-
pen was at the head of the Jacobites, who did not form lefs than fifty mem-
bers. Thoſe who fupported the miniſter were lord Hervey, whofe character
and talents have been fcandaloufly depreciated by Pope, Henry Pelham,
Sir William Yonge, whom Johnſon calls the beſt ſpeaker in the houſe of
commons, Winnington, and his brother Horace Walpole, whoſe talents for
negotiation, indefatigable affiduity in buſineſs, and acquaintance with foreign
tranfactions, rendered him an able co-adjutor.
During this feffion, a very important queſtion, on the ſtate of the national
debt, was brought before the houfe, in which the miniſter of finance was
deeply engaged. In the debates which took place on this fubject, the op-
poſition had declaimed againſt the profuſe expenditure of the public mo-
ney. They declared, that although large fupplies were annually voted dur-
ing the laft reign, and the produce of the finking fund had been applied
to the diſcharge of the debt, during a period of almoſt uninterrupted tran-
quillity, yet the public burthens were increaſed inſtead of being diminiſhed;
and they obferved, that if the war with Spain ſhould continue, and new
troubles ariſe in Europe, freſh taxes muſt be perpetuated to the lateſt poſ
terity, and that the nation muſt inevitably fink under fuch an accumulated
load.
In proof of thefe arguments, Pulteney had publiſhed a well written pam-
phlet, "On the State of the National Debt." Many fimilar ſtatements had
appeared in the Craftſman, attempting to fhew, that the finking fund had
been of no fervice to the purpoſe for which it was originally intended.
Walpole knew that this pofition was defended by the moſt able pens, and
oftentatiouſly ſupported by numbers, and laborious calculations, which the
people could not comprehend. As theſe affertions raiſed great clamours at
home, and had a confiderable effect abroad, in decrying the credit of the
nation, it became neceffary to confute, or at leaſt to contradict them,
in the fame pofitive manner in which they were advanced. With this view,
the minifter determined, through the medium of the houſe of commons, to
make a folemn appeal to the nation againſt their ſtatements; and his refo-
lution was unwittingly forwarded by oppofition, who did not know that in
repeating their attacks, they ſupplied him with the very weapons of defence,
which he could not ſo eaſily have acquired without their concurrence.
In laying before the commons an account of the finking fund, Walpole
declared, that fince 1716, it had diſcharged above fix millions of the debt,
but that as new debts had been contracted, the national burthens had upon
4.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
295
the balance been diminiſhed about two millions and a half. Pulteney in
reply afferted, that notwithſtanding the great merit which fome perſons had
arrogated to themſelves from the eſtabliſhment of the finking fund, it ap-
peared that the debt had increaſed, inſtead of being diminiſhed, fince the
commencement of that pompous project. To this Sir Nathaniel Gould, an
eminent merchant, obſerved, that he apprehended the gentleman had taken
this notion from a treatiſe, intituled, "The State of the National Debt;"
that if he underſtood any thing, it was numbers, and that he would
ſtake his credit, to fhew the fallacy of the author's calculations and infer-
ences. Pulteney defended his calculations, and added, that he was not at
preſent prepared to prove his affertions, but that he would do fo in a few
days, and would alſo ſtake his reputation on their truth. The minifter fup-
ported the opinion of Sir Nathaniel Gould, and added, that he would alfo
ſtake his reputation on the truth of what he advanced*. Walpole now ex-
erted himſelf in preparing ſpecific ſtatements of the produce of the finking
fund, of the debts which had been liquidated, and of thoſe which had been
contracted fince its eſtabliſhment, with a view of ſubmitting them to par-
liament on the first opportunity, which was foon fupplied by the leading
member of oppofition.
On the 29th of February, the king's anſwer was given to an addreſs, re-
queſting a ſpecific account of £. 250,000 which had been charged for ſecret
ſervices; that he truſted the houſe would repoſe the fame confidence in him
as they had repoſed in his royal father; and declared, that a ſpecific account
of the diſburſements could not be given, without manifeft prejudice to the
public. This meffage had no fooner been delivered by Sir Paul Methuen,
comptroller of the houſehold, than Pulteney rofe: with great animation he
inveighed againſt ſuch a vague and general way of accounting for the public
money, as tending to render parliament infignificant and ufelefs, to cover
embezzlements, and to fcreen corrupt and rapacious minifters. He again
urged the increaſe of the national debt, and inſiſted on having that impor-
tant affair debated in a grand committee. The miniſter oppoſed the im-
mediate diſcuſſion of the queſtion, but moved to adjourn the debate only to
the 4th of March, when after the examination of the revenue officers, he
ſhould be ready to lay before the houſe, the ſtate of the national debt. This
motion was carried by 202 againſt 66 †.
Accordingly, on the 4th of March, the commons, in a committee of the
whole houſe, confidered the ſtate of the national debt, and examined at the
bar the proper officers of the revenue. At the conclufion of this exami-
* George Tilfon to the earl of Waldegrave, February 22d, 1727-8. Correfpondence.-
Chandler.
† Journals.
Chapter 33.
1727 to 1729.
nation,
296
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
March 4th.
nation, with a view to avoid all general cavils, and to reduce the affertions
of the adverſaries to a ſpecific account, a motion was made by the friends of
the minifter, "That the monies already applied towards difcharging the na-
tional debts incurred before Chriſtmas 1716, together with £.220,435, which
will be iffued at Lady Day 1728, amount to £.6,648,762."
In reply to this propofition, the minority argued, that for the pur-
pofe of fwelling the amount of the fums faid to be iffued for the liqui-
dation of the debt, the miniſter had put down no leſs than three millions,
which lrad been advanced in 1720, to make the irredeemables redeem-
ables; and which could not properly be called a payment of debts. They
alfo infifted, that he had omitted feveral large fums, particularly one million
raiſed upon the credit of the civil lift, and deficiencies of the land tax, malt,
and other funds. They concluded, that thefe defalcations from the fums
paid, and additions to the ſtanding debts, would reduce the £. 6,648,762,
which, according to the boaſts of the minifter, was fuppofed to be liquidated,
to less than one third.
Walpole, on the other hand, maintained with no leſs pofitiveneſs the ac-
curacy of his own ſtatements, expatiated on the ftate of the nation, and of
the public debts, explained the operation and efficacy of the finking fund,
and ſupported the motion. The oppofition then propofed that the ſpeaker
ſhould reſume the chair, but this being negatived by 250 againſt 97, the
original queſtion was then put, and carried without a diviſion.
The minifter having obtained this victory, refolved to bring forwards
his public appeal to the nation, by prefenting a report from the houſe of
commons to the king, ſtating, in certain refolutions, the amount of the na-
tional debt, and the fums which had been liquidated by means of the fink-
ing fund. With this view, four refolutions were fubmitted to a committee
of the whole houſe, on the 8th of March; the firſt of which repeated, in
the fame words, the motion made on the 4th, that £.6,648,762 had been
diſcharged.
The oppofition, recollecting their former defeat by a large majority, and
feeing that the houſe wholly differed from their reprefentations, did not
lay their wonted ſtreſs on the main queſtion, but loudly called again upon
the minifter for an account of the fum lately employed in fecret fervice.
To theſe clamours. Walpole made the ufual reply, that it had been expended
in negotiations too delicate to be ſpecified. In the midft of his ſpeech, an
account was tranſmitted by lord Townſhend, that the convention with Spain
was figned at the Pardo*. Walpole availed himſelf of this information; and
* See the conclufion of this chapter.
acquainting
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
297
acquainting the houſe with the news, added, "That the nation would be
now relieved from the burthen of the late expences, and that he could affure
the members who called fo loudly for a ſpecification of the ſecret ſervice
money, that it been expended in obtaining the conclufion of that peace, the
preliminaries of which were now figned. The defigns of thoſe (he faid) who
had laboured to difturb the tranquillity of Europe, were thus defeated; and
the purchaſe of peace, and the prevention of war, on terms fo cheap, were highly
beneficial to the public." This information ſpread general fatisfaction through
the houſe; the queſtion was inftantaneouſly called for, and the reſolutions
paffed without a divifion*. On a fubfequent meeting, theſe refolutions were
formed into a report, which was drawn up by the minifter, and laid before
the houſe, to be prefented to the king.
This is a very elaborate performance, and deferves the ſtricteft at-
tention. After laying down the fubject of the report, which, was to examine
how much of the additional debt incurred before the 25th of December
1716 had been diſcharged, and what new debts had been contracted fince
that time; it proceeds with making fevere reflections againſt the arts which
had been practifed to miflead the people in this important inquiry," by
publiſhing and promoting, with the greateſt induſtry, moſt notorious mifre-
preſentations of the true ſtate of our debts, and of the proviſions made for
the diſcharge of them; and by infufing groundleſs jealoufies and infinuations,
as if the produce of the finking fund had been but little and inconfiderable,
or that by wrong and imprudent meafures, bad oeconomy, neglect, or mif-
management, unneceffary expences had been made, and new debts con-
tracted, that not only equalled, but exceeded by feveral millions, the amount
of the old debts that had been difcharged." It then adopts a method that
is plain, eaſy, and intelligible to the meaneft capacity, by giving, in two tables,
the amounts of the debts difcharged and incurred fince the 25th of Decem-
ber 1716, juſt before the eſtabliſhment of the finking fund :
Debts incurred fince December 25th 1716, and fince
diſcharged
Debts contracted and incurred fince December 25th
1716, and now fubfifting
Difference, or decreaſe of the national debt
*Lettre de Monfieur Le Coq, au Roi de
Pologne, de Londres, 23 Mars, 1728. Alfo,
a letter from a foreign minifter, dated 12
March, 1728. De la Faye to earl Walde-
VOL. I.
23
£• S. d.
6,626,404 16 92
7 1
3,927,988 7
2,698,416 9 9 7
grave, March 11, 1727. Correfpondence, Pe-
riod III.
† Tindal, vol. 20. p. 24.
Journals.
Q I
Chapter 33.
1727 to 1729.
April 8th.
Report on the
ftate of the
and national
finking fund
debt.
298
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV. It then gives the new debts under the proper heads of the fervices for which
1727 to 1730. they were contracted; and after having related the beginning, eſtabliſhment,
and beneficial effects of the finking fund, obferves, that by reducing the
intereft of the greateſt part of the debts from 6 to 4 per cent, there is a
ſaving of one third of the intereft, which is equal to a diſcharge of one third
of the principal; and that as the annual produce of the fund was gradually
raiſed from £400,000 to £. 1,200,000, the addition of £.800,000, if va-
lued at twenty-five years purchaſe, the current price of annuities, would give
a real profit to the public of £. 20,000,000.
し
​It concludes by faying, "This is the happy ftate of the finking fund,
taken feparately, and by itſelf; but, if we caft our eyes upon the ſtate of our
public credit in general, it muſt be an additional fatisfaction to us, that by
preſerving the public faith inviolable, by the diſcharge of the old exchequer
bills, and the reduction of the high intereft on all our ftanding debts, the
whole credit that is taken on the annual funds, for carrying on the current
ſervice of the year, is and may be ſupplied for the future at £.3 per cent. or
lefs, for intereft, premium, and charges, by exchequer bills, juft as the occa-
fions of the public require, without any loans, or being obliged to any per-
fons, for money to be advanced or lent on the credit of them; and ſo far
is the public from being under the former neceffities of allowing extravagant
intereſt, premiums, or diſcounts, for any money they want, that the only
conteſt now among the creditors of the public is, that every one of them de-
fires to be the laft in courfe of payment."
“Permit us then, moft gracious fovereign, to congratulate your majeſty on
the comfortable proſpect we have now before us, if, notwithſtanding
the many difficulties this nation has laboured under fince the happy accef-
fion of your majefty's late royal father to the throne, notwithſtanding the
unnatural rebellion which foon after broke out, and the many heinous plots
and confpiracies which have fince been formed and carried on for overturn-
ing the religion and liberties of our country, and the proteftant fucceffion in
your moſt illuſtrious family; the many diſturbances which have ariſen, and
the uncertain and embroiled condition of the affairs of Europe, not a little
fomented and encouraged by the falfe intelligence, and malicious infinuations
which have been induſtriouſly ſpread abroad by your majefty's and our ene-
mies, of the uneafy and perplexed ftate of our affairs at home, as if that
had rendered it almoſt impoffible for this nation, effectually to exert them-
felves in defence of their own juft rights and poffeffions, and for eſtabliſhing
and ſecuring the public peace and tranquillity; if, notwithſtanding theſe and
many other difficulties which we laboured under, and while the finking fund
4
was
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
299
was yet in its infancy, and fo much leſs than it now is, we have been able
to diminiſh the national debts fo much already, what may we not hope for
in regard to a more ſpeedy and fenfible diſcharge of them for the future,
now the finking fund is fo greatly increaſed, and our public credit in fo
flouriſhing a condition *."
Such was the fubftance of this remarkable report, which was carried by
243 againſt 77. It was prefented to the king, and drew a favourable an
fwer, expreffing his extreme fatisfaction for the removal of groundleſs jea-
loufies and apprehenfions, for the happy effects to be derived from the flou-
riſhing Itate of public credit, for the proviſion made for the gradual diſcharge
of the national debt, and concluded by obferving, "You may be affured,
it ſhall be my particular care and ſtudy to maintain and preſerve the public
credit, and to improve the finking fund, and to avoid all occaſions of laying
any new burthens upon the people."
The effects of the report, both at home and abroad, were incalculably be-
neficial to the credit of the minifter. Whatever were the opinions of indivi-
duals, whatever might be the cavils of thofe who oppofed government, the
ſtatement of the minifter was approved by more than two thirds of the na-
tional repreſentatives, affembled in parliament, and was folemnly fanctioned by the
king. At home the diſcontents viſibly fubfided; abroad the national credit
was eſtabliſhed on ſtronger grounds than ever. It was proved, in oppoſition
to the clamours of the difaffected, that the kingdom could fupport the ex-
pences of a war. France courted our alliance with redoubled ardour; Spain
was confirmed in her wiſhes for peace; the Emperor and Ruſſia ſhrunk from
a conteft with Great Britain; and the diſpatches from Paris, Seville, and
Vienna, fufficiently announced the weight and influence which the counſels
of England had gained by the opinion, which now generally prevailed in
favour of her finances.
Chapter 33.
1727 to 1729.
April 8th.
April 11th.
In this feffion occurred one of thoſe difficult and critical cafes, in which
Walpole was reduced to the neceffity of complying with the will of the
fovereign, contrary to his own judgment, or of refigning. Great complaints
had been made of the deficiency of the civil lift, and upon an examination
of the revenue officers, a motion was made by Scrope, fecretary to the trea- April 23d.
fury, that the fum of £. 115,00o be granted to his majefty, not as a defi-
ciency, but as an arrear. It appeared that there was no deficiency, yet the
houſe rejected a motion for a fecret committee, and paffed the act, by a
majority of 241 againſt 115. In the lords, the bill met with ſtrenuous op-
* Journals.
+ Ibid.
૨૧ 2
Ibid.
pofition.
300
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
pofition, and though 'carried, very ſtrong proteſts were entered on the
1727 to 1730. Journals, and figned by fourteen peers. This tranfaction gave great pain
The king's
difguft
againſt
Charles
Stanhope.
to Walpole: he is faid to have uſed every effort of addrefs and reaſoning
to diffuade the proſecution of the demand, fo much as even to offend
the king. The enemies of his adminiſtration were not ignorant of his refift-
ance, and ſome of the leading Tories made fecret propoſals to the king,
that if he would difcard Walpole, they would not only obtain the fum re-
quired, but add to it .100,000. Thus circumftanced, the minifter re-
luctantly complied, and fubjected his character to much obloquy
This inflexibility of George the Second expofed Walpole not only to
many difficulties in his public career, but to many unmerited reproaches
in his character, as a man of veracity. Great embarraffment to a miniſter
muſt be derived from the occafional reluctance of the fovereign to con-
firm the promiſes made to individuals of particular offices, either of honour
or truft; and on fuch occafions, he naturally incurs the blame of either
indifference, negligence, or duplicity. Thus he had not been able to obtain
for his friend the duke of Devonshire the preſidentſhip of the council,
which high office was, by the interpofition of Sunderland, conferred on lord
Carleton, who, fince his elevation to the peerage, had feldom voted with the
Whigs.
But perhaps no failure affected him more, or caufed more reproaches,
than the refufal of the fovereign to make Charles Stanhope, elder brother
of the earl of Harrington, a lord of the admiralty. The real cauſe of the
king's non-compliance, arofe from his averfion to Charles Stanhope, which
was diſcloſed to the minifter, under the ftricteft injunctions of fecrecy.
George the Second had found, among his father's papers and letters, a me-
morial from lord Sunderland, written in the hand of Charles Stanhope,
highly expreffive of ftrong diflike to the prince of Wales, and recommending
the adoption of the moſt violent meaſures againſt him. The peruſal of this
paper excited the higheſt indignation as well againſt the memory of lord
Sunderland, as againſt the ſecretary who had written it. In regard to Charles
Stanhope, the king declared, that no confideration fhould induce him to
affign to him any place of truft or honour; and he kept his word. For
when Sir Robert Walpole eſpouſed his intereft with much ardour, he of-
fended the king, who rejected the application, with fome expreffions of re-
fentment againſt the minifter for having recommended him.
• Journals. Chandler. Tindal. Etough's Papers.-Geo. I. p. 16, 17.
† Lord Townſhend to Stephen Poyntz, June 3d, 1728. Correfpondence, Period IV.
When
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
301
Chapter 33.
1727 to 1729,
When George the Firft left England, things wore the appearance of a
general pacification. In virtue of the preliminaries figned by the Imperial
and Spaniſh embaffadors, a courier from Spain was hourly expected to an-
nounce, that the fiege of Gibraltar was raiſed, and the prizes reſtored. But aftulis.
the death of the king put a momentary fufpenfion to theſe hopes.
Foreign
Spain.
Philip received the preliminaries on the 10th of June, and before he iffued Wavering
orders in conformity with his promifes, the news of that event arrived. conduct of
The acceffion of the new fovereign had been announced by the Jacobites
abroad, as likely to meet with numerous obftacles, and at all events, it
was ſuppoſed that the helm of government would not be directed by fo
ſteady a hand, when Townshend and Walpole were removed. Under
theſe impreffions, Philip, infpired with the hopes of breaking the ftrict al-
liance between France and England, and of again engaging the Emperor
in his fupport, while he affected to agree to the terms accepted by his
embaffador, delayed, under various pretences, to raiſe the fiege of Gibral-
tar, and to reſtore the Prince Frederick, a ſhip belonging to the South Sea
company, which had been ſeized under the pretence of carrying on a con-
traband trade.
The Emperor juftified this conduct, by declaring, that the king of
Spain was not obliged by the preliminaries to take thofe fteps; and by his
preparations, gave unequivocal figns of intentions hoftile to England.
The only method therefore of bringing Philip to reaſon, was to attack his
ally in Germany, and to purfue fuch vigorous meaſures as might deter
the court of Vienna from fupporting Spain by invading the electorate
and the United Provinces, the only parts in which the allies of Hanover
were vulnerable, and which the Engliſh would be bound in honour to de-
fend. This meaſure was ftill more neceffary, becauſe the conventions made
by the Emperor with the electors and princes of the empire, and the fub-
fidies which he was, to pay with Spaniſh money, in virtue of thoſe conven-
tions, were not expired. The allies were, by the management of the courts
of Vienna and Madrid, in the ſame ſtate of uncertainty as to peace or war,
as they were before the preliminaries were figned.
Among all theſe conventions made by the Emperor, none had a more Treaty with
fatal tendency than that with Brunſwick Wolfenbuttel. The Emperor had Brunfwick,
already drawn the electors of Mentz, Cologne, Treves, and Bavaria, and
the Elector Palatine, into his intereft. His near confanguinity to the prince
of Saxony, feemed to fecure to him, at leaſt, the neutrality of that proteſtant
electorate; and he had found means to draw off the king of Pruffia, by the
promiſe of guarantying to him the fucceffion of Berg and Ravenftein. In cafe
of
302
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
127 to 1730.
ཀ
of a rupture, he had fecured Mentz as a place of arms, which gave him the
command of Suabia, Franconia, and the Rhine.
The Elector of Mentz had already permitted him to put a garrifon into
Erfurt, which, by its fituation, made him in effect maſter of Upper Saxony :
but ftill Lower Saxony, in which circle the dominions of Hanover are fitu-
ated, remained inacceffible, till he found means to make a treaty with the
duke of Brunſwick Wolfenbuttel, by which he was to grant that prince a
fubfidy of £.200,000 florins a year. In a fecret article of that treaty, it
was farther flipulated, that the conjuncture of affairs requiring it, clofer en-
gagements ſhould be entered into between them, as well for augmenting the
duke's fubfidies and troops, as in relation to the town of Brunſwick. In
confequence of this convention, another fubfidiary treaty was opened be-
ween the court of Ruffia and the duke, under the influence and direction
of the Emperor. Had he been permitted to garrifon Brunſwick, not only a
tal difunion would have been produced between the branches of the
King's family, but the fituation of that place would have enabled the Em-
reror to pour into the electorate his own troops, as well as the 30,000 men
which, by the treaty with Ruffia, were to have been introduced into the em-
pire, under pretence of recovering Slefwick for the duke of Holſtein; the
greater part of Weftphalia would have been laid under contribution, even to
the frontiers of Holland; and the kings of Denmark and Sweden would
have been kept in awe, by being forced to provide for the fafety of their own
poffeffions on the fide of Germany.
In this dangerous fituation of affairs, when the king's German dominions,
and through them the United Provinces, were threatened by the combined
arms of Auftria, Ruffia, and Pruffia, and when the poffeffion of Brunf-
wick, as a place of arms for the allies of Vienna, would have enabled the
Emperor to penetrate into Lower Saxony, and bring on a general war,
a treaty was negotiated and concluded with the duke of Brunſwick Wolfen-
buttel, which put an inftant check to the views of the Emperor, and to the
hopes of Spain. This treaty, negotiated between lord Townfhend and count
Dehn, the confidential minifter of the duke of Brunſwick, was figned at
Wolfenbuttel, on the 23d of November 1727. It ftipulated a renewal of
the family compact, according to the treaty of the 6th of May 1661, by
which Brunſwick was to be kept for the common fafety of the houſe of Lu-
nenburgh, and not delivered up to any other power; a mutual guaranty of
dominions; mutual affiftance in caſe of attack; a fubfidy of £.25,000 a
year, during four years, to the duke of Brunfwick, who was to furniſh at leaſt
5,000 men.
This treaty, if conſidered in its general effects and tendency to
the pacification of Germany, was a maſter-piece of policy: it united the two
branches of the houfe of Luncnburgh, who had been long at variance; and
by
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
303
by preventing the progrefs of the Imperial arms, faved the electorate of Ha- Chapter 33-
nover from hoftile inroads.
1727 to 1729.
A&t of the
Theſe prudent and vigorous meaſures had the effect for which they were
defigned. The Emperor was reduced to a ſtate of inaction; and Spain,
and Spain, un- Pardo.
able to maintain an unequal conteft with the allies of Hanover, fub-
mitted with reluctance, and ratified the preliminaries of peace at the Parde,
a royal palace near Madrid, in conformity to a declaration fettled between
Horace Walpole and cardinal Fleury, and made by count Rothembourg, the
French minifter in Spain. In confequence of this act, the congrefs of
Soiffons was held, where the plenipotentiaries of all the powers concerned in
the late troubles were affembled; and although nothing material was tranf-
acted, yet the negotiations were managed, on the part of the Hanover allies,
in fuch a manner as to create a divifion between the courts of Vienna and
Madrid. The project of a provifional treaty, negotiated between the Imperial,
Britiſh, and French plenipotentiaries, had ſo alarmed the king of Spain, and
created fo much uneafinefs in the queen, that they required from the Em-
peror a poſitive declaration on the fubject of marrying the two archducheffes
to the two Infants of Spain, and his refufal to explain himſelf, excited
their refentment to fuch a degree, as to give England and France an op-
portunity of detaching them from the Emperor.
The breach being now made, a reconciliation fpeedily took place between Treaty of
the allies of Hanover and Spain. Philip facrificed the Emperor, as the Em- Seville.
peror, by declining to co-operate in the fiege of Gibraltar, had facrificed
him, figned the preliminaries at Pardo, and concluded, at Seville, the 29th 1729.
of November, with Great Britain and France, a treaty of peace, union, and
mutual defence. This treaty, befides the reſtoration of peace, and the re-
newal of all former treaties between Great Britain and Spain, ftipulated the
introduction of fix thouſand Spaniards, inſtead of neutral troops, as ſpecified
by the quadruple alliance, into Tufcany, Parma, and Placentia, for fecuring
to Don Carlos the eventual fucceffion to thofe duchies, in cafe the reign-
ing fovereigns fhould die without iffue male; and if the Emperor would not
acquiefce, forcible means were to be uſed for effectuating the introduction.
In return for this fingle article granted to Spain, Great Britain obtained
immediate redreſs of fome grievances, the promiſe of redrefs in others, new
guaranties of all her poffeffions, and of all her rights of trade, and a tacit ex-
clufion of any claim to Gibraltar, upon which to be filent, after the cla-
morous demands made by Spain, was the fame as a public renunciation *
* The contents of the part of this chapter
which relates to foreign affairs, have been prin-
cipally drawn from the various diſpatches of
Horace Walpole and William Stanhope, in
the Walpole and Stanhope papers, and from
the ftate of the negotiation, from June 1728 to
June 1730, drawn up by Mr. Robinfcn, the
minifter at Vienna, in the Grantham papers.
Although
504
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
peace.
Although Walpole fuffered the negotiations to be oftenfibly managed by
1727 to 1730. Townshend, and feemed to take no part in the various tranfactions, yet he
watched with a jealous eye the progreſs of the buſineſs. In the fecret cor-
Walpole
promotes the refpondence which he conftantly held with his brother Horace, whoſe opi-
nion had a great influence over Townshend, he directed all his advice and
views to the final eſtabliſhment of peace. He was on the one hand equally
ftudious not to offend the Emperor beyond hopes of recovery, who he well
knew, in caſe of a reconciliation between France and Spain, could alone in
future prevent the aggrandifement of the houfe of Bourbon, and on the other
fide, was equally anxious to facilitate an accommodation with Spain, for the
fake of reſtoring the Britiſh commerce, which had received a deep blow from
the rupture with that country. The treaty of Seville, was indeed principally
owing to his interference or directions; and Townſhend's repugnance to this
plan of pacification, was over-ruled by the prudence and difcretion of his
colleague.
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FOURTH:
1727-1729.
1
Debates in Parliament on a fuppofed Promife of George the First to restore Gi-
braltar to Spain.-Miftakes generally entertained on that Subject.-True State
of Facts.-Conduct of the Regent.-Of the King and Queen of Spain, and
its Confequences.
Paramected. Iniftration, for having
ings refpect-
ing Gibral-
tar.
N the midst of thefe tranfactions, an outcry was raifed againſt admi-
niſtration, for having degraded the king, and difgraced the nation, by
breaking a promiſe made to Philip the Fifth, for the reftitution of Gibraltar,
which, it was urged, had induced that monarch to accede to the quadruple
alliance; and therefore the war was unjuft on the part of England, be-
cauſe he only claimed his right in virtue of that promife, and offered to
commence a negotiation for peace, when it was fulfilled. To theſe affer-
tions Walpole replied, that the promife having been given when he was
not in adminiſtration, he was in no refpect anfwerable for it; but that
if
SIR ·
305
ROBERT WALPOLE.
Chapter 34.
1727 to 1729.
if it had ever been made, he durft aver, that it was conditional, and rendered
void by the refufal of Spain to comply with the terms on which it was
founded, and that whenever the performance of that agreement was men-
tioned to him, he always maintained that Gibraltar fhould not be granted
without the confent of parliament *. When Sandys moved, "for ad- February 6,
dreffing the king to communicate to this houfe, copies of the declaration, 1727.
letter, or engagement, on which the king of Spain founded his peremptory
demand for the reftitution of that fortrefs," he was feconded, and ftrenu-
ouſly ſupported by Sir William Wyndham, Hungerford, and Pulteney, who
took notice of a letter written in 1721, to one of the Emperor's plenipoten-
tiaries at Cambray, wherein a promiſe of ceding Gibraltar was expreſsly
mentioned; but they were oppofed by Henry Pelham, Brodrick, Horace
Walpole, and Sir Robert Walpole, who faid, that the communication of the
declaration or letter was altogether impracticable and unprecedented; the
private letters of princes being almoſt as facred as their very perſons.
301
1727.
But although this remark at that time impoſed a reſpectful filence on the March
houſe of commons, yet the queſtion was again revived in the upper houſe,
and the letter being produced, fome of the lords in oppofition moved the
refolution, "That effectual care be taken, in the treaty then in agitation, that
the king of Spain do renounce all claims and pretenfions to Gibraltar and
Minorca, in plain and ſtrong terms." But the motion being overruled, ano-
ther was carried, "That the houſe relies upon the king for preferving the un-
doubted right to Gibraltar and Minorca." This refolution being fent down March 21.
to the commons, lord Malpas propofed and carried an addreſs for a copy of the February 1.
letter to the king of Spain; which being laid before the houſe, a warm de-
bate enfued. Many fevere reflections were levelled at thoſe who adviſed the
king to write fuch a letter, as implied, or at leaſt was confidered by the
Spaniards as fignifying a poſitive promiſe of giving up Gibraltar, and was
therefore the principal occafion of the king of Spain's refentment, and of the
difficulties in promoting a pacification. To thefe infinuations, Walpole re-
plied as on the former occafion, and added, that the letter did not contain any
pofitive promife; and that effectual care had been taken in the prefent ne-
gotiation to fecure the poffeffion of Gibraltar. But the party in oppofition
declaring themſelves diffatisfied with this explanation and anfwer, moved
an addition to the refolution of the lords, that all pretenfions on the part of
Spain to Gibraltar and Minorca, ſhould be ſpecifically given up; but the
* Chandler.
VOL. I
† Chandler, vol. 6. p. 384.
Rr
queftion
1
306
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
Errors of hif-
torians.
Correct
ftatement of
the fact.
queſtion being negatived by a large majority of 156 voices, the refolution of
the lords was carried without a divifion. Thus ended this buſineſs in parlia-
ment, which had created fo much ill-will, and occafioned fo many falſe re-
ports at the time, and which has fince been mifrepreſented by thoſe who in-
culpate the minifter for breaking a promife which he never made, and for
violating the national honour, when, in fact, he defended and fupported it.
Although the buſineſs was thus concluded in parliament, yet the affer-
tions of the minifter did not fatisfy oppofition, and as the affair was again
renewed in the Craftſman, and other periodical publications, with increaſed
rancour and exaggerated invective, to which Walpole never condefcended to
make any reply, thefe invectives have been adopted by ſubſequent hifto-
rians with no leſs afperity, and have been confidered as authentic facts. Nor
is this mifreprefentation confined to the authors of this country: Many of the
French writers are totally miſtaken in the account of this negotiation, in aſ-
ferting, that George the Firft promiſed unconditionally to reſtore Gibraltar.
Thus, particularly, Anquetil prefumes, that in the peace which Spain con-
cluded with France and England in 1720, there was a fecret article by which
the king of England promiſed to restore Gibraltar to Spain; and he grounds
this prefumption, not unfairly, on the two following paffages from the Me-
moirs of Villars. March 10, 1727: The pope's nuncio at Madrid, wrote to
the nuncio in France, that the king of Spain offered to agree to the fufpen-
fion of the trade from Oftend, and at the fame time demanded Gibraltar,
infifting that the reftitution of it had been promiſed by the king of England. No-
vember 2, 1727: Count Rothembourg, the French embaſſador at Madrid,
relates, that the queen of Spain complained of the Engliſh, and ſpeaking of
Gibraltar, took out an original letter from the king's cabinet, in which George
the First promiſed the reftitution of Gibraltar *. As therefore the accounts
given of this tranſaction are in general erroneous, and as the inquiry itſelf
is not unintereſting, I ſhall ſtate a narrative of the negotiations relative to the
reftitution of Gibraltar, drawn from authentic documents.
In 1715, George the Firſt, for the purpoſe of avoiding a rupture with
Spain, gàve full powers to the regent, duke of Orleans, to offer the reſtora-
tion of Gibraltar; the hoftilities which followed, annulled the promiſe, and
afterwards the king of Spain acceded purely and fimply to the quadruple
alliance, without ftipulating the ceffion. The regent, however, with a view
to ingratiate himſelf with the king of Spain, and to promote the double
marriage between the two infants and his two daughters, repeatedly renewed
* Vol. 2. p. 411. See alfo Belfham's Hiſtory, vol. 1. p. 251.
2
4
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
307
the offer in the name of George the Firſt, and infpired Philip with the moſt
fanguine hopes of recovering fo important a fortrefs. Thefe expectations
being urged by Philip with great warmth, and with little difcretion, obliged the
king to declare that he did not confider himſelf as bound by his former condi-
tional promife. The regent being reproached by the queen of Spain with a breach
of his word, difpatched the count de Saneterre to England, to repreſent the
danger and delicacy of his fituation. He declared, that he confidered the king's
promiſe as full and pofitive, and that he would as foon conſent to his utter ruin,
as to the diſhonour of failing in fo public an engagement. Thefe ftrong expref-
fions from the regent, who had proved himfelf fo faithful an ally, and whoſe
affiſtance in diſcovering and counteracting the fchemes of the Jacobites was fo
neceffary, perplexed the king, and induced him to uſe his utmoſt endeavours
to gratify him and the king of Spain. With this view, earl Stanhope founded
the difpofition of the upper houſe, by infinuating an intention to obtain a bill,
empowering the king to diſpoſe of Gibraltar, for the advantage of the nation.
But this hint produced a violent ferment. The public were roufed with
indignation on the fimple fufpicion, that at the clofe of a fuccefsful war, un-
juftly begun by Spain, fo important a fortrefs fhould be ceded. General
murmurs were at the fame time excited by a report induftriouſly circulated by
oppofition, that the king had entered into a pofitive engagement for that
purpoſe; virulent pamphlets were publiſhed to alarm the people, and to
perfuade them rather to continue the war, than to give up Gibraltar. The
minifters were compelled to yield to the torrent, and to adopt the prudent
refolution of waving the motion, left it fhould produce a contrary effect, by a
bill, which might for ever tie* up the king's hands. The interference of France
in this affair, and the extreme eagerness to obtain the reftitution, was of
great detriment. The alarm was indeed ſo ſtrong, that fufpicions were enter-
tained that the regent was meditating the deſertion of the alliance with Eng-
land, and made Gibraltar a pretext to juftify a change of fyftem. Theſe
apprehenfions induced the king to fend earl Stanhope to Paris, with a view
of repreſenting the true fituation of affairs, and to ftate the unpopularity of
the meaſure, and the impracticability of carrying it againſt the general ſenſe
of the people. The letter which Stanhope conveyed from the king to the
regent on this occafion, was firm, diſcreet, and fatisfactory. He acknow-
ledged that he had made the offer of ceding Gibraltar, folely with a view
{
*Earl Stanhope to Sir Luke Schaub, Paris, March 28, 1720. Hardwicke Papers.
Rr 2
of
Chapter 34.
1727 to 1729.
}
March 9,
1720.
"
308
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
of preventing the rupture, and that Spain might have obtained it, had the
1727 to 1730. then acceded to the propofed conditions. But it was now too late to revive
the demand, as the king of Spain had proved himſelf the aggreffor. It never
could be underſtood that a voluntary offer of this nature, to prevent a war,
was binding as a preliminary of peace. He concluded by obferving, that he
had never given his confent, fince the rupture, to the renewal of the offer,
and had received no communication from the regent of any intention to
bring it forward*. The duke of Orleans was fully fatisfied with this repre-
ſentation. He owned, that although he could not avoid continuing to preſs
for the reſtitution which he had fo folemnly promiſed in the king's name,
yet that he would employ every indirect means in his power, to prevent its
being indiſcreetly and improperly urged, and teftified his refolution to make
a feparate peace with Spain.
Equivalent
propofed.
October 1,
1720.
Rejected by
the king of
Spain.
The king's
letter.
The king, however, being ſtill inclined to gratify the regent, if he could do
it without diſobliging his fubjects, referred the object of diſpute to the con-
grefs at Cambray, hoping that in the courfe of negotiations, the Spaniſh
plenipotentiaries might urge fuch motives and arguments in its favour, as
would influence the parliament and people. Under the fame impref
fions, he made another effort. By his order, earl Stanhope wrote to fecre-
tary Craggs, to lay before the lords juftices the advantages which would
refult from ceding Gibraltar for Florida, or the eaſtern part of St. Domingo,
and for certain commercial advantages. This propoſal being laid before the
council, lord Townshend at firſt warmly oppofed, but finally agreed, if a
ſuitable equivalent, particularly Florida, could be obtained. Accordingly,
the ceffion ſeemed ultimately determined, if it met with the approbation of
parliament. But the obftinacy of the king of Spain, rendered this propofal
ineffectual. He declined yielding Florida in exchange, and inſiſted on Gi-
braltar without giving any equivalent. This claim on his part was fo
warmly, and repeatedly inſiſted on, as the indiſpenſable requifite for acceding
to the terms of pacification, that it was deemed a prudent art of policy not to
retard the concluſion of peace, by a pofitive denial. Philip having requeſted,
as an oftenfible vindication of the peace, which was reprobated in Spain
as highly difhonourable, a letter conveying a promiſe of reſtoring Gibraltar,
George the Firſt complied, and expreffed himſelf with great difcretion on
this delicate fubject. "I no longer balance (he obſerved) to affure your
*The king to the duke of Orleans. Wal-
pole Papers.
+ Sir Luke Schaub to Grimaldo, Madrid,
June 17, 1720. Hardwicke Papers."
* Secretary Craggs to earl Stanhope, Auguſt
2 and 26, 1720. Stanhope Papers. Earl
Stanhope to fecretary Craggs, Hanover, Octo-
ber 1, 1720. Hardwicke Papers.
majeſty
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
309
Chapter 34.
1727 to 1729.
April 29,
1721.
majeſty of my readineſs to fatisfy you with regard to your demand, touch-
ing the reſtitution of Gibraltar, upon the footing of an equivalent, promifing
you to make uſe of the firſt favourable opportunity to regulate this article,
with confent of my parliament." When the Britiſh minifter delivered this
letter, both the king and queen of Spain made fo many objections, particu-
larly to the word equivalent, that at his fuggeftion the king confented to June 1, 1721.
write another letter, in which thoſe words were omitted, under the full
conviction that the letter, even in that mutilated ftate, left the affair
entirely to the parliament, who might refuſe to part with Gibraltar upon
any terms; or if they agreed to the ceffion, might equally infift upon an
equivalent *.
This was the memorable letter, which was the cauſe of ſo much ob-
loquy. Philip confidered it as a pofitive promife, and his minifter in-
fifted upon a pure and fimple reftitution, without any equivalent. The
king of England, on the contrary, afferted that the ceffion muft folely de-
pend on the confent of parliament, which would not be eafily obtained. In
the midſt of theſe claims on one fide, and counter declarations on the other,
which agitated the plenipotentiaries during two years, the diffolution of the
marriage between Louis the Fifteenth and the Infanta, occafioned the rup-
ture between France and Spain. Philip broke up the congrefs at Cambray
without having agreed to the preliminaries, and the queftion of Gibraltar re-
mained undecided. After ineffectually endeavouring to detach England from
France, and whilft he was fecretly preparing for a reconciliation with the
houſe of Auſtria, he renewed his claims, and accompanied them with bitter
reproaches.
In the midſt of theſe altercations, Ripperda, having publicly declared at
Vienna that England would be compelled to reſtore Gibraltar, colonel
Stanhope was commanded to obtain an immediate acknowledgment from
Madrid, whether this declaration of Ripperda was made by order, or fimply
on his own authority. The king of Spain, and his firſt minifter Grimaldo,
both replied, that Ripperda had furpaffed his orders, in faying that a rup-
ture with England would enfue, unleſs Gibraltar was reftored; and Stan-
hope was defired to acquaint his court with this declaration. Stanhope pre-
pared his diſpatch, and the courier was on the point of taking his departure,
* Diſpatch from William Stanhope to lord
Carteret, Aranjuez, May 29, 1721. Hard-
wicke Papers.
+ This letter is printed in the Journals of
the lords and commons, in the Political State
of Europe, Hiftorical Regiſter, Chandler, and
Tindal, with an omiffion of the words marked
in Italics.
Letter from Colonel Stanhope to lord
Townſhend, July 14, 1725.
Haughty and
unreafonable
conduct of
the king of
Spain.
when
310
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
when he received a letter from Grimaldo, informing him that the continua-
1727 to 1730. tion of the friendſhip and commerce between England and Spain, would de-
pend on the ſpeedy compliance with this demand. On inquiry, he found
that the cauſe of this fudden change in opinion, proceeded from the news
juſt brought of the ratification of the treaty of Vienna. In fact, both the
king and queen of Spain were fo little acquainted with the conſtitution and
temper of the English nation, that they infifted on an immediate reftitution
of Gibraltar as the only means of avoiding a rupture. Againſt this extraor-
dinary demand, Stanhope remonftrated in an audience with the king and
queen of Spain; he declared, that they infifted upon an impoffibility, fince
what they required could not be effected without confent of parliament ;
whereas there was then no parliament aſſembled, nor could poffibly be af
fembled, before the king's return to England in the fpring. "No," faid the
queen, "Let then the king your maſter return preſently into England, and call
a parliament expreſsly for this purpoſe, it being no more than what we might
expect from his friendſhip for us; and I am affuredly and pofitively informed,
that the matter once fairly propofed, would not meet with one negative in
either houſe let this fhort argument be once made uſe of; either give up
Gibraltar, or your trade to the Indies and Spain, and the matter, I will an-
iwer for it, won't admit of a moment's debate *.
Its confe.
quences.
* "
The confequence of this infolent and peremptory demand being a refuſal
on the part of England, Philip commenced the fiege of Gibraltar, and al-
ledged as an excufe for the aggreffion, the breach of promiſe on the fide of
George the Firſt. When the defertion of the Emperor compelled him to ac-
cept the preliminaries of peace, he clogged the negotiation by renewing his
claims on Gibraltar, and furniſhed the oppofition in England with matter
of reproach to the minifter, who juſtified himſelf in parliament. The ob-
ject of Philip was to bring the difpute before the congrefs of Soiffons; that
of the Engliſh plenipotentiaries was to prevent it. The prudent manner
in which they fucceeded in that defign, does honour to their diplomatic
abilities; and the treaty of Seville was, as I have already obferved, concluded
without any ftipulation or mention of Gibraltar.
* Letter from W. Stanhope to lord Townſhend, August 6, 1725. Stanhope and Harrington
Papers.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
311
1
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FIFTH:
1728.
Rife, Difgrace, Imprisonment, Efcape, and Arrival of Ripperda in England.-
Reception and Conferences with the Minifters.-Diffatisfaction and Departure,
Enters into the Service of the Emperor of Morocco.
TH
Chapter 35.
1728.
HE arrival of the duke of Ripperda in England, his clandeftine re- Ripperda in
ception, and temporary concealment under the protection of Townf- England.
hend and Walpole, form a remarkable event in this year. The papers
committed to my inſpection, contain feveral curious particulars of this ex-
traordinary man, who negotiated the treaty of Vienna, and who afterwards
betrayed the fecret articles to the court of London.
William, baron and duke of Ripperda, was defcended from a noble family Memoirs of
in the lordship of Groningen, one of the United Provinces; he received Ripperda.
a learned education, and acquired an intimate knowledge of the French,
Spaniſh, and Latin languages. He ferved as colonel during the war of the
Spaniſh fucceffion. In the midſt of his military occupations, he applied
himſelf with indefatigable induſtry to the ſtudy of trade and manufactures;
and being no lefs diftinguiſhed for his infinuating addrefs, was deputed,
foon after the peace of Utrecht, envoy to Madrid, for the purpoſe of ſettling Envoy to
the complicated commercial disputes between Spain and the Dutch republic,
While he was labouring to adjuſt that difficult bufinefs, contributed to
promote the conclufion of a commercial treaty between Spain and England,
for which fervice Townshend commends his good offices in terms of high ap-
probation*.
Madrid.
1755+
During his refidence at Madrid, his ardent imagination, confummate ad- Noticed by
drefs, and extreme facility in writing difpatches and drawing memorials in Alberoni.
various languages, recommended him to cardinal Alberoni, who employed
him in affairs of a moft fecret and delicate nature. The fervices which he
performed, and the grateful acknowledgments of the minifter, inſpired him
with the moſt fanguine expectation of obtaining a fplendid fituation in a
country where, fince the acceffion of a foreign king, aliens had been fre-
quently promoted to the higheft offices of government; and as Alberoni
alledged as an excufe that he could not be promoted on account of his reli-
gion, he made a public abjuration, and was admitted into the Roman catho-
lic church. He was then appointed fuperintendant of a cloth manufactory,
*Townfiend Papers.
Changes his
religion, and
fettles in
Spain.
iccently
312
MEMOIRS OF
Feriod IV.
1727 to 1730.
recently eſtabliſhed, by his own fuggeftion, at Guadalaxara, and received the
grant of a penſion and an eſtate. During this period of his life, he was pen-
fioned by the Emperor, and feems to have received occafional prefents from
the Engliſh court. He was fo unprincipled, that he had even the affurance
to call upon the envoy Bubb, afterwards Doddington, for 14,000 piftoles, in
the name of cardinal Alberoni, which he appropriated to his own ufe *, and
this tranſaction probably contributed to his removal. Having brought the
manufactory to a high degree of improvement, and enjoying frequent oppor-
tunities of converfing with the king and queen, he excited the jealouſy of
Alberoni, and was removed from the fuperintendance. Ripperda, however,
diffembled his refentment, while he ftill continued in public on terms of
amity with the prime minifter, fecretly repreſented to Daubenton and Gri-
maldo, who were difgufled with Alberoni, many errors and inftances of mal-
adminiſtration, which the confeffor laid before the king, and perfuaded him
to confult Grimaldo, through the channel of the poſtmaſter-general.
In the courſe of the difficult and complicated tranſactions in which Spain
was involved with the Emperor, France, and England, the opinion of Rip-
perda was alfo demanded. He accordingly drew up a report, in which he de-
clared, that the king could never fucceed in his defigns againſt the Emperor,
unleſs he could obſtruct the operations of England. With this view, he re-
commended that the troops deſtined to invade Sicily, ſhould be landed, with
great flores of arms and ammunition, on the coafts of Scotland or Ireland,
to affiſt in replacing the Pretender on the throne. If that event ſhould
take place, the prince would in gratitude reſtore Gibraltar, Minorca, Ja-
maica, and all the American fettlements wrefted from Spain by the Engliſh,
and the Italian provinces would be eafily recovered. This advice, though
rejected by the influence of Alberoni, who perſevered in the reduction of
Sicily, made a deep impreffion on the king's mind, and gave him a favour-
able opinion of Ripperda's genius and fpirit, which was increaſed, when
the repeated predictions of Ripperda, that the rafh and ill-concerted mea-
fures of Alberoni would fail, were verified by the event. The difgrace
of the cardinal being the confequence of his ill fuccefs, the fuperinten-
dancy of the manufactures at Guadalaxara was reftored to Ripperda, and
his influence over the king and queen was promoted by the ftrong recom-
mendations which the duchefs of Parma, at the fuggeftions of the Imperial
court, made in his favour, to her daughter the queen of Spain, and by the
orders given to marquis Scotti, the minifter of Parma at Madrid, to ferve as
a channel of communication between him and the queen. Hence Ripperda
obtained private audiences of the king and queen of Spain, in which he laid
* Stanhope's Diſpatches; Harrington Papers.
A
down
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
313
I
1728.
down plans for the improvement of trade, and the increafe of the marine; Chapter 35.
flattered the queen with promoting the aggrandifement of her family, and
ſtill more ingratiated himſelf in her favour, by propofing the marriage of Don
Carlos with an archduchefs.
Depending on her protection, he aimed at the miniſtry of ftate, of the His ambiti
marine and the Indies; he had even difpofed the king to remove the mi- ous views.
nifters, when Scotti betrayed the fecret to Daubenton and Grimaldo. Dau-
`benton prevented the immediate appointment of Ripperda, by repreſenting
the danger and impropriety of entruſting the adminiſtration to a new con-
vert; and when the death of Daubenton, and the offer of a cardinal's hat to
the new confeffor, father Bermudas, ſeemed likely to facilitate his elevation,
his expectations were annihilated by the abdication of Philip. During the ſhort
reign of Louis, the queen maintained the fame private correfpondence, and
followed his advice, in fending large fums of money and her jewels to Parma.
Soon after Philip's refumption of the crown, when the cabinet of Madrid Miffion to
formed a project of reconciliation with the Emperor, Ripperda was felected the Emperor.
as the fitteſt perſon to carry that delicate negotiation into execution. He
was accordingly deputed to Vienna, with fecret inftructions to make a peace
with the Emperor, to conclude a marriage between Don Ferdinand and the
fecond archduchefs, and to fecure, on the death of the Emperor without
iffue male, the Italian provinces and the Netherlands to Spain, and the rever-
fion of Tuſcany and Parma to Don Carlos. Before his departure, he de-
livered in a project for preparing a fleet of 100 fhips, an army of 100,000
infantry, and 30,000 horfe. The expences he propoſed to diſcharge from the
revenues of the Indies alone, by new modelling the trade to the fettlements,
and fecuring the profits, which were almoft totally abforbed by the Engliſh
and French nations, and the Spaniſh minifters. He alfo undertook to fave
an annual fum of 10,000,000 crowns; and obtained from the king a pro-
mife, that on his return from Vienna, he fhould be appointed prime mi-
nifter to carry his project into execution.
Ripperda performed the object of his miffion with great addrefs. He de-
parted from Spain in the latter end of October, and arrived at Vienna in
November, where he refided in the fuburbs, under the fictitious name of the
baron of Pfaffenberg. It does not appear that the English court had any no-
tice of his arrival from St. Saphorin, their agent at Vienna, before the 18th
of February; when he received intelligence from Petkum, minifter of the
duke of Holftein, that a Dutchman, the defcription of whofe perfon anfwered
to that of Ripperda, held long and fecret conferences with count Zinzendorf
by night. This man was foon difcovered to be Ripperda; but all the in-
formation which St. Saphorin could procure concerning the object of his
VOL. 1.
$1
miffion,
Concludes
the treaty of
Vienna.
314
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
miffion, amounted to no more than a conjecture, that a marriage between an
archduchefs and an infant of Spain, was the fubjcct of their conferences; but
whether with the prince of Afturias or Don Carlos, was a matter of which he
was wholly ignorant.
Ripperda was anxious to finish the objects of his miffion, that he might
return to Spain, and obtain thoſe honours which awaited him; but with a
view to render the queen of Spain more tractable, he changed his inſtructions,
and propoſed that the eldeſt archduchefs ſhould be given to her fon, Don
Carlos, and that Mademoiſelle de Beaujolois, who had been affianced to
him, ſhould be transferred to the prince of Afturias. The queen inftantly
approved and promoted a plan fo congenial to her wiſhes, by which the im-
perial dignity, and the hereditary dominions of the houſe of Auftria, would
devolve on her iffue. Having thus fecured the queen of Spain, he gained
the court of Vienna, by affirming, that if he was placed at the helm of govern-
ment in Spain, a faving would be made of 50,000,000 crowns, out of which
five or fix millions ſhould be annually remitted to Vienna. He accordingly
received a verbal, if not a written promife, from count Zinzendorf, in the name
of the Emperor, that the eldeſt archducheſs ſhould be affianced to Don Carlos.
While this buſineſs was in agitation, the diffolution of the marriage between
the infanta and Louis the Fifteenth, and the refuſal of England to accept the
fole mediation, excited the refentment of the king and queen of Spain to fuch
a degree, that inſtant orders were tranfmitted to Vienna, for concluding the
treaty on any terms. Ripperda found no difficulty from the Emperor.
Under theſe auſpices, Ripperda concluded the treaty of Vienna; the news
of which, on reaching Madrid, inſpired the king and queen with the moſt
extravagant joy, and the populace, delighted at their deliverance from French
interference, ſhouted, "Long live the auguſt houſe of Auftria *." Count
Konigfeck, deputed embaffador to Madrid, was received with the moſt flat-
tering marks of eſteem and confideration, and foon acquired fuch an af-
cendancy, that he wholly governed the counfels of Spain.
The fecrecy with which the whole negotiation was conducted, was fo well
maintained, that the contents of the treaty, which was figned on the 21ft of
May, were ſcarcely fufpected, until they were hinted at by the Emperor him-
felf, who could not contain his joy on the occafion, and then divulged by the
Imperial miniſters, with a view to infult and intimidate the cabinet of Eng-
land. The veil of fecrecy being now removed, Ripperda came forth in the
public character of embaffador from Spain. The fplendour of his houſe-
hold, the liberality of his donations, and the punctuality of his payments, at-
tracted eſteem and fecured popularity. He at the fame time diſplayed the
* Count Staremberg to the Emperor, June 8, 1725. Harrington Papers.
natural
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
315
1728.
natural warmth and preſumption of his temper. He poured forth, in public Chapter 35.
companies, the moſt bitter invectives againſt England, and made repeated
declarations, that a refufal to give up Gibraltar, or to guaranty the engage-
ments recently concerted between the two contracting powers, would be fol-
lowed by an immediate attempt to affift the Pretender.
*
Ripperda quitted Vienna in the beginning of November.
He paffed
through Italy, and taking fhip at Genoa, difembarked at Barcelona. On
landing there, he gave to the officers of the garrifon, who crowded to pay
their reſpects, an ample account of the tranſactions at Vienna, declaring that
the Emperor had 150,000 troops ready to march at an hour's warning, and
that as many more could be brought into the field in fix months. He spoke
contemptuouſly of France, threatened the Hanoverian allies, if they ſhould
preſume to oppofe the defigns of the Emperor and Philip; declared that
France ſhould be pillaged, that the king of Pruffia would be cruſhed in one
campaign, and that George the Firft would be deprived of his German terri-
tories by the Emperor, and of his Britiſh dominions by the Pretender.
the conclufion of theſe rodomontades, he continued his journey without
delay, and rode poſt to Madrid, where he arrived on the 11th of December,
in the afternoon; after a fhort interview with his wife, he repaired to the palace
without changing his dreſs, and went to the antichamber. Applying to the
lord in waiting for admiffion, he was informed that Grimaldo, the ſecretary
of ſtate, was with the king and queen of Spain, and that he could not be im-
mediately admitted. He expreffed, in terms of derifion, his impatience and
ſurpriſe that Grimaldo continued fo long, and on his coming out took no
notice of him, but defired the lord in waiting to announce his own arrival.
At
He was inftantly admitted, and received with the higheft marks of kind-
nefs and fatisfaction. The conference was long; and on the following day he
was nominated minifter and ſecretary of ſtate, in the room of Grimaldo; all
the other miniſters, councils, and foreign embaffadors were ordered to tranf-
act buſineſs with him; and without the name of prime minifter, he was
inveſted with the fame uncontrouled authority as had been enjoyed by Albe-
roni. But he poffeffed more turbulence, felf-fufficiency, and haughtiness
than the cardinal, without his addreſs, reſources, and incorruptible integrity,
and the Britiſh embaſſador, who knew his character well, obſerved, that with-
out the fpirit of prophecy, " One might foreſee ten Alberoni's in this Rip-
perda, as Scylla did ten Marius's in Julius Cæfar."
1725.
Returns to
Spain.
A
Appointed
prime mini-
fter.
It foon appeared that Ripperda poffeffed neither addreſs or abilities fuffi- His difgrace.
cient to carry his gigantic ſchemes into execution; and the king, irritated by
the diſappointment of his fanguine hopes, and angry at having been the dupe
* W. Stanhope to lord Townſhend, December 27. † Memoires de Montgon, tome i. p. 207, 208.
Sf 2
of
316
MEMOIRS OF
I
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
of this fuperficial pretender, repeatedly told the queen, that Ripperda was
a madman, and muſt be removed.
Swoln with vanity and prefumption, he feemed, however, to defy all oppo-
fition. "I know," he faid," that the Spaniſh minifters and nation are irritated
againſt me, but I laugh at their attempts. The queen, to whom I have
rendered the moſt effential fervices, will protect me." And another time he
exclaimed at a public levee, that he was fhielded by fix friends who would
defend him againſt all intrigues, God, the Bleffed Virgin, the emperor and em-
prefs, the king and queen of Spain *. But although Ripperda owed his eleva-
tion to the union he had formed between the courts of Vienna and Madrid,
and appears, from this expreffion, to have perfectly understood, that his con-
tinuance in power could only be fecured by fupporting that fyftem; yet
fuch was his caprice or vanity, that foon after his eſtabliſhment, he began to
deviate from the line of conduct by which he had attained it. He relaxed in
his attentions to count Konigfeck, the imperial embaſſador, and was ſuſpected
of endeavouring to form an union with thofe of Great Britain and Holland,
This conduct rendered Konigfeck his enemy; the incapacity of the minifter
became daily more apparent, and his vain-glorious boaſting, produced nothing
but the contempt and derifion of the ſtateſmen of every nation.
Under theſe circumflances, Don Jofeph and Louis de Patinho, fecured the
protection of the queen, by the private recommendation of her confeffor,
Don Domingo da Guerra, who repreſented them as perfons highly qualified to
direct the helm of government, and well inclined to fupport the plans of Rip-
perda as far as they related to the aggrandifement of Don Carlos. They alfo
gained the intereſt of count Konigſeck by offers of fupplying the imperial
court with the promiſed fubfidies. Both the queen and Konigfeck now fuf-
fered the king's refentment against Ripperda to break out; they no longer
counteracted the cabals of the Spanih minifters, nor concealed the clamours
of the nation againſt an upftart, a convert, and a foreigner.
Ripperda at length perceiving that he was detefted by the people, thwarted
by the Spaniſh miniſters, oppofed by Konigfeck, defpifed by the king, and
declining in the favour of the queen, paid great court to the Britiſh and Dutch
embaffadors, and made the moſt humble profeffions of reſpect and duty to
the king of England. In the midſt of theſe continued apprehenfions and
alarms, he was diſmiſſed from the fuperintendance of the finances, under
the pretence of delivering him from part of the burthen of government.
Foreſeeing that this would be fpeedily followed by the lofs of all his em-
ployments, he requeſted the king's permiffion to retire from his fervice; but
this demand was not complied with, and he continued to tranfact buſineſs
* Memoires de Montgon, tome i. p. 210.
till
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
317
1728.
till the 14th of May, when he received a letter from the marquis de la Paz, Chapter 35.
that the king accepted his refignation, and conferred on him a penfion of
3,000 piftoles. The general fatisfaction which this event diffufed, and the
tumultuous acclamations of the populace, who affembled in large bodies
before his houſe, filled him with apprehenfions of being maffacred; and
after writing a fubmiffive letter to the king, he took refuge in the hotel of
the Britiſh embailador, who was with the court at Aranjuez.
On his return to Madrid, the evening of the 15th, Stanhope had a difficult part
to act. It was of the greateſt importance to obtain from Ripperda a commu-
nication of the ſecrets of the Spaniſh cabinet, and particularly an account of
the negotiations which had recently taken place, and were then tranfacting be-
tween the courts of Vienna and Madrid, and yet be careful not to offend
the king of Spain, by appearing to countenance a difcarded minifter, in op-
pofition to the will of the fovereign in whole court he refided.
The cau-
tion and prudence with which he conducted himself on this delicate occafion,
reflects honour on his judgment, and contributed greatly to his future ele-
vation. He contrived to give protection to the ex-minifter, and to detain him
in his houſe, until he had extorted from him all the fecrets which he waз
willing or able to communicate.
Ripperda now betrayed to him the fecret articles of the treaty of Vienna,
and probably exaggerated the defigns of the Emperor and the king of Spain,
with a view to ingratiate himſelf with the king of England, and to exaſ-
perate the nation againſt thoſe two monarchs who had occafioned his difgrace.
He, who in the height of his power was fo giddy and prefumptuous, was now
become fo abject, that in making his difclofure, his whole frame fhook with
agitation, he appeared to be in the greateſt agonies, and wept like a child.
For the purpoſe of conveying the intelligence communicated by Ripperda,
which was of too much importance to be fent by the poft, or even to
be intruſted in a diſpatch by a common courier, Keene, then conful gene-
ral, afterwards embaffador in Spain, was diſpatched to England. After com-
municating in perfon, the fecret with which he was intrufted to the duke of
Newcaſtle and the other minifters of ftate, he drew up, by order of the king,
a letter to the duke of Newcaſtle, containing the fubftance of Ripperda's
converfation, which is inferted in the correfpondence *
After a negotiation of a few days, which paffed between the Spanish court Imprisoned
and the Britiſh embaffador, Ripperda was taken by force from his houfe, in the caule
of Segovia.
and transferred to the caftle of Segovia, from whence he made his efcape,
after a confinement of fifteen months.
*See Period IV. Article Ripperda.
}
The
318
MEMOIRS OF
}
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
His efcape.
Arrives in
England.
The governor of the caftle and his wife, being both infirm, could not pay
conftant attention to their prifoners, and the fervant maid *, being feduced
by the duke, contrived his eſcape, and effected it with the affiftance of a
corporal, who was one of the guards; while his faithful valet, with unex-
ampled attachment, remained in his apartment, and for fome time prevented
intrufion, by declaring that his maſter was indifpofed. The duke had juft re-
covered from a fevere fit of the gout, and not without the greateft difficulty
defcended the ladder of ropes which was let down from the window of his
apartment, and repaired to the place where a mule and a guide waited for
him. Unable to continue riding he gave his mule to the guide, and hired a
carriage, but proceeded fo flowly that he employed five days in travelling
to a fmall village on the frontiers of Portugal, where he remained until he
was joined by his two confidants. With them he arrived at Miranda de
Duero, the firft town in Portugal, and from thence continued to Oporto,
where he embarked for England, on board the Charity, under the name of
Don Manuel de Mendofa
The veffel was forced by contrary winds into Corke, and in the beginning
of October, he landed at Comb-martin, in Devonshire, with the young wo-
man, the corporal, and a fervant, and paffed a few days at Exeter. Townf-
hend and Walpole, apprifed of his arrival and departure from Exeter, dif-
patched Corbiere, under fecretary of ſtate, to meet him on the weſtern road,
who conveyed him in a coach and four to Eton, where he was lodged incog-
nito, in an apartment belonging to Dr. Bland, dean of Durham, and head
mafter of the ſchool. There he was met by Townſhend, who received him
with the greateſt marks of attention, with a view to obtain from him fuller
and more accurate information concerning the fecret articles of the treaty of
Vienna. After a refidence of a few days at Eton, he departed with the fame
fecrecy to London, where he arrived on the 13th. After continuing for
fome time incognito, he took a large houſe in Soho fquare, and a villa, and
lived in a magnificent ftyle. During his refidence in England, he maintained
an occafional correspondence with Walpole, and having made a rapid pro-
ficiency in the English language, conceived the chimerical hope of filling
fome high department in adminiftration. While the differences with Spain
were under difcuffion, and a poffibility of a rupture with that country con-
tinued, the minifters kept up an amicable intercourfe with Ripperda, which
probably fed his delufion, and inflamed his ambition. But when the con-
* Campbell, in his Menoirs of the Duke
of Ripperda, has converted the fervant maid
into the daughter of a Caftilian nobleman,
and the antiquated wife of the governor, into
a fprightly and beautiful young woman.
Ú
+ See letter from Keene to the duke of New-
castle, giving an account of Ripperda's cícape.
Correfpondence, Article Ripperda.
of
Memoires de Montgon. Political State
of Great Britain.
clufion
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
319
A
clufion of the treaty of Seville, contrary to his views and remonftrances, ren-
dered his information no longer uſeful, he felt the pain of diſappointed ſelf-
importance, and in the year 1731, withdrew in difguft to Holland.
Chapter 35.
1728.
Animated by a ſpirit of vengeance against Spain, which he found he could Adventures
not fatisfy among the powers of Europe, he embarked for Barbary, at the in- in Morocco.
ftigation of the embaffador from Morocco, entered into the fervice of the
emperor Muley Abdallah, embraced the Mahometan religion, was created a
baſhaw, obtained the command of the army and the office of prime miniſter;
and gained the entire confidence of the emperor. After feveral fucceffes over
the Spaniards, and defeating a competitor for the throne of Morocco, in which
he gave figns of great courage and fkill, he was worſted near Ceuta, and pre-
ſerved his life, by refigning his command. He deſerted Muley Abdallah,
when dethroned by Muley Ali, and finally retired to Tetuan, where he lived
under the protection of the bafhaw, and died in 1737, at a very advanced age*. Death.
Cawthorn, in his poem on the Vanity of Human Enjoyments, has well de-
lineated the capricious and motley character of Ripperda.
O pauſe, left virtue every guard refign,
And the fad fate of Ripperda be thine.
This glorious wretch indulged at once to move
A nation's wonder and a monarch's love;
Bleft with each charm politer courts admire,
The grace to foften, and the foul to fire,
Forſook his native bogs with proud diſdain,
And, though a Dutchman, roſe the pride of Spain.
This hour the pageant waves the Imperial rod,
All Philip's empire trembling at his nod;
The next difgrac'd, he flies to Britain's ifle,
And courts the ſunſhine of a Walpole's ſmile.
Unheard, deſpis'd, to fouthern climes he fteers,
And fhines again at Sallé and Algiers;
Bids pale Morocco all his ſchemes adore,
And pours her thunder on th' Hefperian fhore:
All nature's ties, all virtue's creeds belied,
Each church abandon'd, and each God denied
Without a friend his fepulchre to ſhield,
His carcafe from the vultures of the field,
He dies, of all ambition's fons the worſt,
By Afric hated, and by Europe curſt.
* This account of Ripperda is principally
drawn from the difpatches of St Saphorin at
Vienna, of William Stanhope at Madrid, and
from "An Account of Ripperda," by two Si-
cilian abbots, in the Walpole Papers.
320
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
Coalition of
the Tories
and difcon-
tented
Whigs.
Condut of
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SIXTH:
1730.
Sanguine Hopes of Oppofition that Walpole would be removed.-Their Efforts in
Parliament.-Debates on the Imperial Loan—on the Penfion Bill-on Dun-
kirk—and the Renewal of the East India Company's Charter.-Arrangement
of the Ministry on the Refignation of Lord Townshend.- Characters of the
Duke of Newcastle and Lord Harrington.
A
LTHOUGH the Tories had hitherto joined the difcontented Whigs
in their attacks againſt the minifter, yet their coalition had never
been hearty and fincere. They formed a feparate body; and as they did not
amount to lefs than one hundred and ten members, they confidered them-
felves, both from their fuperior numbers and weight as country gentlemen,
entitled rather to give than receive an impulfe from the other parts of the
minority. They did not therefore chufe to pay that regular attendance in
parliament, which a conftant and uniform warfare required from all thoſe who,
however differing in many points, were united in that of diftreffing the mi-
nifter. But in the feffion which opened in 1730, a regular and fyftematic plan
was formed by Bolingbroke, and carried into execution by means of his addrefs
and activity. His connection with Pulteney, as the joint manager of the
Craftſman, gave him an influence over the Whigs; and his intimacy with
Sir William Wyndham, fecured to him the acquiefcence of the Tories. He
had perfuaded the whole body, that notwithſtanding the fignature of the
convention at Pardo, a peace with Spain ftill met with infuperable difficulties.
That Philip had not relinquished his demand of Gibraltar; that the Spaniſh
depredations would ftill continue to be committed with impuntity; that
the British commerce with Spain would either be fufpended or annihilated.
Meaſures were therefore concerted to call the minifters to account for their
fupineneſs and pufillanimity. The clamours thus excited, extremely popular
in a nation jealous of its honour, and anxious to fecure its commercial advan-
tages, occafioned great difcontents, as well amongst the friends as the enemies
of the minifter.
Although the conclufion of the treaty of Seville, which was highly fa-
Bolingbroke. vourable to the commercial interefts of England, and honourable to her na-
tional
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
321
1730.
tional glory, difconcerted oppofition, and overſet the ſchemes of Bolingbroke Chapter 36.
in this particular, yet he was too able not to form another plan of attack.
Having made a coalition between the difcordant parties in the minority, and
appointed a general muſter in parliament, he ftill continued to animate the
maſs with freſh fpirit. His labours were now turned to fow difcord among
the Hanoverian allies, to avail himself of a growing miſunderſtanding which
had recently appeared between England and France, to encourage the Empe-
ror to perſiſt in his refufal to admit Spaniſh garriſons into Parma and Tuf-
cany, and thus to counteract the execution of the treaty of Seville. Under Hopes of
his aufpices, and by his direction, the oppofition brought forwards many oppofition.
queſtions calculated to harraſs government, and to render themſelves po-
pular. The expectations formed by the difaffected were highly fanguine;
and a notion prevailed both at home and abroad *, that the fall of the mi-
nifter was unavoidable. Their hopes of fuccefs were founded on the dif
union in the cabinet; on the fuppofed averfion of the king to Walpole,
and on the diſguſt of the Whigs who adhered to Townſhend.
The first trial of their ftrength was made on the queftion concerning the
Imperial loan. The Emperor, by the treaty of Seville, having been de-
prived of liberal remittances from Spain, attempted to borrow £.400,000
in London. A bill was accordingly prefented to the commons for prevent-
ing loans to foreign powers, without licence from the king under his privy
feal. Had the miniſtry permitted the loan, they would have been abund-
antly and defervedly reproached: Advocates, however, againſt the prohibition
were not wanting. The hardships of all reſtraints, the diſadvantage to us,
and the advantage to the Dutch, were fpecious pretences. Walpole took
an active ſhare in combating the arguments of oppofition, and the queſtion
was carried. A fufficient juftification of the meaſure was, that the want of
money compelled the court of Vienna to fubmit to terms of accommodation.
The moſt popular and plaufible meaſure propoſed by oppofition was,
the penfion bill, which was now first introduced, and which from this
period, became a never-failing topic of antiminifterial attack and of mi-
nifterial defence. Sandys moved for leave to bring in a bill to diſable all
perfons from fitting in parliament, who had any penfion, or any offices
held in truft for them from the crown, directly or indirectly; and for
the purpoſe of enforcing this exclufion, he propoſed that every member,
on taking his feat, fhould fwear that he had not any penfion, directly
* Secret intelligence from Paris. Walpole Papers.
VOL. I.
Tt
† Journals.
or
June.
Debate on
the Imperial
loan.
On the pen-
fion bill.
February 16.
322
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV,
or indirectly, did not enjoy any gratuity or reward, or hold any office
$727 to 1730. or place of truſt; and that after having accepted the fame, he would
fignify it to the houſe within fourteen days. Walpole, who knew the un-
popularity of the arguments which could be urged against the bill, and ap-
preciated the effect of thoſe which would be brought in its favour, declined
taking any active part againſt it, notwithſtanding the expreſs injunctions of
the king *, who called it a villanous bill, and the difguft of Townſhend,
who was unwilling that the odium of its rejection fhould be caft upon the
houſe of lords. He does not ſeem to have ſpoken in the debate, or to have
exerted his uſual influence; for while moſt of the queſtions fupported or op-
poſed by government, were paffed or thrown out by a majority of more than
two to one, the bill was carried by 144 againſt 134. It was nega-
tived by the houſe of lords after a long debate, and a proteſt entered by
twenty-fix peers. A fimilar fate attended it the next feffion; and during
his whole adminiſtration, Sir Robert Walpole never made any ſtrong
oppofition to it, but left it to be rejected by the upper house. It
was now the generally received opinion, and not without foundation,
that the miniſter fuffered the penfion bill to pafs the houſe of com-
mons, becauſe he knew that it would be thrown out by the peers. Sandys
therefore, in the fubfequent Seffion, brought forward a motion for appoint-
ing a committee, to inquire whether any members had, directly or indirectly,
any penfions, or any offices from the crown held in truft for them, in part,
or in the whole. Walpole ventured to oppofe it; he called it a mo-
tion for erecting the houfe into a court of inquifition, and urged, that it
juſtified the treatment which the bill had met with in the upper houfe. He
declared that the act, if paffed, could not anſwer the end for which it was
propoſed, unleſs the houſe ſhould affume to itſelf a power unknown to the
conftitution, namely, a power of compelling every member that was fuf-
pected, to accuſe himſelf, not of any thing criminal, for it could not be
criminal to take either place or penfion from the crown, and in confequence
of that conſtruction, to difpoffefs half the counties and boroughs in England
of their repreſentatives. The arguments and influence of the miniſter pre-
vailed, and the bill was thrown out, by 206 againſt 143 §. Yet fuch was the
unpopularity of the rejection, that many members, ſuſpected of having pen-
fions or places held in truft, voted for it, left their oppofition might diſoblige
their conſtituents.
March 3,
1730-1 a
*Note from the king to lord Towfhend. Correfpondence.
Journals. Tindal
of
Lord's Debates. Tindal,
§ Journals.
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
323
1730.
On the affair
of Dunkirk.
The ftipulation to deftroy the harbour of Dunkirk, made at the peace of Chapter 36.
Utrecht, and renewed in the treaty with France of 1717, had never been
fully complied with. The French cabinet, always anxious to retain the
ufe of a harbour, which, in cafe of a war with Great Britain, was fituated
fo advantageouſly for the annoyance of our trade, continued clandeftinely to
prevent the demolition of the works. Frequent remonftrances were made
by the Engliſh government, and promiſes extorted from the French cabinet,
that the treaty fhould be carried into effect: but the inhabitants, either
by the ſuggeſtion or connivance of the French government, kept the har-
bour and works in a ftate of repair.
This was a fubject which gave great uneafinefs to the minifter, and on
which he frequently expatiated in his letters to his brother, and even re-
proached him for neglecting to enforce the demolition. It was a point, how-
ever, of fo much delicacy, that cardinal Fleury, though he conftantly avowed
his readineſs to accede to the demands of the Britiſh minifter, yet always
eluded them, probably not daring to irritate the people of France by the
enforcement of ſo diſagreeable a command. The delays on this ſubject
afforded to oppofition a ground for infinuating that the miniſtry were in con-
nivance with the court of France, to fanction the repairs of that harbour.
Bolingbroke was well aware that nothing would more exafperate the public
mind, than the perfuafion that the French were employed in the reparation
of that harbour; and if that fact could be proved, that the fufpicion of
conniving at it would fall upon the miniftry: he was no lefs convinced, that
it would weaken the credit of the miniſter abroad, if he could prove that
France did not fulfil its engagements, and that a miſunderſtanding had arifen
between the two kingdoms. To obtain evidence in fupport of theſe points,
he fent his fecretary, Brinfden, to infpect the ftate of the works at Dun-
kirk.
On the imperfect and exaggerated report of this agent, was founded a
motion for an addrefs, that "the king fhould direct that all orders, in-
ſtructions, reports, and proceedings, had in regard to the port and harbour
of Dunkirk, fince its demolition, be laid before the houſe." The king
having agreed to this addrefs, the neceffary documents were produced,
which being read, and witneffes examined, Sir William Wyndham moved,
that in what had been done relating to the harbour of Dunkirk, there was
a manifeft violation of the treaties between the two crowns. But before he
was feconded, the other fide made a motion for an addrefs of thanks to the
king, "for his attention to the interefts of the nation, in caufing a proper
application to be made to the court of France, not only for putting a ſtop
Tt 2
to
324
MEMOIRS OF
i
Period IV.
to the works carrying on, but for demolishing fuch as had been made by
1727 to 1730. the inhabitants of Dunkirk, for repairing the port and channel there; and
to expreſs their fatisfaction in the good effects which his majefty's inſtances
had had, by obtaining exprefs orders from the moft Chriftian king, for cauf-
ing to be deſtroyed all the works that might have been erected at Dunkirk,
contrary to the treaties of Utrecht and the Hague; and their reliance
upon their being punctually executed; and further to declare their fatis-
faction in the firm union and mutual fidelity, which fo happily fubfifted
and were fo ftrictly preferved between the two nations *."
This unexpected motion, which prevented the difcuffion of that propofed
by Sir William Wyndham, occafioned a long and warm debate, in which
Walpole feems to have particularly diftinguiſhed himſelf. The great object
of oppofition was to draw over the Whigs, who ufually fupported govern-
ment, and had lately wavered, under the plaufible notion that the conduct
of the minifter had been in this inftance contradictory to the principles and
interefts of their party. The object of the miniſter was to prove to the
Whigs, that their principles and interefts were no ways affected by this con-
troverſy, and that it was fimply a Tory queftion. With great art he in-
troduced a perſonal application, and made a moft vigorous attack on Bo-
lingbroke, who was particularly obnoxious to the Whigs, at whofe infti-
gation he infinuated this inquiry was made, and whofe character and fpirit
of oppofition he drew in the most unfavourable colours. Sir William
Wyndham, provoked by the Philippic againſt his friend, defended him with
uncommon energy, and drew a compariſon between him and Walpole, in
which he attempted to fhew that Bolingbroke was by no means inferior in
honeſty and integrity to the minifter. This compariſon called up Henry
Pelham, who ably feconded the attack againſt Bolingbroke, and excited
fuch a general indignation among the Whigs, that the addrefs was carried
by 274 againſt 149. The lofs of this queſtion by fo large a majority, which
the oppofition expected to have carried triumphantly, increaſed the popu-
larity of the minifter, and his credit abroad; and Horace Walpole, who took
a confiderable ſhare in the debate, obſerves in a letter to Poyntz, this was
the greateſt day, both with refpect to the thing itſelf, and the confequences,
that had ever occurred within his memory, for the king and miniftry, and
muſt prove a thunder-bolt to their adverfaries in England, as well as abroad,
as it contradicted the affertions of oppofition, that the king and the Whigs
were diffatisfied with his brother's adminiſtration.
* Tindal, vol. 20. p. 71.
+ See Journals.
‡ Horace Walpole to lord Harrington and
Stephen Poyntz. March 2d, 1730. Corre
fpondence.
Another
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
325
Another object of great national intereft, brought forward by, oppofi-
tion, was to prevent the renewal of the charter of the Eaft India company,
which was near its expiration, and to form another incorporated fociety
without the exclufive privileges, which fhould grant licences, upon certain
conditions, to all perfons inclined to trade to the Eaft Indies. The leading
men in the minority, forefeeing that the company would apply to the legifla-
ture for the renewal of their charter, had fecretly prevailed on many refpec-
table merchants in the city to engage in the ſcheme. It had a popular ten-
dency, from the general averfion which is always entertained againſt mono-
polies and exclufive privileges, by thoſe who derive no immediate ſhare from
the emoluments; and was ſtill farther recommended by the plaufible pre-
fence of eafing the public burthens, by obtaining a large fum of money from
the new incorporated fociety.
Having obtained information of their views, the minifter laboured to
counteract them. He was convinced that the trade could only be carried
on by an exclufive company. The perfons who were to form the new fo-
ciety, were wholly unacquainted with the fecrets of the buſineſs, and unleſs
the company could be induced to communicate information, and to part
with its forts and fettlements in the country, the trade might be reduced or
annihilated. Having concerted his plan with a few of the directors, in whom
he placed implicit confidence, and aware that the chief hopes of fuccefs con-
ceived by oppofition, were founded on the popular ground of obtaining
fums of money for the uſe of the public, he anticipated their views, by in-
finuating to the houſe, that a part of his ways and means would be derived
from the Eaft India company. This unexpected turn furpriſed the mino-
rity, and wholly difconcerted their plan before it was brought to maturity.
They had however proceeded ſo far in opening private fubfcriptions, and
making engagements, that they could not recede*. A petition was therefore
preſented to the houſe by ſeveral merchants, traders, and others, offering to
advance £. 3,200,000 at five payments, before the 25th of May 1733, at
an intereft of 5 per cent. to redeem the fund and trade of the Eaſt India
company, provided the lenders might be incorporated and veſted with their
whole trade, yet fo as not to trade with their joint ſtock, or in a corporate
capacity, but the trade be open to all his majeſty's fubjects, upon licence
from fuch propofed new company, defiring the fame, on proper terms and
conditions; and provided the trade be exerciſed to and from the port of
* Horace Walpole to lord Harrington, March 2. Correfpondence.
Chapter 36.
1730.
On the re-
newal of the
charter of the
East India
company.
}
London
325
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
London only; and be fubject to redemption at any time upon three years
1727 to 1730. notice, after a term of thirty-one years, and repayment of the principal.
After a long debate, the petition was rejected by a majority of 223 againſt
138 *.
Rice act.
The oppofition, however, were not intimidated by the rejection of this
propofal. They had been taken unawares, and compelled, by the addrefs of
the minifter, to bring it forward before it had been fully digefted. They
refolved therefore to introduce the bufinefs again, and employed the in-
tervening time in publiſhing anonymous letters, effays in periodical papers,
and pamphlets, againſt exclufive companies in general, and particularly
against the Eaft India company. All the arguments which had ever been
advanced againſt monopolies in this and other mercantile companies, were
retailed on this occafion, and all the benefits which were fuppofed to refult
from a free trade, were magnified with great art and fubtilty. The mi-
nifters and the Eaft India company were not on their part filent; they like-
wife defended, with no lefs fkill, the advantages of an united company,
veſted with exclufive privileges, and bound by peculiar regulations, under
the controul of the legislature. The petition was again prefented to the
houſe of commons, on the 9th of April, and rejected without a divifion.
While it was depending, the minifter brought in his bill, which prolonged
the charter to 1766, on the condition of paying £. 200,000 towards the ſup-
ply of the year, and of reducing the intereft of the money advanced to the
public, from £. 160,000 to £. 120,000, or one per cent. by which bargain,
the nation was benefited to the amount of at leaſt a million.
An act which paffed this feffions, though trifling in itſelf, yet muft not be
omitted, as it formed part of thofe commercial regulations which the mi-
nifter was endeavouring gradually to introduce, by taking off feveral re-
ftraints that ſhackled foreign commerce. It feems to have been the firſt de-
viation from a general principle which had been eſtabliſhed by the European
nations who had dominions in America, to maintain an exclufive intercourſe
between the mother country and the colonies. The narrow fpirit of this
impolitic reftriction, from which incredible advantages were fuppofed to
refult, but which in reality was productive of great inconveniencies, did
not eſcape the notice of the minifter; and he fuffered an exception to be
* Journals.
The reader will find the arguments, pro
and con, in Anderfon's Hiftory of Commerce,
who has treated the queſtion with great judg
ment. Vol. 3. p. 156 162.
3
made
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
327
1730.
made of rice, as a periſhable commodity. An act accordingly was paffed, Chapter 36.
for granting liberty to carry rice from Carolina directly to any part of
Europe, fouth of Cape Finisterre, in Britiſh bottoms, navigated by Britiſh
failors*. In confequence of this beneficial act, the plantations of rice were
confiderably increafed in the province of Carolina: The good effects of
this regulation induced the minifter afterwards to extend the privilege to
the colony of Georgia. And it is the obfervation of an eminent commer-
cial writer, "that the confequence of both theſe well-judged laws has been,
"that the rice of the American plantations has been preferred to the rice of
"Verona and Egypt, which had before a general fale.'
""
The oppoſition moved in the courſe of the feffion for various papers, re- Cloſe of the
lating to foreign affairs. Of thoſe they obtained, little ufe feems to have feffion.
been made, except to furnish matter to the writers of pamphlets and effays
in periodical papers. Theſe publications now affumed fuch an air of vio-
lence and audacity, as feems to have alarmed the minifter, perhaps too
much, for it induced him to make it one of the topics of animadverfion in
the ſpeech from the throne which terminated the feffion.
May 15th.
The fame day on which the houfe was prorogued, Townshend refigned. Change of
Lord Harrington was appointed fecretary of ſtate, Henry Pelham fecretary the miniftry.
at war, and the privy feal was given to the earl of Wilmington, on whofe
affiftance oppofition had relied with the moſt perfect fecurity. In a few
months after, he was created lord prefident of the council, which high office
he held till the removal of Sir Robert Walpole.
The charge of foreign affairs now oftenfibly devolved on the duke of New-
caſtle and lord Harrington, whofe characters form a remarkable contraft,
though they acted together with the utmoft cordiality.
Thomas Pelham Holles, duke of Newcaſtle, was fon of Thomas lord
Pelham, by Grace, fifter of John Holles, duke of Newcaſtle. He was born
in Auguft 1693-4, and on the death of his father, in 1712, fucceeded to
the barony of Pelham: he inherited a large part of the great eftate of his
uncle, who had no iffue male, and took the name of Holles. Being of a
great Whig family, he ftrenuoufly promoted the fucceffion of the line of
Brunfwick. Soon after the acceffion of George the Firit, he was .created
earl of Clare, and in 1715, duke of Newcaſtle. He fupported the admini-
ftration of his brother-in-law lord Townshend; but on the fchiſm of the
Tindal, vol. 20, p. 76.
† Anderfon's Origin of Commerce, vol. 3.
p. 164.
The first wife of Charles vifcount Townf-
hend was Elizabeth, daughter of lord Pelham
by his first wife, Elizabeth, daughter and heir
of Sir William Jones, attorney general to
Charles the Second.
Whig
Character of
the duke of
Newcaſtle.
328
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
Whig adminiftration in 1717, he attached himself to Sunderland, by whoſe
1727 to 1730. influence he was appointed lord chamberlain of the houfhold, and invefted
with the order of the garter. On the coalition which took place in 1720, be-
tween Sunderland and Townſhend, he joined his former friend. During the
ftruggle in the cabinet between Townshend and Walpole on one fide, and
Carteret and Cadogan on the other, he uniformly attached himſelf to the
brother minifters. His devotion to their caufe was fo warm, and his confe-
quence as one of the great Whig leaders fo highly appreciated, that he was
folely admitted into the moft intimate confidence, and 'entrufted with the
moſt ſecret tranſactions. In their private correfpondence, they invariably ſtyle
him their good friend: Townshend repeatedly defires Walpole to give in-
formation to the duke. In one place he exprefsly fays, "When I defire
you to communicate this to no one, I always except the duke of New-
caſtle;" and Walpole no lefs frequently affures his correfpondent, that he
has no reſerve for their common friend. When it became neceffary to re-
move Carteret from the office of ſecretary of ſtate, Newcaſtle was ſelected as
the fitteft perſon to fill that ſtation, which in confequence of the alliance
with France, was a poft of the higheſt delicacy and importance.
Newcaſtle was thirty years of age when he was raiſed to this office, and as
he fucceeded Carteret, whofe knowledge of foreign affairs, and talents for
buſineſs were duly appreciated, his appointment to fo important a truft
was contemptuouſly ſpoken of, and the new fecretary was confidered as not
capable of fully diſcharging the duties of his office. His outward appear-
ance and manners, feemed to juftify this obfervation. He was trifling and
embarraffed in converfation, always eager and in a hurry to tranfact buſineſs,
yet without due method. He was unbounded in flattery to thofe above him,
or whoſe intereſt he was defirous to conciliate, and highly gratified with the
groffeft adulation to himſelf. The facility with which he made and broke
his promiſes, became almoft proverbial. He was not fufficiently confiderate
to his fecretaries and ſubordinate clerks, exacting from them a large facrifice
of time and labour; and to his immediate dependants he was fretful and ca-
pricious.
With theſe unfavourable appearances, he gave few fymptoms of the
talents which he undoubtedly poffeffed. In fact, he had much better abi-
lities than are ufually attributed to him. He had a quick comprehenſion;
he was an uſeful and frequent debater in the houfe of peers; had an anſwer
ready on all occaſions, and ſpoke with great animation, though with little
arrangement, and without grace or dignity. He wrote with uncommon
facility,
A
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
329
w
1730.
facility, and with fuch fluency of words, that no one ever ufed a greater Chapter 36.
variety of expreffions; and it is a remarkable circumſtance, that in his moft
confidential letters, written with fuch expedition as to be almoft illegible,
there is ſcarcely a fingle erafure or alteration.
His temper was peevish and fretful, and he was always jealous of thoſe
with whom he acted. Of this jealouſy, Townſhend occafionally complained
in his private correfpondence with Horace Walpole, and in one inftance, he
particularly obferves, "This was my view in fending a projet mitoyen, but
my dear friend the duke looks upon the thoughts of any body elſe as re-
flections upon his own; and inſtead of confidering the uſe that may be made
of what is fuggefted by another, looks upon it as a perfonal thing, and
runs out into a long juſtification of his own performances, which nobody
finds fault with *." Sir Robert Walpole alfo repeatedly infinuated to
his correfpondents, not to omit writing confidentially to Newcaſtle,
and exhorted them rather to neglect him than the duke, who would be
grievoufly offended by the finalleft omiffion. This jealoufy, fuppreffed in
fome meaſure during his fubordinate fituation under lord Townſhend, and
for ſome time after his refignation, increaſed as he advanced in years, was
highly troubleſome to the miniſter of the houſe of commons, and created
fo much difguft, as to occafion frequent altercations.
George the Second had conceived a very early and violent antipathy to the
duke of Newcaſtle, which was augmented by the difcordancy of their tem-
pers and habits, particularly by his deficiency in method and exactneſs,
which the king confidered as effential characteriſtics of a miniſter. The repre-
fentations of Walpole, on the neceffity of conciliating a man fo powerful
from family and party connections, had induced the king to moderate or
conceal his repugnance; but his diflike broke out occafionally into bitter
expreffions of contempt and averfion. In one of thefe difcontenced moods,
he faid to a confidential perfon, " You fee that I am compelled to take the
duke of Newcaſtle to be my minifier, who is not fit to be chamberlain in
the ſmalleſt court of Germany."
With theſe habits, and this difpofition, and under the neceffity of ſtrug-
gling against the deep-rooted averfion of George the Second, it is a matter of
furpriſe that he fo long retained his power; for if we reckon from his firſt pro-
motion to the poſt of lord chamberlain, to his refignation at the commence-
ment of the reign of George the Third, he continued to fill a high ſituation at
court for a period of fix and forty years. This long continuance in office
VOL. I.
Walpole Papers.
IT U
Was
330
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
was owing to his fituation as the chief leader of the Whigs, to his princely
1727 to 1730. fortune and profufion of expence, to the high integrity and difintereſtedneſs
of his character, and to the uniform fupport which he gave to the houſe of
Brunſwick.
Character of
lord Har-
rington,
As a fubordinate minifter, acting under fuperior influence, his zeal and
activity were highly uſeful; and his want of order and warmth of temper,
were counteracted and modified by the method and prudence of Walpole.
But when he was placed at the head of affairs, he became diftracted with
the multiplicity of bufinefs, yet unwilling to divide it with others. Weak-
neſs of counfels, fluctuation of opinion, and deficiency of ſpirit, marked his ad-
miniſtration during an inglorious period of fixteen years; from which Eng-
land did not recover, until the mediocrity of his minifterial talents, and the
indecifion of his character, were controuled by the afcendency of Pitt.
His colleague in office, William Stanhope, (defcended from Sir John Stan-
hope, brother of Philip the firft earl of Cheſterfield) was third fon of John
Stanhope of Elvafton, in Derbyshire, and after receiving a learned educa-
tion, he entered into the profeffion of arms; ferved in Spain under his kinf-
man James, afterwards earl Stanhope, and after feveral promotions, obtained,
in 1715, a regiment of horfe. He was chofen in the firft parliament of the
reign of George the Firſt, for the town of Derby; and in 1717, appointed
envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the king of Spain. On the rup-
ture which broke out between Spain and England in 1718, he was named
envoy and plenipotentiary to the court of Turin. In May 1721 he ferved as
a volunteer in the French army commanded by marshal Berwick, which laid
fiege to Fontarabia. During this war, he concerted a plan for the deftruction
of three Spaniſh fhips of the line, and a great quantity of naval ſtores, in the
port of St. Andero, in the Bay of Bifcay; an Engliſh fquadron effected that
enterprize; he himſelf contributed to the execution, by accompanying a
detachment of troops, which Berwick fent at his folicitation, and was the
firft that leaped into the water when the boats approached the ſhore .
On the peace with Spain, he was conftituted brigadier general, and return-
ed to Madrid in the fame character as before. During his refidence at
that court, he was witneſs to many extraordinary events, which he has ably
detailed in his difpatches. The abdication of Philip the Fifth, the ſucceſ.
fion and death of Louis, the refumption of the crown by Philip, the return
of the Spaniſh infanta, the feparation of Spain from France, and union with
* Lord Harvey, in a letter to Horace Wal-
pole, faid of him," that he did nothing in the
fame hurry and agitation, as if he did every
thing." Correfpondence, Period V.
Collins's Peerage.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
331
1730.
ངའི
the houſe of Auftria, and the rife and fall of Ripperda. He manifefted Chapter 36.
great firmness and difcretion when that minifter was forcibly taken from his
houfe; and his conduct on this occafion, principally impreffed the king and
the minifters with a deep ſenſe of his diplomatic talents, and contributed to
his future elevation.
On the rupture with Spain, which commenced with the fiege of Gibraltar,
he returned to England, and was appointed vice chamberlain to the king,
and foon afterwards nominated, in conjunction with Horace Walpole and
Stephen Poyntz, plenipotentiary at the congrefs of Soiffons.
He had now two great objects in view, a peerage, and the office of fecre-
tary of state. But he had to ftruggle as well againſt the ill-will of the king,
who was highly diſpleaſed with his brother Charles Stanhope, as againſt the
prejudices of Sir Robert Walpole, who, deeply impreffed with a recollection
of the conduct of earl Stanhope at Hanover, had taken an averſion to the
very name. It required all the influence of the duke of Newcaſtle, and the
friendſhip of Horace Walpole, to furmount theſe obſtructions; which were
not removed until he had gained an acceffion to his diplomatic character,
by repairing to Spain, and concluding the treaty of Seville. His merits in
that delicate negotiation, extorted the peerage from the king; and on the
refignation of lord Townshend, he was nominated fecretary of ſtate. In that
office, his knowledge of foreign affairs, his application to buſineſs, his at-
tention to diplomatic forms, the folemnity of his deportment, the preciſion
of his diſpatches, and his propenfity to the adoption of vigorous meaſures
againſt France, on the death of Auguftus the Second, rendered him highly
acceptable to the king. Having offended queen Caroline, by affecting to ſet
up an intereſt independent of her, he would have been removed, had not his
prudence and caution again conciliated her favour.
He never cordially coaletced with Sir Robert Walpole; and although he
almoſt uniformly acted in fubfervience to his views, he looked up to the duke
of Newcaſtle as his patron and friend, and gave many inftances in which he
facrificed his own interefts, even in oppofition to the commands of the king,
to gratitude and friendship. He was a man of ftrong fenfe and moderation;
of high honour and difintereſted integrity; and fo tenacious of his word,
that Philip of Spain faid of him, "Stanhope is the only foreign miniſter who
never deceived me." He was of a mild and even temper, and had contracted,
by long habit, fo much patience and phlegm, that he was characteriſed by
the Portugueſe minifter, Don Arevedo *, as “not being accuſtomed to interrup:
* Orford Papeis.
U u ?
shoje
17275
332
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
those who spoke to him.” A contemporary hiftorian has alfo farther de-
fcribed him as one whofe moderation, good fenfe, and integrity, were fuch, that
he was not confidered as a party man, and had few or no perfonal enemies.
Although he never ſpoke in the houfe of peers, yet he was highly uſeful in
recommending to the cabinet the moſt prudent method of attack or defence,
and in fuggeſting hints to thoſe who were endowed with the gift of the
tongue.
Caufes of the
diſagreement
between
Townshend
and Wal-
pole.
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SEVENTH:
1730.
Origin and Progress of the Disagreement between Townshend and Walpole.-Re-
fignation-Retreat and Death of Townshend.
TH
niftration
HE treaty of Seville was the concluding act of Townshend's admi-
niſtration; it was figned on the 9th of November 1729, and on the
16th of May he retired in diſguſt from the office of ſecretary of ſtate. His re-
fignation was owing to a difagreement with his brother in law and co-adjutor,
Sir Robert Walpole, which had long fubfifted. It had been occaſionally
compromiſed by the interference of common. friends, but finally broke into a
rupture, which rendered the continuance of both in office incompatible.
The cauſes of this miſunderſtanding were various, and originated from the
difference of their tempers, from difagreement on fubjects of domeſtic and
foreign politics, from political and private jealoufy.
Townſhend was frank, impetuous, and overbearing; long accuſtomed to.
dictate in the cabinet, and fond of recommending violent meaſures. Wal-
pole was mild, infinuating, pliant, and good-tempered; defirous of conci-
liating by lenient methods, but prepared to employ vigour when vigour was
neceffary.
* Tindal,
The
។
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
333
1730.
The rough and impetuous manners of Townshend, began to alienate the Chapter 37.
king, and diſguſt the queen. All the members of the cabinet were no leſs
diffatisfied with him. Newcaſtle, in particular, was anxious to remove a
minifter, who abfolutely directed all foreign affairs, and who rendered him a
mere cypher. He wished to procure the appointment of lord Harrington,
who already owed his peerage to him, and who, he flattered himſelf, would
act in fubfervience to his dictates.
To theſe public caufes of miſunderſtanding, derived from a defire of pre-
eminence, a private motive was unfortunately added. The family of Townſ
hend had long been the moſt confpicuous, and accuſtomed to take the lead,
as the only one then diſtinguiſhed by a peerage, in the county of Norfolk;
the Walpoles were fubordinate both in eftate and confequence, and Houghton
was far inferior in fplendour to Rainhain * But circumſtances were much
altered. Sir Robert Walpole was at the head of the treafury, a peerage had
been conferred on his fon, the increaſe of his paternal domains, the build-
ing of a magnificent feat, the acquifition of a fuperb collection of paintings,
a ſumptuous ſtile of living, and affable manners, drew to Houghton a conflux
of company, and eclipſed the more fober and lefs fplendid eſtabliſhment at
Rainham.
Walpole had long been confidered as the firſt minifter in all buſineſs
relating to the internal affairs: he was the principal butt of oppofition, for
the name of Townſhend fcarcely once occurs in the Craftſman, and the other
political papers against government, while that of Walpole is feen in almoft
every page.
His influence over the queen had, on the acceffion of George the Second,
prevented the removal of Townſhend. He managed the houſe of commons,
and was fupported by a far greater number of friends than his brother mi-
nifter could boaſt, who had little parliamentary influence, and ftill lefs per-
fonal credit.
Walpole felt, in all theſe circumſtances, his fuperior confequence; he was
confcious that he fhould be fupported by the queen, and was unwilling to
continue to act in a fubordinate fituation; while Townſhend, who had long
been uſed to dictate, could not bear any oppofition to his fentiments, or any
refiſtance to his views. He confi dered his brother minifter as one who had
firft enlifted himſelf under his banners, and who ought to continue to act
with the fame implicit obedience to his commands. Hence a ſtruggle for
power enfued.
* Rainham was built by Inigo Jones for Sir Roger Townshend.
1
Townshend
334
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
Townshend had hitherto poffeffed what the French call la feuille des bene-
1727 to 1730, fices, and had been the principal difpenfer of ecclefiaftical preferments. This
great object of minifterial influence. was naturally coveted by Walpole, and
had occafioned frequent difputes. In many points of domeſtic adminiſtra-
tion, the violence of Townshend's meafures was reprobated and oppofed
by Walpole, particularly in the bufinefs of Wood's coinage; in the haughty
manner of writing to the duke of Grafton, then lord lieutenant of Ireland ;
and in the meaſures adopted in the riots in Scotland in 1725. In foreign
affairs, Walpole affected not to interfere, declaring that he did not un-
derſtand them, and that they did not belong to his department; yet he
always oppofed, as much as lay in his power, all complicated engagements,
and uniformly objected to the too laviſh expenditure of the public money
in the formation of alliances, which he often confidered as uſeleſs and chime-
rical. His remonftrances had produced a fenfible effect in oppofition to
the fentiments of Townshend; but it was particularly in the negotiation for
the treaty of Hanover, that a wide difference of opinion had fubfifted. He
expreffed his diſapprobation at the precipitate manner in which it was con-
cluded, and was offended that fuch an important ftep had been taken without
a due communication to him.
For
He was ſtill more diffatisfied when the Daniſh fubfidy became due.
as France avoided paying her ſhare, and the whole burthen fell upon Eng-
land, he, as miniſter of finance, was under the neceffity of finding refources
to fupply the deficiency.
In ſeveral diſpatches from the foreign minifters in 1725 and 1726, frequent
mention is made of the growing miſunderſtanding between Townshend and
Walpole, and a rupture is deſcribed as unavoidable. Yet thefe bickerings
and occafional inftances of diſcordant fentiments, did not alienate the
brother minifters. They continued to act together, and on the acceffion
of George the Second, the removal of one would have been followed with
the refignation of the other. Their union at this period was fo cloſe, and the
opinion which Walpole entertained of "Townshend fo favourable, that in 1727,
when Townshend was in imminent danger, Walpole expreffed, in terms of
affection and concern, his apprehenfions of the lofs which the cauſe would
fuftain from his death; "he confidered him as the bulwark of the conftitu-
tion; and trufted that Providence would interpofe to fave the man, without whom
all must fall to the ground *'
9
Thefe difputes had been frequently allayed by the interpofition of lady
Sce Correfpondence, Period IV.
3
Townshend
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
335
1730.
Townſhend; ſhe had, like an Octavia between Anthony and Auguftus, by a Chapter 37.
diſcreet exertion of her influence as wife and fifter, moderated the afperities
of the contending politicians. But her mediation had unfortunately ceafed
by her death, which happened in March 1726.
Queen Caroline obferved the growing miſunderſtanding between the bro-
ther miniſters, and when the rupture became unavoidable, gave her fup-
port to Walpole in preference to Townshend. By her influence, he foon ob-
tained the preponderance.
Townſhend, thus reduced to act a fecondary part, was refolved to make an
effort to recover his former power, by forming a new adminiftration, and re-
moving the duke of Newcaſtle, whofe official jealouſy, and attempts to raiſe lord
Harrington to the office of fecretary of ſtate, had diſpleaſed him, and placing
his friend lord Cheſterfield, who had long afpired to that ftation, in his
ſtead. Full of theſe projects, he accompanied the king to Hanover; and
as he was the only Engliſh minifter of the cabinet abroad, he embraced the
favourable opportunity of ingratiating himſelf. He became more obfequious
to the king's German prejudices, paid his court with unceafing affiduity,
and appeared to have gained fo much influence, that he thought himſelf
capable of obtaining the appointment of Cheſterfield, who was at this
time embaffador at the Hague, and had confiderably diſtinguiſhed himſelf
in his diplomatic capacity. At the fuggeftion of lord Townshend, when he
waited on the king in his paffage through Holland, he requested and ob-
tained permiffion to attend him to London. When Townshend offered the
place of fecretary of ftate to Chefterfield, he inquired if he had fecured the
queen; his anſwer implied no doubt. But the very choice he had made
was in itſelf fufficient to counteract his fuccefs. Cheſterfield had offended
the queen by the court he paid to lady Suffolk, and the exerted all her in-
fluence with the king, which was feldom exerted in vain, to fruftrate the
fcheme.
Such an attempt, however fecretly conducted, could not eſcape the obferva-
tion of Walpole. He conferred with the queen on the proper means of avert-
ing the defign, and the communications he received from her in this and
other particulars, inflamed his refentment. On quitting the palace aíter one
of theſe conferences, he met Townshend at colonel Selwyn's, in Cleveland
Court, in the prefence of the duke of Newcaftle, Mr. Pelham, colonel and
Mrs. Selwyn. The converfation turned on a foreign negotiation, which at the
defire of Walpole had been relinquiſhed. Townshend, however, ftill required
that the meaſure ſhould be mentioned to the commons, at the fame time
that
Influence
and death of
hend.
lady Townf-
The queen
favours Wal-
pole.
Prevents the
appointment
of Chester-
field.
Altercation
between
and Wal-
pole.
Townshend
1729.
330
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
that the houſe ſhould be informed that it was given up. Walpole obje&ting
1727 to 1730. to this propofal as inexpedient, and calculated only to give unneceffary trou-
ble, Townſhend taid, " Since you object, and the houfe of commons is your
concern more than mine, I fhall not perfift in my opinion; but as I now
give way, I cannot avoid obferving, that upon my honour I think that mode
of proceeding would have been mcft adviſable." Walpole, piqued at thefe
expreſſions, loft his temper, and faid, "My lord, for once, there is no man's
fincerity which I doubt fo much as your lordship's, and I never doubted it fo
much as when you are pleaſed to make ſuch ſtrong profeffions." Townfhend,
incenſed at this reproach, feized him by the collar, Sir Robert laid hold of
him in return, and then both, at the fame inftant, quitted their hold, and
laid their hands upon their ſwords. Mrs. Selwyn, alarmed, attempted to go
out and call the guards, but was prevented by Pelham. But although their
friends interpofed to prevent an immediate duel, yet the contumelious ex-
preffions uſed on this occafion, rendered all attempts to heal the breach
ineffectual.
Their differ
ence as to
foreign af-
fairs.
Townshend
Great difference of opinion had alſo arifen in regard to foreign affairs. When
Townſhend accompanied the king abroad, in May 1729, he confidered the
Emperor as the fole caufe of the obftacles which impeded a general pacifica-
tion, and immediately on his arrival at Hanover, plunged into the chaos of
German politics. He was fo much incenfed againſt the Emperor, and fo ve-
hemently inclined to compel him to accede to the admiffion of Spaniſh gar-
rifons into Parma and Leghorn, that he promoted, to the utmoſt of his
power, the conclufion of a ſubſidiary alliance with the four electors of the
Rhine, by which England could not have guarantied the pragmatic fanc-
tion during the exiſtence of that alliance. On the contrary, Walpole, anxi-
ous not to do any thing which might render England incapable for a time
to gratify the Emperor in his favourite project, fecretly oppofed the conclu-
fion of the treaty, and laboured to reconcile the difcordant politics of Spain
and Auftria, or if that was impoffible, to conciliate Spain without too
much irritating the Emperor.
This collifion of opinions naturally increafed the miſunderſtanding, led
them to counteract each other, and to ftrive for pre-eminence in the cabinet.
Having failed in raifing Cheſterfield to the office of fecretary of ſtate,
ineffectually Townshend made a laft attempt to obtain that place for Sir Paul Methuen,
recommends
in which he was equally unſucceſsful. Thefe diſappointments increaſed his
Methuen.
natural irritability, which he vented in pecvifh expreffions againſt lord Har-
rington; and theſe reproaches, probably exaggerated by the duke of New-
caftle, increaſed the animofities in the cabinet.
At
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
337
1730.
Is finally de-
At length the conteſt was brought to a crifis. Townſhend feems to Chapter 37.
have obtained the good-will of the king by reprefenting, that he was the
only fupport of his German intereft, that lord Harrington had neglected
preffing the plan of operations against the Emperor, and that Hanover would feated.
be facrificed by the new arrangements. Under thefe circumſtances, the duke
of Newcaſtle had written, with the approbation of the Walpoles, a diſpatch
to the plenipotentiaries at Soiffons, diffuading an attack of the Auftrian Ne-
therlands, adviſing that an army fhould be affembled on the banks of the
Rhine, for the purpoſe of threatening the frontiers of Bohemia; but ſtrongly
recommending, that before this plan was concerted with France, propoſals of
accommodation ſhould be prefented to the Emperor. But before the letter
was fubmitted to the king, Townshend had written to him, enforcing
the neceffity of forming a plan of hoftile operations before any declara-
tion was made, for the purpoſe of compelling the king of Pruffia to fubmit,
and reducing the Emperor to accept of the terms dictated by England and
her allies.
The king approved this advice, and ordered Townshend to communicate.
his refolution to the duke of Newcaſtle and Horace Walpole, that inftruc-
tions might be forwarded to the plenipotentiaries, in conformity to that opi-
nion. Townshend accordingly fent the letter, with the king's anfwer, to
Horace Walpole, and went into Norfolk for a few days. In this dilemma,
the duke deſpaired of fuccefs, and propofed to act agreeably to the dictates
of Townſhend. But Sir Robert Walpole communicated Newcaſtle's dif
patch to the queen, and obtained, through her influence, the afſent of the
king, who expreffed his full approbation of the contents.
Townſhend, finding that his perſonal influence with the king was not fuffi- Refigns;
cient to counteract the exertions of his rivals, oppofed by the queen, and
deferted by the remaining members of the cabinet, gave in his refignation,
and retired from public affairs.
In feveral letters to his confidential correfpondents abroad, which are ftill
extant in the Rainham Collection, Townshend attributes his refignation
principally to the effects of his dangerous illnefs in 1727, which rendered
him incapable of fupporting the fatigues of his place, but hints at the fame
time with great delicacy at the coolneſs and mifintelligence which had arifen
between him and Sir Robert Walpole, and to the diſguſt he had recently re-
ceived from that quarter, which fortified his refolution. At the fame time he
adds, with great fpirit and dignity, that he is happy to announce that his re-
treat will not make any alteration in public affairs, and that he never could
have refolved to quit his fituation, if he had not been fully convinced that
VOL. I.
X X.
Walpole
Explains the
motives of his
refignation.
338
MEMOIRS OF
Period IV.
1727 to 1730.
Retirement.
Death.
Walpole would follow the fame principles, and carry on the fame meaſures
which had been hitherto purfued. In his letter to Slingelandt, he obferves,
"the king has had the goodneſs to permit me to retire in the moſt obliging
manner, and has moft gracioufly received the affurances, which I took the
liberty to make, that notwithſtanding my refignation, I fhould always be
ready to furnish all the eclairciffements in my power, whenever it ſhall be
deemed neceffary for his fervice."
Townſliend retired with a moſt unfullied character for integrity, honour,
and difintereſtednefs, and gave feveral ftriking proofs that he could command
the natural warmth of his temper, and rife fuperior to the malignant influence
of party ſpirit and diſappointed ambition. The oppofition, who had formed
fanguine expectations of the confequences of the difunion in the cabinet,
were prepared to receive him with open arms, but he refifted their ad-
vances, and firmly perfevered in his original determination. Soon after
Cheſterfield commenced his ardent oppofition to Walpole, he went to Rain-
ham, and requeſted Townshend to attend an important queſtion in the houſe
of lords. Townshend replied, that he had formed a refolution which he
could not break, of never again engaging in political conteſts. "I recol-
lect," he added, " that lord Cowper, though a ftaunch Whig, had been be-
trayed by perſonal pique and party refentment, in his oppofition to the mi-
niſtry, to throw himſelf into the arms of the Tories, and even to ſupport
principles which tended to ferve the caufe of the Jacobites. I know that I
am extremely warm; and I am apprehenſive if I fhould attend the houſe of
lords, I alſo may be hurried away by the impetuofity of my temper, and by
perfonal refentment, to adopt a line of conduct, which in my cooler moments
I may regret." He maintained this honourable and truly patriotic refolu-
tion; and thus proved himſelf worthy of the higheft eulogium.
He paffed the evening of his days in the purfuit of rural occupations and
agricultural experiments; his improvements ameliorated the ſtate of huſban-
dry, his hoſpitality endeared him to his neighbours, and the dignity of his
character inſured refpect. Apprehenfive of being tempted again to enter
into thoſe ſcenes of active life, which he had refolved totally to abandon, he
never reviſited the capital, but died at Rainham, in 1738, aged 64.
Notwithſtanding the afperity with which this conteſt was conducted, the
brothers ſeem to have renounced their friendſhip without forfeiting their efteem
for each other. Townshend did not indulge in peevish expreffions againſt
his fucceſsful rival, and Sir Robert Walpole never blamed the minifterial con-
duct or depreciated the abilities of lord Townſhend. He was always unwilling
to enter into the cauſes of their difunion; when an intimate friend preſſed
4.
him
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
339
1730.
him on the fubject fome years afterwards, he made feveral attempts to evade Chapter 37.
the queſtion, and at length replied, " It is difficult to trace the cauſes of a
diſpute between ſtateſmen, but I will give you the hiſtory in a few words;
as long as the firm of the houſe was Townſhend and Walpole, the utmoſt
harmony prevailed; but it no fooner became Walpole and Townſhend, than
things went wrong, and a feparation enfued *.
* The contents of this chapter are derived
from the letters in the Correfpondence.
Etough's Papers.-The late Earl of Hardwicke's
Memorandums.-Maty's Life of Lord Chefter-
field.-Communications from the late earl of
Orford, lord Sydney, and his brother Charles
Townfhend, efquire.
X X 2
1
349
MEMOIRS OF
}
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
PERIOD THE
THE FIFTH:
From the Refignation of Lord TOWNSHEND, to the Diffolution
of the Parliament.
1730 1734.
Walpole con-
ducts foreign
affairs.
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-EIGHTH;
1730 1731.
Walpole inclines to a Reconciliation with the Emperor.-Negotiations which pre-
ceded and terminated in the Treaty of Vienna.-Treaty of Seville carried into
Execution.-Tranfactions in Parliament.-General Satisfaction.-Character of
Earl Waldegrave, the new Embajador at Paris.
THHE
HE refignation of Townshend placed Walpole in a new point of view.
Hitherto he had taken no public part in foreign affairs, and had only
indirectly influenced the current negotiations, either through the private in-
terpofition of the queen, or the medium of his brother, and he affected to
leave the fole direction of thofe matters to the fecretary of ftate. But the
removal of Townſhend inftantly changed his fituation. The duke of New-
caſtle for fome time continued to act the fame fubordinate part as before ;
and the new ſecretary, lord Harrington, received his impulfe from the mi-
nifter of the finance, or from his brother Horace. Walpole, therefore, now
took a more open and decided place in the regulation of foreign tranſactions,
and his opinion feems to have principally contributed to the renewal of the
ancient
瞿
​SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
541
ancient connection with the houſe of Auftria, with whom England had been Chapter 38.
fo long in a ſtate of open defiance.
He had fagaciouſly appreciated the advantages which refulted to England
from the alliance with France, was convinced, that an union with that power
had effectually hurt the cauſe of the Pretender, and counteracted the fchemes
of the Jacobites. He was aware that France, during the minority of Louis
the Fifteenth, or under the government of a prime minifter like Cardinal
Fleury, of a pacific and timid difpofition, was a very proper ally in a defenfive
treaty, to check and prevent the defigns of the Emperor, who had formed
ſchemes and alliances detrimental to the fecurity and commerce of England.
He well knew that minifters of a free nation muſt fometimes be obliged to
contract new engagements, in oppofition to thoſe powers with whom they
would have been willing to have lived in the ſtricteft friendſhip, upon juſt
and honourable terms *.
He had therefore concurred with Townfhend, in warmly promoting the
alliance with France, and was not deterred by the popular outcry, that the
meaſures of the cabinet were directed to lower our natural ally, the houſe
of Auſtria, and exalt France, our natural enemy, from purſuing a plan which
fecured to England internal tranquillity and external peace. The improve-
ment of our commerce and manufactures were a full juſtification of this wiſe
meaſure.
But things were now confiderably changed. The folid eſtabliſhment of
the houſe of Hanover on the throne of Great Britain, and the number of
Jacobites who, on the quiet acceffion of George the Second, renounced
their principles, had leffened the danger of internal commotions, and ren-
dered the co-operation of France in favour of the Pretender, lefs an object of
alarm.
The relative fituation of France was no lefs changed. Morville, the
friend of England, had been difmiffed from the office of fecretary of ftate,
and his fucceffor, Chauvelin, the enemy of England, governed Cardinal
Fleury. A reconciliation had taken place between France and Spain, and
the ancient jealouſy between France and England began to revive on both
fides.
In confequence of this alteration of circumftances, France acted from po-
licy an indecifive and wavering part: When the Emperor, in oppofition to
the arrangements made by the allies of Seville, had declared, that if Spaniſh
troops ſhould enter Tuſcany, he would drive them out, it became neceffary
The Intereft of Great Britain fteadily purfued, p. 26.
1730 to 1735.
Promotes a
tion with the
Emperor.
reconcilia-
State of the
French cabi-
net.
either
342
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
-
Negotiations
at Vienna.
either to force him to execute that treaty, or to prevail upon him, by the
guaranty of his favourite object, the pragmatic fanction. Cardinal Fleury
affected to co-operate with England, in obtaining the confent of the Em-
peror, either by force or perfuafive means; but artfully threw obftacles in
the way of both. Various ſchemes for effecting that end were propofed. It
was the great object of England to prevent the invaſion of the Low Countries,
and to confine principally the feat of war to Sicily, or at leaſt to Italy. It
was the view of the French to extend it to the other parts of the Auftrian
dominions, under the hopes of making conquefts on the fide of Germany and
the Low Countries.
When the two nations were actuated with fuch different views, no co-in-
cidence of opinion could be expected. France objected to all ſchemes, either
of compulfion or compromife, and endeavoured to throw the blame of inac-
tivity on the Engliſh and Dutch. Meanwhile Spain complained bitterly
that the treaty of Seville was not executed, and that Parma and Tuſcany, for
the attainment of which fhe had acceded to the quadruple alliance, were on
the point of being loſt.
Walpole now perceived that the ftrict alliance with France would no
longer be maintained. He had two objects in view, the one, according to
his own expreffions, to avoid a war with the Emperor, for fear of its con-
fequences, and the other with Spain, on account of our trade, and the
only method of effecting both theſe purpoſes was to renew the ancient con-
nection with the houſe of Auftria, and to lure the Emperor to accede to the
treaty of Seville, with the promiſe of guarantying the pragmatic fanction.
On theſe intereſting topics he maintained a correfpondence with his
brother, Horace Walpole, embaffador at Paris; combated his opinion in
favour of continuing the friendſhip with France, and gradually brought him
over to approve a negotiation with the houfe of Auſtria.
The Emperor had, before the treaty of Seville, endeavoured to open a ſe-
parate negotiation with England, and fince its conclufion had thrown out
hints to our embaffador at Vienna, that a thorough reconciliation might
eafily be effected. In confequence of theſe infinuations, the Britiſh cabinet
lecided on making the attempt, and lord Harrington announced this refo-
lution in an official diſpatch to Mr. Robinſon, who had fucceded earl Walde-
grave in the embaffy to Vienna *.
An anſwer being tranfmitted, that the Imperial court was inclined, with every
appearance of fincerity on their part, to renew their ancient connection with
* September 14-25, 1730. Correfpondence, Period V.
England,
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
243
England, on fair and reaſonable conditions, farther inftructions were for-
warded from the fecretary of ſtate, together with the plans of treaties and de-
clarations to be figned by the Emperor, both in regard to the difputes with
England, and to the king's German affairs *.
Chapter 38.
1730 to 1731.
While this negotiation was pending, the delay gave fuch umbrage to the
king of Spain, that he declared, by the Marquis of Caftillar, his embaffador Jan. 29.
at Paris, that he confidered himſelf free from all engagements contracted
on his part by the treaty of Seville, and at full liberty to adopt fuch mea-
fures as fhould be moft fuitable to his interefts.
duke of Par-
ma.
Soon after theſe tranſactions, the duke of Parma died; the duchefs, his Death of the
widow, declared herſelf pregnant: the Emperor, with the ſecret connivance of
England, took poffeffion of Parma, making at the fame time a declaration,
that if the duchefs fhould be delivered of a fon, the introduction of the
Spaniſh troops ſhould take place; if of a daughter, Don Carlos fhould inftantly
receive the inveftiture of Parma and Placentia, from the Emperor and
empire.
ings.
In opening this negotiation, the Britiſh cabinet had declared it to be the Parliamen-
determined refolution of the king to make the treaty of Seville the bafis of tary proceed-
the new alliance, and the fecuring to Don Carlos the fucceffion to Tufcany
and Parma was held out as an indifpenfable article. The miniſter was
aware that the beft method to obtain peace was to be prepared for war,
and that the only fucceſsful means for carrying the treaty of Seville into
effect, were to be ready to enforce its execution by vigorous meaſures.
The fpeech which the king delivered from the throne on the meeting of
parliament, was drawn up by him in conformity with theſe fentiments. After
declaring, that every meaſure was adopted to prevent, by an accommoda-
tion, the fatal confequences of a general rupture; and that it was impoffible
to ſtate the ſupplies which would be required for the current fervice of the
year, until peace or war fhould be decided upon, it concluded with thefe
ftrong expreffions:
"The time draws near, which will admit of no farther delays. If the tran-
quillity of Europe can be fettled without the effufion of blood, or the ex-
pence of public treafure, that fituation will certainly be moft happy and defir-
able. But if that bleffing cannot be obtained, honour, juftice, and the facred
faith due to folemn treaties, will call upon us to exert ourſelves, in procuring
by force, what cannot be had upon juft and reaſonable terms.”
The negotiation was carried on with fo much addrefs and fecrecy, that al-
Jan. 21.
Lord Harrington to Mr. Robinfon, Dec. 4-15, 1730.
↑ Journals.
though
344
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
though fome rumour of it had tranfpired, and hints had been thrown out in
3730 to 1734 the Craftfman, yet the debate on the fide of the minority was conducted
on a fuppofition, that England was preparing for a war with the Emperor,
to execute the treaty of Seville by force, and an amendment to the addreſs
was propofed, that the king ſhould be requeſted not to concur in a war
againſt the Emperor, either in Flanders or on the Rhine. But when this
propofition was negatived, a more plaufible amendment was ſuggeſted by
oppofition (who artfully availed themſelves of the prejudice conceived againſt
the king for his attachment to Hanover) they propofed to infert, that they
would fupport his majeſty's engagements, fo far as they related to the in-
tereſt of Great Britain. In anfwer to this propoſal, Walpole did not hefi-
tate to declare, "That fuch an expreffion in their addrefs would feem to in-
finuate, that the king had entered into engagements that did not relate to
the intereſts of Great Britain, which would be a great inftance of ingratitude
towards the king, who in all his meaſures had never fhewed the leaft regard to
any thing but the intereft of Great Britain, and the eafe and fecurity of the
people; as all thoſe who had the honour to ferve him could teftify, and upon
their honour declare; that he hoped every member of that houfe was con-
vinced, that the king would never enter into any engagement that was not
abſolutely neceffary for procuring the happineſs and inſuring the ſafety of his
ſubjects, and therefore it was quite unneceffary to confine the words of their
addrefs to fuch engagements as related to the intereft of Great Britain *."
Unanimity
and zeal,
Nothing was faid directly in anfwer to this affertion, though fo much
might have been faid. It was only urged, that to ſupport any hoftile ope-
rations againſt the Emperor on the Rhine, was abfolutely deftructive to the
interefts of Great Britain, tending to the total fubverfion of the balance of
power; that the houſe had good reaſon to believe that no miniſter would
dare to adviſe the king to fuch a meaſure; and the member who uſed theſe
ftrong expreffions, concluded by oppofing the amendment as unneceffary,
the addreſs was therefore carried without a divifion. It was alfo drawn up
by the miniſter, and after acknowledging, in terms of gratitude, the king's
goodneſs," in endeavouring to have the conditions of the treaty of Seville
fulfilled and executed, in fuch manner as might beft fecure a general pacifi-
cation, and be conformable to his engagements with his allies," declared" that
they would, with all chearfulneſs, grant ſuch ſupplies as ſhould be neceffary
for the ſervice of the enfuing year, and effectually enable the king to make
good his engagements."
The unanimity and vigour of this addrefs, which was equally adopted by
* Chandler.
f Ibid.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
345
the houſe of peers, had a great effect on the tranfactions abroad, and gave Chapter 38.
energy to the negotiations at Vienna.
In confequence of the adoption of theſe meaſures, lord Harrington ex-
preffed to the Britiſh minifter at Vienna, the king's diſapprobation of the
delays and obſtacles with which the Imperial court clogged the progrefs of
the negotiations, replied to the counter project of the Emperor, gave farther
inſtructions, and fent the ultimatum of the cabinet.
Notwithſtanding theſe remonftrances, the miniſtry well knew that the ob-
ſtacles were derived no leſs from the pertinacity of the Hanoverian, than the
haughtiness of the Imperial court, and one of the great difficulties which
occurred in concluding an accommodation, arofe from blending the affairs of
Germany with thofe of England.
Robinſon had been particularly ordered" to continue the greateſt
friendſhip and confidence towards Dieden, the Hanoverian agent at Vienna,
and act in perfect concert with him in every thing, wherein the king's in-
tereſts were concerned: And to employ his beſt offices and inftances with
the Imperial minifters, for procuring the moſt effectual redrefs and fatisfac-
tion to the king upon the feveral demands which Dieden was inftructed to
make for that purpoſe to the court of Vienna."
1730 to 1731.
Obftructions
to the Auf-
trian alliance.
Theſe objects of contention between the Emperor and the king, as elector
of Hanover, were fo various, complicated, and delicate, that the treaty
would never have been concluded, had the Britiſh miniſter at Vienna in-
fifted, according to his official orders, upon a full and fatisfactory anſwer to
all the points in difpute. Fortunately, the cabinet of London, influenced by Removed.
Walpole, had the courage to cut the Gordian knot, which it could not un-
loofe; lord Harrington, in a private letter, inftructed Mr. Robinſon † to
ſign the treaty with England, and to refer the German affairs to a future de-
cifion.
Another great difficulty in conducting this negotiation, aroſe from an er-
roneous opinion, formed by the Emperor, that the minifters of the English
cabinet were difunited, and from a jealoufy that the two Walpoles, who were
known to direct the helm of government, were favourable to the alliance
with France, and confequently hoftile to the houſe of Auftria. This notion
had been fupported by the duchess of Kendal, in her correfpondence with
the Emprefs, and corroborated by fome leading members of oppofition,
4
* Granthar Papers. Difpatch from lord
Harrington to Mr. Robinfon, December,
1730. Correfpondence.
75
+ Lord Harrington to Mr. Robinfon. Ja
nuary 28th, February 8th, 1731. Correſpond-
ence.
Farther diffi-
culties obvi
ated.
Vol. L
Y Y
who
346
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734
Second trea-
who had long held a private intercourſe of letters with the Emperor or his
minifters.
*
This falfe opinion, together with the difficulty of fettling the German
affairs, fufpended the fignature of the treaty. In this moment of doubt and
uncertainty, a letter from Horace Walpole to Mr. Robinſon, conveying the
ftrougeſt affurances of his own and his brother's fentiments in favour of the
Emperor, decided the Imperial cabinet, and haftened the conclufion.
The treaty was figned on the 16th of March, and is uſually called the
ty of Vienna. fecond treaty of Vienna, to diſtinguiſh it from that which was concluded in
1725. It was a defenfive alliance, and ftipulated a reciprocal guaranty of
mutual rights and poffeffions; on the part of England, to guaranty the Em-
peror's fucceffion, according to the pragmatic fanction; on that of the Em-
peror, to aboliſh the Oftend company, and all trade to the Eaſt Indies, from
any part of the Auſtrian Netherlands, to fecure the fucceffion of Don Carlos
to Parma and Tufcany, and not to oppofe the introduction of Spaniſh Gar-
rifons.
Effects of the
treaty.
Objections of
❤ppoſition.
Thus was this great and difficult task of preventing a general war, accom-
pliſhed with an addreſs and ſecrecy that reflected high honour on thoſe who
conducted it. The treaty of Seville was carried into execution without force,
and without breach of faith to any other power to Don Carlos Parma was
fecured, with the confent of the Emperor, and the eventual fucceffion of
Tuſcany guarantied; Spain was fatisfied with England; and the Emperor,
gratified with the guaranty of the pragmatic fanction, confidered this union
as the commencement of a new æra to the houſe of Auftria.
The fatisfaction in England was full and complete. In fact, no event
more difconcerted oppofition, or raiſed the minifter higher in the eſtima-
tion of the public. It had long been a favourite theme of popular decla-
mation, that his meaſures had a tendency to lower the houſe of Auſtria, and
to exalt the power of France. Their arguments were therefore now turned
againſt themſelves; the breach of the French alliance, and reconciliation with
Auſtria, took away one plauſible topic of raillery and invective.
The only popular objection to the management of foreign affairs now
was, that England was entangled in a multiplicity of treaties and guaranties;
that no rupture could take place in Europe, in which we ſhould not be
obliged to interfere as principals; that it was the ſteady intereſt of Great Bri-
tain to contract no burthenfome engagements, to truſt to her naval ſtrength
and infular fituation for repelling all foreign attempts, and give no juft
offence to any of the powers of Europe.
* February 9-20, 1731. Correfpondence.
To
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
347
To this general objection a general anfwer was returned; that a nation,
whoſe ſtrength depends upon the flouriſhing ſtate of trade and credit, (in-
ſeparable from that of public tranquillity) whofe commerce extends itſelf to
all parts of the world, and is founded on compacts and ſtipulations with
powers of different and incompatible intereſts; who has as many enviers as
neighbours, as numerous rivals as there are commercial powers, muſt have
a more extenſive and particular intereft to foreſee and obviate thoſe trou-
bles, which, if not prevented in time, might occafion great diſturbances,
might place fo large a fhare of dominion in the hands of one prince, as
to endanger the liberties of the reft, and confequently interrupt her
trade. A people thus fituated, muſt provide themſelves with foreign fup-
port, proportionable to the attempts that may be apprehended from foreign
powers to their prejudice, which cannot poffibly be ſecured but by recipro-
cal engagements on their part, and by interefting themſelves as deeply in the
welfare and ſecurity of other nations, as they expect thoſe nations to intereſt
themſelves on their behalf.
This compact having fecured the confent of the Emperor to the introduc-
tion of Spaniſh troops, Philip revoked the marquis de Caftelar's declara-
tion, and acceded to the new treaty of Vienna; and the execution of it,
which ſpeedily followed, proved the fincerity of the Imperial and Britiſh
courts. After a few altercations between the Emperor and Don Carlos,
the one claiming Parma as an inheritance, and the other infifting on confer-
ring it as a fief of the empire, the Spaniſh troops landed at Leghorn, on the
20th of October, under convoy of the Britiſh and Spaniſh fleet. Don
Carlos himſelf arrived there on the 26th of December, and was put in full
poffeffion of Parma and Placentia.
pru-
Chapter 38.
1730 to 1731.
Anſwered.
Treaty of
Seville carri-
ed into exe
cution.
Character
and embaſſy
of the earl of
In opening this negotiation, Walpole had been anxious not to irritate
France, before he had conciliated the court of Vienna. He judged it
dent to ſend in the place of his brother Horace, who had returned from his Waldegrave.
embaffy at Paris, a perfon agreeable to Cardinal Fleury, and in whom he
could implicitly confide. Lord Cheſterfield had been recommended for that
poft, as a prelude to his being appointed fecretary of ftate; but Horace
Walpole repreſented to his brother, that his temper and habits would not
accord with thofe of the Cardinal, and fuggefted the earl of Waldegrave, as
more proper for fo delicate a fituation, who was accordingly nominated.
James earl of Waldegrave was defcended from an ancient family in
Northamptonſhire, whofe anceſtors may be traced in a direct line to times an-
terior to the conqueft. They were lords of the towns of Waldegrave,
Twywell
Y y 2
$48
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
Twywell and Slipton, in the county of Northampton *; Sir Richard Walde-
1730 to 1734 grave was fpeaker of the houfe of commons in 1382; and fome of his an-
ceſtors received the eftates of Naveſtock and Borely, in Effex, and Chewton
in Somerſetſhire, as grants from Henry the Eighth.
In 1643 Sir Edward Waldegrave was made a baronet, and his great
grandfon, Sir Henry Waldegrave, was created, in 1685, a peer, by the title or
baron Waldegrave, of Chewton †, in Somerſetſhire, where the family then prin-
cipally refided. On the revolution he followed the fortunes of James the Se-
cond, whoſe natural daughter, Henrietta, by Arabella Churchill, he had
eſpouſed, and to whom he had many and great obligations. He died at
Paris in 1689.
His eldeſt fon and fucceffor James, of whom we are now treating, was
born in 1684, and educated in the Roman Catholic religion. In 1722 he
entered into the communion of the church of England, and took his ſeat in
the houſe of peers. His uncle, the duke of Berwick, being defirous to mor-
tify him for having renounced his faith, inquired of him whether he had
made his abjuration from political or religious motives, and made uſe of the
expreffion, confefs the truth, to which he replied, I changed my religion to
avoid confeffion.
When it was thought neceffary to fend an embaſſador to Vienna, for the
purpoſe of executing the articles agreed upon in the preliminaries figned be-
tween England, France, and the Emperor at Paris, and of conciliating the
Emperor, who had been diffatisfied with the king of England, lord Waldegrave
was felected as the perfon whofe mild and affable demeanour beſt qualified
As the account of the Waldegrave family
given by Collins, is incorrect in many parti-
culars, a more accurate ſtatement is here add-
ed from family documents, communicated by
the counteſs of Waldegrave. "Waldegrave, a
* Saxon by lyneall deſcent, lord of the coun-
ty of Northampton, had at the conqueft
one only daughter, and her he married, by
"the conqueror's commandment, to Guerim
66 or Warin de Waldegrave of Normandie, by
66
66
$6
means of which marriage, Waldegrave the
"Saxon had a pardon granted him by the
36 conqueror, of his life and land, notwith-
"ſtanding he bore arms againſt him at Battle
"Abbey, on king Harold's part, which pardon
" is yet extant, and was lately in the hands of
"the lords of the manor of Waldegrave, &c.
"in the county of Northampton. This town
46
"and manor was fold by Sir William Walde
grave, knight, in the reign of king Henry
❝ the Eighth."
Waldegrave is of Saxon derivation, from
Walde, and Grave, fignifying the ruler of a
Walde or foreft. The anceſtors of the preſent
earl refided in different counties at different
periods. A Sir Richard Waldegrave, who was
fpeaker of the houfe of commons in 1382, mar-
ried the heireſs of Sylvefter of Buers, in the
county of Suffolk, and either himſelf or fome
of his defcendants, more than once reprefented
that county. The grants of Naveflock, Borely,
and Che:vton, probably occafioned the fale of
the family inheritance in Northamptonſhire.
+ Collins's Peerage. Collinfon's Hiſtory of
Somerſetſhire.-Article Chewton.
1
him
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
349
him for that negotiation. George the Firft, who confidered the miffion ast
too great a condeſcenſion after the ill ufage he had received from the Em-
peror, fent word that he approved the perfon, though he difliked the er-
rand *
Lord Waldegrave ſet out in May 1727, and arrived at Paris on the 14th
of June. The difficulty of fettling the complicated negotiations, and the
events which followed the death of George the Firſt, detained him in
France nearly a year. He went to Vienna in April 1728. During his
refidence in that capital, he corrected the miftatement which the oppofi-
tion in England had tranſmitted of their ſtrength, and of the weakneſs of the
party that eſpouſed the meaſures of government; and plainly fhewed that
the diviſions in the cabinet would not diminiſh the weight and influence of
Great Britain abroad. He proved to the Imperial minifters, that the pre-
liminaries with Spain contained no conditions hoſtile to the houſe of Auſtria,
and were ſtrictly conformable to the articles of the quadruple alliance. He
threw out hopes to the Emperor of a future accommodation with England,
and that the guaranty of the pragmatic fanction might be the confequence of
his acceding to the introduction of Spaniſh garrifons into Parma and Leg-
horn. He obtained a ratification of the preliminary articles between the
Emperor, England, and France, and laid the foundation of the reconci-
liation, which Sir Thomas Robinſon, afterwards lord Grantham, carried into
execution. He then returned to Paris, where he was appointed embaffador
extraordinary on the reſignation of Horace Walpole.
He filled this difficult employment ten years, during a period in which the
difunion between France and England was gradually increaſing into an open
rupture.
For his fervices at Vienna, he was created viſcount Chewton and earl of
Waldegrave, and his exertions at Paris were rewarded with the garter. In
1740 he obtained leave to return for the recovery of his health. He em-
barked for England, October 1740, and died at his feat at Naveſtock in
Effex, on the 11th of April 1741, in the 57th year of his age.
He was in high confidence with Sir Robert Walpole, and was the fo-
reign erabaſſador in whom the minifter, next to his brother, principally
confided. Several letters which paffed between them, and are printed
in the correfpondence, prove the truth of this affertion. He conducted
himſelf in his embaffies with confummate addreſs, and particularly dif
* Earl of Waldegrave's Diary.
Chapter 38.
1730 to 173 1
+
tinguiſhed
350
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
tinguiſhed himſelf by obtaining fecret information in times of emergency.
1730 to 1734 Though a man of pleaſure, he purſued buſineſs, when buſineſs was neceffary,
with indefatigable diligence. His letters are written with great fpirit, perfpi-
cuity, and good ſenſe, and are peculiarly entertaining. He had fo little the
appearance of a man of buſineſs, that he was confidered as incapable of writing
fuch excellent difpatches as he tranfinitted to England, and they were princi-
pally attributed to his fecretary, Mr. Thompfon. But this unjuft imputation was
foon proved to be falſe, when the embalador left France, and the ſecretary
remained chargé d'affaires. The inferiority of his letters, to thoſe which were
written during Waldegrave's embaffy, was ftriking, and carried a full con-
viction, that they were of his own compofition. I am enabled alfo to do
juſtice to the abilities of the earl of Waldegrave in this refpect. A complete
collection of his letters and difpatches, from 1727 to 1740, is preſerved at
Naveſtock, and the greater number are original draughts written in his own
hand, with fuch erafures and alterations as fully prove that they were folely
his compofition. They do honour to his diplomatic talents, and prove
found fenfe, an infinuating addrefs, and elegant manners.
Sufpicions of
France.
The renewal of the ancient alliance with the houſe of Auftria, had greatly
diſpleaſed the French cabinet, and particularly diſgufted cardinal Fleury,
whoſe ſentiments were always inclined to the adoption of pacific meaſures,
who (however influenced by the counfels of Chauvelin) was convinced that
the peace of Europe had been principally owing to the union between
France and England, who appreciated the ſentiments of Sir Robert Walpole
as congenial to his own, and who from long habits of intimacy and con-
fidence, had contracted a partiality for Horace Walpole, which he was un-
willing to relinquifh. He confidered this alliance as a prelude to in-
ceffant bickerings and future contefts; and, being well acquainted with the
domineering ſpirit of the houſe of Auftria, and the eagerness of Charles the
Sixth, to obtain from all the powers of Europe, the guaranty of the prag-
matic fanction, fufpected that his affent to the treaty of Vienna was pur-
chaſed with a promiſe on the part of England, to compel France to accede
to that guaranty, and expreffed in ftrong terms of indignation, his apprehen-
fion of fecret articles derogatory to the intereſts of France.
The candid anfwer of the Britiſh cabinet, conveyed through the earl of
Waldegrave, removed the jealoufies of the cardinal. The king and ca-
binet in England, had now adopted, however unwillingly, the principles
of the pacific minifter, and De la Faye, under fecretary of ftate, ſpoke the
fentiments of Walpole, when he obſerved, that no one but a perſon totally
4
ignorant
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
351
ignorant of the Britiſh conftitution, could for a moment have entertained Chapter 38.
fuch an opinion. The king, he remarked, could not engage in war with- 1730 1731.
out money, and muſt apply to parliament for fupplies, if fuch a misfortune
ſhould occur. The parliament, who ſpoke the voice of the nation, might be Removed.
induced to grant fupplies for the purpoſe of keeping out the Pretender, pro-
tecting merchants, preſerving trade, or maintaining Gibraltar; but it would
have been a monftrous conduct to have propoſed an annual fupply of five
millions for the purpoſe of compelling France to guaranty the pragmatic
fanction. The nation could never bear fuch a propofition, and the miniſter
who had the folly to make it, would juftly incur the indignation of the
people *.
The earl of Waldegrave being recalled from Vienna, it became neceffary
to depute a perſon of confidence to that court, on whom the Walpoles
could no less implicitly depend; nor can a greater proof of their fuperior
afcendancy in the cabinet be given, than that Mr. Robinſon was the perfon
who was choſen to fill this important fituation at this critical juncture.
character of
Mr. Robin-
Thomas Robinſon, knight of the bath, and afterwards lord Grantham, was Miffion and
fourth ſon of Sir William Robinſon, baronet, of the county of York, by
Mary, daughter of George Aiſlabie, of Studley Royal. He was brought up fon.
at Weſtminſter fchool, and completed his education at Trinity College,
Cambridge, of which he became a fellow in 1719. In 1723, he accom-
panied Horace Walpole as fecretary to the embaffy at Paris, and was diſtin-
guiſhed by him with the higheſt marks of confidence and eſteem; under his
inſtructions, and from his example, he acquired a confummate experience in
diplomatic concerns. During the abſence of the embaſſador, he was entruſted
with the management of the Engliſh affairs in France, and conducted himſelf
with ſo much addreſs and ability, that he was not duped even by the affected
candour of cardinal Fleury, nor deluded by the artifices of Chauvelin. Great
command of temper, patience of contradiction, dignity of manner, franknefs
in receiving, and quickneſs in anſwering objections, rendered him peculiarly
adapted to counteract the chicanery of the Imperial court, to foften the do-
mineering and punctilious character of the Emperor Charles the Sixth, and
to conciliate the diſcordant tempers of the four minifters of the conference †.
He continued minifter at the court of Vienna from 1730 to 1748, when he
was deputed embaffador and joint plenipotentiary with the earl of Sandwich,
to conclude the peace of Aix la Chapelle.
De la Faye to the earl of Waldegrave, Auguft 16th, 1731. Correfpondence.
† Prince Eugene, count Zinzendorff, count Staremberg, and the bishop of Bamberg.
His
352
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
His diſpatches are clear and perfpicuous, fo explicit and defcriptive, as tó
1730 to 1734. convey a faithful picture of the tempers and characters of thoſe with whom
he negotiated; and it was truly faid of him, that he not only fet down every
word that was uttered in his conferences with the Imperial minifters, but
noted even their looks and geftures. Theſe intereſting documents contain
a copious, and almoſt uninterrupted narrative of the tranſactions between
England and the court of Vienna, during a period of eighteen years, big
with events, that threatened the downfal of the houſe of Auſtria, which
was averted by the heroiſm of Maria Thereſa, and the interpofition of Eng-
land. In 1742 he was made knight of the Bath, and foon after the con-
clufion of the peace of Aix la Chapelle, returned to England. He was fuc-
ceffively appointed lord of trade, mafter of the great wardrobe, and fecretary
of ſtate. In 1761 he was created a peer, by the title of lord Grantham, and
died in 1770, aged feventy-three.
CHAPTER THE THIRTY-NINTH:
1731.
Biographical Memoirs of William Pulteney.-Origin and Progrefs of his Mifun-
derſtanding with Walpole.
WO errors are principally to be avoided by an author, that undertakes
TW
to write the life of a minifter, who directed, during fo long a pe-
riod, the helm of government, and whofe conduct materially affected the
intereſts of Great Britain and the fate of Europe. The firft is fuch a bias of
affection and partiality, as to draw a panegyric rather than a hiſtory; the fe-
cond, an indifcriminate prejudice againſt thoſe who headed the oppofition; and
who, becauſe they were enemies to Sir Robert Walpole, have been held forth
by his partifans, as devoid of all principle, and ufing, in every inftance, their
reprobation to his meaſures, as a cloak for malice and rancour. This laft is the
ufual
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
353
1731.
uſual error of biographers; and yet it appears extraordinary to a candid Chapter 39.
mind, that in order to raiſe the character of one great man, it ſhould feem
neceffary to debaſe all his opponents; and that no allowance ſhould be
made for difference of opinion, or inveterate habits and prepoffeffions. Be-
cauſe the party writers of oppofition have loaded Walpole with invective, is
it juſt to aſperſe his adverfaries with equal virulence?
But in no inftance has prejudice been carried to a greater height, than in
drawing the character and conduct of Pulteney, the great leader of oppofi-
tion. He, above all others, has been expofed to the fiery ordeal of party;
not only by the friends of the miniſter whom he drove from the helm,
but alſo by thoſe who were once joined with him, and who, diſcon-
tented at the difpofal of offices on the change of adminiſtration, railed at
their former leader, becauſe they were not promoted to thoſe places which
they claimed as the reward of their long perfeverance.
William Pulteney* was defcended from an ancient- family, who took
their furname from a place of that appellation in Leiceſterſhire. His grand-
father, Sir William Pulteney, was member of parliament for the city of Weft-
minſter, and highly diſtinguiſhed himſelf in the houſe of commons for his
manly and ſpirited eloquence.
Of his father, William Pulteney, I find little upon record, except his birth,
marriage, and death.
William Pulteney, his eldeſt fon, was born in 1632, received his
education at Weſtminſter ſchool, where he greatly improved in claffical
* SIR WILLIAM PULTENEY, Knt.
Family,
birth, and
education of
Pulteney.
WILLIAM.
JOHN.
WILLIAM Earl of
Bath, b. 1682,
d. 1764.
HARRY PULTENEY
DANIEL,
d. O&. 1767.
d. 1731.
I
FRANCES SIR WILLIAM (JOHNSTONE)
PULTENEY, Bart.
HENRIETTA LAURA,
Baronefs Bath.
+ I am indebted to the kindneſs of the biſhop of Saliſbury (Dr. Douglas) for fome of theſe
anecdotes, which relate to the early part of Mr. Pulteney's life.
VOL. I.
Z z
literature,
354
MEMOIRS OF
Feriod V.
literature; and being removed to Chrift Church, Oxford, fo highly diftin-
1730 to 1734. guiſhed himſelf by his talents and induſtry, that he was appointed, by dean
Aldric, to make the congratulatory fpeech to queen Anne, on her vifit to
the college.
الخضر
Comes into
parliament..
Fortune.
Having travelled through various parts of Europe, he returned to his
native country, with a mind highly improved; and foon after his return,
came into parliament for the borough of Heydon, in Yorkthire, by the inte-
reft of Mr. Guy, his protector and great benefactor.
Being defcended from a Whig family, and educated in revolution prin-
ciples, the young fenator warmly efpoufed that party, and during the whole
reign of queen Anne oppofed the meafures of the Tories.
He firſt ſpoke in the houſe on the place bill, which he warmly fupported,
and fome amendments being made by the lords, the difcuffion was, by the
intervention of the miniftry, poftponed for three days; during which interval,
means were found to gain over feveral who had oppofed the bill, and the
amendments ſeemed likely to be carried.
The young fenator, indignant at this apoftacy, and irritated that feveral
had, in a few days, totally changed their opinions, animadverted in a few
words on fuch political bafenefs; and alluding to Sir James Montague *,
who after having diftinguiſhed himſelf in oppofition to the amendments, now
voted for them, obferved," Cerberus has received his fop, and barks no
more;" a remark which ftruck the houfe as ready and pertinent.
He had formed a juſt notion, that no young member ought to preſs into.
public notice with too much forwardneſs, and fatigue the houſe with long
orations, until they had acquired the habit of order and preciſion. He was
often heard to declare, that hardly any perfon ever became a good orator,
who began with making a fet fpeech. He conceived that circumftances of
the moment ſhould impel them to the delivery of fentiments, which ſhould
derive their tenor and application from the courfe of the debate, and not be
the refult of previous ftudy or invariable arrangement.
7
Pulteney and his partifans accufed Walpole of being " a wretch who
could not raiſe £. 100. upon his own fecurity;" in the fame manner, the
advocates of Walpole accufed Pulteney, with equal injuftice, of having re-
ceived favours and bribes from the crown, and of ingratitude in forfaking
the minifter, to whom he owed great obligations. But both accufations
were equally devoid of truth. Pulteney inherited from his father a very con-
*Afterwards folicitor and attorney general..
fiderable
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
355
1731.
fiderable eſtate, and had from Henry Guy, the intimate friend of his grand- Chapter 39.
father, and guardian of his youth, and who had been fecretary to the treaſury,
a legacy of £. 40,000, and an eftate of £. 500 a year. He received alfo
with his wife Anna Maria, daughter of John Gumley, of Ifleworth, a very
large portion, and increaſed this property, by the moft rigid œconomy,
which his enemies called avarice; but which did not prevent him from per-
forming many acts of charity and beneficence.
+
During the whole reign of queen Anne, Pulteney uniformly eſpouſed the Parliamen-
fide of the Whigs; and fupported, both by his eloquence and fortune, the tary conduct.
proteftant fucceffion in the houfe of Hanover. On the profecution of Sa-
cheverel, he ably diftinguiſhed himſelf in the houfe of commons, in defence
of the revolution, againſt the doctrines of paffive obedience and non-refiftance.
When the Tories came into power, in 1710, he was fo obnoxious to thein,
that his uncle, John Pulteney, was removed from the board of trade. He
not only took a principal fhare in the debates of the four laft years of
queen Anne, while the Whigs were in oppofition, but was alfo admitted
into the moſt important fecrets of his party, at that critical time, when
the fucceffion of the Hanover family being fuppofed to be in danger, its
friends thought themſelves obliged to engage in very bold enterpriſes to ſe-
cure it. He was a liberal fubfcriber to a very unprofitable and hazardous
loan, then fecretly negotiated by the Whig party, for the ufe of the Em-
peror, to encourage him to refuſe co-operating with the Tory adminiſtration
in making the peace of Utrecht.
On the proſecution of Walpole for high breach of truft and corruption,
Pulteney vindicated his friend in a very elegant ſpeech; and on his commit-
ment to the Tower, was amongſt thoſe who paid frequent vifits to the pri-
foner, whom he, with the reft of the Whigs, confidered as a martyr to
their caufe *. He alſo engaged with Walpole in defending the Whig ad-
miniftration, and wrote the ironical dedication to the earl of Oxford, pre-
fixed to Walpole's account of the parliament, which I have before taken
notice of
Soon after the death of queen Anne, and before a meffage had been re-
ceived from George the Firſt, Pulteney, in anfwer to thofe who oppofed the
clauſe moved by Horace Walpole, for giving £. 100,000 for apprehending the
Pretender fhould he land, or attempt to land, in any of the king's dominions,
Pulteney's Aufwer.
Zzz
obferved,
356
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
obfervéd, "That the proteftant fucceffion was in danger, as long as there was
1730 to 1734 a popiſh Pretender, who had many friends both at home and abroad; that the
late queen was fenfible of that danger, when the iffued her proclamation
againſt him; and that the cafe was not altered by her demife: that the nation
would be at no charge if the Pretender did not attempt to land, and if he
did, £. 100,000 would be well beſtowed to apprehend him *
Appointed
fecretary at
war.
Refigns.
Origin of his
difagreement
with Wal..
pole.
His parliamentary abilities and uniformity of conduct gave him a very
honourable claim to diſtinction on the acceffion of George the Firſt. Ac-
cordingly, on the king's arrival, and before a meeting of the new parliament,
he was appointed privy counſellor and fecretary at war, even in oppofition
to the inclination of the duke of Marlborough, who, as cominander in chief,
thought himſelf entitled to recommend to that poft. He was choſen a
member of the committee of ſecrecy, nominated by the houſe of commons
to examine and report the fubftance of the papers relating to the negotia-
tion for peace, and on the fuppreffion of the rebellion which broke out in
Scotland, he moved for the impeachment of lord Widrington, and oppoſed
the motion to addrefs the king, for a proclamation, offering a general pardon.
to all who were in arms in Scotland, who ſhould lay their arms down within
a certain time.
He was at this period fo much connected with Stanhope and Walpole,
that in alluſion to the triple alliance between Great Britain, France, and
Holland, which was then negotiating by general Stanhope, fecretary of ſtate,
they were called the three grand allies; and a proverbial faying was current,
are you come into the triple alliance?"
66
But when Stanhope and Walpole took different fides, on the ſchiſm be-
tween the Whigs, when Townshend was difmiffed, and Walpole refigned,
Pulteney followed his friends example, and gave up his place of fecretary at
war.
When Walpole made a reconciliation between the king and the prince
of Wales, and negotiated with Sunderland to form a new adminiſtration, in
which he and lord Townshend bore the moſt confpicuous part, then were first
fown thoſe ſeeds of diſguſt and diſcontent which afterwards burſt forth.
The cauſes of this unfortunate miſunderſtanding, may be traced from the
authority of the parties themſelves, or their particular friends. Pulteney
was offended becauſe Walpole had negotiated with the prince of Wales and
Sunderland, without communicating the progrefs to him, although he had
* Tindal, vol. 18. p. 298.
+ Letter to Pulteney, p. 29.
Memoirs of the Life and Conduct of William Pulteney, efq. p. 17.
told
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
357
told it to Mr. Edgecumbe, who indifcreetly gave an account daily to Pul- Chapter 39.
teney *.
1731.
Another cauſe of difguft was, that Pulteney, who had hitherto invariably
proved his attachment to Townshend and Walpole, expected to receive
fome important employment, whereas he was only offered a peerage, and
when he declined it, more than two years elapfed, before any farther over-
tures were made; and though Pulteney at length folicited and obtained Made coffer-
the office of cofferer of the houfhold, in the room of the earl of Godol- er of the
phin, who received a penfion of £. 5,000 per annum to make
houfhold.
way for him,
he deemed that place far below his juft expectations.
Notwithſtanding, however, theſe ſecret cauſes of diſguſt, Pulteney continued
to ſupport the adminiſtration. On the communication of the plot in which
biſhop Atterbury was involved, he moved for an addrefs to congratulate the
king on the diſcovery of fo dangerous and unnatural a confederacy. He
was chairman of the committee appointed by the houſe of commons in the
profecution; and the report which he drew up on that occafion, is a maſter-
piece of perfpicuity and order. But the difdainful manner in which he
conceived he had been treated by Walpole, had made too deep an impref-
fion on his mind to be eradicated. Finding that he did not poffefs the full
*The account of this tranfaction is thus
given by Pulteney himſelf, ſeveral years after-
wards, when he was in the height of oppofi-
tion.
<
"You fent to him one day, as he was
going out of town, defiring to ſpeak with him,
that, when he came, you told him of the re
conciliation between the late k- and the
then p- of W- ; and that a bargain as
made for thoſe Whigs, who had refigned their
employments, to be put in again by degrees.
To this the gentleman replied, Who prav is
it, that hath had authority to make this bargain?'
Your anſwer was, • Fhave done it with the mi-
niftry, and it was infifted on that nobody but lord
Townshend should know of the tranfaction. Nei-
ther lord Cowper, the Speaker, nor any one elſe
knew it; and therefore we hope you will not take
it amifs, that it was kept fecret from you.'-' Not
I.' faid the gentleman, but I think it very odd,
that any one should prefume to take a plenary au-
thority upon himself, to deal for fuch numbers as
were concerned, in an affair of this confequence.'
'We liave not,' said you again, had our own in-
terefts alone in view. We have bargained for all
،
our friends, and in due time they will be provided
for. I am to be, faid you, at the head of the
treasury. Lord Sunderland had a great defire to
reta.n the difpofition of the ſecret ſervice money
to himſelf; but I would by no means confent to
that, knowing the chief power of a miniſter (and
I prefume his profit alfo) depends on the difpo-
fition of it.' You named feveral others, who
were to come into employments; and faid to
this gentleman, • We know, Sir, that you do not
value any thing of that kind; fo we have obtained
a peerage for you.' It feems you did not, at
that time, pretend that the gentleman either ex-
pected, or infifted on any employment; and there-
fore told him, that the king had confented to
make him a peer. To this the gentleman re-
plied with fome warmth, Sir, if ever I ſhould
be mean enough to fubmit to being fold, I promiſe
you that you shall never have the felling of me.
A peerage is what fome time or other, I may be
glad of accepting, for the fake of my family;" but
I will never obtain it by any bafe method, or fub-
mit to have it got for me on fuch terms by you*”:
+ Pulteney's Anſwer.
* An Anſwer to one Part of a late infamous Libel, intitled “Remarks on the Craftſman's Vindication of·
hisTwo honourable Patrons," p. 54, 55.
confidence
Chairman of
the fecret
committee.
358
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
confidence of adminiſtration, or diſapproving thoſe meaſures which tended,
1730 to 1734. in his opinion, to raiſe the power of France on the ruins of the houſe of
Auftria, and which he thought facrificed the intereſts of Great Britain to
thofe of Hanover, topics on which he afterwards expatiated with great
energy and unuſual eloquence in parliament, he became more and more
eftranged from his former friends, and expreffed his diſapprobation of their
Joins oppofi- meaſures both in public and private. At length, his difcontent arrived to
ſo great a height, that he declared his reſolution of attacking the miniſter in
parliament.
tion.
Walpole at-
tempts to
conciliate
him.
April 8th,
1725.
April 9th.
Walpole perceived his error in diſguſting fo able an affociate, and with a
view to prevent his oppofition to the payment of the king's debts, hinted to
him in the houſe of commons, that at the removal of either of the fecre-
taries of ftate, the minifters defigned him for the vacant employment: but it
was now too late. To this propofal Pulteney made no anfwer, but bowed
and fimiled, to let him know he underſtood his meaning *.
Pulteney now came forward as the great oppoſer of government, and his
firſt exertion on the fide of the minority, was on the fubject of the civil
lift. A meffage being delivered from the king, by Sir Robert Walpole,
praying the commons to affift him in diſcharging the debts of the civil liſt,
Pulteney moved for an addrefs, that an account fhould be laid before the
houſe, of all the monies paid for ſecret ſervice, penſions, bounties, &c. from
the 25th of March, 1725. This addreſs being voted, a motion was made
for the houſe to go into a grand committee, to confider of the king's mef
fage; but Mr. Pulteney repreſented, "That the houſe having ordered an
addreſs for ſeveral papers relating to the civil lift, and other expences, they
ought, in his opinion, to put off the confideration of the meffage, till thoſe -
papers were laid before the houfe; it being natural to inquire into the
cauſes of a diſeaſe, before remedies are applied." This being oppoſed by
Walpole, Pulteney replied, "That he wondered how fo great a debt could
be contracted in three years time; but was not furpriſed fome perfons were
fo eager to have the deficiencies of the civil lift made good, fince they and
their friends had fo great a fhare in it; and defired to know, whether this
was all that was due, or whether they were to expect another reckoning ?"
To this it was anſwered in general, "That there was indeed a heavy debt
on the civil liſt, and a great many penſions; but that moſt of theſe had
been granted in king William and queen Anne's reigns; fome by king
Charles the Second, and very few by his prefent majeſty. That, fince the
*Pulteney's Anſwer, p. 51.
1
civil
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
359
1731.
civil lift was firſt fettled for his majeſty, an expence of above. £. 90,000 per Chapter 39.
annum had happened, which could not then be forefeen, and therefore was
left unprovided for. That, upon examination of the account of the civil lift
debts, it would appear, that moſt of thofe expences were either for the necef-
fary fupport of the dignity of the crown and government, or for the public
good. That there was indeed a penfion of £. 5,000 of another nature, upon
the account of the cofferer's place, but which could not well be avoided, for
both lord Godolphin, who was in that office, and his father, had fo well de-
ſerved of the government, that they could not handfomely remove him with-
out a gratuity, and therefore they gave him a penfion of £. 5,000 to make
room for the worthy gentleman who now enjoys the poft *
* "
Pulteney oppoſed the motion in every ftep, until the third reading, when-
he voted for the payment of the king's debts; and he himſelf thus accounts.
for his conduct in this particular: "The late king had of himſelf, or as he
was adviſed by his minifters, frequently tried the gentleman on this point, and
uſed to perfuade him to be for it. He ufed all the arguments he could;.
urged to him all the motives he thought could poffibly engage him, but all
to no purpoſe. He continued inflexible. At length, the king faid to him,.
it is hard you will not let me be an honest man. What would you, continued
his majeſty, think yourſelf of one, who refused to pay his butcher, his baker, and
other honest tradesmen ?-To this the gentleman replied, not a little affected
with his majeſty's laſt argument, God forbid that he should prevent his ma-
jeſty from acting fuch an honest part. It was not his intention. What he
meant to do was confiftent with his duty as a fervant to his majefty, and agree-
able to his duty as a reprefentative of the people. He meant only to expofe
that unneceffary profufion which had been made in fecret fervice money,
penſions, &c. That the money which ſhould have paid his honeſt tradeſmen,
was by theſe means diverted. His view therefore was to get a cenſure of fuch
practices, and to prevent their becoming precedents; nor had he any defign:
of depriving the honeft creditors of their juft debts; and this was the reaſon,
when it came to the laſt inſtance, why this gentleman voted for the queſtion ;
which his majefty underſtood very well to be agreeable to the promiſe he
had made, however myfterious it might appear to others, and which the
gentleman was fully perfuaded to be juft in itſelf, and. confiftent with his
duty as a fervant to the crown ~.
* Tindal, vol. 19. p. 524, 525;
""
+ Anſwer to the Remarks on the. Craftſman's Vindication of his Two honourable Patrons,
R. 52, 53.
He
360
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period V.
Difmiffed.
He was ſoon afterwards difmiffed from his place of cofferer of the houf-
1730 to 1734 hold, and from this period entered into a ſyſtematic oppofition to the mi-
nifter. Pulteney proved himſelf ſo formidable, that Walpole again endea-
voured to gain him over, and about the time of Townſhend's refignation,
queen Caroline * offered him a peerage, together with the poft of fecretary
of ftate for foreign affairs, if he would again join his old co-adjutor; but Pul-
teney rejected the offer, and declared his fixed refolution never again to act
with Sir Robert Walpole.
Refufes to be
fecretary of
ftate.
The moſt violent altercations paffed in the houſe of commons between
them; their heat againſt each other feemed to increaſe in proportion with
their former intimacy, and neither was deficient in farcaftic allufions, violent
accufations, and virulent invectives.
On the ninth of February, 1726, Pulteney made a plaufible motion for
the appointment of a committee to ftate the public debts, as they ſtood on
the 25th of December, 1714, with the debts which had been incurred fince
that time, till the 25th December 1725, diftinguiſhing how much of the
faid debts had been provided for, and how much remained unprovided for
by parliament. He was feconded by Daniel Pulteney, and fupported by
Sir Joſeph Jekyl. In oppofition, Walpole endeavoured to fhew, that fuch
an inquiry was unreaſonable and prepofterous, and that it might give a
dangerous wound to public credit at this critical juncture, when monied
men were already too much alarmed by the appearances of an approaching
war, urging, that in the prefent pofture of affairs, the commons could not
better expreſs their love to their country, than by making good their pro-
miſes and affurances at the beginning of this feffion, and by raiſing, with
the greateſt diſpatch, the neceffary ſupplies, to enable the king to make
good his engagements, for the welfare of his fubjects, to diſappoint the hopes
of the enemies to his government, and to repel any infults that might be
offered to his crown and dignity. Barnard, member for the city of London,
confirmed the affertion of the minifter, as to the danger of increafing the
alarm of monied men, which had already ſo much affected public credit, that
the ſtocks had within a few weeks fallen 12 or 14 per cent. Sir Thomas-
Pengelly having ſpoken for the motion, Walpole again replied; on which
Pulteney declared, "That he made this motion with no other view, than to
give that great man an opportunity to fhew his integrity to the whole world,
which would finish his tublime character." To this Walpole anfwered, “That
this compliment would have come out with a better grace, and appeared
more fincere, when that fine gentleman had himſelf a fhare in the manage-
*From the earl of Orford. Life of biſhop Newton.
}
ment
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
361
1
ment of the public money, than now he was out of place. Such petu-
lant altercations between theſe two able ſpeakers, caufed much diffatisfaction
to thofe independent members who wiſhed well to the Hanover line, and who
generally fupported or oppofed all queftions from conviction, without being
influenced by party motives. This oppofition of Pulteney was ſo apparently
dictated by perſonal reſentment, that ſeveral who would otherwiſe have con-
fidered the motion juſt and reaſonable, voted againſt it. Many deemed it
ill-timed, and calculated to hurt public credit, and to draw an odium on the
houſe of commons, and accordingly fupported the minifter; for theſe reaſons
the motion was negatived by 262 againſt 894.
Pulteney now placed himſelf at the head of the difcontented Whigs; he,
in conjunction with Bolingbroke, his ancient antagoniſt, became the principal
ſupporter of the Craftſman, to which paper he gave many effays, and furniſhed
hints and obfervations.
Chapter 39.
1731.
powers.
At this period, Pulteney was greatly courted by the foreign minifters of Courted by
thofe powers who were diſpleaſed with the meaſures of the Britiſh cabinet, foreign
and by none more than by Palm, the Imperial embaffador, who caballed
with the oppofition, and endeavoured to overturn the miniſtry ‡.
+
The controverfy in 1731, which paffed between Pulteney and Walpole's Controverfy
friends and pamphleteers, widened the breach, and rendered it irreparable. in 1731.
The Craftſman was full of invectives againſt Walpole, and the meaſures of
his adminiſtration. In anſwer to this paper, a pamphlet was publiſhed
under the title of Sedition and Defamation Diſplayed; in a letter to the
author of the Craftſman, with a motto from Juvenal,
Ande aliquid brevibus Gyaris, & carcere dignum,
Si vis effe aliquis.
It contained a violent, and, according to the ſpirit of the political pamphlets
of the times, a fcurrilous abufe of Pulteney and Bolingbroke. The cha-
racter of Pulteney is pourtrayed in the colours of party, in a dedication to
the patrons of the Craftſman; and his oppofition is wholly attributed to
diſappointed ambition and perfonal pique. In anfwer to this pamphlet,
which he ſuppoſed to be written by lord Hervey, the great friend and fup-
porter of Sir Robert Walpole, he wrote, "A proper Reply to a late fcurrilous
Libel, intitled, Sedition and Defamation Difplayed, in a Letter to the Authors
by Caleb D'Anvers, of Gray's Inn, Eſq.
In this pamphlet, Mr. Pulteney introduces the character of Sir Robert Wal-
pole, which it muſt be confeffed does not yield, either in fcurrility or mifrepre-
fentation, to that of Pulteney, given in Sedition and Defamation Diſplayed.
Letter from Palm to the Emperor, De-
* Chandler.
+ Thomas Brodrick to lord chancellor Mi- cember 17, 1726. Correfpondence.
dleton, February 10, 1726. Midleton Papers.
Journals.
VOL. I.
1
1
3 A
In
368
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734
1
In this publication, the author treated lord Hervey * with ſuch contempt,
and lafhed him with fuch ridicule, in allufion to his effeminate appearance,
as a ſpecies of half-man and half-woman, which Pope, in his character of
* John lord Hervey, eldeſt fon of John
the firſt earl of Briſtol, was born in 1696.
He came first into parliament foon after the
acceffion of George the Firft, was appointed.
vice-chamberlain to the king in 1730, in
1733 was created a peer, and in 1740 was
conftituted lord privy feal, from which poſt
he was removed in 1742. He died in 1743.
He took a confiderable ſhare in the political
tranſactions of the times, and was always a
warm advocate on the fide of Sir Robert Wal-
pole. Tindal has obferved, "that hiſtory
Sporus,
ought to repair the injury that party has done
to fome part of his character," and in fact, it
is neceffary; for never was man more expoſed
to ridicule, and lafhed with greater feverity,
than lord Hervey has been expoſed and lafhed,
by the fatirical pen of Pope. If we may credit
the fatirift, who has delineated his character
under the name of Sporus, he was below all
contempt; a man without talents, and with-
out one folitary virtue to compenſate for the
moſt ridiculous foibles, and the moſt abandon-
ed profligacy.
"Let Sporus tremble.-A. What, that thing of filk,
"Sporus, that mere white curd of aſſes milk ?
"Satire or fenfe, alas! can Sporus feel?
"Who breaks a butterfly upon a wheel?
"P. Yet let me flap this bug with gilded wings,
This painted child of dirt, that ſtinks and fings, &c.
"Eternal fmiles his emptinefs betray,
"As fhallow ftreams run dimpling all the way.
"Whether in florid impotence he ſpeaks,
"And, as the prompter breathes, the puppet fqueaks;
"Or at the ear of Eve, familiar toad,
"Half froth, half venom, fpits himſelf abroad, &c.
"Amphibious thing! that acting either part,
"The trifling head, or the corrupted heart,
86 Fop at the toilet, flatt'rer at the board,
"Now trips a lady, and now ſtruts a lord.
"Eve's tempter thus the Rabbins have expreft,
"A cherub's face, a reptile all the reſt,
"Beauty that ſhocks you, parts that none will truſt,
"Wit that can creep, and pride that licks the duſt.”
However I may admire the powers of the
fatirift, I never could read this paffage without
difguft and horror; difguft at the indelicacy
of the allufions, horror at the malignity of the
poet, in laying the foundation of his abufe
on the loweft fpecies of fatire, perſonal invec-
tive, and what is ftill worfe, on fickneſs and
debility. The poet has fo much diſtorted this
portrait, that he has in one inftance made the
object of his fatire, what ought to have been
the fubject of his praife, the rigid abfti-
nence to which lord Hervey unalterably ad-
hered, from the neceffity of preferving his
health. Lord Hervey having felt fome at-
tacks of the epilepfy, entered upon, and per-
fifted in a very ſtrict regimen, and thus ftopt
00
the progreſs, and prevented the effects of that
dreadful diſeaſe. His daily food was a fmall
quantity of affes milk, and a flour biſcuit
once a week he indulged himfelf with eating
an apple: he uſed emetics daily. To this rigid
abftemioufnefs, Pope malignantly alludes, when
he fays,
"The mere white curd of aſſes milk.”
In fhort, I agree with the ingenious editor of
Pope, "Language cannot afford more glowing
or more forcible terms to exprefs the utmoft
bitterneſs of contempt. We think we are here
reading Milton againſt Salmafius. The raillery
is carried to the very verge of railing, fome will
fay, ribaldry. He has armed his muſe with a
fcalping knife.”
* Vol. 20. p. 83.
May
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
363
Chapter 39.
1731.
Sporus, has no leſs illiberally adopted, that lord Hervey was highly offended,
a duel * enfued, and Pulteney flightly wounded his antagoniſt. It afterwards
appeared that lord Hervey did not compofe this pamphlet ; and Pulteney
acknowledged his miſtake, and imputed it, without fufficient authority, to lord Hervey.
Walpole himſelf ~.
As one great fource of obloquy vented by the minifterial writers againſt
Pulteney, was his junction with Bolingbroke, who, when driven from his
country, had eſpouſed the party of the Pretender, a letter, by Bolingbroke,
appeared in the Craftſman, of May 22, 1731, with the fictitious name of Old-
caſtle, which, after heaping many charges on the minifter, drew the characters
of Pulteney and Bolingbroke in a moft favourable light, and vindicated them
from the imputations of the writers on the fide of government.
This letter produced an anfwer, intituled, "Remarks on the Craftsman's
Vindication of his Two Honourable Patrons, in his Paper of May 22, 1731.
Par nobile fratrum ;
In which the two characters commended by the Craftſman, were attacked with
increaſing afperity, and Pulteney was loaded with the moſt virulent perfonal
May we not afk, with the fame author,
"Can this be the nobleman whom Midleton,
in his dedication to the Hiſtory of the Life of
Tully, has fo ferioufly, and fo earnestly
praiſed, for his ftrong good fenfe, his confum-
mate politeneſs, his real patriotifm, his rigid
temperance, his thorough knowledge and de-
fence of the laws of his country, his accurate
fkill in hiſtory, his unexampled and unre-
mitted diligence in literary purſuits, who add-
ed credit to this very hiſtory, as Scipio and
Lælius did to that of Polibius, by revifing and
correcting it, and brightening it, (as he ex-
preffes it) by the ftrokes of his pencil?"
May we not alfo afk, Is this the nobleman
who wrote fome of the best political pam-
phlets which appeared in defence of Walpole's
adminiſtration? who, though fometimes too
florid and pompous, was a frequent and able
ſpeaker in parliament, and who, for his poli-
tical abilities, was raiſed to the poft of lord
privy feal? In truth, lord Hervey poffeffed
more than ordinary abilities, and much claffi-
cal erudition; he was remarkable for his wit,
and the number and appofiteneſs of his re-
partees.
Although his manner and figure were at firſt
acquaintance highly forbidding, yet he feldom
failed to render himfelf, by his lively conver-
fation, which Pope calls,
The well whip'd cream of courtly common
fenfe,"
an entertaining companion to thoſe whom he
wifhed to conciliate. Hence he conquered the
extreme prejudice which the king had con-
ceived againſt him, and from being detefted, he
became a great favourite. He was particularly
agreeable to queen Caroline, as he helped to
enliven the uniformity of a court, with ſpright-
ly repartees and lively fallies of wit.
His cool and manly conduct in the duel
with Pulteney, proved neither want of fpirit
to reſent an injury, or deficiency of courage
in the hour of danger, and he compelled his
adverfary to refpect his conduct, though he
had fatirifed his perfon.
His defects were extreme affectation, bitter-
nefs of invective, prodigality of flattery, and
great fervility to thofe above him.
Horace, earl of Orford, has given a lift of
his political writings, in the Catalogue of
Royal and Noble Authors; and among the
Orford Papers, are draughts of ſeveral of thoſe
pamphlets which were fubmitted to Sir Robert
Walpole. Some are corrected by him, in
others, the miniſter made confiderable addi.
tions. See Warton's Pope, vol. 4. p. 44,
45, 46. Opinions of Sarah duchefs of Marl-
borough, Article, lord Hervey.
* An account of the duel is given in a let-
ter from Thomas Pelham to earl Waldegrave,
January 28, 1731. Correfpondence, Period V.
+ It was written by Sir William Younge,
fecretary at war, as he himſelf informed the
late lord Hardwicke,
3 A &
abufe
Duel with
1
364
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
abuſe, by ranfacking his private life, prying into his domeſtic concerns and
family tranſactions, by accufing him of acting folely from difappointment
and revenge, of being governed by veteran Jacobites, of difreſpect to the
king, ingratitude to the minifter, of ſharing the bounties, and adding to the
penfions of the crown, and of having obtained the fee-fimple of £. 9,000
per annum, by the favour, indulgence, and affiftance of the miniſter, whom
he had fworn to deſtroy *. Perhaps he would have acted a more prudent
and dignified part, in not making any reply to the invective of a party pam-
phlet; but, as he conceived it to have been written, or at leaſt the mate-
rials to have been furniſhed by the minifter, his indignation was roufed, and
he publiſhed an animated defence of himſelf and his own conduct, a
work to which I have frequently alluded, as containing much curious in-
formation on the origin and progreſs of the quarrel between him and Wal-
pole. It is ftyled, An Anfwer to One Part of a late infamous Libel, intituled,
"Remarks on the Craftfman's Vindication of his Two Honourable Patrons ;" in
which the character and conduct of Mr. P. is fully vindicated. Addreffing
it to Sir Robert Walpole, he fays of the pamphlet in which he had been fo
indecently abuſed, "There are feveral paffages of fecret hiftory in it, falfely
"ftated and mifreprefented, which could come from nobody but yourſelf.
"You might, perhaps, employ fome of your mercenaries to work them up
"for you; but the ingredients are certainly your own.
""
In the courſe of the defence, Mr. Pulteney gives us his account of the con-
verfation about making him fecretary of ftate, which he accufes Walpole of
having diſcloſed, and mifreprefented. And as Walpole had thrown out to
him the bait of the fecretaryfhip, to prevent, if poffible, his oppofing the pay-
ment of the king's debts, the fecret hiftory of that tranfaction, as far as Pulteney
was concerned, is laid before the public. Having gone through that part of
his defence, he proceeds, "Since now we are upon the heads of fecret history,
which you have opened, I muft explain another point in this gentleman's de-
fence, concerning the reconciliation between his late majefty and the prefent
king, from whence it will appear, whether you or this gentleman was moſt
greedy of employments, and who diſcovered the trueft zeal for the honour of
his preſent majefty." That part of his fecret converſation which related to
George the Second, then prince of Wales, is here fubjoined.
But pray, Sir (continued the gentleman) fince you acquaint me with the terms
you have made for me, what are thofe you have made for the P-, who hath
acted fo honourable and steady a part to thofe with whom he engaged, and
who are now in oppofition to the court? To this you anſwered with a fneer,
Why He is to go to court again, and He will have his DRUMS and his GUARDS,
† Anſwer to an infamous Libel, p. 53.
P. 37.
and
SIR ROBERT WAL
365
WALPOLE.
and fuch FINE THINGS. At this the gentleman was aſtoniſhed, and thought
proper to preſs you a little further, by aſking you, whether the P— was to
be left regent again, as he had been when the king went out of England. -No,
faid you, WHY SHOULD HE? What! replied the gentleman, have you ftipu-
lated for a fhare of royalty for yourſelf, on the king's departure, and is the P-
to live like a private ſubject, of no confequence in the kingdom ?—The gentleman
avers, upon his honour, that your anſwer was this. HE DOES NOT DE-
SERVE IT. WE HAVE DONE TOO MUCH FOR HIM; AND IF IT WAS
TO BE DONE AGAIN, WE WOULD NOT DO SO MUCH.-Upon this, the
gentleman went directly to the P- (with whom he then had ſome credit)
and humbly reprefented upon what terms the reconciliation was founded.
He told him that he was fold to his father's minifters, by perfons who con-
fidered nothing but themſelves and their own intereſt, and were in hafte to
make their fortunes. This was thought by him to have had ſome weight,
at that time, with the P-, though the gentleman did not think it proper to
tell him the whole that had paffed, and relate what you faid of him in fo un-
grateful a manner *."
The diſcloſure of this fecret converfation, and of the contemptuous ex-
preffions which Walpole is faid to have uttered againſt the king, when prince
of Wales, inſtead of irritating him againſt the minifter, only raiſed his refent-
ment higher againſt Pulteney. Franklin, the printer of the pamphlet, was ar-
reſted; Pulteney's name was ftruck out of the lift of privy counſellors, and
he was put out of all commiffions of the peace, meaſures which tended to
render the breach irreparable. Such was indeed the bitterneſs of party, and
the animofity againſt the minifter, that Pulteney does not heſitate to declare,
that "the oppofition had come to a determined refolution, not to liften to any
treaty whatſoever, or from whomfoever it may come, in which the first and
principal condition fhould not be to deliver him up to the justice of the country ‡”.
When fuch virulent invectives were caft on both fides, it was hardly pof-
fible to fuppofe that any compromife could be effected; and Pulteney con-
tinued invariably to oppoſe the meaſures of Walpole, and was principally
inftrumental in driving him from the helm of affairs. But although in the
zeal of party, and in the warmth of debate, theſe two great men reviled each
other with ſo much acrimony, yet even in the houſe of commons they fre-
quently entered into converſation on the moſt amicable terms; and as
Pulteney always, though in oppofition, fat on the treaſury bench, theſe op-
portunities were very frequent. Dr. Pearce, biſhop of Rocheſter, recorded
anecdotes of their eafy manner of converfing, which reflects the higheſt ho-
nour on both parties.
* Anſwer to an infamous Libel, p. 55, 56.
Mr. Pulteney's Anſwer, p. 47.
↑ Tindal, v. 20. p. 104.
"Mr.
Chapter 31.
1731.
Struck out of
privy coun-
fellors.
the lift of
366
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
"Mr. Pulteney fitting upon the fame bench with Sir Robert Walpole in the
houſe of commons, faid, " Sir Robert, I have a favour to afk of you.” O my
good friend Pulteney, faid Sir Robert, what favour can you have to aſk of
mè? It is, faid Mr. Pulteney, that Dr. Pearce may not fuffer in his prefer-
ment for being my friend. I promiſe you, returned Sir Robert, that he ſhall
not. Why then I hope, faid Mr. Pulteney, that you will give him the
deanery of Wells. No, replied Sir Robert, I cannot promiſe you that for
him, for it is already promiſed."
Sir Robert having afterwards obtained for him the deanery of Wincheſter,
his friend Mr. Pulteney, congratulating him on his promotion, faid to him,
“Dr. Pearce, though you may think that others befides Sir Robert have
contributed to get you that dignity, yet you may depend upon it, that he is
all in all, and that you owe it entirely to his good-will towards you; and there-
fore, as I am now fo engaged in oppofition to him, it may happen, that fome
who are of our party may, if there fhould be any oppofition for members
of parliament at Wincheſter, prevail upon me to act there in affiſtance of
ſome friend of our's; and Sir Robert, at the ſame time, may afk your affift-
ance in the election for a friend of his own, againſt one whom we recom-
mend. I tell you, therefore, beforehand, that if you comply with my re-
queft, rather than Sir Robert's, to whom you are fo much obliged, I fhall have
the worſe opinion of you. Could any thing be more generous to the dean
as a friend, or to Sir Robert, to whom in other refpects he was a declared
opponent * ?"
CHAPTER THE FORTIETH:
1733.
Walpole propoſes to take Half a Million from the Sinking Fund, for the Service of
the current Year.-Encroachments from its first Eftablishment to this Motion.-
Oppofition to the Bill.-Subftance of the Reaſons on both Sides.-It paſſes the
Houſe. Subfequent Encroachments.-Beneficial Confequences which would
have been derived from appropriating the Produce to the Liquidation of the
Debt.-Ill Confequences of alienating it.-Motives which induced the Miniſter
to take that Method of raifing Supplies.
TH
HE laft accounts which I had occafion to give of the parliamentary
proceedings and domeſtic events, were carried down only to May 1730.
The hopes of a divifion amongſt the Whigs, and of the minifters, all gave
Life of Pearce.
energy
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
367
energy to the leaders of oppofition; but the ill fuccefs of their exertions,
and the uninterrupted quiet and profperity of the country, during the two
fucceeding years, render the domeftic hiſtory barren of events, and afford
little worthy of mention in the life of the miniſter. But the fixth
feffion of the third feptennial parliament, which opened on the 17th of Ja-
nuary 1733, is diſtinguiſhed by two meaſures of Sir Robert Walpole; of
which the firſt, to take half a million from the finking fund, though con-
trary to the national intereft, was carried by a large majority; and the ſe-
cond, which was the exciſe ſcheme, though evidently calculated for the ad-
vantage of the country, met with fuch violent oppofition, as induced the
minifter to relinquiſh it.
This chapter will be confined to the difcuffion of the important queftion
concerning the alienation of the ſinking fund; a meaſure which has incurred
the bitter cenfure of moft writers who have fpeculated on the fubject of
finance, and which feems to be the greateſt blot in the adminiſtration of the
miniſter. In this difquifition, I ſhall endeavour to ſtate, the deviations from,
and encroachments on the finking fund, until it was finally perverted from
its original uſe, and inſtead of being employed in the liquidation of the
national debt, became a fund for the current fervice of the year; to fhew
the beneficial confequences which would have refulted from following the
original defign; and to confider the motives which induced the miniſter to
counteract his own great eſtabliſhment, and to entail a debt on the nation,
which, if it could not have been entirely paid off, might at leaſt have been
confiderably diminiſhed.
When the houſe of commons paffed an act for the eſtabliſhment of a
fund for applying the furpluffes of duties and revenues to the liqui-
dation of the national debt, called in fubfequent acts the finking fund, the
words to appropriate them to that purpoſe were as ftrong as could be found,
to and for none other uſe, intent, or purpoſe whatſoever.
During the whole reign of George the Firſt, it was invariably appropriated
to its original purpoſes, and rather than encroach upon it, money was bor-
rowed upon new taxes, when the fupplies in general might have been raiſed,
by dedicating the furpluffes of the old taxes to the current fervices of the year*.
Even in the infancy of the eſtabliſhment, when its operations were neceſſarily
very confined, great advantages were derived even from this ſmall furplus ;
the national intereft was immediately reduced from 6 to 5 per cent.;
£.750,000 in old exchequer bills were paid off in 1719; and it appeared,
by the report of the houſe of commons, that from 1717 to 1728, it had dif-
charged £. 2,698,416, and that its average amount was £. 1,200,000.
• Price's Appeal on the National Debt. Sinclair, p. 106.
Chapter 40.
1733.
Origin of the
finking fund.
It
368
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
Appropriated
to other ufes.
Debates on
its alienation.
It had no fooner attained this progreffive power, than its operations were
fuſpended. Between 1727 and 1733, ſeveral encroachments had been made,
either by alienating the taxes which yielded the furpluffes, or by charging the
intereft of feveral loans upon the furpluffes appropriated to the payment of
the debt. But although this meaſure was in effect the fame as depriving it
of groſs fums (there being no difference between taking the annual intereſt
of a fum, and that fum itſelf) yet as theſe encroachments were not literally
direct invaſions of the fund, they feem to have met with little oppoſition.
However, in 1733 an open attack was made. Half a million being voted
for the ſervice of the enfuing year, the miniſter propoſed to take that´ ſum
from the finking fund, and by that means to continue the land tax at one
fhilling in the pound; adding, that if this motion ſhould be objected to, he
ſhould move for a land tax of two fhillings in the pound, there being no other
means of providing for the current expences.
This motion justly occafioned a long and violent debate, and the ſtrength
of the argument undoubtedly lay on the fide of oppofition. The whole
fubftance of the reaſons, which the minifter could urge in defence of this vio-
lation of his own principles, was the neceffity of giving eafe to the landed in-
tereſt, and the dread of the public creditors to have their debts diſcharged.
On this occafion he advanced this remarkable pofition, that the fituation of
the country, and the caſe of the public creditors was altered fo much fince
the eſtabliſhment of the finking fund, that the competition among them was
not who ſhould be the firſt, but who ſhould be the laft to be paid, an aſ-
fertion, which none of the oppofition ventured to contradict, and therefore
may be confidered as true. He alſo added, that although the finking fund
was eſtabliſhed for the payment of the debts, yet it was ſtill ſubject to the
difpofal of parliament; and whenever it appeared, that it could be more pro-
perly and beneficially applied to fome other ufe, the legiſlature had a power,
and ought to difpofe of it in that manner.
On the other fide, the oppofition argued, that the facred depofit for
diſcharging the debts and aboliſhing the taxes, ought not to be applied to
any uſe, except in cafes of extreme neceffity, which were not now apparent;
that the affenting to the motion was in fact robbing pofterity of £. 500,000,
and the progreffive intereft of that fum, for a trifling eaſe to themſelves.
They reminded him of his inconſiſtency, in deſtroying his own darling pro-
ject, and undermining the boafted monument of his own glory; and Sir
John Barnard emphatically urged," that the author of fuch an expedient
muſt expect the curfes of pofterity."
Thefe arguments, however, did not affect the decifion of the houſe of
commons. The influence of the minifter, aided by the co-operation of the
landed,
L
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
369
\
landed, monied, and popular interefts, triumphed over oppofition; and the Chapter 40.
motion was carried by a majority of 110 voices, 245 againſt 135-
1733.
Farther en-
The practice of alienating the finking fund having been once fanctioned
by parliament, was continued without intermiffion. In 1734 £.1,200,000, croachments.
or the whole produce of the year, was taken from it; in 1735 and 1736, it
was anticipated and mortgaged. "Thus expired," obferves Dr. Price, perhaps
with more enthuſiaſm than truth, " after an exiftence of a few years, the
finking fund; that facred bleffing (as it was once thought) and the nation's
only hope. Could it have eſcaped, it would long before this time have eaſed
Britain of all its debts, and left it fafe and happy."
In regard to the beneficial confequences which muſt have refulted from
the due adminiſtration of the finking fund, many words are not wanting to
that point. Without eſtimating the advantages as highly as the oppo-
prove
nents of the minifter, or Dr. Price, it may fairly be inferred, from the ſtate-
ment of Walpole himſelf, that had the produce been applied to that purpoſe,
from its firſt eſtabliſhment in 1716 to 1739, the year in which the war with
Spain commenced, that more than 20 millions of the national debt might have
been eafily paid off, whereas only £.7,190,740 were difcharged *.
The ill confequences to the public of alienating the finking fund, are fo
notorious and evident, that it is not my intention to justify Sir Robert Wal-
pole; on the contrary, he deferves, and has fufficiently incurred the cenfure of
poſterity, who have fuffered by this meaſure. But while we blame this con-
duct in its full latitude, let us not follow the example of thofe fpeculative
writers, who do not fufficiently weigh exifting circumſtances, neglect to con-
fider the temper of the times and the fituation of the country, and who judge
of the meaſures purſued by government in 1733, from thoſe which have
been purſued in fubfequent times. In juftice to the memory of a miniſter,
who feems to have facrificed every object for the prefervation of interior
tranquillity and external peace, let us confider the motives which induced him
to propoſe the alienation of the finking fund, which cannot be better illuf-
trated, than in the words of a very judicious writer on finance.
*The oppofition computed, but on very
erroneous calculations, chat at Chriſtmas 1733,
£.25,000,000 might have been paid off more
than had been diſcharged, and Dr. Price ob-
ferves, "Had it, from the year 1732, been
allowed to increaſe beyond this (except from
the intereft of debts faid by it,) and been ap-
plied for the first twenty-five years to the pay-
ment of debts, bearing 4 per cent. intereft,
VOL. I.
and afterwards to the payment of debts, bear-
ing 3 per cent. it would (in the prefent year
1781) have completed the redemption of more
than one hundred and fixty millions of debt,
leaving the public, during this whole perioti, în -
poffeffion of all the furpluffes which have arifen
in the revenue beyond £. 1,212,000, except
thofe produced by redemptions §.” *
3 B
Β΄
§ Price on Amnities, vol. 1. p. 230.
" Thefe
Speculations
on the fub-
ject.
370
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
"Theſe ſteps of adminiſtration I neither cenfure or approve of. I'muft
1730 to 1734. fuppofe every ſtateſman to have good reaſons for doing what he does, unleſs
I can diſcover that his motives are bad. May not the landed intereft, who
compofed the parliament, have infifted upon fuch a diminution of their
load? May not the proprietors of the public debts have infifted, on their
fide, that no money out of the finking fund. fhould be thrown into their
hands, while the bank was making loans upon the land and malt duties ac
3 per cent.? Might not the people have been averfc to an augmentation
of taxes? When three fuch confiderable interefts concur in a fcheme, which
in its ultimate though diftant confequences, muſt end in the notable preju-
dice of perpetuating the debts, although opportunities offer to diminiſh
them, what can government do? They muſt fubmit; and, which is worſe,
they cannot well avow their reaſons.
Popularity of
the meaſure.
"Such combinations muft occur, and frequently too, in every ftate loaded
with debts, where the body of the people, the landlords, and the creditors,
find, an advantage in the non-payment of the national debt. It is for this
reaſon, I imagine, the beſt way to obviate the bad confequences of ſo ſtrong
an influence in parliament, would be, to appropriate the amount of all fink-
ing funds in fuch a manner, as to put it out of a nation's power to mifapply
them, and by this means force them either to retrench their extraordinary
expences, or to impofe taxes for defraying them *."
Theſe obſervations are prefectly juft, and confonant to the ſpirit and tem-
per of the times; nor did any meaſure of Walpole's adminiftration more con-
ciliate the favour of the landholders, monied men, and people, than the
alienation of the finking fund, fo juftly deprecated by pofterity, yet fo much
applauded by his contemporaries.
t
For a long period after the acceffion of George the Firſt, the greater part
of the landed intereſt had uniformly oppoſed government.. With a view to
ingratiate the new family with theſe perſons, who formed a large party in the
houſe of commons, the miniſter had lowered the land tax. to three and then
to two fhillings in the pound, and this meaſure had given the adminiſtration
great popularity. It had moft effectually galled the oppofition, and brought
over many friends to government; and it was truly ſaid by Henry Pelham,.
in the houſe of commons, "Gentlemen may talk as they pleaſe of what was
done in laſt feffion of parliament; but I can fay, that in all places where I
have fince been, I have had the pleaſure of receiving the thanks of the peo-
ple, for the cafe then given to the landed intereft; and whatever glofs may.
+
·
Steuart's Political Economy, vol. 2, page 394.
.
now
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
371
1733.
now be put upon that. affair, yet I know that fome gentlemen, who appeared Chapter 40.
againſt it, were heard to ſay at the time that affair was mentioned, it will
pleaſe the country too much, and therefore we muft endeavour to render it
abortive. I will, indeed, do the gentlemen the juſtice to believe that they
then ſpoke as they thought; and they then did what they could to prevent
the fuccefs of a defign, by which his majeſty's adminiftration has gained the
favour and the eſteem of the generality of the landholders in England *"
The monied men were no leſs ſatisfied. The minifter himſelf informs us
of their principles: "The finking fund" he ſays, " was now grown to a great
maturity, produced annually about £. 1,200,000, and became almoſt a terror
to all the individual proprietors of the public debts. The high ftate of credit,
the low rate of intereft, and the advanced price of the ſtocks and funds above
par, made the great monied companies, and all their proprietors, apprehend
nothing more than being obliged to receive their principals too faſt; and it
became almoſt the univerſal conſent of mankind, that a million a year was as
much as the creditors of the public could bear to receive, in difcharge of
part of their principal .”
As to the people at large, it is always more agreeable to them to defray
the current expences by alienating a finking fund, than by impoſing a new tax.
Every tax is felt, foon occafions murmurs, and meets with fome oppofi
tion. In proportion as the taxes are multiplied, two difficulties arife; the peo-
ple more loudly complain of every new impoft, and it becomes more difficult
to find out freſh ſubjects of taxation, or to augment the old levies. But a tem-
porary fufpenfion of the payment of the debt is not felt, and occafions neither
murmurs or complaint. To borrow therefore from the finking fund is al
ways an obvious expedient for raifing fupplies, and has never been known
to create a national ferment.
The minifter muſt have been more than man, had he preferred the bleſ-
fings of pofterity to the curfes of his own age, or facrificed preſent eafe to the
dread of remote evils.
Yet, after making due allowance to the temper of the times, and the fitur
ation of parties, the meaſure itself cannot be juftified; the warmeft ad-
mirers of the minifter muft allow, that it is a dark ſpeck in his financial admi-
niftration.
* Chandler, vol. 7 p. 295-
+ Smith, Wealth of Nations, vol, 3. P
+ Some Confiderations on the Publick Funds, 418.
P. 56.
3 B 2
The
372
MEMOIRS OF
Period V. The fagacious mind of Walpole, might have diſcovered fome method of fa-
1730 to 1734 tisfying the public creditors, while he paid them off; he might have conci-
liated prefent advantage with the benefit of pofterity, combined his own
intereft with that of the people, and by confining himſelf to a partial alie-
nation, have rendered it a temporary, and not a permanent evil *.
CHAPTER THE FORTY-FIRST:
1.733.
Origin and Progress of the Excife.-Object of Walpole's Scheme.-Arts of Op-
-pofition. Parliamentary Proceedings.-Speech of Walpole.-Bill abandoned.-
Views and Conduct of Oppofition.-Influence of Walpole.-Removals and
Promotions. Prorogation of Parliament.
I EXC 158 SC, in
Tucker's Eu
logium of the
excife
fcheme.
or
AM now arrived at that important period in the life of Sir Robert Wal-
pole, which relates to what is uſually called the ExCISE SCHEME,
other words, the plan for fubjecting the duties on wine and tobacco to the
laws of exciſe; a meaſure which raiſed a great ferment in the nation, becauſe
it was perverted by the malignant ſpirit of party, and was not thoroughly un-
derſtood by fober and impartial perfons; but which reaſon, and the difin-
tereſted voice of poſterity has fanctioned and juſtified:
On this fubject, a judicious writer, who well underſtood the principles of
commerce, has obferved, “ Without entering into a defence of all parts of
For the history and alienation of the
finking fund have been confulted, An En-
quiry into the Conduct of our Domeſtick Af-
fairs from the Year 1721 to 1734: Suppoſed to
be written by Mr. Pulteney, page 33 to 55.
An anſwer to that pamphlet, intitled, Some
Confiderations concerning the Publick Funds,
written by Sir Robert Walpole, page 8 to 81..
IOI.
Price on Annuities, vol. 1. page 185 to 223.
Sinclair on the Revenue, vol. 1. page 99 to
Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. 3 P
410. Stuart's Political Economy, vol. 2.
+ Tucker's Elements of Commerce and
Theory of Taxes, p. 148, a book printed but
not publiſhed.
his
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
373
1
1733.
his conduct, I am perfuaded that impartial poſterity will do him the juf- Chapter 45.
tice to acknowledge, that if ever a ftateſman deferved well of the Britiſh
nation, Sir Robert Walpole was the man. Indeed, the only true way of dif-
covering, whether we are advancing or retreating in our political and com-
mercial capacity, is to compare the paft with the prefent, and to examine
whether we have the fame quantity of pernicious taxes, and monopolizing
patents, as we had formerly. If we have not, it is our bufinefs to be thank-
ful for the deliverance we have received, and to unite our endeavours to be
freed from the remainder. This is real patriotiſm and public fpirit.
"One of the great merits of Sir Robert Walpole, and in which perhaps
no minifter ever approached him, was that of fimplifying the taxes, aboliſh-
ing the numerous petty complicated impoſts which checked commerce and
vexed the fair trader, and fubftituting in their ftead more equal and fimple.
"But to omit matters of leffer note, the wiſeſt propofal to relieve the
nation was the excife fcheme, by means of which the whole island would
have been one general FREE PORT, and a magazine and common ftorehouſe for
all nations.
"It was not indeed a perfect fcheme at its firft appearance; but the foun-
dation was good, and a few alterations would have rendered it a moſt uſeful
inſtitution for the purpoſes of national commerce. But the bufinefs of
thoſe times was not to alter, mend, or improve, but to oppoſe, and to raiſe
a ferment. But even in its moſt imperfect ftate it would have defeated the
views of monopolifts, and have proved of great national advantage. If the
bill had been fo worded as to be only permiſſive not compulfory, every man in
this kingdom would have made the exciſe ſcheme his own choice, that is,
he would have preferred the method of putting his goods in a warehouſe, and
paying the duties as he wanted them, rather than paying the duties all' at
once at the cuſtom houſe. As a proof of this, let it be obſerved, that the
very men who made the loudeft clamour againſt the exciſe ſcheme, in a few
years petitioned for a much worfe, the prefent law relating to tobacco; which
is allowed on all hands to be an exciſe ſcheme in effect, and to have inconve-
niences, which the excife fcheme had not. But to give fome falvo to the
matter, the word Permit is changed to that of Certificate *'
Either the excife fcheme was not fuch as it is here explained, or the oppo-
fition to it was founded on principles of error, mifreprefentation, and party..
Let me then be permitted to confider by what means the nation in general
was induced to give fuch a decided refiftance to the bill, and. to make as.
* Tucker, Theory of Laws, p. 149.
public.
}
斜
​374
MEMOIRS OF
Period V. public and as loud rejoicings when it was relinquished, as upon the moſt glo-
#730 to 1734. rious national victory ever gained over our enemies in times of the greateſt
danger.
Origin and
progreſs of
the excife.
In attempting to develop thefe caufes, it may be expedient to tracé
the hiſtory of the excife from its first introduction into England, until the
opening of Walpole's fcheme. The first attempt to impofe it was made in
1626, by a commiffion under the great feal, iffued to thirty-three lords and
others of the privy council, but the parliament having remonftrated, it was
judged by both houſes contrary to law, and the commiffion was accordingly
cancelled by the king *
So odious was the very name, that if we may credit Howel, Sir Dudley
Carleton, then fecretary of ſtate, having only named it in the houſe of com-
mons, with a view to fhew the happineſs which the people of England en-
joyed above other nations, in being exempted from that impofition, was fud-
denly interrupted, called to the bar, and nearly fent to the Tower.
During the civil wars in 1641, parliament ventured to impofe an excife on
beer, ale, cyder, and perry; but although they pleaded abſolute neceffity in
excufe for this expedient, and continued it only from month to month; yet
the execution of it raiſed riots in London. The populace burnt down the
exciſe houſe in Smithfield, and nothing but a ſtanding army, adds the Craftſ
man, would have forced it upon the people at that time, when they were
greatly difaffected to the king and favourable to the parliament ‡.
Although Charles the Firft, in one of his declarations, charged parliament
with impoſing inſupportable taxes and odious exciſes upon their fellow ſubjects;
yet he was afterwards under the neceffity of recurring to the fame expedient.
Accordingly, exciſes were laid on by both parties, though both of them de-
clared that they ſhould be continued only till the end of the war, and then
ſhould be aboliſhed.
Soon afterwards the parliament impoſed it on ſugar, butcher's meat, and
on ſo many other commodities, that it might juftly be called general, in pur-
fuance of a plan, laid down by Pymm, in a letter to Sir John Hotham ;
"That they had proceeded to the excife in many particulars, and intended to
go farther; but that it would be neceffary to uſe the people to it by little
and little §."
At the reſtoration, the excife act was aboliſhed on all articles of confump-
tion, except beer and ale, cyder and perry, which produced a clear revenue,
according to Davenant, of £. 666,383. Thefe duties were divided into two
* Craftſman, Nº 333.
+ Ibid.
§ Ibid. 1773. Appendix. Blackftone, B. 1. C, 8. Clarendon.
Ibid.
L
J
equal
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
375
1733:
equal portions; the one called the hereditary exciſe, becauſe granted to the Chapter 41.
crown for ever, in recompenfe for the court of wards, purveyance, and the
levies aboliſhed by act of parliament; the other the temporary excife, be-
cauſe granted only for the life of the king.
On the acceffion of James the Second, the parliament not only renewed
the temporary excife for his life, but alſo increaſed it by additional duties on
wines, vinegar, tobacco, and fugar, which however were fuffered to expire.
The immediate effects of the revolution were to diminiſh the excifes, fup-
pofed to be of a nature peculiarly obnoxious to the fpirit and principles of
the conſtitution. But the neceffity of raiſing money to defend the religion
and liberties became fo urgent, that even this. fpecies of impofition was
adopted. Excife on falt, on the diftillery, and on malt, fince known by the
name of the malt tax, were then firft introduced; an additional excife on
beer produced alone £. 450,000, and the fums raiſed by thofe duties, during
the reign of William, amounted to .13,649,328, or nearly a million per
annum.
But fo great were the neceffities which the war on the Spanish fucceffion
intailed on the nation, during the reign of queen Anne, that the averfion-
to the excife did not prevent additional duties from being laid on ſeveral
articles of confumption, and it produced in her reign £,20,859,311, or nearly
£1,738,275 per annum.
During the whole reign of George the Firſt, no excife was laid on; except
a fmall duty on wrought plate, under the adminiſtration of Sunderland. But
the internal tranquillity of the country, and the exemption from foreign war,
increaſed ſo much the produce of the taxes, that the excife yielded, in 13
years, £. 30,421,451, or about £.2,340,000 per annum. Its unpopularity
however was not abated by long ufage, and the laws for the collection were
neceffarily fo fevere, and had been fo often exercifed in preventing frauds and
puniſhing ſmugglers, that they were confidered by many perfons as encroach-
ing on private property and perfonal liberty.
Such were the prejudices conceived againſt the excife, that the principal
writers on finance, government, and trade, from the revolution to the period
under confideration, almoſt uniformly condemn it; and a plaufible notion
prevailed, that as the real income of every country originates from the land,
all taxes fhould be at once impofed on landed property
*
Even Davenant, who well underſtood the nature of taxes in general, and
has fo ably written on public credit, was deceived in this particular. Becauſe
* For a refutation of this fyftem, fee Smith's Wealth of Nations. Neckar on Finances, vol.
c. 6. Steuart's Political Economy. Sinclair, vol. ž. p. 113,
Public aver
excife.
fion to the
at
376
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
at that time the excife had the effect of finking the price of the fubject ex-
1730 to 1734 cifed inftead of raifing the price of the produce *, he concluded that all ex-
cifes fall utimately upon the land, and propofed, as more equitable, the poll
tax and land tax.
Walpole's
motives for
extending it.
The authority of Locke alfo contributed to ſpread the fame notion, and
his opinion againſt the eſtabliſhment of the excife, was quoted with due
effect by the Craftſman. That great philofopher, whoſe writings tended ſo much
to expand and enlighten the human mind, had without due confideration
afferted, that all impofitions on articles of confumption fell ultimately upon
land. The natural confequence therefore of that pofition was, that any addi-
tional duties on wine and tobacco could not ultimately eaſe the landholder,
and therefore could not fulfil the intention held forth to the country gen-
tlemen, as an argument in favour of the bill.
This fyftem, though exploded by a more intelligent age, had a fur-
prifing influence on all ranks and defcriptions of men at that time, when
the principles of commerce and taxation were little underſtood, and leſs fol-
lowed. The oppoſition laid great ſtreſs on this argument; and in confor-
mity to the exiſting opinion, Sir William Wydham did not fcruple to declare
it," as demonftrable as any propofition in Euclid, that if we actually paid
a land tax of ten fhillings in the pound, without paying any other exciſes or
duties, our liberties would be much more fecure, and every landed gentleman
might live at leaſt in as much plenty, and might make a better provifion for
his family, than under the prefent mode of taxation."
On the contrary, the fagacity of Walpole led him to perceive, that a tax
on landed property was a greater burthen to the fubject than taxes on
articles of confumption. He was fully aware, that the exciſe laws obftru&t
the operations of the ſmugglers more effectually than the laws of the cuftoms;
that the method of levying taxes in uſe, was more burthenfome upon trade, and
more expenfive to the merchants, than the raifing of them by excife, and that
* The excife upon malt had the effect of
lowering the price of barley, inſtead of raiſing
the value of beer. Steuart's Political Econo-
my, vol. 2. p. 362.
Sir John Sinclair has, in a few words, ably
fhewn the abfurdity of impofing all the taxes
on land.
"Were it admitted, though it can
hardly be ſeriouſly maintained in a commercial
country, that the whole income of the nation
arofe from the cultivation of the foil,
yet ftill,
by imposing duties on confumptions, a greater
revenue may be raiſed, than by a direct tax
on land. By the later method you only tax
the proprietor of the foil, who has only a cer-
tain portion of the produce, and a confiderable
part of which is neceffarily taken from him
for the fubfiftence of others. Whereas by the
former method, the public fhares in the profits
of thoſe individuals who derive any benefit
from the foil by any means, whether directly
or indirectly. And hence, whilft the tax of
four filings in the pound on land is feverely
felt by many individuals in England, though
it yields only two millions per annum, a tax on
barley, in all its various ftages of confumption,
to the amount of above three millions and a
half, is levied without murmur.”
Sinclair on the Revenue, vol. 2, p. 113.
3
it
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
377
1733.
it would be more beneficial to commerce, and would confiderably increaſe Chapter 41.
the revenue, if all, or the greater part of the cuſtoms were converted into ex-
cifes. But as he well knew the averfion which the nation entertained againſt
the excife, and as he was unwilling to deviate from his own great principle
of government, not to roufe things which are at reft, he propoſed gradually to
introduce his plan by aboliſhing the land tax, and fubftituting other me-
thods, until he could venture to come forwards with the propofal of his great
ſcheme for extending the excife.
With this view he had made an alteration in the duties on coffee, tea,
and chocolate, by aboliſhing the import duties, and fubjecting them to in-
land duties, and to the fame mode of collection as is practifed in the excife.
But as he ſtill ſuffered them to be levied as cuſtoms, and prudently omitted
to mention the word excife, this amendment met with no oppofition, and it
proved ſo beneficial, that it increaſed the duties on tea, coffee, and chocolate
about 120,000 a year *
For the fame purpoſe he propoſed the revival of the falt duty, which had
been aboliſhed in 1729, becauſe he conceived, that a revival of exciſe duties
on commodities formerly fubjected to that mode of collection, would not
be regarded with fo jealous an eye, as a new impoft in the fame line.
But though he thus endeavoured to conceal his intended purpofe, yet
the oppofition penetrated his ſcheme; in the debate which took place on that
ſubject, they firſt threw down the gauntlet, and dwelt with unabated energy
on the apprehenfions of a general excife, as the war whoop to fpread an
alarm throughout the country, and as the death warrant of national liberty.
It was then that, provoked by the petulance of his adverfaries, and enter-
taining too great a contempt of their arguments, with more fpirit than
judgment, and with more attention to the dictates of truth, than to the
temper of the times, he anticipated the intended mention of his extenſive
views, and laid down the great plan before it was fufficiently matured,
and before the nation was able to confider and appreciate its excellence. He
* The difference between the cuſtoms and
excife is thus defined by Sir Robert Walpole
himſelf. "The duties known by the name
of cuſtoms are certain rates imposed by autho-
rity of parliament upon all commodities import-
ed from abroad, which rates are either to be
paid by the importer, upon the entry at im-
portation, with different allowances and dif-
counts for prompt payment, or they muſt be
VOL. I.
fecured by bond, payable in a certain number
of months, and. as well as the duties paid down,
are repaid and drawn back again vpon re-ex-
portation, as the bonds given, vacated and dif-
charged; or in fhort, cuftoms are duties paid
by the merchant, upon imtertation: Fxcifes,
duties payable by the retail trader upon con-
fumption." Orford Papers.
3 C
unequivocally
Revives the
falt duty.
>
378
MEMOIRS OF
·
Period V. unequivocally declared, that the land tax was the moſt unequal, moſt
1730 to 1734. grievous, and the moft oppreffive tax that ever was known in this country; a,
tax that never ought to be raiſed but in times of the greateſt neceſſity; and
in anſwer to thoſe who oppoſed the revival of the falt duties, becauſe it was
partly levied under the exciſe, he ventured to declare, that an excife is only
a word for a tax raiſed in a different manner. He added, " If it be found by
experience, that the prefent method of raiſing our taxes is more burthen-
fome upon our trade, and more inconvenient and expenfive than the exciſe,
I fee no manner of reafon why we fhould be frightened by theſe two words,
general excife, from changing the method of collecting the taxes we
pay, and chooſing that which is moft convenient for the trading part of the
nation *”
Efforts of
oppofition.
Object of the
fcheme.
This manly avowal of his fentiments in favour of the excife laws, was na-
turally deemed by oppofition the prelude to his adoption of them, and was
magnified into a ſcheme for a general excife on all the neceffaries of life.
Aware of having prematurely advanced notions which the age could not
comprehend, a pamphlet was publiſhed on this fubject, under his aufpices,
intitled, "Some general Confiderations concerning the Alteration and Improvement.
of the Revenues;" in which an attempt was made to explain to the people,
that the ſcheme in agitation was founded on the firft principles of com-
merce and taxation, and in no degree derogatory from the liberties of the
ſubject.
But in this progreffive plan he was baffled by oppofition, who employed
againſt him all the powers of wit and eloquence, which they poffeffed in fo
abundant a degree; and it muſt be confeſſed the ſcheme was not defended
with equal energy and ſpirit. The nation took the alarm; and before the
ſcheme was underſtood, even before it was formally propofed, the writers in
oppofition, more particularly the Craftſman, delineated fuch a hideous pic-
ture of the EXCISE, as raiſed among the people the moſt terrible apprehen-
fions. Theſe weekly effays, collected and publiſhed under the title of “ Ar-
guments against Excifes," contributed to pervert the judgment, and excite
the rage of the deluded multitude. Againſt the united fhafts of fophiftry, wit,
and ridicule, adapted to the prejudices and conceptions of the people, the wea-
pons of fober truth and reaſon had no effect.
The grand object of the bill was to give cafe to the landed intereſt, by
the total abolition of the land tax; to prevent frauds; to decreaſe ſmug-
* Chandler.
gling;
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
379
gling; to augment the revenue; to fimplify the taxes, and facilitate the col- Chapter 41.
lection of them at the leaft poffible expence,
The great outlines of the plan were, to convert the cuſtoms into duties of
excife, and to meliorate the laws of the exciſe in ſuch a manner, as to obviate
their abuſes or oppreffions.
Such were the object and general outlines of the plan. The fpecific pro-
pofitions were, to divide the commodities into taxed and not taxed, and to
confine the taxed commodities to a few articles of general confumption. To
comprehend among the untaxed commodities, the principal neceffaries of life,
and all the raw materials of manufacture. The free importation of the ne-
ceffaries of life would, by rendering thofe neceffaries cheaper, reduce the price
of labour. The reduction of the price of labour would diminiſh the price of
home manufactures, and increaſe thereby the demand in all foreign markets,
by underfelling thoſe of other nations. The free importation of raw mate-
rials would reduce the price of manufactures, and the cheapneſs of the goods
would fecure both the home confumption, and a great command in the fo-
reign markets; and it was this regulation which induced Tucker to ſay, that
by means of this ſcheme the whole iſland would become one general FREE
PORT.
So much for the commodities untaxed. But even the trade of the taxed
commodities would be augmented, and both the foreign and home trade
would enjoy confiderable advantages. The foreign trade would be benefited,
becauſe the commodities delivered out of the warehoufe for exportation, be-
ing exempted from all impofts, would be perfectly free; and the carrying trade,
under theſe regulations, would be highly increaſed. The home trade would
be benefited, becauſe the importer, not being obliged to advance the duty
on the commodities delivered out for interior confumption, until he difpofed
of his goods, would afford to fell them cheaper, than if he had been obliged
to advance the duty at the moment of importation.
Such, according to the opinion of a very judicious writer*, was the object
of the famous excife fcheme.
1733.
Preparatory to its introduction, a committee had been appointed to infpect Preparatory
into the frauds and abuſes committed in the cuſtoms; and on the 7th of June, proceedings,
1732, Sir John Cope, the chairman, had preſented their report to the houſe.
Though it was of infinite importance, and of fo great length as to take up, when
printed,103 pages in folio, yet the committee were fo fenfible that they had not
* Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. 3. p. 358.
3 C 2
fully
5
*
380
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
fully explored all the receffes of fraud, and had left great part of their taſk
1730 to 1734. unaccompliſhed, that they accompanied this elaborate document with an apo-
logy for its imperfections, in which they obferved, that the fhortness of the
feffion would not allow them to make it ſo complete as they might otherwiſe
have done, and that the number and intricacy of the various frauds, rendered
a thorough difquifition almoft impracticable.
Report of the
conumittee.
Activity of
oppofition.
In this report they adverted to the frauds committed by traders in to-
bacco, tea, brandy, and wine, and in the courſe of it diſplayed ſcenes of diſho-
nefty, perjury, informing, violence, and murder, which would appear to fanc-
tion almoſt any meaſure, however violent, by which fo horrible a ftigma
could be removed from the mercantile body, and from the fifcal laws of the
country. It appeared, from undeniable evidence, that by perjury, forgery,
and the moſt impudent collufion, in the article of tobacco, the revenue was
frequently defrauded to the amount of one third of the duties, and that in
many cafes, an allowance had been diſhoneſtly obtained, as a drawback on
re-exportation, exceeding the fum originally received by government, which
in the port of London only, fuftained by thefe means a lofs of £. 100,000
per annum. The finuggling of tea and brandy was conducted fo openly and
fo audaciouſly, that fince Chriftmas 1723, a period only of nine years, the
number of cuſtom houfe officers beaten and abuſed amounted to 250; and
fix had been murdered. 251,320 pounds weight of tea, and 652,924 gal-
lons of brandy had been feized and condemned; and upwards of 2,000 per-
fons profecuted. 229 boats and other veffels had been condemned, 185 of
which had been burnt, and the remainder retained for the fervice of the
The fmuggling of wine was managed with ſo much art, or the con-
nivance of the revenue officers fo effectually fecured, that within the period
of nine years, only 2,208 hogſheads had been condemned, though it appear-
ed, from depofitions on oath, that in the ſpace of two years, 4,738 hogfheads
had been run in Hampshire, Dortfetſhire, and Devonshire only, and on in-
quiry, 30 officers were difmiffed, and informations entered againſt 400 per-
fons; 38 were committed to jail, 118 admitted evidence, and 45 had com-
pounded.
crown.
Notwithſtanding the facts contained in this report, and the endeavours uſed
to enlighten the public mind, the oppofition had been fo affiduous and fo
fuccefsful in the diffemination of flander and fufpicion, that they looked for--
ward with impatience to the introduction of the minifter's plan, as the cer-
tain means of triumph to them, and of difgrace to him: Indeed, confidering
the nature of the conteſt, they could hardly be thought too fanguine in their
expectations of the event. The members of any adminiſtration propofing
meaſures.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
381
meaſures for giving additional ſtrength to government, for reftraining the
turbulent, or fuppreffing fraud, are open to every ſpecies of calumny, affail-
able by all the weapons of eloquence, wit, ridicule, perfonality, and mifre-
prefentation; while in their defence, they are reftricted to the ufe of thoſe
topics which make their impreffion only by force of time and experience.
The majeſty of argumentative eloquence, and the glare of wit, are under-
valued, when eloquence is ſuppoſed to be biaffed by intereſt, and wit is di-
vefted of perfonality and cauftic fatire, which alone can make it pleafing to
the multitude.
The writers in the intereft of oppofition had founded the trumpet of aları:
from one end of the kingdom to the other: they afferted that the minif-
ter's plan would not tend to prevent fraud, decreaſe ſmuggling, or augment
the revenue; but would deftroy the very being of parliament, undermine.
the conflitution, render the king abfolute, and fubject the houſes, goods,
and dealings of the ſubject, to a ſtate inquifition. They reprefented the ex-
cife as a monſter feeding on its own vitals; and compared it to the Trojan
horſe, which contained an army in its belly.
Having by theſe means agitated the public mind to a frenzy of oppoſition,
the enemies of the minifter were anxious to follow their advantage, and to
urge him to bring forward his plan, before the people had leifure for fober
reflection. London, and many places in the country, had given expreſs in-
ſtructions to their repreſentatives, to oppoſe the exciſe ſcheme in all its forms
and to uſe every method to impede its progrefs; and the members were fo
anxious to fhew that they had not been unmindful of theſe dictates, that they
ſeized every opportunity, long before the meaſure was officially announced.
to the houſe, of cafting reflections on it, and endeavouring to add to the
impreffions of horror already entertained againſt it.
Chapter 41.
1733.
ment.
On the opening of the feffion, the king, in his ſpeech from the throne, re- Proceedings
commended to the houſe, that in all their deliberations, as well upon raising the in pailia-
annual fupplies, as the diftribution of the public revenues, they should purfue fuch
meafures as would moft conduce to the present and future eaſe of their conſtituents.
In another part of his fpeech, he admoniſhed them to avoid unreaſonable
heats and animofities, and not fuffer themfelves to be diverted by any specious pre-
tences, from ſteadfaſtly purſuing the true interest of the country.
On the motion for the addrefs, Sir John Barnard made theſe obſervations.
"The honourable gentleman who moved the addreſs, propoſes for us to ſay,
“That we will raiſe the fupplies in fuch manner as will most conduce to the preſent
"and future eaſe of the fubject. Now, there feems to be a great jealoufy without
"doors,
382
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
1
"doors, as if fomething were intended to be done in this feffion of parliament,
"that may be deftructive to our liberties, and detrimental to our trade: from
"whence this jealouſy hath ariſen, I do not know; but it is certain that
"there is fuch a jealoufy among all forts of people, and in all corners of
"the nation; and therefore, we ought to take the firſt opportunity to quiet
"the minds of the people, and to affure them that they may depend upon
"the honour and integrity of the members of this houfe; and that we will
"never confent to any thing that may have the leaft appearance of being
"deſtructive to their liberties, or detrimental to their trade; for which rea-
"fon, I move that theſe words, and fuch as fhall be confiftent with the trade,
intereft, and liberty of the nation, may be added as an amendment.”
66
66
66
In fupport of this amendment, Shippen obferved, "It is certain that
"there are great fears, jealoufies, and fufpicions without doors, that fome-
thing is to be attempted in this feffion of parliament, which is generally
thought to be deftructive to the liberties and to the trade of this nation.
"There is at preſent a moft remarkable and general ſpirit among the people
"for protecting and defending their liberties and their trade, in oppofition
"to thoſe attempts which they expect are to be made againſt both: from
"all quarters we hear of meetings and refolutions for that purpoſe; and this
pirit is fo general, that it cannot be afcribed to any one fet of men:
they cannot be branded with the name of Jacobites or republicans; no;
the whole people of England feem to be united in this ſpirit of jealouſy
"and oppofition."
66
66
66
Walpole, in reply, difclaimed any knowledge of a defign to injure the
trade of the nation, and faid, "If the people are hampered or injured in
"their trade, they muſt feel it, and they will feel it before they begin to
complain; in fuch caſe it is the duty of this houſe, not only to hear their
complaints, but, if poffible, to find out a remedy. But the people may
"be taught to complain; they may be made to feel imaginary ills, and
by ſuch practices they are often induced to make complaints before they
"feel any uneafinefs." He did not, however, oppoſe the amendment, and
it was carried,
..
66
This was only a prelude to feveral other fkirmiſhes which took place be-
fore the grand attack. In the debate of the 14th of February, on the
fubject of preventing the importation of foreign fugar, rum, &c. into the
plantations in America, Sir John Barnard again obferved, that "It would
"be impoffible to prevent the running of French rum on fhore, even if we
"were to fend to America the whole army of excife officers which we have
❝ here
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
383
" here at home. The fending them thither, might, indeed, add a good
"deal to our happineſs in this country; but all of them together could be of
"no fervice for fuch a purpoſe in that country."
Chapter 41.
1733.
In the debate on alienating part of the finking fund, a more decided at- 234 Fe-
tack was made by Pulteney, who faid, "Though I was aware of the mo- bruary.
"tion now made, I was in hopes that was not all the honourable gentleman
46
was this day to open to the committee: There is another thing, a very
"terrible affair impending! A monftrous project! Yea, more monftrous
"than has ever yet been repreſented! It is fuch a project as has ſtruck
"terror into the minds of moft gentlemen within this houſe, and into the
"minds of all men without doors, who have any regard to the happineſs or
"to the conſtitution of their country. I mean, that monfter, the excife! That
plan of arbitrary power, which is expected to be laid before this houſe in
"the preſent feffion of parliament.".
66
On the 27th of February, a call of the houſe being moved for on that day
fortnight, the excife fcheme was again introduced. Sir John Rufhout com-
menced an attack on the minifter, by faying, "I do not rife to oppoſe the call
"of the houſe; but there being, as I imagine, a certain ſcheme or project
"to be brought into the houſe, which feems to be of very great conſequence
66
to the whole nation, I wish that the call of the houſe may be about the
"time that that ſcheme is to be laid before us. We have long been in ex-
66
66
66
pectation of feeing this glorious fcheme, which is to render us all com
pletely happy; we have waited for it with impatience ever fince the be-
ginning of the prefent feffion. I do not know whether the fcheme itſelf
"has lately met with any alterations or amendments; but I hope, if it be
to be laid before us this feffion, it will not be put off till towards the
"end of the feffion, when gentlemen are tired out with attendance, and
obliged to return home to mind their own private affairs."
66
s
66
<<
66
Walpole replied, "As to the fcheme mentioned by the honourable gen-
"tleman who ſpoke laſt, it is certain that I have a ſcheme, which I intend
very foon to lay before you; I have not indeed, as yet, fully determined
"what my
motion ſhall be; but if the motion for the call of the houſe be
appointed for this day fortnight, I believe I ſhall be fully determined be-
tween this and that time. I do not defire, I never did defire to ſurpriſe
"this houſe in any thing; nor had I, thank God, ever any occaſion to uſe
"the low art of taking advantage of the end of the feffion for any thing
"I had to propoſe; but when the houſe does refolve itſelf into a committee,
"which I mean to move for, I will lay before that committee a ſcheme
“ which I have long thought of, which I am convinced is for the good of
66 the
9
1
384
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
66
.66
66
66
"the nation; and which, if agreed to, will improve both the trade and
"the public revenue. As for the ſcheme's having received alterations and
amendments, I do not know but it may; I never thought myſelf ſo wiſe
"as to ftand in no need of affiftance; on the contrary, I have taken from
“others all the advice and affiſtance I could obtain; and in all my inqui-
ries, I have chofe to confult with thofe who I knew had a perfect know-
ledge of fuch affairs, and had no particular intereſt in view, nor any pri-
"vate end to ferve: from thofe who have by-ends of their own, I can never
expect impartial counfel, and therefore I have in this, as well as every
"other affair, thought it ridiculous to afk their advice." He concluded
by obferving, "That if a project could be framed to prevent the frauds.
"committed in the revenue, the author of fuch project would deferve the
"thanks of his country, and of every fair trader; becauſe, whenever a tax is
"laid on, and not collected regularly and duly, from every man fubject to
"its operation, it is really making the fair trader pay to the public what
"the fraudulent trader puts into his own private pocket; by which means
"the fmuggler underfells the fair trader in every commodity, and by which
"the fair trader muſt be at laſt ruined and undone.
66
46
65
Sir William Wyndham followed, and affected to affume, as an abſtract
ſtatement, that the queftion was, "Whether we ſhould facrifice the confti-
"tution to the prevention of frauds in the revenue?" Sir John Barnard
feized this opportunity of making a popular ſpeech, in which he ſaid, "If
"I have been rightly informed, this fcheme, in its firft conception, was for a
general excife, but that, it feems, was afterwards thought too much at
once, and therefore, we are now to fingle out only one or two branches, in
"order that they may firft be hunted down. But the very fame reafon may
prevail with us, to fubject every branch to thofe arbitrary laws; and as
"fuch laws are, in my opinion, abfolutely inconfiftent with liberty, there-
"fore I muſt think that the queftion upon this ſcheme, even altered as it
"feems it is, will be, Whether we ſhall endeavour to prevent frauds in the
"collection of the public revenues, at the expence of the liberties of the
people ?" "For my own part," added he, "I never was guilty of any fraud,
" and therefore I ſpeak againſt my own intereft, when I fpeak againſt any
"method that may tend towards preventing frauds; but I will never put
my private intereft in balance with the intereft or happineſs of the nation.
"I had rather beg my bread from door to door, and fee my country flourish, than
"be the greatest fubject in the nation, and fee the trade of my country decaying,
and the people enflaved and oppreffèd."
66
6.6
In the interval between the debate and the call of the houfe, the minifter
1125
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
385
was preparing to bring forward his fcheme in a manner as little exceptionable
as poffible, and the oppofition were exerting all their powers and influence
to form a ſtrong party againſt it, and to excite the public to clamour for its
rejection, whatever might be its merits.
On the 7th of March, the miniſter moved, that on that day ſe'nnight, the
houſe ſhould refolve itſelf into a committee, to confider of the moft proper
methods for the better fecurity and improvement of the duties and revenues
already charged upon and payable from tobacco and wines; which was or-
dered. It was farther ordered, that the proper accounts, returns, and other
papers, fhould be referred to the faid committee, and that the commiffioners
of the cuſtoms and exciſe fhould attend.
On this occafion, all the arts and influence of oppofition were called forth
to excite clamours againſt the meaſure. Not only the members folicited the
attendance of their friends, but letters were delivered by the beadles, and
other officers in the pariſhes and wards of the city, to induce a numerous
party to affemble at the doors, and in the avenues to the houſe, to overawe
the proceedings of the legiſlature. Walpole was apprized of theſe proceed-
ings, but not to be deterred from the profecution of his defign. On the
15th of March, the houſe having refolved itſelf into a committee, he opened
the bufinefs, and faid;
Chapter 41.
1733-
Motion for a
committee.
"As I had the honour to move that the houfe fhould refolve itfelf into Walpole's
this committee, I think it incumbent on me to open to you, what was then ſpeech.
intended to be propofed as the ſubject of your confideration. This committee
is appointed for the better fecurity of the duties and revenues already charged
and payable upon tobacco. This can be done in no way fo proper and ef-
fectual, as by preventing the commiffion of thofe frauds by which the revenue
has already fuftained fuch great injuries. As the propofed improvement is
to be made by an alteration in the method of collecting and managing the
duties already impofed, without any addition, or fubjecting to the fame du-
ties any articles not already chargeable, I might have avoided ftating this pro-
ject to a committee of the whole houfe; but I have deferted the old road,
and propoſed a ſupply not immediately neceffary for the current ſervice of
the year, that I might leave a greater freedom of confideration, by taking
away every appearance of preffing neceffity. I fhall therefore only obferve,
that fome previous provifion muſt be made for the future application of the
tences have been fupplied from the printed
fpeech in the contemporary publications: Po-
litical State; Hiftorical Regifter. See alfo
Chandler.
* The fubftance of this fpeech is principally
taken from heads and memorandums, in the
hand writing of Sir Robert Walpole, among
the Orford Papers. A few connecting fen-
VOL. I.
3 D
increaſed
386
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
increaſed fum which, fhould the plan I am about to propoſe be adopted, will
be received into the exchequer.
"The conteft, in the preſent inftance, is between the unfair trader, on one
fide; the fair trader, the planter, and the public, on the other; but to the
public muſt be referred my moſt forcible appeal, as they, in truth, bear the
whole weight of the injury; for though the fraudulent factor feems to make
the planter, retailer, and confumer equally his prey, yet the landed intereſt
ultimately fuffers the whole effect of the fraud, by making good what the
fubject pays, and the government does not receive.
"In fuch a caufe, I might reaſonably expect the approbation of the fair
trader, and the affiftance of parliament; for affuredly, if in theſe times"
any cauſe can poffibly be confidered exempt from the operations of party, it
is the cauſe now before the committee. But, Sir, I am not to learn, that
whoever attempts to remedy frauds, attempts a thing very diſagreeable to all
thoſe who have been guilty of them, or who expect to derive future benefits
from them. I know that theſe men, who are confiderable in their numbers,
and clamorous in their exertions, have found abettors in another quarter,
in perfons much worſe than themſelves; in men who are fond of improving
every opportunity of ſtirring up the people to mutiny and fedition. But as
the ſcheme I have to propoſe, will not only be a great improvement to the
revenue, an improvement of two or three hundred thousand pounds by the
year, but alſo a great benefit to the fair trader, I fhall not be deterred, either
by calumny or clamour, from doing my duty as a member of this houſe,
and bringing forward a meaſure, which my own confcience juftifies me in
faying, will be attended with the moſt important advantages to the revenues
and commerce of my country.
}
Juftum et tenacem propofiti virum,
Non civium 'ardor prava jubentium,
Mente quatit folidá.
Amongſt the many flanders to which the report of this project has expoſed
me, I cannot avoid mentioning one, which has been circulated with an
affiduity proportioned to its want of truth, that I was about to propoſe a
general excife. In all plans for the benefit of government, two effential
points muſt be confidered, juftice and practicability: many things are juſt
which would not be practicable; but fuch a ſcheme would be neither one
or the other. Various are the faults of minifters, various their fates:
few have had the crimes of all; none till now found, that the imputation
1
4
of
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
387
1733.
of crime to him, became a merit in others. Yet if I were to propofe to you Chapter 41.
ſuch a ſcheme, popular opinion would run exactly in that channel. It would
be a crime in me to propoſe, a crime in you to accept; and the only chance
left to the houſe of retaining the favour of the people, would be the unqua-
lified rejection of the project. But I do moft unequivocally affert, that no fuch
fcheme ever entered my head, or, for what I know, into the head of any man I am
acquainted with. Yet though I do not wiſh to do wrong, I fhall always re-
tain a proper ſhare of courage and felf-confidence to do what I judge right,
and in the meaſures I am about to propoſe, ſhall reſt my claim to ſupport
and approbation on the candid, the judicious, and the truly patriotic.
66
My thoughts have been confined folely to the revenue arifing from the
duties on wine and tobacco; and it was the frequent advices I had of the
fhameful frauds committed in theſe two branches, and the complaints of the
merchants themſelves, that induced me to turn my attention to diſcover a
remedy for this growing evil. I am perfuaded, that what I am about to
propofe, will, if granted, be an effectual remedy. But, if gentlemen will be
prevailed on by induſtry, artifice, and clamour, to indulge the fuggeftions of
party prejudice, they and their poſterity muſt pay dear for it, by the grievous
entail of a heavy land tax, which they will have fanctioned by their pufilla-
nimity, in not daring to brave the outrages of the fraudulent and felf-inte-
reſted. For myſelf, I fhall only fay, I have fo little partiality for this ſcheme,
except what a real and conftitutional love of the public infpires, that if I
fail in this propoſal, it will be the laſt attempt of the kind I ſhall ever make,
and I believe, a minifter will not foon be found hardy enough to brave, on
the behalf of the people, and without the flighteſt motive of intereſt, the worſt
effects of popular delufion and popular injuſtice.
"I fhall, for the prefent, confine myſelf entirely to the tobacco trade, and
to the frauds practiſed in that branch of the revenue. If there is one fubject
of taxation more obvious than another, more immediately within the direct
aim of fiſcal impofition than another, it is fuch an article of luxury as de-
pends for its ufe on cuftom or caprice, and is by no means effential to the
ſupport or real comfort of human life. If there is a fubject of taxation
where it is more immediately the province of the legiflature to fupprefs fraud,
and ſtrictly to infift on the payment of every impoft, it muſt be that where
the wrong is felt by every claſs of perfons, and none are benefited, except
the moſt diſhoneft and profligate part of the community. Both theſe
deſcriptions apply to the fubject before us. For though the uſe of to-
bacco is perhaps lefs fanctioned by natural reaſon than any other luxury,
yet fo great is the predilection for it, in its various forms, that from the
3 D 2
4
palace
388
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
palace to the hovel there is no exemption from the duty; and furely it muſt
1730 to 1734. be confidered an intolerable grievance, that by the frauds which are daily
committed, the very pooreft of the peafantry are obliged to pay this duty
twice; once in the enhanced price of the article, for though the fraudulent
trader contrives to fave to himſelf the amount of the tax impoſed by parlia-
ment, yet he does not fell it cheaper to the public; and a fecond time, in
the tax that is neceffarily fubftituted to make good the deficiency which
has been by theſe means occafioned. Did it ever happen till now, that when
an abuſe of this kind was to be remedied, endeavours were uſed to make the
attempt unpopular?
"In difcuffing this fubject, it will be neceffary firſt to advert to the condi-
tion of our planters of tobacco in America. If they are to be believed, they
are reduced to the utmoſt extremity, even almoſt to a ſtate of deſpair, by
the
many frauds that have been committed in that trade, and by the ill
ufage they have fuftained from their factors and correfpóndents in England,
who from being their fervants, are become their tyrants. Theſe unfortunate
people have ſent home many repreſentations of the bad ſtate of their affairs;
they have lately deputed a gentleman with a remonftrance, ſetting forth their
grievances, and praying for fome ſpeedy relief: this they may obtain by means
of the ſcheme I intend now to propoſe; but I believe it is from that alone
they can expect any relief.
"The next thing to be confidered is, the ftate of the tobacco trade with
reſpect to the fair trader. The man who deals honourably with the public,
as well as individuals, the man who honeftly pays all his duties, finds him-
ſelf foreſtalled in almoſt every market within the iſland, by the fmuggler
and fraudulent dealer. As to our foreign trade in tobacco, thoſe who have
no regard to honour, to religion, or to the welfare of the country, but are
every day contriving ways and means for cheating the public by perjuries
and falſe entries, are the greateſt gainers; and it will always be fo, unleſs we
can contrive fome method of putting it out of their power to carry on fuch
frauds for the future.
"We ought to confider the great loſs fuftained by the public, by means
of the frauds committed in the tobacco trade, and the addition that muft
certainly be made to the revenue, if thofe frauds can be prevented in future.
By this addition, parliament will acquire the means of exercifing one of its
moft enviable privileges, that of diminiſhing the burthens of the country,
the power of doing which will thus be prefented to them in various forms.
If it ſhould be the prevailing opinion, that the diſcharge of the national
debt ſhould be accelerated, this increaſe offers an abundant refource. If the
idea
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
383
idea ſhould prevail, that thoſe taxes ought to be alleviated which fall heaviest
on our manufacturers and the labouring poor, as foap and candles, this increaſe
will replace the difference. Or if it ſhould be judged that more immediate
attention ought to be paid to the current fervice, the fund may be reſerved
for that uſe: and it is manifeſtly unjuſt and impolitic, that the national debt
ſhould be continued, and the payment poftponed; or that the heavy duties
on our manufactures ſhould remain, which are juſtly paid, and without
fraud; or that ways and means for the current ſervice ſhould be annually
impofed, if the prefent revenues will anfwer all or any of theſe purpoſes.
This, I am convinced, will be the effect of the ſcheme I am to propoſe, and
whoever views it in its proper light, muft fee the planters, the fair traders,
and the public ranged on one fide in fupport of it; and none but the un-
fair traders and tobacco factors on the other.
“I am aware that the evidence to be adduced in proof of the exiſtence of
the frauds I am about to enumerate, is not fuch as would be fufficient to
induce a court of juftice to pronounce the guilt of thoſe to whom they may
be imputed. But as I do not undertake the taſk of inculpation, if I make
out fuch a cafe to the committee, as will enable them to decide on the
exiſtence of the crime, they will not heſitate to apply the remedy. They
will confider the deficiency of ftrict legal proof, as a motive for their inter-
ference, rather than their forbearance; more particularly when they reflect,
that if perſons are with difficulty induced to give teftimony in fuch a cafe as
this, where the good of the country only is to be purſued without injury to
any one, they will be ſtill lefs eaſily brought forward to give ſuch information
as will tend to the ruin of others. In this caſe it is hardly too much to ſay,
that gentlemen ſhould learn from the example of thoſe intereſted, how to
conduct themſelves: they have, with an alacrity and unbluſhing eagerness
which proves, which confeffes their guilt, haftily inferred the moſt violent
intentions in the friends of government; they have affumed facts, and in-
ferred intentions without the ſmalleſt data, on which to found their pre-
fumptions. I aſk no more than this; if I fucceed in making it appear
that grofs frauds are daily practifed, and the revenue injured in a moſt daring
and profligate manner, that the propofed remedy, fhould it appear adequate
and applicable, may be reforted to, without fubjecting me to the neceffity
of procuring that which is, in fact, unattainable, fuch precife. proof as would
fatisfy the adminiſtrators of the laws in the difpofal of property, or deciding
on guilt. Such evidence, and fuch facts as I have been able to collect, it is
my duty to lay before you; and it is your duty to fupport me, unleſs my
plan appears totally void of reafon and juſtice."
The
Chapter 41.
1733.
390
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
The minifter then proceeded to give fuch preliminary ſtatements and cal-
3730 to 1734. culations, as were neceffary to render his plans intelligible, to make the
abúſes obvious, and to demonſtrate the propriety and neceffity of reform.
From theſe ſtatements it appeared, that the exifting duties on tobacco
amounted to fixpence and one-third of a penny on every pound. The dif
counts, allowances, and drawbacks, were a total drawback on re-exportation ;
ten per cent. on prompt payment; and fifteen per cent. on bonded duties.
The grofs produce of the tax, at a medium, £. 754,131. 4s. 7 d. the nett
produce only £. 161,000.
Having made theſe ſtatements with the utmoſt exactneſs and perfpicuity,
he proceeded :
"I fhall now point out as clearly as I can, and as amply as my know-
ledge will enable me, the principal frauds and moft glaring inftances of dif-
honefty, which occafion this amazing difproportion. And firft I fhall men-
tion one, which feems alone capable of diverting from its proper channel
the amount of any tax. I mean that of ufing light weights inwards, and
heavy weights outwards, of paying by the firſt, and taking the drawback by
the laft, and charging the planter, and taking commiffion by the whole.
This evil is farther enhanced by negligence; for it is cuftomary to weigh a
few hogfheads only, and if they anſwer, the whole paſs according to the num-
bers in the cocket.
"A particular inftance of this fraud came lately to our knowledge by
mere accident: one Mitford, who had been a confiderable tobacco merchant
in the city, happened to fail, at a time when he owed a large fum of money
on bond to the crown. An extent was immediately iffued againſt him, and
government obtained poffeffion of all his books, by which the fraud was dif-
covered. For it appeared, as may be ſeen by one of his books, which I have
in my hand, that upon the column where the falfe quantities which had been
entered at the importation were marked, he had, by a collufion with the
officer, got a flip of paper fo artfully pafted down, that it could not be diſ-
covered, and upon this flip of paper were written the real quantities which
were entered, becauſe he was obliged to produce the fame book when that
tobacco was entered for exportation. But upon exportation, the tobacco
was entered and weighed according to the quantities marked on this flip of
paper, by which he fecured a drawback, or his bonds returned, to near double
the value of what he had actually paid duty for upon importation. Yet this
Mitford was as honeft a man, and as fair a trader, as any in the city of London.
I defire not to be miſunderſtood; I mean, that before he failed, before theſe
frauds came to be diſcovered, he was always reckoned as honeft a man, and
1
គ
as
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
391
as fair a trader, as any in the city of London, or in any other part of the Chapter 41.
nation."
After enumerating feveral other inftances where government had been
defrauded of a full third of the duties impofed, and legally payable, he came
to Peele's cafe, which is fingular from its enormity. "In September 1732,
this Peele entered in the James and Mary, from Maryland, 310 hogfheads of
tobacco, for which he paid the duty in ready money. In October following,
he fold 200 hogfheads to one Mr. Hyam, for exportation, and they were im-
mediately exported. It appears on theſe 200 hogfheads, that the duties
paid at importation, according to the weights in the land-waiters books, were
ſhort of the real weights by 13,292 pounds. The certificates fworn to for
Mr. Peele to obtain debentures, were to diſcharge bonds given on a former
entry of Virginia tobacco, imported in November 1731. The indorfement
on the cocket made by Mr. Peele, in order to receive the debentures, ex-
ceeded the real weights actually fhipped by 8,288 pounds, fo that the total
of the pounds weight gained by this fraud, amounts to 21,580.
“The next fraud to which I fhall direct your attention, is that of receiv-
ing the drawback on tobacco for exportation, and relanding it. The effects
of this practice are too obvious to require elucidation, and it has been carried
to fuch an extent, that a great number of fhips were employed at Guernſey,
Jerſey, and the Iſle of Man, in receiving and relanding fuch tobacco. Nor was
the evil confined to theſe ports; a very intelligent gentleman, Mr. Howel,
who refided many years in Flanders, has frequently obferved feveral quanti-
ties of tobacco imported into Oftend and Dunkirk, and there repacked in
bales of one hundred pounds each, and put on board veffels which waited
there to reland it in England or Ireland. About twelve months ago, nine
Britiſh veffels were employed in taking cargoes for this purpoſe at Dunkirk.
"The third fraud to which I fhall direct the attention of the committee,
is that of receiving the whole drawback for a commodity of almoſt no value,
namely, the ſtalks of the tobacco, which it is uſual, after the leaf has been
ſtripped off, to prefs flat and cut, and by mixing this offal with fand and
duft, impofe on the revenue officers, and obtain the fame drawback as for
an equal weight of the entire plant. This miferable ſtuff, when the fraudu-
lent purpoſe has once been anſwered, is either thrown into the fea, or re-
landed and fold at three farthings a pound, with an allowance of 1,010 pounds
weight in five hogfheads.
"The fourth fraud I fhall advert to, is one of very great confequence,
known by the name of focking, which is a cant term for pilfering and ſteal-
ing tobacco from ſhips in the river. This iniquitous practice, which was
discovered
1733.
392
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734
difcovered in 1728 and 1729, was chiefly carried on by watermen, lighter-
men, tide-waiters, and city porters, called gangs-men: the commodity fo
pilfered was depoſited in houſes from London Bridge to Woolwich, and af-
terwards fold, frequently to eminent merchants. Five hundred examina-
tions have been taken on the fubject, from which it appears, that, in the
fpace of one year, fifty tons were focked on board fhips and on the quays.
Sixteen tons were ſeized, but that quantity was reckoned an inconfiderable
part of the whole. In confequence of thefe informations, 150 officers were
difmiffed, nine were convicted, of whom fix are ordered for tranſportation,
three to be whipt: thefe profecutions were all carried on at the expence of
government; and it is not a little remarkable, when we recollect the profeſ-
fions of patriotifm, virtue, and difintereſtedneſs, which are now fo copioufly
poured forth, that not a ſingle merchant, though the facts were ſo notorious
and ſhameful, affifted the ſtate either by information or pecuniary exertion to
fupprefs the fraud, or bring the delinquents to puniſhment,
A
"The laſt grievance I fhall mention, cannot fo properly be denominated
a fraud, as an abufe arifing from the nature of the duties paid, and the man-
ner of paying them; I mean the advantage afforded to the merchant of
trading with the public money, or making government pay more than they
receive. Bonds are given for eighteen months, three years are allowed for
the exportation of the article, and new importations diſcharge old bonds.
The loffes which refult to government from the failure of the obligors in
theſe bonds, is immenſe; befides the ungracious taſk to which it ſubjects
them, of fuing the fureties who had no intereft in the contract. The rich
trader has another advantage; he avoids giving bonds, by paying the amount
of his duties in ready money, for which he is allowed a diſcount of ten per
cent. Now it is very common, and not out of the line of fair trade, for
merchant to pay this duty, receive the difcount, and by immediately enter-
ing the fame commodity for exportation, gain an advantage (I will not fay de-
fraud the revenue) of ten per cent. without lofs, rifque, or expenditure.
a
"The frauds which I have here enumerated are, I apprehend, fufficiently
proved to fatisfy the committee of their exiſtence, and their enormity is ob-
vious enough to demand active interference. The only remedy I can deviſe,
is that of altering the manner of collecting the duties. Frauds become prac-
ticable by having but one check at importation, and one at exportation: if
there is but one centinel at a garrifon, and he fleeps, or is corrupted, the
caſtle is taken; but if there are more than one, it is in vain to corrupt the
firft, without extending the fame influence to thoſe who remain; and when
difficulties
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
393-
difficulties are fo multiplied, the project becomes hazardous and uncertain, Chapter 41.
and is abandoned.
"If the grievance then is admitted, it only remains to mention the remedy,
and to confider whether it is effectual, or whether it is worfe than the diſeaſe.
"The laws of the cuſtoms are manifeftly infufficient to prevent the frauds
which already exift; I therefore propoſe to add the laws of exciſe; and by
means of both, it is probable, I may fay certain, that all fuch frauds will be
prevented in future.
=
"I have already ſtated to the committee, that the ſeveral impoſts on tobacco
amount to fix pence and one third of a penny per pound, all of which muſt
be paid down in ready money upon importation, with the allowance of ten
per cent. upon prompt payment; or there muſt be bonds given, with fufficient
fureties, for payment, which is often a great lofs to the public, and always
a great inconvenience to the merchant importer. Whereas, by what I fhall
propofe, the whole duty will amount to no more than four pence three far-
things per pound, and will not be paid till the tobacco is fold for home
conſumption; fo that if the merchant exports his tobacco, he will be quite
free from all payment of duty, or giving fecurity; he will have nothing to
do but re-load his tobacco for exportation, without being at the trouble of
attending to have his bonds cancelled, or taking out debentures for the
drawbacks all which, I conceive, muft be a great eafe to the fair trader;
and to every fuch trader the prevention of frauds must be a great advan-
tage, becauſe it will put all the tobacco traders in Britain on the fame foot-
ing, which is but juft and equitable, and what ought, if poffible, to be ac-
compliſhed.
"Now, in order to make this cafe effectual to the fair trader, and to contri-
bute to his advantage, by preventing, as much as poffible, all frauds for the
future, I propofe, as I have faid, to join the laws of excife to thofe of the cuf-
toms, and to leave the one penny, or rather three farthings per pound, called
the farther fubfidy, to be ftill charged at the cuftom houfe, upon the impor-
tation of tobacco, which three farthings fhall be payable to his majefty's civil
lift as heretofore; and I propoſe for the future, that all tobacco, after being
weighed at the cuſtom-houfe, and charged with the faid three farthings per
pound, fhall be lodged in a warehoufe or warehoufes, to be appointed by the
commiffioners of excife for that purpoſe, of which warehouſe the merchant
importer fhall have one lock and key, and the warehoufe-keeper to be ap-
pointed by the faid commiffioners fhall have another, that the tobacco
may lie fafe in that warehouſe, till the merchant finds a market for it,
either for exportation or home confumption: if his market be for ex-
VOL. I.
3. E
portation.
1733.
MEMOIRS OF
394
Period V.
portation, he may apply to his warehouſe-keeper, and take out as much for
1730 to 1734. that purpoſe as he has occafion for, which, when weighed at the custom-
houfe, fhall be diſcharged of the three farthings per pound with which it was
charged upon importation, fo that the merchant may then export it without
any farther trouble. But if his market be for home confumption, he
ſhall pay the three farthings charged upon it at the cuſtom-houſe upon im-
portation, and then, upon calling his warehouſe-keeper, he may deliver it
to the buyer, on paying an inland duty of four pence per pound, to the proper
officer appointed to receive the fame.
"And whereas all penalties and forfeitures to become due by the laws now
in being, for regulating the collection of the duties on tobacco, or at leaſt
all that part of them which is not given to informers, now belong to the
crown, I now propofe that all fuch penalties and forfeitures, in fo far as they
formerly belonged to the crown, fhall for the future belong to the public, and
be applicable to the fame ufes to which the faid duties fhall be made appli-
cable by parliament; and for that purpoſe I have the king's commands to
acquaint the houfe that he, out of his great regard for the public good, with
pleaſure confents that they fhall be fo applied; which is a condefcenfion in
his majefty, that I hope every gentleman in this houſe is fully fenfible of, and
will freely acknowledge.
"Having thus explained my fcheme to the committee, I fhall briefly touch
on the advantages to be derived from, and anticipate fome of the objections:
which may probably be made to it.
"Firſt then, turning duties upon importation into duties on confumption,
is manifeftly a great benefit to the merchant importer. The paying down of
duties, or bonding, are heavy burthens. The payment of duties requires a
treble ſtock to what would elfe be requifite in trade; and the aſking fecurities,
beſides numerous other inconveniences, fubjects the merchant to the neceffity
of returning the favour. It hardly requires to be mentioned, that it is a very
great accommodation to be obliged to provide for the payment of one penny
only, inſtead of fix pence and one third of a penny.
"The next benefit is the great abatement on the whole duty. The in-
land duty being four pence per pound, and the remaining fubfidy three
farthings, gives an abatement of 10 per cent. and of 15 per cent. upon the
whole: whereas, the 25 per cent. is at prefent given only on the money paid
down, which is not a fifth of the whole, and but 15 per cent. allowed on
the four fifths which is bonded. Thus a duty of five pence farthing is paid
on four fifths of the tobacco, and four pence three farthings on the other
fifth; while by the plan I propoſe, no more than four pence three farthings
will
1
9.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
395
1
1733.
will be paid on the whole. It is eafy to calculate how great the advantage Chapter 41.
muſt be to the planter and fair trader from this arrangement, which demands
fo fmall an advance, exempts them from all the inconveniences of finding fure-
ties, and requires no payment of any confequence, till the moment when
a purchaſer preſents himſelf to refund the coft.
"If it fhould be objected against this project, that it makes the tobacco.
trade a ready money buſineſs, which it cannot bear; I anfwer, that it may be
fo or not, as the parties themſelves may chufe to arrange it; for if the
merchant gives the confumer credit, as he now does, for the duties as well
as the commodity, the objection ceafes to have any weight.
"The great advantage to the public will be this, that no duty being paid
on tobacco defigned for exportation, an immediate ftop will be put to the
fraud on drawbacks, and to moft of the difgraceful efforts of diſhoneſty,
which I have previouſly enumerated. This fact does not require to be veri-
fied by an experiment; it is fufficiently proved by the fuccefs and facility
which attend the collection of the malt duty.
"I come now to the main point, and which alone can admit of debate;
the grand objection of making the dealers in tobacco fubject to the laws of
excife. I am aware, that on this fubject I have arguments or rather affertions.
to encounter, which are of great import in found, though of very little in ſenſe.
Thoſe who deal in thefe general declamations ftigmatize the ſcheme in the moft
unqualified manner, as tending to reduce thoſe ſubjected to it to a ſtate of
flavery. This is an affertion, the fallacy of which can only be determined by
compariſon. There are already ten or twelve articles of confumption fub-
jected to the excife laws; the revenue derived from them amounts to about
£3,200,000 per annum, which is appropriated to particular purpoſes. A
great number of perfons are, of courſe, involved in the operation of theſe
laws; yet, till the prefent moment, when fo inconfiderable an addition is pro-
pofed, not a word has been uttered about the dreadful hardſhips to be ap-
prehended from them. Theſe clamours of intereſted and difaffected perfons
are beſt anſwered by the contented taciturnity of thofe in whoſe behalf their
arguments, if of any force, ought to operate. Are the brewers and maltſters
flaves, or do they reckon themfelves fo? Are they not as free in elections, to
elect or be elected, as any others? or let any gentleman preſent fay, if he
ever met with any oppofition from, or by means of an excifeman?
"I quit this general topic to advert to more particular and fpecific ob-
jections: The chief of them are, houſes liable to be fearched; the being
fubject to the determination of commiffioners, without appeal, who are necef-
farily creatures of the crown; the number of excife officers; the injury the
3 E 2
fubject
396
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734
fubject will fuftain in being tried without a jury; and the particular intereft
of the crown in this alteration..
"To all theſe objections one general obfervation will apply; that if for
thefe reaſons this fcheme is to be relinquished, the whole fyftem of excife laws
ought to be abandoned. But I fhall examine them one by one. I begin with
the laſt, the moſt cruel and unjuſt, becauſe it tends to fet up an improper
diſtinction, and draw a ftrong line of oppofition between the intereſts of the
crown and the interefts of the people; that is to fay, between the eſtate and
particular property of the crown, and the eftate and particular property of
the public: this naturally leads to a general confideration of the public re-
venues..
"The revenues may be computed at £.6,700,000 per annum. The
public has of this, as its particular intereft and property, about £. 5,900,000.
per annum, namely, the appropriated funds and annual fupplies. The
proportion remaining to the crown, £.800,000, is not an eighth part of
the whole. And here, in order to obviate a general mifreprefentation, it is
neceſſary to ſtate, that the civil lift revenues, in five years, from Midfummer
1727 to Midfummer 1732, have fallen fhort of the fum they are ſuppoſed to
produce by upwards of £.26,000 a year on the average.. Happy indeed
would be the ſtate of the country, if the appropriated duties would anſwer
all the proper engagements, and leave a furplus fufficient for the current fer--
vice! But if that great object is not attainable, it is furely well worth the at--
tention of parliament to provide for a moiety, or even a fourth part of the
current fervice. The appropriated duties were funds for paying the intereſt
of the national debt. There had been deficiencies in feveral, but now a
fupply is made; a finking fund for gradually diſcharging the principal. A
million per annum has for feveral years been applied, and that, by the pub-
lic creditors, is now thought more than fufficient..
"If under the prefent management, the duties produce much leſs than
ought to be paid to the public, has the public a right to make the moſt of
their own revenues, or are they alone excluded from doing themſelves juftice?
To object against the improvement of the king's part, is to fay, that the
public had better be defrauded of feven parts in eight, than that juftice.
ſhould be done to the crown in the eighth. If manifeft frauds were diſco-
vered in a branch belonging entirely to the civil lift, the poſt office, for ex-
ample, would you rather fanction the wrong than do juſtice to the crown?
Why then this unreaſonable jealouſy in the prefent inftance? I call the jea-
loufy unreaſonable, becauſe in this propofition all poffible care has been
taken
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
397
1
1733.
taken to avoid the imputation of being defigned for the benefit of the crown. Chapter 41.
The penny which goes to the civil lift is left to be paid at the custom-houſe.
All increaſe from the inland duty is not to go to the crown but to the public.
All fines, forfeitures, and penalties arifing from the inland duties, are re-
nounced by the crown, and appropiated to the public. In a word, the crown
will have no intereft in the inland duty, but as truſtee for the public.
"This fact, duly confidered, anfwers the great objection to the determi-
nation of commiffioners. For granting, for a moment, that commiffioners are
to be fuppofed corrupt, venal, and creatures of the crown, what influence can
their regard for the crown have on them, to induce them to opprefs the peo-
ple, when the crown has no intereft in their determination? But though this
anſwer might reaſonably be deemed fatisfactory and ſufficient, yet to obviate
even ſpeculative objections, a remedy is fupplied for this fuppofed grievance,
by inveſting three of the twelve judges with a power of determining, in a
fummary way, all appeals brought before them within the bills of mortality;
and in the country, the fame power is to be veſted in one of the judges of
the affize going the next circuit. This renders it impoffible that the inte-
reft of the ſubject can be facrificed to undue influence on the one hand, or
the revenue to private folicitation, perfonal friendſhip or regard on the other..
While fuch a tribunal preſents itſelf, no offender would chuſe to be carried
into Weſtminſter hall, rather than have his caufe judged in a fummary way.
The benefit of a trial by jury would not induce a man to encounter the te-
dious, vexatious, and expenfive proceedings in a court of law, more burthen-
fome than the penalties and forfeitures in difpute. As far as my own obfer-
vation enables me to judge on the preſent fyftem, where the commiffioners
have, in moſt cafes, a power to determine themſelves, or to bring informa-
tions, I have found that moſt people, againſt whom informations have been
laid, have been defirous that their cauſes ſhould be determined by commif-
fioners; but I never yet heard of one who was willing to take his cauſe out
of the hands of the commiffioners to have it tried in Weftminſter hall. One
reafon which contributes to render the exerciſe of power by the commiffioners
more popular is, that they poffefs the privilege of mitigation, which is not
entruſted to the judges, who are merely adminiſtrators of the law, according
to the letter.
"The next objection is the increaſe of revenue officers, which fear,
intereſt, and affectation have magnified into a ſtanding army. This ſtand-
ing army, allowing the propofed addition to extend to tobacco and wine, will
not, according to the eftimate of the commiffioners, exceed one hundred and
twenty-fix perions; that number, in addition to thofe already employed, will
do
1
398
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
do all the duty. In this computation, warehouſe-keepers are of courſe not
1730 to 1734 included, their number must be uncertain, for the fatisfaction and accommo-
dation of the merchants: Few houſes, however, out of London, will be fub-
ject to the exciſe laws which are not ſo already.
"The only remaining objection is, the power of officers to enter and fearch
houfes. This objection could not poffibly have any weight, without the aid
of grofs mifconception, or mifreprefentation. All warehoufes, cellars, fhops,
and rooins uſed for keeping, manufacturing, or felling tobacco, are to be en-
tered at the inland office. Thefe are to be always liable to the infpection of
the officer, and it is to be made penal to keep or conceal tobacco in any room
or place not entered. But no other part of the houſe is liable to be fearched
without a warrant and a conftable, which warrant is not to be granted with-
out an affidavit of the caufe of fufpicion. The practice of the cuſtoms is now
ſtronger; they can enter with a writ of affiftance without any affidavit. But
why all this folicitude in the behalf of fraud? If the powers given by either,
or both the ſyſtems of revenue law are not fufficient (as I am informed they
are not in the caſe of tea) it is an argument to add more checks, but no ar-
gument againſt the application of this.
"The regulation in theſe two commodities, can affect neither trade, the
poor, or the manufacturer. The poor are not at all concerned in the queſtion
of tobacco, as the retailer now fells all tobacco at the rate of duty paid. The
manufacturer is concerned as little, for the fame reaſon, and neither one or
the other drinks any wine. The landed intereft cannot be affected by it in
confequence of an advanced charge on the poor and the manufacturer. The
whole clamour then is in favour of the retailer or tradefinan, and even he
cannot ſuffer, unleſs guilty of frauds.
>
“This is the ſcheme which has been repreſented in fo dreadful and terri-
ble a light; this is the monſter, the many-headed monſter, which was to de-
vour the people, and commit fuch ravages over the whole nation. How
justly it has been repreſented in fuch a light, I fhall leave to this committee
and to the world without doors to judge. I have faid, and will repeat it,
that whatever apprehenfions and terrors people may have been brought under
from a falfe and malicious reprefentation of what they neither did, or could
know or underſtand, I am fully purfuaded, that when they have duly confider-
ed the ſcheme I have now the honour to open to you, they will view it in an-
other light; and that if it has the good fortune to meet the approbation of
parliament, and comes to take effect, the people will foon feel the happy con-
fequences of it; and when they experience thefe good effects, they will no
longer
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
399
longer look on thoſe perfons as their friends, who have fo grofsly impoſed on Chapter 41.
their underſtandings.
"I look upon it as a moft innocent ſcheme; it can be hurtful to none but
ſmugglers and unfair traders. I am certain it will be of great benefit to the
revenue, and will tend to make LONDON A FREE PORT, AND BY CONSE-
QUENCE, THE MARKET OF THE WORLD. IfI had thought otherwiſe of
it I would never have ventured to propoſe it in this place."
He then concluded, by moving a repeal of the fubfidy and additional duty
on tobacco, amounting in the whole to five pence and one third of a penny
in the pound weight.
The members of oppofition were not filenced or diſmayed by the ample and
candid manner in which the minifter opened and explained his fcheme, and
pointed out its benefits. Though he had anticipated many of their objections,
and fhewn their futility, yet they brought them forward with as much confi-
dence and perſeverance as if they had been perfectly juft and entirely new.
The debate was long and animated; the miniſter was principally fupported
by Mr. Yorke, then attorney general, and afterwards earl of Hardwicke, and
Sir Jofeph Jekyll, mafter of the rolls. The principal orators of oppofition
were alderman Perry, Sir Paul Methuen, Sir John Barnard, Heathcote, Pul-
teney, and Sir William Wyndham, who peculiarly diſtinguiſhed himſelf on
this occafion.
1733.
oppofition.
Their efforts were generally directed to countenance the popular clamours, Arguments of
which they themſelves had excited: They recurred to all the inflammatory
topics drawn from the introduction of a ſtanding army of excifemen,
giving arbitrary power to the prince, and enflaving the fubject. They de-
preciated the propoſed ſcheme, by affecting to demonftrate, that when the
manner of committing a fraud was diſcovered, the farther perpetration of
it became impracticable. Alderman Perry, in the name of the merchants of
London, offered to answer for all the bonds outſtanding, in confideration
of a diſcount of £. 20,000, but he took care to except all thoſe which were
defperate, and made no calculation of their probable amount. Sir John Bar-
nard called in the commiffioners of the cuſtoms, who were obviouſly intereſted
to prevent the completion of the excife fcheme, and aſked them what they
thought the frauds in the tobacco trade might amount to, one year with an-
other? They answered, they had never made any computation; but one of
them ſaid that he had, as matter of private curiofity, calculated on the ſub-
ject, and thought it might amount to thirty or forty thousand pounds a
year. Sir John then enquired; Whether it was their opinion, that if the
officers of the customs did their duty diligently and faithfully, it would ef-
fectually
4.00
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734
Walpole's
reply.
fectually prevent all or moft of the frauds in the tobacco trade? This was,
of courfe, anfwered in the affirmative. On the bafis of this looſe unauthen-
ticated information, and hardy affertion, the oppofition reviled the ſcheme
with the moft unqualified abuſe, and unfparing ridicule.
Pulteney faid, "The honourable gentleman was pleafed to dwell on the
generofity of the crown in giving up the fines, forfeitures, and feizures to the
public; but in my opinion, it will be a poor equivalent for the many oppref-
fions and exactions which the people will be expoſed to by this ſcheme. I
muft fay, that the honourable gentleman has been, of late, mighty bounti-
ful and liberal in his offers to the public. He has been fo gracious to aſk us,
Will you have a land tax of two fhillings in the pound? A land, tax of one
fhilling in the pound? Or will you have no land tax at all? Will you have
your debts paid? Will you have them foon paid? Tell me but what you
want, let me but know how you can be made eaſy, and it fhall be done
for you. Theſe are moft generous offers; but there is fomething fo very ex-
traordinary, ſo farcical in them, that, really, I can hardly mention them with-
out laughing: It puts me in mind of the ftory of Sir Epicure Mammon
in the Alchymift. He was gulled of his money by fine promiſes; he was
promiſed the philofopher's ftone, by which he was to get mountains of gold,
and every thing elfe he could defire; but all ended at laft in fome little thing
for curing the itch."
:
Sir William Wyndham made a moft able and vehement fpeech, in which
he alluded to Empfom and Dudley, who, to gratify the avarice of their maſter,
drained the purfes of the fubjects, not by new taxes, but by a fevere and ri-
gorous execution of the laws that had been enacted. "But what was their
fate? They had the misfortune to out-live their maſter, and his fon, as foon
as he came to the throne, took off both their heads." "There never was a
ſcheme," added he, "which encountered fo much diflike and diffatisfaction
from the people in general; the whole nation has already fo openly declared
their averfion, that I am furpriſed to ſee it infifted on; the very propofing of
fuch a ſcheme in the houſe of commons, after fo many remonftrances againſt
it I muſt think moft audacious; it is, in a manner, flying in the face of the
whole people of England."
In reply to thefe obfervations, the minifter faid, that much of the matter
thrown out by the ſpeakers on the other fide was foreign to the debate: that
the ancient hiftorians, not only of this but other countries, had been ranfack-
ed to find parallel cafes of wicked minifters, and make affected applications.
"Of late years (he faid) I have dwelt but little in the ftudy of hiftory, but I
have a very good prompter behind me," (meaning the attorney general)" and
by
.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
401
1
1733.
by his means I can recollect, that the cafe of Empfom and Dudley was fo Chapter 41.
different from any thing that can poffibly be prefumed from the cafe now
before us, that I wonder how it was poffible to bring them into the debate.
Thofe men had, by virtue of old and obfolete laws, unjustly extorted great
fums of money from people, under pretence that they had become liable to
penalties for the breach of ftatutes, which had for many years fallen into dif
ufe. I muſt fay (and I hope moſt of thofe who hear me will think) that it is
very unjuſt to draw any parallel between their characters and mine. If my
character is, or ſhould ever come to be, in any reſpect, like their's, I ſhall de-
ferve their fate? But while I know myfelf innocent, I fhall depend upon the
protection of the laws of my country; as long as they can protect me I am
fafe; and if that protection fhould fail, I am prepared to fubmit to the worst
that can happen. I know that my political and minifterial life has by fome
gentlemen been long wifhed at an end, but they may afk their own diſap-
pointed hearts, how vain their wishes have been; and as for my natural life, I
have lived long enough to learn to be eaſy about parting with it."
He then adverted to the artifices which had been uſed to exafperate
the people, whom he compared to puppets, which perfons behind the
curtain played, and obliged to fay whatever they pleafed. He expoſed the
methods which had been uſed to draw a concourfe of people to the door,
fuch as fending circular letters by the beadles; and concluded in thefe words;
•
Gentleman may fay what they pleaſe of the multitudes now at our door,
and in all the avenues leading to this houfe; they may call them a modeft
multitude if they will; but whatever temper they were in when they came
hither, it may be very much altered now, after having waited fo long at
our door. It may be very eafy for fome defigning feditious perfon to raiſe
ca tumult and diforder among them, and when tumults are once begun, no
man knows where they may end; he is a greater man than any I know in the
nation, that could with the fame eafe appeaſe them. For this reafon, I think
it was neither regular or prudent to ufe any methods for bringing fuch mul-
titudes to this place, under any pretence whatever. Gentlemen may give
them what name they think fit, it may be faid they came hither as humble
fupplicants, but I know whom the law calls sturdy beggars *, and thoſe who
*I was informed, on the refpe&table autho.
rity of the late much to be regretted lord John
Cavendish, that the minifter ufed the phrafe
VOL. I.
furdy beggars, not as a matter of reproach, but
to mark that the petitioners againſt the excife,
were formidable petitioners.
3 F
brought
402
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734
Violence of
the multi-
tude.
Farther pro-
ceedings.
brought them hither, could not be certain but that they might have behaved
in the fame manner.
After a few words from Sir John Barnard, in which he defended the
affembling of people at the doors, and affectedly gave to the phraſe Sturdy
beggars, that invidious fenfe in which it was afterwards fo much repeated
by the enemies of the minifter, the queftion was called for, and paſſed by a
majority of 61; (266 againſt 205.) The firft refolution being thus carried,
three others were put, and agreed to without a divifion.
The debate was protracted till two o'clock in the morning, an hour at
that time conſidered extremely late. The people without were fo exaſperated,
that as Sir Robert paffed towards his carriage, fome of them caught him by
the cloak, and would probably have committed fome violent outrage on his
perfon, if his fon, Edward Walpole, and general Churchill had not inter-
fered.
On the 16th Sir Charles Turner, according to order, reported to the houſe
the proceedings of the committee. The debate was refumed with increaſed
acrimony. Sir John Barnard, Bacon, Sir Thomas Afton,, lord Morpeth,
Pulteney, and Walter Plumer oppofed the queftion, that the houfe ſhould
agree to the report. Horace Walpole, lord Hervey, Sir Thomas Robin-
fon, lord Glenorchy, Clayton, and Sir Robert Walpole fupported it; the
houſe divided; the affirmative was voted by a majority of 60 *; (249 againſt
189) and Sir Charles Turner, the chancellor of the exchequer, the attorney
general, the folicitor general, Doddington, Clayton, Sir William Yonge, Sir
George Oxenden, Scrope, and Edward Walpole, were directed to prepare and
bring in the bill.
The effect of this bill on the public mind was fo great, and the ferment
it occafioned fo violent, that I have judged it proper to ftate every divifion
which took place during its difcuffion. It is unneceffary to fpecify the par-
ticulars of the debates, which, though conducted with great afperity, con-
tained little novelty, and were often on mere points of order, or difcuffion
of precedents.
The bill was brought in, and read a firſt time, on the 4th of April. An
objection was made that fome parts of it were not within the compaſs of the
refolutions, and that it fhould therefore be withdrawn. This was over-
ruled by a majority of 56; (232 againſt 176). A motion being then made
for the houſe to adjourn, was negatived by 237 againſt 199, and another for
* Journals,
+ Ibid.
t
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
403
1733.
the fecond reading on that day fe'nnight was carried by a majority of 36*; Chapter 41.
(236 againſt 200.) The next day it was propofed to print the bill, and dif-
tribute a proper number of copies to the members of the houfe, which
being oppofed by the minifter, was negatived by a majority of 16 f; (128
against 112.)
The lord mayor of London, however, contrived to obtain a copy, and laid
it before the common council; who refolved to petition the houſe againſt the
bill, and prayed to be heard by counfel. The petition was patroniſed by
Sir John Barnard, and ordered to lie on the table; but their being heard by roth April.
counfel was over-ruled by a majority of 17; (214 againſt 197.) The next
day fimilar applications were made from the towns of Nottingham and Co-
ventry. The order of the day being then read, for the fecond reading of the
bill, Walpole moved that it fhould be poftponed to the twelfth day of June:
As it was generally underflood, that the houſe would adjourn before that Bill relia-
day, it was manifeft, that the minifter meant to abandon his ſcheme.
quiſhed.
mode, however, of dropping it, did not pleaſe the patriots of oppofition, they
wanted it to be rejected with ſome ſevere animadverfion, but though fome
hints were thrown out to that effect, yet the general fenfe of the houſe,
which was uncommonly full, was fo apparent againſt it, that they did not
think it prudent to make any ſpecific motion.
This
Many conjectures have been made on the motives which induced the mi-
nifter to abandon his plan; but I find none fo fatisfactory as the diflike
of counteracting the public opinion. The decline of his majority from
61 on the firſt, to 17 on the laft divifion, affords no folution of his motives,
for the intermediate queftions were not of fo much importance as the firft,
and though fome of his friends, undoubtedly from a dread of encountering
the fury of a mifguided populace, retired for a time from the fcene of con-
teft, I do not find, from the printed lift in the Hiſtorical Regiſter, that more
than four joined the ftandard of oppofition. Nor is it probable that the
threat of farther deſertions alarmed the minifter, becauſe, if his partifans had
refolved to abandon him, they would have united themfelves with the oppofi-
tion, and have formed a conftant majority in the houſe againſt him.
anecdote recorded by one of his friends, renders it ftill more probable, that
his unwillingneſs to carry any meaſure marked by popular difapprobation,
was the true motive of his conduct.
An
"On the evening before the report, Sir Robert fummoned a meeting of
* Journals.
† Ibid.
‡ Ibid.
3 F 2
the
404
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
}
the principal members who had fupported the bill. It was very largely at
*730 to 1734 tended. He referved his own opinion till the laft: But perfeverance was-
the unanimous voice. It was urged that all taxes were obnoxious, and there".
would be an end of fupplies, if mobs were to controul the legislature in
the manner of raifing them. When Sir Robert had heard them all, he af--
fured them," How confcious he was of having meant well; that in the
prefent inflamed temper of the people, the act could not be carried into exe-
cution. without an armed force. That there would be an end of the liberty'
of England, if fupplies were to be raifed by the fword. If, therefore, the
reſolution was to proceed with the bill, he would inftantly requeft the king's-
permiffion to refign, for he would not be the minifter to enforce taxes, at
the expence of blood*."
Public rea
joicings.
Farther ef
forts of oppo
ftion:
20th April.
{
Though the houſe did not rife, as was expected, before the 12th of June,:
yet they adjourned over that day, fo that the tobacco bill was dropt, and
the wine bill was never brought forward. The defeat of this propofitions
was celebrated in London, and various parts of the kingdom, as a great na-
tional victory. Bonfires were made, effigies burnt, cockades were generally.
worn, infcribed with the motto of Liberty, Property, and no Excise; the
Monument was illuminated, and every demonftration given of exuberant
triumph and exceffive joy. The univerfity of Oxford gave into the fame
folly, and carried their rejoicings to a moft indecent excefs.. The gownfmen
joined and encouraged the mob, jacobitical cries refounded through the town,
and three days paffed in this difgraceful manner before the vice chancellor
and proctors could reftore tranquillity.
+1
The public rejoicings, and the general averfion entertained againſt the excife,
inſpired the oppofition with hopes that they would be enabled, through that:
medium, to embarraſs government, and effect the removal of the minifter,
by compelling him to repeal the whole body of excife laws. With this view,
petition from the dealers in tea and coffee, praying for relief againſt the
excife laws, as oppreffive and injurious to trade, was prefented, but it was re--
jected by 250 againſt 150.
Notwithſtanding this defeat, the oppofition ftill laboured under two grofs›
miſtakes the firſt was, that inany members who promoted the bill, had
voted in contradiction to their real fentiments from felf intereft and the
fecond, that the king did not cordially fupport the minifter, but waited only
for a favourable opportunity of removing him. They had the mortification
however to be fully undeceived in thefe opinions. A fufficient proof that
* This anecdote is mentioned in ". Hif-
torical Remarks on the Taxation of free.
States," on the authority of Mr. White, mem-
ber for Retford, who lived in friendſhip with
Sir Robert Walpole.
+ Journals,
}
9
they
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
405
1733.
April 25.
they had undervalued the number of thofe members who were attached to Chapter 41.
the miniſter ſoon appeared, upon a motion, for appointing by ballot a
committee to enquire into the frauds in the cuſtoms. This propofal
was intended to reduce the minifter to a dilemma. If it had been re-
jected, it would have been faid, that he durſt not ſtand an inquiry into the
facts which he had laid down as the principle on which the exciſe bill was
founded: If it was carried, great hopes were entertained, that in chufing a
committee by ballot, many of thoſe members who they believed had fup-
ported the miniſter from a dread of incurring his diſpleaſure, would venture
to give their votes in favour of their lift, in preference to the court lift,
when it would not be known for which lift each particular perfon gave his
No oppofition being made, a ballot took place, and a warm conteſt
enfued; each fide acted an open and manly part. Their refpective lifts con-
tained the names of thofe only who were ftaunch friends, and the court lift
was carried by a majority of 85. This decifive victory put an end to the.
efforts and hopes of oppofition for this feffion of parliament *..
vote.
The king
fupports
Walpole
They were no leſs undeceived in their opinion, that the king did not cor-
dially fupport the minifter. Some perfons of great confequence, had alfo
about this period joined oppofition, and this defection was increaſed
from an idea which generally prevailed, that the credit of Walpole was de-
clining, and his difgrace certain. In the houfe of peers, the oppofition,
which had been rendered formidable by the junction of lord Carteret,
was confiderably increaſed by the defection of feveral who enjoyed very pro-
fitable pofts under the crown: The earl of Cheſterfield, lord fteward of the
houfhold, the earl of Burlington, captain of the band of penfioners, lord:
Clinton, lord of the bed chamber, and three Scotch peers, the duke of Mon-
trofe, keeper of the great feal, the earl of Stair, vice admiral, and the earl of
Marchmont, lord regifter. To theſe were added, lord Cobham, colonel of
the king's regiment of horfe, and the duke of Bolton, colonel of the king's
regiment of horſe guards. Many of theſe had influenced their friends in:
the houſe of commons, and particularly the three brothers of lord: Chefter-
field, had voted againſt the excife bill. It was generally believed, that the
number and confequence of thefe peers would prevent the miniſter from.
venturing to remove them, and that the king would not conſent to their dif-
miffion or refignation. But the event proved otherwife. On the 11th Removals
of April the excife bill was abandoned; and on the 13th, as the earl of Cheſter-
field, in company with lord Scarborough, was going up the great ftair-cafe.
* De la Faye and Thomas Pelham, to the earl Waldegrave. Correfpondence, April 26..
Maty's Life of Lord Cheſterfield. Sect. 4.
of
406
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
of the palace at St. James's, he was informed by a fervant of the duke of
1730 to 1734 Grafton, that his maſter wanted to fee him on bufinefs of the greateft im-.
And promo-
ions.
}
portance; on returning home the duke of Grafton waited on him, and ac-
quainted him that he was come by the king's command to require the furrender
of the white ſtaff, which was immediately delivered. The difmiffion of Chef-
terfield was followed by the removal of Montroſe, the earls of Stair, Burling
ton, and Marchmont, and lord Clinton. The refentment of the minifter was
carried fo far, that lord Cobham and the duke of Bolton were even deprived
of their regiments *.
The authority of the miniſter was alfo fully proved by the nomination of
his confidential friends to the vacant offices, among whom the earl of Ilay was
moſt conſpicuous. His fon, lord Walpole, was alſo made lord lieutenant
of the county of Devon, in the room of lord Clinton, and all doubts
of his fuperior influence in the cabinet, were removed by the appoint-
ment of Sir Charles Wager to the office of firft lord of the admiralty,
vacant by the death of lord Torrington, which took place in June. His
power on this occafion was far more evident, becauſe there was no inſtance,
fince the acceffion of the houſe of Brunſwick, that a commoner was raiſed
to that high office, and becauſe George the Second had a ſtrong predilection
for perſons of rank, and had been informed, that the family of Sir Charles
Wager was not fufficiently diftinguiſhed.
It is curious to obferve the veteran feaman, in a letter to Sir Robert Wal-
pole, found his title to that poſt, not on his naval ſervices, which no one could
deny, but on a fanciful genealogy. The demur, however, was over-ruled by
the miniſter, the king's fcruples were removed, the Herald's office did not
ftand in his way, and he was placed at the head of the admiralty, which
poft he continued to fill, during the adminiſtration of Walpole, with much
advantage to the miniſter, with great benefit to his country, and with no leſs
credit to himſelf.
The king, in his ſpeech from the throne, on the prorogation of the par-
liament, adverted to the artifices employed to delude the minds of the people,
and to pervert the truth. "I cannot paſs by unobſerved, the wicked endea-
vours that have lately been made uſe of to inflame the minds of the people,
and by the moſt unjuſt miſrepreſentation to raiſe tumults and diforders, that
almoſt threatened the peace of the kingdom; but I depend upon the force
of truth, to remove the groundleſs jealoufies that have been raiſed, of deſigns
* Hiſtorical Regiſter.
Sir Charles Wager to Sir Robert Walpole, 12 July, 1731. Correfpondence, Period V.
carrying
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
407
}
1734.
carrying on againſt the liberties of my people, and upon your known fidelity, Chapter 42.
to defeat and fruftrate the expectations of fuch as delight in confufion. It
is my inclination, and has always been my ſtudy, to preſerve the religious and
civil rights of all my fubjects. Let it be your care to undeceive the deluded,
and to make them fenfible of their preſent happineſs, and the hazard they run
of being unwarily drawn, by fpecious pretences, into their own deftruction."
CHAPTER THE FORTY-SECOND:
1734.
Character of Lord Hardwicke.-Parliamentary Proceedings.-Efforts of the Mi-
nority in Parliament.-The Excife.-The Removal of the Duke of Bolton and
Lord Cobham.-The Place Bill.-Motion for the Repeal of Septennial Par-
liaments.-Sir William Wyndham's Speech.-Walpole's Reply.-Bolingbroke's
retreat to Franee.-The King's Speech.-Diffolution of Parliament.
IN
N confequence of the numerous removals and refignations among the
peers, which had taken place the laſt feffion, the oppoſition in the upper
houſe became extremely formidable, and the majority of good ſpeakers were
ranged on that fide. To counterbalance this preponderancy, Sir Philip
Yorke was made lord chief juſtice of the court of King's Bench.
This great lawyer, who fat fo long and with fo diftinguiſhed a character His charaes
for integrity and knowledge at the head of the law, had raiſed himſelf folely ter.
by his eminent talents. The eloquence which he diſplayed at the bar had
recommended him to notice, and in 1719 he was appointed folicitor general,
in the 30th year of his age; at the fame time he was re-elected for the borough
of Lewes in Suffex, by the intereft of his patron, the duke of Newcaſtle. In
1723 he was nominated attorney general, and highly diſtinguiſhed himſelf
by his prudent and able ſpeeches in the houſe of commons. In October,
1733, he was conſtituted lord chief juſtice of the King's Bench, and in No-
vember, in the fame year, called to the upper house, by the title of baron
Hardwicke.
408
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
$730 to 1734.
Meeting of
parliament.
Efforts of the
minority.
February 4.
Petition
againſt the
excife.
•
Hardwicke. The ftyle of his eloquence was more adapted to the houſe of
lords than to the houſe of commons. The tone of his voice was pleafing
and melodious, his manner was placid and dignified. Preciſion of arrange-
ment, cloſeneſs of argument, fluency of expreffion, elegance of diction, great
knowledge of the fubject on which he fpoke, were his particular characteriſtics.
He feldom roſe into great animation; his chief aim was more to convince
than amuſe; to appeal to the judgment rather than to the feelings of his audi-
tors. He poffeffed a perfect command over himſelf, and his even temper was
never ruffled by petulant oppofition, or malignant invective.
The parliament affembled on the 17th January, and as it was the laſt
feffion, the minority exerted their utmoſt efforts to diftrefs the minifter, and
to increaſe his unpopularity.
The plan of attack was in this, as in the feffion of 1730, principally form-
ed by Bolingbroke; and under his aufpices, and by his direction, ably con-
ducted by Sir William Wyndham, who feems to have particularly diftin-
guiſhed himſelf in the debates.
They firſt tried their ſtrength in various motions for papers and copies of
inſtructions which were fent to the Britiſh miniſters in France and Spain;
for an addreſs to know how far the king was engaged by his good offices in
the cauſes of the war against the Emperor; and for an account of what appli-
cation had been made by the parties engaged in hoftilities. In theſe mo-
tions their exertions were baffled by the miniſter, and the ſmalleſt majority in
his favour was 95. Having exhauſted their efforts in regard to foreign tranſ-
actions, in which he appeared to be moſt vulnerable, they directed their views
to domeftic events.
They attempted to renew the public clamours about the excife, and to ac-
cuſe the miniſter of not having totally relinquished that ſcheme; and of wait-
ing only for a favourable opportunity of again introducing it. For this pur-
poſe a petition being again prefented from the druggifts, and other dealers in
tea, for relief againſt the excife laws, fome of the leading members of oppo-
fition took this opportunity of attempting to revive the debate, and were
inexcufably perſonal in their invectives againſt the minifter. Pulteney in par-
ticular obferved, "I am perfuaded he ſtill entertains the fame opinion of the
exciſe, and waits only for a proper opportunity to renew it; for which reafon
he is unwilling that we ſhould go into fuch a committee as is now propoſed,
left we ſhould ſap all the foundations of any future project for a farther ex-
tenfion of the excife laws." The reply of the minifter to this infinuation
was direct and manly. After repelling the attacks with equal fpirit and energy,
he
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
409
1734.
he faid, "As to the wicked ſcheme, as the gentleman was pleaſed to call Chapter 42.
it, which he would perfuade gentlemen is not yet laid afide, I, for my part,
affure this houſe, I am not fo mad as ever again to engage in any thing that
looks like an excife, though in my own private opinion, I ſtill think it was a
ſcheme that would have tended very much to the intereſt of the nation, and
I am convinced that all the clamours without doors, and a great part of the
oppoſition it met with every where, was founded upon artful falfehoods, mif-
repreſentations, and infinuations, that ſuch things were intended as had never
entered into the thoughts of any man with whom I am acquainted." In con-
fequence of this explicit declaration, the affertions of the contrary fide made
little impreffion on the houſe, and the queftion for referring the petition to a
committee, was negatived by 233 againſt 155 *.
The ſpirit of oppofition was carried to fuch an excefs, that the minority
not only refifted every meaſure of government with unabating pertinacity,
but brought forwards a queſtion that had a direct tendency to undermine
and deſtroy the conftitution which they affected fo zealously to admire. In
fact, this attempt had ſo direct a tendency to renew that military independ-
ance, which in the laft century had fubverted the throne, and enflaved the
people, that even thoſe writers who, in other reſpects, invariably decry the
Walpole adminiſtration, have not ſcrupled to reprobate this propofal, though it
was ſupported with all the ſtrength of their favourite party. The motion
related to the removal of the duke of Bolton and lord Cobham from their mi-
litary commands.
Debates on
of the duke
of Bolton and
lord Cobham;
the removal
Lord Morpeth, after the reading of the mutiny bill, rofe, and concluded 13th Feb.
a fpeech full of trite reflections on a ſtanding army, under the influence of
the crown, on the danger of arbitrary power, and fome inapplicable and erro-
neous allufions to the conftitution of Holland and Sweden, by moving
for leave to bring in a bill " for fecuring the conftitution, by preventing
officers, not above the rank of colonels of regiments, from being deprived of
their commiffions, otherwife than by judgment of a court martial to be held
for that purpoſe, or by addreſs of either houſe of parliament."
This motion was argued at great length, and with uncommon warmth; but
though ancient and modern hiftory was ranfacked, and every topic intro-
duced which ingenuity could fuggeft, few obfervations worthy of record were
produced. The minority were fully employed in defending their propofition
againſt the charges with which it was overwhelmed by the minifterial advo-
cates.
• Chandler. Journals.
Smollett, book. 2. chap. 5.-Beltham, vol. 1. p. 340.
VOL. I.
3 G
10
Walpole
/
410
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
Walpole concluded the debate *, with a ſpeech replete with found princi-
1730 to 1734 ples and conftitutional doctrines. He defended not only the prerogative of the
crown, but the intereft of parliament, and the well-being of the community,
againſt the horrible defpotiſm of a ſtratocracy, or army government; vin-
dicated the purity of court martials, and deprecated the evils which would
refult to the fervice from fubjecting them to the influence of intrigue, and
making their decifions the mean of retaining or forfeiting a poft for life.
*The behaviour of an officer, he obferved, may be influenced by malice,
revenge, and faction, and on the pretence of honour and confcience; and if
ever any officer of the army, becauſe the king refuſed to comply with fome
very unreaſonable demand, ſhould reſolve to oppoſe in every thing the mea-
fures of government, I ſhould think any man a moſt pitiful miniſter if he
ſhould be afraid of adviſing his majeſty to caſhier fuch an officer. On the
contrary, I ſhall leave it as a legacy to all future minifters, that upon every
occafion, it is their duty to adviſe their maſter that fuch a man is unfit to
have any command in his armies. Our king has, by his prerogative, a power of
placing, preferring, and removing any officer he pleaſes, either in our army or
militia: It is by that prerogative chiefly, he is enabled to execute our laws,
and preſerve the peace of the kingdom: if a wrong uſe ſhould be made of that
prerogative, his minifters are accountable for it to parliament; but it cannot be
taken from him or diminiſhed without overturning our conftitution; for our
preſent happy conftitution may be overturned by republican, as well as by
arbitrary ſchemes. Therefore it muſt be left to his majeſty to judge by what
motives an officer acts, and if he thinks an officer acts from bad motives, in
duty to himſelf, he ought to remove him." He then expatiated on the danger
of a dictatorship from the meaſure propofed, and concluded with the con-
ftitutional apothegm:
"Nolumus leges Angliæ mutari."
The queftion was negatived without a divifion .
Foiled in this attempt, the oppofition renewed the attack on a ground
more plaufible and popular, that of perfonal inquiry. Sandys moved for an
addrefs, "humbly to defire his majefty, graciously to inform the houſe,
by whoſe advice he had been pleaſed to diſcharge the duke of Bolton and
lord Cobham, and what crimes were alledged againſt them." Pulteney fe-
conded the motion. The miniftry difcerning the views of their opponents,
* Lord Catherlogh faid a few words after
hine, but they contained a fimple diffent, unen-
forced by argument, expreffive only of the ob-
ligations of the army to the movers of the
queſtion.
+ Opinions of the Duchefs of Marlborough,
p. 105. Theſe words are erroneously attri
buted to Mr. Pelham, by Chandler.
Chandler. Journals.
and
41
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
411
1
1734.
and knowing that to diſcuſs the queſtion would produce the fame effect as Chapter 42.
pleading to a ſpecific charge, by letting loofe on them all the powers of invec-
tive, and all the arts of mifreprefentation, declined the conteft; they made no
reply, but called for the queftion. Sir William Wyndham in vain attempted,
by reproaches and invectives, to provoke a debate, the queftion was again
called for, and on a divifion, negatived by 252 againſt 193 *.
On the fame day the duke of Marlborough brought into the houfe of
lords, a bill fimilar to that in the commons, but it was thrown out after the
firſt reading. A motion to the fame purport as that of Sandys, was made by
lord Carteret, but rejected. Protefts on both occafions were entered on the
journals, figned by upwards of thirty peers, and the duke of Bolton and lord
Cobham feparately figned a fhort and manly proteſt.
bill;
Another meaſure of oppofition, calculated to render themſelves popular, was On the place
to revive a ſelf-denying ordinance, which had excited much clamour in the
reign of king William, and, after great oppofition, had formed an article
among the limitations in the act of fettlement, but had been afterwards re-
pealed. It was intitled a bill for fecuring the freedom of parliament, by li-
miting the number of officers (both civil and military) in the houſe of com-
mons.
Several friends of the minifter were ftrongly inclined to favour the February 26
bill, and others could not venture to oppofe fo popular a queftion at the eve
of a general election.
The motion was alfo fo agreeable to the fentiments of many among the
Whigs, who uſually ſupported government, that the minifter did not uſe his
influence on this occafion. He did not even ſpeak in the debate, but con-
tented himſelf with giving a filent vote, as he did on the penfion bill. For
theſe reaſons it was negatived by a very ſmall majority of 230 againſt 191 yo
But a ſmall majority on this fingle queſtion had no effect on the general ftate
of parties. It fully proved the judgment of Walpole, in not committing
himſelf in fubjects of fo much delicacy, or preffing his adherents to vote in
oppofition to popular predilections.
But the queftion on which the oppofition founded their principal hopes,
if not of ſucceſs, at leaſt of embarraffing the minifter, was a propoſal to re-
peal the feptennial bill, which was firft introduced on this occafion, and af-
terwards annually renewed.
It had been long a matter of ſurpriſe, that a queſtion which was fo well
calculated to increaſe their popularity, had not been propofed before. But
the fact was, that in this particular inftance the oppofition was divided.
The Tories and Jacobites, who had ftrenuously refifted the introduction of
+ Ibid.
• Journals.
3 G 2
the
On the repeal
of the fepten-
nial bill;
412
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
the bill, could not obtain the co-operation of the difaffected Whigs, as it
1730 to 1734 feemed to imply a dereliction of their principles, to vote for the repeal of a
bill which they had once thought neceffary for the fecurity of the Proteſtant
fucceffion. At the repeated inſtigations of Bolingbroke, Sir William Wynd-
ham and the leading Tories perfifted, and at length carried their point. The
Whigs reluctantly complied, and proved, by their manner of conducting the
debate, the awkward fituation in which they were placed. The motion was
made by Bromley, and feconded by Sir John St. Aubyn. The only Whigs
of any confequence who fpoke for the queftion, were Sir John Barnard, who
faid only a few words, and Pulteney, who rofe late in the debate. He made
a fhort ſpeech, and prefaced it with an apology for his apparent inconfiftency,
in voting for the repeal of a bill which he had fupported at the time of its
introduction.
March 13.
The ſpeech of Sir William Wyndham on this occafion, is triumphantly
quoted by the modern writers who uniformly ftigmatiſe the Walpole admini-
ftration, as a mafter-piece of eloquence and energy; they ftate his arguments
as unanswerable. At the fame time theſe partial reporters never advert to
the reply of Sir Robert Walpole, but leave the reader to ſuppoſe that ſcarce-
ly any anſwer was made, and that the whole ftrength of the argument lay on
the fide of oppoſition *.
To abridge or detail printed debates, without illuftrating them by any new
documents, is not the general purport of this work. But on this occafion,
where there has been fuch a wilful fuppreffion of the argument on one fide,
and fuch an affected diſplay of the reaſoning on the other, it will be almoſt
as great a novelty to give the ſpeech of the miniſter, as if it had never been in
print. I have therefore inferted the Philippic of Sir William Wyndham, and
Walpole's reply, verbatim, from contemporary narratives.
.
* Smollet, in recording this tranfaction, has
characterifed Sir William Wyndham, by fay-
ing that," His fpeech fpoke him the unri-
valed orator, the uncorrupted Briton, and the
unfhaken patriot." He gives only that part
of the ſpeech which relates to the character of
Walpole, and concludes, Notwithſtanding
the moſt warm, the moſt nervous, the moſt pa-
thetic remonftrances in favour of the motion,
the question was put, and it was ſuppreſſed by mere
dint of numbers, vol. 2. p. 495. If Smollet
means any thing by this relation, it muſt be
that no reply was made to the argument of his
admired orator, but that the buſineſs was got
rid of by the cry of Queſtion! Queſtion! Belſham
has thus related the tranfaction: "The miniſter
having defied the oppofition to adduce a ſingle
inftance, in which the interefts of the nation
had been injured by the operation of this bill,
or by any undue exercife of the royal pre-
rogative connected with it, Sir William Wynd-
ham obferved," &c. After quoting Sir Wil-
liam Wyndham's fpeech, he adds, without
taking the ſmalleſt notice of Sir Robert Wal-
pole's reply, "Notwithſtanding the admira-
ration excited by this fudden burst of elo-
quence, and the ability with which the motion
of repeal was fupported by various other
fpeakers, it was negatived on the divifion,
though not by the accuſtomed miniſterial ma--
jority, the numbers being 247 againſt 184.
""
+ Political State of Great Britain.-Hifto-
rical Regifter. See alfo Chandler.
Afte
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
413
1734.
After a fhort reply to Sir William Yonge, who preceded him, and jufti- Chapter 42.
fying the affertions of Sir John Barnard, who fpoke in favour of the motion,
Sir William Wyndham vindicated the triennial bill from the objections of
Sir William
thoſe who declared that it was introduced by the enemies of the revolution, Wyndham's
he added, "The learned gentleman has told us, that the feptennial law is ſpeech.
a proper medium between the unlimited power of the crown, and the limit-
ing that power too much; but before he had fixed upon this as a medium,
he should firſt have diſcovered to us the two extremes. I will readily allow,
that an unlimited power in the crown, with refpect to the continuing
of parliaments, is one extreme; but the other I cannot really find out; for
I am very far from thinking, that the power of the crown was too much li-
mited by the triennial law, or that the happineſs of the nation was any way
injured by it, or can ever be injured by frequent elections. As to the power
of the crown, it is very certain, that as long as the adminiſtration of public
affairs is agreeable to the generality of the people, were they to chufe a new
parliament every year, they would chufe fuch repreſentatives as would moſt
heartily concur in every thing with fuch an adminiſtration; fo that even an
annual parliament could not be any limitation of the juft power of the crown;
and as to the happineſs of the nation, it is certain, that gentlemen will always.
contend with more heat and animofity about being members of a long par-
liament, than about being members of a ſhort one; and therefore the elec-
tions for a feptennial parliament must always difturb the peace, and injure
the happineſs of the nation, more than the elections for an annual or trien-
nial parliament: Of this the elections in the city of London, mentioned by
my worthy friend, are an evident demonftration.
'As to the elections coming on when the nation is in a ferment, it is fo far
from being an objection to frequent elections, that it is, in my opinion, a
ſtrong argument in favour of them; becauſe it is one of the chief fupporters
of the freedom of the nation. It is plain, that the people feldom or ever
were in a ferment, but when encroachments were made upon their rights
and privileges; and when any fuch are made, it is very proper, nay, it is.
even neceffary, that the people fhould be allowed to proceed to a new
election, in order that they may chufe fuch repreſentatives as will do. them
juſtice, by puniſhing thoſe who have been making encroachments upon them.
Otherwiſe, one of theſe two effects may very probably enſue: either the fer-
ment will break out into an open infurrection, or the encroachment that has
been made, may happen to be forgot before a new election comes on, and
then the invaders of the people's rights will have a much better lay for getting
fuch a new parliament chofen, as will not only free them from all puniſh-
ment,'
414
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
ment, but will confirm the encroachments that have been made, and encou-
rage the making of new. Thus the rights of the people may be nibbled and
curtailed by piecemeal, and ambitious criminals may at laſt get themſelves
fo firmly feated, that it will be out of the power of the people to ſtop their
career, or to avoid the chains which they are preparing.
66
Now, to return to the power of the crown, which the learned gentleman
has told us was too much limited by the triennial law; I think I have made
it plain, that the juſt power of the crown cannot poffibly be limited by
frequent elections, and confequently could not be too much limited by the
triennial law; but by long parliaments the crown may be enabled to affume,
and to make uſe of an unjuft power. By our conftitution, the only legal
method we have of vindicating our rights and privileges againſt the encroach-
ments of ambitious minifters is by parliament; the only way we have of
rectifying a weak or wicked adminiſtration is by parliament; the only
effectual way we have of bringing high and powerful criminals to con-
dign puniſhment is by parliament. But if ever it ſhould come to be in the
power of the adminiftration to have a majority of this houſe depending upon
the crown, or to get a majority of ſuch men returned as the reprefentatives
of the people, the parliament will then ſtand us in no ftead. It can anſwer
none of theſe great purpoſes; the whole nation may be convinced of the
weakneſs or the wickednefs of thofe in the adminiſtration, and yet it may be
out of the nation's power, in a legal way, to get the fools turned out, or
the knaves hanged.
"This misfortune can be brought upon us by nothing but by bribery and
corruption; and therefore there is nothing we ought to guard more watch-
fully againſt. And an honourable gentleman who ſpoke ſome time ago, upon
the fame fide with me, has fo clearly demonftrated, that the elections for a
feptennial parliament are more liable to be influenced by corruption than
thoſe for a triennial, that I am ſurpriſed his argument ſhould be miſtaken or
not comprehended: But it ſeems the moſt certain maxims, the plaineſt
truths, are now to be controverted or denied. It has been laid down as a
maxim, and I think it is a moft infallible maxim, that a man will contend
with more heat and vigour, for a poft, either of honour or profit, which he
is to hold for a long term, than he will do for one he is to hold for a ſhort
term. This has been controverted: It has been laid down as a maxim,
and I think equally infallible, that 100 guineas is a more powerful bribe
than 50; this has been denied; yet nevertheleſs I muſt beg leave to puſh
the argument a little farther.
"Let us ſuppoſe a gentleman at the head of the adminiftration, whoſe only
fafety
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
415
1734.
fafety depends upon corrupting the members of this houfe: this may now be Chapter 42.
only a fuppofition, but it is certainly fuch a one as may happen; and if ever
it ſhould, let us fee if fuch a minifter might not promiſe himſelf more ſucceſs
in a feptennial, than he could in a triennial parliament. It is an old maxim,
that every man has his price, if you can but come up to it: this, I hope, does
not hold true of every man, but I am afraid it too generally holds true; and
that of a great many it may hold true, is what I believe was never doubted
of, though I don't know but it may now likewiſe be denied. However, let
us fuppofe this diftreffed miniſter applying to one of thoſe men who has a
price, and is a member of this houſe: in order to engage this member to
vote as he fhall direct him, he offers him a penſion of £. 1,000 a year. If it be
but a triennial parliament, will not the member immediately confider within
himſelf, if I accept of this penfion, and vote according to direction, I fhall
lofe my character in the country, I fhall lofe my feat in parliament the next
election, and my penfion will then of courſe be at an end; fo that by turning
rogue I ſhall get but £.3,000, this is not worth my while; and fo the minifter
muft either offer him, perhaps double that fum, or otherwife he will proba-
bly determine againſt being corrupted. But if the parliament were feptennial,
the fame man might perhaps fay within himſelf, I am now in for feven years,
by accepting of this penfion I ſhall have at leaſt £. 7,000, this will fet me
above contempt; and if I am turned out at next election, I do not value it,
I'll take the money in the mean time. Is it not very natural to fuppofe all
this; and does not this evidently fhew, that a wicked minifter cannot cor-
rupt a triennial parliament with the fame money with which he may corrupt a
feptennial.
"Again, fuppofe this minifter applies to a gentleman who has purchaſed,
and thereby made himſelf member for a borough, at the rate of, perhaps,
£. 1,500, befides travelling charges, and other little expences: fuppofe the
miniſter offers him a penſion of £. 500 a year to engage his vote, will not he
naturally confider, if it be a triennial parliament, that if he cannot get a higher
penfion he will lofe money by being a member; and furely, if he be a right
burgefs, he will refolve not to fell at all, rather than fell his commodity for
lefs than it coft him; and if he finds he cannot fell at all, he will probably
give over ftanding a candidate again upon fuch a footing; by which, not
only he, but many others, will be induced to give over dealing in corrupt-
ing the electors at the next election. But in cafe it be a feptennial parlia-
ment, will he not then probably accept of the £. 500 penfion, if he be
one of thofe men that has a price? becauſe he concludes that for £. 1,500,
he may always fecure his election; and every parliament will put near
£. 2.000
416
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
£. 2,000 in his pocket, befides reimburfing him all his charges. After view-
1730 to 1734 ing the prefent queftion in this light, is it poffible not to conclude, that
feptennial parliaments, as well as the elections for fuch, muft always be
much more liable to be influenced by corruption than triennial, or elections
for triennial.
"For my own part, I have been often chofen, I have fat in parliament above
theſe twenty years, and I can fay with truth, that neither at my election, nor
after my return, no man ever dared to attempt to let me know what is meant
by bribery and corruption; but am forry to hear the impoffibility of pre-
venting it mentioned, and mentioned too within thefe walls. The honour-
able gentleman who ſpoke laſt, told us, the evil of corruption was inevitable :
if I were fo unhappy as to think ſo, I ſhould look upon my country to be
in the moſt melancholy fituation. Perhaps it may be the way of thinking
among thoſe he keeps company with; but I thank God I have a better
opinion of my countrymen; and fince it appears to be a way of thinking
among fome gentlemen, it is high time for us to contrive fome method of
putting it out of their power to corrupt the virtue of the people. For we
may depend upon this as a certain maxim, that thoſe who think they cannot
gain the affections of the people, will endeavour to purchaſe their proftitu-
tion; and the beſt way to prevent the ſucceſs of their endeavours, is to raiſe
the price fo high, as to put it out of the power of any man, or of any ſet of
men, to come up to it. If a parliament is to be purchaſed, if elections are
to be purchaſed, it is manifeft the corrupting of triennial muft, upon the
whole, coſt a great deal more than the corrupting of feptennial elections or
parliaments. Therefore, in order to put it out of the power of any man,
or of
any adminiſtration, to purchaſe the proſtitution of a parliament, or of
the people, let us return to triennial parliaments; and if that will not do,
let us return to annual elections, which, I am very certain, would render the
practice of corruption impoffible. This is now the more neceffary, becauſe
of the many new poſts and places of profit which the crown has at its dif-
pofal, and the great civil lift fettled upon his prefent majefty, and which
will probably be continued to his fucceffors: this, I fay, urges the ne-
ceffity for frequent new parliaments, becauſe the crown has it now more
in their power than formerly to feduce the people, or the repreſentatives of
the people, in cafe any future adminiftration ſhould find it neceffary for
their own fafety to do ſo.
"That the increaſe or decreafe of corruption at elections, or in parliament,
muft always depend upon the increaſe or decreaſe of virtue among the peo-
ple;
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
417
1734.
ple, I ſhall readily grant; but it is as certain, that the virtue of almoft every Chapter 42.
particular man, depends upon the temptations that are thrown in his way;
and according to the quantity of virtue he has, the quantity of the temptation
muſt be raiſed, fo as at laft to make it an over-balance for his virtue. Sup-
poſe, then, that the generality of the electors in England had virtue enough to
withſtand a temptation of five guineas each, but not virtue enough to with-
ſtand a temptation of ten guineas one with another. Is it not then much
more probable, that the gentlemen who deal in corruption, may be able to
raiſe as much money once every ſeven years, as will be fufficient to give ten
guineas each, one with another, to the generality of the electors, than that
they will be able to raiſe fuch a fun once in every three years? And is it
not from thence certain, that the virtue of the people in general is in greater
danger of being deſtroyed by feptennial than by triennial parliaments? To
ſuppoſe that every man's vote at an election, is like a commodity, which
muſt be fold at the market price, is really to fuppofe that no man has any
virtue at all. For I will aver, that when once a man refolves to fell his vote
at any rate, he has then no virtue left, which, I hope, is not the cafe of many
of our electors, and therefore the only thing we are to apprehend is, left fo
high a price ſhould be offered as may tempt thouſands to fell, who had never
before any thoughts of carrying fuch a commodity to market. This is the
fatal event we are to dread, and it is much more to be dreaded from fepten-
nial than triennial parliaments. If we have therefore any defire to preferve
the virtue of our people; if we have any defire to preſerve our conftitution;
if we have any defire to preſerve our liberties, our properties, and every thing
that can be dear to a free people, we ought to reſtore the triennial law; and
if that be found to be infignificant, we ought to aboliſh prorogations, and
return to annual elections.
"The learned gentleman fpoke of the prerogative of the crown, and afked,
if it had lately been extended beyond thoſe bounds preſcribed to it by law ?
I will not fay that there has been lately any attempts to extend it beyond the
bounds preſcribed by law; but I will fay, thoſe bounds have been of late fo
vaftly enlarged, that there feems to be no great occafion for any fuch attempt.
What are the many penal laws made within theſe forty years, but fo many
extenfions of the prerogative of the crown, and as many diminutions of the
liberty of the ſubject? And whatever the neceffity was that brought us into`
the enacting of fuch laws, it was a fatal neceffity; it has greatly added to
the power of the crown, and particular care ought to be taken not to throw
any more weight into that fcale. Perhaps the enacting of feveral of thoſe
penal laws might have been avoided; I am perfuaded the enacting of the
VOL. I.
3.Н
H
law
418
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
law relating to trials for treafon, not only might, but ought to have been
1730 to 1734. avoided; for though it was but a temporary law, it was a dangerous precc-
dent; and the rebellion was far from being fo general in any county, as not
to leave a fufficient number of faithful fubjects for trying thoſe who had com-
mitted acts of treafon within the county.
"In former times the crown had a large eftate of its own; an eftate fuffi-
cient for fupporting the dignity of the crown; and as we had no ftanding
armies, nor any great fleets to provide for, the crown did not want frequent
fupplies; ſo that they were not under any neceffity of calling frequent parlia-
ments. And as parliaments were always troubleſome, often dangerous to mi-
nifters, therefore they avoided the calling of any fuch as much as poffible.
But though the crown did not then want frequent fupplies, the people fre-.
quently wanted a redreſs of grievances, which could not be obtained but by
parliament; therefore the only complaint then was, that the crown either
did not call any parliament at all, or did not allow them to fit long enough.
This was the only complaint; and to remedy this, it was thought fufficient
to provide for having frequent parliaments, every one of which, it was pre-
fumed, was always to be a new parliament; for it is well known, that the
method of prorogation was of old very rarely made uſe of, and was firſt in-
troduced by thoſe who were attempting to make encroachments upon the
rights of the people.
"But now the cafe is altered. The crown, either by ill management, or by
prodigality and profufenefs to its favourites, has ſpent or granted away all
that eſtate; and the public expence is fo much enlarged, that the crown
muſt have annual fupplies, and is therefore under a neceffity of having the
parliament meet every year. But as new elections are always dangerous as
well as troubleſome to minifters of ftate, they are for having them as feldom
as poffible; fo that the complaint is not now for want of frequent meetings
or feffions of parliament, but againſt having the fame parliament continued
too long. This is the grievance now complained of; this is what the people
defire; this is what they have a right to have redreffed. The members of
parliament may for one year be looked on as the real and true reprefentatives
of the people; but when a miniſter has ſeven years to practife on them, and
to feel their pulfes, they may be induced to forget whoſe repreſentatives they
are; they may throw off all dependance upon their electors, and may
become dependants upon the crown, or rather upon the miniſter for the time
being, which the learned gentleman has moſt ingenuouſly confeffed to us, he
thinks lefs dangerous than a dependance upon his electors.
"We have been told in this houſe, that no faith is to be given to prophefies,
therefore
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
419
1734.
therefore I ſhall not pretend to prophefy; but I may fuppofe a cafe, which, Chapter 42.
though it has not yet happened, may poffibly happen. Let us then fup-
pofe a man abandoned to all notions of virtue or honour, of no great family,
and of but a mean fortune, raiſed to be chief miniſter of ſtate, by the con-
but
currence of many whimfical events; afraid or unwilling to trust any
creatures of his own making, and moſt of them equally abandoned to all no-
tions of virtue and honour; ignorant of the true intereft of his country, and
confulting nothing but that of enriching and aggrandizing himſelf and his
favourites; in foreign affairs trufting none but fuch whofe éducation makes
it impoffible for them to have fuch knowledge or fuch qualifications as can
either be of ſervice to their country, or give any weight or credit to their
negotiations. Let us fuppofe the true intereft of the nation by fuch means
neglected or miſunderſtood, her honour and credit loft, her trade infulted,
her merchants plundered, and her failors murdered; and all theſe things
overlooked, only for fear his adminiſtration ſhould be endangered. Suppofe
him next poffeffed of great wealth, the plunder of the nation, with a parlia-
ment of his own chufing, moſt of their feats purchaſed, and their votes
bought at the expence of the public treaſure. In fuch a parliament, let us
ſuppoſe attempts made to enquire into his conduct, or to relieve the nation
from the diſtreſs he has brought upon it; and when lights proper for attain-
ing thoſe ends are called for, not perhaps for the information of the parti-
cular gentlemen who call for them, but becauſe nothing can be done in a
parliamentary way, until theſe things be in a proper way laid before parlia-
ment. Suppoſe theſe lights refuſed, theſe reaſonable requeſts rejected by a
corrupt majority of his creatures, whom he retains in daily pay, or engages
in
his particular intereft, by granting them thofe pofts and places which ought
never to be given to any but for the good of the public. Upon this fcandal-
ous victory, let us fuppofe this chief minifter pluming himſelf in defiances,
becauſe he finds he has got a parliament, like a packed jury, ready to acquit
him at all adventures. Let us farther fuppofe him arrived to that degree of
infolence and arrogance, as to domineer over all the men of ancient families,
all the men of ſenſe, figure, or fortune in the nation; and as he has no virtue
of his own, ridiculing it in others, and endeavouring to deftroy or corrupt
in all.
*
"I am flill not propheffing, I am only fuppofing; and the caſe I am going
to ſuppoſe, I hope never will happen; but with ſuch a miniſter, and ſuch a
parliament, let us fuppofe a princc upon the throne, either for want of true
information, or for fome other reafon, ignorant and unacquainted with the in-
clinations and the intereſt of his people, weak, and hurried away by unbound-
3·H 2
હવે
420
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
ed ambition and infatiable avarice. This cafe has never happened in this na
1730 to 1734 tion; I hope, I fay, it will never exift; but as it is poffible it may, could
there any greater curfe happen to a nation, than fuch a prince on the
throne, adviſed, and folely adviſed by ſuch a minifter, and that miniſter fup-
ported by fuch a parliament. The nature of mankind cannot be altered by
human laws, the exiftence of fuch a prince, or fuch a minifter, we cannot
prevent by act of parliament; but the exiſtence of fuch a parliament I think
we may and as fuch a parliament is much more likely to exift, and may do
more miſchief while the feptennial law remains in force, than if it were re-
pealed, therefore I am moft heartily for the repeal of it."
Walpole's
reply.
After the intervention of a ſhort ſpeech from Henry Pelliam, and another
from Pulteney, Sir Robert Walpole thus addreffed the chair;
"Sir, I do affure you, I did not intend to have troubled you in this debate,
but fuch incidents now generally happen towards the end of our debates,
nothing at all relating to the fubject, and gentlemen make fuch fuppofitions,
meaning fome perfon, or perhaps, as they fay, no perfon now in being, and
talk fo much of wicked minifters, domineering minifters, minifters pluming
themſelves in defiances, which terms, and fuch like, have been of late fo
much made uſe of in this houſe, that if they really mean no body either in
the houſe or out of it, yet it muſt be fuppofed they at leaft mean to call
upon fome gentleman in this houſe to make them a reply; and therefore I
hope I may be allowed to draw a picture in my turn; and I may likewife
fay, that I do not mean to give a deſcription of any particular perfon now in
being. When gentlemen talk of minifters abandoned to all fenſe of virtue
or honour, other gentlemen may, I am fure, with equal juftice, and, I think,
more juſtly, ſpeak of anti-minifters and mock-patriots, who never had either
virtue or honour, but in the whole courſe of their oppofition are actuated
only by motives of envy, and of refentment againſt thoſe who have difap-
pointed them in their views, or may not perhaps have complied with all their
defires.
"But now, Sir, let me too fuppofe, and the houſe being cleared, I am fure
no perſon that hears me can come within the defcription of the perfon I am
to fuppofe. Let us fuppofe in this, or in fome other unfortunate country, an
anti-miniſter, who thinks himſelf a perſon of ſo great and extenſive parts, and
of fo many eminent qualifications, that he looks upon himſelf as the only perfon
in the kingdom capable to conduct the public affairs of the nation, and there-
fore chriſtening every other gentleman who has the honour to be employed
in the adminiſtration, by the name of blunderer. Suppoſe this fine gentleman
lucky enough to have gained over to his party fome perfons really of fine
parts, ક
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
421
1734.
parts, of ancient families, and of great fortunes, and others of defperate Chapter 42.
views, arifing from diſappointed and malicious hearts; all theſe gentlemen,
with reſpect to their political behaviour, moved by him, and by him folely;
all they fay, either in private or public, being only a repetition of the words
he has put into their mouths, and a ſpitting out that venom which he has in-
fuſed into them; and yet we may fuppofe this leader not really liked by any,
even of thoſe who fo blindly follow him, and hated by all the reſt of man-
kind. We will fuppofe this anti-minifter to be in a country where he really
ought not to be, and where he could not have been but by an effect of too
much goodneſs and mercy, yet endeavouring, with all his might and with
all his art, to deſtroy the fountain from whence that mercy flowed. In that
country fuppofe him continually contracting friendships and familiarities
with the embaffadors of thofe princes who at the time happen to be moſt at
enmity with his own; and if at any time it ſhould happen to be for the in-
tereſt of any of thoſe foreign minifters to have a fecret divulged to them,
which might be highly prejudicial to his native country, as well as to all
its friends; fuppofe this foreign minifter applying to him, and he anſwering,
I will
get it you, tell me but what you want, I will endeavour to procure it
you upon this he puts a fpeech or two in the mouths of fome of his
creatures, or fome of his new converts; what he wants is moved for in par-
liament, and when fo very reaſonable a requeft as this is refufed, fuppofe
him and his creatures and tools, by his advice, fpreading the alarm over the
whole nation, and crying out, gentlemen, our country is at prefent involved
in many dangerous difficulties, all which we would have extricated you from,
but a wicked minifter and a corrupt majority refuſed us the proper mate-
rials; and upon this fcandalous victory, this minifter became fo infolent as
to plume himſelf in defiances. Let us farther fuppofe this anti-minifter to
have travelled, and at every court where he was, thinking himſelf the greateſt
minifter, and making it his trade to betray the fecrets of every court where he
had before been; void of all faith or honour, and betraying every maſter he
ever ferved. I could carry my fuppofitions a great deal farther, and I may
fay I mean no perfon now in being; but if we can fuppofe fuch a one, can
there be imagined a greater difgrace to human nature than fuch a wretch as
this?
for
:
"Now, to be ferious, and to talk really to the fubject in hand. Though the
queſtion has been already fo fully and fo handfomely oppofed by my worthy
friend under the gallery, by the learned gentleman near me, and by feveral
others, that there is no great occafion to ſay any thing farther againſt it; yet
as ſome new matter has been ſtated by fome of the gentlemen who have fince
that
422
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
that time ſpoke upon the other fide of the queftion, I hope the houfe will
1730 to 1734. indulge me the liberty of giving fome of thoſe reaſons which induce me to
be againſt the motion. In general I muſt take notice, that the nature of our
conſtitution ſeems to be very much miſtaken by the gentlemen who have
ſpoken in favour of this motion. It is certain, that our's is a mixed govern-
ment, and the perfection of our conftitution confifts in this, that the mo-
narchical, ariftocratical, and democratical forms of government are mixed and
interwoven in our's, fo as to give us all the advantages of each, without fub-
jecting us to the dangers and inconveniences of either. The democratical
form of government, which is the only one I have now occafion to take no-
tice of, is liable to theſe inconveniences, that they are generally too tedious
in their coming to any refolution, and ſeldom briſk and expeditious enough
in carrying their refolutions into execution: that they are always wavering
in their reſolutions, and never fteady in any of the meaſures they refolve to
purſue; and that they are often involved in factions, feditions and inſurrec-
tions, which expoſes them to be made the tools, if not the prey of their
neighbours. Therefore in all the regulations we make, with refpect to our
conftitution, we are to guard againſt running too much into that form of
government which is properly called democratical: this was, in my opinion,
the effect of the triennial law, and will again be the effect, if ever it ſhould
be reſtored.
"That triennial elections would make our government too tedious in all
their refolves is evident; becauſe in ſuch caſe, no prudent adminiſtration
would ever refolve upon any meaſure of confequence, till they had felt not.
only the pulſe of the parliament, but the pulſe of the people; and the mi-
nifters of ſtate would always labour under this diſadvantage, that as fecrets
of ſtate muſt not be immediately divulged, their enemies (and enemies they
will always have) would have a handle for expofing their meaſures, and ren-
dering them diſagreeable to the people, and thereby carrying perhaps a new
election againſt them, before they could have an opportunity of juſtifying
their meaſures, by divulging thoſe facts and circumftances from whence the
juſtice and the wiſdom of their meaſures would clearly appear.
<<
Then, it is by experience well known, that what is called the populace of
every country, are apt to be too much elated with fuccefs, and too much de-
jected with every misfortune. This makes them wavering in their opinions
about affairs of ſtate, and never long of the fame mind; and as this houfe is
chofen by the free and unbiaffed voice of the people in general, if this choice
were ſo often renewed, we might expect, that this houfe would be as wa-
vering and as unfteady as the people uſually are; and it being impoffible to
9
carry
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
423
A
{
1734.
carry on the public affairs of the nation without the concurrence of this houfe, Chapter 42.
the miniſters would always be obliged to comply, and conſequently would be
obliged to change their meaſures as often as the people changed their minds.
"With feptennial parliaments we are not expoſed to either of theſe misfor-
tunes, becauſe, if the miniſters, after having felt the pulfe of the parliament,
which they can always foon do, refolve upon any meaſures, they have gene-
rally time enough before the new election comes on, to give the people a
proper information, in order to fhew them the juftice and the wiſdom of the
meaſures they have purfued; and if the people ſhould at any time be too
much elated, or too much dejected, or fhould without a caufe change their
minds, thofe at the helm of affairs have time to fet them right, before a new
election comes on.
"As to faction and fedition, I will grant, that in monarchical and ariftocratical
governments, it generally arifes from violence, and oppreffion; but in demo-
cratical governments, it always ariſes from the people's having too great a
ſhare in the government. For in all countries, and in all governments, there
always will be many factious and unquiet fpirits, who can never be at reft,
either in power or out of power. When in power they are never eaſy, unleſs
every man fubmits entirely to their direction; and when out of power, they are
always working and intriguing againſt thofe that are in, without any regard
to juſtice, or to the intereft of their country. In popular governments ſuch
men have too much game, they have too many opportunities for working
upon and corrupting the minds of the people, in order to give them a bad
impreffion of, and to raiſe diſcontents againſt thoſe that have the manage-
ment of the public affairs for the time; and theſe diſcontents often break
out into feditions and infurrections. This would, in my opinion, be our miſ-
fortune, if our parliaments were either annual or triennial: by fuch frequent
elections, there would be fo much power thrown into the hands of the people,
as would deftroy that equal mixture, which is the beauty of our conftitution.
In ſhort, our government would really become a democratical government,
and might from thence very probably diverge into a tyrannical. Therefore,
in order to preſerve our conftitution, in order to prevent our falling under
tyranny and arbitrary power, we ought to preſerve that law, which I really
think has brought our conftitution to a more equal mixture, and confequently
to a greater perfection than it was ever in before that law took place.
As to bribery and corruption, if it were poffible to influence, by fuch
bafe means, the majority of the electors of Great Britain, to chuſe fuch men
as would probably give up their liberties; if it were poffible to influence, by
fuch
1
424
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
fuch means, a majority of the members of this houfe to confent to the
1730 to 1734. eſtabliſhment of arbitrary power, I fhould readily allow, that the calculations.
made by the gentlemen of the other fide were juft, and their inference true;
but I am perſuaded that neither of theſe is poffible. As the members of this
houſe generally are, and muſt always be, gentlemen of fortune and figure in
their country, is it poffible to fuppofe, that any of them could by a penfion
or a poft be influenced to confent to the overthrow of our conftitution, by
which the enjoyment, not only of what he got, but of what he before had,
would be rendered altogether precarious. I will allow, that with refpect to
bribery, the price muft be higher or lower, generally in proportion to the
virtue of the man who is to be bribed; but it muſt likewife be granted,
that the humour he happens to be in at the time, and the ſpirit he happens
to be endowed with, adds a great deal to his virtue. When no encroach-
ments are made upon the rights of the people, when the people do not think
themſelves in any danger, there may be many of the electors, who, by a
bribe of ten guineas, might be induced to vote for one candidate rather than
another; but if the court were making any encroachments upon the rights
of the people, a proper fpirit would, without doubt, ariſe in the nation, and
in fuch a cafe I am perfuaded that none, or very few, even of fuch electors,
could be induced to vote for a court candidate, no not for ten times the
fum.
"There may be fome bribery and corruption in the nation, I am afraid there
will always be fome. But it is no proof of it that ftrangers are fometimes.
chofen; for a gentleman may have fo much natural influence over a borough
in his neighbourhood, as to be able to prevail with them to chufe any per-
fon he pleaſes to recommend ; and if upon fuch recommendation they chufe
one or two of his friends, who are perhaps ftrangers to them, it is not from
thence to be inferred, that the two ftrangers were choſen their repreſentatives
by the means of bribery and corruption.
"To infinuate that money may be iffued from the public treaſury for bribing
elections, is really fomething very extraordinary, eſpecially in thofe gentlemen
who know how many checks are upon every fhilling that can be iffued from
thence; and how regularly the money granted in one year for the fervice of
the nation, muſt always be accounted for the very next feffions in this houſe,
and likewiſe in the other, if they have a mind to call for any fuch account.
And as to gentlemen in offices, if they have any advantage over country
gentlemen, in having fomething elſe to depend on befides their own private
fortunes, they have likewife many diſadvantages: they are obliged to live
here
SIR
425
ROBERT WALPOLE.
1734.
here at London with their families, by which they are put to a much greater Chapter 42.
expence, than gentlemen of equal fortune who live in the country. This
lays them under a very great difadvantage in fupporting their intereft in the
country. The country gentleman, by living among the electors, and pur-
chafing the neceffaries for his family from them, keeps up an acquaint-
ance and correfpondence with them, without putting himſelf to any extra-
ordinary charge; whereas a gentleman who lives in London, has no other
way of keeping up an acquaintance and correspondence among his friends
in the country, but by going down once or twice a year, at a very extraor-
dinary expence, and often without any other buſineſs; ſo that we may con-
clude, a gentleman in office cannot, even in ſeven years, fave much for dif-
tributing in ready money at the time of an election; and I really believe,
if the fact were narrowly inquired into, it would appear, that the gentlemen
in office are as little guilty of bribing their electors with ready money, as any
other fet of gentlemen in the kingdom.
"That there are ferments often raiſed among the people without any juſt
cauſe, is what I am furpriſed to hear controverted, fince very late experience
may convince us of the contrary: do not we know what a ferment was raiſed
in the nation towards the latter end of the late queen's reign? And it is well
known what a fatal change in the affairs of this nation was introduced, or
or leaſt confirmed, by an election coming on while the nation was in that
ferment. Do not we know what a ferment was raiſed in the nation foon after
his late majeſty's acceffion? And if an election had then been allowed to come
on while the nation was in that ferment, it might perhaps have had as fatal
effects as the former; but, thank God, this was wifely provided againſt by
the very law which is now wanted to be repealed.
"It has, indeed, been faid, that the chief motive for enacting that law now
no longer exiſts: 1 cannot admit that the motive they mean was the chief
motive; but cven that motive is very far from having entirely ceaſed. Can
gentlemen imagine, that in the ſpirit raiſed in the nation not above a twelve-
month fince, Jacobitifimm and difaffection to the prefent government had no
thare? Perhaps fome who might wish well to the prefent eſtabliſhment did
co-operate, nay, I do not know but they were the firſt movers of that ſpirit;
but it cannot be fuppofed that the fpirit then raifed fhould have grown up
to fuch a ferment, merely from a propofition which was honeftly and fairly
laid before the parliament, and left entirely to their determination! No,
the fpirit was, perhaps, begun by thoſe who are truly friends to the illuſtrious
family we have now upon the throne; but it was raifed to a much greater
height than, I believe, even they defigned, by Jacobites, and fuch as are ene-
mies to our preſent eftablishment, who thought they never had a fairer op-
VOL. I.
3 I
the 2
portunity
426
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734
Unpopularity
of Boling-
broke.
portunity of bringing about what they have fo long and fo unſucceſsfully
wifhed for, than that which had been furniſhed them by thoſe who firſt
raiſed that ſpirit. I hope the people have now in a great meaſure come to
themſelves, and therefore I doubt not but the next elections will fhew, that
when they are left to judge coolly, they can diftinguiſh between the real and
the pretended friends to the government. But I muſt ſay, if the ferment then
raiſed in the nation had not already greatly fubfided, I fhould have thought a
new election a very dangerous experiment; and as fuch ferments may hereafter
often happen, I muft think that frequent elections will always be dangerous;
for which reaſon, in fo far as I can fee at preſent, I fhall, I believe, at all times
think it a very dangerous experiment to repeal the feptennial bill."
It is impoffible at this diſtance of time to appreciate exactly the effect of
the miniſter's ſpeech; but a contemporary writer *afferts, that it was one of
the beſt he ever made. The fate of theſe two fpeeches is fingular: Sir Wil-
liam Wyndham, by his difrefpectful allufions to the king, drew on himſelf
a reproof, the juftice of which neither himſelf or his friends have endea-
voured to diſprove. It was confidered as an intemperate effufion, and did
not loſe the minifter a fingle fupporter in parliament, or a fingle adherent in the
country; yet it has been carefully inferted by party writers, calling themſelves
hiftorians, while that of the minifter has been no lefs invidioufly fuppreffed..
Walpole's ſpeech, as far as it relates to that perfonality which feems to be
the recommending characteriſtic of the other, has certainly lefs claim to be re-
corded, becauſe the character and fituation of Bolingbroke, contrafted with:
his own, are leſs able to give permanence and publicity to invective. The
faults of an ex-minifter, or afpiring leader of a party, are lefs interefting,.
to the community, than thofe of the man who holds the reins of government.
But the immediate refult of Walpole's unpremeditated reply to this ftudied
attack, was a fenfe of fhame in the oppofition Whigs, and of indignation
in the principal Tories, which interrupted their cordial union. Several Whigs
re-united themfelves to the minifter, and the leading Tories, afhamed of ap-
pearing the puppets of Bolingbroke, though they continued to thwart and
oppoſe the meaſures of government, did not, of themſelves, bring forward
any new queſtion during the remainder of the feffion.
It may not perhaps be improper in this place to obferve, that the fenfation.
which Walpole's fpeech made in the houfe of commons,, and the effect which
it had out of doors, in developing the intrigues of Bolingbroke with the op-
pofition in England, and of laying open his cabals with foreign courts and
minifters, were the immediate caufe, that he quitted this country, and re-
* Tindal.
tired
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
427
1734.
tired to France. Pulteney, who faw and appreciated the fatal confequences Chapter 42.
of his unpopularity among the Whigs, to which party he himſelf was
always cordially attached, bitterly complained that Sir William Wynd-
ham received too implicitly the dictates of Bolingbroke. With a view there-
fore to remove this ftigma from oppofition, he recommended to him a
temporary retirement from England. Bolingbroke was extremely morti-
fied, that all his repeated profeffions of honour, virtue, and difintereſtedneſs
did not gain credit; he found himſelf reduced to the moſt wretched fituation
which an aſpiring mind like his could fuffer, that of being excluded from a
fhare in the legiſlature, and heading a party in continued oppofition, with-
out the ſmalleſt hopes of ever being reſtored to his feat in the houſe of lords.
In his letters to Sir William Wyndham, he feelingly deſcribes his own fitua-
tion, “I am ftill,” he fays, "the fame profcribed inan, furrounded with diffi-
culties, expoſed to mortifications, and unable to take any ſhare in the ſervice,
but that which I have taken hitherto, and which, I think, you would not
perfuade me to take in the preſent ſtate of things. My part is over, and he
who remains on the ſtage after his part is over, deſerves to be hiffed off *.”
France.
In confequence of theſe ſentiments, he waited until the meeting of the new Retires to
parliament, when a large majority flill fupporting the minifter, during whofe
continuance in power he had no chance of obtaining a complete reſtoration,
he followed the advice of Pulteney, and retired in diſguſt to France.
The adverſaries of the minifter had taken advantage of the inflamed ftate
of the public mind, to circulate reports, both in their ſpeeches and writings,
that the liberties of the fubject were in danger, and that he had planned a
regular ſyſtem of oppreffion, which, if not refifted, would erect a deſpotic
and arbitrary power on the ruins of the Britiſh conſtitution.
Speech on the
diffolution of
parliament.
The fpeech which Walpole compofed for the king, on the diffolution
of the parliament, was calculated, in the exifting circumſtances, to coun-
teract theſe reports, and to conciliate the public. It was full of fentiments.
which none but a free nation could underſtand and appreciate; fentiments
which do honour to the minifter who compofed it, to the king who uttered
it, to the parliament who heard it, and to the people who applauded it.
"The proſperity and glory of my reign depend upon the affections and April 16th,
happineſs of my people, and the happineſs of my people upon my preſerving
to them all the legal rights and privileges, as eſtabliſhed under the preſent
fettlement of the crown in the Proteftant line. A due execution and ſtrict
obfervance of the laws, are the best and only fecurity both to fovereign and
Subject: their intereft is mutual and infeparable, and therefore their en-
* Lord Bolingbroke to Sir William Wyndham, Paris, November 29, 1735.Correfpondence,
Period III. Article Bolingbroke.
3 I 2
deavours
428
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
deavours for the fupport of each other ought to be equal and reciprocal. Any
1730 to 1734 infringement or encroachment upon the rights of either is a diminution of the
ftrength of both, which, kept within their due bounds and limits, make that
juſt balance, which is neceffary for the honour and dignity of the crown, and
for the protection and profperity of the people. What depends upon me,.
fhall, on my part, be religiously kept and obferved, and I make no doubt of
receiving the juſt returns of duty and gratitude from them *.
CHAPTER THE
1733
FORTY-THIRD-
1734..
?
Kiew of Foreign Tranfactions from the Death' of Auguftus the Second to the
Diffolution of Parliament.-Successful Hoftilities of France, Spain, and Sardinia
against the Emperor.-Neutrality of the Dutch.-Caufes which induced England.
to reject the Application of the Emperor for Succours.
I
F any man ever deferved the appellation of miniſter of peace, that man
was Sir Robert Walpole. The foreign tranfactions of this eventful period
will fufficiently verify that affertion. Yet it cannot be denied, that peace itſelf
may be dearly purchaſed by the dereliction of national honour, by the breach
of treaties, by permitting the lofs of dominions to thofe whom it is our in-
tereſt to ſupport, and the aggrandiſement of thoſe whom it is our intereſt to
deprefs. And it muſt be confeffed, that if any cenfure can be juftly thrown
on the pacific fyftem adopted by Walpole, it muſt be thrown on the inacti-
vity of England at this critical juncture; in her refufal to affift the Emr-
peror, againſt the united arms of France, Spain, and Sardinia ; in ſuffering the
Spaniſh branch of the houſe of Bourbon to wreft from the houſe of Auſtria
Naples and Sicily; and, what was ſtill more hoftile to the intereſts of Great
Britain, in permitting the acceffion of Loraine and Bar to France. For if
it be allowed, that any merit is due for preſerving this country and Europe
from a general war, that merit is due to Walpole; fo on the other hand, it
cannot be denied, that if any blame can be imputed to the cabinet for tame-
neſs and pufillanimity, that blame muſt alſo attach folely to him; as he alone
ftood forth in oppofition to the king and part of the cabinet, and by re-
fufing to affift the Emperor, maintained his country in peace.
I ſhall confine myſelf at prefent to a brief deduction of the facts and.
*-Chandler, vol. 8. 248. Journals.
negotiations
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
429
negotiations which preceded and followed the death of Auguſtus the Second,
interfperfed with fuch obfervations as may tend to elucidate his conduct,
and diſplay the motives that induced the minifter of finance to abftain from
entering into offenfive operations againſt France, and to fuffer the aggrandiſe-
ment of the houſe of Bourbon, and the depreffion of the houſe of Auſtria ;
which proved afterwards fo fatal to the intereft of England, and of which
we now experience the evil effects. In making this deduction, it is not my
intention either to cenfure or to commend, but fimply to ſtate the fum and
ſubſtance of the motives, which the papers in my poffeflion have enabled me
to affign for his conduct.
For a term of twenty years, Europe had enjoyed an unexampled ſtate
of tranquillity, only broken by the petty hoftilities between Spain and Eng-
land in 1718 and 1727. This tranquillity had been owing to the temporary
feparation between France and Spain, to the reciprocal interefts of France and
England in the maintenance of peace, and to the good intelligence between
the two cabinets.
Chapter 43,
1733 to 1734.
Pacific ſtate
of Europe.
But the reconciliation between France and Spain, and the re-union of Eng-
land and Auſtria, by the treaty of Vienna, had ſcarcely taken place, before the
jealoufies between the two nations began to revive; their counfels were no
longer guided by the fame mutual good will and harmony. The efforts to
give a king to Poland, on the death of Auguftus the Second, the indignation February 2
of Elizabeth Farneſe againſt the Emperor, for having deceived her in not
accompliſhing the marriage between her fon, Don Carlos, and an archducheís,
and the difputes which arofe concerning the fucceffion of Tuſcany and Par-
ma, kindled a war between the houſes of Auftria and Bourbon, which would
have become general, had not Walpole prevented the diffufion of hoſtili-
ties.
*
ces of the
death of Au-
guftus the
Second.
The death of Auguftus the Second had no fooner been announced, than Confequen-
Louis the Fifteenth determined to fupport the claims of his father-in-law to
the crown of Poland, in defiance of the Emperor and Ruffia, who favoured
the elector of Saxony, fon of the deceaſed monarch. He declared to all the
foreign embaffadors, that he would not fuffer any power to oppoſe the freedom
of election in Poland. This declaration implied, that he expected no oppofi-
tion to be made to the election of Stanislaus, becauſe the influence of France
* The fubftance of this chapter is taken
from the diſpatches of Horace Walpole, lord
Harrington, the duke of Newcastle, and Tho-
mas Robinſon; Walpole, Orford, and Grant-
ham Papers. Alfo from feveral papers drawn
up by Horace Walpole, particularly, "Re-
flections on the prefent ftate of affairs, October
8, 1733.”—“ Conduct of England,' with re-
gard to what has paffed in Poland, fince the
death of king Auguftus, and the tranfactions.
in other parts relative thereto, extracted from
the correfpondence with his majeſty's minifters
in foreign parts," froin February to Novem-
ber 1733.
"Continuation of the Conduct, ›
&c." from November 1733 to July 1734.
in
Conduct of:
France:
430
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
in Poland was fo great, as to preclude the choice of any other candidate.
1730 to 1734. And as Spain was prepared to act offenfively againſt the Emperor, and the king
of Sardinia was on the point of concluding an alliance with France and Spain,
Of England. Walpole had a difficult and delicate part to act. He was no lefs anxious
than the Emperor or Ruffia, to exclude Staniſlaus; and yet he was unwilling
to offend France, by taking an open and active ſhare in his exclufion. He
was no lefs zealous to promote the election of Auguftus, in return for his
guaranty of the pragmatic fanction. But as he was determined to decline
entering into a war, if it could be declined with honour, his conduct evinced
the moſt confummate addrefs and prudence.
Although the affurances to fecond the pretenfions of the elector, and to
exclude Staniſlaus, were as ftrong as words could exprefs; yet every declara-
tion was avoided which feemed to imply, in the moſt diftant degree, the co-
operation of force. To the Czarina, who announced her inclination to
unite with the king and the Emperor in filling the vacancy, and hoped
that the choice would not fall on Staniflaus, or any French prince, it was re-
plied, that the king would uſe his endeavours for the election of an unex-
ceptionable perſon, and would fecond the Czarina's difpofition to fecure
the public tranquillity.
To the Emperor, who declared his refolution to fupport the freedom of
election, according to the conftitution of Poland, which expreffions were
conſtrued as meaning an exclufion of Stanislaus, and who requeſted that
the Engliſh miniſter at Warſaw might act in concert with him, Ruffia,
and Pruffia, every affurance was given, that the king of England approved
the refolution of promoting a new and free election in favour of an unexcep-
tionable prince, and would forward the fame defign, as far as could be done
by good offices. It was alfo urged that Mr. Woodward, the miniſter at
Drefden, fhould contribute as much as poffible to the fame views; and if any
complaint ſhould be afterwards made, that he had acted leſs warmly than
might be expected against Staniſlaus, he was to alledge, as an excufe, the
unwillingneſs of the king to give fuch an offence to France, without advan-
tage to himſelf or his allies, and the ſmall influence the king could expect to
have in the affairs of that diftant kingdom.
At the fame time the king ordered his miniſter at Warſaw to give the
ſtrongeſt affurances of his affection and friendſhip towards that republic. He
was to declare upon all occafions, in the king's name, for a free election, in
favour of any prince, who was not diſpleaſing to the neighbouring powers, and
in whom the Poles might find a fecurity for their liberties. He was to act in
concert with the minifters of the Emperor and the Czarina, and aſſiſt them
in obtaining the election of Auguftus; but he was to act with the utmoſt
difcretion
M
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
431
difcretion and moderation, not to join in giving the exclufion to any perfon,
except the Pretender or his children. He was to oppofe Stanislaus, but not
in ſuch a manner as might give offence, though he need not conceal his
wiſhes in favour of the party eſpouſed by the Emperor and his allies. If
any encouragement was given to the Pretender, he was to proteft againſt it,
and leave the kingdom.
Chapter 43.
1733 to 1734
The Britiſh cabinet carried their caution on this occafion to the higheſt
degree of delicacy. The Imperial minifters delivered to Mr. Robinſon* a
paper, importing, that France appearing determined to break the peace, a
rupture might be prevented by a ftrict union between the Emperor and his
allies. For this reafon the Emperor defired to concert meaſures with Eng-
land and the United Provinces, either for deterring France, or for repelling
hoftilities. The Emperor, it was urged, had amply provided Luxenburgh,
but the remaining part of the Netherlands ſhould be jointly fecured, and
the empire protected. The concurrence of the king of England was ex-
pected, becauſe he had approved all the meaſures and fentiments adopted
by the Imperial court, in regard to the Poliſh election. In reply to theſe in-
finuations, Mr. Robinſon was ordered to obſerve, that this expreffion might
be underſtood as if the king had actually approved the exclufion of Sta-
niflaus by force, that fuch an infinuation ought not to paſs unnoticed, be-
cauſe it was directly contrary to the moſt poſitive affurances, which had been
tranſmitted from England to the Britiſh miniſter at Vienna; that the king
was fo far from having approved any defign to commit hoftilities in Poland,
that he never could believe the Emperor had entertained fuch a deſign, and
that he had always declared for a free election. The truth of this ſtatement
was acknowledged by the court of Vienna; and Mr. Robinſon was again di-
rected to diffuade them from purſuing fuch meaſures as might cauſe diſturb-
ances in Europe. Theſe ſtrong and repeated remonftrances finally prevailed July 24
on the Emperor, not openly to employ force, but to leave that part to the
Czarina.
In conformity to the fame principle, the Britiſh minifters at Warfaw and
Vienna expreffed the diſapprobation of the king, that the Imperial miniſter
at Warſaw accompanied the Ruffian embaffador when he notified the refo-
lution of the Czarina to exclude Staniſlaus by force, and when the Emperor
was folicitous to engage England in a treaty of mutual defence with Ruffia,›
the anfwer of the king implied, that he was ready to conclude a treaty of
friendſhip with the Czarina, but would not agree that it ſhould contain de-
fenfive ftipulations, or engagements to affift her, if ſhe ſhould be attacked.
in Europe on account of the tranfactions of Poland.
*July 15, Walpole Papers.
During
432
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
Election of
Staniſlaus.
April.
Counter-
election of
Auguftus.
France,
Spain, and
Sardinia, de-
clare war
againſt the
Emperor.
Their fuc-
The
During thefe tranfactions, the election took place in Poland.
French party fo far prevailed in favour of Staniſlaus, who in 1710 had been
declared for ever incapable of being elected king of Poland, that a ma-
jority of the diet of convocation entered into a confederation to chooſe no one
but a native, born of Roman Catholick parents, who poffeffed no fovereignty
out of Poland, and was not ſupported by any foreign troops beyond the fron-
tiers. In confequence of this refolution, which was declaring in his favour,
Staniſlaus fecretly paſſed into Poland, made his appearance at Warſaw, and
was chofen by the diet of election, which affembled on the 12th of September.
Againſt this election, the Saxon party came forward, ſupported by a Ruffian
army which entered Warfaw without refiftance. The adherents of Stanif-
laus were difperfed, he himſelf fled to Dantzic, and the partifans of Au-
guftus affembled at Wola, near Prague, the fuburbs of Warfaw, and pro-
claimed him king of Poland.
The indignation of Louis the Fifteenth, was not appeaſed by the profeſ-
fions of the Emperor, that he had not acted offenfively againſt Staniſlaus,
becauſe he had fent no troops into Poland; but arguing that the co-operation
of his minifter at Warfaw with the Ruffian and Saxon miniſters, and the
affembling of 6,000 men on the frontiers of Poland, were the fame as if he
had openly employed force, declared war against him, in conjunction with
Spain and Sardinia.
The declaration of war on the part of the three allied powers, was followed
cessful opera- by inftant hoftilities. The French army, under Marſhal Berwick, took the fort
of Kehl, and invaded Germany; another corps, under the count of Belle
Ifle, overran Loraine.
tions.
The Empe-
affiftance of
England.
Nov. T
The Emperor, in a memorial delivered by Count Kinſki, his embaſſador in
ror claims the London, claimed the fuccours ftipulated by the laſt treaty of Vienna, and
claimed them in a manner which fhewed his conviction, that England could
not in juſtice refuſe them. In fact, he had many reaſons to ſuppoſe that he
ſhould obtain the required affiftance. For notwithſtanding the precautions
which the English cabinet had taken to diffuade the Emperor from ufing
force in Poland, they at the fame time fecretly employed every effort to ob-
tain the excluſion of Staniſlaus, the validity of whofe election the Engliſh
miniſter at Warſaw refufed to acknowledge. They had been highly inftru-
mental in promoting the conclufion of the alliance between the Emperor
and Auguftus, by which the Emperor, in return for the guaranty of the
pragmatic fanction, promiſed affiftance to procure his free nomination to the
throne of Poland, in oppofition to the partífans of Staniſlaus, and to ſupport
him, if chofen, by force of arms.
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
433
1733 to 1734.
The king was decidedly in favour of affifting the Emperor; the queen, Chapter 43-
though defirous of upholding the pacific ſyſtem of Walpole, did not ven-
ture to oppoſe his wiſhes; and lord Harrington, who, as fecretary of ſtate,
principally conducted the negotiation with the court of Vienna, was inclined
to the fame opinion.
In this criſis of affairs, Walpole ſtood in a very delicate fituation, and was
reduced to a diſagreeable alternative. On one fide, he was to oppoſe the
earneſt wiſhes of the king, to act in contradiction to the fentiments of part
of the cabinet, and at the fame time to appear as if he was abetting the de-
gradation of the houſe of Auſtria, and promoting the aggrandiſement of the
houſe of Bourbon. On the other fide, he was to plunge the nation into a war
for the oftenfible purpoſe of giving a king to Poland, in which England had
no immediate concern, in oppofition, perhaps, to the public opinion, and at
the eve of a general election. But as he had for ſome time foreſeen that he
ſhould be reduced to follow one of thefe difagreeable alternatives, he had
previouſly collected all the information neceffary to regulate his decifion, and
to enable him to purſue that conduct which feemed liable to the feweſt in-
conveniences.
The Emperor had been repeatedly exhorted to put the Auftrian Nether-
lands in a ſtate of defence; from a certain apprehenſion, that unleſs that was
effected, the barrier would be expofed, and the Dutch fo alarmed, from the
danger of being overrun by the French, that they would never have the fpirit
to act with vigour, in co-operation with England. But inftead of hearkening
to theſe juſt remonftrances, Luxenburgh was alone provided with the necef-
fary means of defence; the fortifications in the other parts were left in a
moſt defenceleſs ſtate, and the care of them configned to the Engliſh and
Dutch; a care which, the greffier Fagell obferved, in a letter to Bruyninx,
"The Dutch, not yet recovered from the expences of the late war, could not,
and the English would not take upon themſelves."
The Emperor had alſo been repeatedly exhorted to conclude a defenfive
alliance with the king of Sardinia, who was ftrongly inclined to prefer
his friendſhip to that of France and Spain; and his co-operation, which, in-
ftead of opening to the French the key of Italy, would have excluded
them from that country, might have been obtained by trifling facrifices.
But the Emperor had, either from his ufual dilatorinefs, or from an unwil-
lingneſs to cede any portion of the Milanefe, declined engaging on his fide
fo important an ally, until it was too late; and Charles Emanuel apolo-
*
* Walpole Papers. Letter from the King of Sardinia to George the Second, March, 1734.
Correfpondence.
Delicate fitu
ation of Wal-
pole.
Improvi
dence of the
Emperor.
VOL. I
3 K
gized
MEMOIRS OF
434
1730 to 1734.
Period V. gized to the king of England, that he had been reluctantly compelled, for
his own ſafety and intereſt, to cloſe with the offers of France and Spain, be-
caufe the Emperor had refuſed to comply with his terms. In confequence
of this imprudent neglect, and a total inattention to the common means of
defence, his Italian dominions were incapable of refifting the inroads of the
combined powers.
State of the
vinces.
The fituation of the United Provinces did not afford the fmalleft pro-
United Pro- fpect of inducing them to engage in offenfive operations. The leading men
were offended with the king of England, for having given the princefs Anne
in marriage to the prince of Orange, without previous notice, and were fuf-
The
picious that he was attempting to revive the office of ſtadtholder.
dread of being expofed to a French invafion, fhould they take an active part
in favour of the Emperor, was fo great, that the ſtates general were inclined
to accept the offers of France to conclude a neutrality for the Auſtrian Ne-
therlands, and to agree not to affift the Emperor, in confequence of any
events which related to the Polifh election. Repeated remonftrances had
been ineffectually made from the Britiſh cabinet, againſt this precipitate mea-
fure.
Miffion of
Horace Wal-
pole to the
Hague.
April 18,
1734.
*
At length Walpole, anxious to obtain the co-operation of a power, with-
out whom England could not venture to act, fent his brother Horace * to
the Hague, though not in an official capacity, for the purpoſe of conciliating
the leading men, over whom he had great influence, and of perfuading the
ftates general to adopt a more manly and decifive conduct. On his arrival
at the Hague, he found things in a very indifferent fituation; the people in
general were much diffatisfied, not only with the conduct of the court of
Vienna, but with that of England, upon a miſtaken notion, that the king.
was labouring, out of partiality to the Emperor, to force them into the preſent
war, and was endeavouring to promote the interefts of the prince of Orange,
at the expence of the Dutch conftitution.
The news of the miffion of the minifter's brother had an inftantaneous
effect in raiſing the hopes of the Imperial court, and gave a convincing
proof that the cabinet of London were ferious in their wishes to affift the
Emperor, if it could be done without endangering the fecurity of England.
It however had no other confequences than to reftore the confidence between.
the two nations, and to conciliate the leading men in Holland. For the
Dutch were fo difpirited with the defencelefs ftate of the Netherlands, for
difgufted with the conduct of the Emperor, and fo averfe to refume the
* Horace Walpole's Apology and Diſpatches.
† Mr. Robinſon to. Lord Harrington, May 11th 1733. Grantham Papers.
X
burthens
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
435
burthens of war, that he could not bring them to adopt vigorous mea-
fures, or to countenance the fmalleft hopes of joining in offenfive opera-
tions *.
Chapter 43.
1733 to 1734.
The internal fituation of England was no lefs unfavourable to an imme- State of Eng
diate breach with France; a long period of peace and tranquillity had in- land.
creaſed commerce, agriculture, and the refources of the country. The
landed proprietors were highly ſatisfied with the diminution of the land tax, the
monied men were no leſs pleaſed with deferring the payment of the national
debt, the Jacobites were daily decreaſing; the Tories, though perfonally hof-
tile to the minifter himſelf, began to experience the comforts of good order,
derived from a ſettled government. Confidence in government had taken place
of diſtruſt; and the ſtate of the country, both at home and abroad, exhibited
the ſtrongeſt ſymptoms of ftability and credit. Walpole faw and appreciated
theſe happy effects, derived from external peace and internal tranquillity; he
was unwilling to riſk the unpopularity of impofing new burthens; he was well
aware that a war with France would renew the hopes and excite the efforts
of the fallen party, and realife his conftant prediction, that the crown of
England would be fought for on Britiſh ground.
The refult which he drew from this combination of circumftances and
events was, that it would be highly imprudent to involve the country in hof-
tilities, without the co-operation of Holland. He was fully convinced that
the nation would not readily approve a war for a Poliſh election; and that
parliament would not be inclined to grant fufficient fupplies for ſo chimeri-
cal and diſtant a project.
He did not think it prudent, however, to oppofe at once the decided opinion Prudence of
of the king, who was eager for a war. He infinuated the neceffity of temporif- Walpole.
ing, till a new parliament was chofen, and the nation could be rouſed to a
fenſe of the danger which would arife from the aggrandiſement of the houſe
of Bourbon, and until the people were made capable of judging, that the
only foundation upon which the liberties of Europe could fubfift, was the
indivifibility of a power like the houſe of Auftria, fufficient to be oppoſed to
the houſe of Bourbon.
It was not however without great difficulty that he obtained the confent
of the king and cabinet to adopt a line of conduct, which appeared no leſs
pufillanimous in itſelf, than oppofite to the tenour of the laft treaty con-
cluded at Vienna. But he gained his point by firmnefs and perfeverence; by
inculcating the neceffity of mature deliberation, and of avoiding extremities.
Journal of Horace Walpole. Walpole Papers.
+ Mr. Robinſon to Mr. Pelham, Vienna, November 11, 1733. Grantham Papers.
3
3 K 2
[23]
436
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
till it ſhould appear that the meaſures were no leſs practicable than advanta-
1730 to 1734. geous; and he confidered it prudent to feel the pulfe of public opinion,
which ought always to be confulted in caſes of ſuch extreme importance as
a declaration of war.
Anſwer to
In confequence of this determination, an anſwer was returned to the re-
the Emperor. queft of fuccours, made by the Imperial court, importing, that the king
was concerned to ſee the peace broken, and the Emperor attacked; that he
had hitherto employed his beft offices, though unfuccefsfully, to prevent the
rupture, and would now ufe all poffible means to accommodate matters.
That the motives hitherto alledged for the commiffion of hoftilities, being
founded upon Poliſh affairs, in which the king had taken no part, but that
of ufing his good offices, it was far from being clear, that he was obliged,
purely upon that account, to enter into the quarrel. That as to the de-
mand of fuccours, the king, though always ready to execute his engage-
ments, and ſhew his particular friendſhip for the Emperor, muſt yet be
fatisfied that the demand was founded on pofitive engagements, before he in-
volved his people in a war. That, therefore, he muſt carefully examine the
allegations on both ſides, and confult his allies, particularly the States Gene-
ral, and put himſelf in fuch a pofture, as might enable him to provide ef
fectually for his own fecurity, and for the execution of his engagements.
Artful policy
of the Em-
peror.
The Emperor, highly indignant at the backwardnefs of the cabinet, pro-
jected an expedient which feemed calculated to forward the accompliſhment
of his views. Well knowing the averfion of England to the marriage be-
tween an archduchefs and a prince of the houſe of Bourbon, and the remon-
ftrances which had been made to him on that fubject, not only during the
time when he was at variance with England, but even lately by Mr. Robin-
fon, in the ſtrongeſt manner, on the mere rumour that fuch a meaſure was
in agitation; he affected to open a negotiation with Spain, to renew the
propofal of a marriage between his fecond daughter and Don Carlos.
On the arrival of a courier from Vienna *, count Kinſki painted in the
ſtrongeſt colours to the king, the great uneafineſs and danger of the Emperor's
fituation; his inability to refift fingly the united arms of France, Spain, and
Sardinia, and at the fame time the little dependance to be placed upon the
king of Pruffia. He ftated the unpromifing conduct of feveral other princes
of the empire, and the neutrality already accepted by fome of them, toge-
ther with the ftrong indications of a refolution and concert among fe-
veral, even of the electors, to prevent the empire itſelf from taking any
• Continuation of the conduct of England, &c. January 1734. Walpole Papers.
j
part;
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
437
g
part; and laftly, the defpair of affiftance from the States General. He con-
cluded theſe repreſentations with infifting abfolutely, in the Emperor's name,
that the king ſhould no longer defer explaining his intention as to the part
he would take, but ſhould immediately give a pofitive promife to come, the
very next campaign, to his affiftance, without which promife, he infinuated,
that the Emperor must comply with the demands of Spain, in giving his
fecond daughter in marriage to Don Carlos, as a means ftiil in his power,
and the only one in that caſe remaining, for extricating himfelf and his family
from their prefent difficulties, and the ill confequences fo juftly to be appre-
hended from them, even to the deſtruction of the houſe of Auſtria, and of the
equilibrium in Europe.
This artful expedient, however, did not fucceed. Walpole had not been
ſo much alarmed on a former occafion, at the rumour of fuch a marriage,
as lord Townshend and the other minifters, and he now conceived that matters
were confiderably changed. He conjectured that the Emperor only threw
out this infinuation, with a view to alarm England, rather than with a de-
termination to adopt the meaſure; and he was of opinion, that even if the
Emperor ſhould be in earneſt, provided the eldeſt of the archducheffes was
affianced to the duke of Loraine, the marriage of the fecond with Don Car-
los would not be productive of great difadvantages. In all events, to uſe
his own expreffions, "Circumſtances change; things diflant and uncertain
"muft yield to preſent and certain dangers *."
In conformity with theſe ſentiments, orders were immediately diſpatched
to Mr. Robinſon, to explain to the Imperial court, the feveral reafons
which made it abfolutely impoffible for the king, even though it ſhould
have appeared to him that the Emperor's claim of fuccours was well
founded, to come fo foon as was expected to his affiftance. He was at
the fame time to declare, that the king no longer continued to oppofe
the marriage of the fecond archduchefs with Don Carlos, it being repre-
ſented to him to be the only means left for retrieving the Emperor's affairs,
by detaching Spain from France. Mr. Robinfon was, however, to infiſt,
that nothing ſhould be concluded in this affair, without the king's interven-
tion, and that due precautions fhould be taken for preventing the dangers
that might be apprehended to the liberties of Europe from fuch an alliance;
amongſt which, he was to infinuate, that the marrying of the eldeft archduchefs
Among the Orford Papers, I find fome
reflections on this fubject, written by Sir Ro-
bert Walpole. They are without date or fig-
nature, but they were undoubtedly made at
this period. See Correfpondence.
Chapter 43.
1734.
Defeated by
Walpole.
to
438
MEMOIRS OF
Period V.
1730 to 1734.
The king
offers his
mediation.
Indignation
of the Em-
peror.
Meeting of
parliament.
to the duke of Loraine, under the guaranty of Spain, was looked upon as
One of the moſt effectual fecurities.
About the fame time, finding the Dutch utterly averfe to encounter the
burthens and dangers of a war, and anxious to prevent them from throwing
themſelves into the arms of France, the minifter enforced the abfolute ne-
ceffity of acceding to the neutrality, in compliance with their earneſt wiſhes.
The king exhorted the Emperor to acquiefce in the neutrality for the Nether-
lands, and offered his mediation, in conjunction with the States General, to
bring about an accommodation, and to reftóre peace.
The declaration in favour of the marriage, which was ſuppoſed to be
fo contrary to the wiſhes of the Engliſh cabinet, and the offer of good offices
only inſtead of effectual fuccours, fo highly irritated the Emperor, that
his anſwer to both theſe propofitions, contained no lefs haughtiness and
ſpirit, than if the affairs of the houſe of Auſtria had been in the moſt prof-
perous fituation.
The declaration concerning the marriage, made a fimilar impreffion on all
the imperial minifters. They treated the fuppofition, that the Emperor had
ever entertained the leaſt thought of marrying his fecond daughter to the
duke of Parma, as injurious. They even affected to doubt that Kinſki had
ever ſpoken in the manner imputed to him. And in the anſwer which
was delivered by the Emperor's order to Mr. Robinſon, upon the 18th of
February, the Emperor declared, in the moſt folemn terms, that he never
had any thoughts, nor ever would condeſcend to purchaſe peace on thoſe
terins, and formally difavowed Kinſki, and all others who might ever have
given the leaft hint of that kind, declaring his determined refolution to de-
fend himſelf to the laſt extremity.
In anſwer to the offer of good offices, the Emperor peremptorily rejected
the propofal of a neutrality for the Netherlands; declared his firm refolution
of ſupporting his cauſe by force of arms, and fo far from temporiſing, he
threatened the Dutch to remove the war into Flanders, by attacking France
on the fide of Luxemburgh.
With a view of rendering the interpofition of England more effectual, and
giving weight to the propofal of good offices, Walpole had recourfe to his
uſual method of preventive meaſures, and adopted the refolution of putting
the country in a refpectable pofture of defence, tempering caution with
fpirit, and deliberation with energy. The fpeech from the throne, on
the opening of the feffion, correfponded with theſe principles. After
recommending the utmoſt prudence and precaution, and exhorting par-
liament to weigh and confider circumſtances thoroughly, before a final de-
termination
}
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
439**
termination was taken, to act in concert with the States General, and to
avoid precipitate declarations; the king added, “In the mean time, Ì am
perfuaded you will make fuch provifions as ſhall ſecure my kingdoms, rights,
and poffeffions from all dangers and infults, and maintain the reſpect due
to the Britiſh nation: whatever part it may in the end be moſt reaſonable for
us to act, it will, in all views, be neceffary, when all Europe is preparing for
arms, to put ourſelves in a proper poſture of defence. As this will beſt
pre--
ferve the peace of the kingdom, fo it will give us a due weight and influence
in whatever meafures we ſhall take in conjunction with our allies. But
ſhould the defence of the nation not be fufficiently provided for, it will
make us difregarded abroad, and may prove a temptation and encourage-
ment to the deſperate views of thoſe, who never fail to flatter themſelves›
with the hopes of great advantages from public troubles and diſorders *”
*Journals. Chandler.
Chapter 43-
1733 to 17346-
440
MEMOIR'S OF
Period VI.
1730 to 1734.
PERIOD THE SIXTH:
From the Diffolution of Parliament, to the Death of Queen
CAROLINE.
1734 1737.
CHAPTER THE FORTY-FOURTH:
Succefs of
the allies.
May 5.
1734 1735.
Successful Operations of the Allies.-Embaſſy of Horace Walpole to the Hague.-
Indignation of the Emperor, and his Attempts to remove Walpole.-Origin,
Progrefs, and Termination of the Secret Convention.—-Renewal of Hoftilities:
Fluctuating State of the British Cabinet.-Embarraffments and Firmness of
Walpole.
TH
HE Emperor expofed, without the affiftance of a fingle ally, to the
united arms of France, Spain, and Sardinia, was reduced to a moft dif-
aftrous fituation. The Milanefe was wholly fubdued by the allied forces; the
victory of Bitonto fecured to Don Carlos the conqueft of Naples and Sicily;
and Mantua, the only poffeffion which remained to the Emperor in Italy,
was threatened with a ſiege, and unable to hold out for any length of time.
In Germany, the Imperial forces, though commanded by Eugene, were too in-
ferior to reſiſt the operations of the French; the capture of Treves, Traerbach,
and
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
1
441
and Philipſburgh, opened to the French the entrance into the Empire, and Chapter 44.
Eugene was compelled to act on the defenfive.
This difaftrous fituation of the Auftrian affairs, alarmed the Britiſh cabi-
net, and though the miniſter was firmly refolved to avoid hoſtilities, yet he
ſaw the immediate neceffity of augmenting the forces, both in England and
Holland, and to be at all events prepared for war.
The great object was, to fecure the concurrence of the United Provinces,
and to prevail on them to act in concert with England, that the mediation
of the two maritime powers might be accepted by the Emperor, and re-
fpected by France and her allies.
In order to obtain the co-operation of Holland, Horace Walpole had
been again diſpatched to the Hague, with the character of embaffador ex-
traordinary, and had warmly preffed the States General to augment their
forces; and although his reprefentations had not been attended with due
effect, yet he had confiderably removed the jealouſy and diſagreement which
had recently arifen between the two maritime powers, and gave hopes that
his attempts might prove fuccefsful.
While theſe tranſactions were paffing between the king and the Republic,
under the promiſe of inviolable ſecrecy on both fides, frequent memorials
were preſented by count Kinſki, calling upon the king in the ſtrongeſt man-
ner, to fulfil his engagements towards the Emperor, by fending inſtantly the
moft effectual fuccours.
Although no ſpecific anſwer could be returned whilft the negotiation at
the Hague was depending, yet previous intimations had been given to the
Imperial court, that no immediate affiſtance could be expected from England
in the preſent fituation of affairs.
But as foon as the negotiation was brought to a conclufion, and it was
determined to make the offer of their joint mediation and good offices for an
accommodation of the differences, lord Harrington gave to count Kiníki,
an account of this refolution; and orders were tranfmitted to their minifters
at Paris and Madrid, to propofe a general pacification through the mediation
of the maritime powers. The Emperor received the notification commu-
nicated by Mr. Robinſon, with no leſs furpriſe than indignation, and his
miniſter delivered in a ſtrong and pointed memorial. In this
In this paper, the
Emperor infifted on the rectitude of his own conduct and views, the infince-
rity of France, and the wanton aggreffions of the allies; claimed from the
maritime powers effectual co-operation to infure the guaranties ftipulated by
exifting treaties, previous to his acceptance of their propofed mediation, and
VOL. I.
3 L
added,
1734 to 1735.
Preparations
in England.
Embaffy of
Horace
Walpole to
the Hague.
July 27,
1734
Remon-
ftrances of
the Emperor:
442
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
His indigna-
tion againſt
Walpole :
Attempts to
effect his re-
moval.
Character
the bishop of
Namur :
added, he would never have acted as they had, and after a delay of nine
months, offered his mediation inſtead of fending affiftance *.
While the anſwer to this memorial was preparing in concert with the States
General, the Emperor became indignant at the delay, and imputing the denial
of fuccours to the influence of Sir Robert Walpole, broke out into the moſt
intemperate expreffions against him. Totally unacquainted with the firft
principles of the Engliſh conſtitution, and forming, from the accounts tranf-
mitted by count Kinſki, wrong notions of the king's power, and of the ſtate
of parties, knowing that George the Second was perfonally eager for the
war, he entertained the moſt fanguine hopes that the nation would be brought
over to his opinion.
Under theſe impreffions, he revived the chimerical plan which he had in-
effectually adopted in 1726, of appealing to the nation againſt the minifter.
His embaſſador in London caballed with oppofition; endeavoured to
excite the fympathy of the nation; threw the blame of his depreffion on
Sir Robert Walpole; appealed to the king's feelings, and to his inveterate
hatred of the houſe of Bourbon, and endeavoured, by means of the Empreſs,
to intereſt queen Caroline in his favour.
Theſe imprudent attempts did not eſcape the knowledge of Walpole. An
intercepted letter from the Emperor to count Kinſki, fully developed the
plan in agitation, and difplayed the threats which Charles the Sixth was
weak enough to fuppofe would alarm the minifter, and compel him to act
offenfively againſt France.
He even carried his refentment fo far, that he attempted to obtain the re-
moval of Walpole, by means of a meddling emiffary, who was ill calculated
to fucceed in ſo difficult an enterpriſe.
This emiffary was Strickland, biſhop of Namur, by birth an Englishman,
and cabals of and by religion a Roman catholic. He had been warmly attached to the cauſe
of the Pretender, and having facrificed his country to his principles, had been
promoted to the Abbey of Saint Pierre de Preaux, in Normandy. He had,
in the latter end of the reign of George the Firſt, maintained a correſpond-
ence with the oppofition; and had through their intereft with the Em-
peror, been raiſed to the biſhopric of Nainur; he afterwards became a ſpy
to the Engliſh miniftry, and rendered himſelf ſo uſeful, that he was confi-
dered as a proper perſon of confidence to refide at Rome, for the purpoſe of
giving information with regard to the Pretender. With this view, lord
* Reponſe de la cour Imperiale aux repreſentations de Meffrs. Robinſon et Bruininx,
30 Juin, 1734. Walpole Papers.
Harrington
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
443
•
Harrington* applied to the Emperor for his intereft to obtain for him a
cardinal's hat; and Mr. Robinſon was ordered to fecond that recommenda-
tion with his whole influence. The biſhop being a man of an artful and in-
triguing turn, plauſible in his manner, and having gained great credit for his
ſtrict regularity and difintereſtedneſs in the management of his diocefe, was
admitted to ſeveral audiences of the Empreſs, and fucceeded fo far in in-
finuating himſelf into her good graces, that he was employed to thwart the
marriage of the eldeſt archduchefs with Don Carlos, to which ſhe had an
infuperable averfion.
During thefe audiences, he artfully infinuated fuch remarks on the mif-
management of the Imperial miniftry, as induced the Empreſs to obtain for
him a private audience of the Emperor. He availed himſelf of this permif-
fion to preſent ſeveral memorials, for the amelioration of the domeſtic affairs,
which were well received by the Emperor, fond of new ſchemes, and in-
clined to think unfavourably of his minifters. From theſe topics, he di-
greffed to lord Harrington's recommendation, and reprefented himſelf as
capable either of forcing the Britiſh adminiſtration to enter into the war, or
if that failed of fuccefs, of driving out Sir Robert Walpole, through the in-
trigues of the oppofition. The Emperor weakly acceded to this propofal,
and ſupplied the biſhop of Namur with private credentials to the king and
queen of England. On his departure, he was inftructed to take advantage
of the decided inclination of the king to enter into the war, of the apparent
lukewarmneſs of the queen to ſupport the pacific fyftem, and of the diſunion
of fentiments in the miniftry.
The biſhop of Namur was received by the king and queen in fo gracious
a manner, as to give umbrage to Sir Robert Walpole. He had a long
and fecret conference with lord Harrington; and reports were foon in cir-
culation, that he would draw the nation into a war, and that he was pri-
vately fupported by the king and queen, and abetted by lord Harrington;
and that the fall of the minifter would be the immediate confequence.
Chapter 44.
1734 to 1735*
It became neceffary to difcredit theſe rumours. Horace Walpole hinted Counteracted
to lord Harrington his opinion of the bishop, and the ill policy of appearing by Walpole.
to countenance fo dangerous a perfon. In the private correfpondence which
he held with queen Caroline, he alſo artfully repreſented the impropriety
* Walpole and Grantham Papers. Mr. Ro-
binſon to lord Harrington, September 8. To
Horace Walpole, November 13, 1734. Cor-
refpondence.
† Orford Papers. Correfpondence.
Orford Papers. Letter to queen Caroline,
October 18-29, 1734. Correfpondence.
3 L2
of
444
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
of giving fuch a reception to a miffionary who was fo favourable to the
1734 to 1737. oppofition; he urged the neceffity of not fuffering a perfon of his fufpi --
cious character to remain in England; and infinuated that the Emperor
fhould be undeceived in his notion, that the king was of a different
opinion from the miniftry, and be pofitively informed that England could'
not take a part in the war. Walpole, in concert with his brother, fupported:
this meaſure, and fuggefted to the queen, that fhe fhould herfelf write to the
Emprefs, to contradict the falfe accounts fent by Kinfki and the bishop.
of Namur, and candidly to declare that no fuccours could be given by Eng-
land, until the offer of the mediation had been rejected. The minifter car-
ried his point; the biſhop of Namur was civilly difmiffed; the king was
either convinced of the neceffity of adopting pacific meaſures, or yielded.
reluctantly to a plan which he could not venture to oppofe. Lord Harring
ton fubmitted to the fuperior influence of Walpole; and the Emperor, with
fome heſitation, agreed to admit the good offices, and to accept the media..
tion of the maritime powers.
Intimacy of
Horace
Walpole
with baron
Gedda.
Embarraffing
fituation of
the cabinet.
Meanwhile, a fecret negotiation was fuddenly opened with France,
which feemed at firft to afford a profpect of a ſpeedy accommodation, and
on that account was eagerly embraced by Sir Robert Walpole, but which
involved both him and his brother in confiderable embarraffinents, ex--
cited, in the courfe of its progrefs, the difpleaſure of the king, and occafioned
a temporary difagreement among the minifters.
Horace Walpole maintained an intimate correfpondence with baron Gedda,
the Swedish minifter at Paris, for whom he procured an annual penſion*
of £. 400; and as Gedda was on good terms with cardinal Fleury, and had
communicated the private fentiments of the French miniſter, Horace Wal--
pole had, at the fuggeftion of his brother, found means to convey hints for a›
general accommodation.
The fituation of the Britiſh cabinet was exceedingly embarraffing; being
reproached on one fide by the Emperor for not fulfilling the guaranty by
declaring war, and on the other by France, for not being cordially difpofed
to favour a peace, it became expedient to take a decided part. But the co--
operation of the United Provinces was confidered by the minifter as a ne-.
ceffary means to infure fuccefs.
The difpofition of perfons and affairs in Holland was fo timid and fluc-
tuating, as to afford little hope of terminating hoftilities, unlefs France
* Correſpondence.
could.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
445
*
Chapter 44.
try bad!
ן
}
could be induced, of her own accord, to open a negotiation. For it was
fenfibly urged by the embaffador at the Hague, that although thefe ccn- 1734101735.
ditions might not be fuch as would be accepted by the Emperor, yet
were once propofed to him by England and the States General, he
be undeceived in his fond expectations, that thofe powers would ener».
the war for the purpoſe of recovering his dominions in Italy, and be inclined
to turn his attention to fome expedient for an accommodation.
With this view, Horace Walpole, with the private approbation of his Overtures.
brother, employed the intervention of his friend at Paris, and finally obtained cardinal
Fleury.
the object ſo much defired. Baron Gedda acquainted him, that the cardi-
nal, impreſſed with a defire to give peace to Europe, propoſed to enter into
a confidential correfpondence with him, for the purpoſe of fettling the pre-
liminaries for a general pacification, to be communicated to no one but the.
Penfionary Slingelandt. This overture being confidered by a part of the
cabinet as tending only to amufe, and as a fnare employed by France to pre-
vent the adoption of vigorous meaſures, was at firft warmly oppoſed; but'
being fupported by queen Caroline and Sir Robert Walpole, and thofe members
of adminiſtration who adhered to their opinion, it was immediately accepted;
a private correſpondence took place, and the cardinal propofed to fend a
confidential perfon, by the name of Jannel, to the Hague, to fettle and con-
clude the terms to which England or France would previouſly accede, be-
fore they were communicated on one fide to the Emperor, and on the other
to the allies of France.
Horace Wal-
pole.
This propofition of cardinal Fleury being approved by the cabinet, an Correfpond-
intereſting correſpondence took place between him and Horace Walpole, ence with
concerning the previous conditions to be fettled for adjuſting the prelimina-
ries. The letters of the cardinal, and the anfwers of Horace Walpole, were
tranfmitted to England for the approbation and direction of the king, and
private accounts were regularly forwarded to Sir Robert Walpole...
of Walpole.
During theſe tranſactions, Sir Robert Walpole beſtowed extraordinary Application
pains on foreign affairs.. Befides holding a fecret and conftant correfpond- and influence
ence with his brother, and fuggefting, through his means, thofe fentiments
with which he wished to impress the queen, he examined with peculiar at-
tention the diſpatches to and from the fecretaries of ſtate; took notes, and
made references of the moſt important letters; and although he difpleafed
*Horace Walpole to Sir Robert Walpole, Auguft 6, 1734. Correfpondence..
+ Horace Walpole to the queen. Walpole Papers.
>
the ·
❤
446
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
the king by his firmneſs in fuggeſting pacific meafures, and in fome in-
1734 to 1737. ſtances was fecretly thwarted by lord Harrington, who acted in deference
to the views of his fovereign, yet he would not fuffer any meaſure to be pur-
fued without his approbation, and directed or controuled the whole feries of
this intricate negotiation.
Negotiation
with Jannel
at the Hague.
Walpole en-
forces pacific
meaſures.
In confequence of this confidential intercourfe, Jannel arrived at the
Hague on the 5th of November; continued there only three days, and had
three very important conferences with Horace Walpole and the Penfionary,
with fuch fecrecy, that his arrival was not fufpected, until he had taken his
departure. Of theſe three conferences, Horace Walpole tranſmitted an ac-
curate and well written account to the Britiſh cabinet. An arrangement
was taken towards fettling the preliminaries, in which the two parties, after
propofing terms which could not be acceded to on either fide, afterwards
gradually approached each other, and feemed to be not very diftant from the
probability of coming to an amicable agreement. The terms propoſed by
Jannel, and oppoſed or affented to by Horace Walpole, were to be referred
on one fide to the cardinal, and on the other to the Britiſh cabinet.
A plan for the preliminaries was now to be propoſed by the cabinet, and
forwarded to the Hague, for regulating the conduct of the embaffador.
In order to engage England and Holland in the war, the Emperor had
withdrawn all his troops from the barrier towns, and confined himſelf to the
defence of Luxemburgh. He repreſented that it was more the intereſt of
the maritime powers than his own, to preferve the Low Countries from
France, and therefore he fhould leave to them the care of their defence.
This refolution had been privately taken without the knowledge of Walpole,
in concert with the king and lord Harrington, who were no leſs anxious than
the Emperor to commence hoftilities againſt France. In confequence of this
reſolution, a plan was drawn up by lord Harrington*, to be forwarded to
Horace Walpole. It was worded in a moſt artful manner, and appeared to
have no other deſign than to preſerve the Low Countries from France. The
embaſſador was ordered to infinuate to the Dutch, that if they would autho-
rife the king to affure the Emperor of their deſign to augment their forces,
his majeſty would endeavour to prevail on the Emperor to fend, without
delay, a fufficient number of men from the Rhine for the defence of the
Low Countries; and that the king, at the requifition of the Dutch, ac-
Τ
* Lord Harrington to Horace Walpole, Whitehall, November 8th, 1734. Correfpon-
dence.
cording
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
447
cording to the tenour of the barrier treaty, would fupply 10,000 men, pro- Chapter 44.
vided they would furniſh an equal number.
This diſpatch, before it was fent to the Hague, was forwarded by a mef-
fenger to Sir Robert Walpole, who was then at Houghton, for his appro-
bation. The minifter highly diſapproved the meaſure, and thought it ne-
ceffary to exprefs his difapprobation in fuch ftrong terms, that lord Har-
rington totally relinquished his defign. In his anfwer to Walpole, he tefti-
fied his concern that the draught which he propoſed to write to Horace
Walpole concerning the Netherlands, was fo ftrongly condemned *.
"The
letter itſelf," he added, " is not fent."
Soon afterwards, lord Harrington drew up, by order of the king, a plan
for the preliminaries, which was calculated to throw obftacles in the way of
the negotiation with France, and to check the eagerness of Horace Walpole
for immediately,modifying and clofing with the propofitions of cardinal
Fleury. Theſe inftructions were to be forwarded to the Hague, in a let-
ter to the embaffador, by which he was to be implicitly guided in this
delicate buſineſs. He prepared this letter on the 12th of November, but
as it was an affair of too great importance to be precipitately decided with-
out the concurrence of the minifter, who was then at Houghton, he diſ-
patched a meffenger with a letter, encloſing a copy, and requeſting his
opinion. This plan met with no lefs difapprobation than that which re-
lated to the Netherlands; and Walpole was never engaged in a more difficult
or delicate part. Although he well knew that to diſapprove or alter it, was in
effect to act in direct contradiction to the fentiments and wiſhes of the
king, yet he did not heſitate to adopt that refolution. He confidered the
plan as wholly formed by lord Harrington; and in a very frank and candid
manner, gave his objections, without attempting in the ſmalleſt degree to
conceal, or even to palliate his opinion. And perhaps in no inftance were
the integrity, prudence, and firmnefs of Walpole more evident, than in the
anfwer which he returned to lord Harrington on this occafion.
1734 to 1735
Firm and
prudent con-
duct of Wal-
pole.
vention.
In the middle of December, Jannel returned to the Hague, and the con- Secret con-
ferences were refumed. The confequence of theſe meetings was, a project
of pacification concerted between England and the States, as conformable as
poffible to the ſentiments and defires of France, as they were explained by
the cardinal in his private correfpondence with Horace Walpole and the
* Sidney Papers.
Correfpondence.
November 8th, 1734.
+ Lord Harrington to Horace Walpole,
November 12, 1734. Lord Harrington to
9
Sir Robert Walpole, November 13, 1734.
Correfpondence.
Sir Robert Walpole to lord Harrington,
November 1, 1734. Correfpondence.
Penfionary,
448
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
Infincerity of
Fleury.
Articles of
the conven-
tion.
Penfionary, and which ought to have been figned at the Hague by Jannel.
But as the French minifters had protracted the negotiation, by raiſing new
demands, and creating freſh difficulties, it was thought expedient to fatisfy
the expectation and impatience of Europe, by publiſhing the plan.
Accordingly, the king in his fpeech, which he delivered at the opening of
the new parliament, obſerved, " that in a ſhort time, a plan would be offered
to the confideration of all the parties engaged in the prefent war, as a bafis
for a general negotiation of peace, in which the honour and intereft of all
parties had been confulted, as far as the circumftances of time, and the pre-
fent poſture of affairs, would permit *."
The French minifters affected to be diffatisfied with this proceeding;
they pretended that it was a breach of that fecrecy which had been promiſed,
and they remonſtrated, that this hafty publication of the conditions for a
general peace, would entirely fruſtrate the good intentions of France, by
alarming the allies. At the fame time, Jannel, inftead of figning the
project of the preliminaries, according to the repeated affurances of car-
dinal Fleury, received a new counter project, and freſh inftructions, which
the Engliſh and Dutch miniſters at the Hague could not agree to, and
from which he could not venture to recede. Thus this important nego-
tiation, which had employed fix months, and had been conducted with the
greateſt ſecrecy, was fuddenly fufpended. Jannel quitted the Hague, charg-
ed with expoftulatory letters to the cardinal, on the unexpected mifcarriage
of this great work, which was expected to give peace to Europe; and on
the following day, Horace Walpole fet out for London, carrying with him
the unſigned project of pacification, which had been concerted with the
minifters of the Republic.
✓
The principal articles of this project were, the abdication of Staniſlaus,
on the condition of retaining his title; the evacuation of Poland by the
Ruffian troops; the ceffion of Naples and Sicily to Don Carlos, and of the
Tortoneſe, Novorefe, and Vigevenafco to the king of Sardinia. To the
Emperor, the reſtoration of all the other conquefts, the immediate poſſeſ-
fion of Parma and Placentia, and the fucceffion of Tuſcany, except Leg-
horn, which was to be created an independant republic; France to guaranty
the pragmatic fanction; Spain and Sardinia to renew their guaranties.
This plan to be confidered as the bafis of an immediate negotiation for a
general peace, and an armiſtice to be ftrenuouſly recommended by the mes
diators.
* Journals. Chandler, vol. 9. p. 3.
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
449
1734 to 1735.
The Emperor having teftified his inclination to accept this plan, though Chapter 44.
he afterwards attempted to make fome alterations which were inadmiffible,
it was preſented in form to the reſpective minifters of the Emperor, France,
Spain, and Sardinia. The earl of Waldegrave returned to Paris, with in-
ſtructions to preſs the cardinal in the ſtrongeſt manner to confirm and ſup-
port this project, according to the moft folemn affurances which he had
given in his private correfpondence with Horace Walpole. But his tepre-
ſentations were not attended with any effect. The opinion of lord Har-
rington, which had been confirmed by the earl of Waldegrave in his former
diſpatches from Paris, that France was infincere in theſe overtures, and only
intended to deceive the Britiſh cabinet, proved true, and Sir Robert Walpole
was the dupe of his pacific inclinations.
The real cauſe of this failure was derived from the irrefolution and inac- Irrefolution
tivity of the Dutch, of which Chauvelin, who either governed or influenced of Holland.
the cardinal, availed himſelf, to prevent the conclufion of the ſecret conven-
tion with England.
“One of the fundamental principles of Chauvelin's politics," obſerves Ho-
race Walpole, in a letter to lord Harrington, "was to feparate, if poffible, the
States from England. The baſis of all his meaſures when he entered into
the war, was founded upon this principle; and his language and exertions.
have been from time to time more or leſs violent and haughty, in carrying it
on, according to the appearance of a divifion or union between the king and
the States; and by this fame rule or compafs, he has dexterity enough to
ſteer the cardinal's pliant temper, or to adapt his own fentiments to the
cardinal's, whenever he finds the old gentleman's vigour, from an apprehen-
fion of the maritime powers taking jointly a ſhare in this war, begin to fwerve
and incline to peace.
In the prefent circumftances, Chauvelin well knew the Dutch could never
be induced to enter into the war, as long as they had no apprehenfions for
the fafety of the Netherlands; and although the Penſionary expreffed, in a
letter to the cardinal, his fentiments in ftrong and lively terms in favour of
the project, with a view to fupport and add weight to the reprefentations of
Horace Walpole; yet the effect of his letter was fully counterbalanced by
the report made by Fenelon, the French embaffador at the Hague, of the
profound tranquillity in Holland, and of the determined refolution of the
Dutch not to engage in hoftilities.
The British cabinet now rouſed itſelf from its pacific lethargy, and Wal-
pole himſelf was foremoſt in recommending and enforcing the neceffity of
making the moft active exertions. Two motions, warmly fupported by him,
VOL. I.
3 M
Policy of
Chauvelin.
September 4,
Active pre-
parations in
England.
Feb. 7 and
were
14.
459
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
Horace Wal.
pole expoftu
lates with
cardinal
Fleury.
were carried in the houfe of commons, though not without great oppofition*
for taking 30,000 ſeamen and 26,000 foldiers into pay, in addition to 12,000
men in Ireland, and 6,000 Danes, according to the fubfidiary treaty with
Denmark.
9
While thefe augmentations were making with unufual vigour, it was
determined to lay before the States General the ſtrongeſt repreſentations, for
the purpoſe of ftimulating them to fimilar exertions, though all hopes of
effecting a general accommodation were not abfolutely relinquifhed. Horace
Walpole was directed to take Paris in his route to the Hague, to expoftulate
with the cardinal on his evafive conduct, and to induce him if poffible to
ratify the terms to which he had confented, and if he did not fucceed in
that effort, to endeavour at leaſt to procure an armiftice; and at all events
- to obtain the final fentiments of France, that at his return to the Hague,
he might be able to concert proper meaſures with the States.
Horace Walpole purfued the object of his miffion with no lefs fpirit than
addrefs. In a long conference with the cardinal, he explained the motive
and purport of his miffion, recapitulated the rife, progrefs, and iffue of the
fecret negotiation, obviated the principal objections which had been urged by
the cardinal in his laft letters, and fupported each article of the project of
pacification, which Jannel ought to have figned at the Hague; ftated, in the
ſtrongeſt manner, the fatal confequences which might refult from his refufal
to fulfil his promiſe, and preffed him to a ſpeedy conſent to the plan and
armiftice. The cardinal, in reply, pleaded the impoffibility of compliance,
by reaſon of the general outcry of the French nation, council of ſtate, and
allies againſt the plan, as partial and diſhonourable, and particularly repre-
fented the impropriety of the demand, that France fhould guaranty the
pragmatic ſanction without any advantage in return; and afferted that Tuf-
cany, with Parma and Placentia, in addition to the Milanefe, would render
the Emperor more formidable in Italy than he was before the rupture:
he alfo hinted at the danger of difobliging Spain, and of compelling her to
conclude a ſeparate accommodation with the Emperor.
To thefe objections, Horace Walpole anfwered with fuch addrefs and
force, and alarmed the cardinal fo much, by declaring that the mifcar-
riage of the negotiation would be followed by a general war, or a family alli-
ance between the courts of Madrid and Vienna, that he brought him in ap-
pearance to approve an armiftice, for fetting on foot an immediate nego-
* 256 to 183, and 261 to 208. Chandler.
tiation,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
451
tiation, and to promiſe to uſe his influence with the king of Sardinia, and by
this means to force Spain to accede. He alfo expreffed his willingneſs, that
France and the maritime powers ſhould ſign a declaration, engaging to pro-
mote, by a fecret and confidential concert, the conclufion of a peace, on the
conditions regulated in the late correfpondence. His approbation was even
carried fo far, that when Horace Walpole produced a project of a declaration,
confonant to the cardinal's new propofitions and wishes, he expreffed his rea-
dinefs to take it into confideration, and promiſed to exert his whole influence
to bring the great work to a happy conclufion *.
Yet notwithſtanding theſe folemn affurances, he either had not power, or
wanted inclination to fulfil his promife; he foon after obſerved, that the pro-
ject laid before the king of France was deemed inadmiffible, and that the ar-
ticle of the armiſtice, if ratified, would cover France with fhame, and deprive
her of all her allies.
It was now evident that the cardinal could no longer abide by his decla-
rations of difintereſtedneſs, and that he was endeavouring to ſuggeſt ſome
artful means, by which he could contradict his own affertions, that France
required nothing for herſelf. It was plain, though he did not venture to avow
it, that Loraine was the object of her wishes, and that as long as the allies
continued to be fucceſsful againſt the Emperor, and England and Holland
did not take an active and manly part, the ſtrongeſt repreſentations would
have no effect. In vain therefore did Horace Walpole reproach the cardinal
with the duplicity and weakneſs of his conduct; in vain he renewed his in-
ſtances for a ſuſpenſion of arms, and repreſented the fatal confequences which
would probably refult from his refufal; in vain he threatened to publiſh an
account of the whole tranſaction, and expoſe him to the world.
Chapter 44.
1734 to 1735
The cardinal was abaſhed and confounded, but not in the leaft con-
vinced, or moved to compliance. Although he affected earneſtly to defire
that a plan of pacification fhould be formed and ratified, yet he could not
be induced to explain himſelf, either on the terms or the method, and deli-
vered his fentiments in fo confufed and inarticulate a manner, that the
Britiſh embaſſador could collect nothing but vague promifes, without any
fpecific propofals. Horace Walpole accordingly departed from Paris,
leaving the negotiation in the fame ftate in which he found it on his arrival.
Lord Harrington in this inftance ſpoke the unanimous language of the Application
* Horace Walpole's Difpatches to the duke of Newcastle, and to penfionary Slingelandt,
April 4th and 6th, 1735. Walpole Papers.
to the States
General:
3 M 2
British
452
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI,
Britiſh cabinet, when in his inftructions to Horace Walpole *, he painted
1734 to 1737. in the ſtrongeſt terms, the king's concern and indignation at the cardinal's
}
Ineffectual,
Impediments
to the nego-
tiation.
late conduct towards him and the States. He obferved, that this conduct,
whether the effect of artifice or irrefolution, made it equally unwife and in-
excufable to rely, without being at the fame time well provided againſt all
events, upon any future tranfaction with the cardinal, for bringing about a
termination of the prefent troubles, which threatened to fubvert the balance of
Europe. He faid, the time was now come, in which it was indiſpenſably in-
cumbent upon the maritime powers to defend the liberties of Europe; and to
loſe no time in putting themſelves into a condition to act with vigour, when-
ever they ſhould find it neceffary: He added, that the king hoped the States
would immediately make the proper augmentation of their forces, as he had
himſelf done, by fea and land, in order to difabuſe France and her allies in
their prefumption upon the fupineneis of the republic, and to be in readineſs
to take fuch meaſures, in concert with England, as the preſervation of their
own, and the liberties of Europe might require.
In vain Horace Walpole ftrenuouſly exerted himſelf in purfuit of theſe in-
ftructions. The recollection of the haughty and unfriendly conduct of the
Imperial court; of the defection of England, at the peace of Utrecht, with-
out fecuring a fufficient barrier to the States; their jealoufy of the prince of
Orange, increaſed by his late marriage with the princeſs Anne; a total difre-.
gard for the loffes of the Emperor in Italy, which they did not confider as
their immediate concern, and the ſecurity of the Low Countries, by the con-
vention of neutrality concluded with France on the firſt appearance of a
rupture, contributed to prevent the Dutch from taking any part in the
war. Theſe reſolutions were fortified by the melancholy confideration of the
exhauſted and diftreffed ftate of the republic; by an opinion, generally pre-
valent in Holland, of the cardinal's pacific difpofition, and of the moderation
of France; and particularly by the apprehenfion of confirming the Emperor
in his fuppofed averfion to peace, by any appearance of vigour. Accordingly
the States, inſtead of taking an active part, renewed their inftances to the re-
ſpective powers, for a favourable anſwer to the plan of pacification..
The Emperor was unwilling to agree to the previous conditions, unleſs
the maritime powers engaged, fhould thefe conditions not be accepted by
the allies, to commence hoftilities; but they declined taking upon them
this engagement, becauſe they fufpected that the Emperor would throw ob-
* Walpole Papers.. Lord Harrington to Horace Walpole, 15th April 1735.
ftacles
:
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
453
1734 to 1735
ftacles in the way of the pacification, for the purpoſe of bringing on a ge. Chapter 44.
neral war, which was the great object of his wiſhes. The Emperor behaved
peevishly to England, and prefumptuoufly to the States, who were diffatisfied
with him, and fufpicious that England was acting in concert with him to
their prejudice.
renewed..
The fituation of affairs in Holland inſpired cardinal Fleury with fuffi- Hoftilities
cient reſolution to urge, in a private letter to Horace Walpole, a heavy ac-
cuſation againſt him and the Penfionary, for having divulged the ſecret cor-
refpondence, and to juftify himſelf in his refuſal to comply with the condi-
tions of the plan; and he added, that the publication of the plan had raiſed
ſuch indignation in the whole council, that he could not venture to avow or
eſpouſe it. The main view of this letter was to cloſe the fecret correfpon- April 30.
dence with Horace Walpole; to ferve as a preliminary to the anſwer of the
allies, who rejected the terms of pacification propoſed by the maritime
powers, and to juſtify another campaign, which was opened with redoubled
exertion.
Thus ended this important negotiation, in which cardinal Fleury, or rather
Chauvelin, who governed the cardinal, deceived the Britiſh cabinet, lured
the Dutch with the hopes of a pacification, and prevented them both from
taking fuch vigorous meaſures as would have ſtopped the allies in the career
of conqueft.
Yet cardinal Fleury does not ſeem to deſerve the reproaches for duplicity
which were now laviſhed upon him. We are too apt to eftimate the conduct
of other nations, from what paffes in our own, without duly confidering the
peculiar fituation and circumſtances of thoſe with whom we are negotiating,
and without knowing the real ftate of the public opinion, which every mi-
niſter, even in the moft defpotic countries, is in fome meaſure obliged to con-
fult. The real truth feems to be, that the Engliſh cabinet expected terms
from France which could not be complied with; that cardinal Fleury was
probably fincere in his firſt overtures for peace, but was perfuaded by the
repreſentations of Horace Walpole, who had gained great afcendancy over
him during his embaſſy at Paris, to accede to conditions, which he could not
afterwards venture to propofe to the king and council of France. That on
fober reflection, he conceived it highly diſhonourable in Louis the Fifteenth
to defert Staniflaus, in fupport of whom the war had been undertaken,
merely to obtain the transfer of fome dominions in Italy to Don Carlos and
the king of Sardinia, without either effecting this object, taking vengeance
on thoſe who prevented it, or obtaining fome acquifition which might ferve as
Motives of
Fleury's con-
duct.
an
454
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
Objects of
the allies.
Fluctuating
ftate of the
Engliſh ca-
binet.
Diſpleaſure
of the king.
an indemnity for the expences of the war, and juſtify to the people in France,
the dereliction of the cauſe for which hoftilities had been undertaken.
The object of Spain was to drive the Emperor from Italy; the king of
Sardinia expected the whole Milanefe; while France, under the maſk of mo-
deration and profeffions of difintereſtedneſs, aimed at the acquifition of
Loraine.
To reconcile fuch jarring interefts, and to effect a general pacification, was
not in the power of a divided cabinet, whoſe meaſures fluctuated with con-
tinued verſatility. Orders were occafionally given by lord Harrington, in
conformity to the fentiments of the king, and contrary to thoſe of the firſt
minifter. Thefe orders were fometimes oppofed, or at leaft fecretly coun-
teracted by Walpole; either by himſelf, in his perſonal conferences with the
king and queen, or by means of the ſuggeſtions made by Horace Walpole,
in his private correſpondence with the queen, or by the agency of the duke
of Newcaſtle, who at this period was devoted to him. Various inſtructions
were conveyed to the foreign minifters, each contrary to the other, as the in-
clinations of the king and lord Harrington in favour of war, or the pacific
fentiments of the first minifter, gained the afcendancy.
The king was fo highly diſpleaſed with the refufal of the minifter to enter
into the war, and gave fuch unequivocal figns of his diſpleaſure, that queen
Caroline could not venture to attempt openly to promote or juſtify his mea-
fures, but with a view to exculpate his conduct, artfully threw the blame on
Horace Walpole, whom fhe often rallied in the king's prefence as the prin-
cipal cauſe of the inactivity of England, and hinted that his brother had
been directed by his advice, influence, and known interference in foreign
affairs *
* Horace Walpole's Apology. Walpole Papers.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
455
Chapter 45.
CHAPTER THE FORTY-FIFTH:
1735-1736.
Event of the general Elections.—Meeting of the new Parliament.—Proceedings.
Prorogation.-Difference between Spain and Portugal-adjusted by the armed
Mediation of England.-Progrefs of Hoftilities between the Allies and the
Emperor.-Detail of the various Negotiations which led to the Conclufion of
the Preliminaries.-King's Speech.-Unanimity of Parliament, in regard to
Foreign Affairs.
TH
HE minifter and his friends laboured under great difadvantages, and
had many difficulties to encounter in the management of the general
elections. The inactivity and neutrality of England, became a matter of
popular infamy; and even men of profeffed impartiality, feverely cenfured
the minifter, by whofe influence the inclinations of the king and the cabinet.
to affift the houfe of Auftria were reftrained. The common topics of want
of fpirit, and the dereliction of national honour, had great effect in
exciting diſcontents, while the advantages derived from the continuance
of peace to trade, manufactures, and agriculture, being tacitly progreffive,
did not immediately attract public attention, or procure their deſerved
applauſe. The rapid fuccefs of the French and Spanish arms, and the
humiliation of the houfe of Auftria, increaſed the national diffatisfaction.
But above all, the excife fcheme had excited ill humour and violent cla-
mours, and it ſeems to have been ill judged in the minifter to introduce
it fo fhort a time before the diffolution of parliament. It was more parti-
cularly offenfive in Scotland, where the frauds in the cuſtoms were more
extenfive than in England. The greater part of the Whigs in Scotland were
irritated againſt the court, and a large number manifefted their diffatif-
faction, in the manner of their oppoſition on the election of the fixteen pcers.
Several of the Preſbyterians were averſe to the minifter for the continuance
of the teſt act, the repeal of which, notwithſtanding repeated declarations
of his private good wiſhes, he had never promoted.
Walpole embarked in fupport of his friends in many expenfive contefts,
and
1735 to 1736.
456
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
and expended a large fum out of his own private fortune. The expences.
of the contefted election for the county of Norfolk amounted to £. 10,000,
and yet he failed of fuccefs. The two candidates, Morden and Coke, who
ftood for the Whig intereft, and whom he fupported, were fupplanted by
'Bacon and Woodhoufe, who were favoured by the Tories. In confequence
of theſe difficulties and defeats in his own county, the return of members
who fupported his adminiſtration was inferior in number to thofe who fat
in the laſt parliament.
The new parliament affembled on the 14th of January. The ſpeech from
the throne alluded to a plan, formed in concert with Holland, to be offered
as a bafis for a general negotiation, mentioned the treaty with Denmark, and
concluded by obſerving, that while war was raging in Europe, it would be
proper for Great Britain to maintain herſelf in a pofture of defence.
The oppofition to the addreſs, propoſed by the miniſterial party in both
houſes, was vehement and formidable. The amendments propoſed by op-
pofition, were fupported with great ability, and the divifions of the anti-mi-
nifterial party were in the upper houſe 37 againſt 87, and in the comnions
185 against 265.
During this feffion few debates of importance occurred, and none which
perſonally affected the minifter. Although he permitted ſeveral motions, made
by oppofition, to pafs without a divifion, and in the contefted elections as
many were carried againſt as for adminiſtration, yet the material points pro-
poſed by government were acceded to. The fubfidiary treaty with Denmark
was approved; £.794,529 was granted for the land fervice, and 30,000 feamen
were voted.
The attention of the houſe of lords was occupied by a petition from ſeveral
Scotch peers, complaining of undue influence in the election of the fixteen.
The minifter was accuſed of engaging votes by various acts of corruption,
and of overawing the electors by the prefence of troops. The principal per-
fons who conducted this attack, were thofe who had been deprived of their
places, but though it was managed with great addrefs and afperity, it ter-
minated in his favour. The ftrength of the oppofition was proved by the
fmallneſs of the majority, which on the firft divifion was 90 againft 47, and
on the fecond, 73 against 39. Two violent proteſts were entered, the firſt
figned by 33, the fecond by 32 peers †.
The feffion was cloſed by prorogation on the 15th of May, when the king,
in his fpeech from the throne, expreffed his intention of vifiting his German
#
Etough fays. 60,000.
+ Lords' Debates.
dominions,
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
457
1
1
dominions, and appointing the queen regent during his abfence, of whofe
juſt and prudent adminiftration, he had on the like occafion had experience.
"Let me," he concluded, "earneftly recommend it to you to render the
burthen of this weighty truſt as eaſy to her as poffible, by making it your
conſtant ſtudy and endeavour, as I am fure it is your inclination, to preſerve
the peace of the kingdom, and to diſcountenance and fupprefs all attempts
to raiſe groundleſs diſcontents in the minds of my people, whofe happineſs
has always been and ſhall continue my daily and uninterrupted care *."
The fecret correſpondence with cardinal Fleury was ſcarcely cloſed, when
a diſpute between Spain and Portugal brought on another feries of intricate
negotiations, and threatened to ſpread ſtill wider the horrors of war .
Chapter 45.
1735 to 1736.
John the Fifth, king of Portugal, had eſpouſed the archduchefs Mary Affairs of
Ann, fifter of the Emperor Charles the Sixth, and his connection with the Portugal.
houſe of Auſtria, had increaſed the hatred which his family bore to France.
For fome time after the peace of Utrecht, a great coolneſs had taken place
between him and Philip the Fifth, the natural confequence of fituation and
connections. At length the jealouſy and rivalſhip which had fo long ſub-
fifted between them, in fome meafure fubfided, and the two courts had been
reconciled by a double marriage between Ferdinand, prince of Afturias, and
Barbara, infanta of Portugal, and between Joſeph, prince of Brafil, and the
infanta of Spain. But this marriage did not long operate in preſerving har-
mony, and a diplomatic diſpute nearly produced an open rupture.
The fervants of Don Cabral de Belmonte, the Portugueſe minifter at Difpute with
Madrid, being accuſed of having violently reſcued a malefactor from the Spain.
officers of juſtice, were arreſted and carried to prifon. The minifter having
complained of this infult, as an infraction on the law of nations, was warmly
fupported by his court; at the fame time the Spaniſh embaſſador at Liſbon,
demanded fatisfaction for the behaviour of the Portugueſe minifter, but
inſtead of obtaining redreſs, he had the mortification of feeing nineteen of
his own domeftics arreſted and fent to prifon; and as neither court would
give the fatisfaction reciprocally demanded, the two minifters retired from
their reſpective embaffies, and both nations prepared for immediate hofti-
lities.
* Chandler. Journals.
+ The fubftance of the remaining part of
this chapter is principally taken from the fame
documents as the forty-fourth, from a fecond
continuation of the paper, intitled," Conduct
of England, &c." from July to December 1734,
VOL. I.
and from "A Summary Deduction of the
Courfe of Public Affa.rs, from the Delivery
of the Project of Accommodation by the Ma-
ritime Powers, to their Approbation of the
Vienna Preliminaries," from February 1735
to January 1736. Walpole Papers.
3 N
Don
458
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
Don Azevedo, envoy from the king of Portugal, arrived at London, to
1734 to 1737. folicit, by virtue of the fubfifting treaties, and particularly that of 1703, the
Claims the
aliſtance of
England.
Inclined to
affiftance of England, in favour of the king of Portugal, againſt an attack
which he apprehended from Spain. To this demand the king returned for
anfwer, that he would, agreeably to the honour of his engagements, imme-
diately, in conjunction with the States General, interpofe his good offices, and
that in the mean time, to fecure Portugal from any hoftile attempt, eſpecially
againſt the Brazil fleet, which was then upon its return, a ſtrong ſquadron
fhould be fent to Lifbon; adviſing the king of Portugal at the fame time to
thew a readineſs in bringing this diſpute to an accommodation.
This advice was by no means acceptable to the king of Portugal: he had
the Emperor. feen with a jealous eye the recent fucceffes of the Spaniards in Italy; he had
beheld, not without regret, an advantageous peace which Philip had lately
concluded with the Moors, and he expected, perhaps, that Spain would again
revive their pretenfions on Portugal, which, notwithſtanding all renunciations,
had never been fincerely relinquished. During the war he had uniformly
eſpouſed and approved the conduct of the Emperor; and perfons of all ranks
and diſtinctions in Portugal, had expreffed their wishes in favour of the fame
caufe. He was ftill farther exafperated againſt the court of Madrid, by the
repeated complaints made by his favourite daughter Barbara, of the ill treat-
ment which ſhe received from the queen of Spain. Theſe concurrent cir-
cumſtances rouſed the refentment of John the Fifth, a prince of great fpirit;
and his violent temper was irritated to fuch a degree, that he was eager to
commence hoftilities againſt Spain, and warmly folicited both the king of
England and the Emperor to conclude an offenfive alliance. He ſaid * to
lord Tyrawley, the Britiſh embaffador at Liſbon, the time was now arrived
to reduce Philip to reafon; that fo favourable an opportunity would never
again occur; Spain was left in fo defenceleſs a ſtate by the numerous armies
employed in Italy, that a ſmall number of Portugueſe would overrun the
country without oppofition; and that the Britiſh fleet would prevent the
return of the Spaniſh troops from Italy. His confidential miniſters publicly
declared, that if manifeftos from the prince of Afturias were difperfed, in-
viting the Spaniards to ſhake off the tyranny of the queen, and the incapa-
city of the king, the whole kingdom would rife in his favour; and with a
view to induce England to embrace this meaſure, it was urged, that if the
attempt of the prince of Afturias fucceeded, Philip would be compelled to
recal his troops from Italy, for the defence of his own kingdom; and that
April 17.
Walpole Papers. Lord Tyrawley to the duke of Newcastle, May 19, 1735.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
459
the force of the allies would be fo much weakened, that the Imperial troops
might again acquire the afcendancy, and the houſe of Bourbon be fruftrated
in its attempts to lower the houſe of Auſtria.
Theſe negotiations concerning the difputes between Spain and Portugal,
were neceffarily blended with thoſe between the Emperor and the allies.
The Emperor received the offers of Portugal with avidity, and gave un-
bounded promiſes of the moſt effectual affiftance, truſting that if hoftilities
fhould take place between Spain and Portugal, England would be drawn
into the quarrel, and a general war would be the unavoidable conſequence.
So great was the difficulty of reconciling two courts, both remarkable for pride
and etiquette, and two fovereigns equally intemperate in their anger, and
fo impoffible did it appear to foreſee the confequences or controul the events,
that a general and bloody war feemed almoft inevitable. Affairs wore fo
gloomy an aſpect, that Horace Walpole * fays, in a letter to his brother,
"I own I fee nothing but black clouds gathering on all fides: I don't ſee a
ray of light to difperfe them."
Chapter 45.
1735 to 1736
Proſpect of a
general war.
English fqua-
dron fent to
Libon.
France.
But Sir Robert Walpole did not behold things in fo difcouraging a
light, and the Britiſh cabinet, directed by him, acted with no leſs fpirit
than caution. In the beginning of June, a fquadron of twenty-five fhips
of the line and ſeveral frigates failed from Portſmouth, under the com-
mand of Sir John Norris, and arrived in the port of Liſbon. The deftina-
tion of this fleet made a ſtrong fenfation at Paris and Madrid, and gave
great weight to the armed mediation of England. Cardinal Fleury was Alarms of
particularly alarmed; he reprefented to lord Waldegrave †, in a moſt pa-
thetic manner, that when the king of Portugal fhould fee fo terrible a fleet as
twenty-five men of war, come to his affiftance, he would reject all offers of
mediation, the friends of the Emperor at Lisbon would encourage him to
attack Spain, Spain would be defended by France, and Portugal by England,
and a general war, of which no one could fee the bounds or calculate the ef-
fects, would be the inevitable confequence. The British cabinet was not
affected with theſe remonstrances; the fquadron was not withdrawn, but
a ftrong reprefentation was made to the courts of Spain and France, that its
object was only to protect the trade of the Englith fubjects, and to defend
the coaft and commerce of Portugal againſt any attempt: that Sir John
Norris was inftructed not to act offenfively, nor to encourage or affift the king
of Portugal in offenfive meafures .
* April 29th, 1735. Correfpondence.
+ Earl of Waldegrave to the duke of New-
caftle, June 1, 1735. Correfpondence.
3 N 2
Mr. Keene to the duke of Newcaſtle,
June 9th, 1735. Keene Papers.
This
460
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
This fpirited conduct rendered the miniſtry extremely popular in England,
1734 to 1737. and greatly contributed to reſtore the tranquillity of Europe *. Spain
Accommo-
dation be-
tween Portu-
gal and
Spain.
Remon-
Arances of
the Emperor.
England and
Holland de-
cline affift-
ance.
Indignation
and defpon-
dency at
Vienna.
having at firft declined the proffered interpofition, propoſed at length to refer
the deciſion of the differences to England and France; and Portugal, after
making ineffectual endeavours to prevail on England to act offenfively,
finally acquiefced in the mediation of France and the maritime powers.
Hoftilities, though began in America againſt the Portugueſe colony of St.
Sacrament, never reached Europe; a convention, figned at Madrid, in July,
1736, under the mediation of the English, French, and Dutch plenipoten-
tiaries, was followed by a peace, concluded at Paris, by which all differences
were adjuſted.
A ſhort time before the Portugueſe minifter folicited the affiftance of
England, the Imperial court delivered an anſwer to the plan of pacifica-
tion; but this anfwer was only provifional, and not fufficiently explicit, and
the acceptance of the armiftice was reftrained to fuch conditions as rendered
it inadmiffible. It concluded by exhorting the maritime powers to make
fuch preparations as to be in readineſs to act offenfively if the allies ſhould
reject the plan. The Emperor, at the fame time, ftated the right which
he had acquired, as well by the treaties made in 1731, as by his conduct
fince that period, to the friendſhip and affiſtance of the maritime powers,
againſt the unjuſt attacks and ambitious views of the houſe of Bourbon §, and
made the moſt bitter reflections upon the unmanly and pufillanimous part,
which thoſe powers, eſpecially the Dutch, had hitherto acted fince the rup-
ture. It was now evident that the Emperor would not hearken to any over-
tures of accommodation from the maritime powers, unless they promiſed to
affift him, if the allies rejected the plan. They deemed it neceffary therefore
to declare, in the moſt pofitive terms, that they would not on any confidera-
tion engage in the war; and to reprefent to the Imperial court, the neceffity
of entering into a particular accommodation with Spain or France; with
Spain, by giving in marriage an archduchefs to Don Carlos, or with France,
by exchanging Loraine for Tuſcany. To this repreſentation no immediate
anſwer was given.
The notification to the Imperial court, in anfwer to the memorial de-
livered by Count Ulefeldt, that England and Holland declined taking a
part in the war, was received at Vienna with the ſtrongeſt ſymptoms of fur-
prife and defpondency; all that Mr. Robinſon could draw from them, was
* Tindal, vol. 20, p. 292.
+ Walpole Papers. Horace Walpole to Sir
Robert Walpole, Auguſt 16, 1735.
Memoire raiſonnée, March 15. Grantham
Papers.
§ Deduction.
fullen
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
46r
fullen and abrupt declarations of aſtoniſhment and affliction to fee the Chapter 45.
Emperor thus abandoned by the very power from whom he principally and 1735 to 1736.
folely expected aſſiſtance. Bartenſtein *, the confidential, though fubordinate
miniſter of Charles the Sixth, faid, that Europe was loft, the Emperor was the
firft facrifice. He knew, were he Emperor, what party he ſhould take;
he would let things follow their own courfe. The war would end of itſelf
for want of matter to feed the flame. The enemies of the houſe of Auftria
would furely not require Vienna; with his hereditary countries the Emperor
would ſtill be fufficiently great for himſelf, though not ufeful to others.
Prince Eugene alſo obſerved, that the wifeſt meaſure which the Emperor
could follow, was to recal all his forces into his hereditary dominions, and
fuffer France to take the reft, if the maritime powers had no concern for
them. But it was count Sinzendorff, who on this, as, on all other occafions,
uſed the moſt violent expreffions of paffion and fury. Having aſked the
Britiſh miniſter, if there were no fuccours to be expected, and receiving for
anfwer, that in all probability there were none, he exclaimed,
"What a
fevere ſentence have you paffed upon the Emperor! No malefactor was ever
carried with ſo hard a doom to the gibbet." He was for burning Amfter-
dam, and for giving up Flanders ; " there was, and there could be," he added,
"no ſeparate negotiation. The only means left for the Emperor, was to fet
fire to the four corners of the world, and to periſh, if he muſt periſh, in the
general conflagration."
Theſe violent expreffions of indignation and defpair, were foon followed
by a fuitable conduct; the Emperor was alarmed at the negotiations of
France, Sweden, Pruffia, and Turkey; at the union, concert, and progrefs
of, the allies in Italy; at the retreat of count Konigsegg into the Tyrol,
which left Mantua to its fate.
He attributed to the treaty of 1731 all his misfortunes, which aroſe from
a determined refolution of the French to deftroy his fucceffion, guarantied
by that treaty, and principally to the introduction of the 6,000 Spaniards into
Italy; which enabled the French to gain over the king of Sardinia. Thus
abandoned by his allies, he determined to feparate himſelf from the mari-
time powers, and ordered count Kinfky to exprefs his extreme aftoniſhment
at the conduct of England, and to affirm, that he had no other fyftem of ac-
commodation, than to fubmit to his enemies, when deſerted by his friends.
In this fituation of affairs, the mind of the Emperor was fecretly agitated
to fuch a height, as to raiſe apprehenfions in the Emprefs, that his underſtand-
ing might be affected by the conflict. " During the dead of the night," writes
* Walpole Papers. Mr. Robinſon to lord Harrington, July 5th, 1735.
Mr.
462
MEMOIRS OF
?
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
Peremptory
requeſt of the
Emperor.
July 27th,
17359
Walpole re-
news his
overtures to
France.
Mr. Robinſon to lord Harrington," and while he was fingly with her, he gave a
loofe to his affliction, confufion, and defpair." Thefe agitations were aug-
mented by a total diſtruſt of his own minifters, excepting Bartenſtein, who
having lefs to loſe than the others, flattered the Emperor with ideas more fuit-
able to romantic glory, than to ordinary prudence. "This court," he adds," is
deſperate, and no prudent man can forſee what may be the effect of a vio-
lent deſpair. The Emperor, as in a fhipweck, will lay hold on the firſt
plank."
The fame fentiments were enforced by 'count Kinſky *, in an audience
of the king at Hanover. He repreſented the fituation and ftrength of the
Imperial troops, and defired his opinion upon the beſt method of employing
them, either by fending large detachments into Italy, or by abandoning that
territory, except Mantua, and the entries into the Tyrol; by collecting an
army on the Rhine, to act offenfively againſt France; or, laftly, by pene-
trating into France, on the fide of the Mofelle and the Netherlands, He
required at the fame time a precife declaration of the king's final intentions
on the point of fuccours, and declared, that the Emperor would confider a
delay or filence on this queſtion, as an abfolute negative; and muſt then
provide, as foon, and as well as he could, for himſelf, by way of negotiation,
without confulting the maritime powers, or confidering their interefts. A
demand was at the fame time made for a fubfidy, either public or ſecret,
which would enable him to fupport a large army in the field, and to lure the
king of Sardinia from the party of France and Spain.
While the Emperor was thus appealing to the hopes and fears of the ma-
ritime powers, and warmly foliciting fuccours and fubfidies, he threatened
to abandon the Low Countries, and even to cede them to France, for the
recovery of his Italian dominions, and the guaranty of the pragmatic fanc-
tion; a threat which excited ftrong apprehenfions in the Britiſh cabinet, and
was deprecated as an event of the utmoſt confequence to the commercial
and political interefts of England.
Mean time the Britiſh cabinet was employed in endeavouring to divide the
allies, and in renewing their folicitations for peace, even to the very power by
which they had been recently duped and deceived. Sir Robert Walpole
was confcious that the only hopes of pacification depended on France, and
if ſhe could be brought to a fincere co-operation with England, the other
belligerent powers, however averfe, could not withold their affent. He was
• Lord Harrington to the duke of Newcaſtle, Walpole Papers. Deduction.
defirous
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
463
defirous not to offend the cardinal, by fhewing difguft at his duplicity;
wiſhed not to be precipitate in divulging the account of the fecret nego-
tiation; thought that the publication of that tranfaction fhould rather be
the confequence than the forerunner or provocation of a war*. He was
fully convinced, from his knowledge of the cardinal's and Chauvelin's cha-
racters, that unleſs the points of conceffion originated with them, France
would never be brought to guaranty the pragmatic fanction, which he con-
fidered as effentially neceffary to the prefervation of tranquillity in Europe;
he was aware that the deſperate fituation of the Emperor's affairs in Italy, and
his unwillingneſs to act in any degree cordially with the maritime powers,
increaſed the difficulty of obtaining an accommodation, and that a peace
would be cheaply purchaſed by ſuffering France to acquire Loraine, provided
Tuſcany was given in exchange to the duke of Loraine, the Milanefe re-
ftored, and Parma and Placentia ceded to the Emperor, in return for the
two Sicilies.
In conformity with thefe views, Horace Walpole hinted, in a diſpatch to
lord Waldegrave, the circulation of a rumour in Paris, that the object of
France was the acquifition of Loraine, in exchange for Tuſcany. Lord Walde-
grave, in a conference with the cardinal, cafually mentioned this report.
The extreme pleaſure which this hint gave, the pains he took in ſetting forth
its expediency, and obviating all objections, fufficiently proved that this was
the great point which France had in view
Chapter 45.
1735 to 1736.
Hints at the
ceffion of
Loraine.
from Fleury
to the Em-
peror.
While the Britiſh cabinet were thus exerting themſelves in favour of a Overtures
pacification, and were endeavouring to perfuade the Emperor and France
to agree to terms of accommodation without the knowledge of the other
powers, a fecret negotiation was opened between the Emperor and France,
without the concurrence of England. At the time that cardinal Fleury
was holding the private correfpondence with Horace Walpole, he made
fecret overtures to the Emperor, with the hopes of detaching him from
the maritime powers.
In his anniverſary letter § of compliments to the
Emperor, on occafion of the new year, "dated December 12th, 1734,
he had added a poftcript in his own hand, expreffing, in the ſtrongeſt
terms, his affection and refpect for the Emperor's perfon, as well as his
earneſt deſire to fee the peace of Europe reftored. The Emperor, befides
the ufual chancery letter, returned an anfwer in his own hand, dated
• Horace Walpole to Sir Robert Walpole,
2th May 1735. Correfpondence.
+ Horace Walpole to Sir Robert Walpole,
April 18th 1735. Correfpondence.
6
The earl of Waldegrave to lord Harring-
ton, June 7th, 1735. Walpole and Walde-
grave Papers.
§ Walpole Papers.
Summary Deduction.
February
464
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
-
February 16th, to the faid poftfcript, declaring his readineſs, in conjunction
with his allies, to liften to terms of amity, and the facility of obtaining a
peace, if the cardinal would heartily promote it. Theſe two letters were put
into the hand of the Pope's nuncio at Bruffels, to convey them to the car-
dinal; who, in opening the nuncio's packet (for he opened all his letters at
arms length, and in the chimney) dropt the Emperor's particular letter into
the fire, and could not recover it before it was defaced. The cardinal in-
formed the nuncio, by a letter of March 10th, of this accident, and ex-
preffed his ſhame and concern. But the Emperor, confidering this ſtory as a
mere fiction to excuſe his filence, the correfpondence was interrupted.
Soon after this incident, the Emperor, finding all attempts to induce the
maritime powers to act offenfively againſt France ineffectual, artfully made
diftant overtures to Spain, in relation to the marriage of an archduchefs
with Don Carlos, with the approbation of England. The dread of a
fimilar union between Spain and Auſtria to that which took place in 1725,
alarmed the cardinal; and he accordingly took occafion, by means of a con-
fidential perſon at Paris, to convey to count Sinzendorff his wiſhes to con-
clude a peace directly with the Emperor, without the intervention of any
other power, and added, that he would either depute a perſon of confidence
fecretly to Vienna, or the Emperor might fend one to Paris, for the purpoſe
of fettling the conditions of a ſeparate accommodation.
To this overture, the Emperor confented, and at the very moment when
the cardinal was luring the Britiſh cabinet with the hopes of opening, under
their auſpices, a negotiation with the Emperor, he diſpatched his agent, la
Beaume, to Vienna. This tranfaction was carried on in fo fecret a man-
ner, that although fome fufpicions were entertained, yet the firft vague ru-
mour of the miffion was communicated by the earl of Waldegrave, on the
2d of Auguft*, which he had cafually derived from a ſpy in the fecretary
of ſtate's office at Paris; and when he taxed the cardinal with his duplicity,
the hoary minifter did not bluſh to deny the fact, and becauſe the negotia-
tion was at that moment fufpended, offered in the moſt folemn manner to
take an oath on the bible, that no private negotiation was at that time
pending between France and Auftria. La Beaume actually paffed through
the army, and after holding a conference with prince Eugene, arrived
and had continued five weeks at Vienna, before Mr. Robinfon enter-
* Walpole Papers. The earl of Waldegrave
to the duke of Newcastle, August 2, 1735.
Correfpondence.
The earl of Waldegrave to the duke of
Newcaſtle, September 28, 1735. Correfpon-
dence.
Walpole and Grantham Papers,
tained
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
465
Chapter 45,
1735 to 1736.
the Britiſh
cabinet.
tained the ſmalleſt fufpicions of the fact. The firſt intimation which he re-
ceived from lord Harrington, appeared to him nothing more than an uncer-
tain report, and it was not till after much minute inquiry, that he found the
information to be true.
Although the king, in his reply to Kinſki, had declared that he would not Anxiety of
take upon himſelf to give any advice, and urged that it would be extremely dif-
ficult to enter into the war without the concurrence of the Dutch; although
he hinted at the feveral ſchemes of a feparate negotiation; thought the
exchange of the dutchies of Loraine and Tuſcany preferable; infinuated
the readineſs of Spain to accept the fecond archduchefs, and offered to affift
in forwarding the match, or to adopt any other method for the purpoſe of
effecting a pacification; yet the Emperor, well aware that the king was
ftrongly inclined to afford active affiftance, urged his claim with redoubled
inftances.
The earneſt folicitations of the Emperor, his threats to abandon the Low
Countries, and the knowledge of his fecret negotiation with France, made
a ſtrong impreffion on the king and cabinet, and gave weight to the opinion
of that party which inclined for war. For it was deemed far more eligible to
encounter hoftilities, than by a refuſal of fuccours to throw the houſe of
Auſtria into the arms of France, or by permitting the diminution of her ter-
ritories, to enfeeble the only power which could effectually prefent a barrier
to the encroachments of the houſe of Bourbon.
6C
in the cabi
net.
This deſertion of the houfe of Auftria in her extreme diftrefs, gave great Differences
diſpleaſure to ſeveral of the minifter's friends and co-adjutors, and to none more
than to lord Harrington, who, in his capacity of fecretary of ſtate, had the
mortification to fend inftructions, and to forward meaſures contrary to his
own fentiments. "The reafons," he obferves, in a letter to Horace Walpole,
you alledge to prove that the treaty of Seville was not the caufe of the Em-
peror's misfortunes are unanswerable, and I wiſh you could fuggeft as good
ones (in caſe we are forced to it) for juſtifying to the Emperor our not aſſiſt-
ing him; but if that could be done, to juſtify it to ourſelves and our coun-
try; confidering the prefent behaviour and operations of France and her
allies, nothing but the moſt abfolute inability can do it *."
In a fubfequent letter, lord Harrington even fuggefted a meaſure,
which if followed, would probably have involved England in the war: it was
to propofe to the Dutch, either an augmentation of their forces, or to join
* Walpole Papers.
Hanover, August 7th.
+ Walpole Papers. Lord Harrington to Horace Walpole, Hanover, Auguft 31.
VOL. I.
30
the
466
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. the king in requiring from the allies a direct ſpecification of the conditions
734 to 1737. on which they would conclude a peace, and to declare peremptorily, that
Yunleſs a poſitive anſwer was given, England and the States would decline
Effect of
the mediation, and adopt the neceffary meaſures for preferving their own fe-
curity, and the equilibrium of Europe. He alſo urged, if the States ſhould
decline both theſe propofitions, that England fhould withdraw from the
mediation, and at the fame time acquaint the Emperor, that the king would
endeavour to affift him in making a feparate peace with any of his enemies,
and in failure of that attempt, would join with him afterwards in the war, if
an opportunity fhould arife of doing it with fuccefs.
The difference of opinion was now fo great, the party for war was fo
them abroad. warmly fupported by the king, and that for peace by Sir Robert Walpole,
as to occafion much indecifion in the meaſures purſued abroad, and in the
inſtructions fent to the foreign minifters. The French cabinet availed itſelf
of theſe circumſtances with confiderable effect, and particularly in Holland,
where Chavigny, in his paffage through the Hague to Hanover, exagge-
rated the divided ftate of adminiftration. He decried the fpirited attempts.
made by Horace Walpole to infufe vigour and ſpirit into the counfels of the
States General, and publicly declared, that the fentiments of the court and
minifters of England, differed from the plan of pacification delivered by
Horace Walpole to the States, and from the joint refolutions of the king and
States, on the fubject of the plan and armiſtice, communicated to the French
embaffador on the 8th of June.
Sir Robert Walpole had given weight to this opinion, in a private inter-
view with Chavigny *, who preffed him to bring about a pacification by a
fecret convention between France and England. He avowed his inclina-
tion for peace, and expreffed his defire to fettle the terms with cardinal
Fleury, but denied his own power folely to carry any meaſure into execu-
tion. When Chavigny confidered him in the light of prime miniſter, and
argued that his known credit with the king would enable him to carry any
point he thought neceffary: "Let us fuppofe," replied Walpole,
I ſhould agree to any meaſure, without confulting the duke of Newcaſtle,
who is fecretary of ſtate for the department of France, and the duke, on
being informed of the tranſaction, ſhould oppoſe it, what is to be done in
that cafe? and what opinion would you have of me, to find things ftopt and
overturned by ſuch an oppofition ?”
"That
Walpole Papers. Horace Walpole to Sir Robert Walpole, June 17th, 1735. Correfpond.
It
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
467
It was impoffible that affairs could long continue in this ftate of fufpence,
and that the tranquillity of Europe could be fecured, while the cabinet
of England was diſtracted and embarraffed. It became, therefore, neceffary
for the honour of the minifter, as well as for the preſervation of his fyftem,
to fhew, that whatever private differences might exift in the cabinet, their
public opinion was decidedly in favour of pacific meaſures; and to unde-
ceive the Emperor in his expectations of affiftance from the maritime powers,
by enforcing the neceffity of a feparate accommodation either with France
or Spain. Theſe two objects were finally attained.
-
Chapter 45-
1735 to 1736.
In this dilemma, Walpole acted with the moſt confummate addrefs. Addrefs of
While the official diſpatches from Vienna expreffed the ſtrongeſt diſapproba- Walpole.
tion of the fecret negotiation with France, and caft the moft bitter reflec-
tions on the Imperial minifters, his letters, and thofe of his brother Horace,
breathed nothing but pacific fentiments. They* palliated the conduct of
the Emperor, and were anxious not to offend either him or France, by a
violent and precipitate condemnation of their meaſures. They afferted,
that although the alteration in the project from that offered by the maritime
powers, was executed without the co-operation of England, and the king
had juſt reaſon to complain of inattention and flight, yet as it was entirely
agreeable to what England had propofed, the king could blame nothing
but the form of proceeding. They obferved, that it would be highly
unbecoming to take offence at mere punctilious circumftances; they
eſtimated the bleffings of peace too highly to fuffer etiquette to prevail over
prudence, or to object to an agreement, merely becauſe it did not exactly
follow the original project; provided peace was the refult, they both
repeatedly declared, it was no matter by whom or in what manner it
was procured.
But though Walpole was anxious not to difoblige the Emperor, he would not
fanction his demand of fuccours or fubfidies; and as the king and part of the
cabinet appear to have ftrongly recommended that meaſure, he was firm and
decifive in enforcing his pacific fentiments. At length, after much oppofition
and fome delays, a paper was tranfmitted to Mr. Robinfon at Vienna, which
ſeems to have been drawn up by himſelf. It ſtated the determined refolu-
tion of the king not to take any part in the war, to offer his intervention in
favour of the Emperor, but not to fend any affiſtance either in men or
money.
* Horace Walpole to Sir Robert Walpole, December 9th, 1735. Correfpondence.
↑ Horace Walpole to Thomas Robinfon. Walpole Papers.
302
Having
Tranfmits a
final anfwer
to the Em-
peror.
468
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
Having arranged thefe difficult points, his opinion triumphed, and his
1734 to 1737 pacific meafures were adopted in their fulleft latitude; the Britiſh cabinet
now ſteered a ſteady and uniform courſe, no longer divided in counſels, or
differing in fentiment; and their unanimous exertions were finally crowned
with fuccefs.
Plan of pa-
cification;
Laid before
the Em-
peror.
It was their aim to make it the intereft of France to co-operate ſeriouſly
in the reſtoration of tranquillity, by candidly agreeing to fuch conditions as
would juſtify cardinal Fleury in deſerting Spain, and making a feparate ac-
commodation with the Emperor; and this meaſure could only be effected
by facilitating the ceffion of Loraine to France, in exchange for Tuſcany,
and to leave to cardinal Fleury and Chauvelin the manner of propoſing it,
and the ſpecific plan to be laid before the Emperor for his approbation.
The earl of Waldegrave *, in conformity to inftructions fent from the
queen, drew from cardinal Fleury a ſpecific acknowledgment of his intentions.
After increaſing his alarm, at a reſolution of the States, which ſeemed to
announce the adoption of more vigorous meaſures, he repreſented the cala-
mities ready to fall upon Europe, from his dilatory and irrefolute proceed-
ings; that he forefaw nothing but ruin and deftruction from beginning and
then dropping negotiations, and fubftituting new projects in their place. He
gradually obtained, by artful queſtions, a confeffion that the exchange of
Loraine for Tuſcany, was the great object of France; and finally, under a
promiſe of the ftricteſt ſecrecy, he prevailed on the cardinal to lay open his
fcheme for a general pacification, which, with a very few exceptions, was fimi-
lar to that which had been propoſed by the maritime powers. At the fame
time, the cardinal requeſted that the plan fhould be propofed and executed
by England in concert with France; and he added, that fuch a peace, being
eſtabliſhed on the foundation of juſtice and reaſon, he would abandon his
allies if they did not comply.
Having thus prevailed on cardinal Fleury to acquiefce in the intervention
of England, the next ſtep was to gain the confent of the Emperor to the
terms propoſed by France, to be modified by England; and this was effected
with equal ability. The Britiſh miniſter at Vienna, in a private audience
of the Emperor, repreſented the concern of the king at the unfortunate events
of the war, and his indefatigable zeal and ardent wiſhes in defiring to put an
end to the troubles of Europe. He obferved, that the diſappointment which
* The earl of Waldegrave to the duke
of Newcaſtle, Auguſt 2d. Correſpondence.
Thomas Robinfon to lord Harrington,
Auguſt 26th. Walpole Papers.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
469
the king derived from his inability to enter into the war, was equal to that
which the Emperor muſt have experienced in not having received that affift-
ance which he fo ardently expected. He urged, that in the preſent ſituation
of affairs, there ſeemed no other expedient remaining, than to detach one of
the allies, and that to carry that project into execution in the manner moſt
agreeable, the king had expreffed a defire to have the Emperor's opinion; and
had been anxiouſly waiting for an anſwer. He then added, that he had now
to fubmit to the Emperor's confideration, a ſtrong inftance of the king's con-
fidence and friendſhip, which was to communicate the offer of a feparate ac-
commodation from France, nearly conformable to the plan propoſed by the
maritime powers, and acceded to by the Emperor; the ceffion of Loraine to
France in exchange for Tuſcany, to be given to the duke of Loraine on the
deceaſe of the preſent great duke, and concluded by faying, that the Em-
peror's confent to this plan would infallibly infure a fuccefsful iffue.
" Al-
Chapter 45.
1735 to 1736.
In reply, the Emperor, after returning his grateful acknowledgments to
the king for this inftance of his friendſhip, added with much dignity,
though I relied upon more ſubſtantial marks of friendſhip from the king,
whoſe word was engaged by treaty to affiſt me with real fuccours, and al-
though in a fimilar cafe I fhould not have withheld thofe fuccours which I
ftood engaged to by treaty, yet I am willing to believe that the diſappoint-
ment which I have experienced, however fatal to myſelf and family, was leſs
owing to want of inclination in the king, than to the impoffibility of acting
otherwiſe notwithſtanding this diſappointment, I will pay all imaginable
deference to the advice now communicated, and will appreciate as it deſerves
this mark of confidence. But as it is an affair of the higheſt importance and
delicacy, and as the exchange does not totally depend on myſelf, I can-
not give the previous promife which is now defired, even if I were con-
vinced of the fuccefs; for the object under confideration is not ſo much
what ſhould be done, but whether it is proper to be done. I again affure
you, however, that I will pay the greateſt deference to the king's advice,"
and after I have duly reflected upon it, and confulted my council, if
fire it, will myſelf give the anſwer.'
Theſe declarations were foon followed by various explanations from the
Imperial minifters, and finally by a formal anſwer in writing. As far as could Reply.
be gathered from the dubious and myfterious manner in which the court of
Vienna enveloped their fentiments, it appeared as if the Emperor, on certain
conditions, might be induced to accede to the overtures of cardinal Fleury,
provided Tuſcany was given unconditionally to the family of Loraine, and
the king of Sardinia would accept the Langhes inſtead of the Tortoneſe.
6
"
you
de-
Amidft
1
470
MEMOIRS OF
t
Period VI.
Subfequent
proceedings.
Amidft fuch difcordant views as influenced the conduct of Auftria and
1734 to 1737. France, it was not to be expected that any conditions would be finally ac-
ceded to on either fide without much altercation and delay. But it was a
great point gained, that the contending parties feemed gradually drawing
towards an amicable compromife. The object of England was fecretly to
affiſt in keeping up the intercourſe recently eſtabliſhed between the Emperor
and France, to offend neither of thoſe powers by cenfuring their conduct, but
on the contrary, to declare that, although the king was not unacquainted
with the fecret negotiation, yet fo far from oppofing it, if it ſhould be found
not inconfiftent with the equilibrium of Europe, he would be defirous of fa-
cilitating its fuccefsful iffue.
Nov. 21.
Sufpenfion
of arms on
the Rhine.
The Britiſh minifters at the Imperial and French courts, were inftructed
to approve the bafis of the agreement fettled between France and the Em-
peror, of which they obtained certain information, and a counter project,
with fome few alterations for preventing the ceffion of Loraine to France, with-
out a fufficient indemnity, was drawn up by lord Harrington, and forwarded
to Paris and Vienna. The confequence of this conduct was, that the Impe-
rial and French courts at length acknowledged the fecret negotiation, and
that the Britiſh embaffador at Vienna received from prince Eugene, a project
of the preliminary articles with which the Emperor and France were faid
to be contented, and to which the concurrence of the maritime powers was
defired.
The answer to this project was made in the name of Great Britain and the
United Provinces, who declared, that finding upon examination, that the
preliminaries did not effentially differ from the plans before delivered, nor
contain any thing detrimental to the equilibrium of Europe, the king and
the Republic did not heſitate to declare their approbation and readineſs to
concur in a future treaty for bringing them to perfection, referving to them-
felves the liberty of ftipulating the neceffary fecurity for their own poffeffions,
rights, privileges, and commerce.
The fecret negotiation had already produced very advantageous effects in
Germany; it occafioned an actual, though not a ſtipulated armiſtice on the
Rhine. The French and Imperial troops did not undertake any offenfive
operations. Prince Eugene returned to Vienna in the month of October, and
foon afterwards the two armies paffed into winter quarters. But the fame
beneficial confequences could not take place in Italy, fince the fate of the
war did not wholly depend, as it did in Germany, on the fiat of cardinal
Fleury, becauſe no fufpenfion of arms could take place, without the
confent
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
471
confent of the king of Spain, who, eager to accelerate the poffeffion of
Mantua, would not eaſily be induced to agree to an armiſtice at the moment
when he thought himſelf ſecure of fuccefs. But what could not be accom-
pliſhed by perfuafion or force, was finally effected by ftratagem.
Chapter 45.
1735 to 1736.
views of the
allies.
One great object of the Britiſh cabinet was to prevent, or at leaſt to pro- Oppofite
tract the fiege of Mantua, which was but ſcantily provided with ammunition
and provifions. With a view to deter the French from attempting it, Ho-
race Walpole, in a letter to the cardinal, and baron Gedda and lord Walde-
grave in their conferences, reprefented, that although the Engliſh had de-
clined going into the war, yet they would not fee the houſe of Auſtria ruined,
and that if Mantua was taken, and the Emperor was driven out of Italy, the
maritime powers muſt come forward to his affiſtance. Fortunately, Mantua
was the fubject of contention between the allies in Italy. Philip was eager
to begin the fiege, confcious that the poffeffion of that important fortreſs, as
the key of Lombardy on the fide of the Tyrol, would give to Spain the
control of Italy. Cardinal Fleury himſelf, did not attempt to conceal his
apprehenfions of the confequences that would refult from the capture. He
faid to the earl of Waldegrave*, that the fall of that place into the hands of the
Spaniards, would defeat all his ſchemes, and render the king and queen of Spain
untractable. He even promiſed, and in this inſtance did not belie his word,
to give orders to the French general in Italy, not only not to prefs the fiege
of Mantua, but to protract the opening of the trenches, and even to place his
troops in ſuch a manner, as to permit the entrance of proviſions into the
town. The king of Sardinia went ſtill farther, and in a letter to George the
Second, declared that he was ready to join the maritime powers, if they would
enter into the war expatiated on his own danger, fhould the poffeffion of
Mantua encourage Spain to deprive him of all the territories which had been
allotted to him by his engagements with France. He preffed the king fpee-
dily to negotiate a peace between the Emperor and the allies, as the only
means of preventing his falling a facrifice to the refentment of Spain, for
having delayed co-operating in the fiege of Mantua. He declared that he
would rather make a facrifice of part of the Milaneſe, that the Emperor might
retain a footing in Italy, by keeping poffeffion of Mantua, with Parma,
Placentia, and Tuſcany, than even obtain poffeffion of the whole Milanefe,
* Walpole Papers. Horace Walpole to
Sir Robert Walpole, October 4th, 1735. Cor-
refpondence.
+ Walpole Papers. Lord Harrington to
the duke of Newcastle, Hanover, Auguſt
14th, 1737.
on
472
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. on condition that Mantua, with the other poffeffions in Italy, fhould be ceded
1734to 1737. to Don Carlos *.
England fo-
ments the
jealoufy be-
tween France
and Spain.
In compliance with theſe views, he had pofitively refuſed to furniſh a
ſingle piece of artillery, and fecretly obftructed every meaſure which tended
to facilitate the capture of that important fortrefs. By theſe manoeuvres,
the fiege was protracted until the feafon was too far advanced; and Philip
was thus prevented from gaining a preponderance in Italy, which would have
rendered him too powerful in that quarter, and have induced him to re-
fuſe all conditions of peace which did not confirm the total excluſion of the
Emperor.
During this whole tranfaction, cardinal Fleury was kept in continual alarm,
by repeated infinuations from Horace Walpole and the earl of Waldegrave,
that the Dutch would be induced to act with vigour, provided France would
not accede to honourable terms. They alfo made continued repreſentations
to him, that the Emperor, if rendered deſperate, would throw himſelf into
the arms of Spain, and agree to the marriage of Don Carlos with an arch-
duchefs, which the French minifter feemed to deprecate as much, or even
more than the king of England. For the fame purpoſe, the Britiſh cabinet
never ceaſed making overtures, both to the Emperor and Spain, in favour of
the marriages; and this bufinefs was fo artfully managed, that though it
was conducted under the appearance of the ftricteft fecrecy, yet it was duly
communicated to the cardinal in the manner the moſt likely to alarm him.
The cardinal had no fooner agreed to a ſeparate accommodation with the
Emperor, and a fecret convention with England, than the recollection of his
former infincerity in his correſpondence with Horace Walpole, and the in-
fluence of Chauvelin over him, induced the Britiſh cabinet to keep him
fteady to his engagements, by oppofing art to art, and intrigue to intrigue.
They availed themſelves of his apprehenfions of a rupture with Spain, and
of his dread left a clofe union fhould be formed between Spain and England.
Mr. Keene, the Engliſh minifter at Madrid, executed, with much addreſs,
the inftructions of his court on this head. From the time of the first official
communications from cardinal Fleury, of the fecret accommodation between
France and the Emperor, and the partial fufpenfion of arms in Italy, with-
out the knowledge or confent of Spain, he artfully fomented the refent-
ment which the court of Madrid entertained againſt France, for deferting
and betraying the common caufe. He encouraged the irritable and punc-
• The duke of Newcaſtle to lord Harrington, June 6, 1735. Walpole Papers.
'Horace Walpole's Apology.
=
tilious
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
473
1
tilious difpofition of Philip the Fifth, who was piqued at being betrayed by
his native country; he increaſed while he affected to allay the ungovern-
able fury of the queen, who afpired to make her fon, Don Carlos, maſter of
Italy, and who confidered the difpofal of Parma and Tufcany to the Emperor,
as an injurious deprivation of her own inheritance.
The court of Spain was fo irritated, that Mr. Keene obſerved, in a letter
to the duke of Newcaſtle *, " There is fcarce any thing that they would not
do, to revenge themſelves upon the French; you will eafily judge of their
defire to do it, when, contrary to their pride, they make fuch applications to
the king before they know the leaft of his majeſty's fentiments. I wiſh, indeed,
that matters may not have been puſht rather too far; for hitherto I found
more difpofition in them to fit down quietly with their mortification, if there
was no remedy, than I do at prefent; but they now feem to be drove to
deſpair, and to be refolved to act as people in that ſtate."
Even Don Patinho, the firft minifter, who was fo myfterious, that, accord-
ing to cardinal Fleury, he always ſpoke as well as wrote in cypher, was fo
highly irritated, that he propoſed, in unambiguous terms, to undermine the
French commerce with Spain, and particularly that with the Indies, by in-
creafing the English trade; " and thus we fhall," as he obferved to the
Britiſh miniſter at Madrid," revenge ourſelves upon the cardinal in the
"moſt eaſy and effectual manner, and kill him with a staff of cotton §."
The Britiſh cabinet, long accuſtomed to the violent and changeful temper
of the court of Madrid, and well knowing that the king, though alienated by
temporary diſpleaſure, was from principle and intereſt attached to France,
amicably deprecated thefe counfels, and urged the good policy as well as ne-
ceffity of acceding to the preliminaries.
The refult of all thefe wifely combined meaſures, was the fignature of pre-
liminaries for a general pacification, which was concluded on fuch favourable
terms, that even lord Bolingbroke, the implacable enemy of Sir Robert Wal-
Walpole, obſerved, that, "If the Engliſh minifters had any hand in it, they
were wiſer than he thought them; and if not, they were much luckier than
they deſerved to be ||.”
The opinion which truth extorted unwillingly from lord Bolingbroke, that
* Madrid, December 10th, 1735% Keene
Papers.
† The earl of Waldegrave to the duke of
Newcaſtle, October 28th, 1733-
‡ Benjamin Keene to the duke of Newcaſtle,
November 28th. Keene Papers.
§ Un Bâton de Coton.
Lord Hervey to Horace Walpole, De-
cember 23d, January 3d, 1735. Correfpon-
dence.
Chapter 4 5.
1735101736
Signature of
the prelimi-
naries.
VOL. I.
3 P
the
474
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
King's
Specch.
January 15.
the terms of the preliminaries were as juft and honourable as the circum-
1734 to 1737. ftances would permit, feems to have been the opinion of the greateſt part
of the nation; for the annals of England give no inftance of a feffion in par-
liament which paffed with fo little oppofition, in regard to foreign affairs,
as that in the commencement of 1736. With becoming pride and fatis-
faction, for having fettled the great outlines of a general peace, the
ſpeech from the throne expreffed the pacific fentiments of the miniſter,
that provided peace was made, it was no object of confideration by whom, or
in what manner it was made. After mentioning the happy turn which the
affairs of Europe had taken, and after obferving, that a plan of pacification
had been propoſed by the king, in conjunction with the States, and that the
Emperor and France had feparately concerted the preliminaries for
obtaining that end, the king faid, "It appearing, upon due examination,
that theſe articles do not effentially vary from the plan propofed by me and the
States, nor contain any thing prejudicial to the equilibrium of Europe, or to
the rights and interefts of our refpective fubjects, we thought fit, in purfu-
ance of our conftant purpoſe, to contribute our utmoſt towards a pacifica-
tion; to declare, by a joint reſolution, to the courts of Vienna and France,
our approbation of the faid preliminaries, and our readineſs to concur in a
treaty to be made for bringing them to perfection."
As an infallible fymptom of peace, he noticed, that a confiderable re-
duction would be made both by fea and land, and concluded with this pa-
thetic exhortation to moderation and harmony at home: "I am willing to
hope, this pleaſing profpect of peace abroad, will greatly contribute to peace
and good harmony at home. Let that example of temper and moderation,
which has fo happily calmed the fpirits of contending princes, baniſh from
among you all inteftine difcord and diffenfion. Thoſe who truly wish the
peace and profperity of their country, can never have a more favourable op-
portunity than now offers, of diftinguiſhing themſelves, by declaring their
fatisfaction in the progrefs already made, towards reftoring the public tran-
quillity, and in promoting what is ftill neceffary to bring it to perfection *."
On this occafion, the addrefs was carried in the houſe of commons, not
only without a divifion, but without the ſmalleſt oppoſition, and the ſeſſion
ended with ſcarcely a fingle reflection on the conduct of foreign affairs; a fin-
gular phenomenon in the political annals of this country.
* Chandler, vol. 9. p. 103, 104. Journals.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
475
<
2
Chapter 46.
1736.
CHAPTER THE FORTY-SIXTH:
1736.
Parliamentary Proceedings.-Gin A&t.-Motion to repeal the Test Act, negatived.
-Bill for the Relief of the Quakers paffes the Commons, but is thrown out by
the Lords.-Account of Edmund Gibſon, Biſhop of London.-Prorogation.-
Horace Walpole declines the Office of Secretary of State.-Accompanies the
King to Hanover, as Vice Secretary.-Foreign Negotiations.—Prudence of Sir
Robert Walpole.-Private Correfpondence with his Brother.-Objects to gua-
ranty the Provifional Succeffion to Berg and Juliers.-Oppofes the Northern
League, and the Mediation between Ruffia and the Porte.-Promotes the de-
finitive Treaty.-The Delays of the Emperor.-Ineffectual attempt to bribe
Chauvelin.-Secret Correspondence with Cardinal Fleury, and Difmiſſion of
Chauvelin.
THE
HE parliamentary proceedings of this feffion, relating to domeftic Parliamen-
affairs, were,
in general, of little importance. The only fubjects which tary proceed.
it may be neceſſary to particularizę, were The Gin Act; the repeal of the
ings.
teft act, and the bill for giving relief to Quakers.
The act for laying a tax on fpirituous liquors, and licenſing the retailers, Gin act,
was a meaſure in which the minifter had no immediate concern, but for
which he fuffered much unmerited obloquy.
The bill was principally pro-
moted by Sir Jofeph Jekyll, from a fpirit of philanthropy, which led him to
contemplate with horror the progrefs of vice, licentioufnefs, and immorality
that marked the popular attachment to thefe inflammatory poifons. This
benevolent attempt embarraffed the minifter, but did not anſwer the defired
end.
It was incumbent on the minifter to prevent any diminution of the
revenue of the crown, and for that purpoſe to fupply any deficiency which
might arife from the reduced confumption of fpirituous liquors; but this
attention to his official duty, expofed him to much intemperate abuſe, and
he was reproached for wiſhing to facrifice the morals of the people to financial
confiderations. After many debates, in which the miniſter took an active
fhare, the bill paffed, and £.70,000 per annum was granted to the king as a
compenfation
3 P 2
3
476
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
Repeal of
the teſt act.
March 2d
and 12th.
Negatived.
March 2d.
compenfation for the diminution of the civil lift, to which the duty had
hitherto belonged *
The populace fhewed their difapprobation of this act in the ufual mode
of riot and violence. Numerous defperados availed themfelves of the
popular difcontents, and continued the clandeftine fale of gin in defiance
of every reſtriction. The demand of penalties, which the offenders were unable-
to pay, filled the priſons, and removing every reſtraint, plunged them into.
courſes more audaciouſly criminal. It was found, that a duty and penalty
fo fevere as to amount to an implied prohibition, were as little calculated
to benefit the public morality as the public revenue, and, as Walpole pre-
dicted, a ſubſequent adminiſtration was obliged to modify the meaſure.
Few fubjects were more embarraffing to the minifter, than the propoſed
repeal of the teſt act. He had for a long time acted with the diffenters;
he fully appreciated the advantage which the proteftant fucceffion had de-
rived from their exertions; he had received from them the warmest fupport;
he knew that they had reaſon to expect relief from a proteſtant king, whom
they had affifted in placing on the throne; he had even given them hopes,
that the time was not far diftant, when they might obtain what they fo
earneſtly deſired. In this feffion, the motion for repealing the teſt act was.
prematurely brought forwards by Plummer, who fupported it in a very able
fpeech. Though the minifter oppofed the motion in the preſent inftance,.
he did it with fuch candour and moderation, and " expreffed himſelf fo cau-
tiouſly, with regard to the church, and fo affectionately, with regard to
"the diffenters, that neither party had caufe to complain of him. The
public has been long informed of all the arguments urged for and againſt
"the motion, as almoſt every year produced fome event that revived them;
"therefore they are omitted here. The motion was negatived by a majority
of 251 againſt 123."
66
L
Yet, although the minifter thus oppoſed the repeal of the teſt act,.
Quakers' bill, he warmly patroniſed and fupported a bill for the relief of the Quakers, who
preſented a petition to the houſe of commons. It ſtated," that notwithſtand-
ing the ſeveral acts of parliament made, for the more eafy recovery of tythes,
and ecclefiaftical dues, in a fummary way, by warrant from juſtices of the
peace, yet as the faid people confcientiouſly refuſed the payment, they were
not only liable to, but many of them had undergone grievous fufferings, by
proſecution in the exchequer, ecclefiaftical, and other courts, to the impri
† Tindal, vol. 20, p. 323. Journals.
* Chandler, vol. 9. p. 172,
fonment
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
fonment of their perfons, and the impoverishing and ruin of them and their
families, for fuch fmall fums as were recoverable by thofe acts; and therefore
praying, that the houſe would be pleafed to afford them fuch relief as to
them ſhould ſeem meet *.”
47.7
Chapter 46.
1736.
Though the minifter and the majority of the houfe were difpofed to
favour the petition, and a bill was framed accordingly, yet the great in-
tereſt of the eſtabliſhed clergy, rendered it a matter of much difficulty.
Counter-petitions poured in from all quarters, fetting forth, "That fuch March 26.
a law would be extremely prejudicial to themſelves and brethren, excluding
them from the benefit of the laws then in being, for the recovery of tythes
and other dues, and thereby putting the clergy of the eſtabliſhed church,
upon a worſe foot than the rest of his majefty's fubjects; and praying to be
heard by council againſt the bill."
Notwithſtanding all obftacles, the difpofition of the houſe was very
ftrong in favour of the quakers. Their petition was not confidered
a party affair; and the proceedings againſt many of them, had fuch
an air of perfecution, as procured them many friends amongst all
parties. The bill underwent great alterations in the committee. The
main intention of it was, to make the determination of two juftices of
the peace final, as to all payments of tythes and church dues, when the
quaker, who was to pay them, did not litigate the fame, which the juſtices.
were to certify under their hands and feals, without fee or reward. But in
cafe the quaker fhould litigate the payment, then either party, who ſhould
diffent from the adjudication of the juftices, might have recourſe to the
courts in Weſtminſter hall. The payment of all church and chapel rates,,
if refuſed by quakers, were, upon the complaint of the churchwardens, to be
levied by diftrefs, by order of two juftices, upon their goods, in the fame-
manner as the poor rates are levied, and no quaker was to be ſued or profe-
cuted for not paying any church or chapel rates, in any other manner;
commons.
Such was the main purport of this famous bill (though clogged with a Paffes the
great number of other clauſes); when after long debates, and ſeveral divifions,
it paſſed the houſe of commons, by a majority of 164 againſt 48 †.
In the upper houſe it was ſucceſsfully oppoſed by the intereſt of the church
and the law; a confiderable number of courtiers were alfo non-contents. The
two great lawyers, lord chancellor Talbot and lord Hardwicke, made a ſtrong
impreffion by obſervations on the incorrectneſs and imperfections of the bill,
* Chandler. Journals.
+ Ibid.
‡ Ibid.
May 3d.
Rejected by
the lords.
for
478
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
Diffatisface
tion of the
minifter.
Refentment
againſt
bishop Gib.
foil.
Account of
for the amendment of which, the fhort remainder of the feffion would not
afford time. "The ſpeakers on both fides diſplayed great abilities and
temper, but when the queſtion was put, for committing the bill, it paffed in
the negative, by a majority of 54 againſt 35
* ""
The miniſter was highly diffatisfied with the rejection of a bill which he was
induced from various confiderations to promote. He was ftrongly averſe to
all meaſures which bore the appearance of perfecution in religious matters.
His conduct was alfo influenced by perfonal confiderations. A large body of
quakers were eſtabliſhed in the county of Norfolk, and particularly in the
city of Norwich, who had always fupported the candidates whom he fa-
voured at the general elections, and he was anxious, from a principle of gra-
titude, to prove that he was not unmindful of paft favours, and deferving of
future affiftance. Theſe motives operated fo ftrongly in its favour, that
few circumſtances ever ruffled his temper, or affected his equanimity
more than the rejection of this bill. He bitterly complained of the vindic-
tive ſpirit which reigned in the houfe of lords, and his refentment was prin-
cipally excited againſt the biſhop of London, to whom he attributed its de-
feat. That prelate had prevailed on the bench of bishops, to give their
decided oppoſition to the bill, and had exhorted the clergy, in all quarters of
the kingdom, tó petition againſt it, as highly prejudicial to the intereſts of
the church. In confequence of theſe exertions, the minifter, with a ſpirit
of acrimony very unufual to him, withdrew from the learned prelate the
full confidence which he had hitherto placed in him, and transferred into
other hands the conduct of ecclefiaftical affairs with which he had been
chiefly entruſted.
Edmund Gibſon was born in 1669, and educated at the free grammar
that prelate. 'ſchool at Bampton, in Weſtmoreland, the place of his nativity. At the
age of feventeen, he was admitted a fcholar of Queen's college Oxford, and
raiſed himſelf into early notice by various publications, which proved his
claffical erudition, his accurate acquaintance with the Northern languages,
and a correct knowledge of the Roman and Saxon antiquities, and Britiſh
topography. His great talents and extenfive learning, introduced him to
the patronage of archbishop Tenifon, who made him librarian of Lambeth,
and appointed him his domeftic chaplain. By the archbishop's intereſt, he
became precentor and refidentiary of Chicheſter, rector of Lambeth, and
archdeacon of Surry. In 1713, he gave to the public that great and la-
* Tindal, vol. 20, p. 315. Lords' Debates.
8
† Biographia Britannica.
borious
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
479
borious work, intitled, "Codex Juris Ecclefiaftici Anglicani, or the Sta-
tutes, Conſtitutions, Canons, Rubricks, and articles of the Church of Eng-
land, methodically digefted under their proper heads; with a commentary,
hiſtorical and juridical, and with an introductory difcourfe concerning the
preſent ſtate of the power, difcipline, and laws of the church of England,
with an appendix of inſtruments, antient and modern, in folio."
Being a great friend to the proteftant fucceffion, he was promoted, in 1716,
to the biſhopric of Lincoln, and in 1720 tranflated to the fee of London.
In this eminent ftation, he enjoyed the full confidence of the king
and miniſtry, and was principally confulted by lord Townshend and Sir
Robert Walpole, in all ecclefiaftical matters, particularly during the long
decline of health which incapacitated archbishop Wake for tranfacting bu-
finefs. He was always zealous in fupporting the eſtabliſhment of the church
of England, and uniformly oppoſed the repeal of the teft act. He declined
a tranſlation to Wincheſter *, and looked forwards to the primacy with fuch
confidence of expectation, that he was called by Whifton, heir apparent to
the fee of Canterbury. Thefe well-founded hopes were fruftrated by the
indignation of Walpole for his oppofition to the quakers' bill. On the de-
ceaſe of Wake, the fee was conferred on Potter. And when, on his death, in
1747, it was offered to Gibfon, he declined it on account of his ad-
vanced age and increaſing infirmities. He died on the 6th of February
1748.
The inveteracy diſplayed againſt this eminent prelate for the confcientious
diſcharge of his duty, reflects no credit on the memory of Sir Robert Wal-
pole. His efteem for the bishop of London had been fo great, that when
he was reproached with giving him the authority of a pope, he replied,
"And a very good pope he is." Even after their difagreement, he never
failed to pay an eulogium to the learning and integrity of his former
friend.
Chapter 46.
1736.
On the 20th of May, the king put an end to this late feffion of parlia- Prorogation
ment, by a ſpeech, in which he acquainted both houfes," that fince the pre- of parlia
liminary articles had been concluded between the Emperor and his most ment.
Chriſtian majefty, a further convention, concerning the execution of them,
had been made and communicated by both thofe courts, and that negotiations
* Letter from biſhop Gibſon to Sir Robert
Walpole. Orford Papers.
† Letter from bifhop Gibfon to the king,
communicated by the bishop of Saliſbury (Dr.
Douglas.)
Etough's Minutes of Converfations with
Sir Robert Walpole.
were
480
MEMOIRS OF
પ
Period VI.
were carrying on by the feveral powers engaged in the late war, in order to
1734 to 1737. fettle the general pacification." He expreffed himſelf with great con-
cern in relation to the feeds of diffenfion that had been fown amongſt his
people, exhorting his parliament to cultivate unanimity, and promifing
impartial protection to all his fubjects. He then acquainted them, that
being obliged that fummer to visit his German dominions, he hoped that
they would make the adminiſtration of the queen, whom he had reſolved
to appoint regent during his abfence, as eafy to her, as her wife conduct
would render her government agreeable to them *
Horace Wal-
pole declines
the office of
fecretary of
ftate.
Accompa-
nies the king
to Hanover.
Confidential
correſpond-
ence.
At this period, Sir Robert Walpole and his brother gave a memorable
proof of their prudence and moderation. The king being diffatisfied with
lord Harrington, propofed to difmifs him from the office of fecretary of
ftate, and queen Caroline offered the place to Horace Walpole; but con-
ſcious that the elevation of two brothers to the principal poſts of govern-
ment, would augment the jealoufy and popular outcry which already pre-
vailed, and fearful left fo important a change fhould increaſe the divifions
among the minifters, he declined the offer. The king, however, would not
admit lord Harrington's attendance at Hanover, and though he acquiefced
in the refuſal of Horace Walpole, yet he infifted on his undertaking the
employment of fecretary of ftate during his refidence abroad; an order
which Horace Walpole, though he attempted to elude, could not venture
to difobey, and accordingly accompanied the king to Hanover
As the king was extremely jealous of being governed, and yet as his ig-
norance of the Engliſh conftitution, and his natural attachment to German
meaſures, rendered it expedient that he fhould be advifed by thofe who
were reſponſible for the adminiſtration of affairs, it became neceffary to con-
vey this advice in fo delicate a manner, that he ſhould appear to guide the
reins, which were conducted by another hand. With this view, a confiden-
tial correfpondence was carried on between the two brothers; and as the king
always expected to fee any private letters which paffed between them, an
arrangement was made, that oftenfible letters fhould be fent for the perufal
of the king, and confidential ones to Horace Walpole alone. A part of this
correſpondence is ftill preſerved; thofe letters of Sir Robert Walpole which
relate to foreign affairs, prove, as ufual, his extreme caution in avoiding, as
much as poffible, any continental embarraffiments, which were not imme-
diately neceffary to the prefervation of external peace and internal tran-
quillity.
Tindal vol. 20. p. 325. Journals. Chandler.
↑ Horace Walpole's Apology.
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOL E.
48 €
Chapter 46.
1736.
The letters on domeftic occurrences, are chiefly concerning the murder of
captain Porteus; tumults in Spitalfields, on employing Iriſh manufacturers,
and the riots on account of the gin act. They diſplay his good ſenſe and
prudence, in endeavouring to prevent rather than puniſh diſturbances, and
yet indicate no deficiency of vigour, when it was requifite to act with ſpirit.
Beſides the difficult taſk of fettling the diſputes between the Emperor and Foreign af-
the allies, which encountered continual obftructions from the diſcordant views of
the contending powers, three foreign objects of great importance principally
occupied the attention of the king at Hanover, and gave fufficient employ-
ment to the fagacity of Walpole: The regulation of the fucceffion of Berg
and Juliers; the project of a league with the northern powers; and the
mediation between Ruffia and the Porte.
fairs.
1666.
John William, duke of Cleves, Juliers, and Berg, dying in 1609 without Berg and
iffue, his dominions were claimed by the houſes of Saxony, Brandenburgh, Juliers.
and palatine Newburgh. After a long conteft, the difputed fucceffion was
regulated by a family compact, and divided between the great elector Fre-
derick William, who was defcended from the eldeſt ſiſter of John William,
and Philip William, duke of Newburgh, afterwards elector palatine, who was
deſcended from the ſecond fifter. Frederick William obtained Cleves, La
Marck, and Ravenſtein; Philip William, Juliers and Berg. By the family
compact, it was ftipulated, that fhould the male iffue of either branch be-
come extinct, the other ſhould inherit the whole fucceffion.
As at this period Charles, fon of Philip William, had no iffue, and was
advanced in years, the fucceffion of Berg and Juliers was claimed by Fre-
derick William, king of Pruffia, grandfon of the great elector. But his claims
were oppoſed by Charles Frederick, prince palatine of Sultzbach, of the
collateral line of the houfe of palatine Newburgh, as being lineally de-
fcended from the third fifter of the laft duke of Cleves. He accordingly
remonſtrated againſt the family compact; and was fupported in his preten-
fions by the elector palatine, to whom he was prefumptive heir. This fuc-
ceffion had long been a favourite object of Frederick William: He was
prepared to affert his pretenfions with his whole force, on the death of the
elector palatine, and was fecure of wreſting theſe duchies from the houſe of
Sultzbach, had not the latter been openly fupported or fecretly abetted by
other powers.
It became an object of common prudence and policy, to obviate the dif
ficulties which were likely to arife on the death of the elector palatine,
and to regulate, if poffible, the provifional fucceffion to the difputed pro-
vinces, in fuch a manner as to prevent the diſturbance of the public peace.
3 Q
Buc
VOL. I.
482
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
But the diſcordant views and complicated interefts of the powers who were
1734 to 1737. capable of interfering with effect, gave little hopes of a fucceſsful and ftable
arrangement.
France had given her guaranty to the houſe of Sultzbach, but ſhe had
given it at a time when the was intereſted to fecure the palatine family, and as
that motive no longer operated with the fame force, it was probable that ſhe
would act in conformity to the fituation of affairs at the time of the vacancy.
The Emperor, with his ufual duplicity, had fecretly guarantied the pro-
vifional fucceffion to both the contefting parties; but although he had lured
Frederick William with the moft folemn profeffions to fupport his pretenfions,
yet he was known to be fecretly inclined to favour the houſe of Sultzbach.
In all events, however, he was unwilling to offend either Pruffia or the pala-
tine family, and was no lefs anxious than France to avoid a public declara-
tion of his future refolutions.
The Dutch, whofe territories bordered on Berg and Juliers, were more
than any other power intereſted to prevent any diſturbances on the death of
the elector palatine, and extremely anxious to propofe fuch an accommoda-
tion as ſhould remove the apprehenfions of a war. They therefore applied
to the Emperor and France, and defired the king of England's concurrence
to act in concert with them, for difpofing thofe two powers to propofe inſtant
and proper meaſures for obviating the troubles by an accommodation between
the contending parties, and preventing all hoftile aggreffions while that accom-
modation was negotiating.
George the Second, highly diſgufted with the king of Pruffia, was averfe
to fupport any meaſures which might tend to his aggrandifement, and would
not eaſily be prevailed on to guaranty his fucceffion to Juliers and Berg, unleſs
fome advantage was ftipulated for himſelf. For this reafon, the Dutch had
propoſed that Eaft Friefland, to which both he and the king of Pruffia had
pretenfions, ſhould, on the death of the reigning fovereign without iffue, re-
vert to George the Second as elector of Hanover, the right of maintaining
a garrifon in Embden being referved to the Dutch. They farther recom-
mended, that in confideration of renouncing his claim on Eaſt Friefland,
fuch a portion of Juliers and Berg, as might be adjudged to the king of
Pruſſia, ſhould be fecured under the guaranty of England.
The king feemed inclined to confent to theſe ftipulations; but the mi-
nifter, ftrongly averfe to complicated and diſtant guaranties, expreffed his ob-
jections to all interference; declared himſelf againſt prematurely agreeing to
guaranty the fucceffion of Berg and Juliers, in which they might be left
Angly with the Dutch, or making any declaration which might difoblige
either
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
483
either Pruffia or the palatine family. He ftated the great inconveniences
which might arife from blending that affair with the general tranſactions
then in agitation, when the Emperor and France had agreed to poſtpone
the confideration of it till the chief buſineſs of the preſent negotiation ſhould
be concluded. His opinion prevailed, and all thoughts of interference were
relinquiſhed *
The northern league was the object which most embarraffed the minifter,
and reduced him to the neceffity of oppofing the king's inclinations.
Rofencrantz, the Daniſh miniſter at Hanover, with a view to benefit his own
country, and Mr. Finch, the Britiſh envoy at Stockholm, from a defire of
favouring the court at which he was employed, had repreſented to the king
the good policy of forming a league between the maritime powers, and Swe-
den and Denmark. The king, who underſtood the interefts of Hanover
better than thoſe of England, and who could not fufficiently appreciate the
great commercial and naval principles by which the minifter was actuated
in forming alliances and giving guaranties, eagerly embraced, and zealouſly
ſupported the ſcheme; and with a view to keep the king of Pruffia in awe,
propoſed the acceffion of Ruffia. He communicated his wifhes to the
queen, and requeſted the opinion of Sir Robert Walpole in fuch a manner,
as fufficiently proved to which fide he inclined. The minifter diſapproved
the meaſure, and confidered it not only as highly inexpedient, but as abſo-
lutely impracticable. He was convinced that fuch an alliance with Sweden
would offend the Czarina, unleſs fhe was invited to accede, and that her
acceffion could not be obtained but by guarantying the poffeflion of Livonia
and Ingria, which would no lefs offend Sweden.
In his oftenfible letter to his brother, Walpole frankly ſtated his objec-
tions to precipitate refolutions, recommended cautious proceedings, and par-
ticular attention not to offend the Emperor and Ruffia, and reprobated
expenſive and burthenfome guaranties.
As the negotiation became more and more complicated, and the king
ſeemed inclined to perſevere in his opinion, Walpole prudentially infinuated,
that a matter of ſuch extreme delicacy and importance, fhould be tranfacted
by an official correfpondence, rather than by private letters between the
king and queen. The king having approved this propofal, Horace Walpole
was ordered to prepare the project, and received hints from his brother in
8
* Sir Robert Walpole to Horace Walpole,
June 1, 1736. Correfpondence. Thoughts
on the Succeffion of Berg, Juliers, and Eaft
Friefland, by Horace Walpole. Walpole Papers.
Hiſtory of the Succeffion to the Duchies of
Juliers and Berg.
+ Horace Walpole to Sir Robert Walpole,
Auguft 5. Correfpondence.
32
3 Q 2
what
Chapter 46.
1736.
Project for a
northern
league.
Counteracted
by Walpole.
Auguût 15.
484
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
what manner it ſhould be drawn. Being fubmitted to the king, he highly
1734 to 1737. approved it, and was eager for the conclufion. It was then tranfmitted to
Sir Robert Walpole for the confideration of the queen and the lords juftices,
and was accompanied by a paper of private obſervations againſt the treaty.
The minifter found this paper fo convincing, that although intended
for his own uſe, he communicated it to the queen. Convinced by the found-
nefs of the arguments, fhe promiſed to conceal any knowledge of this paper
from the king, and to write her fentiments in conformity to that opinion.
At the fame time, Sir Robert Walpole wrote an oftenfible letter to his bro-
ther, informing him that he ſhould decline laying the project before the cabinet
council, left the fudden diſcloſure of fo important a tranfaction, might create
ſurpriſe and alarm, and propoſed to delay the communication until the ne-
gotiation was farther advanced, the inclination of the northern courts found-
ed, and the ſituation of affairs more fettled, " that we may fee" he adds “who
and who are together, before we form new ſchemes, that may claſh with we
know not whom nor how." Theſe prudent meaſures were attended with
the defired effect, and the king finally confented to abandon his favourite
project.
War between
Ruffia and
the Porte.
Walpole de-
clines me-
diating.
This whole tranſaction reflects equal honour on the miniſter and the king
On the minifter, for frankly delivering his fentiments, and prefervering in
them, though oppoſite to thofe of his fovereign; on the king, for yielding to
the arguments and wiſhes of his faithful counſellor. Thoſe who confider the
impatience of contradiction, and pertinacity of opinion, which marked the
character of George the Second, will highly appreciate the merit of his fub-
mitting to the guidance, and conforming to the advice, which fo ftrongly
contradicted his own wiſhes.
In the midſt of theſe tranſactions, hoftilities broke out between the
Ruffians and Turks, which, in confequence of the alliances of France and
Sweden with the Turks, and of the Emperor with Ruffia, appeared likely
to excite a general war; yet, contrary to thefe expectations, this event
contributed more than any other cauſe to accelerate the pacification in
Europe. The Emperor, divided between the fear of irritating the Czarina
on one hand, and of retarding the peace on the other, and tempted with
the hope of fharing the fpoils of the Turks, became lefs averfe to the aggran-
difement of the houfe of Bourbon.
A mediation between the contending powers had been propofed by Cal-
koen, the Dutch minifter at Conftantinople, and too eagerly adopted by the
Engliſh embaſſador, Sir Everard Fawkener. Walpole was apprehenfive left
the Czarina fhould conftrue a premature officiouſneſs into a partiality for the
Porte,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
485
Porte, and confider it as an attempt to stop the career of that fuccefs with [Chapter 46.
which her arms were crowned.
His
He was alarmed, left the dignity of England ſhould be lowered by offer-
ing the mediation before it was defired, and without a certainty of its being
accepted. He was convinced, that any attempt to reconcile Ruffia and
the Porte, would be fruitlefs and ineffectual; and he obferved, in a letter
to Horace Walpole, " For my part, I think you may as well hope to
break in upon the conftancy of two lovers in the honey-moon, as to ſtop the
career of two powers juſt engaged in war, in the heat of their refentment,
and before they have had time to feel, to reflect, and grow cool *."
advice prevailed alſo in this inftance, and the mediation was declined.
The fignature of the preliminaries between France and the Emperor, did
not, however, produce an immediate pacification. Several months elapfed
before the kings of Sardinia and Spain could be prevailed on to accede, and
when their concurrence was reluctantly obtained, diſputes occafionally re-
vived between France and the Emperor, and a. long feries of negotiation
took place before the final ratification.
Nor are thefe delays to be attributed folely to the allies. The Em-
peror, though a prince of high ſpirit, and by no means deficient in ca-
pacity, was of fuch a changeful and capricious temper, and appeared fo
different at different intervals, that to define his real character and fitua-
tion, confounded the wiſdom of the wifeft, and baffled the conjectures of
the moſt enlightened.
1736.
Difficulties
in recon-
ciling the
Emperor and
the allies.
Capricious
difpofition of
the Em-
peror.
At one time he was fo exaſperated with England, that he threatened to
feparate himſelf from her for ever, and was fo devoted to France, as to in-
duce Mr. Robinſon to obferve, in a letter to lord Harrington, "This court June 29.
is too much in the hands of that of Verfailles, not to do every thing that the
other wills, or to do any thing that the other wills not.” At another time
he courted England with the greateſt eagerness; denounced the houſe of
Bourbon as his irreconcileable enemy, and offended cardinal Fleury by the
moſt arrogant and prefumptuous demeanour. With a prince of fuch a
changeful temper, it was no eafy tafk to negotiate. His minifters were no
leſs intractable; and Vienna exhibited a motley ſcene of pride, humility,
cabal, intrigue, and procraſtination.
Another great difficulty aroſe from the duke of Loraine, who had efpoufed
the eldeft archduchefs, Maria Therefa, and was unwilling to renounce his fa-
mily inheritance. He required, that if Loraine was ceded to France before the
20
*Sir Robert Walpole to Horace Walpole, Auguft 3 1736. Correfpondence.
Diffatisfac-
tion of the
raine.
duke of Lo..
death
486
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
death of the grand duke of Tufcany, an adequate compenſation ſhould be fe-
1734 to 1737. cured to him. Mr. Robinſon, in one of his difpatches, gives a pathetic and in-
terefting account of his extreme diſtreſs and agitation on this occafion *. "In
an audience which I demanded of him, to announce the marriage of the prince
of Wales with the princefs of Saxe Gotha, he interrupted me in the midſt of
his compliments, to pour out his joy at the marriage, and his refpect and vene-
ration for the king, which he first expreffed aloud; but left any of his attendants.
in the next room might overhear, he retreated with me to a window at the
farther end of the apartment, and faid with the greateft emotion, "Good
"God, where are you, where are the maritime powers! As for my part,
he continued, "I rely upon the king fingly, not upon treaties, not upon
"formal promiſes, but upon what his majeſty has told me over and over
again of his goodneſs for me by word of mouth." If his words expreffed
the higheſt agony and diftrefs, his geftures and actions expreffed no lefs: "He
threw himſelf, in a reclining poſture, and in an inconfolable manner, upon
the arms and end of an adjoining table and chair.” "Such alfo," adds
Mr. Robinſon, "is the extreme agitation of his mind, that his health is
affected by it; he owns that he has no friend to look up to, and that next
to God and the Emperor, all his fortune depends on the king of England."
Views and
conduct of
the Em-
peror.
Ineffectual
attempts to
bribe Chau-
velin.
66
Perhaps theſe complicated difputes would never have been fettled without
another war, had not the pacific fpirit of Walpole and Fleury interpofed, and
had not the Emperor, eager to make war againſt the Turks, with a view to
indemnify himſelf on the fide of Bofnia, for the lofs of Naples and Sicily,
found it previouſly neceffary to fecure the peace of Italy, that he might draw
his troops into Hungary.
The French, aware of his inclination, refufed, under various pretences, to
evacuate the Milanefe; the Emperor was induced to make repeated concef-
fions, and finally to yield the immediate poffeffion of Loraine, for the even-
tual fucceffion of Tufcany. He was fo eager to conclude the definitive
treaty, that he paid 600,000 florins more than he had ftipulated. He gave
to the king of Sardinia, eftates among the Langhes, as fiefs of the empire,
which never belonged to the empire, and fuffered that monarch to mark the
limits of his dominions according to his own conveniency.
In the courſe of theſe various negotiations, Walpole had ufed every ef-
fort to conciliate difcordant parties, and to effect a general accommodation.
* Mr. Robinſon to lord Harrington, May 30th, 1736. Walpole Papers.
+ Thomas Robinſon to lord Harrington, Auguft 5. Grantham Papers.
·
He
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
487
He well knew that the great obftacles to a general peace, proceeded from the
intrigues of Chauvelin, who, from the time of his appointment to the office
of ſecretary of ſtate, and keeper of the feals, almoſt invariably uſed the afcen-
dency which he had gained over cardinal Fleury, in counteracting the de-
figns of England. To obtain his co-operation, Walpole directed his prin-
cipal attention, and even adopted the chimerical project of bribing him to
compliance. The proſpect of fuccefs was principally founded on the extra-
vagance of Chauvelin. He lived in a ftile of great profufion. He had laid
out, and continued to expend large fums in beautifying his favourite villa
of Gros Bois, which vied in magnificence with the royal palaces.
With whom or in what manner the ſcheme originated, the papers under my
inſpection do not ſupply ſpecific information. Sir Robert Walpole was too
cautious to make ſuch attempt, had not fome favourable circumſtances occurred.
It is not improbable that a hint imparted by Trevor, and infinuated in a letter
from Horace Walpole to queen Caroline, might have fuggefted the firſt * idea.
It was an experiment which the minifter deemed it imprudent to reject, though
he never entertained fanguine hopes of fuccefs. Perhaps the firft opening was
afforded by Chauvelin himſelf, who, to fupport his own declining intereft, was
defirous of fecuring the affiftance of Sir Robert Walpole, with whom Fleury was
anxious to co-operate in eſtabliſhing the peace of Europe. But he had no
ſooner effected a temporary re-eſtabliſhment of his credit, than he diſcon-
tinued this private correfpondence, rejected all pecuniary gratifications, re-
fuſed to give any farther information, and became, as before, the inveterate
enemy to England.
The origin, progrefs, and termination of this intrigue, are detailed in the
private correſpondence which paffed between Sir Robert Walpole and the
earl of Waldegrave, and was communicated only to the king. In the fuc-
ceeding year, Chauvelin made another attempt to renew his fecret offers, in
ſuch a manner as induced the earl of Waldegrave to conclude, that he would
accept a bribe. Walpole wrote to the English embaffador, to avoid being
again deceived; to offer a large bribe, of not less than £. 5 or 10,000, and if
that was not accepted, to obtain the removal of one whom he calls our
quondam friend, but now our greateſt enemy.
While this intrigue was in agitation, cardinal Fleury, in a confidential
converſation with the earl of Waldegrave, made heavy complaints againſt
*Horace Walpole to queen Caroline, Auguft, 1735. Correfpondence.
↑ Sir Robert Walpole to the earl of Waldegrave, September 26, 1726. Correfpondence.
Chapter 46.
1736.
Fleury pro-
iance with
pofes an al
England.
the
488
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
the conduct of the Britiſh minifters abroad, and propofed, through the
1734 to 1737 channel of Horace Walpole alone, an alliance with England *; to check
the ambitions deſigns of the Emperor, and keep in awe the reſtleſs ſpirit of
the queen of Spain, who had fo often convulfed Europe to aggrandiſe her
own family. The anſwer of Horace Walpole began with a fpirited remon-
ſtrance againſt the weakneſs of the cardinal, in liſtening to all the idle and
malicious reports of thoſe who endeavoured to fow diffenfions between the
two crowns; ſtated the impoffibility of acceding to the propofal of a parti-
cular union with France in the preſent juncture, becauſe Chauvelin would
obftruct and diſappoint all hopes of bringing it to a fucceſsful iffue. He
concluded with repreſenting, that the king had always had in view the pre-
ſervation of the tranquillity and equilibrium of Europe; that the numerous
treaties which France had made before the late troubles, and the compli-
cated negotiations for the execution of the preliminaries, in which the king
had not participated, rendered it impoffible to determine what meaſures or
alliances would be moſt proper for preferving the balance of power, until the
whole plan of the peace ſhould be propoſed; that if the plan fhould appear
conformable to that great end, the king would ſupport it by every means in
his power; and concluded with repreſenting, that the cardinal would al-
ways find the king difpofed to preferve a good underſtanding with France.
Secret cor-
refpondence
with Wal-
pole.
Foiled in this attempt, the cardinal endeavoured to fucceed by opening a
private correfpondence with Sir Robert Walpole, the knowledge of whofe
pacific fentiments, inſpired him with the confidence and hopes of impoſing
upon him, and drawing him in gradually to abet the alliance with France,
and by that means to feparate the Emperor ftill more from England. Two
converſations which the cardinal held with the earl of Waldegrave on this
fubject, will ferve to fhew the art with which he endeavoured to amuſe the
Britiſh cabinet.
After delivering his fentiments on the murder of captain Porteus, and re-
commending lenity to the mifled populace who were concerned in that tranf-
action, he repreſented the neceffity of curbing the overgrown power of the
Emperor; hinted as his opinion, to be folely communicated to Sir Robert
Walpole, that the best method of effecting that end, would be a league of
the proteftant princes in Europe, to be propofed by England, and fupported
by France. In reply to theſe friendly communications, the minifter com-
miffioned lord Waldegrave to exprefs great reſpect for the cardinal, and an
Horace Walpole to the earl of Walde
grave, Auguft 8-19th, 1735. Correfpondence.
The Earl of Waldegrave's letters to Sir
Robert Walpole, October 23d, and November
21ft, 1736. Correſpondence.
carneft
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
489
1
carneft defire to cultivate his friendſhip, for the mutual honour and
intereft of the two kingdoms. At this, the cardinal interrupting him, ex-
preffed the higheft opinion of Sir Robert Walpole's diſtinguiſhed abili-
ties, and particularly expatiated on his integrity and fpirit, characteriſtics
highly neceffary in the compofition of a great minifter. He then propoſed a
fecret correſpondence, through the channel of the earl of Waldegrave, to
which, in France, no one ſhould be privy but the king, and in England,
only the king and queen; trufting, on his part, that no advantage would
be taken, and no hints given of this intercourfe.
Although Sir Robert Walpole was not ignorant, that during thefe over-
tures, the cardinal had been endeavouring to perfuade the Emperor to con-
clude a definitive treaty, exclufive of the maritime powers, he neither re-
proached him for his infincerity, nor declined the offer of a confidential com-
munication. He on the contrary affected to diſbelieve, while he hinted the
report, becauſe, he faid, it contradicted the declarations fo frequently
and folemnly made by the cardinal, that the maritime powers ſhould be
included in all the definitive tranſactions for a treaty, as alſo, becauſe
he did not doubt his fincerity in defiring a particular alliance with England.
Uniformly attached to his grand principle of promoting peace by whomfo-
ever, or in whatever manner it was effected, he expreffed his readineſs to
concur in all meaſures which might be juſt and honourable to the two na-
tions, and requeſted him to draw up the heads of a definitive treaty.
Chapter 46.
1736.
dence.
Although the earl of Waldegrave juftly remarked, from his knowledge of Effect of the
the cardinal's character, that much could not be concluded from thele pri- Correfpon-
vate tranſactions, they ferved, however, to preferve harmony, and to foften
the immediate effects of that inveterate jealouſy which had fo long divided the
two nations. The mutual interchange of friendly difcuffion ftrengthened
the pacific fentiments adopted by both minifters, and prevented the hafty
renewal of offenfive meafures. The outlines of the definitive treaty were
fettled, and the conclufion of the general pacification accelerated.
Chauvelin,
Another confiderable advantage was alfo unquestionably derived from this Difgrice of
private tranfaction. It gave to Sir Robert Walpole and the earl of Walde-
grave, opportunities of reprefenting the malicious conduct of Chauvelin, and
occafioned, or haftened his downfal, which took place in the commencement
of the enfuing year, and to which the reprefentations of Waldegrave greatly
contributed.
er's letters.
Before the difmiffion of Chauvelin, an intereſting correſpondence had The Pretend
paffed between the two brothers and the other miniſters, relating to a cu-
VOL. I.
3 R
rious
1
490
MEMOIRS OF
Period V1.
rious incident that happened to the earl of Waldegrave at Paris. Chauvelin
1734 to 1737 having, among other papers, by miſtake, put into his hands a letter from
the Pretender, the embaffador fent it by a courier to the queen. Imme-
diate information was forwarded by Newcastle to the king at Hanover, with
the remarks of Sir Robert Walpole. Several letters paffed between the mi-
nifter in London,, Horace Walpole at Hanover, and the earl of Waldegrave
at Paris, which prove the extreme uneafinefs and jealoufy excited by this
diſcovery.
Riots in
London :
And Edin-
burgh.
Jacobitifm at that time produced a tremor through every nerve of go-
vernment; and the flighteſt incident which diſcovered any intercourſe be-
tween the Pretender and France, occafioned the moſt ferious apprehen-
fions. It was no wonder, therefore, that this event fhould fpread alarms,
which the obfervations of the two brothers were calculated to obviate. The
letters which paffed on this occafion, are given in order of date, and are
fufficiently explicit without any farther illuftrations *.
During the abſence of the king at Hanover, where he remained till the
beginning of January, the fpirit of diſcontent and infurrection was bufy at
home; and various tumults took place in the capital, and other parts of the
kingdom. In the capital, theſe diſturbances were occafioned by the weavers
in Spitalfields, who took umbrage that the Irish were employed at an infe-
rior rate of wages; and by the diſcontent of the populace, excited by the exe-
cution of the gin act.
Theſe alarming riots, which were notoriouſly fomented by the difaffected,
were ſcarcely fuppreffed, when a more atrocious outrage demanded the at-
tention of government. One Wilfon, a daring ſmuggler, was fentenced to
be hanged at Edinburgh, for having robbed a collector of the revenue.
This man, having abetted the eſcape of his fellow criminal, in the time of
divine fervice, and from the midft of his guards, the magiftrates of Edin-
burgh increaſed their uſual-precautions for the execution of the ſentence, by
ordering the officers of the train bands and the city guard, provided with arms
and ammunition, to attend for the purpoſe of preventing his reſcue. The
proceffion paffed along; the fentence was performed without the ſmalleſt ap-
pearance of a riot, and the executioner was at the top of the ladder cutting
down the body, when the magiftrates retired. At this moment, the populace
ruſhed forward towards the gallows, part forced their way through the guards,
with intention, as was fuppofed, to carry off the body, under the hopes
of recovering it. Others threw large ftones, maimed feveral foldiers, and
* Correfpondence. Period VI. Article, the Pretender's Letter.
6
ftruck
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
491
ftruck captain Porteous, who was fo provoked at this outrage, that he ordered
the foldiers to fire. Five were killed, and ſeveral wounded. Porteous was
immediately apprehended, and tried, for having directed the foldiers to fire
without the orders of the civil magiftrate, and was condemned to death.
But fo
many favourable circumſtances appeared on his trial, that ſeven of the
fifteen jurymen acquitted him, and the verdict which condemned him, ac-
knowledged that "he and his guards were attacked and beat with feveral ftones
"of a confiderable bignefs, thrown by the multitude, whereby feveral of the
"foldiers were bruifed and wounded *." In confequence of this ridiculous
inconfiftency in the verdict, and other favourable circumftances, the queen
regent fent down a reſpite of fix weeks, for the purpoſe of inquiring into the
circumſtances of the cafe.
Chapter 46.
1736.
On the 3d, the reprieve was brought to Edinburgh, and on the 4th,
vague reports were circulated, that the populace had refolved, on the
evening
of the 8th, to ſet fire to the prifon, if Porteous was not executed on that day,
according to his fentence. But the magiftrates, on inquiry, could not difco-
ver any foundation for the report, and no precaution was taken to remove the
priſoner into the caſtle. On Tueſday the 7th, about a quarter before ten at
night, the magiſtrates had notice, that a few boys had feized the drum in
the ſuburb of Weſt Port, and beat it in the Grafs Market within the
city. About fix minutes before ten, they fent to call out the guard imme-
diately under arms; but a few minutes before the clock ftruck, a mob
fuddenly ruſhed in upon, and furpriſed the guards, drove them from the
guard room, feized all their arms, being ninety firelocks in number, be-
fides ſeveral Lochaber axes, and almoft at the fame time made themfelves
maſters of the city gates. They then provided themſelves with fhot, by
breaking open the fhops where ammunition was fold, attacked the jail,
drove out the provoſt and magiftrates, who attempted to diſperſe them, and
wounded ſeveral of their attendants. They next fet fire to the gate of the
priſon, and ruſhed into the wards, forced the turnkeys to open the doors, re-
leafed all the priſoners, feized Porteous, and dragged him to the Grafs Market, Murder of
where they broke into a ſhop, took out a coil of ropes, and hung him upon
a dyer's croſs poft, cloſe to the common place of execution. Lindſay,
member for the city, found means to eſcape from the town, and to
convey information of the tumult to general Moyle, commander of the
king's troops, who were quartered in the fuburbs; but as he was obliged to
* Trial and Sentence. Political State, 1736; and Gentleman's Magazine.
+ Narrative of the Tumult. Correfpondence.
3 R 2
make
Porteous.
492
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. make a large circuit, he did not reach the head quarters till near eleven.
1734to 1737. General Moyle had already collected his own troops, and fent for thoſe who
were quartered at Leith, but made no attempt to force the gate of the
city, which was occupied by the armed populace. He perfifted in refufing
to act againſt the infurgents, on the faith of Lindſay's intelligence, without
an order from the civil magiftrate; and as he deemed it impoffible to obtain
an order from the magiftrates in the city, he diſpatched a meffenger to An-
drew Fletcher, lord juſtice clerk of Scotland, who was at his villa at the
diſtance of above two miles and a half, Fletcher, being in bed, no anſwer
was procured until one o'clock, and by fome mistake, it was then delivered
not to the general, but to Lindfay. Meanwhile, the execution of Porteous
had taken place, the exertions of the military were rendered unneceffary,
by the difperfion of the rioters, and in the morning, Edinburgh was in a
ſtate of perfect tranquillity.
Lord Ilay was ſent to Edinburgh, as the only perfon capable of bring-
ing the offenders to juftice. The accounts * which he tranfmitted to
Sir Robert Walpole, proved that a regular fyftematic plan had been
formed with the utmoft fecrecy and order; that feveral made this
infamous murder a point of confcience; and that one of the actors
went to a country church, where the facrament was given to a large
number of people in the church-yard, and boafted of the ſhare which
he had taken in the tranfaction. He obferved, that perfons who affected
fanctity, fpoke of the murder as the hand of God doing juſtice, and repro
bated all endeavours to bring the actors to condign puniſhment, as grievous
per.ecurion. He added alfo, that although feveral perfons had been impri-
foned, and large rewards offered, no diſcoveries had been made of the perpe-
trators or inftigators of this atrocious act.
* Correfpondence.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
493
CHAPTER THE FORTY-SEVENTH:
1737.
Meeting of Parliament.-Speech from the Throne. Proceedings :-On the Bill
refpecting the Tumults at Edinburgh.-On Sir John Barnard's Scheme for the
Reduction of Intereſt.—Licentiouſneſs of the Stage.-Origin and Progrefs of
the Playhouse Bill.
TH
Chapter 47.
1737.
parliament.
Parliamen-
tary proceed-
HIS feffion of parliament, which opened on the 1ft of February, was Meeting of
as unquiet and stormy, as the laft had been eafy and tranquil.
The parliamentary proceedings which it is neceffary to notice, are the
debates reſpecting the tumults in Edinburgh; Sir John Barnard's propofal
for the reduction of intereft; the playhouſe bill, and the motion for
an addreſs to the king, to fettle . 100,000 per annum on the prince of
Wales.
The ſpeech from the throne noticed the late diſturbances, but without any
ſpecific mention of the tumult at Edinburgh. It was anſwered by loyal ad-
dreffes from both houſes, expreffing their abhorrence of fuch outrages, and
their refolution to fupport the royal authority in fuppreffing all riotous and
feditious attempts, which threatened the very being of the conftitution. The
miniſter, however, feems to have been embarraſſed in what manner to intro-
duce the inquiry. Fortunately, lord Carteret relieved him from this di-
lemma. Although he was in violent oppofition to the meaſures of admi-
niſtration, yet he justly thought that the indignity committed againſt the
eſtabliſhed government, ſhould not remain unpunished. He accordingly
referred to that part of the fpeech which alluded to the tumults in various
parts of the kingdom. After arguing that theſe riots did not proceed from
difaffection to government, and complaining, that notwithſtanding the power
with which the civil magiftrate was armed, the military force had been em-
ployed in fupprefling them, he adverted to the murder of captain Porteous,
which he particularly ftigmatiſed as a moft atrocious deed; obſerving that
the confpiracy which had effected it was the more dreadful, becauſe it was
concerted and executed with great deliberation and method, and was attend-
ed with no other diforder. He was of opinion, that fome citizens of Edin-
burgh
ings.
On the mur-
der of Por-
teous.
In the houſe
of lords.
494
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. burgh had been concerned in the murder; that the magiftrates had encou-
1734101737. raged the riot, and that the city had forfeited its charter; he concluded with
exprefling hopes that an inquiry would be made into the particulars and
circumftances of the cafe.
The duke of Newcaſtle and the lord chancellor, after contending for the ne-
ceffity of employing the military force in fuppreffing riots and putting the laws
in execution, and juſtifying the reprieve of captain Porteous, did not reſiſt or
promote the inveſtigation propoſed by lord Carteret; they only argued for a
general inquiry into the cauſes and circumſtances of the riot, and not for a
Specific inquiry into the diſturbances. Carteret, in reply, maintained the ne-
ceffity of a particular inquiry, and of confining it to the tumult at Edin-
burgh. The earl of Ilay, after oppofing the forfeiture of the charter, and
obferving that the outrages had originated from difaffection to government,
declared himſelf in favour of a particular inquiry, and expreffed his readineſs
to join in any propofition for that purpoſe. A motion was accordingly made
by Carteret, for the attendance of the magiftrates, and other perſons who
could give the neceffary information, and for an addreſs to the king, that
copies of the trial of captain Porteous, and the account of the murder, fhould
be laid before the houſe.
In confequence of this motion, which paffed without oppofition, the re-
ſpective documents were produced. In examining the proceedings of the trial,
it plainly appeared that Porteous was fully juſtified, from the principles of felf-
defence, in firing upon the mob, and that the reprieve granted by the queen.
was founded on law and juftice; and as the conftitution of the criminal law
in Scotland was different from that in England, it appeared incomprehenfi-
ble to moſt of the peers, that a perſon could be condemned to death, upon
a verdict ſo inconfiftent with common juftice. Accordingly, it was fuggefted
by Carteret, to declare the verdict erroneous; this propofal was oppoſed by
the earl of Ilay and the lord chancellor, and no motion was made *.
Having thus juftified the proceedings of government, the next object
was to diſcover thoſe who were concerned in the murder, and to
puniſh all who either concerted or connived at it. The magiftrates of Edin-
burgh, the commander in chief of the forces, Lindfay, member for the city,
as well as the Scots judges, were feverally and feparately examined at the
bar. Their allegations, however, were confufed and unfatisfactory; but
proofs appeared that the magiftrates had not been fufficiently active in pre-
venting the rifing of the mob, or in fuppreffing it when excited. Yet no
legal evidence was obtained to convict them, nor did it appear that any of
• Loids' Debates.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
495
1737.
the citizens had been acceffary to the murder, and not a fingle perfon was Chapter 47.
diſcovered who had been concerned in it. Notwithſtanding this defi-
ciency, the majority of the peers thought it neceffary to bring in a bill of
pains and penalties againſt the provoft and city, for conniving at, or not pre-
venting the perpetration of fo atrocious a deed.
The bill was oppoſed in a very animated fpeech by the duke of Argyle,
who contended that it was an ex poſt facto law, puniſhing a whole commu-
nity for crimes within the reach of the inferior courts of juftice. It was
nevertheleſs carried by a majority of 54 against 22, and fent down to the May in
commons, under the title of " An Act to diſable Alexander Wilfon, efquire,
from taking, holding, or enjoying, any office or place of magiftracy, in the
city of Edinburgh, or elſewhere, in Great Britain, for impriſoning the ſaid
Alexander Wilſon, and for abolishing the guard kept up in the faid city,
commonly called the town guard; and for taking away the gates of the
Nether Bow Port of the faid city, and keeping open the fame."
Such was the title, and fuch were the penalties of this famous bill, as it
was fent to the commons. It is certain, the miniſterial party in the houſe of
peers, had not thoroughly confidered the nature of the Scottish conftitution,
as left by the act of union; nor was the evidence fufficient for justifying the
feverities contained in the bill. Wilfon, the lord provoft, was a weak well-
meaning man, and had acted to the beſt of his courage and capacity and
the greateſt imputation fixed on him by evidence, was his not having been
active in arming the citizens the day before the riot had happened, when
only vague rumours were whiſpered. With refpect to the penalties inflicted
upon the city of Edinburgh, doubts were raiſed whether they could regu-
larly be impofed, even by a British parliament, confiftently with the articles
of union *.
of commons?
Accordingly, the oppofition was violent and ftrenuous; moſt of the perfons In the houfe
who had appeared at the houſe of lords, were again examined before the com-
mons; petitions were received, and counfel heard againft the bill. The Scot-
tiſh members, who were affected by the ftigma to be affixed on their ca-
pital, and looked upon the queftion as a national concern, uniformly op-
pofed, and many of them, particularly Duncan Forbes, the lord advocate.
of Scotland, diſplayed great abilities. On every reading it produced freſh
debates, and in one inftance was carried only by the cafting voice of colonel
Bladen, the chairman of the committee.
Walpole ſpoke only on the first reading, and then he faid but a few words
: * Tindal.
in
496
MEMOIRS OF
}
-Period VI.
in reply to thoſe who objected to the bill, becauſe it originated in the houfe
*734 to 1737. of lords. He obferved, that he was as jealous of their right as any other
gentleman could be, but thought too fcrupulous a jealouſy at this time
might be attended with the worſt confequences. In reply to an obſervation
of Duncan Forbes, that tenderneſs ought to be ſhewn to the corporations
and boroughs which the commons reprefented, eſpecially thofe of Scotland,
he urged that the commitment of the bill was the greateft mark of ten-
derneſs which could be fhewn, It was to puniſh, in an exemplary manner, a
pretice that had been too much encouraged; a practice, which if not fup-
preffed, muſt deſtroy the right of all corporations, and perhaps abolish the
privileges of the houſe, and the very form of the conftitution. He con-
cluded, by faying, that gentlemen would not oppofe the bill without better
reaſons than any that had yet appeared. He did not enter into the merits,
or diſcuſs the proofs of the objections urged by the Scottiſh lawyers, but left
thoſe points to be argued by the attorney and folicitor general.
He by no
means made it a miniſterial queſtion. In the houſe of lords, fome of his
friends had promoted and others refifted it, and on one queſtion, the duke
of Newcaſtle and lord chancellor Hardwicke had voted on different fides.
The fame circumftance occurred in the houſe of commons. Some of the
moſt violent oppofers of government befriended the bill, and others abfented
themſelves while it was depending. He was moſt anxious that the queen
fhould be juſtified for granting the reprieve, and that fome puniſhment
ſhould be inflicted on the magiſtrates, as an example to deter others, and to
render the civil power reſponſible for outrages committed in their jurifdic-
tion: A falutary and effential act of policy.
When theſe points were gained, he was not inclined to enforce the penal-
ties. He fuffered therefore the bill to be modified and mitigated. That
part which ordered the abolition of the city guard, and the demolition of
the gates, was omitted, and the whole was reduced to an act "for diſabling
Alexander Wilſon, the provoft, from taking, holding, or enjoying, any office,
or place of magiftracy, in the city of Edinburgh, or elſewhere, in Great Bri-
tain, and for impofing a fine upon the faid corporation, of £. 2,000, for the
benefit of the widow of Porteous *." The bill, however, thus mitigated and
rendered " ftingleſs," met with unceasing oppofition, and after having
narrowly eſcaped being thrown out, was fent back to the lords, who agreed
to the amendments, and it finally received the royal affent.
* Tindal.
+ Ibid.
While
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
497
1737.
While this act was in agitation, another paffed the lords, and was fent Chapter 47.
down to the commons, "For the more effectual bringing to juftice, any
perfons concerned in the barbarous murder of captain John Porteous, and
puniſhing fuch as fhall knowingly conceal any of the faid offenders." This June 3.
bill was of a fevere nature, and was directed to be read, for a ftated time, by
the eſtabliſhed clergy of Scotland, in their pulpits, every Sunday. Amongſt
other clauſes, it contained an indemnity to any perſon who was concerned in
the murder, provided he diſcovered and convicted an accomplice, before the
firſt of February. This claufe was added to the bill by the commons, as was alſo
another, promiſing " a reward of £. 200 to any one who ſhould diſcover, and
convict, by their evidence, any perfon concerned in the murder." Theſe
proviſions were by many thought too fevere, and cenfured as giving too
great encouragement to informers. The Scots, when the act was read to
them, treated it with the utmoft contempt; and though many thouſands
were publicly concerned in the murder, and fome of them tried, yet none
were legally convicted *.
Theſe proceedings augmented the unpopularity of the minifter, by in-
flaming the refentment of Scotland, and facilitated the efforts of the duke of
Argyle, to return, at the next elections, a majority of the Scots members in
favour of oppofition.
Sir Robert Walpole incurred great cenfure by the alienation of the finking
fund; and has been expofed to no lefs obloquy, for his oppofition to Sir
John Barnard's fcheme, for reducing the intereſt of the national debt. He
has been accuſed by party, prejudice, or miſapprehenfion, of the meaneft mo-
tives for adopting this line of conduct: motives fo contradictory, that they
refute each other. By fome, he was fufpected of having clandeſtinely
promoted the introduction of the bill. It was infinuated that, at firſt, he
intended it ſhould pafs; and that he only deferred the meafure until the
queen, who was ſuppoſed to have a million in the funds, could fell out to
advantage. Others, on the contrary, afcribe his oppofition to the mean
fpirit of jealoufy, and reproach the minifter with having exerted the whole
power of
government, that he might deprive Sir John Barnard of his due ap-
plauſe.
Propofal for
the reduc-
tereft.
tion of in-
In the committee of ſupply the minifter moved a refòlution, that a fum March 9.
of one million ſhould be taken from the finking fund, and applied to re-
deem a million of old South Sea annuities. The motion was oppoſed by
* Tindal, vol. 20, p. 344.-The reader is
referred for the above particulars, to the Cor-
refpondence Lords' Debates- Chandler-
Journals-Tindal- Political State of Great
Britain.
VOL. I.
+ Opinions of the Duchefs of Marlborough,
P. 45.
Sinclair on the Revenue, chap. 5-
feveral
زگیره
3 S
498
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
feveral members, principally of the minority, who argued for the expediency
1734 to 1737. of appropriating that fum to the difcharge of the debt due to the bank,
Sir John Bar-
nard's
fcheme.
becauſe the intereft paid to the bank was fix per cent. whereas that on the
other parts of the public debt did not exceed four. They accordingly
propofed the amendment; but the original motion was carried without a
divifion.
On the 14th of March the refolution was reported and agreed to *. On
this occafion, Sir John Barnard propoſed, that the houſe ſhould reſolve itſelf
into a committee, to take into confideration the national debt, and to
receive any propofal which might be made to reduce the intereft to three per
cent. The minifter, after a few obſervations on the danger of meddling with
public credit, or taking any ſtep which might be likely to affect it, without
the moſt mature reflection, declared that he had no objection to a com-
mittee, becauſe time would be allowed for deliberation; and concluded,
that if any ſeaſonable ſcheme for reducing the intereft ſhould be then pro-
pofed, he ſhould readily agree to it.
On the 18th, the account of the national debt, which amounted to
£.47,866,596, was produced. On the 21ft, the houſe refolved into a commit-
tee of fupply, and Sir John Barnard brought forward his ſcheme. With a view
to popularity, it was called, a propofal towards lowering the intereſt of all the
redeemable debts to three per cent. and thereby to enable the parliament to give
immediate cafe to his majefty's fubjects, by taking off fome of the taxes which
are moſt burthenfome to the poor, and efpecially to the manufacturers, as
likewife to give eafe to the people, by leffening the annual taxes for the current
fervice of the year †.
Though
* Journals.
+ The propofal was as follows:
"That an offer be made to the proprietors of
the South Sea annuities, as well old as new, at
fuch times as the refpective transfer books
fhall be fhut, in the following manner, viz.
That all perfons be at liberty to make their
option for the whole, or any part of their ca-
pital of one or more of the particulars under-
imentioned, for which books be laid open at
the South Sea houſe, for fo long time as fhall
be thought proper, viz. All who defire to be
paid their money, to enter their names and
funs in one book. Thoſe who fhall chufe to
have annuities for certain terms of years, and
the capital to be annihilated, may fſubſcribe in
particular books for that purpofe, at the fol-
lowing rates:
"For 47 Years at
4 per Cent. per Ann.
31
23
Years at
Years at
19 Years at
5
6
7
16 Years at 8
12
33 Years at 9
Years at 10
"That the proprietors of fo much of the ca-
pital, as fhall not be claimed in money, nor
fubfcribed into fome of the annuities for terms
of years, fhall, for the future, be intitled to an
annuity of 3 per cent. per annum only. And
for the encouragement of the annuitants to
accept of 3 per cent. per annum, it is propoſed,
that they be not ſubject to redemption or di-
minution of their annuities for the term of 14
years. And that all the annuities for terms of
years be transferable at the South Sea houſe,
without
t
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
499
Though the principle of the meaſure was fuch as to intitle its founder to
expect much popularity, yet as the interefts and prejudices of many perfons
were to be combated, great oppofition was excited, and the ftores of argu-
ment and calculation exhauſted in defending the plan.
Chapter 47.
X737.
Sir John Barnard moved, in a committee of fupply," that his majefty be March 21.
enabled to raiſe money, either by fale of annuities for years or lives, at fuch rates
as ſhould be preſcribed, or by borrowing at an intereft not exceeding three per
cent. to be applied towards redeeming old and new South Sea annuities, and
that fuch of the annuitants as ſhould be inclined to fubfcribe their reſpec-
tive annuities, ſhould be preferred to all others."
This motion occafioned long debates. It was
It was principally defended by
the landed, and refifted by the monied intereft, and the minifter's friends
were divided. The houfe did not appear inclined to adopt any ſpecific de-
termination; fome of thoſe who were averfe to the meafure, declared them-
felves incapable of giving their opinion, without due reflection and more in-
formation. They moved, therefore, that the farther confideration fhould be
deferred till that day fe'nnight, which was agreed to without oppofition.
This point being carried, the adverſaries of the bill made another effort, which
was attended with fuccefs. It had been urged as an objection, that a con-
fiderable part of the South Sea annuities belonged to widows and orphans,
and to perfons who were proprietors of fmall fums: This fuggeftion had a great
effect upon the houſe. Willing therefore to take advantage of this impreffion,
without any charge; as well as the annuities
which fhall be continued at 3 per cent. per
annum. And that all the annuities for terms
of years, commence from the determination of
the annuities of 4 per cent. without any lofs of
timme. It is apprehended, that this offer will
be more beneficial to the proprietors than the
remaining in their prefent fituation, and re-
ceiving a million at a time, to be divided al-
ternately between the old and the new annui-
To Perfons 44 Years old,
53
$9
63
D
g
tants, which must affect them in a very high
manner, as it tends greatly to reduce their
capital, by continual laying out the moncy paid
off in new annuities at advanced prices.
"If the parliament fhould be willing to in-
dulge any perfons, not being foreigners, who
may be advanced in years, with annuities for
term of life; the following rates are ſubmitted
to the confideration of gentlenten who have
turned their thoughts to this fubject, viz.
or upwards, 7 per Cent. for Life.
"If thefe rates for lives, or any other rates,
fhould be thought convenient to be offered;
it is then propofed, that the old and new an-
nuitants be permitted to fubfcribe any part of
their capital, they being within the limitation
of years above expreffed; and that none of the
propofals foregoing be made for ready money;
8
9
IO
becauſe it is reaſonable that the prefent cre-
ditors fhould have the preference in any ad-
vantageous offer made by the parliament, as
this is apprehended to be, fince money may be
raifed at 3 per cent. per annum, with a liberty
of redeeming the fame at pleature.“
3 S 2
they
1
500
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. they moved on the following day, that an account fhould be laid before the
3734t01737. houſe, of the quantity of old and new South Sea annuity ſtock, holden by
any executors, adminiftrators, or truſtees; which accounts were preſented
on the enſuing Friday.
1
Hitherto the minifter took no public part, either for or againſt the ſcheme;
although he was generally fuppofed* to be inclined in its favour. But from
this period he was determined to oppofe it, though he thought it prudent to
act with circumfpection, as many members, who were perfonally attached
to him, favoured the meaſure. In this fituation the minifter had watched
the progrefs of public opinion, and found it decidedly adverfe to the pro-
pofal, which excited the moſt violent clamours among the proprietors of
the funds.
During the adjournment of the buſineſs, the minifterial papers were
filled with objections to the meaſure, and a perfpicuous ftatement,
* Robert to Horace Walpole. Trevor,
April 19, 1737. Correfpondence. Opinions
of the duchefs of Marlborough.
+ "As I can by no means approve of the
ſcheme, published in your paper of Satur-
day laft, for reducing the intereft of the na-
tional debt to 3 per cent. I fhall, for the fake
of thoſe who are not acquainted with calcula-
tions of this kind, make a few obfervations on
the propofed method of reduction, that ſuch
proprietors of the public funds may fee how
far their interefts are like to be affected by it.
And, in the firſt place, I obferve, that the an-
nuities propofed for certain terms of years are
calculated at compound interefi, allowing the
annuitants 3 per cent. for their money, and
the furplus of the annuity is to reimburfe them
their purchaſe money at the fame rate of in-
tereft.
"To explain this, I fhall fix upon the firſt
annuity propoſed, which is 4 per cent. for 47
years, at the end of which the capital is to be
annihilated. By this propofal, the purchaſer
is to receive 3 per cent. intereft, and the re-
maining 1 per cent. is to reimburfe the purchaſe
money in the term propofed at compound in-
tereft; but I cannot think this a fair method
of computation in the prefent cafe; for, al-
though it be true, that £. 1 per annum will, in
47 years, amount to 100 at compound in-
tereft; yet it is highly improbable, if not im-
poffible, that intereft upon intercft, or indeed
any intereft at all, fhould be made of fuch
fmall fums for 47 years running, as muſt be
expofing
done, to raiſe the fum advanced; and therefore
fuch a method of calculation must be falla-
cious, and nothing but the furplus of the an-
nuity can be fafely relied on for reimburſement
of the purchaſe money; and then it will be
evident to the meaneft capacity, that if the an-
nuitants are allowed 3 per cent. for their pur-
chaſe money, they will, at the end of 47 years,
have received no more than 47 per cent. of
their principal; and in all the other cafes the
purchafers of the propofed annuities will be
confiderable lofers; only it is to be obferved, that
the ſhorter the term is, the leſs the lofs will be:
for if the annuity be 7 per cent. for 19 years,
the purchaſers will receive back 76 per cent.
and if 10 per cent. be allowed for 12 years, they
will receive back 84 per cent. of their principal
money: The reafon of which is very obvious
to thofe who know, that compound intereft is
a feries of geometrick progreffion.
"Secondly, I obferve, that if, out of any of
the propofed annuities, there is annually referv-
ed a fum fufficient to reimburſe the purchaſe
money, the annuitants will not receive an in-
tereſt of 2 per cent. upon their principal. And
for the proof of this, I fhall only take notice
of the two extremes and middle term in the an-
muitics propoſed; by which it will appear,
that if .2 out of £.4 be referved for 47
years, it will raiſe no more than £. 94, and if
L.5 out of £.7 be referved for 19 years, it
will amount to no more than £. 95, and £.8
out of £. 10 for 12 years, will give only £. 96.
66 Thirdly, It is to be obferved, that the
method
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
501
1737.
expofing its inexpediency, appeared in the Whitehall Evening Poft, which Chapter 47.
was either drawn up by the miniſter himſelf, or approved by him. In the
fame paper, of the 26th, an appeal was made to the feelings and paffions of
the public, in which the bill was defcribed, as tending to ruin trade, to de-
populate the capital, to impoverish widows and orphans, to reduce the
farmers to day labourers, and the fons of noblemen and gentlemen to
farmers.
Theſe exaggerated declamations made a deep impreffion on the public mind. Sir John
When the houſe met on the 28th to refume the confideration of the bill, Barnard's
fpeech.
Sir John Barnard entered into a full explanation of his ſcheme, and laboured
with great addreſs and ability to obviate theſe popular objections. He went
over all the grounds of political expediency, and in the courfe of a very
long and ingenious explanation, urged, that in every view of the fubject, re-
lating to the extenfion of commerce, both domeſtic and foreign, to the en--
method propofed will not enable the parliament
to give immediate eaſe to his majeſty's ſubjects,
by taking off fome of the taxes which are moſt
burthenfome to the poor, and eſpecially to the
manufacturers: For, by the firft propoſal, the
fame annual intereft which is now paid, viz. 4 per
cent. is to be continued for 47 years; and con-
fequently the taxes by which that intereft is
raiſed muſt be continued for that term, which
will give but ſmall relief to the preſent gene-
ration. And in all the other cafes, the annual
intereſt muſt be augmented, inſtead of being re-
duced: for if the proprietors of £. 20,000,000
of the public debts could be fuppoſed to ac-
cept any of theſe annuities upon the terms
propofed, the annual intereft mufl then be in-
creafed in the following manner,
viz.
2
66
For 31 Years •
231 Years L.
19 Years .
200,000 per Ann.
400,000
600,000
16 Years L. 800,000
13 Years . 1,000,000
12 Years £. 1,200,000-
"Fourthly, I obferve, That the other part of
the fcheme, which relates to annuities upon
lives, is liable to the fame objection: for if the
propoſed annuities are taken at a medium of
8 per cent. and the lives are fuppofed at a
medium to continue 18 years (which very
nearly coincides with the rules laid down for
finding the number of years due to any given
life) then it will be evident, that a further
intereft of 4 per cent. muſt be raiſed to pay
fuch annuities, which will more than double
the preſent annual intereſt.
Fifthly, It is to be obſerved, that this ſcheme
is not calculated for the good of the whole,
but, according to the old proverb, to rob Peter
to pay Paul, or, to remove the burthen from
one part of the community, and lay it upon
another, and upon that part too which hath
already contributed no leſs than fix fhillings
and eight-pence in the pound towards leffening
the public debts. I am unwilling to charge
the author with an intention to oppreſs the
proprietors of the public funds, though his
fcheme manifeftly tends to it: but why does
his tenderneſs lie all on one fide? Is there no
part of it due to thofe widows and crphans,
who have no other way of ſubſiſtence, but the
income of ſmall fortunes in government fecu-
rities? For my part, I cannot perceive the hc-
nefty or policy of eafing one part of the com-
munity, by diftreffing another; neither can I
apprehend any wifdom or juftice in making
invidious diftinctions between the landed and
monied intereſt, fince it is in a great meaſure
owing to thofe, who ventured their fortunes in
the public funds, that the Proteftant part of
this nation have any lands or liberties left. I do
therefore hope that their prefent intereſt will
not be leffened; but if nothing elſe will ferve,
I am perfuaded I can propofe a way of doing
it that will be the leaf injurious to them of any
that can be thought of, which, if called upon,.
I am ready to publiſh."
couragement.
502
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
couragement of induſtry, the increaſe of population, the augmentation of the
1734 to 1737. manufactures, and the improvement of agriculture, this plan would be at-
tended with the moſt extenfive and beneficial confequences. He faid, that
even thofe public fecurities which bore an intereft of three per cent. only, were
fold at a premium in Change Alley: he was, therefore, perfuaded, that all
thoſe who were willing to give a premium for a three per cent. fecurity,
would gladly lend their money to government for the fame intercſt, ſhould
books of ſubſcription be opened for that purpoſe, with an affurance, that no
part of the principal fhould be paid off for fourteen years.
He expatiated
on the national advantages that would accrue from a reduction of intereſt.
From a long ſeries of calculations, he inferred, that in a very little time the
intereft upon all the South Sea annuities would be reduced from four to three
per cent. without any danger to public credit, or breach of public faith; that
then the produce of the finking fund would amount to fourteen hundred
thousand pounds per annum, to be applied only towards redeeming the ca-
pital of the feveral trading companies: he proved that this meaſure would
bring every one of them fo much within the power of parliament, that they
would be glad to accept of three per cent. intereft on any reaſonable terms;
in which cafe the finking fund would rife to one million fix hundred thou-
fand pounds per annum. Then the parliament might venture to annihilate
one half of it, by freeing the people from the taxes upon coals, candles, ſoap,
Jeather, and other fuch impofitions as lay heavy upon the poor labourers and
manufacturers: the remaining part of the finking fund might be applied to-
wards the diſcharge of thofe annuities and public debts, which bore an in-
tereſt of three per cent. only, and afterwards, towards diminiſhing the capitals
of the feveral trading companies, till the term of fourteen years ſhould be
expired; then the finking fund would again amount to above a million
yearly, which would be fufficient for paying them off, and freeing the nation
entirely from all its incumbrances*."
Indirectly
oppofed by
Walpole.
Walpole, among others, replied to this ſtatement, but his arguments were
confined to fhew that the time was improper for the reduction of intereft. He
was fully convinced that the propofal, in the fhape it was offered by Sir John
Barnard, was neither expedient or practicable. It became neceffary there-
fore either to amend or throw it out. To throw it out by direct oppofition,
was not in his power, as notwithſtanding its increafing unpopularity without
doors, it ftill feemed agreeable to the general fenfe of the houfe, and was
warmly fupported by many of the members who were perfonally attached
* Chandler. Smollett's Hiftory of England, vol. 2. p. 521.
+ Chandler.
to
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
503
1
1737.
tended.
to him. His confidential friend, Mr. Howe, who, in confequence of the Chapter 47.
uniform fupport which he gave to his adminiſtration, was afterwards created
lord Chedworth, had propoſed the ſcheme in the warmeft terms of appro-
bation. He had faid that the country gentlemen would be benefited by the
reduction; that the landed intereft required, and were intitled to relief,.
that the land had hitherto been loaded with all the burthens, while the
funds had borne none; and that their neceffities had arifen from the
abundance of the ftocks*. Under thefe circumftances, Walpole, appre-
henſive that it would be carried with all its imperfections, adopted indirect
means of throwing it out. At the clofe of the debate, his friend Win- Propofal ex-
nington propoſed to extend the reduction to all the redeemable debts. He
obferved, that he would not enter into the queftion, whether a reduc-
tion of intereſt would tend to the advantage of the nation, or whether the
natural intereſt of money lent on public fecurity was below three per cent.
But ſhould both be refolved in the affirmative, according to the principles
of the bill, he muſt condemn the injuſtice and partiality of confining the
reduction to the South Sea annuities. He was of opinion, that it ought
to be extended in its operation to all the public creditors. Thefe, he con-
cluded, were his fentiments, and if they were approved by the houſe, he
fhould move for reſolutions to redeem all public debts that were redeemable
by law, and to enable the king to borrow money at three per cent. for that
purpoſe.
66
Theſe obſervations feemed to meet the general fentiments of the houſe,
and Sir John Barnard could not venture to oppoſe them. He obſerved,
however, that the propofal was intended to fruftrate his fcheme, by intro-
ducing fuch amendments as muft render it abortive, according to the old
proverb, Graſp at all, and lofe all." He added, that although govern-
ment could borrow money at three per cent. fufficient to pay off fo many pro-
prietors of the South Sea annuities as were willing to accept that intereft, be-
cauſe their united ſtock did not exceed twenty-four millions, yet it would
be extremely difficult to obtain fuch a loan as would difcharge the whole of
the redeemable fund, which amounted to forty-four millions. But as the
fcheme, even thus amended, might be productive of fignal advantage to the
nation, he ſhould not oppofe it, and he hoped the honourable gentleman would
move for ſuch a refolution as he had juft intimated. Two refolutions were
accordingly moved for by Winnington. They contained in fubftance,
"That all the public funds, redeemable by law, which carry an intereft of
*Heads of Mr. Howe's Speech; Parliamentary Memorandums. Orford Papers.
four
504
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
March 30.
Motion for
abolition of
taxes.
four per cent. per annum, be redeemed according to the reſpective provifos or
claufes of redemption contained in the acts of parliament for that purpoſe,
or (with conſent of the proprietors) be converted into an intereft or annuity,
not exceeding three per cent. per annum, not redeemable till after fourteen
years. That his majefty be enabled to borrow from any perfon or perfons,
bodies politic or corporate, any fum or fums of money, at an intereſt not
exceeding three per cent. to be applied towards redeeming the national
debt *."
Theſe refolutions being reported, and carried by a majority of 220 to 157,
in which divifion Walpole appeared in the minority, Sir John Barnard,
Wortley Montague, and the mafter of the rolls, were ordered to prepare a
bill accordingly.
Sir John Barnard, however, had not fufficient difcretion to be fatisfied
with this partial victory; inſtead of weakening the refiftance to his favourite
ſcheme, by making it as much as poffible a great national object, he on the
contrary united a numerous body of adverfaries, loft the vantage ground on
which he before ftood, and reduced it to a mere party queſtion. He fol-
lowed up the report by moving, "that the houſe would, as ſoon as the in-
tereſt of all the national redeemable debt ſhould be reduced to £.3 per cent.
per annum, take off fome of the heavy taxes which oppreffed the poor, and
the manufacturer."
His view in making this unprecedented motion, was to attach popularity
to his bill; but it had a contrary effect, for it was proved to be fallacious,
illufory, and irregular. It was fallacious, becauſe it affumed as facts, ftate-
ments that were not true; that the public impofts fell more heavily upon
the poor in England, than in other countries, and implied, that the reduction
of the intereſt from four to three per cent. would compenſate for the lofs
of the revenue, if thofe taxes were aboliſhed. It was illufory, becauſe it
held out a profpect of taking off the taxes feveral years before the reduction
could be effected; and it was irregular, becauſe it bound future parliaments
to the adoption of a meafure which might not at a future time be feafible.
It was ably and unanfwerably argued by the minifter, and thoſe who
oppoſed it, that to agree to the refolution, would be expofing the public to
unavoidable diſappointment, " that it would be time enough to come to a
refolution to aboliſh fome taxes, when the fcheme had taken effect, for if fuch
a previous refolution fhould be adopted, and the fcheme fhould afterwards
prove altogether abortive, the whole world would laugh at their precipitancy."
* Chandler, vol. 9. p. 452.
Tindal. Chandler. Journals.
Journals.
C
James
In
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
505
1737.
Rejected.
In the fpeech which Sir John Barnard made in defence of this mo- Chapter 47.
tion, he betrayed fuch a confufion of projects, and indiſtinctneſs of ideas, af-
fumed fo many principles which were untrue, and fo violently tranfgreffed
the bounds of parliamentary engagement, that the motion was negatived,
by 200 againſt 142, and the public clamour very much heightened.
Under thefe unfavourable circumftances, the bill, prepared on the bafis Bill intro-
of Winnington's refolutions, was prefented to the houfe by Sir John Bar-
nard, and it was read the firſt time.
On the 29th, the bill was read a fecond time, and a motion being made
for recommitting it, it was no lefs refolutely fupported than vigorously
attacked. Several ſpeakers on both fides had been heard before Walpole
delivered his fentiments.
duced.
+
April 22.
He began by denying the truth of an affertion, which had been affiduouſly Walpole's
diffeminated, that Sir John Barnard had held private conferences with him, ſpeech.
and fettled the ſcheme then in agitation. He proceeded to review his own
conduct during its progrefs; acknowledged that he had acquiefced in the
committee, but that on the firſt reading, feeling fome doubts on the pro-
priety of the meaſure, he had defired time to weigh maturely its beneficial
against its evil confequences. "But whatever doubts," he continued, "I
might then entertain, deliberate reflection has removed them, and con-
vinced me of its inefficiency.
"The meaſure is founded on plaufible affumptions, that it is better to
pay three than four per cent. and that it is defirable to diſcharge the debt
of the nation. Theſe pofitions are undoubtedly true; but the queftion is,
whether the method propoſed to effect them is juft and adequate? We muſt
take care not to confound public neceffity with public utility. Public utility
differs effentially from profit or benefit gained to the public; for when pro-
fit accrues to the public, at the expence of many individuals, it lofes all
claim to confideration under the title of public. utility. This houſe, in
carefully attending to their duty as guardians of the national purſe, muſt not
forget that they are truſtees for the creditors. We muſt not affume a right
to prejudice the public creditors, or to convert the right of redemption
which we poffefs, into a right of reduction, to which we have no claim.
Debts not originally fubject to reduction, are, in that reſpect, in the fitua-
tion of irredeemables, and the faith of parliament is equally pledged to pre-
vent any reduction without the confent of the proprietors. If we advert to
the time and manner in which thefe debts were created, every argument
againſt the reduction of intereft, acquires a great additional force. At that
difaftrous period, the creditors of the South Sea and Eaft India com-
VOL. I.
panies
3 T
506
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
panies had a power to demand the whole amount of their bonds. Their
1734 to 1737. forbearance was effentially neceffary to the defence and well-being of
the community, for, had they perfifted in claiming their principal, the
whole muſt have fallen on the landed intereft, or the reſult muſt have
been fuch as I dare not mention, or hardly think of. And is the fervice
then rendered to the country, to be now repaid by a compulfory reduc-
tion of their dividends? I call it compulfory, for any reduction by terror,
can only be deſcribed by that name. If they are to be fo reduced, the
pretence is, that it will eaſe the current fervice, or take off taxes; but that
would be only to take the taxes off others, to be impoſed on them, in the moſt
cruel and infupportable manner. It would be equally juſt to take away one
fourth from the income of every individual, or to deprive him of one fourth
of his lands or ſtock in trade; or rather the injuftice would be leſs in ſuch
cafe, becauſe the national creditor is, by exprefs contract, exempt from all
public taxes and impofitions.
"Nor is it true that the intereft propofed is equivalent to the value of
money, for though money cannot be inveſted in the funds without an
advance above three per cent. at par, yet all loans on real fecurities, on
eſtates, or on perſonal fecurities, bear a much higher intereft. The preference
given to the funds, arifes from various cauſes; from the facility of receiving
intereft, cheapnefs of transfer; and from none more than the faith placed in
the national honour, which is bound to fuffer no lofs to fall on the public
creditor. Stock, while the credit remains untarnished, is but another name
for ready money bearing intereft, a property which in no other cafe can at-
tach to ready money; and if the confidence now placed in the guardians of
the public honour is diminiſhed, even that advantage will not in future
tempt individuals to truft their money out of their own cuftody. No di-
minution of taxes, or other contingent advantage, can compenfate for fuch
a privation; nor is it to be compared to a repayment of the principal at any
time, however inconvenient, for it is not to be fuppofed that any one would
prefer a fudden and abfolute privation of one fourth of his whole income,
to the cafual and diftant refumption of 10 or 15 per cent. on his capital, not
to be effected without an equivalent payment, which may be delayed by
accident, or fruftrated by neceflity.
"The injuftice of the prefent plan appears in this; that it is calculated
to mark out all the great companies, and to benefit the borrowers at the
expence of the lenders. But this is not the whole extent of the evil. A
double duty is incumbent on the legiſlature; to uſe their utmost exertions
towards paying the national debt, and to avoid creating diftreffes and dif-
content.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
507
1737.
content. Now the whole number of perfons interefted in the ſtock to be Chapter 47.
affected by the propofed meafure, is about 23,000, of thefe, upwards of
6,000 are intereſted as executors, adminiftrators, and truftees, and upwards, ped
of 17,000 are poffeffed only of fums not exceeding .1,000. The executors
and truſtees muſt neceffarily be infinitely embarraffed, efpecially if the fums
committed to them are fmall, in perfecting the purpoſes for which they are
confided; and thoſe who poffefs fuch ſmall fums as do not amount to
£. 1,000, muſt be much diftreffed by fo unexpected and wanton a reduction
of their income."
The minifter, in the courſe of theſe obfervations, took an ample review of
the bill, which he fhewed to be unequal to the ends it was defigned to an-
fwer. He proved that the alternatives of the propoficion produced repug-
nant and difcordant effects; and that the plan was deftructive of the pur-
poſes, and inadequate in benefit to the finking fund.
On this head, he fhould beg leave to take notice of a circumftance that
perfonally alluded to him. Gentlemen had difcuffed, in the courfe of the
debate, the advantages which had been derived from the plan of reducing
the national debt from fix to five per cent. which he had the honour of pro-
pofing to the houfe. They had conceived it impoffible for him to reſiſt a
Similar reduction from four to three per cent. without the groffeft inconfiſt-
ency. But he was free to declare, that he could oppoſe the preſent ſcheme
without fubjecting himſelf to that imputation. It became his duty, on the
authority of the former fcheme, to give his negative to this, becauſe no two
ſchemes ever differed more widely in their intention, effect, and confe-
quences.
He then ftated the difference between the prefent fcheme, and that which
he had propofed. This fcheme, he obferved, is compulfory, his was op-
tional. On the former occafion, money was prepared; on this, it was yet
to be raiſed. His fcheme laid the foundation, this reverſes the whole ſyſtem
of the finking fund. His was founded upon converting numbers of years at
higher rates, into perpetuities at lower rates. This plan eftablishes terms of
years at higher rates, in lieu of perpetuities at lower rates, after an expira-
tion of twenty years of the former terms. This was intended to lock up the
finking fund for feveral years, of which the fhorreft term was not lefs thau
twelve, and the longeft forty-feven. During this time, all reduction of
intereft would be prevented, all abolition of taxes rendered impracticable,
and a neceflity impoſed of laying fresh burthens in cafe of emergency. Where-
as his had a contrary tendency; a million of the debt might be annually
diſcharged, or fome of the exifling taxes might be abolished, or the impotì
3 T 2
tion
508
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
Barnard's
reply.
tion of freſh taxes prevented, by applying the furpluffes of the finking fund
to the current ſervice.
"The declared intention of the bill is, to give eafe to the fubject; and
the title ſpecifies immediate eafe. But its tendency is calculated to violate
this very principle, and to falfify the title, for no eafe can be given, until the
reduction has taken place, and that event is diſtant, uncertain, and preca-
rious. In fact, the prefent difadvantages of the fcheme propofed by the
honourable gentleman, evidently appear from the affectation with which he
expatiated on his love to pofterity. For certain it is, that his fcheme can-
not benefit the preſent generation, but its falutary effects will principally be
confined to thoſe who are yet unborn *."
Sir John Barnard faid in reply, "I am very much obliged to the honour-
able gentleman, Sir, and therefore, I thank him for vindicating me from the
imputation of having had any private converfation with him, or of having
ever had any concert with him, and if he is afraid left people ſhould fufpect
his having had a hand in the fcheme I propofed to you, I fhall be equally
juft to him, by declaring, I never had any private converfation with him
about it, nor did I fo much as aſk his approbation or confent to what I
was to offer; but as to the ſcheme as it now ftands, every gentleman that
hears me, knows it is very different from what I offered; and every one like-
wife knows, that the new model, which is the model we have now before us,
if it was not offered by the honourable gentleman himſelf, it was at leaſt
offered by fome of his friends; and what they propofed was agreed to by
other gentlemen, in order that we might have their affiſtance in carrying it
through. Therefore, the ſcheme now before you, cannot properly be called
mine; and it is very remarkable, that all objections made to the bill, are
only to thoſe articles and clauſes of it, which relate to the improvements and
additions made to my fcheme, by the honourable gentleman's friends."
Bill rejected. The houſe divided, and the queſtion of committing the bill was negatived,
by 249 againſt 134 .
Walpole's
motives.
It is difficult, without farther documents on this fubject than I poffefs, to
* The fubftance of this fpeech is taken
from parliamentary minutes in the hand-writ-
ing of Sir Robert Walpole. Walpole Papers.
Chandler, vol. 9. p. 479.
+
‡ I have dwelt thus particularly on the con-
fideration of Sir John Barnard's fcheme, becauſe
the accounts given by moft writers, who have
fallen under my obfervation, are fuperficial
and inaccurate. Even Tindal is unuſually
fhort and barren of information.
vol. 20. p. 348.
afcertain
Tindal,
Smollett, excepting a good abſtract of Sir
John Barnard's fpeech, which I have adopted
in the text, is extremely deficient. He fays it
produced other debates, and was at laft poſt-
poned by dint of minifterial influence. The
faltity of this account is evident. Smollett,
vol. 2. p. 627.
Belfham
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
509
1737.
aſcertain all the motives which induced the miniſter to refift the reduction. Chapter 47.
It may be ſufficient, perhaps, to attribute it to a full conviction, that the
meaſure was highly and generally unpopular. He had relinquifhed his fa-
vourite exciſe ſcheme, notwithſtanding the certainty of its beneficial ten-
dency, folely on that account. It was not to be fuppofed that he would
promote this ſcheme, of the good tendency of which he was not affſured, and
which in many refpects was partial and unjuſt.
But in addition to this motive, I can fuggeft two others, which influenced
his diffent. Firſt, he forefaw, from the difputes with Spain, which then
began to arife, that the nation might be involved in a war, and that govern--
ment could borrow with greater facility at four per cent. than at three.
He was ftill more fwayed by another motive, which he could not venture
to diſcloſe. He had already appropriated part of the furplus of the finking
fund to the current fervice of the year, and as the meaſure was extremely
popular, he had refolved, in cafe of emergency, to alienate the whole. But
his deſign would have been fruſtrated by this bill, which would have locked
up the greateſt part of the finking fund for feveral years, and have rendered
it neceffary to impofe new taxes for the purpoſe of ſupplying the incidental.
expences *
bill.
An act of this feffion, which is commonly denominated the playhouſe Playhouſe
bill, has expoſed the minifter to no leſs obloquy, from ſubſequent writers,
than his oppofition to the reduction of intereſt.
Thoſe who thus load him with indifcriminate cenfure, and impute this act
folely to his defpotic influence, have not paid due attention to the hiſtory of the
Engliſh ſtage, to the power of the lord chamberlain over the players and
theatrical repreſentations, and to the opinion of the moft moderate and beft
informed magiftrates at the period of paffing this act, which has been fo much
calumniated, and fo little underſtood.
It is needlefs to difcufs the queftion concerning the neceffity of fixing
fome bounds to the licentiouſneſs of the ſtage. The neceffity muſt be al-
lowed, except by thoſe who think it fitting to fubject to public mockery,
Belham obferves, "A bill was, however,
ordered upon the bafis of Winnington's pro-
pofition, which being in the fequel warmly
attacked, and faintly defended, was finally poft-
poned to a distant doy, by a motion of the minifter."
In this fhort account there are three errors.
It was warmly attacked, but by no means faintly
defended. It was not finally poftponed to a diftant
day, but the fecond reading was only put off
for feven days; and it was then negative, but
*
not on the motion of the minifter. Belſham, vol. 1.
p. 380.
A reduction of intereft took place in 1749,.
upon a plan, which has been defcribed as finu-
lar, though it is effentially different from the
original icheme propofed by Sir John Barnard.
It was finally carried, though not without great
oppofition, by the united influence of the mi-
nifler (Pelham) and Sir John Barnard.
law, -
510
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. law, government, and religion, and to expoſe magiftrates, judges, and kings,
1734 to 1737 to the perfonalities of fatire, buffoonery, and low mimicry. In all well re-
gulated governments, the fact has been univerfally admitted, and wherever
it has not been adopted, the moſt fatal confequences have followed.
Power of the
lord cham-
berlain.
Mafter of
the Revels.
Theatrical
regulations
under Eliza-
beth.
Even the freeft democracy which perhaps ever exifted, that of Athens,
after having experienced the effects of unrestrained licentiouſneſs in their
theatrical performances, found it neceffary to remedy the evil, and to limit
the ftage within the boundaries of common decency and juftice.
It appears from the hiftory of the English ftage, that no period ever exifted
when it was not fubject to fuperintendence, when players were not licenced,
and when plays were not reviewed and amended, allowed or rejected. Before
the reign of Henry the Eighth, the power of fuperintending the king's hunt-
ing parties, the direction of the comedians, muficians, and other royal fer-
vants, appointed either for ufe or recreation, was exclufively veſted in the
lord chamberlain.
Under him, and fubject to his controul, was an inferior officer, who ex-
erted himſelf on particular occafions for the purpofe of regulating pageants,
public feſtivals, and maſquerades. This man was called by the fanciful
names of the Abbot of Mifrule, or Lord of Paftimes. But in the reign of
Henry the Eighth, this temporary office was rendered regular and permanent
by letters patent, and called the office of Maſter of the Revels *.
Under Elizabeth, fome wife regulations, with the advice of Walfingham,
and co-operation of Burleigh, were made for allowing the ufe, but correct-
ing the abuſe of the ftage; particularly, when the earl of Leicefter obtained
the firſt general licence for his theatrical ſervants to act ftage plays in any
part of England, a provifo was added in the patent, enjoining that all comedies,
tragedies, interludes, and flage plays, fhould be examined and allowed by the mafter
of the revels. Thus that authority which was before confined to the paf-
times of the court, was now extended to the theatrical exhibitions of the
whole kingdom.
During her reign alfo, the privy council exerciſed an authority, legiſlative
and executive, over the dramatic world. They opened and ſhut playhouſes ;
gave and recalled licences; appointed the proper feafons when plays ought
to be prefented or withheld; and regulated the conduct of the lord mayor
of London, and the vice-chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge, with regard
to plays and players. The privy council gave Tilney, the mafter of the
revels in 1589, two co-adjutors, a ſtateſman and a divine, to affift him in re-
forming comedies and tragedies.
* Officium magiftri jocorum, revelorum et mafcorum.
Thefo
こ
​SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
Theſe prudent regulations, and the wisdom with which they were exer-
ciſed, were attended with the most beneficial effects. The maſter of the
revels, by regulating the ftage, and reftraining the number of theatres,
gave greater reſpectability to the profeffion of a player, and the genius of the
drama expanded and foared to a greater height, although its limits were con-
tracted and its flight circumfcribed.
Had not theſe wife regulations taken place, Shakeſpeare might have con-
fined to burleſque farces, and low buffoonery, thoſe vaſt powers of invention
and deſcription which his own language can alone adequately delineate.
"The poet's eye in a fine frenzy rolling,
Glances from heav'n to earth, from earth to heav'n,
And as imagination bodies forth
The forms of things unknown, the poet's pen
Turns them to ſhape, and gives to airy nothing
A local habitation and a name
By the wife and temperate ufe which the mafter of the revels made of
his power, his weight and influence increaſed, and he gradually appro-
priated to himſelf the greater part of that authority, which had belonged
to the lord chamberlain. During the latter part of the reign of James
the First and Charles the Firſt, it was held by Sir Henry Herbert,
nearly allied to the earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain, under whofe
dent management the reputation and confequence of the office increaſed,.
and produced the moſt falutary effects, until his functions were wholly ſuſ-
pended, by the troubles and confufion of the civil wars, and the fanaticiſm
of the republicans.
pru-
On the reſtoration of Charles the Second, the mafter of the revels en--
deavoured to re-affume his former authority, but met with infuperable oppo-
fition from the proprietors and managers of the king's and duke's companies,
one of whom had obtained a freſh licence to act plays, the other a renewal of a
former grant. In vain the mafter of the revels applied to the courts of juſtice-
for redrefs; in vain he appealed to the fovereign, or to the lord chamberlain; he
was neither fupported by the one, or countenanced by the other; his authority,
* Midfummer Night's Dream.
+ Brother to the eccentric lord Herbert, of
Cherbury, and of George Herbert, rector of
Bemerton, known by the name of the divine
Herbert.
511
Chapter 47.
1737.
though
1
512
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. though not overthrown, was confiderably fhaken, and his regulations were
combated and deſpiſed.
1734 to 1737.
During this ſuſpenſion of his power, the particular differences, pretenfions,
or complaints, were generally ſettled by the perſonal interference of the king
and duke, or referred to the decifion of the lord chamberlain. In con-
fequence of this relaxation of authority, and the libertine character of the
court, the theatre was difgraced by the groffeft ribaldry and obfcenity, and
the beſt authors vied who fhould produce the moft licentious comedies,
Ladies could not venture to attend a new play without maſks, then daily
worn, and admitted into the pit, the fide boxes, and the gallery.
On the death of Sir Henry Herbert, the mafterſhip of the revels was
conferred on Charles Killigrew, manager of the king's company. The union
of theſe two functions increaſed the evil, and the fmalleft check was not im-
pofed on the glaring immorality of the ſtage.
At the revolution, the power of the lord chamberlain over the theatre
was revived without reftriction. He opened and fhut playhouſes, im-
priſoned and licenſed players, corrected and rejected plays. Under him the
mafter of the revels feems to have recovered fome part of his former power,
and to have had his fhare in the revolutions of the theatre. He reviſed and
fanctioned plays, and his aid greatly contributed to the celebrated conqueft
which Jeremy Collier, by the publication of his fhort view of the ſtage, ob-
tained over the immorality of the drama. In this publication, the moſt
profane and obfcene paffages in feveral modern plays, which had been writ→
ten by Dryden, Vanbrugh, Wycherley, Congreve, and the moſt admired
dramatic authors, were detected and expofed. The truth of his obfervations,
which all the wit and talents of the authors who were defervedly chaſtiſed
could not controvert, produced a furpriſing effect; a general outcry was
raiſed againſt the licentiouſneſs of the ftage, and king William fent the
following order to the playhouſes: "His majefty being informed, that not-
withſtanding an order made in June 1697, by the earl of Sunderland, then
lord chamberlain of the king's houfehold, to prevent the profaneneſs and
immorality of the ftage, feveral plays have lately been acted, containing fe-
veral expreffions contrary to religion and good manners: And whereas the
mafter of the revels hath reprefented, that, in contempt of the faid order,
the actors did neglect to leave out fuch profane and indecent expreffions,
as he had thought proper to be omitted: therefore, it is his majcity's
pleaſure, that they fhall not hereafter prefume to act any thing in any
play, contrary to religion and good manners, as they ſhall anfwer at their
utmoſt peril." At the fune time, the mafter of the revels was commanded
not
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
513
not to licence any plays containing irreligious or immoral expreffions, and to Chapter 47.
give notice to the lord chamberlain, or in his abfence to the vice-chamber-
lain, if the players prefumed to act any thing which he had flruck out *.
But this reformation did not continue long in its full force. As foon as
the firſt awe and panic of the actors had fubfided, the ſtage nearly relapſed
into its former immorality, all attempts to reform it became the object
of theatrical wit, and were ridiculed in plays, prologues, and epilogues.
Although the new plays were ufually more decent and moral, yet the old
plays were frequently acted, without being freed from their exceptionable
paffages.
Either in confequence of thefe proceedings, or of fome difputes which
aroſe between the actors of the royal theatres, and produced the defer-
tion of the principal performers from Drury Lane to the Haymarket, the
nuifance of playhouſes, and the conduct of the performers, became fo fla-
grant, that a bill, in the twelfth year of queen Anne, included players, who
acted without a legal fettlement in the places where they performed, among
vagrants, and ſubjected them to the fame penalties as rogues and vagabonds.
But before the beneficial effects of this act could have time to operate,
the death of the queen produced a new revolution in the drama.
Soon after the acceffion of George the Firſt, the power of the maſter of the
revels, which had been confiderably circumfcribed, was almoſt annihilated;
a new patent was injudiciously granted to Sir Richard Steele, Colley Cibber,
and Booth, for acting plays without fubjecting them to the licence or re-
vifion of any officer.
In confequence of this grant, the maſter of the revels was abridged of
his power, and defrauded of his dues, and his emoluments were reduced
to a ſmall falary from the exchequer, to lodgings in Somerſet Houſe, and
to occaſional fees.
At the death of Charles Killigrew, the office, thus mutilated, was conferred
on Charles Henry Lee, and the decline of his power was fufficiently fhewn 1724.
by the growing licentiouſneſs of the ftage, and the numerous pieces which
offended equally againſt religion, decency, and common ſenſe.
Although, in all the letters patent for acting plays fince the time of
Charles the Firſt, no mention was made of the lord chamberlain, yet he
was ſtill confidered as poffeffing an abfolute, though an undefinable autho-
rity over the ſtage, which he had occafionally exerciſed. The performance
of feveral theatrical pieces had been, prevented, particularly Lucius Junius
VOL. I.
*Tindal, vol. 14. p. 478.
3 U
Brutus,
1737.
514
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. Brutus, a prologue of Dryden to the Prophetefs, Mary Queen of Scotland,
and recently Polly, the fequel to the Beggar's Opera.
1734 to 1737.
March 5,
1735.
Bill for re-
ftraining the
playhouſes.
number of
But as this exerciſe of his power had been always attended with much
unpopularity, it was feldom exerted. Numerous theatres were erected in
different parts of the metropolis, in which the actors performed without
licence or authority. To prevent this, feveral attempts were made to enforce
the laws then exifting. An actor, who performed on the theatre of the
Haymarket, without licence, was taken from the ſtage, by the warrant of
a juſtice of peace, and committed to Bridewell, as coming under the penalty
of the vagrant act. The legality of the commitment was difputed; a trial
enfued; it was decided, that the comedian being a houſekeeper, and hav-
ing a vote for electing members of parliament, did not come within the de-
ſcription of the ſaid act; and he was diſcharged amidſt the loud acclamations
of the populace. The iffue of this trial gave full fcope to the licentiouf-
neſs of the ſtage, and took away all hopes of reſtraining the number of
playhouſes.
From this repreſentation of the ftate of the drama, it is evident, that
fome reformation was indifpenfably neceffary. The minifter himſelf had
long feen that neceffity. The obloquy which purfued him was not confined
to the preſs; the ftage was made the vehicle of the moſt malignant ſarcaſms,
not expreffed in the elevated tone of tragedy, or couched in fentiments and
language perceptible only to men of refined underſtandings, but his perfon
was brought on the ftage, his actions maligned, his meaſures mifreprefented
and arraigned, and his conduct made the fport of the populace, in all the
petulance of vulgar farce. He was unwilling, however, to make this a per-
fonal confideration, but rather a public and national queſtion, in which
the good of the law, conftitution, religion, and morality, was intimately
involved, and fuch an opportunity feemed to prefent itſelf, when Sir
John Barnard brought in a bill "to reftrain the number of houſes for
playing of interludes, and for the better regulating of common players of
interludes."
On his repreſenting the miſchiefs which theatres had done to the city
of London, by corrupting youth, encouraging vice and debauchery, and
greatly prejudicing trade, the propofal was at firſt received with contempt
and ridicule, until it was feconded by Sandys, Pulteney, and warmly
fupported by the minifter himſelf. It was obferved by a member, in the
courſe of the debate, that there were at that time not lefs than fix thea-
tres in London. The houſe being fully convinced of the neceffity of
the bill, leave was given to bring it in without a ſingle diffenting voice. It
was
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
515
was accordingly, on the 3d of April prefented, read the firft time, and ordered
to be printed; notwithſtanding petitions againſt it from the proprietor of
the theatre in Goodman's Fields, and from the mafter and comptroller of
the levels. It was read a ſecond time on the 14th of April.
The miniſter conceived this to be a favourable opportunity of checking
the daring abuſe of theatrical reprefentation, which had arrived to a moſt
extravagant height. It was propofed to infert a claufe, to ratify and con-
firm, if not enlarge the power of the lord chamberlain, in licenſing plays, and
at the fame time infinuated to the houſe, that unleſs this addition was
made, the king would not paſs it. But Sir John Barnard ftrongly ob-
jected to this claufe. He declared that the power of the lord chamber-
lain was already too great, and had been often wantonly exerciſed, parti-
cularly in the prohibition of Polly. He fhould therefore withdraw this bill,
and wait for another opportunity of introducing it, rather than eſtabliſh by
law a power in a fingle officer fo much under the direction of the crown,
a power which might be exerciſed in an arbitrary manner, and confequently
attended with mifchievous effects.
Chapter 47.
1737.
The attempt of Sir John Barnard having thus failed, the immorality Licentiouf-
of the drama increaſed, and the moſt indecent, feditious, and blafphemous nels of the
ſtage.
pieces were performed, and reſorted to with incredible eagernefs. Among
thoſe who principally fupported this low ribaldry, was the celebrated Henry
Fielding, who, though he never fhone in the higher line of perfect comedy,
wrote theſe dramatic fatires in a ftyle agreeable to the populace. One of
his pieces, called Paſquin, which was acted in the theatre at the Haymarket,
ridiculed, in the groffeft terms, the three profeffions of divinity, law, and
phyfic, and gave general offence to perfons of morality. "Religion, laws,
government, prieſts, judges, and minifters," obferves Colley Cibber, "were
laid flat at the feet of the Herculean fatirift, this Drawcanfir in wit, who
ſpared neither friend nor foe, who to make his poetical fame immortal, like
another Eroftrates, fet fire to his ftage, by writing up to an act of parlia-
ment to demoliſh it."
the
This piece was peculiarly offenfive to the minifter, becauſe it contained
many perſonal allufions and invectives. But as he was not willing to employ
power of government in a mere temporary prohibition of this and other
performances, which would have been extremely unpopular, and not attended
with permanent effects, he wished to avail himself of the prefent flagrant
abuſe, to prevent future repreſentations ſo diſgraceful and indecorous.
In the courſe of the feffion, an opportunity offered, which he did not
3 U 2
omit
|
516
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737-
Bill for licenf-
ing plays.
May 20,
1737.
omit to feize. Giffard, the manager of Goodman's Fields theatre, brought
to him a farce, called the Golden Rump, which had been propoſed for exhi-
bition; but it is uncertain whether the intentions of the manager were to re-
queft his advice on this occafion, or to extort a ſum of money to prevent its
reprefentation.
"
The minifter, however, paid the profits which might have accrued from
the performance, and detained the copy. He then made extracts of the
moſt exceptionable paffages, abounding in profanenefs, fedition, and blaf-
phemy, and fubmitted them to feveral members of both parties, who were
ſhocked at the extreme licentioufnefs of the piece, and promiſed their fup-
port to remedy the evil. With their advice, concurrence, and promiſe of
co-operation, he read the ſeveral extracts to the houſe, and a general
conviction prevailed, of the neceffity of putting a check to the reprefen-
tation of fuch horrid effufions of treafon and blafphemy. He acted, how-
ever, with his ufual prudence on this occafion. He did not bring for-
ward, as is generally fuppofed, an act for fubjecting all plays to the licence
of the lord chamberlain, and reftraining the number of playhouſes, but con-
trived to introduce it by amending the vagrant act.
The bill was called, "A bill to explain and amend fo much of an act,
made in the twelfth year of the reign of queen Anne, intituled, an act for
reducing the laws relating to rogues, vagabonds, fturdy beggars, and va-
grants, and fending them whither they ought to be fent, as relates to the
common players of interludes *." Leave was accordingly given to bring it
in, and Pelham, Dodington, Howe, the mafter of the rolls, the attorney
and folicitor general, were ordered to prepare it. During its rapid progrefs
through the houſe, certain amendments were made, and two clauſes were
added. The firft, which occafioned fo much obloquy, empowered the lord
chamberlain to prohibit the reprefentation of any theatrical performances, and
compelled all perſons to fend copies of any new plays, parts added to old plays,
prologues and epilogues, fourteen days before they were acted, and not to
perform them, under forfeiture of £. 50, and of the licence of the houſe, if
any fuch exifted, in which the play was acted. The fecond, which is faid
to have been added at the inftigation of Sir John Barnard, operated in re-
ſtraining the number of playhouſes, by enjoining, that no perſon ſhould be
authoriſed to act, except within the liberties of the city of Weſtminſter, and
where the king ſhould refide.
* Journals.
+
1. Every perfon who fhall for hire, gain,
or reward, act, reprefent, or perform, or cauſe
t
The
to be acted, repreſented, or performed, any in-
terlude, tragedy, comedy, opera, play, farce, or
other entertainment of the ftage, or any part
or
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
517
1737.
The bill is generally faid to have been warmly oppoſed in both houfes; Chapter 47.
but it is remarkable that no trace (excepting the fpeech of lord Chefter-
field) of this oppoſition is to be found in the periodical publications of the
times, which are filled with accounts of the other debates. It is alfo
certain, that not a fingle petition* was prefented againſt it, and not a
fingle divifion appears in the journals of either houſe. Striking proofs, if any
were ſtill wanting, to fhew the general opinion in favour of its neceffity.
The diſpatch with which it was carried through both houſes, affords addi-
tional evidence that it fcarcely met with any refiftance. The bill was or-
dered to be brought in on the 20th of May, read the 24th, a fecond time on
the 25th, and committed to the whole houfe; ordered to be reported,
with amendments, on the 26th, reported on the 27th, all amendments but
one agreed to, and the bill ordered to be engroffed; paffed on the firſt of
June, and Mr. Pelham ordered to carry it to the lords. It was read the firſt
time on the fame day, the ſecond time on the 2d, after a debate, carried in
or parts therein, in caſe ſuch perſon ſhall not
have any legal fettlement in the place where
the fame fhall be acted, repreſented, or per-
formed, without authority, by virtue of letters
patent from his majeſty, his heirs, fucceffors, or
predeceffors, or without licence from the lord
chamberlain of his majeſty's houſehold for the
time being, ſhall be deemed a rogue and a vaga-
bond, within the intent and meaning of the
faid recited act, and ſhall be liable and ſubject
to all fuch penalties and puniſhments, and by
fuch methods of conviction, as are inflicted on,
or appointed by the ſaid act for the puniſhment
of rogues and vagabonds who ſhall be found
wandering, &c.
2. Any perfon having or not having any
legal fettlement, who fhall without fuch autho
rity or licence, act, &c. for hire, &c. any in-
terlude, &c. every fuch perfon fhall, for
every
fuch offence, forfeit the fum of fifty pounds,&c.
3. No perfon fhall for hire, &c. act, &c. &c.
any new interlude, &c. or any part or parts
therein, or any new act, fcene, or other part
added to any old interlude, &c. or any new
prologue or epilogue, unleſs a true copy thereof
be fent to the lord chamberlain of the king's
houſehold, &c. fourteen days at leaſt before the
acting, &c. together with an account of the
playhouſe or other place where the fame fhall
be, &c. the time wherein the fame ſhall be firſt
acted, &c. figned by the mafter or manager, or
one, &c. of fuch playhouſe, &c.
It ſhall be lawful for the faid lord chamber-
lain, as often as he fhall think fit, to prohibit
the acting, &c. any interlude, &c. or any act, &c.
&c. thereof, or any prologue or epilogue; and
in cafe any fuch perfons fhall for hire, &c. act,
any, &c. &c. before a copy fhall be fent as
aforefaid, or ſhall for hire, &c. &c. contrary to
fuch prohibition, every perfon fo offending
fhall, for every fuch offence, forfeit the fum of
fifty pounds, and every grant, &c. (in cafe
there be any fuch) under which the faid maf-
ter, &c. fet up or continued fuch playhouſe,
&c. fhall ceaſe.
4. That no perfon or perfons ſhall be au-
thorized by virtue of, &c. from his majefty, &c.
or the lord chamberlain, to act, &c. any inter-
lude, &c. in any part of Great Britain, except
in the city of Weſtminſter, and within the li-
berties thereof, and in fuch places where his
majesty, &c. fhall refide, and during fuch refi-
dence only.
*
*
*
5. If any interlude, &c. fhall be acted, &c.
in
any houſe or place, where wine or other li-
quors fhall be fold, the fame fhall be deemed to
be acted, &c. for gain, &c. Statutes at large,
17 G. 2. c. 28.
* Sir John Hawkins, in his Life of John-
fon, afferts, that the manager of Goodman's
Fields preſented a petition againſt it, and was
heard by counſel, but this petition was prefent-
ed againſt Sir John Barnard's bill in 1735.
the
518
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
the affirmative; the third time on the 6th, returned to the commons on the
1734 to 1737. 8th, without any amendments, and received the royal affent on the 21ſt.
It is moſt probable that lord Cheſterfield alone fpoke againſt the bill, and
that his fpeech, fo defervedly admired, has been repeated by fubfequent
writers who copy each other, until a violent oppofition to the meaſure has
been fuppofed, which never exifted.
Cheſterfield did not confine his exertions to the houſe, but wrote againſt
the new act, in a paper called Common Senfe; his arguments have little to
recommend them, at a time when the propriety and utility of the meaſure
againſt which they were directed, is generally conceded. The fatal evils
which were predicted as the certain confequences of this bill, perpetual fla-
very and the introduction of abſolute authority, have not followed; the good
effects which were expected from it, have been confirmed by never failing ex-
perience. While it fuppreffed the licentioufnefs, it has not deftroyed the
ſpirit of the drama; wit has not appeared leſs lovely and attracting, in pro-
moting virtue and curbing vice with decency, than in recommending treaſon
and obfcenity; nor are the ſhafts of ridicule rendered uſeleſs, becauſe, while
they have preſerved the power to do good, they are diveſted of the power to
do miſchief. "The facts, which have been detailed, evince, with fufficient con-
viction, that this act of parliament merely reftored to the lord chamberlain,
the ancient authority which he poffeffed before the appointment of the
mafter of the revels; armed him with legal power, in the place of cuftomary
privilege; and enabled him to execute, by warrantable means, the uſeful, but
invidious trufts, which experience had long required, and policy at length
conferred *.'
* Journals of the Lords and Commons.
Chandler, for 1735. Lords' Debates, 1737.
Colley Cibber's Apology. Jeremy Collier's
View of the Immorality and Profanenefs of
the Engliſh Stage. Tindal, vol. 20, p. 350.
Oldmixon, vol. 3. p. 192. Introduction to
Biographia Dramatica. Gentleman's and Lon-
don Magazine, 1737. Maty's Life of Chef-
terfield. Hawkins's Life of Johnſon, p. 75.
Smollett, vol. 3. p. 525. Burn's Juftice, ar-
ticle Players. Chalmers's Apology for the Be-
lievers of the Shakspeare MSS. p. 471 to 543;
to whoſe elaborate reſearches on this ſubject
I have been principally indebted.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
519
CHAPTER THE FORTY-EIGHTH:
1737.
Origin and Progress of the Mifunderstanding between the King and Prince of
Wales.-Application to Parliament.—Conduct of Walpole—of Lord Chancellor
Hardwicke of Oppofition.
T P
HIS year was marked by two domeftic events, which proved highly
prejudicial to the influence of Sir Robert Walpole, and greatly con-
tributed to haften the clofe of his adminiſtration; the public oppofition of
the prince of Wales, and the death of queen Caroline.
Frederick Louis, prince of Wales, was born in 1707, and continued at
Hanover until he had attained the twenty-firft year of his age.
Chapter 48.
1737.
ap-
miſunder-
ſtanding.
George the Second had found, from his own experience, the embarraffinents Caufes of the
to which government might be expofed from the oppofition of the heir
parent, and dreaded the arrival of a ſon who might irritate the ſtate of parties,
and increaſe the ferment arifing in the kingdom againſt the meaſures of the
cabinet. He had from time to time deferred his removal from Hanover, and
did not fend for him to England, until a concurrence of circumftances ren-
dered it impolitic to permit his longer refidence on the continent.
Clamours were juſtly raiſed in England, that the heir apparent had re-
ceived a foreign education, and was detained abroad, as if to keep alive an
attachment to Hanover, in preference to Great Britain. The miniſters at
length ventured to remonftrate with the king on the fubject, and the privy
council formally repreſented the propriety of his refidence in England. The
king, however, ftill heſitated, when an event occurred, which decided his
choice, and induced him to accelerate the prince's departure from Ger-
many.
A long negotiation had taken place between the houfes of Brunſwick and
Brandenburgh, for a double marriage between the prince of Wales and the
princeſs royal of Pruffia, and the prince royal of Pruffia and the princeſs
Amelia. This negotiation had commenced in the reign of George the Firſt,
and was eagerly promoted by his daughter Sophia Dorothy, who had
eſpouſed Frederick William, king of Pruffia. Both parties feemed to have
defired this union with equal anxiety; but the capricious and brutal tem-
per of Frederick William, and his fudden feceflion from the treaty of
Hanover,
4
520
MEMOIRS OF
1
1734 to 1737.
Period VI. Hanover, had fo highly offended George the First, that he ceafed to favour
the propofed intermarriages. Still farther obftacles were thrown in their way
at the acceffion of George the Second. The two kings, from their early years,
had formed a violent antipathy to each other. The fyftem of politics
adopted by England increaſed this mifunderſtanding. Frederick William
had been lured by the Emperor to join the allies of Vienna, in oppoſition to
thofe of Hanover, and his recruiting officers frequently made illegal inrol-
ments on the Hanoverian territories.
In vain the queen of Pruffia endeavoured to reconcile her huſband and
brother, and to promote the conclufion of the family union, which fhe fo
earneſtly defired. The antipathy of the two monarchs increafed inftead of
abating; and the king of Pruffia was endeavouring to arrange another alli-
ance for his fon and daughter, which both they and his queen highly depre-
cated.
During the progrefs of this affair, the prince had formed an attachment
to the princeſs of Pruffia, and by the fecret information of his aunt, the
queen of Pruffia, was apprized that her daughter felt an equal affection for
him.
The prince was now twenty-one; his paffion was inflamed by oppofition, and
being filled with apprehenfions of lofing the object of his affection, he adopted
an expedient which proved the ardour of his attachment. He fent La
Mothe, a Hanoverian officer, to Berlin, who obtained a private audience of
the queen, in which he told her that he was commanded by the prince to
declare his refolution of repairing incognito to Berlin, and fecretly efpoufing
her daughter, if the king and queen of Pruffia would fanction this ſtep with
their approbation. At the fame time he entreated the queen that it ſhould
be communicated to no one but the king. The queen received the meffage
with a tranſport of joy, approved the deſign, and promiſed to keep the fecret
inviolable. The next morning, however, fhe difclofed it to Dubourgeay,
the Engliſh envoy, obſerving, that the believed him to be ſo much her friend
as to partake of her fatisfaction. Dubourgeay expreffed his concern that fo
important a ſecret ſhould be confided to him, and declared it his duty to
fend immediate information to the king of England. The queen, confcious
of the error which ſhe had unwarily committed, conjured him not to betray her
confidence, but he perfifted in his refolution; and a meffenger was imme-
diately diſpatched *. The queen was greatly embarraffed at this unexpected
incident, but trufted that the affair might be concluded before the return of
* Polnitz, Hiſtoire des quatre derniers Souverains de la Maifon de Brandebourg Royale de
Pruffe, tom. 2. p. 182-184.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
521
A
-the meffenger from England, and fo fanguine were their hopes of fuccefs, Chapter 48.
that the king of Pruffia came from his hunting feat to Berlin, expecting the
daily arrival of the intended bridegroom.
But while they were indulging theſe hopes, information was received
that the prince had been fent for to England. George the Second, on the
intelligence from Dubourgay, difpatched colonel Launay to Hanover for
that purpoſe. The prince received thefe commands with refpect, and in-
ftantly obeyed them. At the concluſion of a ball, he fet out from Hanover,
accompanied only by Launay and a ſingle domeftic, traverſed Germany and
Holland as a private gentleman, embarked at Helvetfluis, and arrived at St.
James's, where he was coldly received by his father.
1737.
The prince's
arrival.
For ſome time after his arrival in England, the novelty of his fituation, his Courted by
little acquaintance with the language, his total ignorance of the conftitution oppofition.
and manners of the country, and the dread which he feems to have enter-
tained of his father's indignation, kept him in due fubmiffion, and pre-
vented him from openly teſtifying his diffatisfaction. But as he increaſed in
years, and became conſcious of his dignified ſtation, the eſtrangement of his
father, and the reſtraint in which he was kept, naturally diſguſted a young
prince of high ſpirit, and increaſing popularity, and the refentment which
he had conceived againſt his parents, excited an antipathy to the miniſter,
in whom they had placed implicit confidence. As he had a taſte for the
arts, and a fondness for literary purſuits, he fought the fociety of perſons
who were moſt confpicuous for their talents and knowledge. He was thrown
into the company of Carteret, Cheſterfield, Pulteney, Cobham, and Sir Wil-
liam Wyndham, who were confidered as the leading characters for wit, ta-
lents, and urbanity.
His houſe became the rendezvous of young men of the higheſt expecta-
tions, Pitt, Lyttleton, and the Grenvilles, whom he afterwards took into his
houſehold, and made his affociates. The ufual topic of converſation in
felect fociety, was abuſe of the minifter, and condemnation of his meaſures,
urged with all the keennefs of wit, and powers of eloquence. The prince
found the men whofe reputation was moft eminent in literature, parti-
cularly Swift, Pope, and Thomſon, adverſe to Walpole, who was the object of
their private and public fatire.
But the perfon who principally contributed to increaſe his refentment
againſt the king, and to foment his averfion to the minifter, was Bolingbroke,
who was characterised by the firft poets of the age, as the "all accompliſhed
St. John, the muſe's friend." The prince was fafcinated with his converfa-
tion and manners. His confident affertions, and popular declamations, hist
VOL. I.
3 X
affected
522
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
His peremp-
affected zeal to reconcile all ranks and defcriptions, the energy with which
he decried the baneful ſpirit of party, and his plauſible theories of a perfect
government, without influence or corruption, acting by prerogative, were cal
culated to dazzle and captivate a young prince of high ſpirit and fanguine
difpofition, and induce him to believe that the minifter was forming a
fyftematic plan to overthrow the conftitution, and that the cauſe of oppo
fition was that of honour and liberty.
So early as 1734, the miſunderſtanding between the father and fon had
torydemands. increaſed to a very alarming degree, and the prince, encouraged by the op-
pofition, took a very injudicious ftep, which was calculated to provoke the
king, and occafion an immediate and open rupture. He repaired to the
anti-chamber, and without any previous arrangement, requeſted an imme-
diate audience. The king delayed admitting him till he had fent for Sir
Robert Walpole, on whoſe arrival, he expreffed his indignation againſt his fon,
and would have proceeded to inftant extremities, had not the miniſter con-
trived to calm his refentment. He ftrongly inculcated moderation, and per-
fuaded the king to hear with complacency what he wished to communicate.
Marries the
princess of
Saxe Gotha.
On being admitted, the prince made three requeſts, in a tone and manner
which indicated a ſpirit of perſeverance. The firſt was, to ſerve a campaign
on the Rhine in the Imperial army; the ſecond related to the augmentation
of his revenue, at the fame time infinuating, that he was in debt; the third
was, his fettlement by a fuitable marriage. To the firſt and third points, the
king made no anfwer; in regard to the fecond, he fhewed an inclination to
comply, if the prince would behave with due reſpect to the queen.
The king had fuppreffed the emotions of his anger on theſe demands of
his fon; but his refentment broke out with redoubled violence, when ru-
mours were circulated, that the prince would apply to parliament for an
augmentation of his revenue. The queen exerted all her efforts to foften
the king's indignation, and the minifter uſed every argument which policy
ſuggeſted to incline him to moderation, and to induce him not to drive the
prince wholly into the arms of oppofition. Theſe exertions had a temporary
effect *. The rupture was fufpended, and the hopes of oppofition were
diſappointed.
The paffion which the prince had entertained for the princefs Frederica,
being thwarted by his parents, preyed upon his mind and increaſed his dif
* Lettre de Monf. de Lofs à Monf. de Bruhl, fans datte; de Monf. John à' Mọnſ.Von Hagen,
#6 de Juillet 1734. Correfpondence,
A
1
1
guft
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
523
guft, and when the propofal of another union was imparted to him, he remon-
ſtrated with great marks of offended fenfibility, and expreffed his repug-
nance to efpoufe a princeſs whom he had not feen, inftead of one whom he
had feen and approved. When the arrangement was made for his marriage
with Augufta, princeſs of Saxe Gotha, the prince of Wales fent for baron
Borck, the Pruffian minifter, and complained, with much indignation, that
the king his father compelled him to renounce all hopes of eſpouſing a
Pruffian princeſs. He requeſted him to lay his grief before the king
his mafter, and to affure him that he was determined to have refifted all
compulfion, and was only induced to agree to the alliance with the princeſs
of Saxe Gotha, on being informed by his mother, that the king of Pruffia had
refuſed to give him his daughter in marriage. He expreffed his heartfelt
regret that he was not permitted to have the honour of forming an union
with a family which he loved more than his own, and to which, from
his earlieſt infancy, all his defires had been directed; he hoped, nevertheleſs,
that the king would not withdraw his favour and friendſhip. He teftified his
concern, that he was to be connected with a houſe from which he could not
expect that fupport, which he ſhould have found in the king of Pruffia, and
lamented his hard fate in being condemned to remain under the fevere con-
troul of the queen his mother. He concluded by obferving, that he muft
ſubmit to his deſtiny, that he could not fee, without grief, the king of Eng-
land difdaining the friendſhip of a great monarch, without which the ruin of
his houſe muſt infallibly enfue*. The letter, in which Borck gave an account
of this indiſcreet conference to his maſter, fell into the hands of the king,
· and greatly irritated his inflammable temper.
น
1
On the 27th of April 1736, the prince of Wales e poufed the princeſs of
Saxe Gotha, in whoſe beauty, accompliſhments, and virtues, he forgot his
former paffion. But the marriage did not remove the unfortunate mifun-
derſtanding between the father and fon, it rather had a contrary tendency.
The increaſed expences of the prince's houſehold, without an adequate increaſe
of income, rendered his fituation ſtill more irkſome. His revenue, although
enlarged from .36,000 to £. 50,000, with the emoluments of the duchy
of Cornwall, did not amount to £.60,000, a fum the prince and his friends
deemed infufficient to ſupport the dignity of his ſtation. It became matter
of public animadverfion, that out of a civil lift of £.800,000, he re-
* Letter from Borck to the king of Pruffia, December 23, 1735. Orford Papers.
3 X.2
ceived
Chapter 48.
[737.
524
MEMOIRS OF
1734 10 1757.
Period VI. ceived only £.50,000 a year, although the king, when prince of Wales,
received £. 100,000 out of a civil lift of only £.700,000. But while this
was induſtriouſly circulated, it was not confidered, that George the Second,
when prince of Wales, had a large family, and that he had feveral younger
children, for whom he was to make a proviſion out of the civil lift, which
was not the cafe of George the Firſt.
April 29.
Joins oppofi-
tion..
The marriage of the heir apparent greatly increaſed his popularity. The
affability of his manners, the courteſy of his deportment, were contrafted
with the phlegmatic referve of George the Second. His protection of letters,
his fondneſs for the polite arts, and his rifing merits became the favourite
theme of popular applaufe, and of parliamentary declamation among the
members of oppofition.
It is remarkable, that the addreſs of congratulation to the king, on the
nuptials of the prince of Wales with the princefs of Saxe Gotha was moved
by Pulteney, and that the principal ſpeakers in the prince's praiſe, were thoſe
who uniformly oppoſed the meaſures of government. It was on this me-
morable occafion, that William Pitt made his maiden fpeech, in a ſtrain
of declamation, which a contemporary hiftorian defcribes as not inferior to
the great models of antiquity, "it being more ornamented than Demof
thenes, and lefs diffufe than Cicero *." Both he and his friend Lyttleton,
who alſo firſt ſpoke on the fame occafion, deſcribed the prince as a moſt
dutiful fon; deſcanted on his filial obedience and reſpectful ſubmiſſion to the
will of his royal parents, and expatiated, with oftentatious energy, on his ge-
nerous love of liberty, and his juft reverence for the Britiſh conftitution. In
affecting to praiſe the king, for having gratified the impatient wiſhes of a
loyal people, they gave the prior merit to the prince, for having requeſted
a marriage fa neceffary to the public good, and aſcribed only a ſecondary
merit to the king for granting this requeſt.
The manner in which this debate was conducted, the warm panegyric.
beſtowed on the prince, the cold praiſes given to the king, and the acrimoni-
ous cenfures of the minifter, gave great offence, and tended ſtill farther to
widen the breach.
At length the miſunderſtanding aroſe to ſo great a height, that the
prince threw himſelf into the arms of oppofition. Bolingbroke, who had
• `Tindal
Chandler, vol. 9. p. 222.
long,
}
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
525
long adviſed the moſt violent proceedings, now laid down a fyftematic plan
of proceeding to be followed by the prince, the firft ftep of which was
an emancipation from all dependence on the crown, by the acquifition of
a permanent allowance of £. 100,000 per annum, which the king fhould be
compelled to grant, at the remonftrance, and under the guaranty of parlia-
ment.
ap-
From the time that this fcheme was firft fuggefted by Bolingbroke, and
which had been unadviſedly infinuated to the king, in 1734, before it was
maturely weighed, the prince feems to have perfifted in his refolution of
pealing to parliament. Soon after his marriage, he mentioned his intention
to the queen. The queen, perceiving that any advice would be ineffectual, af-
fected to confider it as an idle and chimerical ſcheme; fhe treated it as a jeſt,
and declared that there was not the leaft profpect of fuccefs. But her remon-
ſtrance had no effect. Urged on by Bolingbroke, whoſe laſt advice, before
his retreat into France, was to purfue unremittingly this one favourite ob-
ject, the prince at length determined to lay his cafe before parliament. He
accordingly applied to the moſt reſpectable member of oppofition, without
any previous intimation, not with a view of aſking advice, but of demand-
ing fupport. Pulteney, though furpriſed at the unexpected requeſt, de-
clared a hearty inclination on his own part to promote the meaſure, but
added, that he muſt confult his friends. Finding, however, the prince deter-
mined to perſevere, he engaged for the unanimous confent of his particular
friends, and offered to make the motion himſelf. Sir John Barnard promiſed
his ſupport, and Sir William Wyndham anſwered for the Tories; obferving,
that they had long defired an opportunity of fhewing their regard and attach-
ment to the prince. He alſo declared, that all his party were anxious to
prove by their zeal, the falfity of the reproaches caft againſt them, that they
were Jacobites, and to fhew that they were mifreprefented under that name.
Dodington, afterwards lord Melcombe, was the first perfon connected:
with government, to whom the prince imparted his defign, and to him it was
declared only on the 7th of February. Dodington gave a ſtriking proof of
firmneſs and integrity, by declining to fupport a ſcheme pregnant with ſo
many evils, and made ſtrong and fenfible remonftrances to induce the prince
not to preſs any farther a meafure which muſt render all who voted defpe-
rate either with the poffeffor of, or fucceffor to the crown; but all his efforts
were ineffectual *. .
* Dodington's Diary.
Chapter 48.
1737.
Requires am
increafed al……
lowance.
No
526
MEMOIRS OF
$
S
Period VI.
No information was conveyed to the king, and the minifter did not re-
1734to 1737. ceive the leaft intimation of the bufinefs, or even fufpect it, until the 13th
of February. He was never before engaged in any tranfaction which gave him
more concern or greater embarraffment. He was aware that £50,000 a
year was inadequate to the dignified ftation of the heir apparent, and yet
convinced that the king, incenfed as he was againft his fon, could not be
perſuaded to increaſe that allowance. He was not however intimidated by a
dread of offending the heir apparent, who might one day become his mafter,
and did not fhrink from his duty to his fovereign and to his country; but
reſolved to ſupport the king in his juſt prerogative, and to oppoſe a meaſure
which he confidered as no lefs unconftitutional than difrefpectful. He la-
mented, however, that the king had imprudently delayed to make the prince
a permanent allowance of £. 50,000 a year, in the fame manner as George
the Firſt had granted his allowance when prince of Wales, and that he had
not fettled a jointure on the princefs. Walpole was not ignorant that the
prince derived from theſe circumſtances juſt cauſe of complaint, and that
until that was removed, the oppofition would have great advantage in the
argument. In confequence of theſe fentiments, he ufed all his efforts to ob-
tain a conceffion of theſe points, and finally conquered the repugnance of
the king.
Proceedings
in the cabi.
net.
Feb. 19.
1
But the ungracious manner in which this was offered, widened rather than
repaired the breach. The minifter fummoned a meeting at his own houſe,
at which were prefent, the dukes of Newcaſtle, Grafton, and Devonſhire, the
earl of Scarborough, Horace Walpole, and lord Hardwicke, recently nomi-
nated lord chancellor, on the death of lord Talbot *. Walpole informed them,
that he had, though not without the greateſt difficulty, prevailed on the king to
render the prince's allowance independent, and to fettle the princefs's join-
ture, and that his majeſty had been pleaſed to give him authority to an-
nounce to the houfe of commons, when the motion was made, his confent to
both theſe points. The chancellor objected, that if this declaration ſhould
be firſt made in the houſe of commons, without properly acquainting the
prince, or his treaſurer, it would have the appearance of an intended fur-
prife. He added, that the friends of the royal family might think them-
felves ill uſed, if they were reduced to ſo great a difficulty as that of voting
in a diſpute between the king and the prince, when perhaps fuch previous
information as he recommended might have prevented the motion.
*Lord Hardwicke has left a circumftantial
narrative of this important tranfaction, from
which I have ſelected the moſt intereſting par-
ticulars. Hardwicke Papers.
To
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
527
1737.
To this fenfible repreſentation, the minifter replied, that it was in vain to Chapter 48.
imagine the king could be reduced to fo low an act of fubmiffion, as to per-
mit any private communication of this kind, after the fteps the prince had
already taken. The fuggeftion, however, of the chancellor made a due
impreffion, and Walpole perfuaded the king to fend a meffage to the prince,
by ſome of the lords of the cabinet council.
Accordingly, on the day which lord Hardwicke received the great feal,
while he was waiting in the antichamber with the dukes of Newcaſtle and
Argyle, the earl of Wilmington, and other lords of the council, Sir Robert
Walpole came out of the king's chamber in a great hurry, holding a paper
in his hand. Calling all the lords of the cabinet to the upper end of the
room, he then read to them a draught of a meffage, in his own hand writ-
ing, and acquainted them, that it was the king's pleaſure, that it ſhould
be immediately carried to the prince by the lord chancellor, lord preſident,
lord fteward, and lord chamberlain.
The draught was not fairly tranſcribed, and ſeveral of the lords complained,
that the whole buſineſs was tranſacted with fuch precipitation, that fufficient
leifure was not allowed to confider the terms of the meffage. The time
preffed extremely, and the place was highly improper for fuch momentous
confultation. For the company which affembled to attend the levee filled
the room, and could not avoid hearing many of the things which paffed in
the courſe of converfation. The chancellor, however, ventured to object to
the expreffions, "the undutiful meafures which his majefty is informed your royal
highness intends to purfue;" but it was replied by the minifter, that the king
inſiſted on the word undutiful, and that it was with great difficulty he was in-
duced not to add feverer epithets. The chancellor, however, perfiſting in his
objection, the word intends, was changed for hath been advised to purfue.
The chancellor took Walpole afide, and expoftulated with him on the
hardship of making fuch a difagreeable errand the firft act of his office.
The miniſter anſwered, that he had hinted this to the king, as far as he durft
venture in ſo nice a caſe, but the king prevented all farther difcuffion, by ex-
claiming, my chancellor fhall go.
The expoftulations of the chancellor, however, produced a variation in
point of form; inftead of only four officers of the crown, the whole cabinet
council was ordered to attend with the meffage. It then growing late, Sir
Robert Walpole acquainted them that buſineſs of confequence was expected
in the houſe of commons, that he and Sir Charles Wager muſt attend, and
they.
Feb. 21.
The king's
meffage.
Saf
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. they both went away, leaving the foul draught of the meffage. Lord Ilay,
under a pretence of attending the houſe of lords, alfo retired.
173410 1737.
When the ceremony of giving the great feal was over, the remaining
lords of the cabinet deliberated in the council chamber on the mode of exe-
cuting their charge. The meffage was not yet copied, and a rumour was
circulated, that the prince was going to the houſe of commons; the lord
fleward and the lord chamberlain were deputed to inform him, that the lords
of the cabinet were ordered to attend with a meffage from the king, and re-
queſted to know where he would receive it. He answered, in his own apart-
ment. As foon as the fair copy was compared with the draught, the lords
went to the prince, and being fhewn into the levee room, the chancellor
kiffed his hand, on being appointed to his high office, and received his con-
gratulations. The door being then clofed, he read the meffage over audibly
and diſtinctly, as follows:
"His majeſty has commanded us to acquaint your royal highneſs, in his
name, that upon your royal highneſs's marriage, he immediately took into
his royal confideration the fettling a proper jointure upon the princeſs of
Wales; but his fudden going abroad, and his late indiſpoſition ſince his re-
turn, had hitherto delayed the execution of theſe his gracious intentions;
from which ſhort delay his majefty did not apprehend any inconveniences
could ariſe, eſpecially fince no application had, in any manner, been made to
him upon this fubject by your royal highneſs: and that his majefty hath now
given orders for fettling a jointure upon the princess of Wales, as far as he is
enabled by law, fuitable to her high rank and dignity, which he will, in proper
time, lay before his parliament, in order to be rendered certain and effectual,
for the benefit of her royal highneſs.
66
The king has further commanded us to acquaint your royal highneſs, that
although your royal highneſs has not thought fit, by any application to his
majeſty, to defire, that your allowance of £. 50,000 per annum, which is now
paid by monthly payments, at the choice of your royal highnefs, preferably
to quarterly payments, might, by his majeſty's further grace and favour, be
rendered lefs precarious, his majefty, to prevent the bad confequences which
he apprehends may follow, from the undutiful meaſures, which his majefty
is informed, your royal highneſs has been adviſed to purfue, will grant to
your royal highneſs, for his majeſty's life, the faid £.50,000 per annum, to
*The lord chancellor, the earl of Wil-
mington, the dukes of Dorfet and Grafton, the
duke of Richmond, master of the horſe, the
duke of Argyle, commander in chief, the duke
of Newcaſtle, the earl of Pembroke, groom
of the ſtole, the earl of Scarborough, and lord
Harrington.
be
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
529
1737.
be iffuing out of his majefty's civil lift revenues, over and above your royal Chapter 48.
highneſs's revenues arifing from the duchy of Cornwall, which his majefty
thinks a very competent allowance, confidering his numerous iffue, and the
great expences which do, and muſt neceffarily attend an honourable provi-
fion for his whole royal family."
anſwer.
The chancellor having concluded, there was a fhort paufe, and a profound The prince's
filence enfued. The prince looking about him, faid, my lords, “ Am I to re-
turn an immediate anſwer?" to which the chancellor replying, " if your royal
highneſs pleaſes," the prince then delivered a verbal meffage to the following
import:
"He defired the lords to lay him, with all humility, at his majeſty's
feet; and to affure his majefty that he had, and ever ſhould retain, the ut-
moft duty for his royal perfon; that he was very thankful for any inſtance
of his majeſty's goodneſs to him, or the princeſs, and for his majeſty's gra-
cious intention for fettling a jointure upon her royal highnefs; but that, as
to the meſſage, the affair was now out of his hands, and therefore he could
give no anſwer to it." After which, he uſed many dutiful expreffions
towards the king, and then added, Indeed, my lords, it is in other hands, I
am forry for it, or to that effect. He concluded, with earneſtly defiring the
lords to repreſent his anſwer to his majeſty in the moſt reſpectful and dutiful
manner *”
When this anſwer was reported to the king in the evening, by the lords,
he looked diſpleaſed, but made no reply.
The fituation of the minifter was rendered more embarraffing at this parti- Situation of
cular period, from the ill health of the king, who was at that time fo indif- the miniſter.
pofed as to give real apprehenfion, that he could not long furvive. Hence
Bolingbroke, in a letter to Sir William Wyndham, expreffes his aftoniſhment
at Walpole's imprudence, in offending the heir apparent, who was likely to
become his maſter, and the ducheſs of Marlborough thought his conduct no
leſs incomprehenfible. This circumftance had given to oppofition a great
acceffion of ſtrength, but had no effect on the conduct of Walpole.
On the 22d, Pulteney made his motion for an addrefs, requeſting the king
to fettle £. 100,000 a year on the prince of Wales, and the fame jointure on
the princeſs as the queen had when ſhe was princess of Wales, affuring the
king, that the houſe would enable him effectually to fulfil the fame.
* Chandler, vol. 0, p. 301, 303.
Correfpondence, Feb. 3, 1738. Period VII.
* [Feb. 6. 1736.] Heard this day, from a
pretty good hand, that his majcfty has been
worfe than they cared to own, but upon re-
VOL. I.
medies they applied, his fever leflened, and
was better. However, the phyficians fay,
that if he does get over this illneis, he cannot
live a twelvemonth. Opinions of the Duchefs
of Marlborough, p. 36.
3 Y
The
Motion in
the houfe
of commons,
530
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
The great points which Pulteney, and thoſe who fupported the motion,
laboured to prove, were, that the prince had a claim to the propoſed allow-
ance, founded on equity and good policy, and a legal right, founded on law
and precedent, and that the revenue of the civil liſt had been granted to
George the Firſt, and afterwards augmented under George the Second, on
the exprefs, or at least implied, condition, that, out of that revenue, the
fum of £.100,000 fhould be reſerved for the prince of Wales, as a perma-
nent and independent eſtabliſhment, which the king had it not in his power
to withhold. Pulteney fupported the principles on which the motion was
founded with great ability, and with a long ſeries of hiſtorical references to
heirs apparent and prefumptive to the crown, who, he maintained, had re-
ceived an independent and permanent allowance. He concluded by antici-
pating feveral cogent objections to the propofed addrefs, arifing from the
impropriety and indecency of interpofing between the king and the prince,
between the father and the ſon, and of interfering with the prerogative of the
crown.
The miniſter in reply, began by obſerving, that he never roſe to ſpeak upon
any fubject with a deeper concern, and a greater reluctancy, than he did on
the prefent important affair. He expreffed the concern and embarraſſment
under which moft members of that houſe muſt lie, in giving their votes or
opinion; if they declared in favour of the motion, they muſt ſeem to injure
the royal father, their fovereign, or by declining the motion, feem to injure
the royal fon, and apparent heir to the crown. But he would declare
his fentiments with freedom, becauſe, from his perfonal knowledge of the two
great characters, he was fatisfied that neither of them would think himſelf
injured, becauſe any gentleman gave his opinion or vote freely in parlia-
ment; and he was convinced that the prince of Wales had fo much wifdom,
dnd ſuch a true fenfe of filial duty, that he would never confider as a favour
beſtowed on him, what had the leaft tendency towards offering an indignity
to his father.
He fupported the prerogative of the crown, and the right of the king to
difpofe of his civil revenues, without the interference of parliament, and to
fuffer no controul in the management of his own family. In the courſe
of his fpeech, he communicated the fubftance of the meffage which had
been ſent by the king to the prince, and declared that £. 50,000 a year,
exclufive of the revenues arifing from the duchy of Cornwall, was a com-
petent allowance, and as much as the king could afford out of the civil
lift. He expatiated on the impropriety of parliament's interpofing be-
tween
SIR ROBERT WALPOLEVALPO
53r
.
イ
​1737.
tween the father and fon, deprecated the attempt to make a breach be- Chapter 48.
tween them, entered into an hiftorical examination of the feveral precedents
mentioned by Pulteney, and denied that any foundation for fuch a par-
liamentary interpofition could be found, except that fingle precedent
under Henry the Sixth, whofe reign was fo weak, that the parliament found
it neceffary to affume feveral rights and privileges, to which they were not
properly entitled. He declared, that the prince had neither a claim from
equity or good policy, and ftill lefs a right, founded on law or precedent,
and he mentioned that the revenues of the civil lift had been granted un-
conditionally to the king, without the moft diftant allufion to a ftipulation,
that £.100,000 per annum ſhould be paid to the prince of Wales.
The reafons urged by Walpole, in contradiction to thofe advanced by op.
pofition, fufficiently proved, to all difpaffionate perfons, that the motion was
not founded on law, good policy, or precedent, and were not invalidated
by the reply of Pulteney, in fumming up the arguments on both fides.
But a confident and plaufible affertion, advanced by a fupporter of the mo-
tion, made a deep impreffion on the houſe, and feemed to vindicate the
proceedings of the prince, and to arraign the conduct of the king.
<<
By the regulation and fettlement of the prince's houfhold, as made
fome time fince by his majeſty himſelf, the yearly expence comes to £.63,000,
without allowing one fhilling to his royal highneſs for acts of charity and
generofity. By the meffage now before us, it is propofed to fettle upon him
only £. 50,000 a year, and yet from this fum we muſt deduct the land tax,
which, at two fhillings in the pound, amounts to £. 5,000 a year, we muſt like-
wife deduct the fixpenny duty to the civil lift lottery, which amounts to £.1,250
a year, and we muſt alſo deduct the fees payable at the exchequer, which amount
to about £.750 a year more, all theſe deductions amount to £. 7,000 a year,
and reduce the £. 50,000, propoſed to be fettled upon him by the meffage, to
£.43,000 a year. Now as his royal highneſs has no other eſtate but the duchy
of Cornwall, which cannot be reckoned, at the moft, above £.9,000, his whole
yearly revenue can amount but to £. 52,000, and yet the yearly expence of
his houfhold, according to his majefty's own regulation, is to amount to
£.63,000, without allowing his royal highnefs one filling for the indul-
gence of that generous and charitable difpofition with which he is known to
be endued in a very eminent degree. Suppofe then we allow him but
£. 10,000 a year for the indulgence of that laudable difpofition, his whole
yearly expence, by his majefty's own acknowledgment, muft then amount to
£73,000, and his yearly income, according to this meffage, can amount to
no more than £.52,000, is this, Sir, fhewing any reſpect to his merit? Is
this providing for his generofity? Is it not reducing him to a real want.
3 Y 2
@ver
532
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
even with reſpect to his neceffities, and confequently, to an unavoidable
1734 to 1737. dependance, and a vile pecuniary dependance too, upon his father's mintters
and fervants? I confefs, Sir, when I first heard this motion made, I was
wavering a good deal in my opinion; but this meffage has confirmed me: I
now fec, that without the interpofition of parliament, his royal highneſs the
prince of Wales, the heir apparent to our crown, muſt be reduced to the
greateſt ſtraits, the moſt inſufferable hardſhips *
In the lords.
Mif-flate-
pofition.
*,,
Full credit was, at the time, given to this ſtatement, as well becauſe it was
oftentatiouſly diſplayed by two of the prince's fervants during the debate,
as becauſe the minifter, to prevent great heats and animofities, made no im-
mediate anſwer, and ſeveral perfons were induced by this reprefentation to
vote in favour of the motion, which was negatived by a majority of only
234 againft 2o4
This ſmall majority of 30 would have been reduced to a minority, haď
Sir William Wyndham been able to fulfil the promiſe of fupport, which
he made to the prince in the name of his party. But forty-five Tories con-
fidered the interference of parliament as hoftile to the principles of the
Britiſh conſtitution, highly democratic, and fuch a dangerous innovation,
that they quitted the houſe in a body before the divifion; an act highly
honourable to thoſe who refuſed to facrifice their principles to their party.
On the 23d, the fame motion was made in the houſe of peers by lord
Carteret, and a ſimilar debate enfued. It was negatived by a large majority
of 103 againſt 40, and a proteſt was inferted only by fourteen peers.
But although this unconſtitutional propofition was thus thrown out in
ment of op- parliament, yet the fmallneſs of the majority in the lower houſe, proved the
difficulties under which the minifter laboured. His caufe was highly unpo-
pular. The oppofition introduced the queftion in every ſhape and form
which was most likely to attract the public attention, and in the periodical
papers and pamphlets, written with all the addrefs and fubtlety which the
talents of the great leaders of the minority could fupply. Among other
pamphlets which were circulated with zeal, and read with avidity,
was one intitled, "A Letter from a Member of Parliament to his
Friend in the Country, on the Motion for addreffing the King to fettle
£. 100,000 per Annum on his Royal Highneſs the Prince of Wales." This
work was written with fuch an air of candour, and plaufibility of argument,
and yet contained ſo much bitterneſs and acrimony, that the miniſter him-
ſelf reviſed the anſwer, which was compoſed by lord Hervey, called "An
Examination of the Facts and Reaſons contained in a Pamphlet intitled,
A Letter, &c." In this work, Sir Robert Walpole made feveral infertions,
+ Journals.
* Chandler.
Lords' Debates.
which
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
533
which prove the importance of the letter, and which are ftill extant in his
own hand-writing among the Orford Papers. He here commented with
greater freedom than he could venture to do in parliament, and anſwered
the arguments in favour of the motion with more fpirit than moderation,
and more indignation than temper.
That part of his infertions which is moſt worthy of notice, was the anſwer
given to the ſtatement made in the houſe, refpecting the prince's eſtabliſh-
ment, faid to have been regulated by the king. From a fair inveſtigation
of the paper which the prince's officers had fhewn to the houſe, he demon-
ftrated, that it was not an eſtabliſhment, but a calculation founded on the ex-
penditure of preceding years; that it was exaggerated and overcharged in
almoſt every branch, and that fo far from having been regulated by the
king, his majefty had not even a knowledge of its exiſtence.
The indifcretion of the prince in bringing fo unconftitutional a queſtion
before parliament, contrary to the judgment of his real friends; the violence
of his counſellors, and particularly the petulant and indecorous infinuations
thrown out againſt the queen * in the courſe of the debate, highly offended
the king, and rendered the breach between the father and fon irreparable.
Coldneſs, reſerve, and diſtance increaſed. The prince confidered himſelf a
ftate priſoner in the palace of his father, pined for a releaſe, and feized the
firſt plaufible pretence of emancipating himſelf from the controul of his
parents.
The royal family being at Hampton Court, the princess of Wales was
feized with the pangs of child-birth, and the prince, without the leaft intima-
tion to the king and queen, hurried her away to St. James's, where fhe was
that night delivered of a princefs, before the queen, or any of the officers of
ftate, who, fince the revolution, were accuſtomed to be prefent, could ar-
rive.
The prince apologized for his abrupt departure to the queen, who went
the next morning to vifit the princefs. He obferved, that the fuddennefs
with which his wife was ſeized, rendered it neceffary to obtain immediate af-
fiſtance, and that it was thought moft prudent to return to London, where
* Walpole having in his fpeech maintained
that the parliament had no right to interfere
in the creation or maintenance of a prince of
Wales, and that in the cafe of Richard, who
on the death of his father, the Black Prince,
was created prince of Wales, in confequence
of an addrefs or petition from parliament, that
meafure was in all probability directed by Ed-
ward the Third: In reply to this affertion, the
oppofition indecorously alluded to the influence.
of queen Caroline over the king, and her pre-
ference of the duke of Cumberland to the
prince of Wales, by obferving, that Edward
doated in his old age, and was folely governed
by Alice Pierce, and his fecond fon the duke of
Lancaſter.
good
Chapter 48.
1737.
The prince
leaves
Hampton
Court.
July 31.
534
MEMOIRS OF
Refentment
Period VI. good affiftance was to be obtained, than wait till the phyficians and mid-
1734 to 1737. wives could arrive at Hampton Court, which might be too late; he entreated
the queen to explain to the king the motives which induced him to retire
from Hampton Court, without intimating his defign, which the hurry of his
departure had alone prevented; and he profeffed alfo his intention of waiting
on the king that morning. The queen adviſed him to delay this vifit for
a few days, in which the prince acquiefced. He repeated the fame apology
to Sir Robert Walpole and lord Harrington, who had come by the king's
command to be prefent at the birth. The king, however, was not moved
of the king by this juftification, but refolved to exprefs his refentment in a manner no
lefs public, than that in which he conceived the indignity was offered. A
draught of a meffage was accordingly prepared by Sir Robert Walpole, and
fubmitted by him to the confideration of the lord chancellor, lord Wil-
mington, and lord Harrington. The chancellor, with a view to fhew great
tenderneſs to the fituation of the princefs, and to gain time for conciliation, be-
fore the moſt aggravating circumftances of the rupture were rendered per-
manent, and incapable of modification, by being committed to writing, dif-
approved the draught, and propofed another in more foft and gentle terms:
His meffage.
"The king hath commanded me to acquaint your royal highneſs, that his
majeſty is moſt heartily rejoiced at the ſafe delivery of the princeſs, but that,
on account of certain circumftances in your royal highneſs's behaviour re-
lating to that event, which have given his majeſty just offence, he thinks
it not proper to fee you, with the particular reafons whereof he will caufe
your royal highneſs to be acquainted in due time.”
Lord Wilmington, who feldom declared himſelf explicitly on any fubject,
ſupported, however, with unufual warmth, the original draught; and as lord
Harrington was filent, the chancellor's alteration was rejected, and the ori-
ginal carried. On the 3d of Auguft, it was fent to the prince by lord Effex,
the lord of the bedchamber in waiting, and contained theſe words:
"The king has commanded me to acquaint your royal highneſs, that his
majeſty moft heartily rejoices at the fafe delivery of the princefs, but that
your carrying away her royal highnefs from Hampton Court, the then refi-
dence of the king, the queen, and the family, under the pains, and certain in-
dications of immediate labour, to the imminent danger and hazard both of
the princeſs and her child, after fufficient warnings for a week before, to have
made the neceffary preparations for this happy event, without acquainting
his majeſty or the queen with the circumſtances the princefs was in, or giving
them the leaſt notice of your departure, is looked upon by the king to be
fuch a deliberate indignity, offered to himſelf and to the queen, that he has
commanded
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
535
commanded me to acquaint your royal highneſs, that he refents it to the Chapter 48:
higheſt degree."
1737.
In reply to this meffage, the prince wrote a letter, in which, after expreſ
fing his mortification at having diſpleaſed the king, he juftified his conduct,
repeated the fame motives as he had ftated to the queen in perfon, and re-
queſted permiffion to wait upon the king the next morning. This requeſt Auguft 4.
having been rejected, the prince repeated, in another fubmiffive letter, his
earneft hopes of being reftored to favour. No anfwer was returned to this
application, but a meffage from the king was conveyed by the earl of Dun-
more, appointing the baptifm to be performed on the 29th, declaring, that he
ſhould ſend the lord chancellor to ſtand god-father as his proxy, the queen's
lady of the bedchamber for the queen, and defiring the princeſs to appoint
one of her ladies of the bedchamber to repreſent the dowager duchess of
Saxe Gotha, the other god-mother.
The prince took this opportunity to reiterate, both to the king and queen,
his application for pardon, with increaſing earneſtneſs and humility. His
entreaties, however, had no effect. The king adopted the violent refo-
lution of making a total feparation between his family and that of the
prince, by difmiffing him from his refidence in the palace of St. James's. In
taking this refolution, he was, if not confirmed, at leaſt not oppoſed by the
minifter.
The prudence and moderation of the chancellor faw the danger of fuch
a feparation. However difagreeable his interpofition might be, both to the
king and Walpole, he thought it his duty to prevent, if poffible, fuch extre-
mities. With this view, he went over to New Park, and had a long and in-
tereſting conference with Sir Robert Walpole *:
"He laid it down as a principle, that in this nice affair, two great points
were always to be purſued. Firſt, the real and effential intereft of the king
and his family, in which the whole of the kingdom was involved; and next,
the fupport of that authority and reverence, which was due to his majeſty.
That it was the duty of his minifters and fervants to endeavour to combine
both theſe views, and in their conduct not to loſe ſight of either. That he
could not help thinking, that if there was a diſpoſition to it, a reconciliation.
might be effected confiftently with both; but if that ſhould be found im-
poffible, a total feparation muſt indeed be ſubmitted to. However, he
begged leave to lay before him feveral confiderations, which feemed mate-
* This conference is given verbatim, from lord Hardwicke's interefting narrative before men--
tioned,
Conference-
between the
chancellor
and Wal-
pole.
-
rial:
536
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
66
rial in this great queftion, fome whereof diftinguiſhed the cafe from that of
the quarrel in the late reign, and made the preſent breach more formidable.
"1. That it ought to be confidered what influence it would have on that
fide of the queſtion, which had been once moved in parliament, and was ex-
pected to be brought there again, viz. the prince's demand of a larger al-
lowance, and this upon different fuppofitions. It appeared to him, that
if the king ſhould be finally in the right, and the prince continue, as he was
certainly at firſt, on the affair of the departure, in the wrong, it would
ftrengthen the king as to that queſtion; for nobody could, with any fhadow
of reaſon, maintain that the king could with decency be addreffed to in-
creaſe his fon's allowance, while he was ftanding out in defiance. But on
the other hand, it muſt be attended to, that this offence was fuch as to ad-
mit of a fatisfaction between a father and a fon; and if the world ſhould
think the prince had made a proper fubmiffion, and yet the king turn him
out of doors, it would ſtrengthen the prince in his demand; fince it might
then be faid, that the king had cauſeleſsly obliged him to live by himſelf,
with an increaſe of family, at a great expence. He added, that it muſt be
expected that even thoſe who leaft wifhed a reconciliation, would adviſe him
to make ſuch a fubmiffion, when they were fure it could not, or would not,
be accepted.
2. That in the next place, the fituation and circumftances of the royal
family deſerved the greateft attention. In the late reign, the difference con-
cerned only the king and prince; there were no other children to be affected
by it. The moment the breath was out of the late king's body, it was at an
end as to the royal family, though particular fubjects might feel its effects.
That now the cafe was far different. A queen confort, the duke and four
princeffes, not to include the princeſs of Orange, muft neceffarily be, to a
degree, involved in it. If the prince fhould furvive his father, he muſt,
and by the courſe of law and nature, ought to reign. All theſe will be more
or lefs in his power. The queen poffibly leaft of all is; but how far the
honey-moon of a new reign may carry men as to her large jointure, no one
can forefee. The others abfolutely. Yet thefe muft now, as they juftly de-
ferve, live at court in the fun-fhine of the king and queen's favour, the
prince being excluded. This will naturally breed an alienation of affection,
great envying and much ill blood, which may break out into fatal confe-
quences when the prince fhall find himſelf their fovereign. Add to this,
that it is not probable that any fettlement will ever be obtained from the
parliament to make cadets of the royal family, independant of any perſon who
fhall wear the crown.
*
"3. He
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
537
1737.
a 3. He next confidered the cafe of the prince's children. Either the king Chapter 48.
muft take the cuſtody of them, or leave them with his royal highneſs. If he
ſhould take them, having a favourite younger ſon, and ſeveral daughters,
juſtly dear to him, what jealoufies and fufpicions may not arife in caſe of
accidents. Malice may even fuggeft what was once believed in France, of
the late duke of Orleans. If the king fhould fuffer theſe branches of the
royal family to remain with the prince, will it not greatly weaken the former,
and ſtrengthen the latter? And at length, they will be bred up under the
fame influence which is now objected to their father.
66
4. As to the adminiſtration, what an inundation of penfions did the
breach in the late reign produce! What a weight did that bring on my lord
Sunderland's miniftry! And it fhould be confidered whether even that
miſerable expedient will be found practicable under this king. The prefent
demands of mankind will rife on cne fide in proportion as greater hopes are
held out on the other. It put lord Sunderland on ſtrong meaſures to ſecure
himſelf, which yet he could not carry. Witneſs the peerage bill, wherein
were ſeveral provifions tempting to the Whigs, and yet they rejected it.
66
5. It will make a coalition between the Whigs defperate and impoffible.
Before this, the Whigs in oppofition wanted a head, became liable to the diſ-
agreeable imputation of conftantly acting with the Jacobites; had no pro-
ſpect of ever coming into any ſhare of power, but by reuniting with their old
friends. They will now find a head in the prince, and he, being the immediate
fucceffor in the proteftant line, will be an irrefragable anſwer to the reproach
of Jacobitifm. Befides, the Whigs, as a party, will, in good policy, not wifh
fuch a coalition, unleſs it could be accompanied with a reconciliation be-
tween the father and fon, left it fhould throw the fucceffor wholly into the
hands of the Tories, and make their cauſe deſperate when he comes to take
poffeffion; whereas, by having one fet of Whigs in the prince's favour, the
party will have a fair chance to be preferved from ruin when that event ſhall
arrive.
“6. Laſtly, it muſt not be forgot, that if the king ſhould carry his reſent-
ment fo far as to remove his fon out of his palace, it will be neceffary that
ſome account of a tranfaction of this high nature in the royal family, fhould
be given to foreign courts. This meaſure was taken in the late reign. If
the prince ſhould at length fully fubmit himſelf to his father, and do that
which the world fhall judge a complete fatisfaction for the late offence, what
reaſons can openly be affigned to juſtify ſuch a conduct? He would not fay
that reaſons might not be fuggefted, from a ſeries of conduct offenſive and
provoking in many other refpects; but when once thofe come to be coolly
VOL. I.
3 Z
examined,
538
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
$734to 1737
examined, he fufpected whether they would be found fuch, as it would be.
extremely difficult, if not impoffible, publicly to avow and explain.'
"The miniſter allowed all theſe to be confiderations of great weight, without
attempting to take off their force, except as to that of the prince's children,
who, he ſaid, were intended to be left with their parents, whilft of tender
age, only for nurture. The great point on which he laid his ftreſs, was that
the king had now an advantage, by the prince having put himſelf ſo much
in the wrong, which ought not to be parted with. That he was apprehen-
five there muſt be a total breach before there could be a complete reconci-
liation; and to make up the particular difference about carrying away the
princefs from Hampton Court, without the grand point, would not be fo
much as fkinning over the fore, which would infallibly break out again
worſe than ever. That it was impoffible to reconcile the whole without
money, and that could not now be obtained; neither was it fit to adviſe the
king to make fuch an advance, until his fon, by proper acts of ſubmiſſion,
and declared alteration of conduct, ſhould put himſelf in a condition to de-
ferve it.
"As to the fubmiffion already made, he enlarged much on the offenfive
behaviour to the queen; and in particular, objected that, although the king
in his meffage had charged the fact to be a high indignity to himfelf and to the
queen, the prince had not in any of his letters aſked her pardon, or fo much
as made an excuſe to her majeſty for what he had done.”
"Hereupon, the chancellor took occafion to obſerve, that this was ma-
nifeftly the game of thoſe adviſers of the prince, who intended to prevent a
reconciliation; and as this laft was their point, they could not play their
cards better. That confequently the moſt effectual method of difappointing
it muſt be the best play on the other fide: and as the queen had great ta-
lents, as well as great power with the king, would not it become her wif-
dom to fupprefs the woman's refentment, and take the contrary part to
that into which theſe men wiſhed to drive her? That in his opinion, if her
majefty continued unmoved by their ill ufage, and in fpite of all their pro-
vocations would reconcile the father and fon, fhe would endear herſelf to the
nation more than ever, and make an abfolute conqueft of all her enemies at
once,"
Theſe ſenſible repreſentations not only had no effect on the minifter, but
even ſeem to have made a contrary impreffion; for he faid afterwards to
fome of his friends, "The lord chancellor made me a long vifit, and
talked like an angel on the fubject of the prince, yet I thought his argu-
ments made for my conclufion rather than his," which induced the chan-
cellor
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
539
of Virgil,
cellor to lament the ſhortneſs of human forefight, and exclaim, in the words Chapter 48.
17370
"Nefcia mens hominum fati, fortifque futuræ,
"Et fervare modum rebus fublata fecundis.
"Turno tempus erit, magno cum optaverit emptum,
"Intactum Pallanta et cum fpolia ifta diemque
"Oderit *."
Although it cannot be denied that the conduct of the prince had given
Conduct of
great and deferved offence to the king and queen, and that in particular his Walpole,
behaviour to the queen had been highly diſreſpectful, yet it cannot at the
fame time be fufficiently lamented, that the minifter involved in the intereſts
of party, the feuds of the royal family. He confidered the ſtruggle as much
between himſelf and oppofition, as between the king and prince, and
knowing the prince's averfion to his miniſtry, viewed a cordial reconciliation
as tending to his removal.
Under theſe impreffions he had drawn up, by order of the king, the fub-
ſtance of a meffage to be delivered to the prince, ordering him to remove
from the palace of St. James; and he communicated it confidentially to
the lord chancellor, the duke of Newcaſtle, and Pelham, for their opi-
nion, before it ſhould be ſubmitted to the whole council. He produced
two letters, fent by the prince to the king and queen after the chriſtening;
and acquainted them, that the king was not fatisfied with the fubmiffion
made by his fon. That with regard to the king himſelf, they were mere
words, and calculated to be offenfive and provoking to the queen. That
none of the letters contained any affurance of a change of conduct, or of
acting in fubordination to his father's will for the future. That he was en-
tirely under the influence and direction of perfons whom the king had
thought fit to remove from his councils and fervice, and who were in a de-
termined oppofition to all his meaſures; and that lord Cheſterfield and lord
Carteret were known to be with him in private every day, and were called
into his cloſet after the levee, as regularly as the king's minifters were called
into his. He recapitulated many particulars, to fhew that the prince had
O mortals! blind in fate, who never know
"To bear high fortune, or endure the low!
"The time hall come, when Turnus, but in vain,
"Shall with untouch'd the trophies of the flain,
"Shall with the fatal belt were far away,
* And curfe the dire remembrance of the day
3 Z 2
"
avowedly
Farther pro-
ceedings in
the cabinet.
September ♫.
540
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
avowedly fet himſelf at the head of a faction in oppoſition to the king, and
that thefe letters were underflood by the king to proceed from their dictates,
and intended only to amufe and deceive him. That things being in this
fituation, the king had reſolved not to permit his fon to refide any longer in
his palace, but to fend an order for his departure, with his whole family, as
foon as it could be done without prejudice or inconvenience to the princeſs,
and had commanded him to prepare a draught of a meffage for that pur-
pofe; which he then read.
The chancellor and his friends having expreffed their concern, and delivered
their opinion, that fuch a meffage fhould be avoided if poffible, confiftently
with the king's honour; the minifter replied, that fuch was the king's final re-
folution. It was then propoſed, that a meffage fhould be ſent to the prince,
acquainting him with the kind of fubmiffion which was required of him, and
the alterations in his conduct, which the king expected as the terins of the
reconciliation. But the propofal was rejected by Sir Robert Walpole, as
likely to beget mutual altercations, and produce a paper war between the
king and his fon, which would be attended with ſtill more fatal conſequences
than taking it ſhort at firſt *.
The draught of the meffage was then taken into confideration. It was
couched in very harſh and improper terms, and contained indecorous re-
flections, inconfiftent with the dignity of the crown, and the ftation of the.
difputants. A paragraph towards the conclufion, expreffed a fevere reproach
on perfons in general reforting to the prince, who did not pay their court to
the king, but oppofed his meaſures, called them a FACTION, with other
ftrong and harsh words. To all theſe, the chancellor objected, as a ſtyle
improper between princes, and indecent from the king to his fon. He
thought, if a meffage of this nature muft go, it fhould be ftrong, but full of
decorum. Sir Robert Walpole declared his opinion, that, as the prince had
plainly fet himſelf at the head of the oppofition, it was right to carry the
war into the enemy's country. And as they attacked the king through the
fides of his minifters, to return it by falling on the prince's adviſers. To
this the chancellor replied, that, as to fuch adviſers as fomented this fatal
divifion in the royal family, the harſheft words which language could furniſh
were not too much; but his objection was, that, as the draught then ſtood,
it compriſed more, and might extend to all that came to the prince, who
happened to differ from the king's minifters in parliament, and did not come
to court. That this would include fome perfons of the firſt quality and
}
* Lord Hardwicke's Narrative.
eftates
'SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
541
{
1
1737.
eſtates in the kingdom, befides great numbers of others who were only mif- Chapter 48.
guided; and as it was probable this paper might one time or other be laid
before the parliament, it might give rife to very difagreeable debates and
queſtions there. The duke of Newcaſtle and Mr. Pelham acceded to his
opinion; whereupon moft of thofe expreffions and epithets were at length
ftruck out, and that remarkable paragraph entirely changed and confined to
the adviſers of the prince, who fomented the divifion in the royal family, and
thereby weakened the common intereft of the whole.
On the 9th of September, this meffage was laid before the lords of the
cabinet council who were not abſent from London *.
Sir Robert Walpole acquainted them with the feveral caufes of the
king's diſpleaſure against the prince; he ſaid, that for theſe reaſons the
king was of opinion that the families fhould be feparated, and defired their
advice on the method of doing it; that he had, by the king's order,
and with his approbation, prepared the draught of a meffage to the
prince, which he ſhould now fubmit to their confideration. He at the
fame time intimated, that the king thought the ftyle of the draught full
gentle enough. He then read the letters which had paffed between the
prince on one hand, and the king and queen on the other; and directed
them to obferve the difference between the narrative of the fact contained
in the firft letter to the king, and the accounts which he gave to the queen,
as well as to lord Harrington and himfelf, the morning after the labour,
which laft he read from fome minutes to which lord Harrington had agreed.
He obſerved, with great emphaſis, that theſe letters were ſpecious empty
words, without any affurances or alteration of conduct, and laid great ftrefs
on the variations between the letters to the king, and thofe to the queen,
and particularly requested them to remark, that in the letter to the queen, the
words, your majesty, were never ufed, but only madame and vous. He then
read the draught of the meffage.
The lords fufficiently teftified their concern, by their looks and expreffions.
They underſtood this to be a communication of the king's determined
refolution, which was not to be changed. They agreed that he was un-
doubtedly maſter in his own family, and as he had been highly offended, he
* Prefent. Archbishop of Canterbury
(Potter) Lord chancellor Lord Godol-
phin (lord privy feal)-Duke of Grafton
(lord chamberlain)-Duke of Richmond (maf-
ter of the horfe)Duke of Newcaſtle-Earl
of Pembroke (groom of the ftole)-Earl of
Ilay-Lord Harrington-Sir Robert Wal-
pole-Sir Charles Wager.
Abfent, Lord prefident (in Suffex)-Earl
of Scarbro' (in Yorkſhire, and not fufficiently
recovered to attend bufinefs)-Duke of De-
vonſhire (in Ireland)—Duke of Dorfet (at Na-
mur)-Duke of Argyle (in Oxfordſhire.)
was
345
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
was to judge whether he would forgive or refent. They confidered that
3734 to 1737. their advice was only required as to the method, not the meaſure, and there-
fore proceeded to take the draught into confideration. A few exceptions
were made to the terms. Two were made by the lord chancellor, the firſt
to the words, I cannot ſuffer myſelf to be imposed upon by them, as too harſh,
and not adequate to the dignity of the perfonages concerned, he propoſed to
infert, I cannot, confiftently with my own honour and authority, fuffer them to have
any weight with me. But this alteration was not adopted. The fecond ob-
jection was to the word rendezvous, as too low and coarfe; and as all the
lords concurred in the fame opinion, it was omitted, and the word reſort ſuf-
fered to ftand alone. In the place of, you ſhall not refide in my palace, in-
ferted at the propofal of the archbishop, lord Godolphin offered, I think
it not fit that you ſhould refide in my palace; an alteration which was approved
by the chancellor, as expreffive of the king's opinion, and properly in-
troductive of the fubfequent command to leave St. James's. This was re-
jected on the obſervation of Sir Robert Walpole, that thoſe words could not
be confidered as fufficiently ftrong.
After making a few other verbal alterations of little confequence, the
meffage was agreed to, and fubmitted to the final approbation of the
king *.
The manner of fending it to the prince was propoſed to be by a meffage
figned by the king at the top, with his name at length, and with the two
firſt letters at the bottom, after the form of inftructions; and that an order,
figned by his majefty, fhould be delivered to the perfons who fhould be
charged with carrying it, reciting the meffage in the very words, and com-
manding them to read it to, and leave it with his royal highnefs. It was
alſo agreed, that copies of this meffage ſhould be privately delivered to the
feveral foreign minifters in England, and other copies fent to the king's
miniſters refiding abroad, as a fpecies facti, or narrative of the king's reafons
for this proceeding with his fon.
Other particulars were mentioned, and it feemed to be the general fenfe
of the lords that they fhould be regulated in like manner as upon the
feparation in the late reign; but it was thought proper to leave them to
the perfonal direction of the king himfelf, without offering any particular ad-
vice thereupon. On Saturday, September 10th, this meffage, figned as be-
fore mentioned, was fent to the prince by the duke of Grafton, duke of Rich-
mond, and earl of Pembroke, who had a figned order, as above defcribed, for
their juftification.
*Narrative.
* The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
543
1737,
The prince
ordered to
quit St.
James's.
"The profeffions you have lately made in your letters, of your particular Chapter 48.
regard to me, are ſo contradictory to all your actions, that I cannot fuffer
myſelf to be impofed upon by them. You know very well, you did not
give the leaſt intimation to me, or to the queen, that the princefs was with
child, or breeding, until within lefs than a month of the birth of the young
princeſs you removed the princefs twice in the week immediately preceding
the day of her delivery, from the place of my refidence, in expectation, as
you have voluntarily declared, of her labour; and both times, upon your
return, you induftriouſly concealed from the knowledge of me and the queen,
every circumſtance relating to this important affair: and you at laft, with-
out giving any notice to me, or to the queen, precipitately hurried the
princeſs from Hampton Court, in a condition not to be named. After
having thus, in execution of your own determined meaſures, expoſed both
the princefs and her child to the greateſt perils, you now plead furpriſe, and
tenderneſs for the princefs, as the only motives that occafioned theſe repeated
indignities offered to me, and to the queen your mother.
"This extravagant and undutiful behaviour, in ſo effential a point as the
birth of an heir to my crown, is fuch an evidence of your premeditated de-
fiance of me, and fuch a contempt of my authority, and of the natural right
belonging to your parents, as cannot be excufed by the pretended innocence
of your intentions, nor palliated or diſguiſed by ſpecious words only.
"But the whole tenour of your conduct, for a confiderable time, has been
fo entirely void of all real duty to me, that I have long had reaſon to be highly
offended with you.
"And until you withdraw your regard and confidence from thoſe by whoſe
advice you are directed and encouraged in your unwarrantable behaviour to
me and to the queen, and until you return to your duty, you fhall not re-
fide in my palace, which I will not fuffer to be made the refort of them,
who, under the appearance of an attachment to you, foment the divifion
which you have made in my family, and thereby weaken the common in-
tereft of the whole. In this fituation I will receive no reply; but when
your actions manifeft a juft fenfe of your duty and fubmiffion, that may in-
duce me to pardon, what at preſent I moſt juſtly reſent.
"In the mean time, it is my pleaſure that you leave St. James's, with all
your family, when it can be done without prejudice or inconvenience to
the princefs. I fhall for the prefent leave to the princefs the care of my
grand-daughter, until a proper time calls upon me to confider of her edu-
cation."
All farther application from the prince being ineffectual, he retired from
2
the
544
MEMOIRS OF
་
· Period VI.
the palace, to Norfolk-houſe, in St. James's Square, where he took his
up
1734 to 1737. refidence, and his houfe became the centre of political oppofition. The
king accordingly iffued an order, forbidding all perfons who paid their
court to the prince and princeſs of Wales, from being admitted into his pre-
fence at any of the royal palaces.
Feb. 27,
1738.
Anger of the
prince.
Review of
Walpole's
Conduct.
All the correſpondence which paffed between the king, queen, and the
prince, on this unfortunate occafion, was publiſhed, by the authority of the
court, and diſtributed to each of the foreign minifters in England, and to
the Britiſh embaſſadors abroad.
As the meffage delivered on the roth of September, contained many re-
flections on the prince, which no man of honour could forgive*, the mea-
fure tended ſtill farther to irritate him, and to fupply an excufe for his re-
fentment to the king, and his deteftation of the minifter, who incurred the
principal blame in this whole tranſaction, and was accuſed of fomenting the
miſunderſtanding, to ſerve his own finifter purpoſes. The prince gave credit
to theſe imputations. Walpole was held out as the man who having fo
often, nay, ſo conſtantly facrificed the national intereft to his avarice, his am-
bition, and his fears, had now facrificed to his paffions the peace of his
maſter's family, and taken that opportunity to make him declare a profcrip-
tion to all thoſe who oppofed the miniſter.
In reviewing the conduct of Walpole in this delicate tranfaction, he cannot
be wholly exempted from blame; nor is it eaſy to aſcertain in what degree he
was culpable. He had, on former occafions, earneſtly laboured to reconcile
the father and fon, and had infuſed into the king a ſpirit of moderation
and forbearance. This cafe was attended with peculiar difficulties, which can
never be fully appreciated. Lord chancellor Hardwicke himſelf fays, "Sir
"Robert Walpole informed me of certain paffages between the king and him-
felf, and between the queen and the prince, of too high and fecret a nature,
even to be truſted to this narrative; but from thence, I found great rea-
"fon to think that this unhappy difference between the king and queen, and
"his royal highneſs, turned upon ſome points of a more interefting and im-
portant nature, than have hitherto appeared t."
66
66
-
It is, however, juſtly remarked by the fame candid obſerver, that thoſe who
attempted to reconcile the breach, were not liſtened to on either ſide. On the
part of the prince, thofe who wanted to fet him at their head, againſt his
father's meaſures, feemed to have it in view to write fuch letters to the
king as might read well when publiſhed to the world, be taken for a fub-
* Opinions of the duchefs of Marlbo-
rough.
+ Lord Bolingbroke to Sir William Wynd-
ham. Correfpondence.
Lord Hardwicke's Narrative.
miffion
↑
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
545
1737.
miffion, and at the fame time effectually prevent that from being accepted, Chapter 48.
by provoking the queen, and thereby cut off the chance of mediation, and
ſhut the only door through which any reconciliation could enter. On the
other fide, Sir Robert Walpole ſeemed to think, that they had now an ad-
vantage over the prince which ought not to be parted with, and that it
would be better for the adminiſtration to have a total and declared fepa-
ration, than that things ſhould remain in the precarious ſtate in which they
then ftood *.
"On
In the courſe of this unfortunate tranſaction, the prince gave ſigns of high
fpirit and extreme fenfibility; a ſtriking inftance of which is recorded by
lord chancellor Hardwicke, which I ſhall relate in his own words.
the fourth of Auguft, the day of proroguing the parliament, I went to
St. James's in my way to Weſtminſter, in order to enquire after the health
of the princess of Wales, and the new born princeſs. After I had performed
that ceremony, I went away, and was overtaken at the further end of Pall-
mall, by one of the prince's footmen, with a meffage that his royal highneſs
defired to ſpeak with me.
"Being returned, I was carried into the nurſery, whither the prince came
immediately out of the princeſs's bedchamber, and turned all the women
out of the room. Having faid many civil things, and made me fit down,
he ſhewed me a meffage which he had received the day before from the
king, which he faid, he prefumed I, being of the cabinet, muſt have ſeen
before. Without ſtaying for an anfwer, he made a long apology for his
conduct, much to the effect of his firſt letter to the king, with this addition,
that if the king, who was apt fometimes to be pretty quick, fhould have
objected to her going to London, and an altercation fhould have ariſen,
what a condition would the poor princefs have been in? He then faid, he
would read me two letters he had written, the one to the king, and the
other to the queen; whereupon I aſked him whether they had been fent, for
if they had not, I was determined in my own mind not to have ſeen or
heard them read. He anfwered, they were ſent the day before by my lord
Jerſey, and then read them. He afked me what I thought of them; at
which I bowed, and faid nothing. He went on, that upon thoſe letters the
king fent word he would not fee him; but he did not think fit to let it reft
there on his part, and had fent another letter by lord Carnarvon that morn-
ing, which he read, and aſked me, if it was not very reſpectful; to this I
+ Ibid.
* Lord Hardwicke's Narrative.
Lord Hard-
wicke's in-
wires with
terview
the prince.
VOL. I.
4 A
anſwered,
546
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI. anſwered, very reſpectful; and indeed, it was a much more proper letter than
1734 to 1737. the former.
"I then proceeded to tell his royal highneſs, that I had heard nothing of
this unhappy affair, till my going to Hampton Court on the Tueſday before,
to congratulate the king and queen on the birth of their grand-daughter.
That I then found their majefties highly offended with what had paffed, and
I ſhould be unjuſt to his royal highnefs, if I concealed from him, that, from
the circumſtances preceding and accompanying the carrying away the prin-
cefs, they underſtood it to proceed from a deliberate intention to take that
part without their privity. I added, that incidents of this nature gave the
deepeſt concern and affliction to every one who wiſhed well to the whole royal
family, and to none more than myfelf. That every occafion of that kind
ought to be removed; for that union in the royal family was moſt effential
to the true intereft and prefervation of it. That the contrary gave the moſt
formidable advantages to their enemies; whereas nothing could hurt any
branch of it when united. That I hoped his royal highneſs would fhew
ſuch a fubmiffion and dutiful behaviour to the king his father in the pre-
fent juncture, as would tend to bring about this union, and that I was fure
it would be the zealous endeavour of the king's fervants, and in particular
of myſelf, to do every thing that might facilitate it.
"He anfwered, my lord, I don't doubt you in the leaft, for I believe you
to be a very honeft man; and as I was rifing up, embraced me, offering to
kifs me: I inftantly kneeled down, and kiffed his hand, whereupon he
raiſed me up and kiffed my cheek.
cheek. The ſcene had fomething in it moving;
and my heart was full of the melancholy profpect that I thought lay before
me, which made me almoſt burft into tears. The prince obſerved this, and
appeared moved himſelf, and faid, let us fit down my lord, a little, and recollect
ourſelves, that we not may not go out thus. Soon after which, I took my leave,
and went directly to the houfe of lords."
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
547
t
Chapter 49.
1737.
CHAPTER THE FORTY-NINTH:
1737.
Illneſs-Fortitude-and Death of Queen Caroline.-Virtues.-Grief of the King.
Affliction of Sir Robert Walpole.
SHALL cloſe the tranſactions of the year 1737, with the illneſs and Illness of the
death of queen Caroline, an event highly difaftrous to the country, to queen.
I clofe tranfactions of we and
the king, and to Sir Robert Walpole. This illuftrious and amiable woman,
had been for fome time in a declining ſtate of health. The diforder under
which he had laboured, and which occafioned her death, was a rupture,
which, from motives of delicacy, fhe had communicated only to the miſtreſs of
the robes, her favourite lady Sundon : ſhe was even fo imprudent as to conceal
the cauſe of her illneſs from the medical men who were called in to her relief.
This falſe delicacy, which was incompatible with her ufual magnanimity, was
the cauſe of her death. For the medicines which were adminiftered, and
the methods taken, were diametrically oppofite to thoſe which would have
been adopted, had her diforder been known. Judging from the fymptoms,
and from her own declarations, the phyficians treated it as a gout in her
ftomach, and adminiftered ftrong cordials, which aggravated the malady.
When the danger became fo imminent as to render the concealment im-
poffible, it was too late. She ſubmitted in vain to the moſt painful ope-
rations, and the furgeon who performed them declared, that if he had been
acquainted with her real fituation two days fooner, her ſpeedy recovery would
have been the confequence *.
Although racked with extreme agony, almoſt without intermiffion, during
twelve days and nights, fhe bore her fufferings not only with patience and
refignation, but almoſt without a groan, maintaining, to the laſt moment of
her diffolution, ferenity, temper, dignity, greatneſs of foul, and an unaffected
fubmiffion to the ways of Providence. In all this melancholy fcene, the be-
haved with fuch invariable courteſy to every one about her, that one of the
phyficians obferved, he had never met with a fimilar inftance in the whole
Letter from Charles Ford to Swift, November 22, 1737. Swift's Works.
4 A 2
courfe
548
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
courſe of his practice. She repeatedly expreffed to her attendants, her
1734to 1737. grateful ſenſe of their laborious watchings, and diſtinguiſhed each of them
with appropriate marks of regard.
Death.
She recommended her fervants, in the most affecting and folemn manner,
to the king's favour and protection; extended her concern to the loweſt
of them, and was equally warm in her folicitude for their welfare; recounting
to him the faithfulneſs of their refpective fervices.
This firmness and refignation were not the effect of infenfibility or ftoical
indifference, but derived from the ſtrongeſt exertions of reaſon and reli-
gion. On the fecond day of her illneſs, ſhe was obferved to ſhed fome
tears, occafioned either by the lowneſs of her fpirits, the anguiſh of her fuf-
ferings, or by tenderneſs for the deſpair of her family; the foon, however, re-
covered from this debility, and refumed her accuſtomed fortitude. Appre-
henfive that during a painful operation, fhe had fo far forgotten herſelf as to
ufe peevish expreffions, fhe reproached herſelf with having fhewn an unbe-
coming impatience.
She frequently declared that he had made it the bufinefs of her life to
diſcharge her religious and focial duties; fhe hoped God would pardon
her infirmities, and accept the fincerity of her endeavours, which were al-
ways intended to promote the king's honour, and the proſperity of the na-
tion. She declared that he was a hearty well-wisher to the liberties of the
people; and that if ſhe had erred in any part of her public conduct, it
aroſe from want of judgment, not from intention.
A little before fhe died, fhe faid to the phyſician, "How long can this
laſt ?” and on his anfwering, "Your majefty will foon be eaſed of your pains ;"
The replied,
"The fooner the better." She then repeated a prayer of her
own compoſing, in which there was ſuch a flow of natural eloquence, as de-
monſtrated the vigour of a great and good mind. When her ſpeech began
to faulter, and ſhe feemed expiring, fhe defired to be raiſed up in her bed,
and fearing that nature would not hold out long enough without artificial
fupports, fhe called to have water fprinkled on her, and a little after defired it
might be repeated. She then, with the greateſt compofure and preſence of
mind, requeſted her weeping relations to "kneel down and pray for her."
Whilſt they were reading fome prayers, ſhe exclaimed, “ pray aloud, that I
may hear;" and after the Lord's prayer was concluded, in which the joined
as well as ſhe could, fhe faid, So," and waving her hand, lay down and
Novemb. 20. expired *.
<<
* The principal circumftances of her death, are extracted from Dr. Alured Clarke's Eſſay to
wards the Character of Queen Caroline.
Having
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
549
1737.
Having already difcuffed the character of the queen, I fhall only add Chapter 49.
a few traits to the preceding ſketch*. She was bleffed with a natural ferenity
and calmness of mind, and often expreffed her thankfulneſs to God, that
he had given her a temper which was not eafily ruffled, and which enabled Virtues.
her to ſupport every difficulty. It was truly faid of her, that the fame foft-
nefs of behaviour and command of herſelf, that appeared in the drawing
room, went along with her into her private apartments, gladdened every body
that was about her perfon, accompanied her as well in the gay and cheerful
feaſons of life, as under the moſt trying circumftances, and did not fail her
even in the hour of death itſelf.
One part of her conduct, which reflects the higheſt honour on her memory,
was her inaternal attention to her children, and particularly to her daughters.
She fuperintended their education, directed their behaviour, formed their
manners, and tempered her reproofs with a mixture of proper ſeverity and
kindneſs, which rendered her equally beloved and reſpected.
examined..
The enemies of queen Caroline, have repreſented her as being of an unfor- Afperfions
giving temper, and even reproached her with a want of maternal affection.
It was fuggefted, that the fomented the miſunderſtanding between the king
and the prince of Wales, but on the contrary, ſhe exerted her utmoſt influence
to abate the petulance of the fon, and the irritability of the father. Once in
particular, when an action of the prince had been reprefented to the king
with malicious aggravation, the queen defended her fon, and good naturedly
obſerved, “ Ce n'eſt qu' une indiſcretion de page :" 'Tis nothing but a youth-
ful frolic. The tongue of flander has even reproached her with maintain-
ing her implacability to the hour of death, and refufing her pardon to the
prince, who had humbly requeſted to receive her bleffing. To this imputa-
tion, Cheſterfield alludes in a copy of verſes, circulated at the time:
"And unforgiving, unforgiven dies.”
Pope alſo has configned to poſterity this afperfion, in terms of malignant
irony:
Chapter 31.
"Or teach the melancholy mufe to mourn,
Hang the fad verfe on CAROLINA's urn,
And hail her paffage to the realms of reft,
All parts perform'd, and ALL her children bleft."
+ From lord Orford.
See Epilogue to the Satires, Dialogue,, 1.
1.79. The fatirift, with a duplicity not un-
I am
ufual to him, has affected in a note to repair
the infult offered to her memory, by obſerv-
ing, that her laſt moments manifeſted the ut-
moſt courage and reſolution. It is, however,
juftly
550
MEMOIRS OF
Period VI.
1734 to 1737.
Liberality.
I am happy to have it in my power to remove this ftigma from the memory
of this great princefs. She fent her bleffing and a meffage of forgiveneſs to her
fon, and told Sir Robert Walpole, that ſhe would have feen him with pleaſure,
but prudence forbad the interview, as it might embarraſs and irritate the
king*.
"Her charities were limited only by her revenue; though fhe avoided.
all appearance of oftentation ſo much, that many perſons who fubfifted by
her bounty, were wholly ignorant of their benefactrefs; and fhe was fo liberal
that her public and private lifts, with the occafional fums expended on the
fame account, amounted to near a fifth part of her whole income.
99
Her difpofition was ſo humane and benevolent, that the unfortunate in all
fituations and religions were fecure of her protection. She paid a particular
attention to thoſe Roman Catholics, whofe zeal in favour of the Pretender
had expofed them to the rigour of the laws. Several Popiſh and Jacobite
ladies, and particularly the duchefs of Norfolk, were admitted to private
conferences. Their repreſentations procured liberal fupplies of money to
many of the moſt indigent. In ſome inſtances, ſhe even carried her protec-
tion to an impolitic extreme, and in a manner which diftreffed Sir Robert
Walpole. Archibald earl of Ilay, who principally managed the affairs of
Scotland, having been reproached for permitting fo large a number of Jaco-
bite meeting-houſes in Edinburgh, and in other parts of the kingdom, in open
defiance of the laws, as they had not complied with the conditions required
in the act of toleration; he acknowledged the fact, and exculpated himſelf,
by declaring that he had laid a ſcheme for fuppreffing them before the mini-
fter, who difcouraged his attempt, by obferving, that their friends had a ready
acceſs to the queen by the back ftairs, and that all his attempts would be
defeated.
66
juftly obferved by Dr. Warton, on this paffage,
that, no fubtle commentary can torture theſe
words to mean any thing but the moſt poig-
nant farcaſm on the behaviour of this great
perfonage to her fon on her death bed:" and
adds, that "about the fame time, Pope wrote a
couplct on the fame ſubject :'
"Here lies, wrapt up in forty thoufand towels,
The only proof that Caroline had bowels.”
The evidence that Pope was the author of this
infamous quibble, which is generally attributed
to Cheſterfield, is not given by Dr. Warton.
Lord Mansfield had it from Pope himſelf, told
it to lord Orford, from whom I received it,
with a variation of "feven and twenty,'
ftead of forty thouſand towels.”
* From lord Orford.
"
" ia-
+ Character of Queen Caroline, p. 12.
Etough, imparted by Archibald duke of
Argyle.
1
A con-
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
551
1737.
Patronage of
learning,
A confpicuous part in the character of queen Caroline, was her great pa- Chapter 49.
tronage of learned men. The protection ſhe afforded to the firft luminaries
of the church has been flightly mentioned. She diftinguiſhed Clarke,
Hoadly, Butler, Sherlock, Secker, and Pearce, with peculiar marks of regard.
The gracious manner in which the liftened to recommendations of literary
eminence, is well diſplayed in an anecdote relating to the celebrated author
of "The Analogy between Natural and Revealed Religion." Secker *
while he was king's chaplain, mentioned, in converfation with the queen, But-
ler, who was then rector of Stanhope. The queen faid, the thought he was
dead, and making enquiries of archbishop Blackburne, if he was not dead,
his anfwer was, "no madam, but he is buried." Soon afterwards, without
folicitation, fhe appointed him clerk of her clofet, and he ufed to attend
her every day, from feven to nine, in the afternoon. She alfo caufed his
name to be inſerted on the lift for a vacant biſhopric.
Obfcurity, difgrace, and banishment, were no obftacles to her bounty and
protection. She conferred benefactions on Stephen Duck, who from a com-
mon labourer, had raiſed himſelf into notice as a poet. She obtained the
pardon of Savage, who was condemned to death for having committed a
murder in a drunken fray, in ſpite of the oppofition of his unnatural mother,
and fupported him with an annual penfion. She fhewed her efteem for
*Life of Secker.
+ "When Savage was diſappointed in his
application for the place of poet laureat, which
was given to Colley Cibber, he applied, in the
bitterneſs of diſtreſs, boldly to the queen, that
having once given him life, ſhe would enable
him to fupport it; and therefore publiſhed a
fhort poem on her birth-day, to which he an-
nexed the odd title of volunteer laureat. Not
having a friend at court who would get him
introduced, or prefent him, he published
the poem, which was not ill calculated to
ftrike the queen. The queen fent for the
verfes, and in a few days after the publica-
tion, Savage received a bank bill of fifty
pounds, and a gracious meffage by lord North
and Grey: That her majefty was highly
→
the
pleaſed with the verſes; that he took parti-
cularly kind his lines relating to the king;
that he had permiffion to write annually on
the ſame ſubject; and that he ſhould yearly
receive the like prefent, till fomething better
(which was her majefty's intention) could be
done for him. After this, he was permitted to
preſent one of his annual poems to the queen,
had the honour of kiffing her hand, and met
with the moſt gracious reception." Johnſon's
Life of Savage.
From thefe now forgotten poems, may I be
permitted to quote one paffage which alludes
to the beneficial confequences of the pacific
fyftem, planned by Sir Robert Walpole, and
fupported by queen Caroline.
"Here ceaſe my plaint-See yon enlivening ſcenes!
Child of the fpring! Behold the beſt of queens!
Softnefs and beauty rofe this heavenly morn,
Dawn'd wiſdom, and benevolence was born.
Joy o'er a people, in her influence rofe;
Like that which ſpring o'er rural nature throws.
9
War
552
MEMOIRS OF
}
Period VI.
the memory of Milton, by conferring a prefent on his grand-daughter. She
1734 to 1737 obtained the recal of lord Lansdowne, and of Carte, the nonjuring hiſto-
rian, who had both been obliged to abfcond for ſuſpected principles *
Grief of the
king.
The queen
recommends
Walpole.
Words cannot fufficiently exprefs the fenfibility and affection of George
the Second during her illneſs, and his regret for her lofs. He watched by
her bed-fide with unabated affection, and could fcarcely be prevailed on to
take any reft, till fhe expired.
As ſoon as the firſt emotions of grief had fubfided, he loved to talk of
his departed queen, recounted her virtues, and confidered how ſhe would
have acted on occafions of difficulty. He continued the falaries of all the
officers and nominal fervants who were not taken into his own houfhold, and
commanded a lift of her numerous benefactions to be laid before him; faying
that it was his intention, that nobody, as far as poffible, ſhould be a ſufferer
befides himſelf.
On her death bed, the queen teſtified her approbation of Sir Robert Wal-
pole's meaſures, and the high opinion fhe entertained of his capacity and rec-
titude. Turning to the minifter, who with the king was ftanding by her
bed-fide, ſhe ſaid to him, I hope you will never defert the king, but con-
tinue to ferve him with your ufual fidelity; and pointing to the king, ſhe
added, “I recommend his majefty to you.' The king faid nothing, and
the miniſter was alarmed, left this mode of making him of more confequence
War to the peaceful pipe refigns his roar,
And breaks his billows on ſome diſtant fhore.
Domeſtic diſcord finks beneath her ſmile,
And arts, and trade, and plenty glad the iſle.
Lo! Induſtry furveys, with feaſted eyes,
His due reward, a plenteous harveſt rife!
Nor (taught by Commerce) joys in that alone,
But fees the harveft of a world his own.
Hence thy juſt praiſe, thou mild, majeſtic Thames!
Rich river, richer than Pactolus' ftreams!
Than thoſe renown'd of yore, by poets roll'd
O'er intermingled pearls, and fands of gold.
How glorious thou, when from old Ocean's urn,
Loaded with India's wealth, thy waves return!
Alive thy banks! along each bordering line,
High cultur'd blooms, inviting villas ſhine:
And while around ten thouſand beauties glow,
Theſe ſtill o'er thoſe redoubling luftre throw.”
Biographia Britannica.
+ Character of Queen Caroline, p. 41.
than
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
553
than the king, might awaken jealoufy, and be the cauſe of his difgrace *. Chapter 49.
But theſe apprehenfions were unfounded.
The king was fo affected with the queen's death, that for a long time
after that melancholy event, he could not fee Sir Robert Walpole without
bursting into tears. About a fortnight afterwards, the king fhewed him an
intercepted letter, in which it was obſerved, that as the queen was dead,
the minifter would lofe his fole protector. "It is falfe," faid he, good na-
turedly, "you remember that on her death bed the queen recommended me
to you."
1737.
Horace Walpole has recorded a ſtriking inftance of the king's violent grief Affecting
for the death of his queen, and affection to her memory, which I will relate in anecdote.
his own words. "Mr. Walpole can never be able to forget a melancholy
epoch, when, about ten days after his arrival from Holland, upon the queen's
death, his majeſty found him with the princeffes, in their apartment, and
their royal highneffes immediately retiring, the king, with a flood of tears
guſhing from his eyes, which drew an equal torrent from thofe of his faithful
fubject then prefent, with agonies and fobs, gave a confidential detail to Mr.
Walpole, of the inimitable virtues of his royal confort, that was now no more,
and particularly with refpect to the great relief and affiftance which he found
in her noble and calm difpofition and fentiments, in governing fuch an hu-
mourſome and inconftant people; that her preſence of mind often ſupported
him in trying times, and the ſweetneſs of her temper and prudence would
moderate and affuage his own vivacity and refentment; that incidents of
ftate of a rough, difficult, and difagreeable nature, would by her previous
conferences and concert with that able minifter, Sir Robert Walpole, be made
fmooth, eafy, and palatable to him, but that he muft now lead a helpleſs, dif-
confolate, and uncomfortable life, during the remainder of a troubleſome
reign, that he did not know what to do, nor which way to turn himſelf.
But then recovering himſelf a little, he faid, " as fhe never forgot her love
and concern for me to the laft moment of her days, the earneſtly recom-
mended it to me on her death bed (and his majefty emphatically added, that
it was a juſt and wife recommendation) to follow the advice of Sir Robert
Walpole, and never to part with ſo faithful and able a miniſter, this (ſaid the
king) is now my only refource, upon this I muſt entirely depend *.
""
Some time after the queen's death, before his hour of rifing, George faid
to baron Brinkman, one of his Germans, "I hear you have a picture of my
wife, which ſhe gave you, and which is a better likeness than any in my
* From lord Orford.
↑ Horace Walpole's Apology. Walpole Papers.
VOL. I.
4 B
poffeffion;
554
MEMOIRS OF
Feriod VI. poffeffion; bring it to me." When it was brought, the king feemed greatly
173410 1737 affected, and after a fhort paufe, he faid, " It is very like, put it upon the
Doding.
ton's elegy.
→
chair at the foot of my bed, and leave it till I ring the bell." At the end
of two hours he rang the bell, and when the baron entered, the king ſaid,
"Take this picture away, I never yet faw the woman worthy to buckle her
fhoe *."
Walpole was no lefs deeply affected than the king. He was fenfible of
the ſevere lofs which he had experienced of the perſon who ſupported him
in the cloſet, and he appreciated the difficulty of guiding the king, when the
interpofition of his patronefs was no more, and anticipated the difficulties he
was about to encounter from the jealoufies of a difcordant cabinet. Im-
preffed with theſe ſentiments, he cloſed a letter to Horace Walpole, in which
he fpeaks of the queen's death, "I muſt have done, our grief and diftrac-
tion wants no relation, I am oppreffed with forrow and dread.
??
Sir Robert always entertained a high refpect for the memory of his royal
patroneſs queen Caroline; and it was principally through a deference to her
recommendation, that fome time after her death he obtained the deanery
of Wincheſter for Dr. Pearce, and placed Butler upon the bench of biſhops.
I fhall cloſe this chapter with an elegy on the death of queen Caroline,
compofed by Dodington .
哈
​When Heav'n's decrees a prince's fate ordain;
A kneeling people fupplicate in vain.
Too well our tears this mournful truth expreſs,
And in a queen's a parent's loſs confefs.
A lofs the general grief can beſt rehearſe,
A theme fuperior to the pow'r of verfe;
Though juſt our grief, be ev'ry murmur ſtill,
Nor dare pronounce his difpenfations ill;
In whoſe wife counfels and diſpoſing hand,
The fates of monarchies and monarchs ftand:
Who only knows the ſtate of either fit,
And bids the erring fenfe of man fubmit.
Ye grateful Britons, to her memory juſt,
With pious tears imbalm her facred duft;
Communicated by Theodore Henry
Broadhead, efquire, grandfon of Baron Brink-
man, who poffeffes the portrait alluded to in
the text.
+ Correfpondence.
Melcombe Papers,
Confefs
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
555
Confefs her grac'd with all that's good and great,
A public bleffing to a favour'd ſtate.
Patron of freedom, and her country's laws,
Sure friend to virtue's and religion's cauſe ;
Religion's caufe, whofe charms fuperior fhone
To ev'ry gay temptation of a crown.
Whofe awful dictates all her foul poffefs'd,
Her one great aim to make a people bleſt.
Ye drooping muſes mourn her hafty doom,
And ſpread your deathleſs honours round her tomb.
Her name to long fucceeding ages raife,
Who both inſpir'd and patroniz'd your lays.
Each gen'rous art fit penfive o'er her urn,
And ev'ry grace and ev'ry virtue mourn.
Attending angels bear your facred prize,
Amidſt the radiant glories of the ſkies:
Where godlike princes, who below purfu'd,
That nobleft end of rule the public good,
Now fit fecure, their gen'rous labour paſt,
With all the juſt rewards of virtue grac'd :
In that bright train diſtinguiſh'd let her move,
Who built her empire on a people's love,
Chapter 49.
1737.
4 B 2
556
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
PERIOD
THE SEVENTH:
From the Death of Queen CAROLINE, to the Refignation of
Sir ROBERT WALPOLE.
1737-1742.
CHAPTER THE FIFTIETH:
1737-1738.
Hiftorical Deduction of the commercial Treaties between Spain and England,
relating to America.-Spanish Depredations.-Meeting of Parliament.-De-
bate on the Reduction of the Army.-Refolution, prohibiting the Publication
of Debates.
H
ITHERTO the miniſter had maintained the grand ſyſtem of policy,
which he had laid down as neceffary for the fupport of the proteftant
fucceffion, and for the maintenance of internal tranquillity, which he juſtly
viewed as paramount to all other confiderations; and it may be confidently
afferted, without the imputation of partiality, that to his firmneſs and addreſs,
Great Britain was folely indebted for a longer period of peace, than had been
ever experienced fince the revolution. The advantages which refulted from
this ſyſtem were incalculable. But the nation was fated with fo great a
bleffing, and the time was now arrived, when the violence of party, the
clamours of merchants, the dreams of heroic grandeur, and the horror of
national
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
557
national degradation, overcame the repugnance of the minifter, and plunged Chapter 50.
England into war.
1737 to 1738.
Exclufive
Spain to
America.
claims of
In confequence of having firſt diſcovered the new world, and by virtue of
an inveftiture from Pope Alexander the Sixth to Ferdinand the Catholic,
Spain affumed an exclufive right to all the continent of America. The other
nations of Europe, however, did not acquiefce in this chimerical claim, and
Portugal, in particular, made a fettlement in the Brafils, which the Spaniards
could not prevent. But when Philip the Second acquired poffeffion of Por-
tugal, Brafil fell under his dominion. Having thus obtained poffeffion of the
only colony in America which had at that time been occupied by another
power, he maintained with greater weight his exclufive right; and fo formi-
dable was his naval force, that all attempts made by the Engliſh, in the reign
of Elizabeth, to fettle and trade in South America, were rendered ineffectual.
When the naval power of Spain declined, by the defeat of the Armada, and
when the vaſt fabric of her empire began to moulder away under the feeble
fucceffors of Philip the Second, the Dutch, French, and Engliſh formed Settlements
fettlements on the continent and iſlands of America. But long after the
Engliſh had made permanent eſtabliſhments in America, Spain did not re-
nounce her original title, and even in times of peace, hoftilities feldom
ceaſed in the Weft Indies *.
At length in 1667, a treaty was concluded between England and Spain,
which, though loofely worded, was a tacit acknowledgment of the British
poffeffions in America.
This treaty, the eighth article alone excepted, related folely to Europe,
but was afterwards wrefted by the partifans of the Spanish war, as relating no
lefs to America. It allowed freedom of navigation and commerce, in all
places where commerce was before carried on, and is principally remarkable
for permitting the liberty of fearching merchant ſhips, failing near the ports
and in the ſeas belonging to the reſpective countries, and of confifcating con-
traband goods, which expreffion alluded to arms or ammunition, and was
principally intended to prevent the Engliſh fhips from fupplying the ſtates of
Barbary with military ftores. But as the treaty was confirmed and referred to
For this inquiry I have principally con-
fulted two able and perfpicuous papers, drawn
up by Horace Walpole. (1.) Deduction on
the depredations between Great Britain and
Spain, the Caufes of them, and Hints for Re-
medies." (2.)" Confiderations relating to the
Navigation and Commerce of Great Britain in
America, with refpect to the Treaties with
Spain, and the Depredations of the Guarda
Coftas." Walpole Pape: s.
of other na-
tions.
Treaties with
England.
by
558
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
by all fubfequent contracts, it gave occafion to the fearching of hips, by the
1737 to 1742. Spaniſh guarda coftas in the American feas; an article which afterwards occa-
fioned the violent difputes on both fides, that finally terminated in the Spaniſh
war. This compact was introductory to a more explicit treaty in 1670, which
feems to have been the first by which Spain formally acknowledged the right
of any other nations to part of the new world.
Claims of
fearch.
Trade indi-
rectly per-
mitted.
The treaty of 1670 folely relates to America; and befides confirming to
the Engliſh, the right of fovereign dominion of all lands in the Weſt Indies,
then poffeffed by them, regulates, in the moft fpecific terms, the mode of
intercourſe between the two nations in that quarter. The 9th article forbids
the reſpective ſubjects of each nation from failing or trading with the colo-
nies or dominions of the other in the Weſt Indies, yet permits fuch naviga-
tion and commerce to be exerciſed according to a licence, granted by either
fovereign.
The letter and ſpirit of this treaty were at direct variance with each
other; the letter prohibited and the fpirit encouraged a mutual trade be-
tween the two nations. For although the expreſs terms prohibited all
commerce with the Spaniſh ports in the Weſt Indies, yet a great facility
was given to the mutual intercourſe between the two nations, by the for-
mal permiſſion, that Engliſh ſhips ſhould be allowed to put into Spaniſh
harbours, if forced by ſtorms or other inconveniences, and continue there
until they had refreſhed themſelves, and refitted, without giving notice to the
governor, unleſs they were three or four together. Notwithſtanding alfo the
right and pre-eminence which the Spaniards claimed to the American feas,
care was to be taken, that the liberty of navigation ſhould not be diſturbed,
Theſe ftipulations inconteftably prove that the Spaniards were inclined to fa-
vour the Engliſh, by conniving at, though they did not permit the trade, and
fuch were the effects of this memorable treaty.
In virtue of thoſe treaties, the Spaniards claimed a right, which they con-
tinually exerciſed, of fearching the British merchant ſhips which paſſed near
their American ports.
From the concluſion of 1670, to the death of Charles the Second of Spain,
a ftrict friendſhip and union fubfifted between the two crowns, both in Eu-
rope and America, and a flouriſhing, although illicit trade, was, by the con-
nivance and indulgence of Spain, carried on between the Engliſh and Spaniſh
plantations. The reafon for this favourable treatment is evident; the great
oppoſition and rivalſhip which then fubfifted between France and Spain, and
the defire of France to become miftrefs of the Low Countries, inclined Spain
to
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
559
to confider the Engliſh as her moſt uſeful friends, and the moſt capable of
protecting or incommoding, by their maritime force, her foreign dominions.
It was no wonder, therefore, that the Spaniards not only ftrictly obſerved
their treaties, but even extended their indulgence, with refpect to trade,
farther than could be claimed by ſpecific ftipulations.
Chapter 50.
1737 to 1738.
It was eafy to foreſee that the acceffion of a prince of the houſe of Bourbon
to the throne, would affect the Britiſh trade to Spaniſh America. The confe-
quences of this event would have been immediately viſible, had not the war of
the fucceffion, in which Spain became the theatre of bloody hoftilities, ri-
vetted the attention of Philip the Fifth to his European dominions. But
he was no fooner firmly eſtabliſhed on the throne, than he turned his views
to the American trade. The treaty of commerce which was concluded at
the peace of Utrecht, between Great Britain and Spain, introduced a
material alteration in the intercourfe between the two nations. The
9th article of the treaty of 1670, which granted permiffion of trade to the The affiento.
ports and places in the Weſt Indies, with the licence of the fovereign, was
annulled; a contract, commonly called the affiento treaty, for fupplying
the Spaniſh colonies with a certain number of negroes, was granted to the
South Sea company, for thirty years, with the privilege of annually fending
a ſingle ſhip of a certain burthen to Spaniſh America, laden with European
merchandiſe. Excepting theſe alterations, the treaties of 1667 and 1670
were confirmed, and although thofe treaties were broken during the two
ſhort wars which took place between Spain and England in 1718 and 1727,
yet as they were renewed by the quadruple alliance, and the treaty of Seville,
the trade to America was nominally placed, in all. other refpects, upon the
fame footing as it ftood under Charles the Second of Spain.
It foon, however, appeared new principles were adopted in the Spaniſh Origin of
counfels, exactly the reverſe of their former proceedings. The letter of difputes
the American treaty was now followed, and the ſpirit by which it was
dictated abandoned. Although England ftill enjoyed the liberty of put-
ting into the Spaniſh harbours, for the purpoſe of refitting and proviſioning,
yet they were far from enjoying the fame advantages of carrying on a friendly
and commercial intercourfe. They were now watched with a ſcrupulous
jealoufy, ftrictly viſited by guarda coftas, and every effectual means adopted
to prevent any commerce with the colonies, excepting what was allowed
to the annual ſhip. The cauſe of this alteration was evident. Spain was
governed by a fovereign connected with France by blood and policy; de-
prived of the Netherlands, fhe no longer confidered England as her natural
ally, and was not intereſted to obtain her friendſhip by commercial facri-
fices
4
560
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. fices. The influence of theſe confiderations was occafionally fufpended,
1737 to 1742. during the temporary miſunderſtandings between Spain and France. At
thoſe periods, a more friendly intercourfe was connived at, and this variation
in the policy of Spain gave rife to a variety of mifconftructions.
Illicit trade.
From the long continuance of this trade, the Britiſh merchants began to'
confider it as a preſcriptive right, and not matter of indulgence, and were
unwilling to renounce ſo profitable a branch of commerce, which fo many of
them purſued in an open and daring manner. They continually put into
the Spaniſh harbours, under pretence of refitting and refreſhing; and in many
places almoſt publicly diſpoſed of European merchandiſe, in exchange for
gold and filver. Other veffels failing near their ports and harbours, were
repaired to by finugglers, or fent their long boats towards the fhore, and
dealt with the natives.
*
*
The Spaniards complained that the affiento annual fhip, was followed
by ſeveral other veffels which moored at a diſtance, and as it diſpoſed of its
cargo, continually fupplied it with fresh goods. That by thofe means, and
by the clandeftine trade which the Engliſh carried on, they almoſt folely
fupplied the colonies. The fair of Panama, once the richeft of the world,
where the Spaniſh merchants were accuſtomed to exchange gold and filver
for European merchandiſe, had confiderably fallen, and they monopoliſed the
commerce of America.
It was no wonder, therefore, that the guarda coftas, and other armed vef-
fels, made vigorous exertions to prevent this illicit traffic, and that fome
illegal captures were made, fome occafional acts of violence and cruelty
committed, which the diſtance from Europe, the infolence of the Engliſh
failors, the delays of the Spaniſh tribunals, and the intereft which the gover-
nors had in declaring the veffels confiſcated, becauſe they had a ſhare in the
cargo, rendered frequent redrefs of grievances extremely difficult, if not im-
practicable. The merchants who fuffered made violent clamours, overrated
their loſſes, and exaggerated the accounts of infult and barbarity committed
by the Spaniards.
Volumes and volumes have been written by the Engliſh and Spaniards on
the fubject of thefe depredations: but as each fide endeavoured to pervert
facts, and gave different conſtructions to the moſt fimple expreffions, the
difpute could never be finally fettled. The ftate of theſe differences, and
the difficulty of adjuſting them, are well explained in a few words by Keene,
in a letter to the duke of Newcaſtle:
• Deformeaux Hiftoire d'Efpagne, tom. 5, p. 448.
1
66
Upon
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
561
"Upon the whole, the ſtate of our difpute feems to be, that the com-
manders of our veffels always think, that they are unjustly taken, if they are
not taken in actual illicit commerce, even though proofs of their having loaded
in that manner be found on board of them; and the Spaniards on the other
hand preſume, that they have a right of feizing, not only the fhips that are
continually trading in their ports, but likewiſe of examining and vifiting
them on the high feas, in order to fearch for proofs of fraud, which they may
have committed; and till a medium be found out between theſe two no-
tions, the government will always be embarraffed with complaints, and we
ſhall be continually negotiating in this country for redreſs, without ever be-
ing able to procure it *.
""
Chapter 50.
1737 to 1738.
At the fame time that the queſtion of Spaniſh depredations was agitated, Conteſted
other differences fubfifted between England and Spain. The right of cutting claims.
logwood in the bay of Campeachy, and collecting falt in the ifland of Tor-
tuga, was called in queftion; and fome difputes arofe in regard to the limits
of Carolina and Georgia. Geraldino, the Spaniſh agent in London, had de-
livered a ſtrong memorial, claiming part of thoſe colonies which lay conti-
guous to Florida; and the demand was made in fuch violent terms, that the
miniſters were apprehenfive of an attack on the province of Georgia, and ac-
cordingly a battalion of troops was ordered to embark from Gibraltar for
America.
Though Elizabeth Farnefe had procured the throne of Naples and Sicily Increafing
for Don Carlos, fhe was diffatisfied with the peace. She ftill afpired to the mifunder-
poffeffion of Parma and Tuſcany, which ſhe confidered as hereditary poffef- ftanding.
fions; and when on the death of John Gaſton, the laſt ſovereign of the houſe
of Medicis, Tuſcany devolved on the duke of Loraine, fhe beheld his fuc-
ceffion with an unfavourable eye: fhe even made overtures to England, and
infinuated, that if affiftance was effectually granted, Spain fhould relin-
quiſh all claims on Gibraltar and Minorca, and accommodate all com-
mercial differences, to the full fatisfaction of England. But this overture,
which tended to plunge Europe into a new war, being rejected, the queen of
Spain was ftill more irritated, and continued to maintain powerful arma-
ments by fea and land. In conformity to orders, fent from the court of Depreda
Madrid, the guarda coftas became more vigilant and fevere than ever; and tions.
repeated inſtances of their violence were tranfmitted to England.
*Benjamin Keene's difpatch to the duke of
Newcaſtle, Madrid, December 13th, 1737.
Walpole Papers.
VOL. I.
+ The duke of Newcastle to Benjamin
Keene, September 13th, 1737. Walpole Pa-
pers.
4 C
A pe-
562
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Complaints
of the mer-
chants.
October 11.
November.
1
Meeting of
Parliament.
January 24.
A petition was accordingly prefented to the king, by a large body of mer-
chants trading to the Weſt Indies, complaining of theſe depredations, and ſtat-
ing ſpecific cafes of illegal captures and confifcations. The king referred
this petition to the cabinet council, before whom the merchants were heard.
In confequence of their evidence, the duke of Newcastle drew up a ſpirited
memorial, fhewing the nature of the trade, and giving fuch an explana-
tion of the treaties of 1667 and 1670, on the due underſtanding of which
the affair ultimately refted, as appeared to juftify the complaints of the Britiſh
traders, and to criminate the conduct of the Spaniards. This memorial, and
the merchants' petition, were ſent to Mr. Keene, with orders to preſent it to
the king of Spain. The memorial, after repeating the various applications
which had been ineffectually made for reftitution of fhips and effects un-
juſtly ſeized, and demanding fatisfaction for the depredations and cruelties
committed by the guarda coftas, required the king of Spain to give effec-
tual orders for puniſhing the perfons guilty of theſe atrocities, and for grant-
ing immediate reparation`to his fubjects, and concluded by obſerving, that if,
contrary to expectation, thefe inftances fhould not have the defired effect, the
king would be obliged to procure for his fubjects that fatisfaction which they
had a right to demand, by virtue of fubfifting treaties, and the law of nations.
Mr. Keene prefented this memorial on the 10th of December; to which Philip
replied, that he would do all in his power to preſerve the friendſhip with the
king of England. Notwithſtanding the preffing importunities of Mr. Keene,
who declared that nothing but immediate reftitution and exemplary puniſh-
ment could give ſatisfaction, the anſwer was not returned before the meeting
of parliament. It alfo appeared, that the Spanish court did not view the
fubject in the fame light as had been repreſented by the Engliſh cabinet, and
controverted many pofitions advanced in the memorial.
Such was the ſtate of the diſputes between England and Spain, when par-
liament was affembled. The fpeech from the throne was unuſually ſhort.
After recommending the diſpatch of public buſineſs with prudence and expe-
dition; and ordering the eſtimates for the current expenditure to be laid be-
fore the houſe, the king trufted that the zeal, affection, and due regard which
the commons had fhewn in fupporting his government and the public ſafety,
would induce them to make the neceffary provifions for the honour, peace,
and fecurity of his crown and kingdom. He then concluded, by exhort-
ing the houſe to lay afide all heats and animofities which might unne-
ceffarily obftru&t the feffions. The addreſs, after condoling with the king,
on his and the nation's irreparable lofs, by the death of the queen, affured
I
bim
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
563
him that they would avoid all heats and animofities, and effectually raife the
neceffary fupplies; and in gratitude for the regard which his majefty had al-
ways fhewn for the liberties and privileges of his fubjects, would teſtify their
affection and zeal for the fupport of his government, and the prefervation of
the conftitution *. Although little objection could be made, either to
the ſpeech or to the addreſs, it did not, however, paſs without fome petulant
remarks from Shippen and Sir William Wyndham.
Chapter 50.
1737 to 1738.
The determined aim of oppofition was to increaſe the miſunderflanding Views of op-
with Spain to fuch a degree, as to render the adjuſtment of the difputes pofition.
impracticable, and by inflaming the nation with exaggerated accounts.
of Spaniſh cruelties and infults, to compel the minifter to enter into a
war, which they confidered as the probable means of obtaining his re-
moval.
the reduction
of the army.
The principal views of oppoſition being directed to involve the nation in Debates on
war, they gave a ſtriking inftance of their inconfiftency and petulance, by
refifting, with unufual warmth, the motion for maintaining 17,400 men, and
propofing that the army fhould be reduced to 12,000. Befides the com- Feb. 3.
mon topics of declamation, ufually urged againſt a ftanding army, as ob-
noxious to the conftitution, contrary to the principles on which the revo-
lution was founded, and intended to fupport the fyftem of corruption
and arbitrary power; the debate took a new and unexpected turn. Ship-
pen, with a view to caft an odium on the authors of the revolution, and to
prove that the liberties of the people had been better fecured before, than
fince that period, affected to date the riſe of a ſtanding army in Britain, from
the ninth year of William; accufed the Whigs who fhould vote for this
queſtion, of having deferted the principles of their anceſtors; and made a
warm panegyric on the Tories, for having been uniformly fteady in their ad-
herence to the true principles of the Britiſh conſtitution.
In reply to thefe obfervations, the minifter undertook to defend the con- Walpole's
fiftency of the Whigs who voted for the queſtion. He made a judicious
fpeech.
diſtinction between an army compofed entirely of Britiſh ſubjects, com-
manded by gentlemen of the beſt families, depending for its very being
on the annual confent of parliament, and between one of foreign mercenary
troops, compofed of the loweſt populace, and commanded by men of no
families or fortunes. After declaring that fuch an army, fo far from en-
dangering the conftitution, tended rather to preſerve it againſt faction and
* Journals.
4 C 20
difaffection,
564
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. difaffection, and contributed to protect the people againſt domeſtic rapine
1737 to 1742. and foreign invafion; he flated the reaſons for keeping up a body of troops,
and particularly dwelt on that which aroſe from the number of perſons
difaffected to the government. He artfully endeavoured to confound the
Tories with the Jacobites, and to confider all thofe who oppofed govern-
ment, as inclined to the Pretender, and particularly alluded to Shippen.
66
Suppofe Sir," he ſaid, "we have at prefent nothing to fear from any
foreign enemy, yet it cannot be faid we are in abfolute fecurity, or that we
have nothing to fear. There is one thing I am afraid of, and it is, indeed,
the only thing, I think, we have at preſent to fear. The fear I mean, is
that of the Pretender: Every one knows there is ſtill a pretender to his ma-
jefty's crown and dignity; there is ftill a perſon who pretends to be lawful
and rightful fovereign of thefe kingdoms; and what makes the misfortune
more confiderable, there are ftill a great number of perfons in theſe kingdoms fo
much deluded by his abettors, as to think the fame way. Theſe are the
only perfons who can properly be called difaffected, and they are ftill fo nu-
merous, that though this government had not a foreign enemy under the
fun, the danger we are in from the Pretender, and the difaffected part of our
own fubjects, is a danger which every true Briton ought to fear, a danger
which every man who has a due regard for our preſent happy eſtabliſhment,
will certainly endeavour to provide againſt, as much as he can.
"I am forry to fee, Sir, that this is a fort of fear, which a great many
amongſt us endeavour to turn into ridicule; and for that purpoſe they tell
us, that though there are many of our fubjects diſcontented and uneaſy,
there are but very few difaffected: I muft beg leave to be of a different
opinion, for, I believe, moſt of the diſcontents and uneafineffes that ap-
pear among the people, proceed originally from difaffection. No man of
common prudence will profeſs himſelf openly a Jacobite; by fo doing, he
not only may injure his private fortune, but he muſt render himſelf lefs able
to do any effectual fervice to the cauſe he has embraced, therefore there are
but very few fuch men in the kingdom. Your right Jacobite, Sir, diſguiſes
his true fentiments; he roars out for revolution principles; he pretends to
be a great friend to liberty, and a great admirer of our ancient conſtitution;
and under this pretence, there are numbers who every day endeavour to ſow
diſcontents among the people, by perfuading them that the conftitution is in
danger, and that they are unneceffarily loaded with many and heavy taxes.
Theſe men know that diſcontent and difaffection, are like wit and madneſs,
they are ſeparated by thin partitions; and therefore they hope, if they can once.
•
render
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
565
render the people thoroughly diſcontented, it will be eaſy for them to render
them difaffected. Theſe are the men we have moſt reafon to be afraid of.
They are, I am afraid, more numerous than moſt gentlemen imagine, and I
wiſh I could not ſay they have been lately joined, and very much affiſted by
fome gentlemen, who, I am convinced, have always been, and ſtill are, very
fincere and true friends to our prefent happy eſtabliſhment.
"By the acceffion of thefe new allies, as I may juftly call them, the real
but concealed Jacobites have fucceeded even beyond their own expectation;
and therefore I am not at all afhamed to fay I am in fear of the Pretender.
It is a danger I ſhall never be aſhamed to ſay I am afraid of; becauſe it is
a danger we muſt always be more or leſs expoſed to; and, I believe the lefs
number of regular forces we keep up, the more we fhall always be expofed
to this danger."
;
Chapter 50.
1737 to 1738.
Hynde Cot-
ton.
Sir John Hynde Cotton replied; "Sir, I do own it gives me a good deal of Sir John
furpriſe, to hear gentlemen who act upon revolution principles, talk ſo utterly
inconfiftent with what was the language of the Whigs in former times. Sir, I
know not what Whigs the honourable gentleman has been acquainted with,
but I have had the honour and happinefs to be intimate with many gentle-
men of that denomination: I have likewiſe, Sir, read the writings of many
authors who have eſpouſed theſe principles; I have fat in this houſe during
the moſt material debates that have happened between them and the Tories
and I can declare from my own experience, that I never knew one who
acted on true Whig principles, vote for a ſtanding army in time of peace.
What the principles of the Whigs in former days were, I can only learn
from reading or information; but I have heard of Whigs who were
againſt all unlimited votes of credit: I have heard of Whigs who looked
upon open corruption as the greateſt curfe that could befal any nation: I
have heard of Whigs who efteemed the liberty of the prefs to be the moſt
valuable privilege of a free people, and triennial parliaments, the greateſt
bulwark of their liberties; and I have heard of a Whig adminiſtration
who have refented injuries done to the trade of the nation, and have re-
venged infults offered to the Britiſh flag. Thefe, Sir, are the principles, if
I am rightly informed, that once characteriſed the true Whigs. Let gentle-
men apply theſe characters to their prefent conduct, and then, laying their
hands upon their hearts, let them afk themſelves if they are Whigs? *"
In reply, the minifter again adverted to the danger from the Pre- Walpole's.
tender's party, and he infinuated that the arts ufed by the difcontented reply.
* Chandler.
Whigs
566
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Debate re-
fumed.
Colonel
Mordaunt's
Speech.
Whigs to fet the people againſt the government, aided that caufe: "For the
faction," he faid, which is in the intereft of the perfon who difputes his
majeſty's title to the crown, always prefumes, that whoever is againſt the
adminiſtration, is against the eſtabliſhment likewife; and nothing has more
contributed to keep up the fpirit of that party, than their induſtriouſly
propagating that doctrine. This is the true reafon that they look upon
the lenity of that government as the effect of its weakneſs, and that they
attribute the indulgence they meet with to our fears. This is the true
reaſon why they endeavour to improve to their advantage every accident
that happens to the nation, though, perhaps, it is very diftant from their
purpoſe, and fell out contrary to their hopes. This is the reaſon why, on
the late melancholy event * that afflicted the nation, their hopes revived,
their cabals were ſet on foot, and every tool of their party was employed in
their confultations, to know how to bring about their favourite point. There
are many in our galleries now who know what I have faid to be true,
and if they had the privilege of ſpeaking here, could, if they pleaſed, con-
vince us how improper the propofed reduction, is, while fuch a ſpirit fub-
fifts in the kingdom.
"I have known a time when gentlemen acted on true Whig principles;
and at that time they ſeemed to be of opinion, that the beft, if not the only
way to fecure us from popery and arbitrary power, was by fecuring the pre-
fent eſtabliſhment of the crown in his majefty's perfon and family. They
were then of opinion, that this was beft done by keeping up a regular body
of forces; and I fhould be glad to know if the fame reafons do not fubfift
now as did then, or if they who are the enemies of our preſent eſtabliſhment,
have been weakened by the oppofition of thefe gentlemen to the adminiftra
tion."
After a reply from Pulteney, and a few unimportant fpeeches, the de-
bate appeared to be finally concluded, and as no divifion took place, the
triumph on the fide of the minifter feemed complete. But the altercation was
renewed on a fubfequent day by the imprudence and petulance of fome of
the moſt violent among the Whigs, who were irritated at the affertions ad-
vanced by the Tories, that the maintenance of a ftanding army was incon-
fiftent with the true principles of Whiggifm.
The report being made by the chairman of the committee of fupply, the
eſtimate for the regiment to be fent to Georgia, was objected to; colonel Mor-
daunt very injudiciouſly deviated from the great diſtinctions which the miniſter
* Alluding to the queen's death.
+ Chandler.
had
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
567
had laid down between thoſe who promoted the cauſe of the Pretender, and
thoſe who ſupported the proteftant fucceffion, and introduced the more nar-
row diſtinction of Whig and Tory. He faid, "I have always gloried in
being thought a Whig; I hope I fhall never by my behaviour, either in this
houſe, or without doors, give the leaſt occaſion to the world to think other-
wife of me; and for this very reafon, I am for keeping up an army, becauſe
I think the keeping up an army abſolutely neceſſary for fupporting the Whig intereſt,
and preferving the peace and quiet of the people. In every difpute that has
happened of late years about our army, I have looked upon the queſtion to
be chiefly, whether Whig or Tory fhould prevail? And as I have always thought,
as I believe every unprejudiced Whig in the kingdom thinks, that if the
army ſhould be diſbanded, or very much reduced, the Tory intereft would prevail;
therefore, I have generally been againſt ſuch reductions, and always fhall be
cautious of agreeing to any ſuch propofition. Nay, I am ſo firmly attached
to the Whig intereft, that if I fhould think four times the number of troops
abfolutely neceffary for fupporting that intereft, I would be for keeping up a
ftanding army four times as numerous as that we have now on foot."
Theſe injudicious affertions infufed a new ſpirit into the anti-minifterial
Whigs. Lord Polwarth, in a ſenſible and animated fpeech, juftified the
Whigs who oppofed government, and explained the nature of the old Whig
principles. He endeavoured to prove that the queſtion did not turn on
diſtinguiſhing who were Whigs and who were Tories, but fimply according
to their preſent behaviour and political conduct; from thence he infinuated,
that the minifterial party, who affected to diftinguiſh themſelves by the ap-
pellation of Whigs, acted in contradiction to the principles of that party,
and were in reality Tories; and that thofe whom he invidioufly ftyled
Tories, while they were directed and actuated by this principle, were in reality
Whigs. After making theſe obſervations, he added, "I am apt to fufpect
that my honourable friend calls this the Whig intereſt, and if ſo, I ſhall
readily agree with him, that what he calls the Whig intereft, being what I call
the Tory intereft, cannot be fupported without a ſtanding army. This may
be a prevailing argument with him for being againſt any reduction, but it
is an argument that has quite a different influence with me; for I think no
intereft, nor any party of men, ought to be fupported, if a ſtanding army
becomes neceffary for their fupport *." Neither the minifter nor any of his
adherents, took any fhare in theſe frivolous altercations, which only tended
to the unneceffary prolongation of the debate. After fpeeches from Sir
* Chandler.
Chapter 50.
1737 to 1738.
Lord Pol-
warth's re-
ply.
Thomas
568
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. Thomas Saunderfon, treaſurer to the prince of Wales, who answered lord
1737 to 1742. Polwarth, and from Lyttleton and Pitt, in favour of the reduction, the mo-
tion for reducing the army was negatived by 249 againſt 164.
Mifreprefen-
tations of
authors.
I have thought it neceffary to enlarge on this debate, and to particula-
rize the part taken by the minifter, as well becauſe it proves that the addreſs
which Walpole had employed to render the Tories odious, by confounding
them with the Jacobites, had not been unſucceſsful, as becauſe the ſubſtance
of the ſpeech has been fhamefully mifreprefented by fome modern writers,
who have indirectly attributed to Walpole, expreffions uſed by others which
he never employed, and have totally miſtaken the fpirit and meaning of his
arguments*.
The
* The accounts of this debate given by Smollett and Belham, are here fubjoined, to fhew
that Smollett has miſrepreſented the debate, and how careleſsly Belfham has copied his narra-
tive, and added his own errors.
SMOLLETT.
"The adherents of the minifter fairly owned, that
if the army fhould be disbanded, or even confider-
ably reduced, the Tory intereft would prevail: that
the prefent number of forces was abfolutely necef-
fary to maintain the peace of the kingdom, which
was filled with clamour and diſcontent, as well as
to Support the Whig intereft; and that they would
vote for keeping up four times the number, fhould it
be found expedient for that purpoſe. The mem-
bers in the oppofition replied, that this was a fovere
fatire on the miniftry, whofe conduct had given birth
to ſuch a ſpirit of difcontent. They faid it was
in effect a tacit acknowledgment, that what they
called the Whig intereft was no more than an in-
confiderable party, which had engroffed the ad-
miniſtration by indirect methods, which acted con-
trary to the ſenſe of the nation, and depended for
ſupport upon a military power, by whom the peo-
ple in general were overawed, and confequently
enflaved. They affirmed, that the difcontent of
which the miniſtry complained, was in effect owing
to that very ſtanding army, which perpetuated
their taxes, and hung over their heads as the inftru-
ments of arbitrary power and oppreffion. Lord
Polwarth explained the nature of Whig princi
ples, and demonftrated that the party which dif-
tinguiſhed itſelf by this appellation, no longer re-
tained the maxims by which the Whigs were ori-
ginally characterifed. Sir John Hynde Cotton,
who fpoke with the courage and freedom of an old
Engliſh baron, declared he never knew a member of
BELSHAM.
The miniftry fcrupled not to affirm, " That
if the army was disbanded, the Tory intereft
would quickly predominate: that the king-
dom was filled with clamour and difcon-
tent, which a ſtanding military force only
could effectually fupprefs: that the fup-
port of the Whig intereft demanded the
maintenance of this force; and it was hoped
and prefumed the houfe would triple the
number, if adjudged neceffary for this pur-
pofe." The members of the oppofition
replied, in their accuſtomed ftrain of vain
reasoning," that this vindication contain-
ed in it a fentence of felf-condemnation,
for to what caufe could the ſpirit of
clamour and difcontent be aſcribed, but
to the conduct of the miniftry? and it was
from their own acknowledgment clear,
that what they were pleaſed to ſtyle the
Whig intereft, was, in fact, an inconfider-
able party, which had engroffed the power
of government by indirect and unconfti-
tutional methods, which acted contrary
to the fenfe of the nation, and which de-
pended for fupport upon that very mili-
tary force which was the grand ſource of
the national difcontent, which perpetuated
the national taxes, and which menaced
the national liberties with deſtruction,
The claim of the miniftry and their ad-
herents in the houſe to the appellation of
Whigs
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
569
ม
Chapter 50.
1737 to 1738.
Prohibition
debates.
The Spaniſh affairs fo much occupied the public attention, that all other
confiderations were totally overlooked. Had not this been the cafe, a refo-
lution made this feffion, would have attracted public notice, and have in-
curred the cenfure of thofe writers who affect a high regard for the liberty of printing
of the prefs. I allude to the enforcement of the ſtanding order of the houſe,
prohibiting the publication of the debates while the houfe was fitting, and
the extenfion of that prohibition to the recefs. The fpeaker obferved, he
faw with concern, that an account of their proceedings was inferted in the
newſpapers, and other periodical publications, by which means the fpeeches
were liable to great mifreprefentations, and he hoped the houſe would
find fome method of preventing this abuſe. Sir William Yonge, Sir
William Wyndham, and Winnington, agreed with the ſpeaker on the pro-
priety of this meaſure. Pulteney enforced the neceffity of putting a ſtop to
the practice fo justly complained of. He was of opinion, that no appeals
ſhould be made to the public concerning the proceedings of the houſe. He
urged, that to print ſpeeches, even if they ſhould not be mifreprefented, was
making the ſpeakers accountable without doors, for what they faid within.
He then declared, that however anxious. to check this fcandalous practice,
he was unwilling that it fhould be done in fuch a manner as might affect
the liberty of the prefs, or appear as if the houſe claimed a privilege to which
it was not entitled. That although he had no doubt it was in the power of
that houſe to puniſh printers for publiſhing an account of their proceedings,
even during the recefs, yet as that practice had been long connived at, he
did not wiſh to puniſh any paſt offences, and thought it fufficient to paſs reſo-
lutions which might deter in future. He urged, that fuch a refolution would
not affect any perſon who ſhould print an account of their proceedings when
the parliament ſhould be diffolved, and alluded to the hiftory of the parlia-
ment which had been publiſhed in 1713, the author of which, he obſerved,
had never been called to account by either houſe of parliament. He added,
of that houfe, who acted on true Whig prin-
ciples, vote for a ſtanding army in time of peace,
&c." Hiftory of England, vol. 3. p. 5.
Smollett imputes to the adherents of the minifter,
expreffions which were only ufed by one individual
member, who was not in adminiftration; and Bel-
fham, omitting the words adherents of, and putting
only the minifty leaves the reader to fuppofe, that
Walpole himſelf, or fome of the miniftry, had been
ſo abfurd as to declare, that a ſtanding army was
neceffary to fupport the Whig intereft, and that
if the army was difbanded, the Tory intereft would
prevail.
VOL. I.
4 D
Whigs, was warmly difputed; and Sir
John Hynde Cotton declared, that a ge-
nuine Whig could never vote for a ſtand-
ing army in time of peace, &c." This
author has ſubſtituted, of his own authe-
rity, frequent parliaments, for triennial par-
liaments, the expreffion uſed both in
Chandler and Smollett. Memoirs of the
Brunſwick Family, vol. 1. p.372.
that
570
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. that parliaments, when they do amifs, ought to be arraigned with freedom,
1737 to 1742. he hoped this parliament would not deferve it, but if it did, he ſhould be
forry that any refolutions were entered into which might prevent its being
repreſented in its proper colours. The minifter, he trufted, would agree with
him in this opinion; and he hoped that the houſe would never ſtretch their
privileges fo far as to cramp the freedom of writing on public affairs.
"But this confideration," he concluded, " can never affect the refolution
which gentlemen propofe to come to now. We have rather been too remifs
in not putting a ſtop to this fcandalous practice that has been long com-
plained of. I always thought that theſe pamphlets containing our debates,
were circulated by encouragement, and at the expence of government;
for, till the honourable gentleman who fpoke laft fave one (Mr. Winnington)
mentioned the magazines in the manner he did, I have ſtill been uſed to
look on the publiſhing them as a miniſterial project; for I imagined that it
being found impracticable to make the people buy and read the Gazetteer by
itſelf, it was contrived fo that the writings of the other party, being print-
ed in the fame pamphlet, it might be fome invitation to the public to look
into the Gazetteer, and I dare fay, Sir, the run which the magazines have
had, has been entirely owing to this ftratagem. The good and the bad are
printed together, and people are by this means drawn in to read both. But
I think it is now high time to put a ſtop to the effects they may have, by
coming to a reſolution that may at leaſt prevent any thing being publiſhed
during the time of our fitting as a houſe, which may be impofed upon the
world as the language and words of gentlemen who perhaps never ſpoke
them."
The obſervations of the minifter, and his reply to theſe invectives, which
had little reference to the fubject, was manly and dignified, and bears all the
internal marks of authenticity.
"Sir, you have with great juftice puniſhed fome perfons for forging the
names of gentlemen on the backs of letters; but the abuſe now complained
of is, I conceive, a forgery of a worfe kind; for it tends to mifrepreſent the
fenſe of parliament, and impofe upon the underſtanding of the whole nation.
It is but a petty damage that can arife from a forged frank, when compared
with the infinite mifchiefs that may be derived from this practice. I have
read ſome debates of this houfe, Sir, in which I have been made to ſpeak
the very reverſe of what I meant. I have read others, wherein all the
wit, learning, and argument, have been thrown into one fide, and on
the other, nothing but what was low, mean, and ridiculous; and yet when it
comes to the queſtion, the divifion has gone againſt the fide which, upon
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
571
the face of the debate, had ieafon and juftice to ſupport it. So that, had
I been a ſtranger to the proceedings, and to the nature of the argu-
ments themſelves, I muſt have thought this to have been one of the moſt
contemptible affemblies on the face of the earth. What notion, then, Sir,
can the public, who have no other means of being informed of the debates
of this houſe, than what they have from theſe papers, entertain of the wif-
dom and abilities of an affembly, who are reprefented to carry every point
againſt the ſtrongeſt and the plaineft argument and appearances. However, Sir,
as I believe gentlemen are by this time fenfible of the neceffity of putting a ſtop
to this practice, it will be quite unneceffary for me to argue a point wherein we
are all agreed. But I cannot help taking notice of one thing mentioned by the
honourable gentleman who ſpoke laft, fince I was the perfon to whom he
was pleaſed to appeal. He mentioned that the hiſtory of a whole parlia-
ment had been printed, and feemed to infinuate that people might make
very free with parliaments. Really, Sir, I will be fo free as to own, that I
do know of fuch a pamphlet being printed: nay, I believe, I know a little
of the author, and the publication. But at the fame time, I know, Sir, that
that was one of the worſt houſes of commons that ever this nation ſaw;
that they had a defign to introduce the Pretender; that they had ap-
proved of a fcandalous peace, and after the moſt glorious war that was ever
carried on; and had it not been for fome very favourable circumftances,
they would have fet afide the preſent happy eſtabliſhment in his majeſty's
perfon and family. I hope, Sir, no gentleman will find fault with any re-
flections that could be thrown out againſt fuch a houfe of commons; I
hope, likewiſe, that no gentleman will pretend to draw any parallels betwixt
their conduct and our's. But, Sir, befides theſe confiderations, gentlemen
are to reflect, that the parliament which was defcribed in that hiſtory, had
been diffolved before the hiftory itſelf was publiſhed. And not only fo, but
there is a noble lord * in the other houſe, who can, if he pleaſes, inform
gentlemen, that the author of that hiftory was fo apprehenfive of the confe-
quences of printing it, that the preſs was carried to his houſe, and the copies
printed off there.
6c
This, I think, Sir, will be fufficient to ſhew, that the author did not think
himſelf out, of danger, even though the parliament was diffolved. But I am
not for carrying things to fuch a length at prefent. It may be fufficient, if
we come to a refolution to prevent the publication of any part of our pro-
ceedings during the recefs, as well as the fitting of the parliament. As to what
* Probably lord Cobham.
4 D 2
the
اعلية
Chapter 50.
1737 to 1738.
572
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. the honourable gentleman fays, with regard to the magazines being publiſhed
1737 to 1742. and diſtributed by order, and at the expence of government, I don't know
if he was ſerious or not. If he was ſerious, he muſt have a very contempti-
ble opinion of the underſtanding of thoſe gentlemen, who have the honour
to ſerve his majeſty, if he imagines that they would be fo weak as to propa-
gate papers, every page almoſt of which had a direct tendency againſt their
own intereft. If any gentleman will take the trouble, which, I own, I very
feldom do, to look into theſe magazines, he will find four pages wrote againſt
the government for one that is in its favour; and generally the fubject is of
fuch a nature, as would be feverely puniſhed under any other government
than our own. If the honourable gentleman was not ferious, I think a
more proper time might have been chofen for fhewing his wit, than while
we are confidering of the means of putting a stop to a practice, which
he himſelf, and every gentleman who fpoke in this debate, allows fo
nearly to affect the dignity and privileges of this houfe.. For my own
part, Sir, I am extremely indifferent, what opinion fome gentlemen may form
of the writers in favour of the government. But, Sir, I fhall never have the
worſe opinion of them for that; there is nothing more eaſy than to raiſe a
laugh; it has been the common practice of all minorities when they were
driven out of every other argument. I fhall never be afraid to do what
I think right, and for the fervice of his majeſty and my country, becauſe I
may be laughed at. But really Sir, I will be fo free as to ſay, that if the
want of wit, learning, good manners, and truth, is a proper object of con-
tempt and ridicule, the writers in the oppofition ſeem to me to have a much
better title to both, than thoſe for the government. No government, I
will venture to fay, ever puniſhed fo few libels, and no government ever had
provocation to puniſh fo many. I could name a government in this coun
try, under which thofe writings, which are now cried up, as founded upon
the laws, and in the conſtitution, would have been puniſhed as libels, even
by the gentlemen who are now the warmeft advocates for the liberty of the
prefs, and for ſuffering the authors of thoſe daily libels that appear in print,
to paſs with impunity. But I afk pardon for what I have faid, that may
appear foreign to the preſent confideration; I was led to it by what had
been thrown out by the gentleman who fpoke before."
It was then unanimoufly refolved, "that it is a high indignity to, and a no-
torious breach of the privilege of this houſe, for any news writer, in letters or
other papers (as minutes, or under any other denomination) or for any printer
or publiſher, of any printed newſpaper of any denomination, to prefume to
infert in the faid letters or papers, or to give therein any account of the de-
bates, or other proceedings of this houfe, or any committee thereof, as well
during
4
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
573
during the receſs, as the fitting of parliament; and that this houfe will pro- Chapter 51.
ceed with the utmoſt ſeverity againſt fuch offenders *.”
It is remarkable that this refolution, which at this time would be confi-
dered as a great infringement of the liberty of the preſs, and rouſe the in-
dignation of the public, paffed without a fingle diffenting voice, and with little
public animadverfion. It is no lefs remarkable, that not one of our hiſto-
rical writers has taken the ſmalleſt notice of the debate, which is the
reaſon why I have deemed it not improper to give a place in theſe memoirs,
to a tranfaction of fuch great hiftorical importance. This refolution was not
followed by the fmalleft beneficial effects; on the contrary, it tended only
ftill farther to excite public curiofity, while it rendered truth more difficult
of accefs. It compelled the compilers of periodical publications to adopt a
covert method of giving the debates, which made it more eafy to falfify
them, and it is a well known fact, that after this period, the accounts became
leſs authentic than before. The Gentleman's and the London Magazine were
at that period the principal vehicles of the parliamentary debates. The
Gentleman's Magazine publiſhed the debates in the fenate of Lilliput, under
the names of Lilliput and Brobdingnag, and the London Magazine gave a
journal of the proceedings and debates in a political club, with Roman ap-
pellations. Each mifcellany afterwards explained theſe fictitious titles in ad-
vertiſements affixed to the refpective volumes.
1738.
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FIRST:
1738.
Proceedings in Parliament relative to the Spanish Depredations.-Petitions.—
Examination of Witneſſes.-Cafe of Jenkins.-Report of the Committee.-De-
bates thereon.-Firm and temperate Conduct of Walpole.-Refolutions of both
Houfes.
TH
HE remainder of the feffion was principally devoted to the difcuffion
of the Spaniſh depredations.
Spanish de-
predations.
On the 3d of March, the minority commenced their attack. A petition,
Petition of
merchants
Chandler.
+ Tindal.
prepared
574
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Debates.
Walpole's
fpeech.
Willimot's
anſwer.
prepared with great art and afperity, from divers merchants, planters, and
others, trading to and intereſted in the Britiſh plantations in America, was
preſented to the houſe by aldermen Perry, recapitulating all that had
paffed in confequence of former applications, and declaring that the Spaniards
ftill continued their depredations, and carried them to a greater height than
ever.
This petition was referred to a committee of the whole houfe. Alderman
Perry, who prefented it, moved that the petitioners fhould be heard by
themſelves and counfel. The ſpeaker having objected, as a point of form,
that it never was the cuſtom of the houſe to admit parties to be heard by
themſelves and counſel, propoſed an amendment, by themſelves or counſel.
Sir John Barnard and Sir William Wyndham objected to this amendment,
as no leſs captious and frivolous, than highly prejudicial to the petitioners ;
the minifter faid, 66
Sir, I muſt humbly beg leave to differ from both the
honourable gentlemen. The judgment which we ſhould form in this caſe,
ought to be grounded on facts as they are fairly repreſented, not as they are
artfully aggravated. Every gentleman, I believe, from his bare reflection on
the injuries our merchants have received from Spain, feels within his breaſt
an indignation arife, which there is no occafion to increaſe by the power of
eloquence, or the arts of a lawyer. When gentlemen fee an affair through
the miſt that paffion raiſes before their eyes, it is next to impoffible they
fhould form a juft judgment. I believe there is fcarce any gentleman here,
who is not acquainted with as much geography, and as much of the hiftory,
both of Britain and Spain, as may enable him, from a plain repreſentation of
facts, to judge whether the allegations in this petition be true or falfe. Now,
Sir, are not the merchants themſelves the moft proper to give us this re-
preſentation? Are they not moft immediately intereſted in the facts? Where
then, is the neceffity of counſel? Or what occafion is there to work
upon the paffions, where the head is to be informed? I believe, Sir, every
gentleman will find his heart as much affected by the artless accounts of the
fufferers themſelves, as by the ftudied rhetoric of the moft eloquent counfel.
However, Sir, I fhall not take the liberty to make any motion on this head,
but entirely fubmit it to gentlemen's confideration."
The anſwer of alderman Willimot to theſe moderate remarks, will prove
the temper by which the party in favour of the war were actuated.
"Sir, I think the petitioners ought to have liberty to be heard, not only
by themſelves and counſel, but if it were poffible that we could indulge them
in other advantages, we ought to do it. To talk of working upon the paf-
fions!Can any man's paffions be wound up to a greater height, can any
man's
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
575
1738.
man's indignation be more raiſed, than every free-born Engliſhman's muft Chapter 51.
be, when he reads a letter which I received this morning, and which I
have now in my hand. This letter gives an account that feventy of our
brave failors are now in chains in Spain. Our countrymen in chains!
and flaves to Spaniards! Is not this enough to fire the coldeft? Is not
this enough to rouſe all the vengeance of national refentment? And ſhall
we fit here debating about words and forms, while the fufferings of our coun-
trymen call loudly for redrefs?" Notwithſtanding theſe intemperate effuſions,
the houſe agreed to the amendment propoſed by the ſpeaker, that the com-
mittee ſhould be inftructed to admit the petitioners to be heard, if they
thought fit, by themſelves or counfel.
papers.
On the fame day, other petitions were prefented, and referred to a com-
mittee of the whole houfe, in the fame manner as that of the merchants.
Sir John Barnard, after inveighing againſt theſe unjuſt ſeizures and depreda-
tions, and ſtating the neceffity of preventing them in future, moved for an
addrefs to the king, "That he would be gracioufly pleaſed to give direc- Motion for
tions for laying before the houſe, copies or extracts of the ſeveral petitions,
repreſentations, memorials, and all other papers relating to the Spaniſh de-
predations upon the Britiſh ſubjects, which had been prefented to his ma-
jefty, or delivered to either of his majeſty's principal fecretaries of ftate fince
Midſummer laſt; together with copies or extracts of fuch meinorials or repre-
fentations, as had been made either to the king of Spain or his minifters,
and the anſwers returned by them to the fame; and together with copies or
extracts of the letters written to his majefty's minifter at Madrid, with the
anſwers received from him, relating to the faid depredations."
This motion brought on a long and warm debate, in which the cruelties
and infults of the Spaniards, and the pufillanimity of the Britiſh cabinet,
were equally exaggerated. The minifter, ever anxious to avoid any violent Walpole's
refolutions, which might offend the irritable temper of the court of Madrid, objections,
and particularly to decline entering upon the queftion concerning the right
claimed by the Spaniards, of ſearching for illicit goods, ftated the difficulty
and delicacy of his fituation, either in oppofing or concurring with the mo-
tion. By oppofing it, he was in danger of becoming obnoxious to the
public, and by his concurrence, might act against his own judgment, and the
intereſts of the king, which are always infeparable from thoſe of the nation.
He then adverted to the danger of creating a miſunderſtanding between
the crown and parliament, if the commons fhould call for papers, which
ſhould be deemed improper for communication. Although he was for
treating all the claims of Spain as unfounded, yet he was apprehenfive that
fuch.
1
}
576
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. fuch difficulties might arife in refifting them, as would require much ad-
1737 to 17+2. drefs and wiſdom to remove. The king had, by the moft prudent me-
thods of negotiation, endeavoured to reconcile the interefts of the kingdom
with its peace; and the prefent was the critical period when the effects of
thoſe negotiations were to take place.
He owned that the Britiſh merchants and feamen had been often treated
- moſt unjuſtly and inhumanly by the Spaniſh guarda coftas, and that both
the honour and intereft of the nation were deeply concerned in obtaining
reparation for fuch injuries, and a proper fecurity in future; at the fame
time, he declared that recourſe ought not to be had to arms, while there
was any proſpect of obtaining redrefs in a peaceable manner.
"It is without doubt," he ſaid, " a very popular way of arguing, to talk
highly of the honour, the courage, and the ſuperior power of this nation;
and, I believe, I have as good an opinion of the honour, courage, and
power of this nation, as any man can, or ought to have; but other nations
muſt be ſuppoſed to have honour as well as we, and all nations gencrally
have a great opinion of their courage and power. If we ſhould come to an
open rupture with Spain, we might in all probability have the advantage;
but victory and fuccefs do not always attend upon that fide which feems
to be the most powerful. Therefore, an open rupture, or declared war be-
tween two potent nations, muſt always be allowed to be an affair of the ut-
moſt importance to both; and as this may be the confequence of our pre-
fent deliberations, we ought to proceed with great coolneſs, and with the
utmoſt caution *."
He next recapitulated the late treaties and tranfactions with Spain, and
endeavoured to prove, that the inflexibility of the Spaniards was owing to
the perplexed ſtate of affairs in Europe, fince the treaty of Seville, which
had prevented the meeting of the commiffioners for finally adjuſting the re-
ſpective pretenfions of the two countries. He obſerved, that the claims of
the Engliſh were not confidered, either at home or abroad, to be fo clear as
they were there repreſented. He attempted to fhew, that the Spaniards
had hitherto done as much to fatisfy the Engliſh fufferers as could well be
expected, that the diſtance between Madrid and the Weſt Indies was confi-
derable, that the Spaniſh governors were extremely infolent, and not ſub-
ject to fufficient controul, and that therefore it was no wonder if the crown
fometimes found difficulties in bringing them to reaſon.
He gave ſome inſtances of fhips that had been unconditiohally releaſed
* Chandler.
by
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
577
by the Spaniards, of others, on giving ſecurity to ſtand trial whether they Chapter 51.
had been engaged in illicit trade; and he mentioned ſeveral whofe claims
were likely to be fatisfied *.
He did not, however, intend to oppoſe the communication of papers in
general, but only of fome, which if made public, might occafion much in-
convenience. He frankly acknowledged, that the laſt anſwer from the Spa-
niſh court was unfatisfactory, and that if it ſhould be communicated to the
houfe, and from thence, as muft unavoidably happen, to the public, the moſt
fatal confequences might be produced. That notwithſtanding the harſh-
nefs of that anſwer, the miniftry had fent to the court of Madrid fome pro-
pofitions which might tend to foften matters. He faid, if they were not
foon anſwered to the fatisfaction of the king, he himſelf would move that
every paper relating to Spain fhould be laid before the houſe, but that till
that anſwer arrived, it would be improper to comply with the motion.
1738.
He concluded by moving as an amendment, the omiffion of "anfwers And Amend-
from the court of Spain, and the Britiſh minifter at Madrid." This candid ment.
and moderate ſpeech, which was peculiarly adapted to the temper of the
houſe, who were not inclined to reject the whole motion, and which proved
that he did not wish to protract the inquiry longer than prudence and policy
directed, had a due effect. The temperate reprefentation of the minifter,
ably enforced by Horace Walpole, Sir William Yonge, Henry Pelham,
and Sir Charles Wager, prevailed over the more violent counfels of the op-
pofition, though fupported by all the eloquence and abilities of Pulteney,
Sir John Barnard, and Sir William Wyndham. The original motion, as pro-
poſed by Pulteney, was negatived by a majority of 164 againſt 99, and the
amendment, as propofed by the minifter, carried without a diviſion†.
Carried.
Geraldino.
The triumphant majority with which this queſtion was carried, was pro- Conduct of
ductive of no effential advantage to the cauſe which Walpole was fo anxious
to fupport. While the attempts were making to adjust the differences with
Spain, and while the court of Madrid feemed inclined to make due repara-
tion for the injuries complained of, Sir Thomas Fitzgerald, or, as he is ufually
called, Don Thomas Geraldino, the Spanish minifter, was employed in fo-
menting the diſturbances and inflaming the public difcontents. He cabal-
led with the leaders in oppofition, and acquainted them with the fecret in-
formation which his inftructions or his correfpondence enabled him to com-
municate. He did not heſitate to affert openly that the Engliſh miniftry
impoſed upon the people, in pretending that the court of Spain would be
VOL. I.
* Tindal.
+ Chandler.
4 E
inclined
578
MEMOIRS OF
1737 to 1742.
Period VII. inclined to recede, in the ſmalleſt degree, from the claim of fearching all fhips
which failed near their coafts in America. His intemperance gave great ad-
vantages to oppofition; and in the courfe of the debates in both houſes,
many facts were diſcloſed by the members of that party, which ought to have
been confined to the cabinets. The miniftry, having foon difcovered by whofe
means they obtained poffeffion of thofe facts, complained of his imprudence,
and defired Mr. Keene to lay the indecency and confequences of his con-
duct before the court of Madrid. But Geraldino had fruftrated the effects
of theſe repreſentations, by ftating, that the views and principles, even of the
miniſter himſelf, and the moſt pacific part of the English government, were
abfolutely inconfiftent with every maxim of the Spaniſh monarchy, and all
the fecurity of its trade. This information found a ready belief at Madrid,
and their miniſters, through Geraldino's advice, became perfuaded, that they
could not be ſo effectually ſerved as by fomenting and encouraging the dif
contents of the people of England againſt their government *.
Numerous
petitions.
of witneſſes.
At this period the houſe was daily inundated with petitions and papers
relating to the inhumanities committed upon the Engliſh priſoners taken on
board of trading veffels. They reprefented thefe prifoners as not only in-
fulted and pillaged, but compelled to work in the Spaniſh dock yards and
fortifications, with irons upon their legs, fubfifting upon loathfome proviſions,
and overrun with vermin, frequently tortured and imprifoned in dungeons,
Examination Several captains and other feamen were examined at the bar of the houſe, and
if full credit be given to the witneffes, the facts were unquestionably proved;
but their evidence muſt be received with great caution. They were not ex-
amined upon oath, and were not confronted with any teftimony on the
fide of the Spaniards. They were induced by their own interefts, and by the
hopes of obtaining reparation, to exaggerate their injuries. They faw that it
was popular to inveigh againſt the Spaniards, and were encouraged to render
a diſaſtrous tale more difaftrous; they were taught to believe, that if they made
good their allegations, the minifter who had tamely fuffered fuch oppreffions
would be removed, and that his fucceffors would act with fuch vigour as to
force the king of Spain to indemnify them for their loffes and fufferings.
Cafe of
Jenkins.
The captains and feamen who appeared at the bar of the houfe, gave the
moſt exaggerated accounts of the infults permitted and exerciſed by the
Spaniards; and many related the moſt incredible tales of horror, which were
implicitly believed, almoſt in proportion to their abfurdity.
Among thofe who were examined, and whofe ftory feemed to make the
J
* Tindal.
+ Ibid.
deepeſt
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
579
+
1738.
deepeſt impreſſion, was one Jenkins: This man was captain of the Rebecca, Chapter 51.
a trading veffel; he failed for Jamaica in the beginning of 1731, and was
boarded by a guarda cofta, and treated with much infult and indignity.
In the account which was given at the time, by the periodical papers and the
pamphlets of oppofition, the Spaniſh captain is reported to have put the
men to the torture, to have hanged up Jenkins three times, once with the
cabin boy at his feet, and then to have cut off one of his ears, and bid him
carry it to his king. On his arrival in England, Jenkins is faid to have gone
to court, and laid his cafe before the king, and as fome compenfation for his
treatment, or to pacify him, to have been appointed captain of an Eaſt
Indiaman *.
This ridiculous ſtory, which Burke juftly calls, "The Fable of Jenkins'
ears," feems to have made little impreffion at the time, but it was now
revived with additional circumftances of cruelty and infult; and Jenkins
was produced at the bar of the houſe of commons, to give an account of a March 15.
tranſaction which had happened ſeven years before †.
According to contemporary accounts, after relating the tranfaction, with
many additional circumftances of infult and barbarity, he diſplayed the ear,
which he had preſerved, as fome affert, in a box, and others in a bottle, af-
ferting, that after tearing it off, the Spaniard had faid to him, "Carry it to
your king, and tell his majefty that if he were preſent I would ferve him in
the fame manner." His evidence is mentioned as a model of noble ſimplicity.
One point, in particular, was oftentatiouſly circulated. Being afked by a
member what he thought when he found himſelf in the hands of fuch a bar-
barian, he replied, "I recommended my foul to God, and my caufe to my
country." Theſe words, and the difplay of his ear, which, wrapt up in
cotton, he always carried about him, filled the houſe with indignation.
* Gentleman's Magazine for 1731. Craftſ-
man.
↑ It was pofitively afferted in the contem-
porary publications, that Jenkins was exa-
mined at the bar of the houfe of commons,
and gave the evidence mentioned in the text,
and it is generally admitted as a fact; yet it is
remarkable that no traces of his evidence are
to be found in the Journals. The whole that
is mentioned in the Journals are the two fol-
lowing paffages:
16th March.
"Ordered, That Captain
Robert Jenkins do attend this houfe imme-
diately."
17th March. "Ordered, That Captain
Robert Jenkins do attend, on Tueſday morn-
ing next, the Committee of the whole houfe,
to whom the petition of divers merchants,
planters, and others, trading to, and intereſted
in, the British plantations in America, in be-
half of themfelves, and many others, is refer-
red." But on Tuesday the 21t, there is ne
farther mention of Jenkins.
4 E 2
The
580
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
The effect of this ridiculous ftory* on the nation at large, was propor
1737 to 1742. tionate to the impreffion of horror and vengeance it created in the houſe of
commons. It was made the vehicle of popular frenzy, and fo highly in-
flamed the public mind, that Pulteney declared in parliament, the very name
of Jenkins would raiſe volunteers.
Clamours of
the people.
Report of the
Committee.
March 30.
Pulteney's
Motion.
When the nation was irritated by thefe exaggerated accounts and un-
warrantable artifices, to the higheſt degree, the buſineſs was refumed by the
commons. On the 30th of March, alderman Perry ſubmitted to a committee
of the whole houfe, a report which was calculated to augment the general
indignation. After the examinations of feveral witneffes, Murray, after-
wards earl of Mansfield, was heard as counſel for the petition, and fupported,
with unuſual eloquence, the juftice of the complaints.
Pulteney then roſe, and in a ſpeech of great length, ſpirit, and perfpicuity,
expatiated on the amazing inftances of cruelty, barbarity, and injuftice,
proved at the bar to have been exerciſed on the king's fubjects; he ftated
the rights of the British nation, which had been controverted and infringed
by the Spaniards, and on which he propoſed to found his motion; the
right of free navigation to every part of the American feas, provided the
ſhips do not touch at any ports poffeffed by the Spaniards; the right of
carrying all forts of goods, merchandiſe, or effects, from one part of the
Britiſh dominions to the other; to cut logwood in the bay of Campeachy,
and to gather falt on the iſland of Tortuga. He concluded, by propofing
good story in the telling, fays, "Le capitaine
66
66
Eſpagnol avait faifi le vaiffeau de Jenkins,
"mis l'equipage aux fers, fendu le nez er
coupé les oreilles au patron. En cet etat Jen
kins fe prefenta au parlement, &c." Hiftoire
de la Guerre de 1741.
* See Gentleman's Magazine for July 1736.
Where it is faid, that the Spanish Captain was
a Lilliputian, (English) Renegado London
Magazine. Chandler. Smollett, vol. 3.
p. 19.-Belfham, vol. 2. p. 3.-Bryan Ed-
wards's Hiftory of the Britiſh West Indies,
vol. 1. p. 144. Voltaire, who never ſpoils a
Pope has thus ludicrously mentioned the incident.
"The Spaniards own they did a waggiſh thing,
"Who cropt our ears, and ſent them to the king."
In ſpite of theſe authorities, I am inclined to
give credit to the fuggeftion of Tindal, "that
Jenkins loft his ear, or part of his ear, on another
occafion, and pretended it had been cut off by
the crew of a guarda cofta.” vol. 20. p. 372.
It would be unjuſt to the Spaniards not to
mention, in this place, a counter ſtory, which
was no leſs believed in Spain than the "fable
of Jenkins's ears" in England. Un Capi-
taine Anglois, après avoir, par un trait de per-
fidie, et fous pretexte de commerce, invité deux
gentilhommes Efpagnols à bord de fon vaif-
feau, les laiffa fans manger pendant deux jours,
pour leur extorquer une rançon; mais, com-
me cet expédient ne lui reuffit pas, il coupa à
l'un des deux les oreilles et le nez, et le força,
le couteau fur le gorge, de les manger; pro-
cédé, qui, fans contredit, mettoit les Efpa-
gnols en droit d'ufer de repréfailles; auffi, en
ufèrent ils à la rigueur." Hiftoire du Minif
tère du chevalier Robert Walpole, tom. 3.
p. 408.
a fet
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
581
a fet of refolutions, calculated to affert theſe rights in the moft unequivocal Chapter 51.
and ſpecific manner.
1738.
Walpole's
The minifter faw and appreciated the deep impreffion which the ſpeech
had made upon the houſe, and the manner in which he anſwered it, plainly amendment.
ſhewed the embarraſſment under which he laboured. He faid, he did not
pretend to call in queſtion any of the rights and privileges which the honour-
able gentleman had been pleaſed to enumerate; this nation had an indiſpu-
table title to them, no Britiſh fubject would pretend to controvert any one
of them; and he ſhould be as zealous for defending them as the ho-
nourable gentleman himſelf. But though fuch was his opinion, yet he
would not agree that they ought to be vindicated and afferted by the houſe
in the manner now propofed, becauſe no British fubject could call them
in queſtion; and any refolutions made by that houfe would not bind
foreign powers. He next contended, that the paffing of fuch refolutions
would be not only unneceffary but prejudicial. For although theſe rights
were fecured by the law of nations, or by folemn treaties, yet they had
never been explicitly acknowledged by Spain, excepting in fuch general
terms, and by fuch general words, as only conveyed an implied conceffion,
in the fame manner as we poffeffed Jamaica. But as theſe general words were
as fecure and indifputable as the moſt expreſs declaration, he entreated the
houſe not to paſs any refolutions which would preclude the miniſters from
propofing or accepting any fuch general acknowledgments and conceffions.
The refolutions propofed would cramp the negotiations, now carrying on ;
on; if
Spain did not accede to the ſpecific terms, it would occaſion a rupture be-
tween the two nations, and render peace unattainable, until one of the par-
ties was wholly fubdued. It would be as eafy, he faid, to force them to fign
a carte blanche, as to compel them to make fuch particular conceffions as
were mentioned in the refolutions; and as the rights in difpute with Spain
might be as fully fecured by general words in a future treaty as by particular
declarations, he faw no reafon for precluding the poffibility of fuch a treaty,
which might attain all the ends propofed by the refolutions, and avoid all
their inconveniencies.
"For this reafon," he faid, "I fhall be againſt our coming to any pe-
remptory reſolutions, with reſpect to any of the particular rights the Spa-
niards now pretend to conteft; but I fhall moft readily agree to any motion
that can be propofed, for fhewing it to be our opinion, that our merchants
have fully proved their loffes, and that the depredations that have been com-
mitted are contrary to the law of nations, contrary to the treaties fubfiſting
between
582
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. between the two crowns; in fhort, that they are every thing bad, and with-
1737 to 1742. out the leaft preténce or colour of juftice. This, I fay, I fhall moft wil-
lingly agree to, becauſe I think the petitioners have fully proved the allega-
tions of their petition; I think they have fully proved, that the fubjects of
this kingdom have met with fuch treatment from the Spanish guarda coftas,
and governors in America, as deferves the higheft refentment. But ftill, I
think, if proper fatisfaction and full reparation can be obtained by peaceable
means, we ought not to involve the nation in a war, from the event of which
we have a great deal to fear; and the utmoſt we can hope for from the moſt
uninterrupted fuccefs, is a proper fatisfaction for paft injuries, and a proper
fecurity againſt our meeting with any fuch hereafter, both which we are
bound to think there are ftill hopes of gaining by negotiation; becauſe, if
it had been otherwife, his majefty would certainly have acquainted us with
it, and have defired us to provide for obtaining by force, what he faw was
not to be otherwife obtained.*"
He concluded by offering an amendment, which adopted only the firſt ſen-
tence of the propoſed reſolutions, "That it is the natural and undoubted right
of Britiſh ſubjects to fail with their fhips on any part of the feas of America
to and from any part of his majeſty's dominions." After this fentence the
miniſter propoſed to infert, "That the freedom of navigation and commerce,
which the ſubjects of Great Britain have an undoubted right to by the law of
nations, and which is not in the leaft reftrained by virtue of any fubfifting
treaties, has been greatly interrupted by the Spaniards, under pretences al-
together groundleſs and unjuft. That before and fince the execution of the
treaty of Seville, and the declaration made by the crown of Spain purſuant
thereunto, for the fatisfaction and fecurity of the commerce of Great Britain,
many unjuſt ſeizures and captures have been made, and great depredations
committed by the Spaniards, which have been attended with
many inftances
of unheard of cruelty and barbarity. That the frequent applications made
to the court of Spain, for procuring juſtice and fatisfaction to his majeſty's
injured fubjects, for bringing the offenders to condign puniſhment, and for
preventing the like abufes in future, have proved vain and ineffectual; and
the feveral orders or cedulas, granted by the king of Spain, for reftitution
and reparation of great loffes fuftained, by the unlawful and unwarrantable
feizures and captures made by the Spaniards, have been diſobeyed by the
Spaniſh governors, or totally evaded and eluded. And that theſe violences
and depredations have been carried on to the great lofs and damage of the
* Chandler.
fubjects
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
583
1
}
fubjects of Great Britain trading to America, and in direct violation of the Chapter 51.
treaties fubfifting between the two crowns *."
1
1738.
of the Com-
Thefe amendments occafioned a long and vehement debate, which, accord-
ing to the opinion of a contemporary author,
"is grofsly miſreprefented in Refolutions
the parliamentary collections of that time." The gentlemen in oppofition mons.
had not ſtudied the term of contraband goods with fufficient precifion, and
they confounded them with illicit goods. The difference between the inten-
tion and meaning of the treaty concluded with Spain in 1667, and that of
1670, was not fufficiently defined; the former relating to the European
commerce, and the latter reftricted folely to the American. Neither was
there fufficient foundation for a houfe of parliament to affert the right which
the Engliſh had of cutting logwood in the bay of Campeachy, and it was
certain that that right had not only been warmly contefted by the Spaniards
in former negotiations, but had been tacitly given up by fome of the Engliſh
miniſters, and the whole of it was abfolutely inconfiftent with the intereſt
of the South Sea company. It was maintained by Sir Robert Walpole and
his friends, during the courfe of the debate, that the reſolutions moved for
by him, contained all that could be reaſonably expected from Spain at that
time; and that whatever claims the Engliſh had to lands in the province of
Jucutan, or to cut logwood in the bay of Campeachy, or to other privileges,
either of poffeffion or navigation, it could not be affected or weakened by
the amendment; which, after a long and ſharp debate, was carried without
a divifion. When the refolution, amended in the committee, was reported
to the houſe by alderman Perry, the minority propofed that it ſhould be re-
committed, but the motion was negatived by 224 against 163. Then
alderman Perry propofed, and carried an addrefs, " befeeching the king to uſe
his endeavours to obtain effectual relief for his injured ſubjects, and to con-
vince the court of Spain that he could no longer fuffer fuch conſtant and re-
peated infults and injuries, to the difhonour of his crown, and to the ruin
of his trading fubjects; affuring the king, that ſhould his friendly inftances
for procuring juftice, and for the future fecurity of their navigation and com-
merce, which his people have an undoubted right to by treaties and the law
of nations, fail of fuccefs, the houfe will effectually fupport his majeſty
in taking fuch meaſures as honour and juſtice ſhall make it neceffary to
purfue §."
The great object of the minifter in moving his amendment, was to pre- Refolutions
Chandler, p. 204.
+ Tindal, vol. 20. p. 374-
9
Journals.
$ Ibid.
vent
of the Lords.
584
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. vent any mention of not fearching ſhips, which he well knew would never be
1737 to 1742. agreed to by Spain. But he had no reaſon to boaſt of his victory, for on
the fame day, the houſe of lords, after a long debate, voted refolutions much
ſtronger than thoſe which paffed the commons, and what rendered this cir-
cumſtance more extraordinary was, that the minifterial party feemed to have
almoſt adopted the arguments of the oppofition, and to have employed all
the violent expreffions of thoſe who wiſhed to bring on a war. The lords
not only afferted the undoubted right of Great Britain to navigate on the
American feas, but alſo "to carfy all forts of goods and merchandiſe, or ef-
fects, from one part of his majeſty's dominions to any other part thereof, and
that no goods, being fo carried are, by any treaty fubfifting between the
crowns of Great Britain and Spain, to be deemed or taken as contraband or
prohibited goods; and that the fearching of fuch fhips, on the open feas,
under pretence of their carrying contraband or prohibited goods, is a vio-
lation and infraction of the treaties fubfifting between the two crowns*.
Bill for fecur-
ing trade.
May 5
"
Theſe reſolutions were formed into an addrefs, promifing the moſt effec-
tual ſupport, ſhould the king's inftances fail of having a due effect on the
crown of Spain.
The king fanctioned theſe ftrong refolutions by a no lefs ftrong reply:
"I am fenfibly touched with the many hardships and injuries fuftained by my
trading fubjects in America, from the cruelties and unjuft depredations of the
Spaniards. You may be affured of my care to procure fatisfaction and re-
paration for the loffes they have already fuffered, and fecurity for the free-
dom of navigation for the future; and to maintain to my people the full
enjoyment of all the rights to which they are entitled by treaty and the law
of nations. I doubt not but I fhall have your concurrence for the fupport
of ſuch meaſures as may be neceffary for that purpoſe.”
As the public mind became more and more exafperated againft Spain, and
as the pufillanimity of the minifter became the conftant object of popular
invective, the oppofition determined to exert one great effort to bring on im-
mediate hoftilities, and to preclude the minifter from availing himſelf of the
interval which was ftill left open for negotiation. Pulteney, who conducted
this whole bufinefs with great addrefs and ability, was the organ of the mino-
rity. He moved to bring in a bill under the plaufible title of effectually ſe-
curing and encouraging the trade to America. It was to revive part of two
acts, paffed in the reign of queen Anne, and in effect, if carried, it would
have amounted to a declaration of war, and tended to involve the country
Lords' Debates,
† Tindal, vol. 29. p. 377. Lords' Debates.
:
with
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
585
1
with all the commercial nations in Europe. The intention of the act was, to
give the property of all prizes taken from the Spaniards, after a declaration
of war, to the officers and feamen preſent in the action; head money, or £.5,
for
every Spaniard made prifoner at fea, was to be granted to the failors; and
the property of all places taken was to be veſted, by the king's patent,
in the captors.
Chapter 51.
1738.
During its progrefs the minifter attacked it with great ftrength of argu- Oppofed by
ment. He endeavoured to fhew its impropriety at this juncture, and pointed May 12.
Walpole,
out the injuftice of particular parts. On the firft clauſe he obſerved, "That
as the bill then ſtood, if hoftilities were immediately to commence againſt
Spain, and a fquadron of Engliſh ſhips were to take the whole Plate fleet
or flotilla of the Spaniards, with all their regiſter ſhips, it would become the
property of the Engliſh ſeamen, though it was notorious that not one-fifth
part of that treaſure, in reality, belonged to the Spaniards, but was the pro-
perty of the French, the Dutch, and other trading nations of Europe."
To the claufe for granting head money he made no objection; he thought
it juſt and reaſonable that the failors in cafe of a war fhould have fuch
encouragement, and declared that he would willingly concur in any motion
for that purpoſe.
The third claufe he conceived to be highly dangerous, becauſe it would
effectually preclude the conclufion of a ſafe and honourable pacification ;
as in all negotiations for peace, fome places on both fides are ufually reſtored
to facilitate the accommodation, which could not be effected if the king, by
letters patent, ſhould part with the property to private owners.
In oppo-
fition to this claufe he urged, that the bill, if paffed in the preſent form,
would be attended with the total ruin of the Britiſh commerce in Eu-
rope. It muſt give fo great an alarm to the French for their property, which
is even greater than that of the Spaniards on board of the galleons, that
they would not heſitate taking part with Spain, and joining their whole naval
force to convoy the Spaniſh merchant fleet to the ports of Europe.
"But a more material confideration ftill remained; moſt of the French,
Dutch, and Daniſh property at fea, was infured in England or Holland
in time of peace, and therefore the lofs, in fact, muſt fall upon the Britiſh
and Dutch inſurers, as they could have no pretext to indemnify the French
and other nations for the loffes they would fuftain; fo that the bill, if paffed
into a law, might ruin the Dutch as well as the Britiſh inſurers."
He defired the houſe to confider, in fuch an event, what muſt be the
cafe of the Britiſh merchants then refiding in Spain, their perfons, their fhips,
VOL. I.
4 F
and
586
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
and their properties, all which the Spaniards would certainly fequefter.
"What
1737 to 1742. muſt the Dutch," ſaid he, " think of fuch a bill? Or what power in Europe
can be our hearty friend, ſhould it, at this time, paſs into a law *."
Thrown out,
May 15.
Prorogation
of parlia-
ment.
In the courſe of the debates many perfonal reflections, highly injurious
to his character, were caft on the minifter, and a bitter altercation aroſe
between him and Pulteney, who was loudly called to order, and obliged to
acknowledge, that the warmth of his temper had tranfported him to uſe
fome unguarded expreffions, for which he teſtified his concern.
In anſwer to thofe who alledged he was afraid of a war, becauſe peace was
his only fafety, Walpole obferved, "It is but a mean excufe for a minifter,
when a wrong ſtep is made in government, that he is not accountable for the
events of meaſures that never were adviſed by him, and in which he was
over-ruled by his fuperiors. I have always difdained thoſe mean fubterfuges ;
and with what face can I appear again in this houſe, if full and ample fatis-
faction is not made, or at leaſt if we do not do our utmoſt to obtain it,
either by fair and peaceable means, or by exerting all our ſtrength, in caſe a
war becomes neceffary. If my county ſhould call me to account, I would
willingly take upon me the blame of every ſtep that has been made by the
government, fince 1 had the honour to enter into the adminiſtration. As to
the common notion of a miniſter's being afraid to enter upon a war, I do
not underſtand upon what it can be grounded. For my part, I could never
fee any cauſe, either from reafon or from my own experience, to imagine
that a miniſter is not as fafe in time of war, as in time of peace. Nay, if we
are to judge by reaſon alone, it is the intereſt of a miniſter, conſcious of any
miſmanagement, that there ſhould be a war; becauſe by a war, the eyes of
the public are diverted from examining into his conduct; nor is he account-
able for the bad fuccefs of a war, as he is for that of an adminiſtration .”
The bill was negatived by a large majority ‡.
A few days after this debate, the feffion was cloſed by prorogation.
Thus was concluded this difficult feffion, in which the miniſter contrived
to place the diſputes with Spain on fuch a footing as to give an opening to
an amicable negotiation, during the courſe of which, he trufted that a due
mixture of vigour, moderation, and forbearance would induce the court of
Madrid to agree to fuch conditions, as would fatisfy the Engliſh nation,
might reſtore harmony, and prevent a rupture. The refolutions of the houſe
of commons were tranfmitted to Mr. Keene, to lay before the king of Spain;
↑ Ibid.
Tindal, vol. 20. p. 369 and 370,
* Journals.
letters
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
587
>
letters of reprisals were offered to the merchants; a fquadron of ten fhips
of the line failed for the Mediterranean, under the command of admiral
Haddock; many ſingle ſhips were ſent to America, and the infant colony of
Georgia was fupplied with troops and ftores for refifting the Spaniards,
who threatened to invade it from Saint Auguftine. Theſe precautions for
defence and attack, were obviouſly calculated to give weight to the negotia-
tion with Spain, and they had their due effect.
Chapter 52.
1738 to 1739-
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SECOND:
1738-1739.
Difficulties attending the Negotiation with Spain.-Articles of the Convention.
Proteft of Spain.-Parliamentary Proceedings.-Debates on the Convention.
TH
HE remainder of the year was paffed in attempts to adjuſt the dif- Negotiations
ferences between Spain and England.
with Spain.
There never was any negotiation which commenced with more unfavour-
able appearances, and was attended with greater difficulties. Theſe difficul-
ties principally aroſe from the punctilious and inflexible ſpirit of the Spaniſh
court, the high expectations of the Engliſh nation, the diſcordant reſolutions
of the lords and commons, and the diſputes between the crown of Spain and
the South Sea company.
The first difficulty arofe from the Spaniſh court, tremblingly alive to all
difcuffions on points which related to their American poffeffions; for al-
though Philip appeared well inclined to give full fatisfaction for paft depre-
dations, and full fecurity for freedom of navigation, which did not promote
the illicit commerce, carried on with his fubjects in America, or which did
not infringe on his fovereignty; yet he could not be prevailed on to grant
any ſpecific propofition for not ſearching fhips, either in the open feas, or
hovering on their coafts, under the pretence of trading to and from the
Britiſh plantations.
4 F 2
The
588
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
The difficulty of managing fo capricious a court, was increaſed by the high
1737 to 1742. expectations of the Engliſh nation. The people, fired with enthuſiaſm, and
inflamed by the exaggerated accounts of the Spaniſh depredations, wildly
and imperiouſly clamoured for redrefs. They laid their demands of repara-
tion at a very high rate; they required ample fatisfaction for paft injuries, and
full fecurity againſt future depredations, which fecurity was made to conſiſt
in an explicit renunciation of the right of fearching fhips, in all places ex-
cept the Spaniſh ports and feas.
Walpole, well aware of the inflexibility of the Spaniſh court on this deli-
cate queſtion, had contrived to word the refolutions, which paffed the com-
mons, in fuch a manner as to omit the mention of the word Search. He
had avoided, with great prudence, all ſpecific claims, and confined the expref-
fions of the houſe to general topics. But this defign had been fruftrated by
the refolutions of the lords, which reduced the queftion to a fpecific propo-
ſition, and poſitively declared the illegality of fearching Engliſh veffels on
the open feas, and trading to and from the different parts of the Britiſh do-
minions. Theſe diſcordant reſolutions naturally produced numerous em-
barraffments, and would have occafioned infuperable obftructions, had not
the miniſter refolved to adhere to the decifion of the commons.
But the negotiation encountered the greateft difficulty from the diſputes
of the crown of Spain with the South Sea company. The origin and pro-
grefs of that company, and the fatal confequences of the project of com-
merce to South America, have been already related *.
Before the affiento treaty, a very advantageous, though contraband trade,
was carried on from Jamaica to the Spaniſh colonies. The Spaniſh gover-
nors connived at the introduction of negroes, and the importation of Engliſh
manufactures. The profit of this traffic was certain and expeditious, and
was ſtill greater, becauſe it was not attended with the payment of any duties
to the king of Spain, or other incumbrances.
But this branch of traffic was evidently diminiſhed by the affiento treaty. It
then became the intereſt of Spain, for the fake of the duties, as well as of the
South Sea company, who wiſhed to monopolize the trade to the Spaniſh Weſt
Indies, to ftop this commercial intercourfe, and many remonftrances were
made for that purpoſe to government, as well as to the Spaniſh court, by the
directors, who confidered all Britiſh fubjects, trading to the Spaniſh fettle-
ments, as interlopers upon their province. Hence difputes frequently arofe
between the South Sea company, and the traders of Jamaica; and the direc-
* Chapter 19.
tors,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
589
tors, by their remonftrances, often occafioned the feiſure and confifcation of
veffels which were taken in the act of carrying on an illicit trade, or with
illicit goods on board. The court of Spain had made a merit with the
Britiſh government, of having endeavoured to check a commerce which
was prejudicial to fo great a public company*, and at the fame time the
Britiſh traders made the moſt violent complaints againſt the guarda coftas,
for making theſe ſeiſures, which they termed illegal and unjúſt.
The affiento treaty ſtipulated the payment of certain duties, for the in-
troduction of negroes, and other articles of trade. Theſe had been always
paid to the Spaniſh officers, according to the rate of exchange between Great
Britain and Spain, and received without complaint. But as Spain had, fe-
veral years before this period, given currency to another fpecies of dollars, a
claim was now made of the difference between the two ſpecies of dollars, ever
fince the new regulation, under the denomination of arrears. In addition to
this, another demand was made, for the fourth of the profits acquired by the
annual ſhip, which was due to the king of Spain. On the other fice, the
company claimed reparation for the damages fuftained by the feizure of their
effects in 1718 and 1727, before war had been declared between England and
Spain.
In the midſt of theſe difficulties, the minifter exerted all his influence, at
home and abroad, to fettle the differences in a fatisfactory manner, or
to refer the ſettlement to the decifion of plenipotentiaries, by which
means farther time would be obtained to prevent the commencement
of hoftilities. A double negotiation was opened, between the minifters and
Geraldino in London, and between Keene and La Quadra at Madrid, which
had no immediate communication with each other. Walpole wholly influ-
enced the negotiation at London, but he could only modify that which was
carrying on at Madrid.
Geraldino having delivered a meffage, importing that his maſter was in-
clined to enter into meaſures for conciliating paſt differences, and agreeing
upon a method for preventing them in future; an account was ftated of
the demands on each fide, which, after fome difficulties, was reduced to a
balance of £. 140,000, in favour of England, and fent to Mr. Keene to be
ratified. But when this agreement was tranfinitted, the court of Madrid
refuſed to ratify it, declaring that Geraldino had furpaffed his powers.
Foiled in this attempt, the minifter modified and tempered the violent
orders fent from the duke of Newcaſtle to Mr. Keene, and exhorted him to
*Tindal, vol. 20, p. 411.
Chapter 52.
1738 to 1739.
ufe
590
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. ufe every effort with de la Quadra, and to reprefent the neceffity of adjuſting
1737 to 1742. the differences amicably.
Articles of
the conven-
tion.
Proteft of
Spain.
This pacific fpirit fortunately prevailed in the counfels of England; and
due confideration was paid to the honour, jealoufy, and even to the preju-
dices of Spain. Keene feconded the pacific efforts of the minifter with great
addreſs and ability, and finally overcame the dilatorineſs, the punctilios, and
the repugnance of the Spanish court.
A convention was accordingly fettled on the following bafis: "That
within fix weeks, two plenipotentiaries fhould meet at Madrid, to regulate
the reſpective pretenfions of the two crowns, with relation to the trade and
navigation in America and Europe, and to the limits of Florida and Carolina,
as well as the other points which remained to be adjuſted, according to for-
mer treaties. That the plenipotentiaries fhould finiſh their conferences
within eight months: That in the mean time, no progrefs fhould be made
in the fortifications of Florida and Carolina. That his Catholic majefty
fhould, within four months from the day of exchanging the ratifications, pay
to the king of Great Britain, the fum of ninety-five thousand pounds, as a
balance due to Great Britain, after deduction made of the demands of Spain.
That this fum fhould be employed for the fatisfaction, difcharge, and pay-
ment of the claims of Britiſh fubjects upon the crown of Spain. That this
reciprocal diſcharge, however, fhould not extend or relate to the accounts
and differences which fubfifted between the crown of Spain and the affiento
company, nor to any private contracts between either of the two crowns, or
their miniſters, with the ſubjects of the other; or between the ſubjects of
each nation reſpectively."
In all his conferences with Mr.Keene, de la Quadra had infifted, that £.68,000
was due to his maſter from the South Sea company; and had declared that
the convention would not be ratified, unleſs that money was paid. Keene
repreſented, that the interefts of the company, and thofe of England, were
diftinct confiderations; and that the convention was a fettlement of accounts
between the two nations, the other, a private tranfaction between the king
of Spain and the company. He faid, that if it was proved that £. 68,000
was owing, the money fhould be paid. This la Quadra confidered as a po-
fitive promiſe, that the £.68,000 ſhould be liquidated before the execution
of the articles of the convention. Accordingly, at the very moment when
the convention was to be ratified, the Spaniſh minifter delivered to Keene,
a declaration or proteft, declaring, in due form, that the king of Spain re-
ſerved to himſelf the right of fufpending the affiento treaty, ſhould the com-
pany not pay within a fhort time the £.68,000. Under the validity and
force
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
591
force of this proteſt, and that, upon the firm fuppofition that it would not
be eluded on any motive or pretext, he was ready to fign the convention.
Keene ſeeing the obftinacy of the Spaniſh court, knowing the anxiety of the
Britiſh miniſter, to receive the ratification before the meeting of parliament,
and aware, that unleſs he accepted the proteft, the negotiation would be in-
ftantly broken off, confented to receive it, though without admitting the
fact it affumed, and fimply to be tranfmitted to the confideration of the
Britiſh cabinet. Clogged with this obftruction, the convention was finally
figned at Madrid, and tranfmitted by a courier to London, who did not ar-
rive till the 15th of January.
The public mind was agitated to a degree of frenzy, and their expectations
to a pitch which no reaſonable conceffion could gratify. Befides puniſh-
ment inflicted on the Spaniſh captains, and others who had committed depre-
dations, they required, that the Spaniards fhould pofitively difclaim all right
to ſearch Britiſh ſhips in the American feas, and difavow their right to
Georgia, and a part of South Carolina; that they ſhould pay £.340,000 as
a compenfation for the captures and confifcations, to diſcharge the balance
of the account, due to the South Sea company, for the effects confiſcated,
which amounted to no lefs a fum than a million fterling; and it was faid,
that if the nation fhould not receive fatisfaction on thefe particulars, no
juftice was procured, and no fecurity obtained. In the midft of theſe cla-
mours, every eye was directed to the meeting of parliament, which was to
affemble on the 18th of January. But the public were diſappointed: on
that day the parliament was farther prorogued until the firſt of February,
and it was known that the difficulty in adjufting the difputes with Spain,
had been the cauſe of this prorogation.
Chapter 52.
1738 to 1739.
Agitation of
the public.
On the firſt of February the parliament affembled. The fpeech from the Meeting of
throne mentioned the ratification of the convention.
parliament.
King's
"It is now a great fatisfaction to me, that I am able to acquaint you, that
the meaſures I have purſued have had fo good an effect, that a convention is fpeech-
concluded and figned between me and the king of Spain, whereby, upon
confideration had of the demands on both fides, that prince has obliged
himſelf to make reparation to my fubjects for their loffes, by a certain fti-
pulated payment: and plenipotentiaries are therein named and appointed
for regulating, within a limited time, all the grievances and abufes which
have hitherto interrupted our commerce and navigation in the American
feas; and for fettling all matters and difputes, in fuch a manner, as may
for the future prevent and remove all new cauſes and pretences of com-
plaint, by a ftrict obfervance of our mutual treaties, and a juft regard to the
4
rights
592
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. rights and privileges belonging to each other.
1737 to 1742. and the feparate articles, to be laid before you.
Proceedings.
I will order the convention,
"It hath been my principal care to make uſe of the confidence you re-
pofed in me, in this critical and doubtful conjuncture, with no other view,
but the general and lafting benefit of my kingdoms; and if all the ends
which are to be hoped for, even froin fuccefsful arms, can be attained, with-
out plunging the nation into a war, it muſt be thought, by all reaſonable
and unprejudiced perfons, the moſt defirable event *."
The motion for an addreſs encountered violent oppoſition in both houſes.
In the lords, however, it paffed without a divifion, by the interpofition of the
earl of Scarborough and the duke of Argyle, who, though they declared their
diſapprobation of that thing called a convention, yet conceived it would be
irregular to mention it till it was laid before them, and thought that unani-
mity was highly neceffary at the preſent juncture.
In the commons, an addreſs being moved for as ufual, in the terms of the
fpeech, Sir William Wyndham objected to all expreffions which might ap-
pear an approbation of the convention, and therefore propofed omitting all
the paragraph which alluded to it, and merely to thank the king for his
fpeech, and to affure him that the houſe would grant the neceffary fupplies,
and endeavour to avoid all heats and animofities.
Sir Robert Walpole, in a long and able fpeech, defended the conduct of
miniſters in the negotiation with Spain. He declared that the accommo-
dation was attended with all the advantages which the moſt ſucceſsful war-
fare could have procured. He ſhewed, under the exiſting circumſtances, it
was more prudent and beneficial to avoid extremities; that all the commer-
cial nations, even France itſelf, did not object to the claim of ſearching and
feizing their fhips, when taken in the act of carrying on illegal trade. He
then extolled the convention, with a wantonneſs of praiſe not uſual with
him, and declared he thought it his peculiar happineſs, that the nation
would deem the influence he poffeffed, the principal means of its ratifica-
tion; and that he ſhould not be forry if it was confidered as a meaſure en-
tirely his own. He finally obſerved, that it was unfair to decide on the
merits or demerits of the convention, before it was known; that in
a few days it would be ſubmitted to the houſe, when a candid difcuf-
fion would take place; and that as there was no reaſon to fuppofe it con-
trary to the known intereft of the nation, he faw no ground for oppofing
the addrefs. He reminded the houſe, that the laſt feffion he declared him-
* Journals,
folf
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
593
ſelf anſwerable for the meaſures purſued by government, while he was mi-
nifter; he was prepared to make good his promife; all he'defired was a candid
hearing, and that he hoped would not be denied. He concluded, by oppof-
ing the amendment, and fupporting the original addrefs.
He was anſwered by Lyttleton, Sir John Hynde Cotton, and Sir John
Barnard, who took notice that the fpeech itfelf was moft abfurdly worded,
becauſe it ſtated, that plenipotentiaries were to regulate the grievances and
abuſes that had happened to the British fubjects, from the infolence and
cruelty of the Spaniards: now to regulate abuſes, he ſaid, implied a conti-
nuance of them, but only under another form *
The motion for the addrefs was carried by 234 againſt 141; a majority
which infpired the minifter with unfounded hopes of a quiet and eaſy fef-
fion, for on the contrary, every meafure was adopted, and every expedient
reforted to for the purpofe of harraffing adminiftration, and throwing an
odium on the meaſures of government.
Chapter 52.
1738 to 1739.
Almoft the only queftion which was not refifted, was the propofal for em-
ploying 12,000 feamen. The motion for 18,000 land forces was oppoſed,
and a reduction to 12,000, as in the laft feffion, moved by Shippen, but Feb. 14.
negatived by 253 against 183 哈
​Mean while the convention had been laid before the houſe, and referred to
a committee, and its contents having been communicated to the public, a
general ferment prevailed in the nation, and a violent outcry was raiſed
againſt the conditions. One article, agreed to by the Engliſh commiffa-
ries, which gave much umbrage, and had a great effect in irritating the
public mind, was the claim of £.60,000, for the value of the ſhips taken
by admiral Byng, off the coaſt of Sicily, in 1718. This demand was founded
on an article in the peace of Madrid, made under the adminiſtration of Sun-
derland, which promiſed reſtitution, and was confirmed by the treaty of Se-
ville. This ftipulation had never been performed; the claim on the fide of
the Spaniards ſtill exiſted in its full force, and therefore, though unpopular,
was juſt and reaſonable. Motions being made by the party in oppofition,
that the petitioners might be heard by counfel, were warmly oppofed by the
minifterial party, and negatived, after long and warm debates §. A private
petition was alfo prefented from the owners of a fhip taken in 1727, and
another upon the capture of the fhip Sarah, belonging to Briſtol, praying
Tindal, vol. 20, p. 395.
Journals. Chandler.
Chandler.
VOL. I
§ 242 againſt 207, and 237 againſt 208.
Journals.
4 G
-allo
Convention
referred to a
committee.
General dif-
fatisfaction.
594
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. alfo to be heard by counfel. The minifter juſtly obſerved, that if the pro-
1737 to 1742. prietors of every capture were to be heard by counſel, the houſe would be
folely occupied in fuch affairs, and could not attend to public buſineſs.
The queftion, however, was preffed, and loft only by 13*. This large mino-
rity, upon fo difputed a point, infpired the oppofition with the moft fanguine
hopes, and encouraged them to perſevere.
Feb. 26.
Feb. 5.
Convention
approved in
the lords.
Debated in
the com-
mons,
H. Walpole's
fpeech.
After various other petitions, both public and private, the convention
was firft taken into confideration in the houſe of lords. On the 1ft of
March, lord Cholmondeley moved an addreſs, fimilar to that which was after-
wards propofed in the houſe of commons, by Horace Walpole. After a
warm and vigorous conteft, the addrefs was voted by a majority of 95 againſt
74, and a ſtrong proteft was made by nine and thirty peers. At the
head of thoſe who voted in oppofition, was the prince of Wales.
Notwithſtanding their defeat in the houſe of lords, the oppofition enter-
tained hopes, that the convention would be difapproved and rejected by the
commons. At length, the 6th of March was the day appointed for taking
into confideration, the various petitions relating to the convention. The
members repaired fo early to the houſe, that 100 had taken their feats before
eight in the morning. The public attention was no lefs powerfully attracted
to this important debate, the refult of which was expected to decide the fate
of the minifter. The fixth and feventh were occupied in examining wit-
neffes, and hearing fome Weft India merchants, in fupport of their pe-
titions.
On the 8th, at half paſt eleven, Horace Walpole, who had thoroughly un-
derſtood the ſubject, and had drawn up feveral papers relative to the tranſac-
tion, opened the debate by a fpeech of two hours and a half. He began by
expreffing his hopes, that in difcuffing this important queftion, on which
depended the iffue of peace or war, gentlemen would lay afide wit and
railing accufations, avoid perfonalities, not miſtake a popular outcry, for
the voice of the people, as diftinguiſhed from that of parliament, and
would not be biaffed by ſtrong affertions without proof. After making a
general obſervation, that in all differences between two nations, an im-
mediate declaration of war ought not to be the firſt reſolution of either, he
175 to 162, Journals. Tindal, vol. 20,
P. 200.
+ Lords' Debates.
Among the Orford Papers, are a few par-
liamentary memorandums, in the hand writing
of Sir Robert Walpole, taken by him during
the first debate on the convention. They are
minutes of part of Horace Walpole's fpeech,
Sir Thomas Saunderfon's, and Mr. Pitt's.
Though fhort and imperfect, they fufficiently
prove the general accuracy of the ſpeeches,
given by Chandler, on that occafion.
obferved,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
595
obfervéd, that the three great points on which he fhould reft the defence of
the convention were, firft, honour; fecond, fatisfaction; and third, fecurity.
He then undertook to prove, that the honour of the nation was preſerved,
that fatisfaction had been given for paft injuries, and fecurity obtained againſt
future grievances.
"As to the firſt pofition, which regards the honour of the nation; I ob-
ferve," he faid, "that gentlemen, in difcuffing our differences with Spain, are
impreffed with a notion, that the honour of the nation has been facrificed.
This is a topic on which fome gentlemen have fondly expatiated. I am no
Jefs jealous of the national honour than any other gentleman; but true
honour is founded on juftice and humanity, and not on ambition, falfe glory,
or intereft, and I am convinced that this treaty is founded on the former, and
not on the latter.
"The differences with Spain arofe from difputes on matters of right, or from
depredations committed by Spaniſh fubjects. The matter of right being in-
conteftible, and the depredations great and frequent, had intereft, ambition,
or falfe glory been the objects, the king had fufficient pretence to declare
war without having recourſe to amicable means. But as theſe were not his
objects, he confidered the peace and happineſs of his people, as the folid
foundation of his glory. He made repeated, but ineffectual applications to
Spain, to adjuſt the differences in an amicable manner. At length, fupported
by the refolutions of both houfes during the laſt feffions, he made a pe-
remptory demand, and infifted, that unless a fpeedy and categorical anſwer
was given, recourſe muſt be had to thoſe extremities which he ſo much
wifhed to avoid. This declaration, and the preparations which accompanied
it, had a due effect. The king of Spain agreed to enter upon an immediate
difcuffion of the rights in difpute, and to make every juſt compenfation.
Hence the king, concluding that there was a probability of accommodating
differences, could not, on the principles of juftice and humanity, commence
hoftilities, or refuſe to accept a preliminary convention, by which fatisfac-
tion was to be obtained for paft, and fecurity againſt future injuries.
"Honour may be ſatisfied by fubmiffion, as well as by vindictive juſtice;
and public honour differs effentially from private honour. The honour of
the nation can be injured but by fome public or national act. When there-
fore any injury is done, or an affront given by the fubjects of one ſtate to
thofe of another, the ftate, whofe fubjects have fuffered injury, ought to ap-
ply to the other for fatisfaction, and ought not to confider its honour as
affected, till the ftate, whofe fubjects committed the infult, has made the act
is own, by refufing to puniſh the tranfgreffors, or to make reparation for
4 G 2
damages.
Chapter 52.
1738 to 1739.
596
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. damages. Let us apply this reaſoning to the prefent fubject. The Spaniil
1737 to 1742. depredations have been committed by private fubjects; application has been
made for reparation: The crown promifes reparation.
"This method of agreeing to the convention, and fufpending hoftilities,
until it could be ſeen what effect it would produce, is not only confonant to
honour and juftice, but agreeable to the advice given by both houſes of par-
liament. The addreffes exhorted the king to uſe his endeavours to obtain
effectual relief for his injured fubjects, and promifed, if his inftances fhould
prove ineffectual, to fupport him in taking fuch meaſures, as honour and
juftice required. It appears, from the articles of this convention, that the
king has obtained fuch fatisfaction and fuch fecurity as could reaſonably be
expected.
"With regard to fatisfaction for paſt injuries, the mode of reparation is not
only finally adjuſted, but the payment of a ſpecific fum is actually promiſed
within a very ſhort time after the exchange of the ratifications. There
being mutual demands for damages fuftained, it feemed neceffary to fettle
and balance the account: It then appeared, that our demands upon Spain
amounted to
Thofe of Spain upon us to
Which made a bàlance of
£.200,000
£. 60,000
f.. 140,000
This the king of Spain propofed to pay by affignments upon his revenues in
America. But as we knew the tedioufnefs and precarioufnefs of that fund,
it was propoſed to make an allowance for prompt payment, on the condi-
tion of paying the money in a ſhort time at London; the allowance agreed on
was £. 45,000, which reduced the fum due us to £. 95,000, and this fum his
Catholic majefty has expressly promifed, by this convention, to pay at Lon-
don, in four months after the exchange of the ratifications. From hence
it appears, that we have not only got all the reparation any reafonable man
could expect, but all the reparation we could infift on, with any pretence of
juſtice.
"The next great object under confideration is our future fecurity. Now
it is plain, that fecurity depends on thofe matters of right which are now in
difpute, and therefore cannot be effectually provided for, until thofe rights
are fully afcertained. But as this is a difcuffion which depends not only
on feveral difputable points in the law of nations, but alfo on the nature
and tenour of various treaties, and on many facts and local circumſtances,
which can only be afcertained in the Weft Indies, it was impoffible to fettle
the buſineſs in a few weeks, or by a preliminary convention. For this rea-
fon, this diſcuſſion is referred to plenipotentiaries, who are to meet within
1
fix
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
597
fix weeks after the exchange of the ratifications, and muft finally fettle
the points referred to them within the ſhort term of eight months, which is
all that we could expect, and as much as we could, with juftice or reaſon,
defire.
"On this account the treaty muſt be confidered as a good preliminary, and
fuch as ought to have been accepted in preference to a war, even had there
not been one word in the treaty, which could tend to a prefumption that
Spain had relinquifhed any of the rights which were the objects of difpute.
But this is not the cafe. The principal right exercifed by Spain, is that
of fearching Britiſh fhips in the open feas, and feizing them, if Spanish
money or merchandiſe are found on board. But this right Spain has re-
nounced in the prefent preliminary, if not by the letter, at leaſt by the ſpirit
of the treaty. This right is not claimed by Spain, but exerciſed only. How
then could it be remedied but by confent, either by a reparation, or by an
explanatory treaty. The reparation is actually made, and the treaty is to
follow, which is to prevent future aggreffions.
"The preamble of the convention recites all the grievances complained of,
and fpecifies vifiting, fearching, and taking of veffels, and feizing effects. It
acknowledges them to be of fuch a nature, that without future care, they
might occafion an open rupture between the two crowns. Here then Spain
avows, that the fearching of fhips is a caufe of complaint, and fhe allows
it to be a grievance which ought to be remedied. But can the exerciſe of a
just right be deemed a cauſe of complaint? Can it be allowed to be a griev-
ance? And is it not a reaſonable conclufion that Spain, having by the pre-
amble diſclaimed her right, indicates a reſolution to diſclaim it alſo in the
definitive treaty.
"But the court of Madrid has not only acknowledged the fearching of fhips
on the open feas, and confifcating them for having Spaniſh money and effects on
board, to be a grievance which ought to be remedied, but they have in fome
meaſure owned it to be wrong. They have allowed it to be an injury, by
giving a reparation for all fuch captures as are proved to have been illegal.
Therefore the plenipotentiaries are not to fettle the right, not to determine
whether it be a grievance or not, for that is allowed; they are to fettle, by a
definitive treaty, the means to prevent new abuſes, and remove the cauſes of
future complaints. But in this their powers are circumfcribed. For the
regulations which they are to accede to, muft be conformable to the exiſting
treaties. This muſt be fettled within a limited time, and muſt be ratified by
the king; ſo that ſhould the plenipotentiaries adjuſt the buſineſs in ſuch a
inanner
Chapter 52.
1738 to 1739.
598
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
manner as not to fatisfy the country, they may ftill be not ratified, and we
1737 to 1742. may then have the choice of war or peace.
"The chief queftion, therefore, now feems to be, whether we ought to go
to war, rather than grant a delay of eight months, for giving full fatisfaction
and abſolute ſecurity; and I do not think that any man who confiders the
prefent fituation of Europe, or the prefent circumſtances of this nation,
would be for involving the country in a dangerous and expenſive war, rather
than grant fuch a delay.
"In confidering this question, I trust that gentlemen will not pretend to
decide from general declamations on peace and war, but reflect that the true
ſtate of the queſtion refts on the ſpecific circumftances of the preſent mo-
ment, and the dangers of war, as it concerns the prefent times, conditions,
and trade. War, in all fituations, even with the fairest profpect of fuccefs, is
always dangerous and deſtructive to a trading nation; it is much more
dangerous when the event is doubtful.
"It follows from theſe premiſes, that if the fituation of Europe was fa-
vourable to us, and if our circumſtances were alſo advantageous, we ought
not wantonly to engage in war. How much more ought this evil to be
avoided, when the ftate of Europe wears a moft unfavourable afpect, and our
internal fituation is unpromifing.
"France is powerful, and governed by wife counfels, tranquil at home,
and reſpected abroad. Their fovereign is bound by intereft, as well as by
the ties of blood, to affift the king of Spain, if he is attacked, and in all
pro-
bability, a treaty of alliance is now forming, and perhaps concluded, between
the two crowns. If we declare war against Spain, we muſt therefore expect
that France will take part with Spain againſt us; and though I have fo good
an opinion of my country, as to think we are more than a match for the one,
and at leaſt an equal match for the other, yet I cannot be fo vain as to ima-
gine we are an equal match for both; and confequently, I muſt think we
have reaſon to be afraid of finking under the burthen, unlefs we can obtain
affiftance from fome of the other great powers."
He then took a view of the ftate of Europe, which he deſcribed as ſo
fituated, that England was without a ſingle ally, who was either willing or
capable of affording affiftance. The Emperor involved in the misfortunes of
the Turkiſh war, and under the direction of France; the Dutch weak, wavering,
and loaded with debts; Sweden wholly governed by France; Denmark and
Ruffia at too great a diſtance, even if inclined, to act in our favour; the
king of Naples difpofed to take part with the other branches of the houſe of
Bourbon,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
599
Bourbon, and the king of Sardinia incapable of coming forward fingly to Chapter 52.
our affiftance.
"This being the ftate of Europe," he continued, " would it not be the
height of folly and madnefs to engage in hoftilities, if we can with honour
and ſecurity avoid or delay them ?
"Our domeftic fituation is no lefs unfavourable: we are loaded with
burthens which are almoſt too heavy to bear; the public revenue is fcarcely
fufficient to fupply the expences of our civil eſtabliſhment in time of peace:
if we enter into war, new taxes muſt be impoſed; the animofities and divi-
fions which prevail too much amongst us will be increaſed; that party which
has been hitherto fuppreffed by our vigour and unanimity, will again rear its
head; our enemies will avail themfelves of the war, to favour the cauſe of
the Pretender, and as new burthens are unavoidably laid on the public, thefe
misfortunes will be afcribed to the illuftrious family on the throne. France
and Spain may pour in their troops upon our coafts, which our fleet cannot
always prevent; we fhall be thrown into confufion at home, and have
neither leifure or power to diſtreſs our enemies, or protect our colonies.
"I feel as much as others for the fufferings of our merchants, for the in-
dignities which have been inflicted on the nation, by the Spaniſh guarda
coftas; but national refolutions ought not to be directed by paffion. We
ought to ſhew proper refentment, but our refentment ought to be governed
by prudence, and if it is, we ſhall fufpend it, until Europe preſents a more
favourable afpect. I am therefore of opinion, that if the convention had
been lefs favourable, it ought, in the prefent juncture, to have been accepted..
But I truſt I have fhewn that we have acquired as much as we could expect
from a preliminary treaty, and have every reafon to hope, that in the ſpace
of eight months we fhall obtain, by a definitive treaty, all we can defire."
"to
1738 to 1739.
He then moved an addrefs, " to return thanks for the communication of Moves an
the convention; for bringing the demands of his fubjects to a final determina- addrefs.
tion, and for procuring a ſpeedy payment for the loffes fuftained by the
merchants; declaring their fatisfaction in the foundation laid for preventing
and removing fimilar abufes in future, and for preferving peace; to exprefs
a reliance on the king, that effectual care would be taken for fecuring and
eſtabliſhing the freedom of navigation in the American feas; that the Britiſh
ſubjects may enjoy, unmolefted, their undoubted right of navigating and
trading to and from any part of his majeſty's dominions, without being lia-
ble to be ſtopped, vifited, or fearched in the open feas, or being fubject to
any other violation of the treaties fubfifting; and that in fettling the limits
of
600
MEMOIRS OF
4
1737 to 1742.
Period VII. of his dominions in America, the greateſt regard would be had to the rights
and poffeffions belonging to the crown and fubject; and to affure the king,
that in cafe his juft expectations fhould not be anfwered, the houfe would
ſupport him in taking fuch meaſures, as might be moſt conducive to vin-
dicate the honour and dignity of his crown, and the rights of his people."
Of Sir T.
Saunderfon.
Of lord Gage.
The addrefs was calculated to obviate the ſtrong objections which were
made to the convention, arifing from its not being a definitive treaty, not
fufficiently explicit, and leaving the point to be decided by future difcuf-
fion.
The oppofition ftrenuouſly ſupported the objections, and in reply to the
arguments of Horace Walpole, expatiated on the injured honour of the na-
tion, and the pufillanimity of the minifter. They deplored the Britiſh trade
ruined, the Britiſh failors impriſoned and tortured, and the Britiſh flag in-
fulted. They exhaufted every topic which was calculated to inflame the
public mind, and appealed forcibly to the paffions and feelings.
The ſtory of Jenkins's ears was not omitted. "Even the Spaniſh pirate,"
exclaimed Sir Thomas Saunderfon, who ſpoke firft in reply to Horace Wal-
pole, "who cut off captain Jenkins's ear, making ufe at the fame time of
the moſt infulting expreffion towards the perfon of our king, an expreffion
which no Britiſh ſubject can decently repeat, an expreffion which no man
that has a regard for his fovereign can ever forgive: Even this fellow, I fay,
is fuffered to live to enjoy the fruits of his rapine, and remain a living tefti-
mony of the cowardly tamenefs and mean fubmiffion of Great Britain, and
of the triumphant pride and ſtubborn haughtinefs of Spain *."
In contradiction to the ſtatement of Horace Walpole, lord Gage obſerved,
"The loffes fuftained by the Spaniſh depredations, amounted to three hun-
dred and forty thousand pounds. The commiffary, by a ſtroke of his pen,
reduced this demand to two hundred thousand pounds; then forty-five
thouſand were ftruck off for prompt payment. He then allotted fixty
thousand pounds as the remaining part of a debt pretended to be due to
Spain, for the deftruction of her fleet by Sir George Byng, though it ap-
peared, by the inſtructions on the table, that Spain had been already amply
fatisfied on that head. Theſe deductions reduced the balance to ninety-five
thouſand pounds; but the king of Spain infifted upon the South Sea com-
pany's paying immediately the fum of fixty-eight thouſand pounds, as a
debt due to him on one head of accounts, though, in other articles, his
* Chandler, vol. 11. p. 15、
Catholic
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
бог
Catholic majefty was indebted to the company a million over and above
this demand. The remainder to be paid by Spain, did not exceed feven
and twenty thousand pounds, from which fhe infifted upon deducting what-
ever fhe might have given in fatisfaction for any of the Britiſh ſhips that
had been taken; and on being allowed the value of the St. Therefa, a
Spaniſh ſhip which had been feized in the port of Dublin *.”
Chapter 52.
1738 to 1739.
Pitt, who ſpoke moſt ably on this occaſion, objected to the queſtion, as of Of Pitt.
too complicated a nature to be fubmitted at once to the approbation of
the committee. "The addreſs, he ſaid, was propoſed for no other end than
to extort an approbation of the convention. He obferved, that the houſe
was proceeding upon an artificial minifterial queſtion, covering and taking
fanctuary in the royal name, inſtead of meeting openly, and ftanding fairly,
the direct judgment and fentence of parliament upon the feveral articles.
"Is this," he exclaimed," any longer a nation? or where is an Engliſh
parliament, if with more fhips in our harbours than in all the navies of
Europe, with more than two millions of people in the American colonies, we
will bear to hear of the expediency of receiving from Spain, an infecure, un-
fatisfactory, difhonourable convention, which carries downright fubjection in
every line."
He ſaid, that the great national objection, the fearching of ſhips, ſtood
in the preamble of the convention, as the reproach of the whole, as the
ſtrongeſt evidence of the fatal fubmiffion which followed. On the part of
Spain, an ufurpation, an inhuman tyranny, claimed and exerciſed over the
American feas; on the part of England, an undoubted right by treaties, and,
from God and nature, declared and afferted in the refolution of parliament,
was now referred to the difcuffion of plenipotentiaries, on one and the fame
equal foot. This undoubted right was to be difcuffed and regulated, and
if to regulate, be to preſcribe rules (as in all conſtruction it is) this
right is, by the exprefs words of the convention, to be given up and
facrificed; for it muſt ceaſe to be any thing from the moment it is fub-
mitted to limits, He concluded in the moſt energetic language, "This
convention, Sir, I think, from my foul, is nothing but a ftipulation for na-
tional ignominy; an illufory expedient to baffle the refentment of the na-
tion; a truce without a ſuſpenſion of hoftilities on the part of Spain; on
the part of England, a fufpenfion. As to Georgia, of the firft law of na-
ture, ſelf-prefervation and felf-defence; a furrender of the rights and trade
Smollett, vol. 3. p. 20. Chandler.
VOL. I.
+ Memorandums of Sir Robert Walpole.
4 H
of
1
602
MEMOIRS OF
1737 to 1742.
Period VII. of England to the mercy of plenipotentiaries, and in this infinitely higheſt
and facred point, future fecurity, not only inadequate, but directly repug-
nant to the refolutions of parliament, and the gracious promiſe of the
throne. The complaints of your defpairing merchants, the voice of England
has condemned it; be the guilt of it upon the head of the adviſer; God for-
bid that this committee ſhould ſhare the guilt by approving it *."
Of Lyttleton.
Of Walpole,
•
It was obferved by Lyttleton, "The grievances of England admit but of
one remedy, a very fhort and fimple one; that our fhips fhall not be fearch-
ed on any pretence. This alone can go to the root of our grievances, all lefs
than this is trifling, hurtful, and fatal to commerce.
"Had we proceeded conformably to the intentions of parliament, we ſhould
either have acted with vigour, or have obtained a real fecurity, in an expreſs
acknowledgment of our right not to be fearched, as a preliminary fine quá
non to our treating at all. This we ought to have infifted on in the words
of La Quadra's proteft (which is the preliminary fine quâ non of that crown)
we ought to have infifted on in thofe very words, " as the precife and effen-
"tial means to overcome the fo much debated difputes, and that on the va
66
lidity and force of this expreſs acknowledgment, the figning the conven-
❝tion may be proceeded on, and in no other manner." Inflead of this,
what have we done? We have referred it to plenipotentiaries. Is not this
weakening our right? Would you, Sir, fubmit to a reference, whether you
may travel unmolefted from your houſe in town to your houſe in the coun-
try? Your right is clear and undeniable, why would you have it difcuffed ?
But much leſs would you refer it, if two of your judges belonged to a gang,
which has often ſtopped and robbed you in your way thither before.
"But what is this wretched reprieve that we have begged for eight
months? Will that do us any good? Will that be worth our acceptance?
Do we really flatter ourſelves that we are now at peace? Peace is a fecure
and unmolested enjoyment of our rights. But peace, at the expence of
rights, of effential rights, peace expofed to infults, peace expofed to injuries,
is the moſt abject, is the moft deplorable, is the moſt calamitous circum-
ſtance of human affairs. It is the worft effect that could be produced by
the moſt ruinous war. With fcorn let us reject it, that to all we have fuf-
fered before, to all the accumulated infults ever heaped upon a nation, a
worſe diſhonour may not be added, and that dishonour fall upon the parlia-
ment. And therefore I give my moſt hearty negative to this queſtion †.
The minifter ſpoke laft in this important debate. His principal efforts
* Chandler.
+ Ibid.
}
}
were
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
603
}
Chapter 52.
1738 to 1739.
were directed to remove the objection of its not being a definitive treaty.
He readily allowed that it was not, but contended that it laid the foun-
dation for one. He again adverted to the fhare which he had in lay-
ing this foundation, and declared it to be his greateſt boaft at prefent,
and would be his greateſt honour in fucceeding times, to be mentioned
as the minifter who had endeavoured by this convention to prevent
the neceffity of making war upon a nation with whom it was our greateſt
intereſt to be at peace, at a time when the doubtful fituation of Europe left
us little hopes of affiftance, and gave well-founded apprehenfions of being at-
tacked by other powers. He declared that a war with Spain, after the con-
ceffions already made, was unjuft, impolitic, and diſhonourable; that Eng-
land being a trading nation, the profperity of that trade ought to be the
principal object in view. "Admitting, however," he ſaid, "that the convention
has not effectually anfwered the expectations of the houfe, fhould it not be
confidered whether the declaration of war would benefit trade, what profpect
of fuccefs could be reafonably entertained, and particularly whether even a
fucceſsful war with Spain, might not involve us in a very doubtful and ex-
penſive war with other powers? Theſe confiderations feem never once to
have occupied the thoughts of thofe who are adverfe to the queſtion. It is
laid down as a maxim, that we ought immediately to enter into a war, and
yet nothing is allowed for the uncertainty of the event, for the interruption of
commerce, and the prodigious expence with which it would be attended.
But ſhould we even lay afide thefe confiderations, are we to have no regard
to common juſtice, to thoſe treaties, the obſervance of which has been fo
juftly contended for? Thefe treaties prohibit all trade with the Spaniſh Weſt
Indies, excepting that carried on by the annual affiento ſhip. In contradic-
tion then to theſe expreſs ftipulations, are our fhips never to be fearched,
and is the trade to the Spaniſh Weſt Indies open to every interloper? For
what difference is there between throwing that trade open, and having a li-
berty not only of approaching their coaſts, but even of hovering on them as
long as we pleaſe, without being ſtopped or fearched? Thefe are the unjuſt
conceffions which the advocates of a war require. The convention, on the
contrary, ftipulates that the treaties fubfifting between the two crowns,
fhould be the rule for fettling difputes relating to trade. We are, therefore,
in no danger of fuffering from the convention, becauſe it is admitted that all
we ought in rcafon to claim, is the obfervance of thofe treaties." He hoped,
therefore, that the addreſs would pais.
The addrefs was carried by a majority of only 28; 260 againſt 232
Addrefs car-
ried.
* Chandler.
4 H 2
On
604
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
March 9.
Motion for
re-commit-
ment.
On the enfuing day, the report of the reſolution in the committee to ad-
dreſs the king, being read, the re-commitment was warmly urged. Pulteney,
who had referved himfelf for this day, opened the debate, and was feconded
by Sir William Wyndham. Their fpeeches were full of declamation and
invective, and contained no new arguments. The miniſter replied in a long and
elaborate ſpeech, in which he defended the convention, and explained the
treaties of 1667 and 1670. He fhewed that the demand of not fearching
Britiſh ſhips was a new demand, and therefore it could not be expected
that Spain ſhould renounce a right which they had hitherto exerciſed,
without due examination. He obferved, that the bufinefs was of fo in-
tricate, as well as delicate a nature, that it could not be fettled at once, and
in a moment, and therefore in reaſon, juſtice, and prudence, was properly
left to the difcuffion of the plenipotentiaries. After a few other ſpeeches of
little confequence, the motion for a re-commitment was negatived by 244
against 214
Seceffion of
the minority.
Speech of
Sir William
/ Wyndham.
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-THIRD:
1739.
Seceffion of the Minority.-Confequences.-Beneficial Acts of Parliament.-Danish
Subfidy.-Oppofition and Anecdotes of John Duke of Argyle.-Vote of Credit.
-Termination of the Spanish Negotiation.-Declaration of War.-Conduct of
England:-And of Sir Robert Walpole.-Divifions in the Cabinet.
Tineflect off, great prevent the minority carried inte execution, a
HE laſt effort to prevent the addrefs on the convention having proved
ineffectual, great part of the minority carried into execution, a deſign
which they had previouſly concerted. It was no leſs than to abſent them-
felves, or, as it was called, to fecede from parliament.
Accordingly, Sir William Wyndham, to whofe advice, at the inftigation
of Bolingbroke, this meaſure has been uſually attributed, faid, "I have ſeen,
* Journals.
with
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
605
with the utmoſt concern, this ſhameful, this fatal meaſure, approved of by a
majority of but 28, and I now riſe to pay my laſt duty to my country, as a
member of this houfe.
"I was in hopes that the many unanfwerable arguments urged in the
debate againſt the convention, might have prevailed upon gentlemen to have
for once liftened to the dictates of reafon; for once to have diftinguiſhed
themſelves from being a faction againſt the liberties and properties of their
fellow fubjects. I was the more in hopes of this, fince in all the com-
panies I have been in from the time this convention has been ſpoken of, I
have not found one fingle perfon without doors pretend to juftify it. Is it
not ſtrange, that the eloquence of one man ſhould have ſo great an effect within
thefe walls, and the unanimous voice of a brave fuffering people without,
ſhould have fo little? I am ſurpriſed that I ſhould be fo blind as not to diſ-
cern one argument that has the leaſt appearance of reafon, among all that
has been offered, for our agreeing to this addrefs. This muſt proceed
either from the majority of this houſe being determined by arguments that we
have not heard, or from my wanting common ſenſe to comprehend the force
of thoſe we have heard. In the firft cafe, I think I cannot, with ho-
nour, fit in an affembly which is determined by motives which I am not
at liberty to mention; and if the laft is the cafe, I look upon myſelf as a
very unfit perſon to ſerve as a fenator. I here, Sir, bid a final adieu to this
houſe. Perhaps when another parliament fhall fucceed, I may be again at
liberty to ſerve my country in the fame capacity. I therefore appeal, Sir, to
a future, free, uninfluenced houſe of commons.
Let it be the judge of my
conduct, and that of my friends, on this occafion.
clude with doing that duty to my country I am ftill at liberty to perform,
which is to pray for its prefervation:
..
Mean time, I ſhall con-
May, therefore, that Power which has fo often, and fo vifibly interpofed
in behalf of the rights and liberties of this nation, continue its care over us
at this worft and most dangerous juncture, whilft the infolence of enemies
without, and the influence of corruption within, threaten the ruin of her con-
ftitution."
The animated tone of voice, and impaffioned gefture which accompanied
this effufion, were as dignified and ftriking, as the expreffions were petulant
and offenfive. The infult offered to the houfe in calling the majority a
faction, raiſed the indignation of Pelham, and he was in the act of rifing to
move for commitment to the Tower, when the minifter, confcious that
fuch a meaſure would create a dangerous ferment in the country, prevented
M
him
Chapter 53.
1739.
606
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Walpole's
reply.
him by rifing himſelf, and with an animation and ſpirit equal to that which
had diftinguished Sir William Wyndham, faid,
Sir, the meaſures which the gentleman who ſpoke laſt, and his friends
may purfue, give me no uneafinefs. The friends of the nation, and the
houfe, are obliged to them for pulling off the mafk, by making this public
declaration. We can be upon our guard againft open rebellion, but
'tis difficult to guard againſt fecret traitors. The faction I ſpeak of, never
fat in this houſe, they never joined in any public meaſure of the govern-
ment, but with a view to diftrefs it, and ferve a popifh intereft. The
gentleman who is now the mouth of this faction, was looked upon as the
head of thofe traitors, who, twenty-five years ago, confpired, the deftruction
of their country, and of the royal family, to fet a popiſh pretender upon the
throne. He was ſeiſed by the vigilance of government, and pardoned by
its clemency; but all the ufe he ungratefully made of that clemency, has
been to qualify himſelf according to law, that he and his party may, fome
time or other, have an opportunity to overthrow all law.
"I am only afraid that they will not be fo good as their word, and that
they will return; for I remember that, in the cafe of their favourite pre-
late*, who was impeached of treafon, the fame gentleman and his faction
made the fame refolution. They then went off like traitors as they were;
but their retreat had not the deteftable effect they expected and wifhed,
and therefore they returned. Ever fince, Sir, they have perfevered in the
fame treaſonable intention of ferving that intereft, by diftreffing the govern-
ment. But I hope their behaviour will unite all true friends of the pre-
ſent happy eſtabliſhment of the crown in his majefty's perfon and family
more firmly than ever; and that the gentlemen who, with good intentions,
have been deluded into the like meafures, will awaken from their delufion,
fince the trumpet of rebellion is now audaciouſly founded .
The confequence of this meaſure was, to the feceders difappointment, and
ſpeedy repentance, to the minifter fatisfaction and triumph. In fact, they
had fcarcely declared their refolution, before they faw and appreciated the
impropriety and ill policy of the meaſure. They even flattered themfelves
with the hopes of being called back to their pofts. Several of the minority,
among whom were Sir John Barnard and lord Cornbury, refufed to defert
their parliamentary ftations; and the applaufe which they received from
their conſtituents, as well as from all moderate perfons, was a tacit re-
flection on the conduct of the others. In fact, the feceders fecmed not un-
*
Atterbury.
+ Gentleman's Magazine 1739.
willing
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
607
willing to retrieve their error as foon they had committed it, by availing
themſelves of the call of the houſe, which ſtood for the enfuing Monday,
and to have come down in a body for the purpoſe of enforcing fome violent
motion *. But the minifter fufpecting this defign, prevented the execution
of it, by obtaining an adjournment of the houſe till Tueſday. They now
experienced the ill policy of their conduct: The nation was not inflamed
by their abfence. It required no great depth of underſtanding to compre-
hend theſe ſimple queſtions: If it be admitted that the conftitution was in
danger, why did they quit their ftation? If the majority of the commons
was a faction, influenced or corrupted by the minifter, why did they make
that faction ſtronger by retiring from the houſe, and leaving the miniſter in
poffeffion of means to extend his corruption with greater facility?
It was a great cauſe of fatisfaction and triumph to the miniſter, who de-
clared that no event during his whole adminiſtration, had ever relieved him
from more embarraffments, or fupplied him with greater means of ferving
the real intereſts of this country. He obferved, that while he was conti-
nually baited by oppofition, he could not introduce a fingle bill, of the moſt
beneficial tendency, which would not meet with reſiſtance, or expoſe him to
obloquy. But as the principal leaders of the minority had retired from
parliament, he had an opportunity to propofe feveral, which tended to
promote the commerce and manufactures of the country.
In conformity with this plan, he encouraged and invited every ſcheme
which feemed calculated for the advantage of the internal and colonial trade..
The manufactures of cloth were increafed by the bill, which laid ad-
ditional duties on the exportation of wool, and facilitated its importation
from Ireland. The trade of the British colonies in the Weft Indies, was
highly improved by an act permitting the introduction of fugar into
foreign parts in Engliſh bottoms, without firſt landing them in Great Bri-
tain, and by rendering more effectual the duties on foreign. fugar and
molaffes.
A bill alſo, of confiderable public advantage, paffed this feffion, for enlarging
the powers of the commiffioners of Weſtminſter Bridge, and for enabling
them to execute the whole ftructure in ſtone inſtead of wood t
During the feceffion, the minifter was embarraffed with a motion for the
repeal of the teſt act. The diffenters took this opportunity to renew their
John Selwyn to Thomas Townshend. + Journals.
Sidney Papers.
Journals. Chandler.
petition,
។
Chapter. 53-
1739.
Attempt to
repeal the teft
act..
1
I
608
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
+
Dinifli fub-
Gov.
MEMOIRS OF
petition, from a perſuaſion, that the abſence of the Tories would deliver them
from ſo many certain opponents. The Tories themſelves, when appealed to
by the minifter's friends, expreffed a malignant fatisfaction at his diftrefs.
They wished to fee in what manner he would conduct himſelf in ſo delicate
a fituation, and feemed not unwilling that it fhould paſs the houſe of com-
mons, conſcious that it would be thrown out by the lords.
The hopes of the diffenters, and the malice of the Tories, were equally
baffled by the event. Many of the Whigs, who ufually gave their votes in
favour of the repeal, yet detefted the principles on which the Tories
acted, and confidering the motion as improperly introduced, with a view to
perplex government, voted againſt the motion, and, notwithſtanding the
abſence of the Tories, it was negatived by a larger majority than had ever
appeared on that occafion, 188 againſt 89
It was probably at this period, that the minifter, vexed at the diffenters,
and confcious that he fhould, by fubmitting to the repeal, incur the difplea-
fure of the numerous friends to the eſtabliſhed church who fupported his
meaſures, by his imprudent frankneſs diſobliged the whole body. A depu-
tation of diffenters waited upon him, and Dr. Chandler, their principal, re-
queſted him to take into confideration, his repeated affurances of good will
to their caufe, and hoped that he would affift in obtaining the repeal of the
teft act. He made them the ufual anſwer, that whatever were his private in-
clinations, the attempt was improper, and the time was not yet arrived. "You
have fo repeatedly returned this anfwer," replied, Dr. Chandler, "That I
truft you will give me leave to aſk you when the time will come?" "If you
require a ſpecific anſwer," ſaid the miniſter, "I will give it you in a word-
Never +.
Fortunately for the miniſter, the abſence of the feceding members delivered
him from much of that embarraffment which he muſt have experienced
had they remained in the houſe during the difcuffion of the Daniſh ſubſidy,
which was, nevertheleſs, a fubject of confiderable obloquy and mifreprefen-
tation. The king, as elector of Hanover, had purchaſed the caftle and lord-
fhip of Steinhorft from the duke of Holftein; but the title being difputed
by a fubject of Denmark, the king of Denmark ordered a corps of troops to
garriſon the caſtle. When a detachment of Hanoverians arrived to take
poffeffion, a fkirmifh enfued, and the Danes were driven from the place.
This event inflamed the refentment of the king of Denmark, who made
Mr. Selwyn to the Hon. T. Townshend.
Correfpondence.
From authentic information, communi-
cated by a perſon who had it from Dr. Chan-
dler.
1
preparations
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
609
1739.
preparations as if he intended to revenge the infult, but the affair was foon Chapter 53.
after compromiſed: A treaty was concluded with the king of Denmark, who
agreed to hold in readineſs 6,000 troops for the fervice of England, on receiv-
ing an annual fubfidy of 250,000 rix dollars, and 150,000 more when they
ſhould be taken into Britiſh pay *. As this treaty was concluded foon after
the diſpute concerning Steinhorft, and as the caſtle and lordſhip were at the
fame time ceded by Denmark to Hanover, the oppofition naturally coupled
theſe two events together, and when the treaty was announced to the May 5.
houſe of commons, fuggefted that the compromife had been made at the
expence of this country, that Steinhorft was acquired by Britiſh money:
their ſtatement has been adopted as true, and configned to the pages of hif-
tory. This afperfion, however,' is contradicted by the fecret hiftory of this
treaty, which the minifter at the time could not avow, and therefore only
grounded his defence on the common topic of expediency.
At the period now under confideration, a war between England and Spain
was unavoidable; and France, foreſeeing the probability of being drawn into
hoftilities, was fecretly endeavouring to form alliances with feveral foreign
powers, and to detach others from Great Britain. For this purpoſe ſhe had
fecured Sweden, but failing in the attempt to gain Ruffia, turned her views
to Denmark. The fituation and circumftances of the fovereign, Chriftian
the Sixth, gave hopes of fucceſs. He had involved himſelf in great expences
from his love of building, and various projects, and was at this time encum-
bered with debts. Chavigni, the French minifter at Copenhagen, offered
the moſt advantageous terms if the king would engage in an alliance with
France, and as the affair of Steinhorft had recently happened, endeavoured
to inflame him againſt George the Second, and propoſed a triple alliance
with France and Sweden, by which Ruffia would be awed, England would
have much difficulty in procuring naval ftores from the Baltic, and the clec-
torate of Hanover would be expoſed to the united arms of the allied powers.
To gain Chriftian, the French offered a fubfidy of 400,000 rix dollars, for
fix, eight or ten years, required no troops, but promifed a powerful fuccour
to Denmark if attacked, and demanded no affiftance in return if France was
invaded. The king of Denmark frankly communicated thefe propoſals to
Titley, the English minifter at Copenhagen; obferved, that burthened as he
was with debts, he required a fubfidy; declared that he preferred the alliance
of England, and that he would accept a-fmaller fubfidy, and agree to lefs
advantageous terms from England than were offered by France. The treaty
+ Smollett, vol. 3. n. 13. Belham, vol. 1. p. 362.
Extra&s of Titley's Letters to lord Harrington. Walpole Papers.
* Tindal, vol. 20. p. 414.
VOL. I.
4 I
Was
610
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
If
was accordingly arranged, and concluded; the infidious defigns of France
1737 to 1742 and Sweden were difconcerted, and the peace of the north fecured.
any proofs were wanting to fhew that the oppofition to the mini-
fter was in moſt caſes merely perfonal, and that every meaſure, however in-
nocent or indifferent, was fuppofed to be dictated by him, and promoted for
tome private view, an incident which paffed in the houſe of lords will leave no
doubt on the fubject. When the bill for allowing the king to fettle an an-
nuity of £45,000 a year on his younger children, was brought from the
commons to the lords, it was obferved, in the courſe of ti e debate, that the
children of the prince of Wales were not only unprovided but unprayed
for. This obfervation alluded to the form of p.ayer for the royal family,
fued by the privy council upon the marriage of the prince of Wales,
when the name of the duke of Cumberland ftood next to hofe of the
prince and princefs, and had not yet been altered. This fuggeftion was
levelled againſt the minifter, as if he had interfered for the purpole of infuit-
ing the prince. On this occafion the earl of Wilmington, who fuldom
fpoke in any debate, broke his ufual filence, informed the hcufe, that he
himſelf had counfelled the king to order the form of prayer as it then
ftood, and declared that the minifter was totally unacquainted with the
arrangement. This frank and generous declaration had the defired effect.
At the moment it was' known that the minifter had no concern in the bufi-
nefs, the petulance of oppofition ceaſed, and the bill paffed without farther
impediment *.
Oppofition
and anecdotes
of John duke
of Argyle.
At this period the houſe of lords was no lefs the theatre of contention
than the houſe of commons; and the number of ſpeakers on the fide of
oppofition great and formidable. The principal ſpeakers on the fide of
government were, Newcastle, Hardwickc, Hervey, Cholmondeley, Ilay, and
Devonshire. Thofe on the contrary fide were, Carteret, Cheſterfield, Bathurst,
Weftmoreland, Bedford, Sandwich, Halifax, Talbot, and Gower.
To this chofen band, was recently added John duke of Argyle and Green-
wich, whofe principles and motives will be beft underſtood from an ac-
count of his previous life and conduct. He was born in 1678, and gave
early indications of talents and capacity, which, however, were rather bril-
liant than folid, and he attained as great a proficiency in claffical learning
as a defultory .pplication would permit. He difcovered an early propen-
fity to a military life, and being permitted to embrace the profeffion of arms,
was promoted by king William to the command of a regiment of foot,
before he had attained the age of nineteen.
* Tindal, vol. 20, p. 417.
In
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
6it
1739.
In 1703 he fucceeded his father in his titles and eftates, and to the confe- Chapter 53.
quence of firſt feudal lord in the Highlands of Scotland. He was appointed
member of the privy council, captain of the Scotch horfe guards, knight of
the thiſtle, and one of the extraordinary lords of feffion. In 1705, he was
nominated lord high commiffioner to the parliament of Scotland; opened the
parliament by a ſpeech, and by his influence had a great ſhare in promoting
the union, though he declined being one of the commiffioners. On his return
to England, his fervices were fo highly approved that he was created an English
peer, by the title of baron of Chatham and earl of Greenwich. In 1706,
1708, and 1709, he made campaigns under the duke of Marlborough, and
highly diſtinguiſhed himſelf on various occafions, particularly at the battles
of Ramilies, Oudenarde, and Malplaquet, at the fieges of Oftend and
Ghent, and at the affaults of Menin and Tournay. During thefe campaigns
he gave inftances of his high ſpirit and proneneſs to take offence, by an op-
pofition to the duke of Marlborough, with whom he is faid to have been at
continued variance. His difguft was carried to fo great a height, that
in 1710, when it was moved in the houſe of peers that thanks fhould be
given to the duke of Marlborough, the duke of Argyle made fome petulant
objections to the motion.
His conduct endeared him to Harley and the Tories, who then paid great
court to a nobleman of his high rank, parliamentary abilities, and military
talents, and he was accordingly, in 1710, inveſted with the garter. He now
quitted the Whigs, whom he had hitherto fupported, ſpoke and voted with
the Tories, and joined in the cenfure that was paffed on the late admi-
niftration.
In confequence of thefe exertions, he was appointed embaſſador extra-
ordinary and plenipotentiary to Charles the Third, king of Spain, and com-
mander in chief of the British forces in that country. During his continu-
ance in that high ftation, he performed no exploits of confequence, which
he imputed to the miniftry, who were employed in negotiating the peace
of Utrecht. He loudly complained of their neglect, and was fo much
offended, that although on his return to England he was conftituted com-
mander in chief of all the land forces in Scotland, he foon became a
violent opponent of Oxford's adminiftration, and refifted the extenñon of
the malt tax to Scotland. He fupported the motion, made by the earl of
Seafield, to diſſolve the union, which he had ſo great fhare in torming, warinly
ſpoke in favour of the propofition, that the proteftant fucceffion was in
danger, and bitterly cenfured the peace of Utrecht. In confequence of this
oppofition he was removed from all his employments.
4 I 2
On
612
MEMOIRS OF
$
}
Period VII.
On the illness of the queen, which terminated in her death, he repaired,
1737t01742. with the duke of Somerfet, to the council chamber, infifted that the phy-
ficians fhould be examined, and by his conduct on this occafion, rendered an
effential fervice to the houfe of Hanover.
On the acceffion of George the Firſt, his fervices were not overlooked:
He was appointed one of the lords juftices till the arrival of the king, re-
ftored to his employment of commander in chief of the Britiſh forces in
Scotland, was a member of the privy council, and made governor of Minorca,
and colonel of the royal regiment of horfe guards. He was, at this time,
in high favour at court, was felected as one of the commiffioners for
eſtabliſhing the houſehold of the prince and princeſs of Wales, and made
groom of the ftole to the prince.
As commander in chief of the forces in Scotland, he was in 1715 fent to
quell the rèbellion, and partially defeated the rebels with a much fuperior
force at the battle of Dumblain. His conduct, however, as well as his mili-
tary operations on fubfequent occafions, were expofed to much cenfure.
Though he was a man of high ſpirit and undaunted courage, and always
expoſed his perſon more than became the general in chief, yet he was before
the engagement irrefolute and diffident of his talents. He did not know
how to feize the decifive moment of action.
When he broke the enemy's left wing, he was hurried on by his ardour to
purſue them too far, and on his return to the field of battle found that his
own troops had fuffered extremely, and that had the enemy taken advan-
tage of their ſucceſs, the king's army might have been entirely routed. In fact
his conduct was rallied by the country people, who faid that the general was
a much better chriftian than 'a commander in chief, for he did not let his
left hand know what his right hand did *.
He was accuſed of dilatory meaſures, and, in his turn, arraigned the mini-
ſtry for neglect and inconfiftency. The letters which paſſed between him and
lord Townſhend, are filled with complaints, apologies, and recriminations;
and he returned from Scotland as much diffatisfied with the king and
miniſters as they were diffatisfied with him.
His fituation in the houſehold of the prince of Wales, gave fufficient op-
portunity to ingratiate himſelf with the heir apparent. His graceful man-'
ners, his dignified demeanour, his fplendid talents, his animated converfation,
foon captivated the prince, and excited the jealouſy of George the Firſt. On
* Anfwer to the Speech of the Duke of
Argyle, p. 38.
+ Correfpondence between Lord Town-
fhend and the Duke of Argyle. Townshend
Papers.
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
613
1739.
the miſunderſtanding in the royal family, he attached himſelf to the fon, and Chapter 53.
was ſuſpected by the king of fomenting the prince's diſcontent. On this
account he was fuddenly removed from the poft of groom of the ftole, and
deprived of all his employments, to the great regret of the prince, who placed
implicit confidence in him and his brother the earl of Ilay.
During the king's abfence he was much confulted by the prince; and
while he was accufed by Walpole and Townshend of caballing with the
Tories, one of the cauſes of difguft which the king entertained againſt thoſe
minifters was, that they privately caballed with the duke of Argyle and his
brother *.
From the time of his removal he oppoſed adminiſtration with great acri-
mony, until he was foftened by the place of lord ſteward of the houſe-
hold, which was conferred on him in 1719. From this period he uniformly
ſupported the meaſures of government, although he was occafionally dif
gufted with the miniſtry.
In the debates which took place on the murder of captain Porteous, and on
the bill of pains and penalties againſt the provoft and city of Edinburgh,
the duke of Argyle had ftrenuouſly refifted the bill, but in this inftance he
did not confider himſelf as oppofing government, becaufe feveral, and parti-
cularly his brother, the earl of Ilay, who uniformly fupported the meaſures
of adminiſtration, purfued the fame conduct. In the courſe of theſe de-
bates however, he threw out ſeveral peevish expreffions, teſtifying his diſlike
to all kinds of jobs, which were ſuppoſed to be levelled againſt the minifter,
and feemed to indicate that he was diffatisfied. At the time of the
rup-
ture between the king and prince of Wales, his diſcontent became more
manifeft, and he finally entered the lifts of oppofition during the difcuffion
of Spanish affairs.
It is ftill undecided whether his acceffion to the fide of oppoſition was
derived from the quick fight which he is faid to have poffeffed when it
was time to leave a minifter, or from difguft and diſappointment, or from
diſapprobation of meaſures. But whatever were the motives which influ-
enced his conduct, his defection was a fevere blow to the minifter. He gave
freſh ſpirits and energy to the cauſe of oppoſition in the houſe of lords.
His violent and declamatory ſpeeches were calculated to make a deep im-
preffion on the public mind, and his perfonal weight and intereft in the
houſe of commons feduced feveral members from the minifterial intereft,
amongſt whom was Dodington, who had long attached himſelf to the duke,
and looked up to him as a fpecies of demigod.
* See Chapter 15.
The
614
MEMOIRS OF
[
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
J
66
The averfion which the anti-minifterial party had conceived againſt the
duke of Argyle, was now converted into reſpect and love*. He who was bit-
terly arraigned for his political verfatility, was now applauded for his virtue and
patriotifm. His oppofition to the minifter cancelled at once all his former
errors, and he fuddenly became the idol of the party. Pulteney paid a high
eulogium to his great merit and exalted talents, while he was preſent in
the houſe of commons, for the purpoſe of hearing the debate. Speaking of
thoſe who had voted againſt the convention, Pulteney obferved, They
who had the courage, Sir, to follow the dictates of their own breaſts (I do
not mean to reflect on any gentleman) were diſabled from farther ferving
their country in a military capacity. One exception, Sir, I know there is,
and I need not tell gentlemen that I have in my eye one military perſon,
great in his character, great in his capacity, great in the important offices he
has diſcharged, who wants nothing to make him ſtill greater but to be ſtrip-
ped of all the poſts, of all the places he now enjoys.—But that, Sir, they
dare not do.”
In the common topics of oppofition, the duke of Argyle felt no embar-
raſſment, but when an accufation was brought forwards for paft tranfactions,
which had taken place during his continuance in adminiſtration, in the ſupport
of which he had been active and zealous, he felt himſelf in an awkward fitu-
ation. It was not poffible to reconcile his invective againſt the miniſter with
his well-known and often repeated apothegm, That all firſt minifters had
been faulty, but that Sir Robert Walpole had the leaft faults of any mini-
fter with whom he had ever been concerned. As an apology, therefore,
for his firſt fupporting, and afterwards arraigning the fame meaſures, he in-
*The progrefs of party prejudice is well
exemplified in the "Opinions of Sarah, duchefs
of Marlborough," who entertained a ſtrong
contempt and averfion for the duke of Argyle,
while he fupported Sir Robert Walpole, but
inftantly changed her opinion in his favour,
when the duke entered the lifts of oppofition.
66
" 1738. It is faid the duke of Argyle is
extremely angry. It is a common faying, that
when a houfe is to fall the rats go away; but
I doubt there is nothing of that in this cafe,
and I rather think the anger muſt be to have
fome new demand fatisfied, which is a thing
his grace has often done.
"1738.-After all the great noiſe there
was of the duke of Argyle's being irreconcil-
ably angry with Sir Robert; every thing has
pall fince in the houſe without his faying the
leaft word to fhew it; that was no ſurpriſe to
me.
66
1738-9.-I think it is quite fure that the
duke of Argyle is determined, and has thrown
away the fcabbard, and he ufes to have a very
quick fight when it was time to leave a mi-
nifter.
66
1738-9-The duke of Argyle fpoke
charmingly (on the convention with Spain)
and has certainly thrown away the ſcabbard.
"1738-9.--All the hatred I once had to
him, upon a very juſt account, is now turned
into love.
66
1740-1.The duke of Argyle ſpoke as
well as it was poffible for a man to do.”
+ Tindal, vol. 20. p. 404.
The Duke of Argyle's Speech anſwered,
P. 31, 32.
fifted
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
615
x
fifted that the minifter had engroffed the whole power of government, that
the privy council was excluded from all knowledge of the proceedings, and
that the meaſures were only fubmitted to them for approbation, and not
for examination. He mentioned himfelf as a witness of the truth of this
ſtatement. For although he was commander in chief, yet the knowledge of
many material tranſactions had been withheld from him. He faid that there
were two cabinet councils in the kingdom, the king had one, and the mini-
fter had another, and that the king's knew little or nothing of what was
done in the other. He thus endeavoured to exculpate himfelf, and to
throw on the miniſter the whole blame of paft tranfactions, which he and
his party were difpofed to arraign, as arguments for his removal.
The duke of Argyle was a warm, impetuous and animated orator. He
poffeffed great fluency of language and elegance of diction. His fpeeches
were highly declamatory, and filled with affected cxpreffions of candour,
conviction, and difintereſtedneſs. They had always a very great effect, by
appearing to be unpremeditated effufions Rowing from the occafion and
adapted to the moment. They were accompanied with all the graces of elo-
cution, geſture, and dignity of manner. His eloquence was highly cele-
brated by Pope and Thomfon *.
Chapter 53.
1739.
credit.
As there was great reaſon to apprehend that the court of Spain would not The vote of
fulfil her engagements, by paying the £. 95,000, the king ſent a meffage to
both houſes of parliament, expreffing hopes that they would enable him to
make fuch farther augmentations of his forces, both by fea and land, and to
concert fuch meafures as the emergency of affairs might require during
the recefs of parliament. The houſe of lords returned an addrefs, affuring
him of their ſupport. The commons refolved, that towards enabling the
king to augment his forces, if neceffary, the fum of £. 500,000 should be
granted.
They alfo voted £. 60,000, which, according to the terms of the con-
vention, were due to Spain for the ſhips taken in 1718, and this fum,
with the £.95,000, was to be applied towards making fatisfaction to
his majefty's injured fubjects for their loffes. The feffion was, ſoon after,
*
(6
Argyle, the ſtate's whole thunder born to wield,
"And ſhake alike the fenate and the field.”
And Thomafon fays of him,
“from his rich tongue
"Perſuaſion flows, and wins the high debate."
clofed
616
MEMOIRS OF
+
June 14.
Farther tranf-
Spain.
Period VII. clofed by prorogation. The king's meffage, the addrefs of the lords, and
1737 to 1742. refolutions of the commons, were fent to Mr. Keene, who was ordered
to acquaint La Quadra, now marquis of Villarias, that this was a provi-
fional power which was thought neceffary to be given during the receſs of
actions with parliament, ſhould any emergency occur which concerned the honour, intereſt,
and fafety of the king's dominions, and ought not to excite jealouſy, and
that the grant of the £. 60,000, to be paid by England, if Spain would
diſcharge the £.95,000, within the time limited by the convention, was
a proof of the king's defign to fulfil his engagements. But this conciliat-
ing language had no effect. The face of affairs was totally changed in Spain;
the haughty and infulting language of the Engliſh parliament and people
difgufted and provoked that fenfitive nation, and for fome time all the ac-
tions of the Spaniſh court fully proved their determined refolution not to
fulfil the terms of the convention.
May 5.
May 17.
May 23.
The Spaniſh minifters made bitter remonftrances on the continuance of
admiral Haddock's fleet in the Mediterranean, which they confidered as in-
fulting their coafts *,
When the plenipotentiaries met, the Spaniſh full powers were not fo ex-
tenfive as the Britiſh, and the meeting was adjourned on that account.
Villarias declared, on application being made from the South Sea company,
that the king of Spain would liften to no propofal on the part of the com-
pany until the £.68,000 was paid. When the plenipotentiaries met, and
the full powers were allowed to be drawn up in due form, de la Quintana,
one of the Spaniſh plenipotentiaries, announced, in the name of his maſter,
that while the Britiſh fquadron remained in the Mediterranean, no grace or
facilities were to be expected, that the Engliſh were to be treated according
to the rules of the moſt rigid juſtice, as the honour of the king of Spain
would not permit any condeſcenſion while fuch a fcourge hung over them.
The king of Spain himſelf, bitterly complained to Mr. Keene of the infult
offered to his honour, by the continuance of the Britiſh fquadron on his
coaft, and declared, that as the South Sea company "refuſed to pay the
£.68,000, he thought himſelf at liberty to revoke the affiento for ne-
groes, and to feize their effects as an indemnification for that fum."
After this audience, Villarias fignified to Mr. Keene, that his maſter
confidered the peace at an end; that there was no dependence on the pro-
miſes of the Britiſh court; infifted on the claim of fearching fhips in the
American feas, and concluded by intimating, that if that claim was not
+ Tindal, vol. 20. p. 419.
adinitted
* Account of the negotiation with Spain, Walpole Papers.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
617
-admitted as the bafis of future negotiations, there could be no occafion for
any farther conference*. This was justly confidered as a prelude to the
declaration of war; the moft vigorous preparations were made in England
for offenfive operations; Haddock, who was cruifing off Cadiz, was confider-
ably reinforced; Sir John Norris hoiſted the union flag on board the Namur,
at Chatham; Sir Chaloner Ogle was ordered to the Weſt Indies with a
large force, while Horace Walpole embarked for Holland to require the
quota of troops, ftipulated by treaties in cafe of a war.
The miniſtry had fent to Mr. Keene his laft inftructions, which were, to
declare that the king inſiſted on a full renunciation on the part of Spain, of
all claims of fearching Britiſh fhips, as the baſis of a future treaty, and
that the honour of the Britiſh crown and nation would not fuffer any farther
negotiations, but upon that condition. He likewife demanded, in very pe-
remptory terms, the immediate execution of all that had been ſtipulated on
the part of Spain by the convention, and that the Britiſh rights to Georgia
and Carolina fhould be exprefsly acknowledged in the future treaty. He
farther obſerved, that the failure of the crown of Spain to fulfil the terms
of the convention, had given a new turn to the ſtate of affairs between the
two courts, which intitled his Britannic majefty to be more peremptory, and
to rife in his demands, eſpecially confidering the vaft expences which the
Spaniſh breach of faith had obliged Great Britain to incur, in armaments
both by fea and land. Mr. Keene, as uſual, received an evaſive anſwer, but
renewed his applications to the Spaniſh miniſtry, and firmly told them, that
his court had adopted a reſolution of granting their fubjects liberty to
make repriſals on the Spaniards, and that he was ordered to leave Spain if
he did not immediately receive a fatisfactory anſwer †.
The reply amounted to a declaration of war. The Spaniſh court, fecretly
inſtigated by the French, eager to obtain the affiento contract, and to become
the carriers of the Spaniſh trade into the Weft Indies, rejected fo difhonourable
a compromiſe, and prepared for hoftilities with unuſual activity. The Britiſh
cabinet iffued letters of reprifals, and Admiral Vernon was fent with nine
men of war to intercept the Affogue fhips in their paffage from America
to Spain, and then to reduce Porto Bello.
Chapter 53.
1739.
Declaration
of war.
The declaration of war againſt Spain was received by all ranks and diftinc- Oct. 19.
tions of men, with a degree of enthuſiaſm and joy, which announced the ge-
neral frenzy of the nation. The bells were pealed in all the churches of
Tindal, vol. 20. p. 419.
+ ĺbid. p. 421.
VOL. I.
4 K
London;
618
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
London *; huzzas and acclamations refounded on all fides; a numèrous
1737 to 1742. proceffion attended the heralds into the city, and the prince of Wales
did not deem it a degradation to accompany it, and to ftop at the door
of the Roſe Tavern, Temple Bar, and drink fuccefs to the war. The ftocks,
which had been fome time on the decline, rofe inftantaneouſly. This
unuſual circumftance, at the opening of a war, was owing to the fanguine
expectation, that hoftilities would be carried on at the expence of the enemy.
The poffeffions of Spain in the Weft Indies were confidered as likely to
fall an eafy prey to the British adventurers. The merchants anticipated
the monopoly of the commerce with South America, and the poffeffions of
the mines of Peru and Potofi. But theſe idle dreams of riches and conqueft
foon proved fallacious; what the minifter had foreſeen, now happened :
England ſtood fingly engaged in war without an ally.
Conduct of
England:
ว
The Spaniſh manifefto fully juſtified the conduct of Spain, and proved to
impartial Europe, that though in the refufal to pay the £. 95,000, fhe appeared
to be the aggreffor, the Engliſh were the real aggreffors, and that while affect-
ing to comply with the letter, they had violated the ſpirit of the treaty. France
artfully availed herſelf of thefe circumftances; while fhe armed both by fea and
land, with a view to intimidate England, and to join Spain, whenever a
favourable opportunity fhould occur, fhe artfully offered her mediation to
compofe the differences, and prevailed on the Dutch to maintain a ſtate of
neutrality, by threatening them with an army of 50,000 men towards the
Low Countries, and alluring them with hopes of ſharing the fpoils of the
trade which the Engliſh carried on to Spaniſh America.
On reviewing the conduct of England, from the renewal of the difputes
concerning the Spaniſh depredations in 1737, to the declaration of war, we
ſhall not heſitate to confefs, that it was inconfiftent, unjuft, haughty, and
violent.
The Britiſh nation liftened only to one fide of the queſtion, gave implicit
credit to all the exaggerated accounts of the cruelties committed by the
Spaniards without due evidence, and without noticing the violations of ex--
preſs treaties by the Britiſh traders. The difficulty of obtaining an accurate
ſtatement of facts, which had paffed in the American feas, was ſeldom taken
into confideration. Inftant and full reparation for damages, not fufficiently
authenticated, and always over-rated, was loudly and repeatedly called for..
✦ It is recorded, that Sir Robert Walpole,
-hearing the bells ringing, inquired the caufe
of fuch rejoicings, and was informed that the
bell's were ringing for the declaration of war.
They now ring the bells, he replied, but they-
will foon wring their hands.
The
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
619
The cry of No fearch echoed from one part of the kingdom to another, and
reverberated from London to Madrid. The common topics of juftice and
humanity were forgotten amidst the public ardour; a general enthuſiaſm per-
vaded all ranks of people, and the religious crufade againſt the Saracens, in
an age of bigotry and ignorance, was not profecuted with greater fervour
than the commercial crufade againſt Spain, in an enlightened century. The
crown of Spain was reviled and degraded in the eyes of Europe, by the pe-
tulance of declamatory eloquence; imperious meffages were fent to Madrid,
and the moft haughty and irritable court in Europe, provoked and infulted
beyond the poſſibility of farther forbearance.
Chapter 53.
1739.
The public conduct of the minifter is alfo liable to much animadverfion, And of Wal-
though from a different caufe.
Burke fays, “I obſerved one fault in his general proceeding. He never
manfully put forward the entire ftrength of his caufe. He temporifed; he
managed; and adopting very nearly the fentiments of his adverfaries, he op-
pofed their inferences. This, for a political commander, is the choice of a
weak poft. His adverfaries had the better of the argument, as he handled
it, not as the reafon and juftice of his caufe enabled him to manage it. I
fay this, after having feen, and with fome care examined the original docu-
ments, concerning certain important tranfactions of thoſe times. They per-
fectly fatisfied me of the extreme injuftice of that war, and of the falfhood
of the colours, which, to his own ruin, and guided by a miſtaken policy,
he fuffered to be daubed over that meaſure. Some years after, it was my
fortune to converſe with many of the principal actors againſt that miniſter,
and with thoſe who principally excited that clamour. None of them, no not
one, did in the leaſt defend the meaſure, or attempt to juſtify their conduct,
which they as freely condemned as they would have done in commenting
upon any proceeding in hiſtory in which they were totally unconcerned.
Thus it will be. They who ftir up the people to improper defires, whether
of peace or war, will be condemned by themſelves. They who weakly yield
to them, will be condemned by hiſtory
* ""
Theſe obſervations are perfectly juſt; but the fagacious author did not
fufficiently confider, and perhaps did not know, the delicate fituation of the
miniſter, and the embarraffiments under which he laboured at this particular
juncture. Walpole himſelf well knew the ftrength of the arguments, which
He was
might have been produced againſt the affertions of the minority,
aware, that the British who traded to the South Seas, were principally
*Thoughts on a Regicide Peace, p. 23.
4 K 3
engaged
pole.
620
MEMOIRS OF
1737 to 1742.
Period VII. engaged in carrying on an illicit trade, and in importing and exporting
illicit goods; that few of the captures were illegal; and that the Spaniards,
though they might in fome inſtances have tranfgreffed the bounds of ſtrict
juſtice, yet in general were fufficiently vindicated by the conduct and beha-
viour of the British traders.
Inclination of
the king.
Divifions in
the cabinet.
The fact was, that the nation could not hear the truth; the minds of all
men were fo inflamed with tales of cruelties, that any attempts to contra-
dict thein were wholly ineffectual. The minifter himſelf could not venture
to queſtion or decry them.
An infinuation thrown out by fome of his friends, that the Britiſh ſhips in
the Weft Indies carried on fmuggling, contrary to treaties, and to the true
intereft of the fair trader, was received with high indignation, and reprefented
by oppofition, as a reflection caft upon the whole body of Engliſh merchants
in America*. Nor need any other proof be given of the general infatua-
tion and frenzy, which prevented the voice of truth and reafon from being
heard, than that the fable of Jenkins's ears was fully credited, and that no
one could venture to call in queftion the truth of that abfurd ſtory. He
was obliged therefore to confine the defence of the convention.to the expe-
diency of the meaſure, the inconveniences of war, and the advantages of
peace, with fuch general arguments as were anfwered and nullified by im-
paffioned appeals to the feelings and honour of an injured and infulted nation.
His oppofition to the war, drew upon him odium and unpopularity
from all quarters. Even many of thoſe who voted with him from per-
fonal confiderations, were equally free in their complaints of his indolence,
want of ſpirit, and averfion to vigorous meaſures, for vindicating the national
honour, and chaftifing the infolence of Spaniſh depredations.
The king was eager for war. Infpired by a martial ſpirit and natural mag-
`nanimity, he was diſpoſed to ſeek reparation of injuries by military operations,.
preferably to the flower and lefs fplendid methods of negotiation.
By the death of queen Caroline, Walpole had loft his principal protectreſs;
one who uniformly appreciated his counfels and promoted his views; who
maintained in the king's mind thoſe favourable fentiments, which thoſe who
were about his perfon, were labouring to change. Her deceaſe gave full
ſcope to the intrigues of a ſtrong party in the cabinet, who inclined for war,
and oppoſed thofe meaſures which the minifter wifhed to adopt.
The duke of Newcaſtle was particularly vehement in fupporting the con-
tents of the petition, which the merchants had delivered to the king in 1737-
* Tindal, vol. 20. p. 366.
1
In
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
6211
17392
In conformity to this ſtatement of the grievances, he drew up an angry me- Chapter 53.
morial, which Keene was ordered to preſent to the Spaniſh minifters, in
which he endeavoured to prove that the Spaniards had broken the articles in
feveral treaties, and particularly alluded to the treaty of 1667. This memo-
rial* was forwarded to Keene, to be prefented to the court of Madrid, and
Horace Walpole was ordered to draw up a fimilar one, to be prefented to
the States General. But the fagacity of Horace Walpole faw the fact in a
very different light. He was fully fenfible that the treaty of 1667, referred
only to the trade which Great Britain was permitted to carry on to the
Spaniſh dominions in Europe only, and had no reference to the American
commerce. This opinion he repreſented with his uſual freedom, and proveď
by undoubted documents.
Sir Robert Walpole adopted this mode of thinking, and objected to New-
caſtle's memorial. But being unfupported by the king, and the other mem-
bers of the cabinet, he was compelled to withdraw his oppofition, and affent
to the meaſure. Even when the convention was ratified, and the fettling of
the diſputes referred to an amicable compofition, Newcaſtle adopted the
opinions and language of oppoſition, and obferved, in a letter to the Britiſh
minifter at Madrid:
"His majeſty's view and deſign is, that this commiffion ſhould not,. like
fome former ones, be drawn into length and produce no effect; but that all
points in diſpute between the two crowns, may be thoroughly examined, and
finally fettled and adjuſted; fo that a perfect good underſtanding may be
eſtabliſhed between the two nations; which is impoffible to be done, as long as
the depredations continue in any manner; and therefore the king does expect, that
the freedom of navigation of his fubjects may be effectually fecured to them; that
they may neither be liable to be taken or ſearched in their navigation in the Ame-
rican feas, to and from any part of his majesty's dominions ‡."
The chancellor, lord Hardwicke, a man of moderation, good fenfe, and
candour, was of the fame opinion with the duke of Newcaſtle, and fpoke
with fuch vehemence in the houfe of lords against the depredations, and in
favour of compulſory meaſures, that Walpole, who ſtood behind the throne,
exclaimed to thoſe who were near him, "Bravo colonel Yorke, Bravo §."
Lord Harrington inclined to the fentiments of Newcaſtle and Hardwicke.
The earl of Wilmington was always blindly attached to the opinion of the
king, and therefore favoured the war. He repented that he had declined
*Keene and Walpole Papers.
+ Walpole Papers.
Duke of Newcastle to Benjamin Keene,
Whitehall, January 26, 1737-8. Walpole
Papers.
§ From the late earl of Hardwicke.
accepting
1
(622
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Lord Hervey
privy feal.
to Newcaſtle.
accepting the employments which had been offered to him on the death of
George the Firft; his hopes revived on the deceaſe of queen Caroline; he
afpired to the ftation of first minifter, and by his fecret influence in the
cloſet, occafionally thwarted and counteracted the advice of Walpole.
The only members of the cabinet of whom Walpole was fecure, were Sir
Charles Wager, the earl of Godolphin, who had fucceeded lord Lonfdale in
the office of privy feal, which he retained in compliance with the wiſhes of
the minifter, to whom he was uniformly and inviolably attached, and the
duke of Devonſhire, who was occaſionally abfent in Ireland.
Many meaſures were alſo adopted which he did not approve, and many
perfons appointed to commands, particularly admiral Vernon, in oppofition
to his wiſhes. The letters of repriſal were iffued contrary to his opinion.
Newcaſtle had adapted the declaration of war to the public opinion*,
in direct contradiction to his known fentiments, on the bafis of princi-
ples which held up the delay of hoftilities to cenfure, and, as the minifter
thought, with a view to caft an odium upon him. The declaration had
been approved by the cabinet, and was on the point of being iffued in this
form, when a ſtrong remonftrance of Horace Walpole to the lord chan-
cellor, induced the ſecretary of ſtate to amend this important paper.
A ftill greater fource of difcord had been derived from the reſolution of
the miniſter to obtain the privy feal for lord Harvey, who had uniformly
proved his attachment, and had ftrenuoufly fupported his adminiſtration,
by fpeeches, and by his pen. Godolphin, who had fucceeded lord Lonf-
dale in that high office, had announced his intention of retiring, but had
delayed the refignation at the requeſt of Walpole, until the difficulties which
In oppofition obftructed the nomination of Hervey could be removed. That nobleman
had, by his farcaftic and petulant raillery, rendered himfelf fo highly difagree-
able to Newcaſtle, that in a letter to lord chancellor Hardwicke, he obferved,
"Sir Robert Walpole and Pulteney are not more oppofite in the houſe of
commons, than lord Hervey and I are, with regard to our mutual inclina-
tions to each other, in our houfe. He ftrongly reprefented the objections
to his promotion, and the ill effects which would be derived from it. He
propoſed, rather than ſubmit, that the duke of Grafton, the lord chancellor,
his brother Mr. Pelham, and himſelf ſhould refign; and even if they ſhould
not accede to this meaſure, avowed his refolution fingly to retire, rather than
bear what he confidered as a perſonal infult.
* Duke of Newcaſtle to lord Hardwicke,
September 30, 1739.
† Horace Walpole to lerd Hardwicke. Cor-
refpondence.
He made alfo ſtrong remon-
Duke of Newcaſtle to lord Hardwicke,
October 14, 1739. Hardwicke Papers.
ftrances
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
623
1739.
ftrances on the ſubject to Sir Robert Walpole, and a violent altercation Chapter 53.
paſſed between them at Claremont. Notwithſtanding thefe pofitive decla-
rations, the miniſter perſevered in his refolution. Lord Hervey was at length
appointed lord privy feal, and Newcaſtle, either finding his co-adjutors not April, 1740
inclined to reſign in compliance with his requeſt, and ſoftened by the chan-
cellor and his brother, fuppreffed his difguft, and acquiefced in the nomina-
tion.
The fituation of the minifter was rendered ftill more irkfome, by the oc-
cafional ill-humour of the king, who thwarted and counteracted his views, at
the very moment when he moſt wanted his affiftance. Several inftances of a
pertinacious refuſal of the miniſter's juſt requeſts, appeared in the courſe of
this fummer. But one in particular, will ferve to fhew the extreme em-
barraffments under which he laboured.
Horace Walpole had ferved, with little interruption, in the quality of en-
voy, plenipotentiary, or embaffador from 1722 to 1739. He had performed
his functions with unremitting affiduity and addreſs; and had rendered him-
felf eminently uſeful in the conduct of foreign affairs. He had been for fome
time weary of his employment, and expreffed an earneſt defire to return to
England. On the death of queen Caroline, his fituation abroad became more
difficult. Contradictory orders were occafionally iffued from London and
Hanover. The opinion and advice which he freely gave, were not always
congenial to the king's German prejudices. He incurred diſpleaſure by the
frankneſs with which he declared his fentiments on all occafions, and the
courage with which he oppofed the petty electoral views, which fometimes
interfered with the grand interefts of Great Britain and Europe. Frequent
bickerings with lord Harrington, rendered his continuance abroad more and
more irkſome, and he refifted all the importunities of his brother, enforced
by the earneſt repreſentation of the chancellor, for whom he entertained the
higheſt eſteem, and perfevered in his refolution to retire from the diplomatic
line.
The ſtate of affairs, and temper of the Dutch, who were preffed by Eng-
land on one fide, and by France on the other, required a perfon of great abi-
lities, addreſs, and circumfpection, agreeable to the leading men of the re-
public, well acquainted with the forms of their complicated conftitution, and
capable of obviating the dilatorinefs of their counfels.. It was neceffary alſo,
that the fuccefför fhould be attached to the minifter, and likely to follow
the directions of Horace Walpole. Such a perſon was Robert Trevor, fe-
cond fon of lord Trevor, who had, from the commencement of Horace Wal-
pole's embaffy to the Hague, ferved in the capacity of private fecretary, and
during
X
Walpole
thwarted by
the king.
524
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
during his abfence, had acted as chargé d'affaires. He was diftinguiſhed no lefs
for his difcretion than his talents, and his diſpatches were peculiarly intereft-
ing and animated.
But the king had entertained a violent prejudice againſt Trevor, and
though he could not with juſtice or policy object to his nomination, yet he
clogged his miffion with fo many difficulties as nearly prevented it, and
when thoſe difficulties were finally overcome, he poſitively refuſed to confer on
him the united character of envoy and plenipotentiary, with the ſalary of
eight pounds a day, but infifted that he ſhould be only appointed envoy,
with a falary of no more than five pounds. The repeated folicitations of
Walpole, in compliance with his brother's wishes, had no effect, all his at-
tempts to perſuade the king were ineffectual.
Trevor had received from Horace Walpole a promiſe of his recommenda-
tion, and as he knew the affection of Sir Robert Walpole for his brother,
and believed his influence all powerful in the cloſet, he had confidered his ap-
pointment to the offices of envoy and plenipotentiary, as certain as if it had
paffed the great feal. When, therefore, the miniſter acquainted him with the
king's inflexibility, he declined accepting the grant of envoy alone, as de-
grading to himſelf, declared that, on account of the fmallneſs of his own
fortune, the falary of five pounds a day was infufficient to maintain an efta-
´bliſhment, in a ſtyle and manner conformable to uſage, and confonant to the
dignity of his ftation.
The miniſter never felt hiniſelf more chagrined. He was concerned leſt
his brother ſhould impute to him a lukewarmnefs in promoting his friend,
and procuring a poſt which had been folemnly promiſed. He was appre-
henſive left Trevor ſhould conceive his influence over the king greater than
it really was, and fhould fufpect him of duplicity, and he was at the fame time.
convinced, that no perfon was fo proper to be employed at the Hague. He
therefore frankly reprefented his fituation to his brother; he expreffed his in-
ability to prevail over the king, and intimated, that fhould Trevor decline
the appointment of envoy, the confequence would be the increaſe of the
king's diſguſt, and the nomination of another perſon, who might be both in-
capable of diſcharging his functions, and be diſagreeable to them. He there-
fore earneſtly entrcated his brother to obtain the acquiefcence of his friend.
His exhortation prevailed; Trevor, at the fuggeftion of Horace Walpole,
complied, and fucceeded him at the Hague, in the quality of envoy only.
Horace Walpole returned to England, and foon afterwards refigned the
place of cofferer of the houſehold for a tellerſhip of the exchequer. He took
no farther ſhare in public buſineſs, than in giving his affiſtance to his brother
in
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE..
625
1
in the management of foreign affairs, and ftrenuoufly fupporting his meaſures Chapter 53.
in parliament.
Thus fituated, and thus embarraffed, thwarted by the king, counteracted
by the cabinet, reviled by the nation, and compelled to declare war againſt
his own opinion, a fimple and natural queftion arifes; Why did he not re-
fign? Why did he ftill maintain a poft expoſed to. fo many difficulties, and
ſubject to ſo much obloquy? His intimate friends urged him to take this
ſtep, when the convention was carried in the houfe of commons by a ma-
jority of 28. In fact, he did requeſt the king's permiffion to refign * He
ftated his embarraffiments: He obferved, that his oppofition to this war
would be always imputed as a crime, and that any ill fuccefs in carrying it
on would be attributed to him. The king remonftrated againſt this refo-
lution, exclaiming, "Will you deſert me in my greateſt difficulties?" and re-
fuſed to admit his refignation. The minifter reiterated his wifhes, and the
king again impoſed filence in fo authoritative a manner, that he acquiefced,
and remained at the helm.
But his compliance with the king's commands is by no means fufficient
for his juftification. Had he come forward on this occafion, and declared that
he had oppoſed the war as unjuſt, and contrary to the interefts of his coun-
try, but finding that the voice of the people was clamorous for hoftilities, he
had therefore quitted a ftation which he could not preferve with dignity, as
he was unwilling to conduct the helm of government, when he could not
guide it at his own difcretion, and to be refponfible for meaſures which he
did not approve: Had he acted this noble and dignified part, he would
have rifen in the opinion of his own age, and have fecured the applauſe of
pofterity..
The confequence of his continuance in office was repeated mortifications
from thoſe with whom he acted, and infults from thoſe who oppoſed him,
and that in lefs than two years from this period, he was reduced to a com-
pulfory refignation.
The truth is, that he had neither refolution or inclination to perſevere in
a facrifice which circumftances feemed to require, and to quit a ftation which
long poffeffion had endeared to him. But minifters are but men; human na-
ture does not reach to perfection; and who ever quitted power without a
figh, or looked back to it without regret?
*
Correfpondence between Horace Walpole and Etough. Walpole and Etough Paper».
VOL. 1.
4 L
1739.
Offers to re-
fign.
2
626
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Meeting of
parliament,
November
15.
King's
fpeech.
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FOURTH:
1739-1741.
Meeting of Parliament.—Return of the Seceders.-Efforts of Oppofition.-Em-
barraſſments of Walpole.—Supplies.-Capture of Porto-Bello.-Expedition to
America.-Altercations in the Cabinet.-Foreign Affairs.-Death of the King
of Pruffia-Of the Emperor.-Invaſion of Silefia.
TH
HE declaration of war rendered it neceffary that the parliament
ſhould be affembled at an earlier ſeaſon than uſual. The king, in his
ſpeech from the throne, ſpoke a language which could not have been fronger,
had it been dictated by oppofition. In the opening, he obferved, "The
preſent poſture of our affairs has obliged me to call you together at this time,
fooner than has been uſual of late years, that I may have the immediate ad-
vice and affiſtance of my parliament, at this critical and important conjunc-
ture. I have, in all my proceedings with the court of Spain, acted agree-
ably to the ſenſe of both houſes, and therefore I can make no doubt, but I
ſhall meet with a ready and vigorous ſupport in this juſt and neceffary war,
which the repeated injuries and violence committed by that nation upon the
navigation and commerce of theſe kingdoms, and their obftinacy and notorious
violation of the moſt folemn engagements, have rendered unavoidable."
He then mentioned the augmentation of his forces, and the confidence he
had in being furniſhed with the neceffary fupplies. After adverting to the
heats and animofities which had, with the greateſt induſtry, been fomented
throughout the kingdom, and had chiefly encouraged the proceedings of the
court of Spain, he concluded by obſerving, "Union among all thofe who
have nothing at heart but the true intereft of Great Britain, and a becoming
zeal in the defence of my kingdoms, and in the fupport of the common
caufè of our country, with as general a concurrence in carrying on the war, as
there has appeared for engaging in it, will make the court of Spain repent
the wrongs they have done us; and convince thofe, who mean the fubverfion
of the preſent eſtabliſhment, that this nation is determined, and able, both
to vindicate their injured honour, and to defend themſelves againſt all our
open and fecret enemies, both at home and abroad *.”
* Journals. Chandler.
1
In
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
627
}
In the houſe of lords, the addrefs paffed, though not without much al-
tercation from the peers in oppofition, at the mention of heats and animo-
fities, almoſt without a divifion, and on a divifion, the numbers were 68
againſt 41
*.
Chapter 54.
1739 to 1741
Proceedings
of the lords.
November.
mons.
In the commons it occafioned a warm and violent debate, which did not
fo much relate to the fubject of the addrefs, as to the return of the feceding Of the com-
members to their duty. Mr. Archer having moved the addreſs, which was
as ufual the echo of the fpeech, Pulteney began by vindicating the fe-
ceffion. He enforced the neceffity of that meaſure, for the purpoſe of clear-
ing their characters to pofterity, from the imputation of fitting in an af
fembly, where a determined majority gave a fanction to meaſures evidently
diſgraceful to the king and the nation. "This ftep," he faid, " however
it has been hitherto cenfured, will I hope, for the future, be treated in a
different manner, for it is fully juſtified by the declaration of war, fo uni-
verfally approved, that any farther vindication will be fuperfluous. There
is not an affertion maintained in it, that was not, almoft in the fame words,
infifted upon by thofe who oppofed the convention. Since that time,
there has not one event happened that was not then foreſeen and foretold.
But give me leave to fay, Sir, that though the treatment which we have fince
received from the court of Spain, may have fwelled the account, yet it has
furniſhed us with no new reafons for declaring war; the fame provocations
have only been repeated, and nothing but longer patience has added to the
juſtice of our caufe. The fame violation of treaties, the fame inſtances of
injuſtice and barbarity, the fame difregard to the law of nations, which are
laid down as the reaſons of this declaration, were then too flagrant to be de-
nied, and too contemptuous to be borne. Nor can any one reafon be
alledged for juftifying our going to war now, that was not of equal force
before the convention. After that was ratified, and after the addrefs of
parliament to his majefty on that head, there was indeed fome fort of pre-
text for not commencing hoftilities, becauſe you had laid yourſelves under a
kind of obligation, to fee if the court of Spain would fulfil their part of the
ftipulations; but this was a reaſon that could have no place before that con-
duct was entered into and approved. It is therefore evident, that if the war
be now neceffary, it was neceffary before the convention. Of this neceffity
the gentlemen (known, however improperly, by the name of Seceders) were
then fully convinced. They faw, inftead of that ardour of refentment, and
that zeal for the honour of Britain, which fuch indignities ought to have
Lords' Debates.
4 L 2
produced,
628
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period VII. produced, nothing but meannefs, and tamenefs, and fubmiffion; and their
1737 to 1742. natural confequences, a low, temporary expedient, a fhameful convention;
a convention, which had the Spaniards not madly broken it, muſt have ended
in our ruin, muſt have thrown our own navigation into the hands of our
enemies. To fuch a conduct as this they could give no fanction; they faw
that all oppofition was ineffectual, and that their prefence was only made ufc
of, that what was already determined might be ratified by the plaufible ap-
pearance of a fair debate. They therefore feceded, if that word muſt be uſed
on this occafion, and refuſed to countenance meaſures which they could
neither approve nor defeat.
"The ftate of affairs is now changed; the meafures of the miniftry are
now altered; and the fame regard for the honour and welfare of their coun-
try, that determined thefe gentlemen to withdraw their countenance from
ſuch a conduct as they thought had a tendency to deſtroy them, the fame has
brought them hither once more, to give their advice and afliftance in thoſe
meaſures, which they then pointed out, as the only means of afferting and
retrieving them." He then obferved, that the only method to preferve the
trade and navigation of Great Britain from any future violation, was to at-
tack the Spaniſh fettlements in the Weft Indies, and to prevent any miniſter
from giving up our conquefts, under any pretence whatfoever; declared his
readineſs to ſupport miniftry in carrying on the war with vigour and advan-
tage; expre.fed his wishes, that no mention had been made of heats and ani-
mofities in the king's fpeech, and thought that the dignity and reputation of
the houſe would be confulted, if the addreſs fhould take no notice of that
clauſe in the ſpeech *.
To this Sir Robert Walpole replied: "After what paffed laft feffion,
and after the repeated declarations of the honourable gentleman who ſpoke
laft, and his friends, I little expected that we ſhould have this feffion been
again favoured with their company. I am always pleaſed, Sir, when I fee
gentlemen in the way of their duty, and glad that thefe gentlemen have re-
turned to their's; though, to fay the truth, I was in no great concern left the
fervice either of his majeſty or the nation ſhould fuffer by their abſence.
believe the nation is generally fenfible, that the many ufeful and popular acts
which paffed towards the end of laſt feffion, were greatly forwarded and fa-
cilitated by the feceffion of theſe gentlemen, and if they are returned only to
oppoſe and perplex, I ſhall not at all be forry if they fecede again.
"The honourable gentleman who ſpoke laſt ſaid, that they took this ſtep,
* Chandler.
I
becauſe
+
?
9
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
becauſe he and his friends conceived that meaſures were purfued which
tended to ruin the honour and intereft of this nation, and that they have
returned to their duty, becauſe theſe meaſures are now at an end. Sir, I
don't remember any one ſtep which was taken in the whole of our tranfac-
tions with Spain, and has not been fully canvaffed in parliament, and as fully
approved. The parliament can beft judge what is fit or not fit to be done,
and while I have the honour of bearing any fhare in the adminiſtration, I
ſhall think myſelf fafe, and my actions compleatly juftified, if they are, after
mature deliberation, approved by a British parliament. The ftale argu-
ment of corruption never fhall have any weight with me; it has been the
common refuge of the difappointed and difaffected ever fince government had
a being; and it is an accufation, that like all other charges, though unfup--
ported by proof, if advanced againſt the beſt and moſt difintereſted admi-
niftration, and puſhed with a becoming violence, a pretended zeal for the
public good, will never fail to meet applaufe among the populace. I can-
not, however, believe that the honourable gentleman and his friends, have
found any reaſon to boaſt of the effects produced by their feceffion upon
the minds of the people, for it was a very new way of defending the interefts
of their conſtituents, to defert them when they apprehended them to be en-
dangered. I fhould not have touched fo much upon this fubject, had I not
been in a manner called upon to do it, by what fell from the honourable
gentleman who ſpoke laſt. I ſhall now proceed to take ſome notice of what.
he further advanced.
}
629
Chapter 54.
1739 to 1741.
"The declaration of war against Spain, is neither more nor lefs than the
confequence, which the king again and again informed this houfe, would ariſe
from the Spaniards perfifting in their refufal to do juftice to his injured
fubjects; and what the honourable gentleman has faid upon that head,
amounts to nothing more than that, after the Spaniards had abiòlutely refuſed
to do that juſtice, his majefty proceeded to thoſe meaſures which he had
then more than once promiſed to take. I am forry that the honourable
gentleman ſhould ſo far diſtruſt the royal affurances, as rather to abſent
himſelf from his duty as a member of this houfe, than put any confidence in
his majeſty's promiſe. But give me leave to ſay Sir, that, from the well
known character of his majeſty, this declaration of war is no more than wuat
the honourable gentleman and his friends had not only reaſon, but a right
to expect, even at the time of their feceffion, if the continued injuſtice of
the court of Spain fhould make it neceffary to have recourfe to arms. So
that upon the whole, I neither fee how his majeſty's not iffuing this declara-
tion of war, when they were pleaſed to require it, was a good reafon for their
running
630
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Bill for en-
of feamen.
Nov. 16.
Nov. 26.
running from their duty; nor how its being iffued at laft is any apology for
their return *."
After a few reflections on the impropriety of Pulteney's propofals, and
ſome obfervations by Sir John Barnard on the want of convoys, which
were anſwered by Sir Charles Wager, the addrefs was carried without a di-
vifion.
The conduct of the minifter during this whole feffion, proved the extreme
embarraffments under which he laboured, the little dependence he could ge-
nerally place on thoſe who ſupported him, and the effect which the public
voice had upon the decifions of the commons.
When Pulteney moved to bring in the bill for the fecurity of trade and
couragement encouragement of feamen, which had been thrown out laft feffion by the
exertions of the minifter, he oppofed it with much warmth, and de-
manded that the meaſure fhould be poftponed for the purpofe of taking it
into confideration. On the firft reading, however, he did not venture to
continue his oppofition, and after a flight animadverfion by Horace Walpole,
it paffed without a divifion. Although the minifter appreciated the injuftice of
depriving the public of all fhare in the prize money, and of annihilating at
once a great ſource of revenue, which might affift government in carrying on
the war, yet he dreaded to refift fo popular a meafure, and to offend the
navy of England.
Addrefs to
the king.
The agreement of the minifter to the war, and the vigorous manner in
which it was conducted, diftreffed oppofition, by taking from them the
moſt popular topic of declamation and obloquy. They endeavoured, there-
fore, to introduce motions of fo violent a tendency, as fhould preclude all
hopes of a reconciliation with Spain, trufting that the minifter would op-
poſe them as being contradictory to his pacific fyftem, and would by that
refiftance increate the national averfion. Accordingly, Sir William Wynd-
ham, after a violent Philippic againſt adminiſtration, moved for an ad-
February 21, drefs, teftifying a refolution to fupport the king in the profccution of the
war, and befecching him "never to admit of any treaty of peace with Spain,
unleſs the acknowledgment of our natural and indubitable right to navigate
in the American feas, to and from any part of his majeſty's dominions, with-
out being fearched, vifited, or ftopped, under any pretence whatſoever, fhall
have been first obtained, as a preliminary thereto $."
1740.
口
​As the tendency of this motion was well understood by the minifter, and
as it was made with the hopes of being rejected, he diſappointed their views,
1
Chandler.
+ Ibid.
1
Journals. Tindal.
After
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
631
After briefly vindicating his conduct from the reproaches of Sir William
Wyndham, he declared that he was the firft to ag.ee to the motion, and it
accordingly paffed, without a diffenting voice. The concurrence of the lords
being obtained, the addrefs was accordingly prefented by both houſes.
Chapter 54.
I
1739 to 17410
Place bill
February.
When the place bill was brought before the houfe, the minifter departed
from his uſual cuftom, of giving only his filent vote; he spoke against it with rej cad.
great ftrength of argument. All his efforts, however, could only procure a
ſmall majority of 16, 222 againſt 206 *. The caufe of this numerous mi-
nority, was principally owing to the approach of a general election, which
influenced many who favoured adminiſtration, to vote for the qucition.
The efforts of oppofition compelled him to relinquifh a bill, to which he
had paid confiderable attention, and which he thought effentially neceffary
for the ſpeedy equipment of the fleet. Government felt fenfible inconve-
niences from their inability to man their ſhips of war. According to an
account given in laſt year, upon a medium no more than twenty-one thou-
fand five hundred and fixteen feamen had been muftered on board the royal
navy, from the 31st of December 1738 to the 31ft of December 1739. The
public clamour at the fame time, on account of the numerous captures made
by the Spaniards, hourly increaſing, produced many warm petitions and remon-
ftrances. The method of impreffing, ferved only to increase the diſcontent
of the merchants, who were perpetually plying both houfes of parliament
with complaints that their trade was neglected. The matter was therefore
referred to a committee, who found invincible obftacles in their endeavours
to remedy the inconvenience any other way, than by eſtabliſhing a general
regiſter of all feamen and watermen capable of fervice. A bill to this effect
was accordingly prefented to the houſe by Sir Charles Wager.
The oppofition fairly allowed the expediency of the bill, but expatiated
with great effect on the hardships which it would entail upon the feaman,
who muſt appear whenever fummoned, at all hazards, whatever might be the
circumſtances of his family, or the ftate of his private affairs; he muſt, in
many caſes, expoſe himſelf to the penalties of the act, or leave his family at
a time when his affiftance and direction are abfolutely ncceffary. He muft,
if he ſhould by any misfortune or negligence, be encumbered with debt,
either fall under the diftreffes which the breach of this law would bring upon
him, or lie at the mercy of his creditors, perhaps exafperated by long dif-
appointments, or by long practice of feverity hardened in oppreffion.
* Journals. Chandler, vol. 11. where fee Walpole's admirable ſpeech on the occafion, p. 233-
Tindal, p. 450. Chandler.
1
Bill for re-
gincing fea-
men.
February 5,
ثلا
1
Pulteney
632
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. Pulteney propofed to defer the fecond reading a few days, and to print the
1737 to 1742. bill for the confideration of the houſe.
Dropped.
To theſe arguments the minifter replied, by declaring that the imprefs
of feamen, to which government muft always have recourfe in times of
emergency, was neither eligible or legal, that it was ineffectual and infufficient
for the attainment of its end; that the delay in procuring failors at the com-
mencement of a war, was a general grievance and a great obftruction to offenfive
operations, and to the acquifition of conquefts which would be eafy at firſt,
but afterwards became difficult. "While we are publiſhing proclamations," he
faid, "iffuing warrants for improffes, and gleaning up our failors by fingle
men, our fecrets are betrayed, and our enterprizes defeated." He did not,
however, object to the propofal for printing the bill, and delaying the fecond
reading a proper time, which was ordered accordingly.
During this fufpenfion, great outcry was raifed against the bill, as founded
on French edicts, and as tending to the introduction of French meaſures and
French defpotifm, and the reftrictions which it would have impofed on the
failors, which were not inconfiderable, were as ufual magnified and ex-
aggerated. The public mind was inflamed to fuch a degree, that when the
bill was prefented to be read a fecond time, it was received with a filent
horror, as a tranfcript of the French edict for the fame purport, and tending
to enflave the moft ufeful body of men in the kingdom. Sir Charles Wager
and Sir John Norris, who had prepared the bill, candidly admitted the charge,
that it was founded on a fimilar ordinance, but declared that it was the only
expedient which they could devife, to effect the purpoſe for which it was
defigned. The minifter, however, was difinclined to fupport a bill, againſt
which fuch ſtrong objections were made. He was therefore one of the
firſt to ſuggeſt the propriety of dropping it, and it was accordingly rejected.
"A motion was then made for the houſe to refolve itfelf into a committee
the Monday following, to confider of the heads of a bill, for the further and
better encouragement of feamen to enter into his majefty's fervice; but this
refolution, however well intended, never produced the defired effect, though
it feemed to be agreed upon by all parties, that a regifter was abfolutely
neceffary; and the firſt reſolution which the committee came to, March the
13th, was, that a voluntary regiſter of feainen would be of great utility to the
kingdom *."
***
* Tindal, vol. 20. p. 451. Sir Charles
Wager introduced a fimilar bill in the next
feffion, though with an alteration of the moſt
exceptionable parts. Every paragraph was
obftinately contefled. Some exceptionable
clauſes were corrected, and ſeveral amendments
made; after a long and well fought oppofition,
it paffed by 155 againſt 79.
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
633
1
The opponents of the minifter, fenfible that he was not adequately fup-
ported, preffed him with motions tending to increaſe his embarraffment.
Some prizes having been-taken by the Spaniards, a motion was made in the
houſe of commons, " For a lift of fhips of war employed as cruizers, for the
protection of trade on this fide Cape Finifterre, fince the roth of July laft,
diſtinguiſhing the time each fhip was ordered to remain, and the time fuch
ſhip did actually remain on fuch cruize, together with the reaſons of her
returning to any port of this kingdom." But as the rejection of this motion
was highly arraigned, the minifter agreed the following day to addreſs the
king" to give directions, that beſides the fhips of war employed againſt the
enemy, a fufficient number of fhips may be appointed to cruize in proper
ſtations, for the effectual protection of trade." The public was extremely
ſurpriſed that the miniftry fuffered this motion to pafs, as it carried an
oblique reflection upon themſelves. But the truth was, that about this
time, both the French and Dutch, under pretext of neutrality, had com-
menced carriers to the Spaniards, and upon being ſtopped and vifited by
the Britiſh ſhips, had made ſtrong complaints that ſuch practices were not
warranted by the laws of nations, or by treaties. The court of England in
anſwer, told them, that their complaints fhould be examined, but choſe to
leave it to the parliament, to exprefs the fenfe of the public, in a matter
that fo nearly touched the national intereft. When the addreſs was pre-
fented, the king replied, "All poffible care has been taken in carrying on
the war againſt Spain, in the moſt proper and effectual manner, and at the
fame time, for protecting the trade of my fubjects; and you may be affured,
that the fame care fhall be continued." In confequence of this addreſs,
however, the building of twenty gun fhips to act against the enemy's pri-
vateers, was haftened, and fix fhips of war, and ſtore ſhips were fent to re-
inforce admiral Haddock in the Mediterranean.
But a ſtill more dangerous meaſure was enforced by the oppofition, which
I fhall give in the words of the contemporary hiftorian fo often quoted.
"An embargo upon all ſhipping, except coafters, had continued, by order
of the lords of the admiralty, from the 1ft of February to the 28th of
March, when a petition from the merchants and owners of fhips, and others
concerned in manufactures and commerce, was fent to the houfe of com-
mons, complaining of the great hardships the continuance of the embargo
brought upon trade in general; and containing fome infinuations as if it
had been continued through wantonnefs. The fact was, that the petitioners.
had been amongst the loudeft in the outcry raiſed againft government
VOL. I.
4 M
for
Chapter 54.
1739 to 1741.
Motion for
cruizers.
March 23.
1
Petition
againſt the
embargo.
634
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. for not protecting their trade; and as that clamour increaſed, the neceffity
1737 to 1742 of employing more feamen increaſed likewife. The lords of the admiralty
had employed every fair means in their power to procure feamen, but with-
out fuccefs, till they were reduced to the difagreeable alternative of either
impofing the embargo, or permitting the fervice of the public to fuffer. To
give all the eaſe, however, in their power to trade, they foon took off the
embargo on foreign fhips, and acquainted the mafters of Britifh fhips,
that they were willing to take it off entirely, if every maſter, or merchant, or
owner of a fhip, would, in proportion to their number of hands, contribute
to the fupply of the navy. Though nothing could be more reaſonable, and
indeed, neceffary, than this conduct, yet it was repreſented, in the antimi-
niſterial ſpeeches and writings, as an intolerable oppreffion upon commerce,
calculated with a view to make the city of London, and the trading part of
the nation, weary of the war. The miniſtry, however, did not think fit to
comply with the prayer of the petition, which was, to be heard by counſel
againſt the embargo. They very juftly thought, that to admit counfel on
ſuch a head, was ftripping his majeſty and the government of one of their
moſt unquestionable prerogatives; and the motion was therefore rejected by
a majority of 166 againſt 95. This feaſonable firmnefs of the government
was attended with very good effects; for the merchants, at laſt, agreed to
carry one third of their crew landfmen, and to furnifh one man in four to
the king's fhips; upon which condition their ſhips had protections granted
them, and about the 14th of April, the embargo was taken off from all mer-
chants fhips in the ports of Great Britain and Ireland outward bound."
Supplies.
Bounties.
Almoſt the only propofals of the minifter which the minority did not
refift, were thoſe which related to fupplies. In this inftance, they were as
liberal in granting the public money, as if they had forgotten their own
repeated affertions, that the nation had been fo much impoverished by Wal-
pole, that it could not bear any farther burthens. The land tax was raiſed
to four fhillings in the pound; twelve hundred thousand pounds were taken
from the finking fund, and the whole amount of the fupplies came to
£. 4,059,722.
Many excellent laws in favour of commerce and navigation were paffed
during this feffion, and premiums were continued for the importation of
mafts, pitch, and tar; for encouraging the Greenland fifhery, by allowing an
additional bounty to all fhips employed in the whale fiſhery during the war,
and for protecting the men from being impreffed.
* Tindal, vol. 20. p. 456.
Not
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
635
Chapter 54.
1739 to 1741,
Capture of
Porto Bello.
Not long before the prorogation of parliament, the news of the cap-
ture of Porto Bello, by Vernon, reached London; and as the admiral was
ſtrongly ſupported by oppofition, and confidered as perfonally obnoxious
to the miniſter, fo favourable an opportunity of diftreffing him, was not
omitted. During the public rejoicings, the houfe of lords fent an addrefs.
to the commons for their concurrence, in which they congratulated the March.
king on the glorious fuccefs of his arms under the command of admiral
Vernon, by taking Porto Bello with only fix fhips of war. When the ad-
drefs was brought to the commons, the words, with fix fhips of war only,
were omitted. "But feveral of Vernon's friends, who had heard him de-
clare in the houſe, that he could take Porto Bello with that force, infifted
upon the infertion of thofe words. They were oppofed by the few of the
miniſterial party who were in the houfe, who thought they conveyed
a reproachful infinuation against the memory of admiral Hofier, and
could only ferve to revive the animofities of the public; but the addition
being infifted upon, it was carried by 36 againſt 31, and being agreed to by
the peers, was prefented accordingly." It is juftly obferved by Tindal, "A
Roman conful, after reducing a province, never received greater marks of
public applaufe from his country, than admiral Vernon did upon the demo-
lition of Porto Bello. His name, not only amongſt the lower, but the moſt
diſtinguiſhed ranks, became proverbial for courage; his exploit was exagge-
rated beyond meaſure; meanings were fuggefted that never were intended,
and confequences were drawn that never followed. The oppofition, who
counted upon Vernon as a creature of their own preferring, refolved to avail
themſelves of his name, and fome of their heads entered into a correfpond-
ence with him, which has been fince publiſhed, and in which they repreſent-
ed the miniſter and his friends, as fecret enemies to his perfon and fuccefs,
and themſelves as the patrons of his glory, and the fureties for his conduct
to the public. A man of Vernon's warm conftitution and refentful temper,
could not but be affected with thofe reprefentations which he thought came
from his friends; and he conceived a deep diflike to every perſon employed,
and every meaſure concerted for the public fervice, becaufe be thought all
came from the miniſter or his friends; and indeed, moſt of the terrible mif-
fortunes that afterwards attended the British arins in America, were owing to
his invincible prepoffeffions *."
An expedition was prepared to intercept the Spanish fleet, which was Expeditions
ready to fail from Ferrol; the command was given to Sir John Norris, and to America.
* Tindal, vol. 20. p. 456.
4 M 2
the
636
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. the duke of Cumberland ferved on board the Victory as a volunteer. The
1737 to 1742. accident of two fhips running foul, and the prevalence of contrary winds,
fruftrated the object of the armament, and they were obliged to remain
in Torbay, till intelligence was received that the Spanish fleet had pro-
ceeded for America. A fmall fquadron, commanded by commodoré An-
fon, failed for the South Sea, and to affift Vernon. But the greateſt expec-
tation was excited by a formidable fleet of feven and twenty fhips of the
line, befides frigates, fire fhips, bomb ketches, and tenders, equipped for the
attack of the northern coaſt of New Spain, which failed under Sir Chaloner
Ogle. In the Weft Indies they joined Vernon, who affumed the command,
and united to this formidable fleet, his own fuccefsful fquadron. The troops
on board were commanded by lord Cathcart, but he unfortunately died at
Dominica, and was fucceeded by general Wentworth, between whom and
the admiral an implacable animofity fubfifted. To this is afcribed the
failure of the enterprize, though, undoubtedly, many natural cauſes of fick-
nefs, and bad weather, materially co-operated. The reſtraint the com-
manders felt in acting, from their uncertainty with refpeft to the intentions
of the French, who had a ftrong fquadron in thoſe feas under the marquis
d'Antin, and who ufed every artifice and fineffe they thought themſelves
fafe in diſplaying, was alfo a principal caufe of the ill fuccefs. Vernon made
an attempt on Carthagena, which with all the force he poffeffed, and the ad-
vantage of being reftrained by no fpecific orders, was unſucceſsful and in-
glorious. The captures which were made at fea, far from having a good
effect, created animofities between the foldiers and failors. Sickneſs raged,
and a great mortality prevailed; an unfuccefsful attempt on the iſland of
Cuba, completed the chagrin, diſappointment, and impatience of the men,
and this powerful fleet, the operations of which had fixed the attention of
all Europe, and made the friends of Spain deſpair of her empire in the New
World, returned to England without having performed any thing to com-
penfate for the expence of its equipment
Divifions in
the cabinet.
Not to interrupt the thread of the narrative, I have thus brought down
the account of theſe expeditions, the failure of which drew fo much unme-
rited cenfure on the adminiſtration of Walpole, to a period pofterior to the
events immediately under confideration..
Soon after the prorogation of parliament, and the king's departure for
Hanover, the divifion in the cabinet increaſed to fo high a, degree,
that at one time, the continuance of Walpole and Newcaſtle in office
* Tindal.
feemed
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
637
feemed incompatible; and it appears that Walpole, notwithſtanding the ap-
proach of a new parliament, had refolved to obtain his difmiffion, even in
the king's abfence. A temporary reconciliation was, however, effected, by
the intervention of Horace Walpole, Pelham, and lord Hardwicke, and
promiſes were made on both fides to act with renewed cordiality. But the
promiſes of ſtateſmen are fickle, and foon forgotten. Although a diffolution
of the miniſtry was prevented, yet the fame jealoufy ſtill fubfifted. The
moſt violent and indecorous altercations took place at the meeting of the
lords of regency; and after the return of the king, even in the antichamber.
Walpole feems occafionally to have loft his ufual moderation and good tem-
per, and to have adopted the peeviſh fretfulneſs of Newcaſtle.
-
It was the object of Newcaſtle to fend all the ſhips which could be fpared
to America, for the purpoſe of enſuring fuccefs to the expedition in that
quarter. Walpole thought that the affairs of Europe were too much facri-
ficed to thoſe of America, and was apprehenfive left the coaft of England
fhould be left expofed. The Grafton, a fhip of 70 guns, being diſa- ·
bled from going to the Weſt Indies, it was propoſed in the council of re-
gency, to fend the Saliſbury, a 60 gun fhip, in her room. To this
the minifter objected, and peevishly exclaimed, "What, may not one poor
ſhip be left at home? Muft every accident be rifqued for the Weſt Indies,
and no confideration paid to this country?" Newcaſtle having replied, that
the number of Sir Chaloner Ogle's fquadron ought not to be diminiſhed,
Walpole made a long ſpeech, in the courſe of which, he exclaimed with great
heat," I oppofe nothing, I give into every thing, am ſaid to do every thing,
am to anſwer for every thing, and yet, God knows, I dare not do what I think
right. I am of opinion for having more ſhips of Sir Chaloner Ogle's ſquadron
behind; but I dare not, I will not, inake any alteration ;" and when the arch-
biſhop of Canterbury propofed that the matter fhould be taken into confide-
ration another day, he oppoſed it, and faid, "Let them go, let them go
*"
But a ſcene of ftill more petulant altercation took place foon after the king's
return from Hanover. A difference of opinion had prevailed in the cabinet,
concerning the mode of applying to the courts of Vienna, Berlin, and Peterſ-
burgh, in which the fentiments of Walpole had been over-ruled, and he
bitterly complained to the king, that the divifions of the cabinet obftructed
public buſineſs. In the next audience, the king remonftrated with the duke
of Newcaſtle and Harrington; and faid, "As to the bufinefs in parliament,
I do not value the oppofition, if all my fervants act together, and are united;
The duke of Newcaſtle to lord Hardwicke, October 1, 1740. Hardwicke Papers.
Chapter 54
1739 to 1741.
but
638
MEMOIRS OF
་
Period VII. but if they thwart one another, and create difficulties in tranſacting public
1737 to 1742. buſineſs, then indeed it will be another cafe." Coming out of the cloſet,
the duke met Walpole, and mentioned the diſagreeable expreffions which he
had juſt heard, infinuating, in reproachful language, that they had been
adopted at his fuggeftion. Walpole denied the imputation, though he
acknowledged that he agreed in the fentiment. Newcaſtle faid, "When
meaſures are agreed amongſt us, it is very right that every body ſhould fup-
port them, but not to have the liberty of giving one's opinion before they
are agreed, is very wrong." Walpole indignantly replied,
"What do you
mean? The war is your's-You have had the conduct of it-I wiſh you
joy of it." The duke denied the fact, and they parted in mutual diſguſt *
The fituation of continental affairs was not fuch as to compenfate for the
mifcarriages in America, or to affift in compofing the growing feuds in the
cabinet.
Situation of
foreign af-
fairs.
Efforts of
France.
t
An apparent harmony and good underſtanding had continued between
the courts of Verfailles and St. James's, during the progrefs of the negotia-
tion which terminated in the peace between the Emperor and the allies.
Fleury and Walpole, both anxious to maintain tranquillity, courted each other
with affected expreffions of good will and amity; and lord Waldegrave, the
channel of their mutual intercourſe, ably feconded the views of the Britiſh
minifter. The difmiffion of Chauvelin, which had been chiefly occafioned
or precipitated by the repreſentations of Waldegrave, did not render the
French cabinet intrinfically more favourable to England. Amelot, who
fucceeded him, was of a pliant diſpoſition, and wholly fubfervient to Fleury.
The two nations were as oppofite in their political fentiments, as their fhores
to each other. During the progrefs of the diſputes with Spain, Fleury
affected to act a conciliating part, and tendered his good offices; but when
the rupture took place, the French, however inclined to affift Spain, were
not, from the decline of their naval force, in a condition to come forward
with effect and energy. But when Fleury, deriving fond expectations from
the pacific fentiments of Walpole, attempted to intimidate England, by de-
claring that any conquefts in Spaniſh America fhould be the fignal of im-
mediate hoftilities, and would inevitably bring on a general war in Europe,
the Britiſh cabinet fpurned at theſe menaces, and continued the expedi-
tions to the Weſt Indies. Alarmed at this unexpected firmneſs, Fleury anxi-
ouſly propoſed the mediation of France, and even offered to fecure the pay-
ment of the £. 95,000, which the king of Spain had refuſed to liquidate.
* The duke of Newcaſtle to lord Hardwicke, October 25, 1740.
† Littora Littoribus contraria.
But
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
639
But fuch was the temper of the Engliſh nation, and fuch the rancour againſt
Spain, that the minifter, however well inclined to an accommodation, could
not venture to liſten to any propofal of peace, and the mediation was de-
clined.
The French cabinet foreſeeing, that if no compromife was effected, hof-
tilies were inevitable, concluded, in the midſt of their amicable overtures to
England, a family compact with Spain, laboured in every part of Europę
to form alliances, and to iſolate England from the continent. They in-
fluenced, either in a direct or indirect manner, the wavering and pufillanimous
counfels of the Dutch republic, who weakly confidered the Spaniſh war as
foreign to their interefts as a difpute between Nadir Shah and the Great
Mogul. They governed Sweden, and directed the Porte; fwayed the Im-
perial cabinet, and gave an impulſe to moſt of the German princes.
Walpole, aware of theſe intrigues and efforts, counteracted them by fimilar
exertions. Subfidiary treaties were made with Denmark, and with the king of
Sweden, as Landgrave of Heffe Caffel, by which 6,000 Danes and 6,000
Heffians were to be held in readineſs to be taken into Britiſh pay. Trevor, who
had fucceeded Horace Walpole at the Hague, ftrained every nerve to roufe
the Dutch from their fupinenefs and apathy. The Britiſh minifter at St. Pe-
terſburgh, acquired an afcendency in the Ruffian cabinet, and Robinſon fuc-
ceeded in rouzing the Emperor to a ſenſe of the difgraceful fituation into
which he had been plunged by the afcendancy of French counfels, and
in ftimulating his fears and jealoufies at the boundleſs ambition of the houſe-
of Bourbon.
In the midſt of theſe tranſactions, the death of Frederick William, king of
Pruffia, opened a new ſcene of intrigue and exertion between the two rival
courts, and Berlin became the center of negotiations which were to pacify
or convulfe Europe. Frederick William, who united the difcordant quali-
ties of a pacific and military fovereign, and who loved the image, while he
dreaded the reality of war, had continued, almoft during his whole reign, in a
ftate of wife but calumniated inaction. His fon and fucceffor, Frederick the
Second, whom poets and hiftorians have ftyled the Great, was a prince of
aſpiring ambition, and poffeffed of talents, equally calculated for negotiation.
or action. He liftened with affected complacency to the reſpective over-
tures of France and England, without declaring his defigns, watching for a
favourable opportunity to employ the well organiſed army, which he inhe-
rited from his father, to his own glory and intereſt.
The time ſeemed favourable to allay the jealoufy which had fo long ſub-
fifted between the houfes of Brunſwick and Brandenburgh. This had long,
been.
2
Chapter 54-
1739 to 17+1.
Counter ef-
forts of Eng
land.
Death of the
king of
Pruflia:.
6.40
MEMOIRS OF
N
Period VII. been a favourite meaſure with Walpole, who had in vain endeavoured to re-
1737 to 1742. concile their jarring interefts. He now fucceeded in overcoming the perti
nacity of the king, and in fixing the wavering refolutions of the cabinet.
At his inftigation, a plan of a grand confederacy againſt the houfe of Bour-
bon, of which the king of Pruffia was to be the foul, was formed by Horace
Walpole *, approved by the duke of Newcaſtle, and fubmitted to the king.
Of the Emo
putor.
Maria The-
rufa.
Invafion of
Silefia.
While this meaſure was in agitation with a fair proſpect of fucceſs, the
death of the Emperor, Charles the Sixth, and of the Czarina, totally changed
the ſyſtem of European politics, and deranged the meaſures of the Britiſh
Acceffion of cabinet. In virtue of the pragmatic fanction, Maria Thereſa, eldeſt daughter
of the deceafed Emperor, inftantly fucceeded to the whole Auftrian inhe-
ritance. She was acknowledged by all the powers of Europe, excepting the
elector of Bavaria, who alone had refuſed to guaranty the fucceffion of the
female line, and conceived the moſt fanguine hopes of being able to raiſe
her huſband, Francis, great duke of Tuſcany, to the Imperial throne, fo long
poffeffed by her anceſtors. But the calm and funſhine which ufhered in the
new reign, were foon overclouded. The king of Pruffia revived an anti-
quated claim to part of Silefia, and afferted his pretenfions, by leading an
army, in the depth of winter, into that duchy. He was favourably received.
by the proteftants, who formed two thirds of the natives, fucceffively occupied
Breflaw, the capital, and feveral other towns, without the finalleft refiftance,
and defcated, at Molvitz, an Auſtrian army, compofed chiefly of veterans,
under the command of marshal Neuperg. The Britiſh cabinet, knowing
the defenceleſs ſtate of the Auftrian dominions, folicited Maria Thereſa to
purchaſe the friendſhip of Frederick, by acceding to his demands, and by. fa-
crificing a ſmall part of her territories to fecure the remainder. The queen
of Hungary, however, peremptorily rejected all propofals of accommodation,
and appealed to Great Britain for the fuccours ftipulated by the treaty which
guarantied the pragmatic fanction. The fucceſsful irruption of Pruffia,
brought forward numerous claimants to parts of the Auftrian fucceffion,
The electors of Bavaria and Saxony, the kings of Spain and Sardinia, all
fecretly abetted or openly aided by France, evinced a difpofition to join
Frederick in hoftilities againſt the houſe of Auſtria.
* Walpole Papers.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
641
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FIFTH:
1740-1741.
Meeting of Parliament.—Addrefs.-Views of Oppofition. Motion for the Re-
moval of Sir Robert Walpole.-Speech of Sandys.-Conduct of the Tories.
-Shippen withdraws.
UN
NDER theſe critical circumſtances, both at home and abroad, the
laft feffion of this parliament affembled. The king, in his fpeech from
the throne, faid, "I acquainted you, at the cloſe of the laft feffion of
par-
liament, that I was making preparations for carrying on the juft and necef-
fary war in which I am engaged, in the moſt proper places, and in the moſt
vigorous and effectual manner. For this purpoſe ſtrong ſquadrons were got
ready, and ordered to fail upon important ſervices, both in the Weſt Indies
and Europe, with as much expedition as the nature of thoſe ſervices and
the manning of the fhips would admit. A very confiderable body of land
forces was embarked, which is to be joined by a great number of my fub-
jects raiſed in America; and all things neceffary for tranfporting the troops.
from hence, and carrying on the defigned expedition, were a long time in
readineſs, and waited only for an opportunity to purfue the intended
voyage.
"The feveral incidents which have happened in the mean time have
had no effect upon me, but to confirm me in my refolutions, and to de-
termine me to add ftrength to my armaments, rather than divert or de-
ter me from thoſe juſt and vigorous methods which I am purſuing, for
maintaining the honour of my crown, and the undoubted rights of my
people.
"The court of Spain having already felt fome effects of our refentment,
began to be fenfible that they fhould be no longer able to defend them-
felves againſt the efforts of the Britiſh nation. And if any other power,
agreeably to fome late extraordinary proceedings, fhould interpofe, and at-
tempt to preſcribe or limit the operations of the war againſt my declared
enemies, the honour and intereft of my crown and kingdoms muſt call upon
VOL. I.
4 N
us
Chapter 55.
1740 10 1741.
Meeting of
parliament.
Nov. 18,
1710.
642
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period VII.
us to lofe no time in putting ourſelves into fuch a condition, as may en-
1737 to 1742. able us to repel any infults, and to fruſtrate any deſigns formed againſt us,
in violation of the faith of treaties. And I hope any fuch unprecedented.
ſteps, under what colour or pretence foever they may be taken, will infpire
my allies with a true ſenſe of the common danger, and will unite us in the
fupport and defence of the common cauſe.
Addrefs of
the com.
mons:
Of the laids.
"The great and unhappy event of the death of the late Emperor, opens
a new ſcene in the affairs of Europe, in which all the principal powers may
be immediately or confequentially concerned. It is impoffible to determine
what turn the policy, intereft, or ambition, of the feveral courts, may lead
them to take in this critical conjuncture. It fhall be my care ftrictly to
obſerve and attend to their motions, and to adhere to the engagements I
am under, in order to the maintaining of the balance of power, and the
liberties of Europe, and in concert with fuch powers as are under the fame
obligations, or equally concerned to preferve the public fafety and tranquil-
lity, and to act fuch a part, as may beft contribute to avert the imminent
dangers that may threaten them *”
He then, in the ufual language, demanded the neceffary fupplies, re-
commended them to prohibit the exportation of corn, which the great ſcar-
city rendered neceffary, and concluded by exhorting them to make provi-
fion for removing the difficulties which obftructed the manning of the fleet.
In the houſe of commons, when an addrefs was moved, teftifying the grati-
tude and affection of the houſe, and their reſolution to fupport the king
in the vigorous profecution of the war; the oppofition propoſed to infert
the words, "to make a due examination into the application of the ſupplies
given the laſt feffion of parliament." But the infertion of theſe words, which
were intended to intimate a diffidence of adminiſtration, was negatived by
226 againſt 159, and the original addrefs was carried.
The great ſcene of political altercation during this feffion was the houſe
of peers, where the duke of Argyle, in particular, made a moft confpicu-
ous figure on the fide of oppofition. The king was no fooner withdrawn,
and the ſpeech read by the lord chancellor, than the duke of Argyle fuddenly
rofe, before any of the minifterial peers could make the cuſtomary motion,
and propofed an addrefs, to affure the king that the houſe would fupport
him with their lives and fortunes in profecution of the juft and neceffary
war in which he was engaged. After ftating that the ancient mode of draw-
ing up the addreſs was fhort and general, reprobating the modern cuf-
* Journals.
† Ibid.
tom
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
643
tom of echoing back the fpeech from the throne, paragraph by paragraph,
and expreffing approbation of every meaſure referred to in the fpeech; he
with great animation, and with no lefs acrimony, arraigned the mode of con-
ducting the war, in which he declared that no one right flep had been taken
either in the commencement or profecution. He particularly blamed the
miſcarriage of the expedition againſt Ferrol, and even infinuated that ſecret
orders had been given by minifters againſt making any attempt on the coaft
of Spain, and that the failing of the grand fleet, which had been delayed,
was the effect of the king's prefence. He mentioned the culpable neglect,
and more than neglect, in not fending fupplies to adiniral Vernon. He
feverely reprobated the fpeech, which he confidered as the fpeech of the
miniſter, for not naming the power who might attempt to limit or preſcribe
the operations of the war. He concluded by propofing to revive the an-
cient method of addreffing, fimply to "congratulate his majefty on his fafe
return to his regal dominions: To affure his majeſty that they would ſtand
by him with their lives and fortunes, in the profecution of the war; and
as a further proof of their duty and affection to his majefty's facred per-
fon, royal family, and government, to declare that they would exert them-
ſelves in their high capacity of hereditary great council of the crown, (to
which all other councils were fubordinate and accountable) in fuch manner -
as might beft tend to promote the true intereft of his majeſty and the coun-
try in the preſent juncture." Lord Bathurft feconded the motion.
This addreſs was oppofed by lord Haverfham, who moved another. The
previous queſtion being called for by the duke of Newcaſtle, the duke of
Argyle's motion was negatived by 66 againſt 38; and an addreſs, according
to the ordinary form, propoſed by lord Haverſham, paſſed on the motion
without a divifion; but a violent proteft was figned by two and twenty
peers *.
Chapter 55.
1740 to 1741.
The great aim of oppofition in this memorable feffion was to increaſe the Views of
unpopularity of the minifter by preffing his mifconduct in the profecution oppofition.
of the war, by imputing all the miſcarriages and ill fuccefs to him, to har-
rafs him with repeated motions and queſtions relative to the production of
papers and letters, and to the proſecution of the war, which might tend either
to criminate him if granted, and if denied, to throw an odium on his myſte-
riouſneſs and uncandid reſerve. In the houſe of lords, in particular, various
letters and copies of inftructions were moved for, and refuſed only by fmall
majorities; others were carried which ought to have been denied, owing to
the feeble reſiſtance of ſome members of the cabinet.
* Lords' Debates, vol. 7. p. 418.
4 N 2
At
C
644
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
At this period the oppofition were difunited amongſt themſelves, and could
1737 to 1742. not be brought to form a confiftent party, moving regularly towards one great
object, but thinking themſelves fecure of fuccefs, began already to quarrel
about the fpoils. The Tories jealous of the Whigs, complained, that though
far inferior in number, they affumed a confequence and fuperiority to which
they were not entitled. They fufpected that feveral of them had already
begun to tamper with the party in the cabinet which was known to be ad-
verſe to the minifter. The death of Sir William Wyndham diffolved the
ties which had kept the Tories in union with the Whigs, and enfeebled both
parties by a want of mutual confidence. From thefe caufes the debates
in the houſe of commons were not conducted with their ufual energy. But
as the peers in oppofition were more cloſely united, and leſs diſtracted with
jealoufies, their efforts were more vigorous and concentrated, and their mo-
tions led to the perfonal attack on the minifter, which diftinguiſhed this
memorable feffion. To prepare the public mind, they entered into long and
frequent protefts, which during the interruption given to the publication of
debates, conveyed their fentiments unanſwered to the world.
Notice of
motion.
}
Their motions and publications formed a prelude to the grand attack.
On the 11th of February, Sandys, who is juftly called by Smollet "the
motion-maker," left his feat, and croffing the floor to the minifter, ſaid,
that he thought it an act of common attention to inform him, that he
ſhould on Friday next, bring an accufation of feveral articles againſt him.
Walpole thanked him for the information. Soon afterwards Sandys ftood in his
place, and acquainted the houſe, that he intended on the enfuing Friday to
open a matter of great importance, which perfonally concerned the chan-
cellor of the exchequer, and therefore hoped that he would on that day be
preſent.
The miniſter immediately rofe, and received the intimation with great
compofure and dignity, thanked him for his notice, and after requeſting a
candid and impartial hearing, declared, that he would not fail to attend
the houſe, as he was not conſcious of any crime to deſerve accufation. He
laid his hand on his breaſt and ſaid, with ſome emotion,
"Nil confcire fibi, nulli pallefcere culpæ."
Pulteney obferved, that the right honourable gentleman's logic and Latin
were equally inaccurate, and declared that he had miſquoted Horace, who
had written nullá pallefcere culpá. The minifter defended his quotation, and
Pulteney repeating his affertion, he offered a wager of a guinea; Pulteney ac-
cepted
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
645
1
cepted the challenge, and referred the decifion of the difpute to the mini-
fler's friend Nicholas Hardinge, clerk of the houſe, a man diſtinguiſhed for
claffical erudition. Hardinge decided againſt Walpole, the guinea was im-
mediately thrown to Pulteney, who caught it, and holding it up to the
houſe, exclaimed, "It is the only money which I have received from the
treaſury for many years, and it ſhall be the laft*.
Chapter 55.
1740 10 1741.
The public expectations were raiſed to the utmoſt pitch, the paffages to
the gallery were crowded at a very early hour, the concourſe was prodigious.
Several of the commons fecured their feats at fix in the morning, and no lefs
than 450 members attended on this important occafion. The debate was Feb. 13.
opened at one o'clock.
Sandys began by obferving, that among the many advantages arifing from Speech of
our happy conſtitution, there was one reciprocal to the king and people: Sandys.
The legal and regular method by which the people might lay their grievances,
complaints, and opinions, before their fovereign, not only with regard to the
meaſures which he purfues, but alfo with regard to the perfons whom he
employs.
"In abfolute monarchies," he faid, "the people may fuffer, but can-
not publicly complain; and this want of communication is productive
of the moſt dreadful calamities both to the prince and people. For as the
monarch has no means of becoming acquainted with the public opinion,
he often continues to purſue the fame meaſures, and to employ the fame
men, until the difcontents become univerfal; a general infurrection takes
place, and both he and his minifters are involved in one common ruin. In
this kingdom fuch a misfortune can never happen, as long as parliaments af
femble regularly and freely. For if difcontents arife, when any of the mea-
fures purſued by the king's fervants are injurious, and his minifters unpopu-
lar, it is the duty of this houſe to give proper information and advice,
and if we neglect to do fo we betray not only our duty to our country and
conftitution, but our duty to our fovereign. This being my opinion, and
the opinion of every perſon who entertains true notions of our conftitution,
I can no longer defer making the motion of which I formerly gave notice.
"There is not a member of this houfe who is not fenfible that both our
* Anecdote communicated by George Har-
dinge, efq; fon of Nicholas Hardinge.-Ac-
count by Sir Robert Walpole.-Etough's
Papers. Correfpondence.-Tindal, vol. 20,
p. 486.-Chandler, 1740-1, p. 63. This
guinea was carefully preferved by Mr. Pul-
teney, and is now in the poffeffion of Sir
William Pulteney, bart.
+ The fubftance of this freech is taken
from an abſtract made by Mr. Fox.-Corre-
fpondence. From parliamentary. Memoran-
dums by Sir Robert Walpole.-Orford Papers.
Chandler.
foreign
646
MEMOIRS OF
}
}
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Heads of ac.
cufation.
On foreign
affairs.
1
foreign and domeftic affairs, for feveral years paſt, have been unfatisfactory to
the majority of the nation. The people have fuffered from paſt meaſures;
they complain of preſent meaſures; they expect no redreſs, no alteration or
amendment but from the interference of this houſe. Theſe are the fenti-
ments of the people; which ought to be reprefented to the king, in the pro-
per method eſtabliſhed by the conftitution.
"I have long expected, that fuch a motion as I am now to make would
have been brought forward by fome other gentleman more capable than my-
felf to enforce what I fhall propofe; but as no one has hitherto attempted it,
and as this is the laſt feffion of this parliament, I am unwilling it fhould ex-
pire without anſwering the people's expectations, which, in this reſpect, are
ſo juſt, ſo well founded, and fo agreeable to the conftitution. I therefore
hope I fhall be excuſed for attempting what I think my duty as a member
of this houſe, and as a friend to the preſent happy eſtabliſhment."
He then lamented the miferable condition of the nation; engaged in a
war with one potentate, and likely to be involved in another, without one-
ally abroad, and under the preffure of an immenfe debt at home. He
faid that he would inquire by what means we were reduced to this fituation,
and would then make his intended motion.
In making this inquiry into the cauſes of our unfortunate condition, he
ſhould firſt begin by confidering foreign affairs, then advert to domeſtic af-
fairs, and laſtly enter into the conduct of the war.
In regard to foreign affairs, we had departed from the principles of the
grand alliance which tended to depreſs our inveterate enemy the houſe of
Bourbon, and had abandoned and loft our old and natural ally the houſe of
Auftria.
Although it had been frequently afferted, that all the misfortunes of our
foreign negotiations were principally owing to the peace of Utrecht; yet he
was of another opinion. The evils of the treaty of Utrecht had been re-
paired by the quadruple alliance, and ſtill more by the glorious victory which
admiral Byng had gained over the Spaniſh fleet, off the coaſt of Sicily; a
victory, however, which ferved no other purpoſe than to give riſe to the ſcan-
dalous treaty of peace in 1721, a treaty highly diſhonourable to the nation,
becauſe it agreed to restore the fhips we had taken in an open and juſt
war, and began with a negotiation, if not an engagement, to give up Gib-
raltar and Minorca, without ftipulating any conditions for the advantage of
this country, or obtaining an explanation of thofe treaties, which even then
began to be mifreprefented on the part of Spain. In one word, this treaty
re-eſtabliſhed the preponderance of the houſe of Bourbon.
4
But
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
647
J
But he could declare, from the higheft authority, that we had even fince
that time been, with refpect to foreign powers, in a moft defirable fituation.
The high authority to which he alluded was the ſpeech from the throne, in
November 1724, which repreſented peace with all powers abroad; at home
perfect tranquillity, plenty, and an uninterrupted enjoyment of all civil and
religious rights; expreffions which charmed every Engliſh ear. But that uni-
verſal happineſs did not long continue. For foon after this period we entered
into "that cloſe friendſhip and correfpondence with the court of France,
which, to the infinite diſadvantage of this nation, has continued ever ſince,
and which has now, at laſt, brought the balance of power into the utmoſt
danger, if not to inevitable ruin." We declined availing ourſelves of the
fortunate breach which had taken place between the two branches of the
houſe of Bourbon, we declined taking advantage of the refentment enter-
tained by Philip againſt France, for the return of the Spaniſh infanta, we
declined the offer of the king of Spain to fubmit to the fole mediation of
England to fettle the difputes between him and the Emperor.
"But the moſt pernicious of all the pernicious meafures was the treaty of
Hanover. When the alliance between Spain and the Emperor was concluded,
we, who by a very little dexterity, might then have duped France, who has
duped us fo often, inſtead of doing ſo, by the treaty of Hanover, flung our-
felves into her arms, and England's affairs feem, ever fince, to have been ma-
naged by a French intereft. Fleets had been fent, one to the Baltic, another
to the Weſt Indies, to infult, and only to inſult, the Czar and the king of
Spain; the three pretended articles of the Vienna treaty, which produced that
of Hanover, were the eſtabliſhment of the Oftend company, the taking of
Gibraltar, and the placing of the Pretender on the throne. But when Gib-.
raltar was befieged, what affiſtance did we receive from France ?" He was
inclined to believe that no help was fo much as demanded of the French, be-
cauſe we knew none would be granted: The reparation of Dunkirk was a
memorable inftance of French fincerity.
He then adverted to the preliminaries of the peace of 1727, and the act
of the Pardo. He ftated, that on the firft complaints from the merchants,
of Spaniſh depredations, the parliament thought fit to recommend pacific-
meaſures only. He then cenfured the treaty of Seville, by which Spaniſh
troops were to be introduced into Italy. Don Carlos went thither, but we
gained nothing; commiffioners only were appointed, and when the parlia-
ment, in 1732, addreſſed to know what progreſs they had made, his ma-
jeſty's anfwer was, that they were to meet in four months; but by the de-
lays of Spain, the conferences were not opened till 1734, a ſtrong proof of
Spaniſh
Chapter 55.
1740 to 1741.
€48
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. Spaniſh perfidy; yet we had introduced the Spanish troops, according to our
1737101742. treaty with the Emperor and States General in 1731. We then guarantied
On domeftic
affairs.
·
the pragmatic fanction, and engaged to fupport the Emperor in all his domi-
nions, but faw him lofe Sicily and Naples, fuffered France to gain Loraine,
and the power of the houfe of Auftria, which had been ridiculouſly mag-
nified in order to vindicate the Hanoverian treaty, pulled down and brought
to its preſent low and miſerable fituation.
"That great man, admiral Vernon, faw this error, and gave frequent admo-
nitions againſt the perfidy of France, in this very houſe, for which reaſon it
was contrived, that he ſhould be excluded from the next parliament, and he
was likewife denied his rank. Then came the fecond complaint of depreda-
tions, when, by the management of one perfon, parliament was prevailed upon
to be again pacific."
He then expatiated on the convention: He repeated moſt of the objec-
tions made to that treaty, which he called one of thoſe expedients on which
the minifter feemed to live from year to year, and when this treaty was
ſhamefully broken by Spain, war was not declared, but an order ifſued at
firſt for repriſals only. Negotiations, as he believed, ftill went on, but foon
after followed the preſent war.
He then adverted to domeftic affairs; after ftating the national debt
in 1716, he alledged that the debts of the army had been fwelled from
£.400,000 to above two millions, and debentures iffued for that fum, of
which part had been diſcharged from the produce of the finking fund, by
which one perfon had gained confiderable advantage.
To make and unmake, he urged, the famous bank contract, to fecure from
condign puniſhment thofe, who by their wicked and avaricious execu-
tion of the truſt repoſed in them by the South Sea fcheme, had ruined
many thouſands; to commute public juſtice, and ſubject the leſs guilty to
a puniſhment too fevere, in order that the moft heinous offenders might
eſcape that which they deſerved; and to give up to the South Sea com-
pany the fum of feven millions ſterling, which they had obliged themſelves
to pay to the public, a great part of which fum was given to old ſtock
holders, and confequently to thoſe who had never fuffered by the ſcheme
were the steps by which diſhoneft power was obtained. All the evils and
none of the advantages of the French Miffiffipi fcheme were adopted: Our
South Sea ſcheme had done us harm, while their's had liquidated their
debts.
He then enumerated the debts and the produce of the finking fund in
1727, and afferted, that the national debt was not diminiſhed, although the
finking
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
649
Enking fund had fince that period produced no less than fifteen millions, all Chapter 55-
which had been ſpent in Spithead expeditions, and Hyde Park reviews.
He next enumerated many inftances of unconſtitutional conduct. A
larger ftanding army maintained than was neceffary or confiftent with the
conftitution; augmented without caufe. Squadrons fitted out at an enor-
mous expence, to the great annoyance of trade, without being employed
againſt enemies, or for the affiftance of allies. All methods to fecure the
conftitution againſt that most dangerous enemy, corruption, rejected or ren-
dered ineffectual; many penal laws paffed of an arbitrary tendency; public
expenditure increaſed by the addition of new and ufelefs offices; all in-
quiries into the management of public money perverted or defeated; votes
of credit frequent; expences of the civil lift increaſed; the abolition of
burthenfome and pernicious taxes, and the difcharge of the debt prevented,
from a principle that the collection of taxes rendered a great number of place-
men and officers neceffary, whofe votes gave weight to undue influence in elec-
tions and in parliament; the reduction of intereft oppoſed, not by the influence
of argument, but by another fort of influence; officers difmiffed for voting
againſt the excife fcheme, one of the weakest or moft violent projects ever ſet
on foot or countenanced by any minifter. Theſe, he obſerved, were the
characteriſtic features of a corrupt and profligate adminiſtration.
1740 to 1741.
duct of the
war.
He then entered on the conduct of the war. Vernon, who after having On the con-
been excluded from his feat in parliament, and deprived of his rank, for op-
pofing adminiſtration, had retired to the country, was the only perſon fit or
willing to conduct the expedition to America; and yet even with thefe
claims, he was not reſtored to his rank; though it was to be hoped that his
meritorious fervices would extort that mark of confidence. Vernon received.
on his departure the faireft promifes of being fupported and fupplied. How
were theſe promifes fulfilled? He failed from Plymouth on the 3d of Auguft
1739, only with letters of reprifal, war not being declared till October, by which
means his exertions were fettered and reftrained. He failed with a fleet badly
equipped, and badly fupplied. In September, fome bomb veffels were fent to
him, which did not arrive at Jamaica till the 15th of January. No provifions
or ftores were forwarded, and fo fcantily was he victualled, that on the 18th of
March, he wrote to government, earnestly prefling for more fupplies. He
faid, that his letters on the table fufficiently prove thefe facts; they difplayed
his opinion of the great things which he might have effected, had the number
of land forces, which he earneſtly and repeatedly called for, been granted, forces
which remained at home for no other ufe but to opprefs the people; forces
which ſhould not have been raiſed, or thould have been fent out to vindicate
VOL. I.
the
40
650
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. the honour of their country againſt their oppreffors in America, where alone
1737 to 1742. offenfive meaſures could be carried on with effect. Admiral Haddock, he
urged, was equally neglected; bitter complaints of want of fupplies came no
lefs from his fquadron, and he was forced to act upon the defenſive. To
that want, he folely attributed the efcape of the Cadiz and Ferrol fquadrons.
He commended, in high terms, the care and diligence of admiral Haddock,
in furniſhing convoys, and protecting the trade of the Mediterranean, and ani-
madverted with equal acrimony on the culpable neglect of convoys at home,
and the numerous cruifers of the enemy, which infefted the Channel, and
ruined our commerce.
Things being thus, he ſhould now name the author of all thefe public ca-
lamities. After what he had faid, he believed no one could miſtake the per-
fon to whom he alluded: every one muſt be convinced that he meant the
right honourable gentleman who fat oppofite to him, and the whole houſe
might fee that the right honourable gentleman took it to himſelf; that
againſt him there was as general a diſcontent as had ever ariſen againſt any
minifter. Although this difcontent had lafted fo long, yet the right honourable.
gentleman ftill continued in his poft, in oppofition to the fenfe of the
country; this was no fign of the freedom of government, becauſe a free
people neither will nor can be governed by a miniſter whom they hate or
deſpiſe.
He had well confidered the difficulty of perſonal attacks, yet he ſhould
obey the voice of the people, and act like an honeft man, and like an Eng-
liſhman, in making his motion. He himſelf, merely a private man, protect-
ed only by his innocence, would fearlessly enter the lifts againſt one who
ufurped a regal power, who had arrogated to himſelf a place of French ex-
traction, that of fole minifter; contrary to the nature and principles of the
Engliſh conſtitution. He was well aware, that a common excufe would be
urged in his defence, that parliament had given a fanction to many of the
acts which he had enumerated. But the right honourable gentleman could
not urge this exculpation, without fubjecting himſelf to the charge of groís
inconfiftency. He himself had accufed the earl of Oxford of departing from
the principles of the grand alliance, and of having facrificed the country to
France, although all his meaſures had been fanctioned by parliament. He
obſerved likewiſe, that parliaments were not infallible, but reſembled other
courts of juftice. They judge from information, and if convinced that they
had been miſled by falſe information, fhould equally acknowledge their error,
and alter their opinions.
"If it ſhould be aſked," he faid, "Why I impute all thefe evils to one
perfon
9
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
651
Chapter 55,
perſon, I reply, becauſe that one perſon graſped in his own hands every branch
of government; that one perfon has attained the fole direction of affairs, mo- 174001741.
nopoliſed all the favours of the crown, compaffed the difpofal of all places,
penfions, titles, ribbands, as well as all preferments, civil, military, and eccle-
fiaftical; that one perfon made a blind fubmiffion to his will, both in elections
and parliament, the only terms of prefent favour, and future expectation,
and continuance in office; and declared, in this very houfe, that he muſt be
a pitiful minifter who did not difplace an officer that oppofed his meaſures
in parliament.
"But even let us fuppofe no overfight, error, or crime in his public con-
duct, and that the people were fatisfied with his adminiſtration, the very
length of it is in itſelf a fufficient cauſe for removing him.
In a free go-
vernment too long poffeffion of power is highly dangerous. Moft common-
wealths have been overturned by this very overfight; and in this country, we
know how difficult it has often proved for parliament to draw an old favou-
rite from behind the throne, even when he has been guilty of the moſt hei-
nous crimes. I wiſh this may not be our cafe at prefent; for though I will
not ſay, nor have I at preſent any occafion for fhewing, that the favourite I
am now complaining of has been guilty of any crimes, the proof may then be
come at, and the witneffes against him will not be afraid to appear. Till
you do this, it is impoffible to determine, whether he is guilty or innocent;
and confidering the univerfal clamour againſt him, it is high time to reduce
him to fuch a condition, that he may be brought to a fair, an impartial,
and a strict account. As I am only to propofe an addrefs to remove him
from the king's counfels, 1 have no occafion to accuſe him of any ſpecific
crime. The diffatisfaction of the people, and their fufpicion of his conduct,
are a fufficient foundation for fuch an addrefs, and a fufficient caufe for his
removal. For no fovereign of thefe kingdoms ought to employ any mini-
fter who is difagreeable to the people, and when any minifter is become un-
popular, it is our duty to inform the king, that he may give general fatis-
faction by his removal. I folemnly declare, that I have, no reſentment
againſt the right honourable gentleman; I have, on the contrary, received per-
fonal civilities from him, and have no private motives to wifh him ill. But
as I think it neceffary, for the welfare of my country, that he ſhould no
longer continue in his majefty's counfels, who has bewildered himſelf in trea-
ties, who has forfeited his word with every court in Europe, and againſt
whom the voice of the world, is in unifon with that of his country, I there-
fore move, That an humble addrefs be prefented to his majefty, that he Motion,
4 0 2
would
652
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. would be gracioufly pleaſed to remove the right honourable Sir Robert Wal
1737 to 1742. pole, knight of the moft noble order of the garter, firft commiffioner,
chancellor, and under treaſurer of the exchequer, and one of his majeſty's
moſt honourable privy council, from his majeſty's preſence and counfels for
Seconded by
lord Lime-
rick.
Motion for
Walpole to
withdraw.
Oppofed.
Debate on
ever."
The motion was feconded by lord Limerick, who obſerved, that the na-
tion was reduced to fo low a ftate by the mifconduct of the minifter, that no-
reſource was left, excepting the increaſe of the land tax, and the anticipation
of the funds. That the reins of government were conducted by a fole mini-
fter, who lived by expedients, who had removed the beſt and ableſt men in
the army, for no other demerit than for their parliamentary oppofition to
his meaſures.
Wortley Montague then propofed, in conformity to the order of the houſe,
which requires that every member, againſt whom an accufation is brought,
ſhould retire while his conduct is examined, that Sir Robert Walpole fhould
be ordered to withdraw. He was feconded by Gybbon, who attempted. to
vindicate this unjuſt propoſal, by ſeveral inapplicable precedents.
The motion was warmly oppofed by Bromley and Howe; and as the houſe
appeared to favour that fide of the queftion, Gybbon, after urging, that if
the motion for the removal fhould be carried, neither the life, liberty, or
eftate of the minifter would be affected by the decifion, propofed that he
ſhould be firſt heard in his own defence, and then withdraw. This propofal
was ftrenuouſly fupported, and no lefs ftrenuouſly refifted; it was called an
unprecedented mode of proceeding, to charge a member in general terms,
by ſpeeches only, without ftating particular facts as crimes, or bringing any
evidence to prove them, or him to be the author of them; and then to ex-
pect that he ſhould retire, and other members be permitted to load him with
general accufations, while he was not preſent to hear and make his defence..
The houſe appearing convinced of the abfurdity and injuftice of this propo
fal, it was withdrawn, and refolved that the miniſter ſhould hear all the
charges brought againft him, and fhould be the laft to reply.
A long and violent debate then took place on the main queftion. The
the queſtion. principal fpeakers in favour of the motion were Pulteney, Bootle, Fazakerly,.
Pitt, and Lyttleton.
The fubftance of their arguments was fimilar to thofe which had been
advanced by Sandys; no direct accufation was made, no fpecific charge
urged, no particular crime alledged, but a fpecies of accumulative guilt,
drawn from a long feries of fuppofed misconduct, and founded on, what they
called,.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
653
called, moral certainty, prefumptive evidence, probable proof, common fame,
and notoriety of facts.
They juftified their proceedings by making a diftinction between im-
peachments, or bills of pains and penalties, which affect the lives, liberty, or
eſtates of the perfons accuſed, and an addreſs to remove a minifter only,
without attempting to inflict any legiſlative or judicial puniſhment. In the
firſt caſe, they obſerved, legal evidence is neceffary, and muſt be applied to
the feveral heads of the accufation, but in the other ftrong prefumptions,
founded upon public fame and notoriety, have been always held fufficient.
Chapter 55.
1740 to 1741.
Pitt obferved, in his emphatic language, "That during the adminiſtration Pitt.
that was the object of cenfure, at home debts were increafed and taxes mul-
tiplied, and the finking fund alienated; abroad the fyftem of Europe was to-
tally fubverted, and at this awful moment, when the greateſt ſcene was
opening to Europe that has ever before occurred, he who had loft the con-
fidence of all mankind, ſhould not be permitted to continue at the head of
the king's government *
Pulteney enforced the general tenour of the argument advanced by Sandys, Pulteney.
with increaſed animation, wit, and eloquence. He particularly dwelt on his
favourite topic, that the fyftem adopted and invariably purſued by the mi-
nifter, tended to exalt the houfe of Bourbon, and deprefs that of Au-
ſtria; and maintained his pofition by an analyſis of foreign tranſactions and
treaties, that preceded and followed the treaty of Hanover, which he confi-
dered as the fource of all fubfequent degradations, and the cauſe of national
difgrace.
References were not only made to thofe minifters who had been im-
peached or cenfured by the houſe of commons, to Suffolk, Clarendon, and
Lauderdale, but Walpole was compared to the moſt worthless favourites that
had ever engroffed the ear of former fovereigns. Allufions were even made
to the minions of Edward the Second, Pierce Gaveſton, and Hugh Le
*Heads of Pitt's ſpeech, in Sir Robert Wal-
pole's Parliamentary Memorandums.
+ About this time was publiſhed, "The
Life and Death of Pierce Gaveſton, Earl of
Cornwal, grand Favourite and Prime Miniſter
to that unfortunate Prince, Edward the Second,
King of England, with Political Remarks, by
Way of Caution to all crowned Heads, and
Evil Miniſters." It was accompanied with a
caricature print, repreſenting the figure of Sir
Robert Walpole, holding in his hands a label,
infcribed Corruption. Before him is the block,
and the executioner with the axe. Behind him
is a grenadier with a bag of money in his hand,
on which is written pay; a hand in the clouds
holds a ſword over his head. Underneath is
a vignette, with a baboon in chains on one
fide, and on the other a hydra pierced with
darts, inclofing this infcription:
"Tho' evil miniſters awhile,
66
"May baſk themſelves in fortune's fmile;
They for their crimes muſt ſoon or late,
"Like Gaveſton, fubmit to fate."
Defpenfer,
654
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
Pelham and
Fox.
Sir Charles
Wager.
Conduct of
the Tories.
Lord Corn-
bury.
Deſpenſer, and he was accuſed of reſembling them in the giddinefs of their
power, and the exorbitance of their grants.
The motion was oppofed, with great animation and ability, by the friends
of the minifter. Pelham and Stephen Fox principally diftinguiſhed them-
felves in this debate; after vindicating the meaſures, both foreign and do-
meſtic, which had been fo much arraigned, they refted the chief part of the
defence on the impropriety of the motion. They expoſed the violence and
injuſtice of propofing to have a member of the houſe, and a perſon in his
high ſtation, puniſhed by the lofs of character and reputation, upon general
allegations, which were not proved to be crimes, and which had received, in
former examinations and debates, the approbation or conſent of the parlia-
ment, and in making Sir Robert Walpole an adviſer of the things alledged,
as prime or fole miniſter, without any other evidence than that of common
fame*.
The affertion of Sir Charles Wager made a great impreffion on the houſe.
With a view to combat the arguments that Walpole was fole minifter, the
veteran feaman, who had been at the head of the admiralty nine years, faid,
"That, to his knowledge, Sir Robert Walpole was as forward and zealous
to promote the war as any of his majefty's council, and that nothing was a
moment wanted in his province, that of iffuing money: That he had never
interfered in recommending any one perſon to the admiralty board; and
that if he had ever done fo, he (Sir Charles) would have thrown up all his
employments."
The minister was not only defended by his friends, and thoſe who
uſually ſupported the meaſures of government, but the motion was oppoſed
by feveral Tories, as tending to introduce an inquifitorial fyftem.
Lord Cornbury, in particular, obferved, "The advocates for the motion,
endeavour to advance a charge of accumulative guilt, to aggravate one crime
by the fuperaddition of another, and rather to intend a popular cenfure than
a legal condemnation.
"I fuppofe no man will fufpect that an unjuſt partiality in favour of the
gentleman, whofe conduct is now the fubject of examination, influences me
to cenfure this mode of proceeding, fince no man can want reafons againſt it
of the greateſt weight. Reafons which deferve the cloſeſt attention from
every man of prudence and virtue, every man who regards his own fafety, or
the happineſs of future generations. No man, whofe judgment is not over-
borne by his reſentment, and whofe ardour for vengeance has not extinguifh-
cd every other motive of action, can refolve to give the fanction of his voice
* Account of the debate by Sir Robert Walpole. Correfpondence.
to
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
+
655
to a method of profecution, by which the good and bad are equally endan-
gered; and which will make the adminiſtration of public affairs deftruc-
tive to the pureft integrity, and the higheſt wiſdom.
"That fuch muſt be the confequence of charges like this, will appear no
longer a paradoxical affertion, if it be remembered, that humanity is a ſtate
of imperfection, that the ftricteft virtue fometimes declines from the right,
and that the moft confummate policy is by falfe appearances, or accidental
inattention, betrayed into error. For how foon muſt that man be deſtroyed,
whofe high ftation expofes him to the continual obfervation of envy and
malevolence, whofe minuteſt errors are carefully remarked, and whoſe caſual
failings are treaſured up as a fund of accufations. How foon, if trivial tranſ
greffions fhall be accumulated into capital crimes, may the beſt man com-
plete the fum of his offences, and be doomed to ignominy, to exile, or to
death?
"In criminal proceedings, particular regard has been had to precedents,
and furely the effects of a former accufation of this kind, give us no encou-
ragement to the repetition of it. From a charge of accumulative treaſon,
the faction of the laft age proceeded to the ufurpation of boundleſs autho-
rity, the fubverfion of our conftitution, and the murder of the king.
"I fhall therefore continue to fuppofe every man innocent till he appears
from legal evidence to be guilty; and to reject any charge of accumulative
guilt, upon the fame principles of regard to liberty, to virtue, to truth, and
to our conftitution, by which I have hitherto regulated my conduct; and for
the fame reafons for which I have condemned the meaſures of the adminiftra-
tion, I ſhall now oppoſe the preſent motion *.”
Chapter 55.
1740 to 1741.
Edward Harley, member for Herefordshire, brother to the lord treaſurer, Harley.
and in a ſhort time afterwards earl of Oxford himſelf, evinced, on this occafion,
a ſpirit of moderation, not ufual with perfons engaged in party diſputes. He
was one of the heads of the Tory intereft, and his family had always di-
ftinguiſhed itſelf in oppofition to Sir Robert Walpole. He faid,
He faid, "Sir, I do
not ftand up at this time of night, either to accufe or flatter any man.
Since I have had the honour to fit in parliament, I have oppoſed the mea-
fures of adminiſtration becauſe I thought them wrong; and as long as they
are, I ſhall continue to give as conftant an oppofition to them. The ſtate of
the nation, by the conduct of our miniſters, is deplorable; a war is deſtroy-
ing us abroad, and poverty and corruption are devouring us at home. But
whatever 1 may think of men, God forbid, that my private opinion ſhould be
* Chandler.
the
656
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period VII. the only rule of my judgment! I ſhould defire to have an exterior convic-
1737 to 1742. tion from facts and evidences, and without this, I am fo far from con-
demning, that I would not cenfure any man. I am fully fatisfied in my own
mind, that there are thofe who give pernicious and deftructive counfels;
and, I hope, a time will come, when a proper, legal, parliamentary inquiry
may be made, and when clear facts and full evidence will plainly diſcover
who are the enemies of their country. A noble lord, to whom I had the
honour to be related, has been often mentioned in this debate: He was im-
peached and impriſoned; by that impriſonment his years were ſhortened;
and the profecution was carried on by the honourable perfon, who is now
the fubject of your queſtion, though he knew at that very time, that there
was no evidence to fupport it. I am now, Sir, glad of this opportunity to
return good for evil, and to do that honourable gentleman and his family,
that juſtice which he denied to mine*."
Shippen
withdraws.
Shippen declared, "that he looked on this motion as only a fcheme for
turning out one minifter, and bringing in another; that as his conduct in
parliament had always been regulated with a view to the good of his country,
without any regard to his own private intereft, it was quite indifferent to
him, who was in or who was out; and he would give himſelf no concern in
the queſtion." At the conclufion of theſe words he withdrew, and was fol-
lowed by thirty-four of his friends.
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SIXTH;
1742.
Reply of Sir Robert Walpole.-Motion negatived.—Similar Motion in the Lords.
-Conduct and Anecdotes of Shippen.
TH
HIS attack, concerted with fo much previous care, and announced
with ſo much oftentation, was not calculated to alarm the minifter.
He faw the difaffected Whigs feeble and heſitating; all the Tories, not ex-
*
Chandler.-Tindal has recorded this
fpeech, as fpoken in the houfe of lords by the
earl of Oxford, which was certainly ſpoken by
his uncle in the houfe of commons.
By the
death of his nephew, in the following June, he
fucceeded to the title.
† Chandler.
cluding
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
657
cluding thoſe who voted againſt him, averſe to the queſtion; many fup-
porting him with a favourable difplay of impartial and benevolent principles;
the Jacobites ſcornfully turning their backs upon a party apparently united by
no principle, and a motion brought forwards without due confideration. He
availed himſelf, with great ability, of the vantage ground on which he ſtood,
and commenced the reply by a well conducted attack againſt the diſcordant
parts of oppofition. He fomented the divifion between the Tories and
Whigs in oppofition, paid a delicate compliment to the Tories, and di-
rected the ſhafts of his eloquence principally againſt the leaders of the
difaffected Whigs, whofe motives of hoftility were already fufpected by
the public.
He ſaid, “Sir *, it has been obſerved by feveral gentlemen, in vindication
of this motion, that if it ſhould be carried, neither my life, liberty, or eftate
will be affected. But do the honourable gentlemen confider my character
and reputation as of no moment? Is it no imputation to be arraigned
before this houfe, in which I have fat forty years, and to have my name
tranſmitted to poſterity with diſgrace and infamy? I will not conceal my fenti-
ments, that to be named in parliament as a fubject of inquiry, is to me a
matter of great concern; but I have the fatisfaction at the fame time to
reflect, that the impreffion to be made depends upon the confiftency of the
charge, and the motives of the profecutors. Had the charge been reduced
to fpecific allegations, I fhould have felt myfelf called upon for a ſpecific
defence. Had I ferved a weak or wicked maſter, and implicitly obeyed his
dictates, obedience to his commands muſt have been my only juftification.
But as it has been my good fortune to ferve a mafter, who wants no bad
minifters, and would have hearkened to none, my defence muſt reſt on
my own conduct. The conſciouſneſs of innocence is alſo fufficient fupport
againſt my preſent profecutors. A farther juftification is alfo derived from
a confideration of the views and abilities of the profecutors. Had I been
guilty of great enormities, they want neither zeal and inclination to bring
them forwards, nor ability to place them in the moſt prominent point of
view. But as I am confcious of no crime, my own experience convinces me,
that none can be juſtly imputed. I must therefore afk the gentlemen,
from whence does this attack proceed? From the paffions and prejudices of
the parties combined againſt me; who may be divided into three claffes, the
Boys, the riper Patriots, and the Tories. The Tories I can eafily forgive,
* The ſubſtance of this ſpeech is taken from Sir Robert Walpole.-Orford Papers.-Chan-
parliamentary minutes, in the hand writing of
VOL. I.
dler.
4 P
they
Chapter 56.
1741.
Speech of Sir
Robert Wal-
pole.
>
$58
MEMOIRS OF
:
Period VII. they have unwillingly come into the meaſure, and they do me honour in think-
1737 to 1742. ing it neceffary to remove me, as their only obftacle. What is the inference
to be drawn from theſe premiſes? that demerit with them ought to be confi-
dered as merit with others. But my great and principal crime is my long
continuance in office, or, in other words, the long exclufion of thoſe who
now complain against me. This is the heinous offence which exceeds all
others I keep from them the poffeffion of that power, thofe honours and
thofe emoluments, to which they fo ardently and pertinaciouſly aſpire. I
will not attempt to deny the reaſonableneſs and neceffity of a party war; but
in carrying on that war, all principles and rules of juftice ſhould not be de-
parted from. The Tories muſt confefs, that the moſt obnoxious perfons
have felt few inftances of extra judicial power. Wherever they have been
arraigned, a plain charge has been exhibited against them; they have had
an impartial trial, and have been permitted to make their defence; and will
they, who have experienced this fair and equitable mode of proceeding, act
in direct oppofition to every principle of juftice, and eſtabliſh this fatal pre-
cedent of parliamentary inquifition? and whom would they conciliate by
a conduct ſo contrary to principle and precedent?
"Can it be fitting in them, who have divided the public opinion of
the nation, to fhare it with thoſe who now appear as their competitors?
With the men of yesterday, the boys in politics, who would be ab-
folutely contemptible did not their audacity render them deteftable?
With the mock patriots, whofe practice and profeffions prove their ſelfiſh-
nefs and malignity, who threatened to purfue me to deftruction, and who
have never for a moment loft fight of their object? Theſe men, under the
name of the Separatifts, prefume to call themfelves, exclufively, the nation
and the people, and under that character, affume all power. In their
eſtimation, the king, lords, and commons are a faction, and they are the go-
vernment. Upon theſe principles, they threaten the deftruction of all autho-
rity, and think they have a right to judge, direct, and refift, all legal magif-
trates. They withdraw from parliament becauſe they fucceed in nothing,
and then attribute their want of fuccefs not to its true caufe, their own
want of integrity and importance, but to the effect of places, penfions,
and corruption. May it not be aſked, Are the people on the court fide
more united than on the other? Are not the Tories, Jacobites, and Patriots
equally determined? What makes this ftrict union? What cements this
heterogeneous mafs? Party engagements and perfonal attachments. How-
ever different their views and principles, they all agree in oppofition. The
Jacobites diſtreſs the government they would fubvert; the Tories contend
for
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
659
for party prevalence and power. The Patriots, from diſcontent and difap-
pointment, would change the miniftry, that themſelves might exclufively
fucceed. They have laboured this point twenty years unſucceſsfully; they are
impatient of longer delay. They clamour for change of meaſures, but mean
only change of minifters.
"In party contefts, why ſhould not both fides be equally Aeady? Does not
a Whig adminiſtration as well deferve the fupport of the Whigs as the con-
trary? Why is not principle the cement in one as well as the other, efpecially
when they confefs, that all is levelled againſt one man? Why this one man?
becauſe they think, vainly, nobody elfe could withſtand them. All others are
treated as tools and vaffals. The one is the corrupter, the numbers corrupted.
But whence this cry of corruption, and excluſive claim of honourable diſtinc-
tion? Compare the eſtates, characters, and fortunes of the commons on one
fide, with thoſe on the other. Let the matter be fairly inveftigated; furvey and
examine the individuals who uſually ſupport the meaſures of
government, and
thoſe who are in oppofition. Let us fee to whofe fide the balance preponde-
rates. Look round both houſes, and fee to which fide the balance of virtue
and talents preponderates! Are all theſe on one fide, and not on the other?
Or are all theſe to be counterbalanced by an affected claim to the exclufive
title of patriotiſm. Gentlemen have talked a great deal of patriotifm. A ve-
nerable word, when duly practifed. But I am forry to fay, that of late it has
been fo much hackneyed about, that it is in danger of falling into difgrace:
idea of true patriotiſm is loft, and the term has been proftituted to
the very worst of purpoſes. A patriot, Sir! why patriots fpring up like
muſhrooms? 1 could raiſe fifty of them within the four-and-twenty hours.
I have raiſed many of them in one night. It is but refufing to gratify an
unreaſonable or an infolent demand, and up ſtarts a patriot. I have never
been afraid of making patriots; but I diſdain and deſpiſe all their efforts.
But this pretended virtue proceeds from perfonal malice, and from difap-
pointed ambition. There is not a man amongſt them whofe particular aim
I am not able to afcertain, and from what motives they have entered into the
lifts of oppofition.
the very
Chapter 56.
1741.
"I fhall now confider the articles of accufation which they have brought On foreign
against me, and which they have not thought fit to reduce to fpecific affairs.
charges; and I fhall confider theſe in the fame order as that in which they
were placed by the honourable member who made the motion. First, in
regard to foreign affairs, fecondly, to domeftic affairs, and, thirdly, to the
conduct of the war.
"As to foreign affairs, I must take notice of the uncandid manner in
4 P 2
which
660
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. which the gentlemen on the other fide have managed the queſtion, by blend-
1737 to 1742. ing numerous treaties and complicated negotiations into one general maſs.
"To form a fair and candid judgment of the fubject, it becomes neceffary
not to confider the treaties merely infulated; but to advert to the time in
which they were made, to the circumftances and fituation of Europe when
they were made, to the peculiar fituation in which I ftand, and to the power
which I poffeffed. I am called repeatedly and infidiouſly prime and fole
minifter. Admitting, however, for the fake of argument, that I am prime
and fole miniſter in this country; am I, therefore, prime and fole miniſter
of all Europe? Am I anfwerable for the conduct of other countries as well
as for that of my own? Many words are not wanting to fhew, that the parti-
cular views of each court occafioned the dangers which affected the public
tranquillity; yet the whole is charged to my account. Nor is this fufficient
whatever was the conduct of England, I am equally arraigned. If we main-
tained ourſelves in peace, and took no fhare in foreign tranfactions, we
are reproached for tameneſs and pufillanimity. If, on the contrary, we in-
terfered in the difputes, we are called Don Quixotes, and dupes to all the
world. If we contracted guaranties, it was afked, why is the nation wan-
tonly burthened? If guaranties were declined, we were reproached with
having no allies."
After making theſe preliminary obfervations, on the neceffity of confidering
the relative fituation of Europe, when theſe engagements were contracted,
and proving that the treaties were right at the time they were made, though
they might not have had the defired effect, he entered into a luminous
recapitulation of the principal compacts, which had been adverted to in
the courſe of the debate. They formed a connective feries, embracing paſt
events, prefent advantages, and future contingencies, of which the various
parts had ſuch a neceffary dependance on each other, that any ſeparation
muſt be fatal to the comprehenfion of the whole.
He took up the fubject from the peace of Utrecht, which, by fuffering a
prince of the houſe of Bourbon to remain on the throne of Spain, had ma-
terially altered the balance of power in Europe, had produced new intereſts,
and involved this country in a ſeries of delicate and complicated negotia-
tions. The quadruple alliance was the confequence of that treaty; but as
he was not then in adminiſtration, he was not accountable either for its arti-
cles or effects, though he was unfortunately minifter, and unwillingly ac-
ceffary to the execution of it.
He ſhould, therefore, begin with the first act of that adminiftration
to which he had the honour to belong; a refufal to accept of the fole
mediation
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
661
1
66
1741.
mediation offered by Spain, on the breach between Spain and France, Chapter 56.
occafioned by the difmiffion of the infanta. "I hope it will not be ſaid,”
he obſerved, we had any reafon to quarrel with France upon that
account; and therefore, if our accepting of that mediation might have
produced a rupture with France, it was not our duty to interfere, un-
lefs we had fomething very beneficial to expect from the acceptance.
A reconciliation between the courts of Vienna and Madrid, it is true, was
defirable to all Europe, as well as to us, provided it had been brought about
without any deſign to diſturb our tranquillity, or the tranquillity of Europe;
but both parties were then fo high in their demands, that we could hope
for no fuccefs; and if the negotiation had ended without effect, we might
have expected the common fate of arbitrators, the difobliging of both.
Therefore, as it was our intereſt to keep well with both, I muſt ſtill think
it was the moſt prudent part we could act, to refufe the offered mediation.
"The next ſtep of our foreign conduct expoſed to reprehenfion, is the
treaty of Hanover. Sir, if I were to give the true hiftory of that treaty,
which no gentleman can defire, I fhould, I am fure I could fully juſtify
my own conduct; but as I do not defire to juſtify my own, without juſ--
tifying his late majeſty's conduct, I muſt obſerve, that his late majeſty had
fuch information, as convinced not only him, but thofe of his council,
both at home and abroad, that fome dangerous defigns had been formed
between the Emperor and Spain, at the time of their concluding the Treaty
at Vienna, in May 1725. Deſigns, Sir, which were dangerous not only to
the liberties of this nation, but to the liberties of Europe. They were not
only to wreſt Gibraltar and Port Mahon from this nation, and force the
Pretender upon us, but they were to have Don Carlos inarried to the Em-
peror's eldeſt daughter, who would thereby have had a probability of unit-
ing in his perfon, or in the perfon of fome of his fucceffors, the crowns of
France and Spain, with the Imperial dignity, and the Auſtrian dominions.
It was therefore highly reaſonable, both in France and us, to take the alarm
at fuch defigns, and to think betimes of preventing their being carried into
execution. But with regard to us, it was more particularly our buſineſs to
take the alarm, becauſe we were to have been immediately attacked. I
fhall grant, Sir, it would have been very difficult, if not impoffible, for Spain
and the Emperor joined together to have invaded, or made themſelves maf-
ters of any of the Britiſh dominions; but will it be faid, they might not
have invaded the king's dominions in Germany, in order to force him to a
compliance with what they defired of him, as king of Great Britain? And
if
662
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
if thofe dominions had been invaded on account of a quarrel with this na-
1737 to 1742, tion, ſhould we not have been obliged, both in honour and intereft, to defend
them? When we were thus threatened, it was therefore abfolutely neceffary
for us to make an alliance with France; and that we might not truft too
much to their aſſiſtance, it was likewiſe neceſſary to form alliances with the
northern powers, and with fome of the princes in Germany, which we never
did, nor ever could do, without granting them immediate fubfidies. Thefe
meaſures were therefore, I ftill think, not only prudent but neceffary, and
by theſe meaſures we made it much more dangerous for the Emperor and
Spain to attack us, than it would otherwife have been.
“But ftill, Sir, though by theſe alliances we put ourſelves upon an equal
footing with our enemies, in caſe of an attack, yet, in order to preſerve the
tranquillity of Europe, as well as our own, there was fomething elſe to be
done. We knew that war could not be begun and carried on without money;
we knew that the Emperor had no money for that purpoſe, without receiving
large remittances from Spain; and we knew that Spain could make no
fuch remittances without receiving large returns of treaſure from the Weſt
Indies. The only way, therefore, to render theſe two powers incapable of
difturbing the tranquillity of Europe was, by fending a fquadron to the
Weſt Indies, to stop the return of the Spaniſh galleons; and this made it
neceffary, at the fame time, to fend a ſquadron to the Mediterranean, for
the fecurity of our valuable poffeffions in that part of the world. By theſe
meaſures the Emperor faw the impoffibility of attacking us in any part of
the world, becauſe Spain could give him no aſſiſtance, either in money or
troops; and the attack made by the Spaniards upon Gibraltar was fo feeble,
that we had no occafion to call upon our allies for affiftance: a finall ſqua-
dron of our own prevented their attacking it by fea, and from their attack
by land, we had nothing to fear; they might have knocked their brains
out againſt inacceffible rocks, to this very day, without bringing that fortrefs
into any danger.
"I do not pretend, Sir, to be a great mafter of foreign affairs. In that poſt
in which I have the honour to ſerve his majeſty, it is not my buſineſs to in-
terfere; and as one of his majeſty's council, I have but one voice; but if I
had been the fole adviſer of the treaty of Hanover, and of all the meaſures
which were taken in purſuance of it, from what I have faid, I hope it will
appear, that I do not deferve to be cenfured, either as a weak or a wicked
miniſter on that account.”
The next meaſures which incurred cenfure were the guaranty of the
pragmatic
1
SIR KOBERT WALPOLE.
663
pragmatic fanction by the fecond treaty of Vienna, and the refuſal of the
cabinet to affift the houfe of Auftria, in conformity with the articles of that
guaranty.
"As to the guaranty of the pragmatic fanction," he faid, "I am really fur-
priſed to find that meaſure objected to; it was fo univerfally approved of,
both within doors and without, that till this very day I think no fault was
ever found with it, unless it was that of being too long delayed. If it
was fo neceffary for fupporting the balance of power in Europe, as has been
infifted on in this debate, to preferve intire the dominions of the houſe of
Auftria, furely it was not our buſineſs to infift upon a partition of them in
favour of any of the princes of the empire. But if we had, could we have
expected that the houfe of Auftria would have agreed to any fuch partition,
even for the acquifition of our guaranty? The king of Pruffia had, it is
true, a claim upon fome lordships in Silefia; but that claim was abfolutely
denied by the court of Vienna, and was not at that time fo much infifted
on by the late king of Pruffia. Nay, if he had lived till this time, I believe
it would not now have been inſiſted on; for he acceded to that guaranty
without any reſervation of that claim; therefore, I muft look upon this as
an objection, which has fince arifen from an accident, that could not then
be foreſeen, or provided againft..
"I muſt therefore think, Sir, that our guaranty of the pragmatic fanction,
or our manner of doing it, cannot now be objected to, nor any perfon cen-
fured by parliament for adviſing that meaſure. In regard to the refufal of
the cabinet to affift the houſe of Auftria, though it was prudent and. right
in us to enter into that guaranty, we were not, therefore, obliged to enter
into every broil the houſe of Auftria might afterwards lead themſelves into;
and therefore, we were not in honour obliged to take any fhare in the war
which the Emperor brought upon himſelf in the year 1733, nor were we
in intereft obliged to take a fhare in that war, as long as neither fide attempted
to puſh their conquefts farther than was confiftent with the balance of power
in Europe, which was a cafe that did not happen. For the power of the
houſe of Auſtria was not diminiſhed by the event of that war, becauſe they
got Tuſcany, Parma, and Placentia, in lieu of Naples and Sicily; nor was
the power of France much increaſed, becauſe Loraine was a province ſhe
had taken and kept poffeffion of, during every war in which ſhe had been:
engaged.
"As to the diſputes with Spain, they had not then reached ſuch a height,
as to make it neceffary for us to come to an open rupture. We had then
reaſon to hope, that all differences would be accommodated in an amicable
manner ;-
મ
Chapter 56.
1741.
1
664
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
manner; and whilft we have any fuch hopes, it can never be prudent for
1737 to 1742. us to engage ourſelves in war, efpecially with Spain, where we have always
had a very beneficial commerce. Theſe hopes, 'tis true, Sir, at laſt proved
abortive, but I never heard it was a crime to hope for the beſt. This fort
of hope was the cauſe of the late convention; if Spain had performed her
part of that preliminary treaty, I am fure it would not have been wrong in
us, to have hoped for a friendly accommodation, and for that end to have
waited nine or ten months longer, in which time the plenipotentiaries were, by
the treaty, to have adjuſted all the differences fubfifting between the two
nations. But the failure of Spain in performing what had been agreed to
by this preliminary, put an end to all our hope, and then, and not till then,
it became prudent to enter into hoftilities, which were commenced as foon
as poffible after the expiration of the term limited for the payment of the
£.95,000.
On domeftic
affairs.
66
Strong and virulent cenfures have been caft on me, for having commenced
the war without a fingle ally, and this deficiency has been afcribed to the
multifarious treaties in which I have bewildered myſelf. But although the
authors of this imputation are well apprized that all theſe treaties have been
fubmitted to and approved by parliament, yet they are now brought forward
as crimes, without appealing to the judgment of parliament, and without
proving or declaring that all or any of them were adviſed by me.
A fup-
pofed fole minifter is to be condemned and puniſhed as the author of all;
and what adds to the enormity is, that an attempt was made to convict
him uncharged and unheard, without taking into confideration the moſt
arduous crifis which ever occurred in the annals of Europe. Sweden cor-
rupted by France; Denmark tempted and wavering; the landgrave of Heffe
Caffel almoſt gained; the king of Pruffia, the Emperor, and the Czarina, with
whom alliances had been negotiating, dead; the Auſtrian dominions claimed
by Spain and Bavaria; the elector of Saxony hefitating whether he ſhould ac-
cede to the general confederacy planned by France; the court of Vienna ir-
refolute and indecifive. In this critical juncture, if France enters into en-
gagements with Pruffia, and if the queen of Hungary heſitates and liftens
to France, are all or any of theſe events to be imputed to Engliſh counſels ?
and if to Engliſh counfels, why are they to be attributed to one man?
"I now come, Sir, to the fecond head, the conduct of domeſtic affairs
and here a moſt heinous charge is made, that the nation has been burthened
with unneceffary expences, for the fole purpoſe of preventing the diſcharge
of our debts, and the abolition of taxes. But this attack is more to the
diſhonour of the whole cabinet council than to me. If there is any ground for
4
this
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
66-
this imputation, it is a charge upon king, lords, and commons, as corrupted, Chapter 55.
or impofed upon. And they have no proof of thefe allegations, but affect
to ſubſtantiate them by common fame and public notoriety.
"No expence has been incurred but what has been approved of, and pro-
vided for by parliament. The public treaſure has been duly applied to the
uſes to which it was appropriated by parliament, and regular accounts have
been annually laid before parliament, of every article of expence. If by
foreign accidents, by the difputes of foreign ftates amongſt themfelves, or
by their defigns againſt us, the nation has often been put to an extraordinary
expence, that expence cannot be ſaid to have been unneceffary, becauſe, if
by faving it we had expofed the balance of power to danger, or ourſelves
to an attack, it would have coft, perhaps, a hundred times that fum, before
we could recover from that danger, or repel that attack.
"In all fuch cafes there will be a variety of opinions. I happened to
be one of thoſe who thought all thefe expences neceffary, and I had the
good fortune to have the majority of both houſes of parliament on my fide;
but this, it ſeems, proceeded from bribery and corruption. Sir, if any one
inftance had been mentioned, if it had been fhewn, that I ever offered a re-
ward to any member of either houſe, or ever threatened to deprive any
member of his office or employment, in order to influence his vote in par-
liament, there might have been fome ground for this charge; but when it
is fo generally laid, I do not know what I can fay to it, unleſs it be to deny
it as generally and as pofitively as it has been afferted; and, thank God!
till fome proof be offered, I have the laws of the land, as well as the laws of
charity in my favour.
"Some members of both houfes have, it is true, been removed from their
employments under the crown; but were they ever told, either by me, or
by any other of his majefty's fervants, that it was for oppofing the meaſures
of the adminiſtration in parliament? They were removed, becauſe his ma-
jefty did not think fit to continue them longer in his fervice. His majeſty
had a right fo to do, and I know no one that has a right to afk him, What doft
thou? If his majefty had a mind that the favours of the crown fhould cir-
culate, would not this of itſelf be a good reafon for removing any of his fer-
vants? Would not this reafon be approved of by the whole nation, except
thoſe who happen to be the prefent poffeffors? I cannot, therefore, fee how
this can be imputed as a crime, or how any of the king's minifters can be
blamed for his doing what the public has no concern in; for if the public
be well and faithfully ſerved, it has no buſineſs to aſk by whem.
"As to the particular charge urged against me, I mean that of the army
4 Q
debentures
VOL. I.
1741.
666
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
On the con-
duct of the
war.
debentures, I am furprifed, Sir, to hear any thing relating to this affair
charged upon me. Whatever blame may attach to this affair, it muſt be
placed to the account of thoſe that were in power, when I was, as they call
it, the country gentleman: It was by them this affair was introduced, and
conducted, and I came in only to pay off thoſe public fecurities, which their
management had reduced to a great diſcount, and confequently to redeem our
public credit from that reproach, which they had brought upon it. The dif-
count at which theſe army debentures were negotiated, was a ſtrong and pre-
valent reaſon with parliament, to apply the finking fund firft to, the payment
of thoſe debentures, but the finking fund could not be applied to that pur-
poſe, till it began to produce fomething confiderable, which was not till the
year 1727. That the finking fund was then to receive a great addition, was
a fact publicly known in 1726; and if fome people were fufficiently quick-
fighted to foreſee, that the parliament would probably make this ufe of it,
and cunning enough to make the moſt of their own forefight, could I help
it, or could they be blamed for doing fo? But I defy my moft inveterate
enemy to prove, that I had any hand in bringing theſe debentures to a dif
count, or that I had any ſhare in the profits by buying them up.
"In reply to thoſe who confidently affert that the national debt is not
decreaſed fince 1727, and that the finking fund has not been applied to
the diſcharge of the public burthens, I can with truth declare, that a part
of the debt has been paid off, and the landed intereſt has been very much
eaſed, with reſpect to that moft unequal and grievous burthen, the land tax.
I fay fo, Sir, becauſe upon examination it will appear, that within theſe
fixteen or ſeventeen years, no leſs than £. 8,000,000 of our debt has been
actually diſcharged, by the due application of the finking fund, and at leaſt
£. 7,000,000 has been taken from that fund, and applied to the eaſe of the
land tax. For if it had not been applied to the current fervice, we muſt have
fupplied that fervice by increafing the land tax; and as the finking fund was
originally defigned for paying off our debts, and eafing us of our taxes, the
application of it in eaſe of the land tax, was certainly as proper and as necef-
fary an uſe as could be made. And I little thought that giving relief to
landed gentlemen, would have been brought againſt me as a crime.
"I ſhall now advert to the third topic of accufation, the conduct of the
war. I have already ſtated in what manner, and under what circumſtances
hoftilities commenced, and as I am neither general nor admiral, as I have nothing
to do either with our navy or army, I am fure I am not anfwerable for the
profecution of it. But were I to anfwer for every thing, no fault could, I
think, be found with my conduct in the profecution of the war. It has
8
from
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
667
from the beginning been carried on with as much vigour, and as great care
of our trade, as was confiftent with our fafety at home, and with the cir-
cumſtances we were in at the beginning of the war. If our attacks upon
the enemy were too long delayed, or if they have not been fo vigorous or fo
frequent as they ought to have been, thoſe only are to blame who have for
many years been haranguing againſt ſtanding armies; for without a fufficient
number of regular troops in proportion to the numbers kept up by our neigh-
bours, I am fure, we can neither defend ourſelves, nor offend our enemies.
On the fuppofed mifcarriages of the war, fo unfairly ſtated, and fo unjustly
imputed to me, I could, with great eafe, frame an incontrovertible defence;
but as I have trefpaffed fo long on the time of the houſe, I fhall not weaken
the effect of that forcible exculpation fo generoufly and difintereftly ad-
vanced by the right honourable gentleman who fo meritoriouſly prefides at
the admiralty.
"If my whole adminiſtration is to be fcrutinised and arraigned, why are
the moſt favourable parts to be omitted? If facts are to be accumulated on
one fide, why not on the other? And why may not I be permitted to ſpeak in
my own favour? Was I not called by the voice of the king and the nation
to remedy the fatal effects of the South Sea project, and to fupport de-
clining credit? Was I not placed at the head of the treaſury, when the re-
venues were in the greateft confufion? Is credit revived, and does it now
flouriſh? Is it not at an incredible height, and if fo, to whom muft that cir-
cumſtance be attributed? Has not tranquillity been preferved both at home
and abroad, notwithſtanding a moft unreaſonable and violent oppofition?
Has the true intereft of the nation been purfued, or has trade flouriſhed?
Have gentlemen produced one inftance of this exorbitant power, of the in-
fluence which I extend to all parts of the nation, of the tyranny with which
I oppreſs thoſe who oppofe, and the liberality with which I reward thoſe
who fupport me? But having firſt inveſted me with a kind of mock dignity,
and ftyled me a prime minifter, they impute to me an unpardonable abufe
of that chimerical authority which they only have created and conferred. If
they are really perfuaded that the army is annually eſtabliſhed by me, that I
have the fole difpofal of pofts and honours, that I employ this power in the
deftruction of liberty, and the diminution of commerce, let me awaken them
from their deluſion. Let me expofe to their view the real condition of the
public weal; let me fhew them that the crown has made no encroachments,
that all fupplies have been granted by parliament, that all queftions have
been debated with the fame freedom as before the fatal period, in which my
counfels
น
4 Q 2
Chapter 56.
1741.
;
668
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
counfels are faid to have gained the afcendancy: An afcendancy from which
they deduce the lofs of trade, the approach of flavery, the preponderance of
prerogative, and the extenfion of influence. But I am far from believing
that they feel thoſe apprehenfions which they fo earneſtly labour to commu-
nicate to others, and I have too high an opinion of their fagacity not to
conclude that, even in their own judgment, they are complaining of griev-
ances that they do not ſuffer, and promoting rather their private intereft than
that of the public.
"What is this unbounded fole power which is imputed to me? How has
it diſcovered itſelf, or how has it been proved?
"What have been the effects of the corruption, ambition, and avarice,
with which I am fo abundantly charged?
"Have I ever been fufpected of being corrupted? A ftrange phæno-
menon, a corrupter himſelf not corrupt. Is ambition imputed to me? Why
then do I ftill continue a commoner? I, who refufed a white ſtaff and a
peerage. I had, indeed, like to have forgotten the little ornament about my
ſhoulders, which gentlemen have fo repeatedly mentioned in terms of far-
caſtic obloquy. But furely, though this may be regarded with envy or in-
dignation in another place, it cannot be fuppofed to raiſe any reſentment in
this houſe, where many may be pleaſed to fee thofe honours which their
anceſtors have worn, reſtored again to the commons.
"Have I given any fymptoms of an avaricious difpofition? Have I ob-
tained any grants from the crown fince I have been placed at the head of the
treaſury? Has my conduct been different from that which others in the
ſame ſtation would have followed? Have I acted wrong in giving the place
of auditor to my fon, and in providing for my own family? I trust that their
advancement will not be imputed to me as a crime, unleſs it ſhall be proved
that I placed them in offices of truft and reſponſibility for which they were
unfit.
"But while I unequivocally deny that I am ſole and prime miniſter, and
that to my influence and direction all the meaſures of government muſt be at-
tributed, yet I will not fhrink from the reſponſibility which attaches to the
poſt I have the honour to hold; and ſhould, during the long period in which
I have fat upon this bench, any one ſtep taken by government be proved
to be either difgraceful or diſadvantageous to the nation, I am ready to hold
myfelf accountable.
"To conclude, Sir, though I fhall always be proud of the honour of any
truft or confidence from his majefty, yet I fhall always be ready to remove
from
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
669
from his councils and prefence, when he thinks fit; and therefore I fhould
think myſelf very little concerned in the event of the prefent queſtion, if it
were not for the encroachment that will thereby be made upon the preroga-
tives of the crown. But I muſt think, that an addreſs to his majeſty to re-
move one of his fervants, without fo much as alledging any particular crime
againſt him, is one of the greateſt encroachments that was ever made upon.
the prerogatives of the crown; and therefore, for the fake of my mafter,
without any regard for my own, I hope all thofe that have a due regard for
our conſtitution, and for the rights and prerogatives of the crown, without
which our conftitution cannot be preferved, will be againſt this motion."
Chapter 56..
1741,
This fpeech made a deep impreffion on the houſe. It was delivered in Motion ne
a moft animated and faſcinating manner, and with more dignity than he gatived.
ufually affumed. The motion was negatived by 290 againſt 106 *; a great
and unuſual majority, which proceeded from the fchifm between the Tories
and the Whigs, and the feceffion of Shippen and his friends..
the lords.
The fame motion was made by lord Carteret the fame day in the houfe Motion im
of lords, and ſupported with more pertinacity and vigour than in the com-
mons. The fchifm between the Tories and Whigs had not extended to that
houſe, and the lords in oppofition acted uniformly and confiftently in one
compact phalanx.
The principal ſpeakers againſt the minifter were, the dukes of Bedford'
and Argyle, the earls of Sandwich, Weſtmoreland, Berkſhire, Carliſle, Abing-
don, and Halifax, and the lords Haverfham and Bathurft; the oppofers of
the motion were, the lord chancellor, the dukes of Newcaſtle and Devon-
fhire, the biſhop of Saliſbury (Sherlock) the earl of Ilay, and lord Hervey.
The motion was negatived by 108 againſt 59, but a warm proteſt was Negativeɖ-
figned by 31 peers. The prince of Wales was prefent, but did not vote; and
it was remarked that feveral peers who had places under government, parti-
cularly the earl of Wilmington, did not divide with either party.
Immediately after the motion was thus difpofed of, the duke of Marlbo-
rough roſe, and moved to refolve," that any attempt to inflict any kind of
puniſhment on any perfon, without allowing him an opportunity to make
his defence, or without proof of any crime or miſdemeanour committed by
him, is contrary to natural juftice, the fundamental laws of this realm, and
the antient eſtabliſhed ufage of parliaments; and it is a high infringement on
the liberties of the ſubject.'
* Journals.
Lords' Debates. Tindal.
The
670
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
The truth of the propofition contained in this motion, was admitted by
1737 to 1742. the warmeft friends of the laft motion; but, contrary to all principles of rea-
foning, they infifted upon the treaties that lay before them, as being full evi-
dences againſt the minifter, but without offering one circumſtance of evi-
dence to prove that thoſe treaties had been folely conducted by him, or that
they were detrimental in themſelves to the honour and intereft of the nation.
They made, however, a faint endeavour to ſet aſide the motion upon the pre-
vious queſtion, but it was carried, though ſtrong protefts were entered upon
both queſtions
Conduct, and
anecdotes of
Shippen.
*
In this whole tranfaction, the greateſt ſurpriſe was excited by the conduct
of Shippen.
His feceffion expofed him to much obloquy from the party whom he de-
ferted. Some inferred, that his abfence was purchaſed by a bribe, and did not
fcruple to affert, that he received an annual penfion from government; others
have been fo unjust as to affert that this rumour was induftrioufly raiſed by
Walpole, to decry his integrity, and diminiſh his influence. It might
be fufficient to refute this unjuft reflection, by obferving, that his wife's
fortune placed him far above all temptation, and that he had exhi-
bited a ſtrong proof of difintereſtedneſs at a very trying period. When
Shippen was committed to the Tower, for declaring that the only infelicity
in his majeſty's reign was, that he was unacquainted with our language and
conftitution, and that the fpeech from the throne was rather calculated for
the meridian of Germany, than of Great Britain; the prince of Wales, then
diſſatisfied with his father, fent general Churchill, his groom of the bed-
chamber, to him, with the offer of a preſent of £. 1,000; which Shippen
declined §. That he was honeft and inflexible, is undoubted! Even
Walpole himſelf has attefted this truth, by repeatedly declaring, not only
while he was at the head of affairs, but after his refignation, not only during
the life of Shippen, but after his death, that he would not fay who was cor-
rupted, but he would fay who was not corruptible, that man was Shippen |.
The real cauſe of his feceffion, I am enabled to aſcertain, from the account
of a perfon nearly related to him: Sir Robert Walpole having diſcovered
a correfpondence, which one of Shippen's friends carried on with the Pre-
tender, Shippen called on the minifter, and defired him to fave his friend,
* Tindal, vol. 20, p. 429.
+ Opinions of the duchefs of Marlborough.
Sheridan's Life of Swift, p. 222.
1
Etough, from Dr. Middleton, to whom it
was communicated by Shippen.
From lord Orford.
\
Sir
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
675
Sir Robert willingly complied: and then faid, Mr. Shippen, I cannot defire
you to vote with the adminiftration, for with your principles, I have no right
to expect it. But I only require, whenever any queſtion is brought forward in
the houſe perfonally affecting me, that you will recollect the favour I have
now granted you. It is likewife to be obſerved, that this was only a tem-
porary truce, for he foon refumed his accuſtomed oppofition, and gave his
affiftance to thofe ftrenuous meaſures, which drove the miniſter from the
helm.
If uniformity of principles, and confiftency of conduct, be admitted as a
merit, William Shippen certainly deferves that eulogium as much or more
than any other member of the houfe of commons. Yet in confidering the
perfons who formed the minority, we ought to be on our guard, left we mif-
take the heat of party for true patriotiſm; and we ſhould alſo be wary in truft-
ing to expreffions which are become almoft cant words, and have been handed
from one writer to another, until they have been adopted as unquestionable
truths. Thus he is called by various writers," the English Cato," "inflexible
patriot ;" and Pope has faid of him,
I love to pour out all myſelf, as plain
As honeft Shippen, or downright Montagne.
But though we may allow him to be honeft and incorruptible, yet the ap-
pellation of true patriot, can by no means be juſtly conferred on him; unleſs we
ſhould ftyle that man a patriot, who was notoriouſly difaffected to the pro-
teſtant fucceffion, and publicly known to be in the interefts of the Pretender;-
who did not affect even to conceal his fentiments, who in the heterogeneous
meetings of the oppofition, frequently diſguſted the old Whigs with declara-
tions on the neceffity of reſtoring the Stuarts *; and who in company with
his intimate friends, was often heard to declare, that he waited for orders from
Rome, before he would give his vote in the houſe of commons.
The family of Shippen was fettled in Cheſhire. His father, who was
rector of Stockport, had four fons, one of whom was prefident of Braſen Noſe
college, Oxford, a man of diſtinguiſhed abilities, and of the fame principles
with his brother; and one daughter, who married Mr. Leyborne, a gentle-
man of refpectable family in Yorkshire.
William Shippen was born about the year 1672, and received his educa-
tion at Stockport fchool, which was conducted with great credit by a maſter
whoſe name was Dale. He firft came into parliament in 1707, for Bramber
1
*From the bishop of Salisbury.
Chapter 56.
1741.
Aled to
872
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. in Suffex, in the place of John Afgill, who was expelled for blafphemy, by
1737 to 1742. the intereft of lord Plymouth, whofe fon Dixy Windfor, was his brother-in-
law. He again reprefented that borough in 1710. In 1713, when he was
chofen for Saltaſh in Cornwall, probably by government intereft, but waved his
feat in 1714, on being elected for Newton in Lancaſhire, through the intereſt
of Mr. Legh of Lime Park, in Cheſhire, whofe aunt, lady Clarke, was married to
his brother Dr. Shippen, which place he continued to reprefent until his death.
His paternal eftate was very fmall, not exceeding £.400 a year, but he ob-
tained a fortune of not less than 70,000 by his wife, who was daughter and
-co-heirefs of Sir Richard Stote, knight, of the county of Northumberland,
by whom he left no children. His way of living was in all reſpects fimple
and œconomical. Before his marriage he never exceeded his income, and
even afterwards his expences were not proportionable to the largeneſs of his
eſtate.
For a fhort period he had apartments in Holland-houſe, from whence he
dates feveral of his letters to bishop Atterbury, with whom he maintained a
conſtant correſpondence, during his exile *. And William Morrice mentions
him in one of his letters as a perfon who continued fixed to his principles,
or as he expreffes himſelf, as honeft as ever. He feems to have had no country
refidence, except a hired houſe on Richmond-hill, but made excurfions in
fummer to his wife's relations in Northumberland. His ufual place of abode
was London, in the latter period of his life, in Norfolk Street, and his houſe
was the rendezvous for perſons of rank, learning, and abilities; his manner
was pleaſing and dignified, and his converfation was replete with vivacity and
wit.
Shippen and Sir Robert Walpole had always a perfonal regard for each
other. He was frequently heard to ſay, Robin and I are two honeſt men.
He is for king George, and I for king James, but thofe men with long cravats
(meaning Sandys, Sir John Rufhout, Gybbon, and others) only defire places,
either under king George or king James.
By the accounts of thoſe who had heard him in the houſe of commons,
his manner was highly energetic and fpirited as to fentiment and expreffion;
but he generally ſpoke in a low tone of voice, with too great rapidity, and
held his glove before his mouth. His fpeeches ufually contained fome pointed
period, which peculiarly applied to the ſubject in debate, and which he ut-
tered with great animation.
* Intercepted letters. Orford Papers.
↑ From the late earl of Orford,
Shippen
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
673
1
Shippen publiſhed feveral pamphlets, the titles of which I cannot af-
certain he may be fuppofed to have obtained fome reputation as a poet,
by the mention which Sheffield, duke of Buckingham, makes of him in his
poem, "The Election of a Poet Laureat :"
To Shippen, Apollo was cold with reſpect,
But faid in a greater affembly he ſhin'd:
As places were things he had ever declin'd.
Shippen wrote two political poems. Faction Diſplayed, and Moderation
Diſplayed. In the firft he draws the characters of the great Whig lords,
under the names of the principal Romans who were engaged in Cataline's
confpiracy. This fatire is fevere and cauftic, but the lines are, in general,
rough and inharmonious. The concluding paffage, which refers to the death
of the duke of Glouceſter, is not without merit :
So by the courſe of the revolving fpheres,
Whene'er a new diſcover'd ftar appears;
Aftronomers, with pleaſure and amaze,
Upon the infant luminary gaze.
They find their heavens enlarg'd, and wait from thence
Some bleft, fome more than common influence;
But fuddenly, alas! the fleeting light
Retiring, leaves their hopes involv'd in endleſs night.
His wife was extremely penurious, and from a peculiarity of temper, un-
willing to mix in fociety. She was much courted by queen Caroline, but hav-
ing imbibed from her huſband a great independency of principle, oftenta-
tiouſly affected to decline all intercourſe with the court.
The fortune which he received with his wife, and the money which he had
faved, came to her on his death, in confequence of a compact, that the fur-
vivor ſhould inherit the whole. As neither he nor any of his brothers left
any fons, his paternal eftate paffed to his nephew Dr. Leyborne, principal of
Albion-hall, Oxford, and Mr. Leyborne, a merchant of the factory at Liſbon.
Shippen's widow lived to a great age: her infirmities being fuch as to prevent
her making a will, her ample fortune therefore devolved on her fifter Mrs.
Dixie Windfor*.
* Shippen's niece, Mifs Leyborne, was
married to the Rev. Mr. Taylor. She was
mother to Mrs. Willes, widow of the late
learned and much refpected judge, to whom
1 am principally indebted for theſe anecdotes:
VOL. I.
A collateral branch of the family of Shippen
is fettled in Philadelphia, one of them married
Laurens, who was prefident of the congrefs,
and another, the American general Arnold.
4 R
Chapter 56.
1741.
674
MEMOIRS OF
Feriod VII.
1737 to 1742,
'
Proceedings
on the Auf-
trian fubfidy.
April 8.
King's
ſpeech.
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SEVENTH:
1741.
Proceedings of Parliament on the Auftrian Subfidy.-Grant of Three hundred
thousand Pounds to the Queen of Hungary.-Her Inflexibility-and difaftrous
Situation.
TH
HE only parliamentary meaſure in this feffion which deferves farther
notice, was the grant of a fubfidy to the queen of Hungary, which
finally involved England in a war with France. It was undoubtedly neither
confonant to the wiſhes or ſentiments of the minifter, who had earneſtly ex-
erted himſelf to bring about an accommodation between Pruffia and Auftria,
to promote a meaſure calculated to encourage the obftinacy of Maria Thereſa
at a moment when fhe feemed wavering and irrefolute. But the voice of
the nation loudly echoed the unceafing cry of oppoſition in favour of Maria
Therefa. The king was alarmed for his German dominions, the majority
of the cabinet inclined to vigorous meaſures, and it was imagined that a de-
cided refolution of parliament to fupport the houſe of Auftria, would inti-
midate the king of Pruffia, and induce him to lower his terms of accommo-
dation.
In confequence of theſe prevailing fentiments, the king opened the ſubject
in a ſpeech from the throne. He faid,
"At the opening of this feffion, I took notice to you of the death of the
late Emperor, and of my reſolution to adhere to the engagements I am un-
der, in order to the maintaining of the balance of power, and the liberties
of Europe, on that important occaſion. The affurances I received from you,
in return to this communication, were perfectly agreeable to that zeal and
vigour which this parliament has always exerted in the ſupport of the honour
and intereft of my crown and kingdoms, and of the common cauſe.
"The war which has fince broke out, and been carried on in part of the
Auftrian dominions, and the various and entenfive claims which are pub-
licly made on the late Emperor's fucceffion, are new events, that require
6
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
675
1
the utmoſt care and attention, as they may involve all Europe in a bloody war,
and in confequence, expofe the dominions of fuch princes as fhall take part in fupport of
the pragmatic fanction to imminent and immediate danger. The queen of Hungary
has already made a requifition of the twelve thouſand men, exprefsly ftipulated
by treaty; and thereupon I have demanded of the king of Denmark, and of
the king of Sweden, as Landgrave of Heffe Caffel, their refpective bodies of
troops, confifting of fix thouſand men each, to be in readineſs to march forth-
with to the affiftance of her Hungarian majefty. I am alſo concerting fuch
further meaſures as may obviate and diſappoint the dangerous defigns and at-
tempts, that may be forming, or carried on, in favour of any unjuft preten-
fions, to the prejudice of the houfe of Auftria. In this complicated and un-
certain ſtate of things, many incidents may ariſe, during the time when, by
reaſon of the approaching conclufion of this parliament, it may be impoffible
for me to have your advice and affiſtance, which may make it neceffary for
me to enter into ftill larger expences for maintaining the pragmatic fanc-
tion. In a conjuncture ſo critical, I have thought it proper to lay theſe
important confiderations before you; and to defire the concurrence of my
parliament, in enabling me to contribute in the most effectual manner to the
fupport of the queen of Hungary, the preventing by all reaſonable means
the fubverfion of the houſe of Auftia, and to the maintaining the liberties
and balance of power in Europe *."
When the commons returned, Clutterbuck recapitulated the occafion
which had induced the king to make this application. He expatiated on
the ambitious deſigns of France, expoſed the danger of Europe from the de-
ſtruction of the houſe of Auftria, the injuftice of Pruffia in the invafion of
Silefia, and the wiſdom and propriety of afferting the pragmatic fanction,
and fulfilling their engagements with the houfe of Auftria. As by this
conduct, he obſerved, the king would expofe his electoral dominions, and
as the danger would be increaſed not by any diſputes with the neighbouring
princes, but by his firmneſs in afferting the general rights of Europe, and as
the confequences of this conduct would be chiefly beneficial to Great Bri-
tain, the houfe ought to fupport him in the profecution of this defign: He
concluded, "I hope every gentleman in this houfe, will agree with me, that
we ought to declare our approbation of thefe meafures, in fuch terms as may
thew the world, that thoſe who fhall dare to obftruct them, muft refolve to
incur the refentment of this nation, and expoſe themfelves to all the oppo-
Journals. Chandler.
A lord of the treafury.
Chapter 57.
1741.
Debate on
motion for
addrefs.
4 R 2
fition
$
676
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
fition that the parliament of Great Britain can fend forth againſt them. We
ought to pronounce that the territories of Hanover will be conſidered on
this occafion as the dominions of England, and that any attack on one or the
other will be equally refented. I therefore move, that an humble addreſs be
prefented, "to exprefs our dutiful fenfe of his majefty's regard for the rights of
the queen of Hungary, and for maintaining the pragmatic fanction; to de-
clare our concurrence in the prudent meaſures, which his majeſty is purfuing
for the preſervation of the liberties and balance of power in Europe; to ac-
knowledge his majefty's wiſdom and refolution, in not fuffering himſelf to
be diverted from ſteadily perfevering in his juſt purpoſes of fulfilling his en-
gagements with the houſe of Auftria*."
Fox fupported the addrefs, and obferved, "If the propofed oppofition to
the king of Pruffia ſhould incite him, or any other power, to an invaſion of
his majefty's foreign dominions, we cannot refufe them our protection and affift-
ance; for as they fuffer for the cauſe which we engaged to ſupport, and ſuffer
only by our meaſures, we are, at leaſt as allies, obliged by the laws of equity,
and the general compacts of mankind, to arm in their defence; and what
may be claimed by the common right of allies, we fhall furely not deny
them, only becauſe they own the fame monarch with ourſelves."
As for fome time the oppofition had been clamorous in arraigning the
minifter for not ſupporting the queen of Hungary, they could not confiftently
refift the motion. But fortunately, the expreffion in the ſpeech alluding to
Hanover, and the ſpecific declaration of the member who moved the addreſs,
that the king's German dominions were the object of defence, gave them an
opportunity of defcanting on the popular topic of Hanoverian intereft, with-
out appearing to decry the propriety of fupporting the pragmatic fanction,
or arraigning the principles on which the motion was founded.
Pulteney readily allowed the ambitious defigns of France, and the necef-
fity of counteracting them. He then obferved, that the only hopes of ef-
fecting that beneficial purpoſe reſted on the houſe of Auſtria. For this rea-
fon the uniform exertions of this country had been employed in aggrandifing
that power, as a counterpoife to the increafing weight of the houſe of Bour-
bon. But this wife plan was wholly overturned, and the fabric which this
country had fo long and fo affiduoufly laboured to erect, was at once de-
ſtroyed, by the treaty of Hanover, and from that time, almoſt to the pre-
fent moment, almoſt all our exertions had been uniformly directed to the
* Gentleman's Magazine for 1742.
fame
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
677
66
fame mischievous purpoſe. By what impulfe," he added, "or by what
infatuation, theſe affertors of liberty, thefe enemies of France, theſe guar-
dians of the balance of power, were on the fudden prevailed on to declare
in favour of the power whom they had fo long thought it their chief intereſt
and higheſt honour to oppofe, muſt be difcovered by fagacity fuperior to
mine. But after fuch perplexity of councils, and fuch fluctuation of con-
duct, if our concurrence is neceffary to increaſe his majeſty's influence on
the continent, to animate the friends of the houſe of Auſtria, or to repreſs
the diſturbers of the public tranquillity, I fhall willingly unite with the moſt
zealous advocates for the adminiſtration in any vote of approbation or affiſt-
ance, not contrary to the act of fettlement, that important and well con-
certed act, by which the preſent family was advanced to the throne, and by
which it was provided that England fhall never be involved in a war for
the enlargement or protection of the dominions of Hanover, dominions from
which we never expected nor received any benefit, and for which therefore
nothing ought to be either fuffered or hazarded.
"If it fhould again be neceffary to form a confederacy, and to unite the
powers of Europe againſt the houſe of Bourbon, that ambitious and reſtleſs
family, by which the repoſe of the world is almoſt every day interrupted,
which is inceffantly labouring againſt the happineſs of human nature, and
ſeeking every hour an opportunity of new encroachments, I declare that I
ſhall not only, with the greateſt cheerfulneſs, bear my fhare of the public
expence, but endeavour to reconcile others to their part of the calamities
of war.
This I have advanced, in confidence that fufficient care fhall be
taken, that in any new alliance, we ſhall be parties, not principals, that the
expence of war, as the advantage of victory, fhall be common; and that
thoſe who unite with us fhall be our allies, not our mercenaries."
The reply of the minifter was fpecific and manly: "We are obliged, by
this treaty, to fupply the houfe of Auftria with twelve thouſand men, and
the Dutch, who were engaged in it, by our example, have promifed a fupply
of five thouſand. This force, joined to thoſe armies which the large do-
minions of that family enable them to raife, were conceived fufficient to
repel any enemy by whom their rights thould be invaded. But becauſe
in affairs of fuch importance nothing is to be left to hazard, becaufe
the preſervation of the equipoife of power, on which the liberties of al-
moſt all mankind, who can call themfelves free, muft be acknowledged to
depend, ought to be rather certain, than barely probable; it is ftipulated
farther, both by the Dutch and ourfclves, that if the fupplies fpecified in
the firſt article ſhall appear inſufficient, we fhall unite our whole force in
the
Chapter. 57.
1741.
1
678
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
the "defence of our ally, and ftruggle once more for independence, with ar-
dour proportioned to the importance of our caufe.
66
By thefe ftipulations, no engagements have been formed that can be
imagined to have been prohibited by the act of fettlement, by which it
is provided, that the houfe of Hanover ſhall not plunge this nation into a
war, for the fake of their foreign dominions, without the confent of the
parliament; for this war is by no means entered upon for the particular
fecurity of Hanover, but for the general advantage of Europe, to reprefs ´the
ambition of the French, and to preſerve ourſelves and our poſterity from
the moſt abject dependance upon a nation, exafperated againſt us by a long
oppoſition and hereditary hatred.
\
"Nor is the act of fettlement only preferved unviolated, by the reafons
of the prefent alliance, but by the regular concurrence of the parliament,
which his majeſty has defired, notwithſtanding his indubitable right of mak-
ing peace and war by his own authority. I cannot, therefore, imagine upon
what pretence it can be urged that the law, which requires that no war fhall
be made on account of the Hanoverian dominions without the confent of
parliament is violated, when it is evident that the war is made upon other
motives, and the concurrence of the parliament is folemnly defired."
Sandys having made the fame objection as Pulteney, and obferved that
the motion was inconfiftent with the truft repofed in the commons by the
conftitution, who owe allegiance to the king of Great Britain and not to
the elector of Hanover, was anfwered by Horace Walpole, who defended
the treaty of Hanover. After a few remarks from Viner, againſt the
priety of oppofing the king of Pruffia's demands, before they were fully un-
pro-
derſtood, lord Gage concluded the debate by obferving, "I have always
been taught that allegiance to my prince is confiftent with fidelity to my
country, that the intereft of the king and the people of Great Britain is
the fame, and that he only is a true ſubject of the crown, who is a ſteady pro-
moter of the happineſs of the nation.
"For this reafon I think it neceffary to declare, that Hanover is always to
be confidered as a fovereignty feparate from that of England, and as a coun-
try with laws and intereſts diſtinct from our's; and that it is the duty of
the repreſentatives of this nation, to take care that interefts fo different
may never be confounded, and that England may incur no expence of which
Hanover alone can enjoy the advantage. If the elector of Hanover fhould
be engaged in war with any of the neighbouring fovereigns, who fhould be
enabled by a victory to enter into the country, and carry the terrors of war
through all his territories, it would by no means be neceffary for this na-
tion
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
679
tion to interpofe; for the elector of Hanover might lofe his dominions with-
out any diſadvantage or difhonour to the king or people of England."
Chapter 57.
1741.
Addrefs
It was evident that the minority, in making thefe obfervations, did not
intend to oppoſe the motion, but only to caft a reproach upon adminiftra- carried.
tion; for the queſtion was carried without a divifion *.
65
fubfidy
granted.
The addrefs being carried, the miniſter moved for an aid of £. 300,000 to April 13.
the queen of Hungary. He briefly ftated the neceffity of preventing the Auftrian
difmemberment of the Auftrian dominions, in which the intereſts of Great
Britain were neceffarily involved. Shippen oppoſed the motion, in a ſpeech
replete with farcaftic irony. He ſaid, though it cannot be expected I
have forgotten the refentment which I have formerly drawn upon myſelf by
an open declaration of my fentiments with regard to Hanover, I ftand
up again with equal confidence, to make my proteftations againſt any inter-
pofition in the affairs of that country, and to avow my diflike of the promiſe
lately made to defend it: A promife, inconfiftent, in my opinion, with that
important and inviolable law, the act of fettlement ! A promife, which,
if it could have been foreknown, would, perhaps, have for ever precluded from
the fucceffion, that illuftrious family, to which we owe fuch numberlefs
bleffings, fuch continued felicity. Far be it from me to infinuate that we
can be too grateful to his majefty, or too zealous in our adherence to him;
only let us remember that true gratitude confifts in real benefits, in pro-
moting the true intereft of him to whom we are indebted; and furely, by
hazarding the welfare of Great Britain in defence of Hanover, we fhall very
little confult the advantage or promote the greatneſs of our king.
"It is well known how inconfiderable in the fight of thoſe, by whom the
fucceffion was eſtabliſhed, Hanover appeared, in compariſon with Great
Britain. Thoſe men, to whom even their enemies have feldom denied praiſe
for knowledge and capacity, and who have been fo loudly celebrated by
many who have joined in the laft addrefs, for their honeft zeal, and the love
of their country, enacted, that the king of Great Britain ſhould never vifit
thoſe important territories, which we have fo folemnly promiſed to defend,
at the hazard of their happineſs. It was evidently their defign that our
fovereign, engroffed by the care of his new fubjects, a care which, as they
reaſonably imagined, would arise from gratitude for dignity and power fo
* It is remarkable that Chandler has omit-
ted to mention this debate, although it is given
in the Gentleman's Magazine, from which
publication he took the fucceeding debate.
-Tindal flightly alludes to it, in a manner,
however, which authenticates the account in
the Gentleman's Magazine. Neither Smol-
lett or Belfham take the leaft notice of it.
† Alluding to his commitment to the tower.
See chap. 17. p. 112.
liberally
680
MEMOIRS OF
king of
Period VII. liberally conferred, fhould in time forget that corner of the earth, on which
1737 to 1742. his anceſtors had refided, and act, not as elector of Hanover, but as
Great Britain, as the governor of a mighty nation, and the lord of large
dominions.
Effects of the
grant.
"It was exprefsly determined, that this nation fhould never be involved
in a war for the defence of the dominions on the continent, and doubtless the
fame policy that has reftrained us from extending our conquefts in coun-
tries, from which fome advantages might be received, ought to forbid all ex-
penfive and hazardous meaſures, for the fake of territories from whence no
benefit can be reaped *.'
"9
Viner followed Shippen in oppofing the grant, and after confidering the
difpute between Auftria and Pruffia as a bufinefs in which England had no
immediate concern, exclaimed, "Are we to ftand up fingly in defence of
the pragmatic fanction, to fight the quarrel of others, or live in perpetual
war that our neighbours may be at peace?”
The ininifter and his friends took no notice of the indecorous allufions in
Shippen's ſpeech, but defended the motion on the ground of national faith.
After a few obſervations from Pulteney, who fupported the expediency of the
meaſure, and fome farther remarks from the minifter, the queftion was car-
ried without a divifion.
This grant, however founded on juſtice and confiftent with national honour,
muſt be lamented as premature, becauſe it fruſtrated the wife plan which
Walpole was forming for the pacification of Germany. He ſaw and lamented
the difficulties which prevented an accommodation with Pruffia; he ftrongly
inculcated the neceffity of a grand confederacy against France, and conſcious
that all alliances to that purpoſe would prove inefficient and ineffectual un-
lefs Pruffia was included, he laboured to overcome the pertinacious refift-
ance of the queen of Hungary. By his direction Horace Walpole had fre-
quent conferences with count Oftein ; the Imperial miniſter in London; in
which he fully explained the ſtate of Europe, the deſigns of France, and the
peculiar fituation of England. He repreſented in ſuch ſtrong terms the fatal
confequences to be apprehended from the hoftility of the king of Pruffia,
and the good effects to be derived from his alliances, as fully convinced the
Auftrian minifter. Oftein declared his ready affent to the force of theſe argu-
* Chandler.
Ibid. This debate is greatly mifrepre-
fented by Belfliam. He obferves, "HONEST
SHIPPEN only ventured to oppoſe this wild
and wanton wafte of public money." To
· fupport this affertion he has transferred Viner's
པ་
ſpeech to the firſt feffion of the next parlia-
ment. See Belham, vol. 2. p. 44. 46.
Letter from Horace Walpole to the duke
of Cumberland, Nov. 29, 1746. Walpole
Papers.
ments,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
681
}
1741.
ments, and promiſed to place them in fo favourable a light as ſhould induce Chapter 57.
the queen to cloſe with the propofitions of Pruffia. But this defign was
fatally counteracted by the fpirit of Maria Therefa, by her reliance on the
promifes of France, and particularly by the ill-judged enthuſiaſm of the Bri-
tiſh nation, which called loudly for the moſt active exertions in her favour.
The vote of f. 300,000 had ſcarcely paffed the commons, before lord
Carteret affured Oftein, that the grant of that fubfidy was not owing to the
good difpofition of the miniftry, but extorted by the unanimous call of
parliament, and the general voice of the people. Accordingly, the Auſtrian
miniſter inſtantly changed his opinion, and inſtead of ſeconding the efforts of
Walpole to perfuade his miſtreſs to enter into an accommodation with the king
of Pruffia, encouraged her to perſevere in rejecting his demands, becauſe the
Britiſh nation would pour out the laſt drop of their blood, and ſpend their
laſt penny in ſupport of her juft caufe
In confequence of her inflexibility, the king of Pruffia continued his in-
roads; he over-ran and conquered the remaining part of Silefia, and the
grand confederacy, planned and confolidated by France, attacked the Auftrian
dominions on all fides. The elector of Bavaria, at the head of 70,000 troops,
took Paffau and Lintz, fummoned Vienna to furrender, made himſelf maſter
of Bohemia, was inaugurated king at Prague, and expected every moment
his elevation to the Imperial throne. Two French armies poured like a
torrent over the countries of Germany. The one, under marſhal Broglio,
joined the elector of Bavaria, and took poffeffion of Prague; the other, led
by marshal Maillebois, hovered on the banks of the Rhine, and threatening
to ſpread themſelves over Weftphalia, awed the electorate of Hanover, and
compelled George the Second to defert Maria Therefa, and to accept a
neutrality, which was condemned both at home and abroad as a fcandalous
and pufillanimous meaſure.
The king of Sardinia threatened hoftilities, and a Spanish army, under the
marquis of Montemar, marched from Naples towards the frontiers of the Mi-
lanefe; while the infant, Don Philip, at the head of a confiderable corps, was
preparing to penetrate through Dauphiné and Savoy, into Auftrian Lom-
bardy.
Maria Therefa, deferted by Ruffia and the United Provinces, and by all
her allies, except Great Britain, quitted Vienna, which was preparing for a
fiege, took refuge at Prefburg, and threw herfelf on the affection and zeal of
her Hungarian fubjects. Compelled by imperious neceffity, the purchaſed
VOL. I.
* Horace Walpole to the duke of Cumberland. Walpole Papers.
4 S
the
Difaftrous
state of the
houfe of
Auftria.
682
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
the neutrality of Pruffia, by the ceffion of Lower Silefia. Her fituation was
1737 to 1742. truly deplorable, and her difafters rebounded on the minifter. To his
finiſter aufpices it was attributed that the conſtellation of the houſe of Bour-
bon feemed afcending to its zenith, and the ftar of England and Auftria
declining towards the horizon.
Cloſe of the
parliament.
Conteſt of
parties.
May 7.
The king
goes to Ha-
nover.
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-EIGHTH:
1741.
Diffolution of Parliament.-State of the Miniftry.-Walpole deferted or fe- -
cretly thwarted by many of his former Friends.-Successful Exertions of the
Oppoſition. Westminster Election. - Schifm in the Cabinet. - Neutrality of
Hanover.-Supineness of Walpole.-Clamours against him.
O
N the 25th of April, the king put an end to the laft feffion of this
parliament, in a ſpeech from the throne, in which, after thanking them
for the zeal with which they had fupported the meaſures of government, he
added, “ I will immediately give the neceffary orders for calling a new par-
liament. There is not any thing I ſet ſo high a value upon, as the love and
affection of my people; in which I have fo entire a confidence, that it is
with great fatisfaction, I ſee this opportunity put into their hands, of giving
me freſh proofs of it, in the choice of their reprefentatives *.'
Writs were iffued for electing a new houſe of commons, returnable the
25th of June.
On the expiration of the parliament commenced the ftruggle of the con-
tending parties, which was to terminate in the removal, or the firm eſtabliſh-
ment of Walpole.
Notwithſtanding a strong remonftrance from Sir Robert Walpole, the king
embarked for his German dominions.
The minifter was left in a precarious fituation, to manage the elections, in
Precarious fi- the midft of an unfuccefsful war, at variance with the majority of the ca-
tuation of
Walpole.
*
Journals, vol. 12. p. 337.
binet,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
633
1741.
binet, and with the general fpirit of the nation against him, at a time Chapter 56.
when the fears of Jacobitifm, and the dread of a popifh Pretender, had
begun to fubfide. In this emergency, either betrayed by his pretended
friends, deferted by thoſe who ought to have fupported him, deceived in
imagining that the triumphant majority which had thrown out the motion
to remove him, was an indication of the people's affection, or conceiving
that a firm coalition between the Tories and difaffected Whigs, could not
take place in time to oppoſe him, he abandoned himſelf to an inconſiderate
fecurity, and neglected to take his ufual precautions.
election for
Weſtminſter-
The first great oppofition to government took its rife in the city of Conteſted
Weſtminſter, where the court was fuppofed to poffefs an unbounded in-
fluence. It had been ufual for the electors to return the two mem-
bers who were recommended by the crown. The repreſentatives in the
laft parliament were, Sir Charles Wager, firft lord of the admiralty, and lord
Sundon, a lord of the treaſury; and it was fuppofed that they would have
been rechofen as ufual, without oppofition. But lord Sundon was very un-
popular he had been raiſed from a low condition to an Irish peerage,
through the intereſt of his wife, who had been favourite bed-chamber woman
to queen Caroline. The other candidate, Sir Charles Wager, was unexcep-
tionable, both in his public and private character, but his attachment to the
miniſter was a fufficient objection.
Some electors of Weſtminſter propofed, very unexpectedly, admiral Ver-
non, then in the height of his popularity, and Mr. Irwin, a private gentle-
man of confiderable fortune. The oppofition at firft defpifed, became for-
midable; and Sir Charles Wager being fummoned to convoy the king to
Holland, the management of the election was entruſted to ignorant veftry-
men and violent juſtices. The party in oppofition to the court candidates,
became very tumultuous. The majority of the electors were decidedly in fa-
vour of the minifterial candidates, but lord Sundon was imprudently adviſed
to cloſe the poll, to order a party of guards to attend, and while the military
power furrounded the huftings, the high bailiff returned him and Sir Charles
Wager. This imprudent conduct highly exafperated the populace; the
guards were infulted, Sundon was attacked, and narrowly eicaped with
life.
The example of the oppofition at Weſtminſter, diifufed a general ipirit And other
places.
throughout the kingdom, and violent contefts were excited in all quarters.
Large fums of money for fupporting the expences were fubfcribed by Pul-
teney, the duchefs of Marlborough, and the prince of Wales, who contracted
great debts on this memorable occafion, and the managers of oppofition em-
4 S 2
ployed
(
684
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
*
Clamours
against the
minifter.
ployed this money with great advantage. Lord Falmouth gained over
many of the Cornifh boroughs, which had ufually returned the members
recommended by the crown: The duke of Argyle exerted himſelf with fuch
effect in Scotland, that he baffled all the efforts of his brother, the earl of
Ilay, who had long managed the intereft of the crown in that quarter; and
the majority of Scottiſh members, who had formed a ſtrong phalanx in favour
of government, were now ranged on the contrary fide. Thefe acquifi-
tions were confidered by oppofition as a fure omen of fuccefs; and Doding-
ton, in a letter to the duke of Argyle, drew a comparative ftatement of the
two fides, in the future parliament, highly unfavourable to the minifterial.
party *.
He juftly obferved, that a majority of fixteen, which was the ut-
moſt that the moft fanguine friends of the minifter could entertain hopes of
forming at the commencement of the feffion, would foon become a mino-
rity. He laid down a plan of conduct and attack, which was wifely formed,
and ably executed, the homogeneous parts were confolidated, and the whole
phalanx, however divided and diſcordant in other reſpects, moved on uni-
formly to one great object, the removal of the minifter.
Many cauſes concurred, in the preſent crifis, to render the efforts of
Walpole for fecuring a fufficient majority in the new parliament ineffec-
tual. He had continued fo long in full power, that many, like the
fubjects of the Pope during a long reign, pined for a new adminiſtration,
from a mere defire of change. Others formed dreams of future fplendour and
happineſs, which were to beam on the nation, when the minifter was re-
moved; that minifter, who was ftyled the father of corruption, who was ac-
cufed of fquandering the public money, and of drawing from the plunder of
his devoted country, ſuch immenfe riches as no individual had ever before
amaffed; who alone prevented the fuppreffion of numerous taxes, the aboli-
tion of the national debt, and obftructed thoſe plans of reform, which
were to reftore credit and dignity to the king and parliament. His fall was
to produce a new æra, the revival of the golden age; a junction of all parties
was to take place, and the fovereign, inſtead of being the chief of a fect, was
to become at once the father of his people, and to reign in the hearts of his
fubjects. Theſe notions were induftriouſly circulated, and greedily fwal-·
lowed by the deluded populace, until his removal became an object of na-
tional concern.
The popular clamour for a war with Spain had been ſo violent, that the
refiftance of the minifter was deemed a ſhameful pufillanimity and dereliction
• Dodington to the duke of Argyle, June 18, 1741. Correfpondence.
of
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
685
of national honour, and became the favourite theme of fatire and contumely,
both in profe and rhyme. "Sir Robert Walpole," as Burke juſtly obferves,
"was forced into the war in 1739, by the people, who were inflamed to this
meaſure, by the moſt leading politicians, by the firft orators, and the greateſt
poets of the times. For that war Pope fung his dying notes. For that war
Johnſon, in more energetic ftrains, employed the voice of his early genius.
For that war Glover diſtinguiſhed himſelf in the way in which his merit was
the moſt natural and happy. The crowd readily followed the politicians,
in the cry for a war which threatened little bloodſhed, and which promiſed
victories, that were attended with ſomething more folid than glory. A war
with Spain was a war of plunder *."
Chapter 58.
1741.
But even thoſe who acted with him laboured to undermine his power. Schifm in
Wilmington wiſhed his downfall, trufting that if that event ſhould take place, the cabinet.
he fhould fucceed as firft lord of the treaſury. He caballed with the
principal leaders of oppofition, and in a letter to Dodington, congratulated
him on his fuccefs in the elections of Melcomb and Weymouth, againſt the
candidates fupported by the minifter. Newcaſtle, who had hitherto acted
an underpart, afpired to be leader of the Whigs, and flattered himſelf that
on the removal of Walpole, a confiderable addition of power would be placed
in his hands. He had even made clandeftine overtures to the duke of
Argyle, which had been diſcloſed to the minifter .
' 1
The minifter was alfo greatly embarraffed with the conduct of foreign Coolness of
affairs, on which he was not always confidentially confulted. The negotia- the king.
tion which fettled the neutrality of Hanover, was begun and nearly con-
cluded, not only without his approbation, but almoſt without his know-
ledge §. The firſt pofitive information he received of it, was a private letter
from the king, which was delivered to him in the prefence of the duke
of Newcaſtle, to whom he never diſcloſed the contents ||. He was ap-
prehenfive left the nation fhould impute to him a meaſure fo extremely
unpopular. He complained that lord Harrington, the fecretary of ſtate who
attended the king to Hanover, had not given earlier notice to the cabinet of
England, and he told a foreign agent ¶, that the neutrality of Hanover was
compulſory, and could not affect England. On mature reflection, however,
he appreciated the neceffity of the meaſure, and though diffatisfied with
* Thoughts on a Regicide Peace,
+ Correfpondence, May 16, 1741.
Etough, from Sir Robert Walpole.
§ From the earl of Hardwicke.
Duke of Newcaſtle to lord Hardwicke.
July 19, 1741. Hardwicke Papers.
Zambini to baron Haffang.
Papers.
Orford
the
686
MEMOIRS OF
!
Period VII. the commencement of the negotiation, approved and ſanctioned its con-
clufion.
1737 to 1742.
Virulent
calumnies.
Every means was now employed to traduce his character. The moſt
calumnious reports were invented and diffuſed. It was rumoured that ad-
miral Haddock had orders to avoid meeting and intercepting the Spaniſh
tranſports carrying troops to Italy, for the purpoſe of taking poffeffion of
Tuſcany, Parma, and Placentia, for Don Philip, under the guaranty of Eng-
land. Even fuch wild and abfurd fictions *, that he had betrayed to Fleury
and Patinho, the projected operations against Spain, and that he received
from thoſe miniſters large remittances to bribe the parliament, were auda-
ciouſly advanced, and confidently believed.
The minifter had been no fooner forced into the war, than the mode of con-
ducting it became an object of obloquy and cenfure. Violent murmurs
were diffuſed throughout the nation, grounded on the ill fuccefs of the war,
the loſs of the commerce with Spain, of which thoſe who forced the miniſter to
commence hoſtilities moft loudly complained; the neutrality of Hanover
was repreſented as inconfiftent with the dignity and interefts of England,
and falfely imputed to him. To theſe immediate cauſes of complaint were
added apprehenfions of future evils; the conclufion of a diſhonourable
peace with Spain was faid to be in agitation, of which the bafis was to be
Thefe idle reports were repeated in an
infamous pamphlet, intitled, " A Key to fome
late important Tranfactions, in feveral Letters
from a certain Great Man, nobody knows
where, wrote nobody knows when, and di-
rected to nobody knows who," 1742. In the
Memoirs of Madame Pompadour, is inferted a
pretended letter from Sir Robert Walpole, to
cardinal Fleury, requeſting 3 millions of livres,
to bribe the Englith parliament. "Je païe
un fubfide à la moitié du parlement pour le
tenir dans les bornes pacifiques: mais comme
le roi n'a pas affez d'argent, & que ceux à qui
je n'en donne point fe déclarent ouvertement
pour la guerre, il conviendroit que vôtre emi-
nence me fît paffer tro's-millions-tournois,
pour diminuer la voix de ceux que crient le
plus fort. L'or eft un métail ici qui adoucit
le fang trop belliqueux. Il n'y a point de
guerrier fougueux dans le parlement, qu'une
penfion de deux mille livres ne rende très pa-
cifique. Ni plus ni moins, fi l'Angleterre fe
déclare, il vous faudra païer des fubfides aux
puiffances pour faire la ballance, fans compter
que les fuccès de la guerre peuvent être incer-
tains; au lieu qu'en m'envoïant de l'argent,
vous- achetez la paix de la premiere main, &c.
&c." Memoires de Pompadour, tom. 1. p. 58.
I shall employ no time in difcuffing this letter,
the numerous falfities and abfurdities of which
exhibit the ſtrongeſt internal evidence that
it is a forgery. It would not have been worth
while to notice fuch a letter, inferted in a
fpurious publication, had it not been quoted
as authentic, by the anonymous biographer of
the earl of Chatham, with a malicious inten-
tion (v, 1. p. 122.) and had not the ingenious
author of "Anecdotes of diftinguiſhed Perfons,"
recently given his fan&tion to this unfounded
rumour. "The cardinal, like our excellent
"minifter Sir Robert Walpole, was forced
"into an expenfive and ruinous war by the
"clamour of faction, and the folly of the peo-
"ple. On the cardinal's part, indeed, he had
"taken the moſt effectual method of keeping
"the two great nations of France and England
"in perfect harmony with one another: He uſed
to remit to Sir Robert a certain fum of moncy
" occafionally, to be diſtributed amongſt thoſe who,
"frem disappointment and a love of revenge, were
"likely in this country to counteract his pacific in-
"tentions." Vol. 4. p. 239.
66
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
687
the reſtitution of Gibraltar and Minorca; the aggrandifement of France, the
abaſement of the houſe of Auſtria, the eſtabliſhment of the elector of Bava-
ria on the throne of the Empire, who would always remain attached to
the houſe of Bourbon, and the guaranty of Parma to Don Philip, which
would be a ſhameful breach of the guaranty of the pragmatic fanction.
Chapter 58.
1741.
the miniſter.
The majority by which the motion to remove him was rejected, the death Supinenefs of
of Sir William Wyndham, and the retreat of Bolingbroke into France, ren--
dered him indolent, and infpired him with too much confidence in the fup-
port of the king, and in the ftrength of his friends. "His fuccefs on this
occafion," as a contemporary pamphleteer juſtly expreffes himſelf, " threw
him into a lethargy of power. He imagined that the breach between the
Whigs and the Tories was too great to be repaired during the time of
electing a new parliament; he thought that it would daily become wider; he
ſeems to have miſtaken the motives which induced the Tories to act as they
did, and formed too favourable a judgment of the temper and fpirit mani-
fefted by the people on that unjuft motion. He gave them time to recon-
cile this temporary ebb, and fuffered the popular opinion againſt him to flow
back again with increaſing violence *."
While the miniſter laboured under this preffure of great unpopularity; Activity of
while he was arraigned for the meaſures of others, of which he was accufed oppofition..
of being the fole director; while the cabinet was divided, and the ſupport
from the crown fo feeble; the exertions on the fide of government were ina-
dequate to the vigorous efforts made by oppofition. The Tories and Jaco-
bites were reconciled with the difaffected Whigs, and all united to demoliſh
their common enemy.
Letters from the Pretender were circulated among
the Jacobites and high Tories, exhorting them to uſe all their efforts for the
purpoſe of the difgrace of Sir Robert Walpole; and fuch was the temper
of the people, that his fall became the open or fecret wifh of all parties.
* A View of the whole Conduct of a late
Eminent Patriot, p. 148.
+ From lord Orford.-Etough alſo, in a
letter to Horace Walpole, fays, "The Preten-
der, as this your great brother pofitively affured
me, to his certain knowledge, fent at leaſt an
hundred letters, which were tranfmitted to his
friends, in November 1741. The purport of
them was to engage them to uſe all poffible en-
deavours, in order to compaſs Walpole's de-
molition." Walpole Papers.
688
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
1737 to 1742.
*
to
Meeting of
the new par.
-liament.
King's
fpeech.
CHAPTER THE FIFTY-NINTH:
1741-1742.
Meeting of Parliament.-Complexion of the new Houſe of Commons.-King's
Speech.-Walpole permits an Alteration to be made in the Addrefs.-Small
Majority in Favour of the Boffiney Election.-The Appointment of a Chair-
man of the Committee of Election carried against him.-Lofes the Question of
the Westminster Election.-Adjournment of the Houſe.-Ineffectual Attempt to
detach the Prince of Wales from the Oppofition.-Houſe again aſſembles.—Wal-
pole lofes the Chippenham Election.-Adjournment of the House of Commons,
at the King's Requeſt.--Sir Robert Walpole created Earl of Orford, and refigns.
-Affecting interview with the King.-Regret of his Friends.
TH
HE new parliament affembled on the 4th of December; when Ar-
thur Onflow was rechofen fpeaker. On the 8th, the king made a
fpeech from the throne. He faid:
"It is always a great fatisfaction to me to meet you affembled in parlia-
ment; and eſpecially at this time, when the poſture of affairs makes your
counſel and affiſtance fo neceffary; and when by means of the new elections,
I may have an opportunity of knowing the more immediate ſenſe and diſpo-
fition of my people in general, from their reprefentatives chofen, during a
feafon, which has been attended with a great variety of incidents of the
greatest confequence and expectation, and during the courfe of the war, in
which we are engaged with the crown of Spain; a war, in itſelf, juſt and
neceffary, entered into by the repeated advice of both houfes of parliament,
and particularly recommended to me, to be carried on in America, which has
been my principal care. I can therefore make no doubt, but that you are
met together, fully fenfible of our preſent fituation, and prepared to give
me fuch advice, as fhall be moft conducive to the honour and true intereſt
of my crown and kingdoms."
He next mentioned the powerful confederacy formed againſt the queen
of Hungary, &c." Had other powers," he ſaid, " that were under the like
engagements with me, anfwered the juft expectations they had fo folemnly
2
given,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
689
given, the fupport of the common caufe had been attended with lefs diffi-
culty. I have, purſuant to the advice of my parliament, ever fince the death
of the late Emperor, exerted myſelf in ſupport of the houſe of Auftria. I
have endeavoured, by the moſt proper and early applications, to induce other
powers that were equally engaged with me, and united by common intereſt,
to concert fuch meaſures as fo important and critical a conjuncture required;
and where an accommodation feemed to me to be neceffary, I laboured to
reconcile thoſe princes, whofe union would have been the moſt effectual
means to prevent the miſchiefs that have happened, and the beft fecurity for
the ſafety and intereft of the whole. Although my endeavours have not
hitherto had the defired effect, I cannot but ftill hope, that a juſt ſenſe of
the common and approaching danger will produce a more favourable turn
in the counſels of other nations." He then exhorted parliament to put the
nation in a condition of affiſting its friends, defeating its enemies in any
attempts they might make againſt him or his dominions, and concluded
with an exhortation, that they would act with unanimity, vigour, and dif-
patch *.
The remarkable caution with which the king had always mentioned any
thing relating to his allies, made this fpeech the more noticed, and it was
generally ſuppoſed not to have been dictated by the miniſter, a circumſtance
which feemed to demonftrate, that there was a preponderating party againſt
him in the cabinet.
Chapter 59
1741 to 1742.
It foon appeared from the complexion of the houſe, and the conduct of Proceedings.
the miniſter, that his power and influence were on the decline. An addrefs
of thanks being propoſed by Henry Herbert, fome of the oppofition objected
to a claufe," for returning his majefty the thanks of this houfe, for his royal
care in profecuting the war with Spain." Sir Robert Walpole now felt, for
the firſt time, the awkwardneſs of his fituation, and he appeared
"fhorn of
his ſtrength." Inſtead of oppofing with ſpirit any alteration in the ad-
drefs, and manfully declaring that the misfortunes of the war could not be
charged upon government, he attempted to palliate the loffes which the
nation had fuffered, and to fhew that the war had not been fo unfuccefsful
as it was repreſented, and weakly agreed, for the fake of unanimity, to
omit the paragraph relating to the Spaniſh war. Pulteney availed him-
felf of this conceffion; and attributed it to fear and confcious guilt. He
*Journals.-Chandler.
VOL. I.
‡ Tindal, vol. 20, p. 526.-Chandler.
↑ Tindal, vol. 20, p. 525.
4 T
made
690
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. made a long and animated fpeech, full of perſonal invectives; and anticipated
1737 to 1742. the triumph of his party, by an allufion to the balance of power. He
ſaid, that not being in the fecrets of government, he was ignorant of its
ſtate abroad, but congratulated the houſe that he had not for many years known
it to be fo near an equilibrium there as it was then *. He then recapitu-
lated the principal charges which had been urged againſt Sir Robert Wal-
pole from the beginning of his adminiſtration; dwelt very particularly on
the miſmanagement of the war with Spain, and even carried his reproach fo
far as to accufe him of being influenced by the enemies of the proteſtant
eſtabliſhment.
Addreſs
amended.
Proceedings
on elections,
Walpole repelled this intemperate attack with unuſual feebleneſs; and
after a ſhort but general juftification of the meaſures of government, con-
cluded with faying, "I am very far from hoping or defiring that the houſe
fhould be fatisfied with a defence like this; I know, by obferving the prac-
tice of the opponents of the miniſtry, what fallacies may be concealed in
general affertions; and am fo far from withing to evade a more ftrict in-
quiry, that if the gentleman who has thus publicly and confidentially ac-
cuſed the miniſtry, will name a day for inquiring into the ftate of the nation,
I will fecond his motion.
This challenge was accepted; the addrefs, without any mention of the
Spaniſh war, was voted; the motion made by Pulteney to fix a day for confi-
dering the flate of the nation, was feconded by Walpole, and the 21ft of
January was appointed for that purpoſe.
The coolness of the addrefs, and the omiffion of the claufe relating to the
war, effentially hurt the minifter. It led his intereſted followers to fufpect,
that his power was declining; while his friends, who were ſteady in their at-
tachment to the houfe of Brunſwick, were of opinion, that ftronger affur-
ances were due to the king, for the dangers to which he expoſed his electoral
dominions, the French having already violated the ftipulated neutrality, and
threatened to take up their winter quarters in Hanover †
The great points on which the two parties exerted their reſpective ſtrength,
were the decifions on contefted elections. Ever fince the Ayleſbury conteft,
when the houſe of commons affumed to itfelf the power of judging finally
on the qualifications of the electors, which had been fo warmly oppoſed by
Walpole, in the commencement of his parliamentary career, the decifion on
* Orlebar to Etough, December 10, 1741.
Correfpondence.
+ Chandler, vol. 13, p. 47.
Tindal, vol. 20. p. 527.
elections.
SIR ROBERT, WALPOLE.
69r
{
elections became a mere party buſineſs. The merits of the cafe were feldom
confidered, and the queſtions were almoſt wholly carried by perfonal or poli-
tical intereſts. At the opening of this parliament, there were more conteſted
elections than ufual; and as the power of the two contending parties ultimately
depended on the decifion, every nerve was ftrained by both fides in favour
of their reſpective friends, the minifter had been heard to declare, that
there ſhould be no quarter given in elections, and his friends truſted that
the decifions would chiefly be in his favour. But theſe fanguine hopes
were fruftrated by the activity of oppofition, the lukewarmneſs of many
of his real friends, and treachery of his pretended partifans. The oppo-
ſition made it a principal object to attend on thefe occafions, and it was
eſteemed infamous to defert a committee of election *. On the other
hand, many of thofe who fupported government often ftaid away, and not
unfrequently voted againſt the candidates countenanced by the minifter.
The firſt divifion which took place was on the Boffiney election, and the
party favoured by the minifter carried it only by 222 againſt 216. With
this fmall majority, Walpole acted as he had done in former parliaments.
He did not fufficiently adapt himſelf to the change of circumſtances, or
confult the temper of the houſe in the queſtion which was next moved,
for chooſing a chairman of the committee of elections. This was a point
of great confequence, becauſe he poffeffed confiderable power in influencing
the decifions referred to the committee. Walpole acted with much impru-
dence in propofing Giles Earle, one of the lords of the treaſury, who had
been chairman during the two laft parliaments, and was exceedingly unpo-
pular. The oppoſition ſupported Dr. Lee, who was much more beloved and
refpected by all parties than his antagoniſt. The queſtion was accordingly
carried, from perfonal confiderations, againſt the miniſterial candidate, by a
majority of 242 againſt 238. The lofs of this queſtion gave a mortal blow
to his intereft, and redoubled the fpirit of his adverfaries. The fatal confe-
quences were immediately viſible; feveral unſucceſsful candidates, who had
depended on his fupport, withdrew their petitions.
Chapter 59.
1741 to 1742.
}
the Weftmin-
fter election.
But the fate of the miniſter was almoft decided by the determination on Decifion of
the Weſtminſter election, which was one of the points he moſt wiſhed to
carry, and in which he had flattered himſelf with the moft fanguine hopes.
On the petition of the two rejected members, complaining of an un-
due election and return, the queftion was carried againſt the fitting members
* Dodington to the duke of Argyle, June 18, 1741. Correfpondence.
4 T 2
by
December 22.
692
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. by a majority of four, and the election was declared void. A motion for
1737 to 1742. adjournment was negatived, and the returning officer was ordered to be taken
into cuftody, by a majority of 217 againſt 215. A fecond motion to ad-
journ was alſo loft, and it was unanimouſly refolved, that the preſence of
armed foldiers, at an election of members of parliament, was a high infringe-
ment of the liberties of the ſubject, a manifeft violation of the freedom of
clection, and an open defiance of the laws and conftitution.
Recef.
Application
to the prince
of Wales,
On the 24th, the houſe adjourned to the 18th of January; and that ſhort
interval was employed by the miniſter in attempts to increaſe his friends, and
to maintain himſelf in power, but all his efforts were ineffectual.
94
The ſtate of his own health was a principal cauſe of his downfal. He had
ſuffered at the latter end of the preceding year from a ſevere illneſs *. His
memory was no longer fo ftrong, nor his method of tranſacting buſineſs
fo ready as before.
Hence he was incapable of making thofe exertions which
his critical fituation rendered neceffary; of unmaſking his treacherous friends ;
of expofing his enemies, and of adopting fuch meaſures as would have ena-
bled him to act with vigour, or to retire with dignity. During this feffion
he appeared in general abfent and thoughtful. He feemed to have loft,
in many inftances, that contempt of abufe, and command of temper, for
which he had been remarkably diſtinguiſhed: he was either, contrary to his
uſual cuſtom, filent, or he was irritable and fretful. In one inftance he publicly
declared, that if he could collect the real ſenſe of the houſe on the difficult
and dangerous fituation of affairs, he would fupport it as a minifter in the
cabinet. But when he made this declaration, he did not intimate his own
opinion; a circumſtance which, according to the late earl of Hardwicke,
who was prefent on this occafion, proved the diftrefs and concern under
which he laboured. The lofs of the Weſtminſter queftion ought to have
been the ſignal of his immediate refignation, and many of his friends were
of that opinion. But he ftill appeared anxious to retain his power as long
as he was able; and during the recefs of parliament, he made an ill-judged
application to feduce the prince of Wales from his party, in which his own
fagacity and knowledge of mankind ought to have convinced him, that he had
no chance of fucceeding. Being informed that the members of oppofition
propofed to renew the motion in parliament, for increaſing the eſtabliſhment
of the prince, he prevailed on the king, not without the greateſt difficulty,
to offer an increaſe of £. 50,000 to his annual income, and to infinuate hopes
*From lord Orford.
From the late earl of Hardwicke.
that
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
693
that his debts ſhould be paid, provided he would not oppoſe the meaſures
of government. A meffage to this purpoſe was conveyed to the prince by
the bishop of Oxford *, at the inflance of lord Cholmondeley, and by
command of the king. The prince, after due expreffions of duty and affec-
tion, declared that he confidered the meffage as coming from lord Chol-
mondeley, and not from the king, and therefore would not liften to any
propofition of a fimilar import, fo long as Sir Robert Walpole continued
at the head of adminiſtration .
The refignation of Sir Robert Walpole was now confidered as certain both
by his friends and enemies; but he had ſtill more mortifications to experience
before his fate was ultimately decided.
Chapter 59.
1741 to 1742.
On the 18th of January the parliament again affembled; and on the 19th Meeting after
the queſtion on the Berwick election was carried, without a divifion, in favour of the recefs.
Alexander Hugh Campbell, againſt the candidate who was fupported by the
court. On the 20th, a bill, brought in by Sir John Ruſhout and Sir John Hynde
Cotton, for taking, examining, and ſtating the public accounts, paffed without
*Secker, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury.
of As many erroneous narratives of this tranſ-
action have been given to the public, I fhall
fubjoin an account, which I found among the
Walpole papers, in the hand-writing of Sir
Robert Walpole, and bearing the following
endorſement; An account of what paffed
between H. R. H. and lord Oxford, January 5,
174, with the printed letter that paffed between
the king and prince upon the breach."
2
“An account of what the biſhop of Oxford
faid to the prince of Wales, from lord Chol-
mondeley, authorized by his majeſty, January
5, 174.
"That if his royal highneſs would write a
dutiful letter to his majefty, expreffing his con-
cern for what was paffed, in fuch a manner as
might be confiftent with his majeſty's honour
to accept, reprefenting the uneafy circum-
ftances of his fortune, and referring them to
his majeſty's goodness, lord Cholmondeley
had full and fufficient ground, from his know-
ledge of his majeſty's intentions and difpofi-
tions, to affure his royal highneſs that his ma-
jefty would be reconciled to him; and would
add 50,000 a year to his prefent income, and
would not require any terms from him, in
relation to any of thofe perfons who were in
his royal highness's fervice, counfels, or con-
fidence, nor retain any refentment or diſplea
fure againſt him.
"To this lord Cholmondeley added, that
there was no doubt but that his royal high-
nefs's debts would in this cafe be provided for,
in fuch a manner as upon farther confideration
fhould be found moſt proper and practicable.
"The anſwer of his royal highnefs, January
5, 174. His royal highneſs uſed ſtrong
expreffions of duty and affection to his majefty,
and anſwered further to this purpoſe: That if
this had been a meffage directly from his ma-
jeſty, it would have been his duty to have
written a letter to H. M. on the occafion; but
as it was a propofition that came from lord
Cholmondeley, in the manner I had mentioned;
his anfwer to lord Cholmondeley was, that he
would not hearken to it, fo long as Sir Robert
Walpole was in power, by whom he conceived
himſelf to have been greatly injured, and to
whom he thought the moſt prudent advice for
Sir Robert Walpole himfelf, and the public,
was, that he ſhould retire; and that he, the
prince, had before this received intimations of
the fame nature with thoſe I had now faid to
him, and defired not to have any more, whilſt
Sir Robert continued in power."
oppofition.
V
694
}
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII. oppofition. On the 21ft, Pulteney made the celebrated motion for referring
1737 to 1742. to a fecret committee the papers relating to the war, which had been already
preſented to the houſe. As this motion involved in it numerous charges
againſt the conduct of the war, ſtated the neceffity of a parliamentary in-
quiry, and brought on perfonal invectives againſt the minifter, Sir Robert
Walpole took a confiderable ſhare in the debate, and was rouſed to the moſt
animated exertions. In this laft effort, he is faid by his friends to have
exceeded himſelf, and evinced fuch a confummate knowledge of foreign af-
fairs as aſtoniſhed the houſe. He was alſo ably defended by Pelham, Win-
nington, and Sir William Yonge; the queftion, however, would have
been carried but for the influence of lord Hartington, who brought over
two Tory members, and by this means, to uſe the expreffions * of Sir Robert
Wilmot, faved the country from twenty-four tyrants! The motion was ne-
gatived by a majority of only three, in the fulleſt houſe known for many
years, for 503 members voted.
On this queſtion every exertion was made by oppofition, and every art
uſed to ſecure a majority. The purport of the intended motion was not
previouſly known.. The miniſter was taken unawares; many of his friends
had retired; many abfented themſelves by deſign; others, who were ſent for
in the courſe of the debate, declined, under various pretences, making their
appearance, while all his opponents remained at their pofts. The efforts
were ſo great on both fides, that members were brought in from the cham-
ber of fickneſs. Several voted in that condition on the fide of oppofi-·
tion; but fome who intended to have fupported the minifter were pre-
vented from appearing at the divifion. They had been placed in an ad-
joining apartment belonging to lord Walpole, as auditor of the exchequer,
which communicated with the houſe. The adverfaries, aware of this fact,
filled the keyhole of the door with dirt and fand, which prevented their
admiffion into the houſe till the divifion was over. On this occa-
fion as general Churchill was fitting next to the prince of Wales, who
was in the houſe of commons to hear the debates, a member was brought
in who had loft the uſe of his limbs. So," fays the prince, "I fee you
bring in the lame, the halt, and the blind, "Yes," replied the general, "the
lame on our fide, and the blind on your's." The fmall majority in favour
of government, notwithstanding all the exertions made by the minifter, was
fo fure a fignal of his defeat, that a motion to addrefs the king for copies of
* Sir Robert Wilmot to the duke of De-
vonfhire, January 23, 1741. Correfpondence.
+ Sir Robert Wilmot's letters. Correfpon-
dence.
‚† From lord Orford.
the
A
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
695
Chapter 59.
the memorials and letters, and other papers fent to and from the king of
Pruffia, which had been rejected on the 18th of December, by a majority 1741 to 1742.
of 24, now paffed without a divifion.
queftion.
At length, on the 28th, the oppofition finally triumphed. A queſtion Lofs of the
on the Chippenham election was carried against the minifter, by a majority Chippenham
of one, 237 against 236, and the party gained fo confiderable an acceffion,
by the deſertion or abſence of ſeveral members of the court party, that the
final decifion of the Chippenham election was carried againſt the miniſter, Feb. 2.
by a majority of 16, 241 against 225. Walpole feemed to have antici-
pated this event, and met it with his uſual fortitude and cheerfulneſs. While
the tellers were performing their office, he beckoned Sir Edward Bayntun,
the member whofe return was fupported by oppofition, to fit near him,
fpoke to him with great complacency, animadverted on the ingratitude
of feveral individuals who were voting againſt him, on whom he had conferred
great favours, and declared he ſhould never again fit in that houſe *.
On the 3d of February the houſe adjourned at the king's command, figni-
fied by the chancellor, to the 18th.
On the 9th Sir Robert Walpole was created earl of Orford, and on the Created earl
11th he refigned.
It is afferted by a contemporary hiftorian, who poffeffed great means of
information, that the minifter would have fooner retired, if the ſtate of the
nation and of parties had not rendered his continuance in power neceffary
for the arrangement of a new adminiſtration, and for preferving the tranquil-
lity of the country; and that he continued in office folely in compliance
with the wiſhes of his friends. The papers which have been committed
to my inſpection, and the undoubted information which I have received,
enable me to contradict this affertion. He retired unwillingly and flowly:
no fhipwrecked pilot ever clung to the rudder of a finking veffel with
greater pertinacity than he did to the helm of ftate, and he did not relinquish
his poft until he was driven from it by the deſertion of his followers and
the clamours of the public. Speaker Onflow, who knew him well, declared
that he reluctantly quitted his ftation; and if any doubt ftill remains, we
have the teſtimony of the minifter. "I muſt inform you," he obſerves in.
a letter to the duke of Devonshire, "that the panic was fo great among,
what ſhall I call them, my own friends, that they all declared that my
retiring was become abfolutely neceffary, as the only means to carry on the
public buſineſs with honour and fuccefs §."
From Sir Edward Bayntun.
+ Tindal.
Onflow's Remarks. Correfpondence,
Period IV.
§ Sir Robert Walpole to the duke of De-
vonſhire, February 2, 1741-2, Correſpon
dence.
of Orford.
Refigns re-
luctantly.
It
696
MEMOIRS OF
Period VII.
It has been alſo afferted with no lefs confidence, that the king himſelf was
1737 to 1742. become weary of a minifter, who had fo long directed his affairs, who had
fo often oppofed and obftructed his inclination for war, and who was ftill
endeavouring to remove every obſtacle which impeded the return of peace.
But the fame documents enable me to adduce an honourable teſtimony of
the good faith and firmneſs of George the Second. Although the afperities
which time and vexation occafioned in both their tempers, produced a mo-
mentary diffatisfaction, yet the king had contracted, by long habit and ex-
perience of his capacity for bufinefs, a high regard and efteem for his long-
tried counſellor. In vain the earl of Wilmington and the duke of Dorſet
had enforced the neceffity of his removal, the refolution of the king was
unfhaken, and he did not confent to his refignation until the minifter him-
ſelf made it his expreſs defire *.
Affecting in-
terview with
the king.
Affection and
regret of his
friends.
Anecdote of
Soanie Je-
nyns.
The interview when he took leave of the king was highly affecting. On
kneeling down to kiſs his hand, the king burst into tears, and the ex-miniſter
was ſo moved with that inftance of regard, that he continued for ſome time
in that pofture; and the king was fo touched, that he was unable to raiſe
him from the ground. When he at length rofe, the king teftified his
regret for the lofs of fo faithful a counfellor, expreffed his gratitude for his
long fervices, and his hopes of receiving advice on important occaſions .
When his refolution to refign was known, he received more honours than
had been paid to him in the plenitude of power. His laft levee was more
numerouſly attended than his firft. The concourfe of perfons of all ranks
and diſtinctions was prodigious; and their expreffions of affectionate regard
and concern extremely moving.
The ex-minifter received many proofs of difintereſted attachment from
perfons to whom he had never fhewn any mark of particular attention.
Among others, Soame Jenyns gave a teftimony of his approbation, thus
recorded in the words of his biographer. "Unknown to Sir Robert, and
unconnected with him by acquaintance or private regard, he fupported him to
the utmoſt of his power, till he retired from his high flation, making room for
thoſe who ſoon ſhewed the loſs the nation had ſuſtained by the fad exchange.
After he had retired, Soame Jenyns waited upon Sir Robert at Chelſea,
when, amongſt other things which paffed in converfation, lord Orford ac-
knowledged the fupport he had given him, during the time that he had fitten
in parliament, and in expreffions of great thankfulneſs; at the fame time
Lord Hartington to the duke of Devon-
fhire, February 4, 1741-2, Correfpondence.
+ Lord Hartington to the duke of Devon-
fhire. Correfpondence.
"
declaring
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
697
་
declaring, that had thoſe to whom, during his meridian of power, he had
ſhewn the greateſt friendſhip, and loaded with all the favours he could confer
on them, but borne as kind difpofitions to him as he had done, who had
not been diſtinguiſhed by any particular regard, he would not then have
paid a viſit to an ex-miniſter *.”
The old clergyman of Walfingham, who was maſter of the firft fchool in
which Sir Robert Walpole was inftructed, came to Houghton, and told
him that he had been his firſt maſter, and had predicted that he would be
a great man. Being asked why he never had called on him while he was in
power, he anſwered," I knew that you were furrounded with fo many peti-
tioners craving preferment, and that you had done fo much for Norfolk
people, that I did not wish to intrude." "But," he added in a ſtrain of
good-natured fimplicity," I always inquired how Robin went on, and was
fatisfied with your proceedings.”
Life of Soame Jenyns, p. 37.
1
From Lord Orford.
Chapter 59.
1741 to 1742.
VOL. I.
4 U
698
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745.
PERIOD THE
THE EIGHTH:
From the Refignation of Sir ROBERT WALPOLE to his Death.
1742 1745.
CHAPTER THE SIXTIETH:
1742.
Views of
Walpole.
To divide
his oppo-
nents.
Exertions and Influence of Walpole.-Negotiations with Pulteney for the Arrange-
a new Administration.-Jealoufies and Divifions of Oppofition.-
Meeting at the Fountain Tavern.-Interference of the Prince of Wales.-
Parliamentary Inquiry into the Conduct of the Ex-minifter.-Secret Committee.
Indemnity Bill.-Paffes the Commons.-Rejected by the Lords.-Pulteney
created Earl of Bath.-His Unpopularity.-Accufations against him-Ex-
amined and refuted.
THE
HE minifter, in retiring, had three great objects in view. rft. To
difunite the heterogeneous parties which compofed the oppofition.
2d. To form an adminiftration on the Whig bafis. 3d. To fave himſelf
from a public profecution.
If the firſt point was effected, the others would neceffarily follow. To
divide the oppofition, and weaken a combination which would elſe have
been fatal to him, it became neceffary to lure the duke of Argyle and
the Tories, to conciliate the prince of Wales, and to detach Pulteney, who
then headed the Whigs in oppofition, from the Tories. To effect theſe
views, he had recourſe to the grand engine of political jealouſy. He made
fuch
<
12
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
6gg
fuch advances to the Tories as infpired them with fallacious hopes and un-
founded notions of their own importance, and filled the Whigs in op-
pofition with apprehenfions of being excluded from the ſpoils. Having fuc-
ceeded in this attempt, he adviſed the king to form a Whig adminiſtration,
and fuggefted the propriety of applying to Pulteney. One of the greateſt
difficulties under which he laboured in the courfe of this political tranf
action, was to conquer the king's repugnance to Pulteney, which at this pe-
riod ſeemed almoft infuperable, and to perfuade his majefty to commence
the negotiation, and acquiefce in Pulteney's expected demand of a peerage.
Having at length overcome the king's pertinacious inveteracy, he faid to his
fon Horace, "I have fet the king upon him," and at another time, in the
farther progreſs of the king's compliance, he triumphantly faid, making at
the fame time a motion with his hand as if he was locking a door, "I have
turned the key of the cloſet upon him."
Chapter 60.
1742.
When the negotiation with Pulteney firſt commenced, neither the docu- Negotiation
ments in my poffeffion, or any oral information, have enabled me to afcer- with Pulte-
tain; but it is probable that indirect overtures had been made foine time be-
fore the recefs.
Hints had been thrown out to Carteret, from fome perfon in the king's
confidence, that propoſals would be made to Pulteney, as the leader of the
houſe of commons; but a fortnight elapfed after this communication had
been made, before any ſtep was taken. At length a meffage came from the
duke of Newcaſtle, requeſting Pulteney to meet him privately at his fecre-
tary, Mr. Stone's, houfe at Whitehall. Pulteney returned for anfwer, that
in the preſent juncture he could not comply with this requeft without giv-
ing umbrage to his friends. He was under the neceffity of declining a private
meeting, but added, that he had no objection to receive his grace publicly at
his own houſe. A few days afterwards, he received a note from the duke of
Newcaſtle, importing, that he and the lord chancellor, having a meffage from
the king, would wait upon him.
The meeting took place in the forenoon, between the duke of Newcaſtle
and the chancellor on one fide, and Pulteney and Carteret, whole prefence he
had defired as his confidential friend, on the other.
Newcaſtle opened the conference by faying; that the king being convinced
that Sir Robert Walpole was no longer fupported by a majority in the houfe
* See Defence of the People, p. 81. This
pamphlet was written by Ralph, who received
his information from Dodington, then in union
with the duke of Argyle.
↑ From lord Orford.
ney.
First confer-
ence with
Newcafile.
4 U 2
of
700
MEMOIRS OF
4
Period VIII.
of commons, had commanded them to offer the places which that miniſter
1742 to 1745 poffeffed to Mr. Pulteney, with the power of forming his own adminiſtration,
on the fole condition that Sir Robert Walpole ſhould not be profecuted.
To this propofal Pulteney replied, that if that condition was to be made the
foundation of the treaty, he never would comply with it; "and even," he con-
cluded, "ſhould my inclination induce me to accede to theſe terms, yet it
might not be in my power to fulfil my engagement; the heads of parties
being like the heads of fnakes, which are carried on by their tails. For my
part, he added, I will be no fcreen; but if the king ſhould be pleaſed to
expreſs a defire to open any treaty, or to hold any converſation with me, I will
pay my duty at St. James's, though I have not been at court for many
years; but I will not come privately, but publicly and at noon day, in order
to prevent all jealoufy and fufpicion *." Before they parted, fome negus.
was brought in, and the duke of Newcaſtle drank, "Here is to our hap-
pier meeting." Pulteney replied, in a quotation from Shakeſpear's Julius.
Cæfar,
Expectations
of the Tories.
"If we do meet again, why we ſhall ſmile,
"If not, why then this meeting was well made."
Meanwhile a prodigious ferment appeared throughout the nation. The
Tories and Jacobites were equally irritated againſt the minifter, and the po-
pular clamours for reform, were no lefs violent than difcordant. A contem-
porary author has well defcribed the vehement and contradictory views of
the heterogeneous parties which compofed the oppofition. "Among thoſe
who thought themſelves the moft moderate, no two men agreed upon what
was neceffary. Some thinking that all fecurity lay in a good place bill, about
the degree and extent of which they likewife differed. Some in a penfion
bill, which others more juftly thought would fignify nothing. Some in a
law for triennal parliaments, which all who did not delight in riot or in the
profpect of corruption, thought both dangerous and dubious. Some for an-
nual parliaments, which others thought too frequent. Some for juſtice on
the miniſter. Others not for fanguinary views. Some for a reduction of
the civil lift, which others thought unjuft to be taken away, having been
legally given. Some for the fale of all employments. Others for allowing a
few. Some for taking the difpofition of them from the crown, which others
thought anti-conftitutional. Some for allowing them to fubfift, but to be
• Biſhop Newton.
"
given
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
701
given only to thoſe who were not in parliament, that is, among themſelves. Chapter 60.
Some to allow them to be given for life. Some for making the army in-
dependent. Others for no regular troops at all *."
To oppoſe this torrent of reform, the neceffity of gaining Pulteney became
more and more urgent. Though it fhould be admitted that perfonal pique
and party reſentment were among the motives which influenced his oppo-
ſition, yet he was known to be a friend to the conſtitution, a found Whig,
and a warm partifan to the proteftant eſtabliſhment, and the largeneſs of
his property would induce him to obftruct all meaſures which might tend
to create confufion, or perplex government.
The only method to conciliate him was, in appearance, to fubmit entirely
to his demands, to prevail on him to make as few changes as poffible, to
introduce few obnoxious perfons, and to truft the fafety of Walpole to fu-
türe exigencies.
1742.
influence,
This ſcheme was managed with ſo much addreſs, that Pulteney, in form- Walpole's
ing an adminiſtration, the great outlines of which were traced by Walpole,
conceived that he was dictating his own terms. It was particularly owing
to his influence that Newcaſtle retained his fituation of ſecretary of ſtate, and
that Harrington, who was compelled to make way for Carteret, obtained the
prefidentſhip of the council; many of his moft confidential friends were alſo
continued in their poſts.
་
Soon after the firſt conference with Newcaſtle, the king ſent Pulteney a
private meſſage, requeſting that if he did not chufe to place himſelf at the
head of the treaſury, he would let lord Wilmington flide into it, in which
Pulteney acquiefced. Carteret, who coveted that poft, expreffing diffatis-
faction at the arrangement, Pulteney declared that he would break his own
refolution, and take the place himſelf, if Carteret would not confent to the
appointment of Wilmington." You," he added, " muſt be fecretary of
ſtate, as the fitteſt perſon to direct foreign affairs."
In the courſe of a few days another conference was held at the fame place,
by the fame perfons. Newcaſtle faid, that he was now commiffioned by the
king to make the former offers, without infifting on the condition of not pro.
fecuting the minifter; and he added, that the king only requeſted that, if any
proſecution was commenced againſt Sir Robert Walpole, he would not inflame.
it, though he might not chufe to oppofe it. Pulteney replied, that he was
not a man of blood; that in all his expreffions importing a reſolution to
+ From the biſhop of Saliſbury.
་
• Faction Detected, p. 69.
Pulteney's
fecond con--
ference.
A W
purfue
702
MEMOIRS OF
}
Period VIII. purfue the minifter to deflruction, he meant only the deftruction of his
1742 to 1745. power, but not of his perfon. He could not undertake to fay what was
proper to be done; he muſt take the advice of his friends; though he was free
to own, that according to his opinion fome parliamentary cenfure at leaſt
ought to be inflicted for fo many years of mal-adminiftration. Newcaſtle*
then obferved," the king trufts you will not diſtreſs the government by mak-
ing too many changes in the midst of a feffion of parliament, and that you
and
your friends will be fatisfied with the removal of Sir Robert Walpole and
a few others." Pulteney replied, that he was far from defiring to perplex
government, or to make too many changes at once, which would throw all
things into confufion, he did not infift on a total change; and he had no ob-
jection to the duke of Newcaſtle or the lord chancellor, but, what he inſiſted
upon, he added, was an alteration of meaſures as well as men: He only re-
quired that fome obnoxious perfons fhould be difmiffed; that the main forts
of government ſhould be delivered into the hands of his party; a majority
in the cabinet council, the nomination of a ſecretary of ftate for Scotland,
and of the boards of treaſury and admiralty. After fome refiftance, theſe points
being finally agreed to, Newcaſtle fuppofed that in arranging the new admi-
niſtration, he would place himſelf at the head of the treaſury, and declared
that it was the earneft and repeated defire of the king. "As the difpofition
of places is in my hands," replied Pulteney, "I will accept none myſelf; I'
have fo repeatedly declared my refolution on that head, and I will not now
contradict myfelf:" He then named the earl of Wilmington firſt lord
of the treaſury; Sandys chancellor of the exchequer; Carteret ſecretary of
ftate; Sir John Rufhout, Gibbon, and Waller, lords of the treaſury; a
new board of admiralty, including Sir John Hynde Cotton; and the mar-
quis of Tweedale fecretary of ſtate for Scotland. For himſelf he demanded
only a peerage, and a feat in the cabinet. Before they parted, Pulteney
declared that he was under fuch engagements with the duke of Argyle,
that he muft acquaint him with all which had paffed; and added, that
he fhould not oblige him to fecrecy, but leave him at liberty to inform lord
Cheſterfield or lord Cobham, or any of his friends. Newcaſtlé did not
confent to this without unwillingneſs, and the meeting ended.
*Bishop Newton.
The account of this negotiation with
Pulteney, and the fubfequent tranfactions, are
principally derived from the Correfpondence,
Period VII.-From Communications by the
bishop of Salisbury,-Life of bifhop Newton,
/
who has related the whole tranfaction from
the authority of Pulteney, though not with-
out fome flight errors, which have been en
abled to rectify from notes and information,
kindly fupplied by the biſhop of Saliſbury,
}
}
>
*
{
¿
Thefe
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
703
1742.
Thefe negotiations created great jealoufies, and excited the refentment of Chapter 60.
thoſe who were not admitted to the conferences. Two parties, at a very early
period of this buſineſs, were forming againſt the arrangements made by Pul-
teney, confifting of the great body of the Tories, headed by Argyle, which Jealoufies.
party was joined by the Jacobites, and the other compofed of thofe Whigs
who were not likely to be compriſed in the new arrangements. Chefter-
field was diſappointed that he was not made fecrétary of ftate; Waller was
irritated at not being chancellor of the exchequer, and thought the fitua-
tion of a lord of the treaſury beneath his acceptance. Cobham, though
reſtored to a regiment, and appointed a member of the cabinet, afpired to a
far greater fhare of power; and the Grenvilles, Lyttleton, Pitt, and Dodington,
were highly diffatisfied that they had no fhare in the new adminiſtration.
In the midſt of this growing diffatisfaction, a great point was gained by Prince of
conciliating the prince of Wales. The arrangement with Pulteney was made
without the knowledge of the prince, to whom it was not communicated
before the 2d of February. He received the information with due re-
ſpect *, and appeared ſatisfied with the reſult. On the 6th he granted a
private audience to Sir Robert Walpole, and promiſed his protection againſt
any attacks upon his life or fortune.
While the poſts remained unfilled, and the members of the oppofition
conceived hopes that an arrangement might take place in their favour,
the great body continued apparently united; but the moment that fufpi-
cions began to be formed of a feparate negotiation, and that the places-
of fecretary of state, and chancellor of the exchequer, were difpofed of, with-
out the general concurrence, murmurs and difcontents fucceeded, and a
fchifm, which Percival calls, "the death of the late oppofition," took.
place on the 11th of February, when the meeting was held at the Foun-
tain Tavern.
Wales con-
ciliated.
Meeting at
the Fountain
Tavern.
Feb. 11.
Speech of
It confifted of not less than three hundred members of both houfes of
parliament. The duke of Argyle, as we are informed by a perfon who was
preſent ‡, and took an active ſhare on the fide of Pulteney, expatiated, with
great folemnity of fpeech and gefture, on the dangerous fituation to which
the country had been reduced by the late adminiftration of Sir Robert Argyle.
Walpole, and on the glorious and fteady oppofition which had been made
to his meaſures; he faid, "happily, at length honeft endeavours and the
juſt ſpirit of the people have brought us in fight of the long wiſhed
for haven, and as all parties have contributed to forward this important
* Sir Robert Walpole to the duke of De-
vonshire, Feb. 2. 174 Correfpondence.
Afterwards earl of Egmont, author of
2
2
Faction Detected, one of the beſt political
pamphlets ever written. See P. 41.
- † Lord Percival.-Faction Detected.
point,
704
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. point, it is juſt that all denominations of men fhould receive an equal
1742 to 1745.- reward of their virtue. If a proper ufe is made of this fortunate conjunc-
ture, this reward may be obtained. We have a right to expect the total
rout of all thoſe who formed any part of the minifterial junto; and fuch
a meaſure would make room for all."
Pulteney's
reply.
After farcaftically obferving, in allufion to Pulteney, that a grain of
honeſty was worth a cart load of gold*, he proceeded: "But have we not
much reafon to fear that this ufe will not be made of the happy oppor-
tunity; that a few men, without any communication of their proceedings
to this affembly, have arrogated to themſelves the exclufive right of nomi-
nation, and from their manner we have fufficient caufe to apprehend that
they do not intend the general advantage. They have now been eight
days engaged in this buſineſs, and if we are to judge from the few offices
they have already beſtowed, they may justly be accuſed of not acting with
that vigour which the whole people have a right to expect. The choice of
thoſe already preferred cannot but ſupply great matter of jealoufy; for as
this choice has principally fallen upon the Whigs, it is an ill omen to the
Tories: If they are not to be provided for, the happy effects of the coalition
will be deſtroyed; and the odious diftinction of party will be again revived,
to the great prejudice of the nation. It is therefore highly neceffary to con-
tinue cloſely united, and to perfevere with the fame vehemence as ever, till
the Tories obtain juſtice, and the adminiſtration is founded upon the broad
bottom of both parties."
To theſe accufations Pulteney retorted with no leſs bitterneſs: He la-
mented the fevere treatment which he and his co-adjutors had incurred in re-
turn for their fervices, and for their fhare in driving the late minifter from the
helm, to be thus held forth and publicly charged in the face of the world,
with things of which no man durft venture to accuſe them in private; to be
loaded with unjuſt fufpicions and imaginary crimes, which though with-
out foundation, would be eaſily believed in the prefent temper of the
nation. “We deſerve,” he added, “a very different uſage for the integrity with
which we have hitherto proceeded, and by which we are determined to pro-
ceed. In anſwer to the imputation, that we have taken the management of
the negotiation into our hands, let us reply, that overtures having been made
to us, it was our duty, (as it would have been the duty of every man, to
whom fuch overtures had been made,) to employ all our abilities and en-
deavours to form a happy ſettlement, after the long divifions with which this
* Biſhop Newton.
country
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. ´
705
1742.
country has been ſo long unhappily rent, and which could not longer fub- Chapter 60.
fift without ruining the intereft of the nation abroad, and incurring the
danger of fatal diſturbances at home. The fuperficial vulgar might in-
deed conceive that it would have been more equitable to refer the fettle-
ment to the deciſion of the whole party, but furely no man of tolerable un-
derſtanding and experience can cheriſh an idea fo impracticable and abfurd,
Government is not yet reduced to furrender at difcretion, eſpecially to an
enemy who has declared publicly that they would give no quarter; govern-
ment neither can, will, nor ought to be taken by ftorm; and it be-
hoves gentlemen to confider the inevitable confequences of fuch an attempt.
The great points in agitation were, to change the miniſter, and change the
meaſures; the one is already effected, and we will engage to perform the
other.
"As to the diſtribution of employments, there is neither juſtice, decency,
duty, or moderation, in dictating to the king, how to difpofe of every pre-
ferment in the ftate. His majeſty has fhewed a difpofition to comply with
the defires of his people in the moft effectual manner; he has already fup-
plied the principal minifterial poſts with men, who have hitherto enjoyed the
confidence of the people, and cannot yet have forfeited their good opi-
nion, becauſe, though nominated, they have none of them yet done any ſingle
act of office. As to the changes already made, they are as numerous as the
importance of the matter, and the nature of the thing can poffibly ad-
mit ſo foon, and it would have been more to the credit of the party, if their
patience had extended a little longer than the few days, that have paffed
fince the time of their adjournment. As to the partial diftribution of em-
ployments to the Whigs, as far as our intereft fhall hereafter extend, we
will uſe it faithfully to the king and our country, by recommending fuch
perfons, whoſe principles have been mifreprefented, and who are true to his
family, let their appellations be what they will. But it must be a work of
fome time, to remove fufpicions inculcated long, and long credited, with re-
gard to a denomination of men, who have formerly been thought not heartily
attached to the intereft of the prince upon the throne; fome inftances of
this intention, have been already given in the late removals, and there will be
many more, but it muſt depend upon the prudent conduct of the Tories
themſelves, wholly to abolish thefe unhappy diftinctions of party." He con-
cluded by requeſting them to confider how falfe a ſtep they had already
made, and that this paffionate and groundleſs divifion, would infallibly give
new courage to the party they had juft fubdued; that it difcovered a weak-
Vol. I.
+ X
nefs,
706
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. nefs, of which advantage would be certainly taken; that it muſt inevitably
1742 to 1745. leffen the power of thoſe who were employed, and, if perfiſted in, would in a
great meaſure prevent the fuccefs of their views, both for the public and their
friends *.
Increafing
difcontents.
Compofed by
the prince.
When the conteft was in reality for power, and only in appearance for the
public good, it is not to be fuppofed that arguments on either fide drawn
from prudential, difintereſted, and patriotic motives, could have the ſmalleſt
weight. The parties feparated with the fame virulence as they had met, and.
only waited for an open rupture, until all the places were difpofed of; each.
flattering himſelf that he might be included in the propoſed arrangement ".
The refentment of the difaffected patriots was ftill farther aggravated, by
the formation of the new treaſury board, announced on the 16th of Fe-
bruary, in which only one Tory was included.
With a view to allay thefe jealoufies, the prince of Wales propofed a meet-
ing to be held in his prefence, of the chief leaders of the former oppofition, par-
ticularly Argyle, Cheſterfield, Cobham, Gower, and Bathurst. Pulteney came,
accompanied by Scarborough, prepared to oppofe or to conciliate. Violent
accuſations were ſeverally levelled againſt him; it was urged that the change
of adminiſtration ought to be total; that the intended alterations were not
fufficient; too many of the late minifter's friends would remain in power;
Sir Robert Walpole would ſtill act behind the curtain, and direct the whole
machine of government §. Pulteney replied, that thefe accufations were
groundleſs; for even upon a fuppofition that the ex-minifter ſhould ſtill
continue to be a greater perfonal favourite with the king than any of them,
or than all of them together, yet it would not be in his power to diftrefs
them, provided they remained united among themfelves. "Nothing," he add-
ed, "but our own diffenfions can hurt us; we have the ftaff in our own hands,
and the changes now to be made, will enable us to effect farther alterations
at the end of the feffion. 1 have ftipulated that the duke of Argyle, lord
* Faction Detected, p. 42.
To this meeting at the Fountain Tavern,
Sir Charles Hanbury Williams alludes, with
his uſual wit and fatire, in his ode againſt the
earl of Bath, called The Statefinan.
Then enlarge on his cunning and wit:
66
Say, how he harangu'd at the Fountain;
Say, how the old patriots were bit,
"And a moufe was produc'd by a mountain."
Lord Wilmington, Sandys, Sir John Rufhout, Philip Gibbon, and George Compton.
§ Biſhop Newton, p. 31.
Cobham,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
707
1
1742
Cobham, lord Gower, the marquis of Tweedale, the earl of Winchelfea, lord Chapter 60.
Carteret, and myſelf, ſhall be members of the cabinet council, and we ſhall
form fo great a majority, that the whole power will be in our hands. We
fhall befides command the whole boards of treaſury and admiralty, and have
the appointment of feveral other confiderable places. What then have we
to fear? Should we attempt a total change at this period, diforder and con-
fufion muſt enfue. By the pledges we poffefs at prefent, we have ample fe-
curity for future regulations, and with fuch a power in our hands, we may
command any future alterations."
The prince declared himſelf fatisfied with thefe reafons; and it was
unanimouſly agreed, they ſhould all go to court together. Thus the autho-
rity of the prince, and the expectations of the Tories, that Sir John Hynde
Cotton would, according to promiſe, be appointed one of the lords of the
admiralty, prevented an open rupture.
On the 7th the prince, whofe eftabliſhment had been increaſed to £.100,000
a year, and who was farther gratified with a promiſe of feats at the admi-
ralty board for lord Baltimore and lord Archibald Hamilton, paid his per-
fonal refpects to the king, and on the 18th, the whole party* who had
formed the oppofition to the late miniſter, made their appearance at court.
This event was hailed by the Tories as the beginning of a new æra: "Upon
this memorable day," obferves the author of the Defence of the People,
"his majeſty for the firſt time appeared to be the king of ALL HIS PEOPLE,
and had the happineſs and glory to fee himſelf in the midst of a more illuf
trious circle than had ever furrounded any of our fovereigns fince queen
Elizabeth began to narrow the bottom of government, by perfecuting the Pu-
ritans.
On the fame day the two houfes met, and the writs for the members ap- Parliamen-
pointed to the new board of treaſury were iffued. The Tories and difaffect-. tary proceed-
ed Whigs did not, however, yet venture to begin a new oppofition. Argyle ings.
accepted the office of mafter-general of the ordnance, and a regiment of
horfe of which he had been difpoffeffed. No oppofition was made to the
motion on the 22d for ordering that a million fhould be taken from the
finking fund, towards raifing a fupply, a mode of proceeding for which they
had reprobated Walpole with unabating virulence. When the houſe re-
folved itſelf into a committee of fupply, Philips, a violent Tory member,
moved to defer the committee for the purpofe of taking into confideration
1 Ibid, p. 71.
* Defence of the People.
+ X 2
the
708
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. the ftate of the nation, but he was only feebly fupported: Sir Watkin Williams
1742 to 1745. Wynne, no lefs vehement on the fame fide of the queſtion, was the only
member who ſpoke in favour of the motion, and it was dropped without a
divifion *
New oppofi-
tion,
Motion
againſt lord
Orford.
Negatived.
At length the new board of admiralty was declared, and Sir John Hynde
Cotton was not included. As all the places were now difpofed of, and all
expectations were annihilated, the Tories and difaffected Whigs openly ap-
peared in battle array againſt the new miniſtry. The duke of Argyle, dif-
guſted that the marquis of Tweedale was appointed ſecretary of ſtate for Scot-
land, and diffatisfied that a large body of his needy defcendants were not pro-
vided for, refigned. The prince of Wales foon withdrew his fupport, and
his moſt confidential fervants, particularly Pitt and Lyttleton, violently op-
pofed the new adminiftration.
Owe
In this fituation of parties, the Tories and difaffected Whigs oppoſed the
re-election of the members who had accepted the places at the board of ad-
miralty. Lord Baltimore was oppofed in Surry by the duke of Bedford
Dr. Lee was thrown out at Breachley, by the intereft of the duke of Bridge-
water; lord Limerick, who was to have been appointed fecretary at war, in
the place of Sir William Yonge, could not venture to vacate his feat for
Tavistock, on the certainty of not being re-chofen, as it was a borough
belonging to the duke of Bedford. He obtained a reverfion of the place.
of king's remembrancer in Ireland; and Sir William Yonge, the adherent of
Sir Robert Walpole, was permitted to continue fecretary at war.
Orford had now fucceeded in dividing oppofition, and forming an ad--
miniſtration on a Whig bafis. The firm phalanx of oppofition was difunited;
Pulteney was duped and deceived by thofe with whom he had negotiated,
and deferted even by thoſe whom he had promoted. While he was con-
fined by the fickneſs and death of his daughter, the other leaders of
the oppofition in the houſe of commons, being eager to prove that they
could carry a meaſure without his affiftance, lord Limerick moved, on the
9th of March, for a ſecret committee, for inquiring into the adminiſtration
of Sir Robert Walpole, during the last twenty years. Winchelſea and
Carteret, whom Pulteney had particularly favoured, intimated to his friends,
without his authority, that it would be agreeable to him if they would not
attend; accordingly, the motion being made during his abfence, while Sandys
* Chandler.
lord Archibald Hamilton, lord Baltimore, Phi-
+ The earl of Winchelfea, John Cockburne,. lip Cavendish, Dr. Lee, John M. Trevor.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
709
was gone to Worceſter to be elected, was loft by a majority of only 2, 244 Chapter 60.
againſt 242.
1742.
Pulteney re-
Pulteney, in feveral audiences, urged repeatedly to the king, that the
Tories were by no means Jacobites, and to uſe them as Jacobites, was the monftrates
ready way to make them fo; that two-thirds of the nation were Tories, and with the king.
ſeveral of them men of large eftates. He even ventured to aſk the king
why he made himſelf only the head of a party, when he might be king of
the whole nation! He himſelf, he added, was a Whig, his moſt intimate
friends were Whigs. He was of opinion, that the trunk of the tree in the
government ſhould be formed of Whigs, but that the Tories might be ino-
culated or engrafted upon it. The Tories were not maſters of calculation,
or proficients in the knowledge of languages, and therefore could not nor did
not expect the firft fituations under government: that by conferring a few
places at court on fome of the moſt confiderable, by conftituting others
lord lieutenants of the counties, and by diſtributing fome other marks of
royal favour, he would difarm the whole party, and prevent their uniting
in oppoſition to government. By this conduct, the king might abolith
all diftinctions of parties, and the remainder of his reign might be peace-
able and glorious *. But Pulteney was now talking in vain; all his remon- Decline of
ftrances were ineffectual; he was no longer the foul of a great party, and his credit.
he had no longer that perſonal credit and power which he had enjoyed from
that fituation.
The third great object which Orford had to effect, was his own fecurity,
which the temper of parliament, and the popular outcry against him, ren-
dered extremely difficult. But the fupport of the king, the oppofition of
the houſe of peers, the goodneſs of his caufe, and the fteady zeal of his
friends, finally prevailed: the good ſenſe of the nation was not long to
be deluded by vague accufations of pretended patriots.
It is fortunate, however, for the honour of Sir Robert Walpole, that the
inquiry into his adminiſtration took place; as the ordeal which he under-
went on this occafion, was fuch as could have been paffed by few minifters,
who had, during fo long a period, directed the helm of government in a great
commercial country, divided into parties, and torn by factions.
The motion of lord Limerick to inftitute an inquiry into the conduct
of Sir Robert Walpole, during the laft twenty years, had been thrown out,
and the lofs of the queftion had been principally owing to the abſence
of Pulteney, and to the intimation that he was averfe to it. With a
Bishop Newton.
Parliamen-
tary inquiry
into Wal-
pole's con--
duct..
Motion for a
mitte.
fecret com
}
view
710
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. view to contradict thefe reports, which he confidered as injurious to his re-
1742 to 1745 putation, as if he was defirous of checking an inquiry, lord Limerick, at his
requeſt, made a fecond motion to appoint a fecret committee of inquiry into
the conduct of the earl of Orford, during the laſt ten years of his being firſt
commiffioner of the treaſury, and chancellor and under treaſurer of his ma-
jeſty's exchequer.
Committee
.appointed.
It will be unneceffary to enter into a detail of the arguments which were
urged on both fides, as well on this as on the former occafion, in which the
late minifter was as vigorously attacked and ably defended, and in which his
third fon, Horace Walpole, teftified his filial affection, by an animated and
manly fpeech againſt the motion.
It is fufficient to obferve, that to accufe a minifter of any fpecific acts
of mal-adminiftration, is the privilege of our well-regulated conftitution,
which no one but a friend to a defpotic government, could wish to be re-
moved; but to conſtitute a general inquiry into the conduct of a miniſter for
fo long a term as ten years, founded on popular clamours and vague fufpicions,
without particularizing any act of guilt, and eſpecially for meaſures which
had been legally fanctioned by parliament, feemed as unjuſt as it was un-
conſtitutional. It required all the powers of Pulteney, who is faid to have
ftill preſerved" a miraculous influence in the houfe of commons *," and
all the eloquence of Pitt, who eminently diftinguiſhed himſelf in both theſe
debates, to palliate or juſtify ſuch a flagrant abuſe of parliamentary interfer-
ence; and it demanded all the accumulated weight of the Tories and dif-
affected Whigs, to carry it through the houſe, by a majority of only ſeven,
252 against 245.
The motion having paffed, a committee of fecrecy, confifting of twenty-
one members, was appointed, and empowered to examine, in the moſt ſo-
lemn manner, fuch perfons as they thought proper on the ſubject matter of
their inquiry. Of the twenty-one members appointed by ballot, all ex-
cept two were the uniform opponents of the late minifter. The difaffected
Whigs accufed the Tories of having acted falfely in permitting the in-
troduction of Sir Henry Lydal and Talbot, with a view to perplex
the buſineſs, while the Tories on their fide accufed Sandys of being
rather a spy than an affociate, and of rather embarraffing than forwarding
the buſineſs.
* Defence of the People, or Anſwer to
Faction Detected.
† Sir John St. Aubin, Samuel Sandys, Sir
John Rufhout, George Compton, lord Qua-
rendon, William Noel, Sir John Barnard, lord
Limerick, lord Cornbury, Nicholas Fazakerly,
Henry Furneſe, lord Gianard, Cholmonde-
ley Turner, Edmund Waller, William Pitt,
Thomas Prowie, William Bowles, Edward
Hooper, Sir Jolin Strange, Sir Henry Lydal,
and John Talbot. Chandler.
+ Defence of the People, p. 109.
*
The
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
711
1
1742.
The earl of Orford, however, feems to have formed a more judicious opi- Chapter 60.
nion of this circumftance. For being congratulated that two of his friends.
were appointed members of the fecret committee, he replied, "They will
become fo zealous for the honour of the committee, that they will no longer
pay fufficient regard to mine *."
Armed with fuch extenfive powers, the committee of ſecrecy commenced
their operations, by choofing lord Limerick chairman. They applied with
indefatigable diligence to the infpection of the treaſury books and papers,
they examined many perfons who were fuppofed to have been the private
agents of Sir Robert Walpole, in his fchemes of corruption, bribery, and
dilapidation of the public revenue.
The expectations of the nation were raiſed to the greatest height; the
meaſures of the minifter who had been held forth as a public delinquent,
as having ſquandered and appropriated the public money, were brought before
a tribunal, conſiſting of perfons who were both willing and able to trace his
miſconduct, and difcover his enormities. It was naturally expected that
in fo long an adminiſtration, big with difficulties, and teeming with internal
troubles, numcrous inftances of corrupt influence and notorious malverfation
would have been diſcovered; and that his opponents had fome founda-
tion for the crimes which they had laid to his charge. But it foon appeared
that they had advanced accufations which they could not prove; and that
the charges urged with fuch confidence in the forcible language of Pitt,
could not be authenticated. "I fear not to declare," obſerved that emi-
nent orator, with all the baneful fpirit of party," that I expect, in confe-
quence of fuch inquiry, to find, that our treaſure has been exhaufted, not to
humble our enemies, or to obviate domeſtic infurrections, not to fupport
our allies, or to fupprefs our factions; but for purpoſes which no man who
loves his country can think of without indignation, the purchaſe of votes, the
bribing of boroughs, the enriching of hirelings, the multiplying of depen-
dents, and the corruption of parliaments."
The want of fufficient proofs, drawn from authentic papers and volun-
tary evidence, reduced the committee to fo great dilemma, that for the
purpoſe of proving thoſe enormities, which they deemed had been com-
mitted, they had recourfe to a very extraordinary and unprecedented propo-
fition. For the diſcoveries which they were able to make were inconfiderable,
when compared with the atrocioufnefs of the charges, and they attributed
† Chandler's Debates.
* From lord Orford.
Their pro-
ceedings.
the
712
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. the inefficacy of their inquiries to the arts and obftinacy of the ex-miniſter's
1742 to 1745. friends and dependents.
1
It is an eſtabliſhed maxim in all governments, that fecret fervice money
muſt always be employed for the public advantage, and the difpofal of that
money is, in limited governments like our's, always confided to the king,
under the direction and controul of his minifters, who are refponfible to par-
liament. Among the minifters, the firft lord of the treaſury, as having the
chief direction of the finances, is principally entruſted with the diftribution.
With a view to prove Sir Robert Walpole guilty of abufing or miſmanag-
ing this part of the public revenue, they examined fome of the inferior
agents who muft always be employed in that fpecies of negotiation. The
fum of £.95,000, had paffed through the hands of Paxton, folicitor to the
treaſury. Being called upon to give an account of that money, he was firſt
examined about £. 500, which had been paid to one Boteler in 1735, for the
purpoſe of carrying his election for the borough of Wendover. Paxton be-
ing repeatedly aſked if he had advanced any money on that account, repeat-
edly refuſed to anſwer that queftion, as it might tend to accufe himſelf.
For this fpecies of contumacy, he was committed to Newgate, by an order
of the houſe. Gwyn Vaughan being examined by the committee, in regard
to a practice with which the late minifter was charged, of obliging a poffeffor
of a place to pay a certain fum from the profits, to a perfon recommended
by government, followed the example of Paxton, and declined making any
reply, as it might affect himſelf.
Scrope, fecretary to the treaſury, and member of the houſe of commons,
being next examined in regard to the diſpoſal of £. 1,052,211, which had,
within the term of ten years, been traced into his and Sir Robert Walpole's
hands, declined taking the oath of diſcovery, avowing that he could not,
confiftently with his confciencé, take a general oath, while particular que-
.ries might arife, which he was determined not to anſwer, and he added, that
he could reply to no interrogation, concerning fecret fervice money, without
the permiffion of the king. On being again examined, he acquainted the com-
mittee," that he had confulted the ableft lawyers and divines, and that they
had made his fcruples ftronger; that he did not do it to obftruct the com-
mittee, but he could not, as an honeft man, and with a fafe confcience, take
the oath. That he had laid his cafe before the king, and was authoriſed to
fay, that the difpofal of money, iffued for fecret fervice, by the nature of it,
requires the utmoſt ſecrecy, and is accountable to his majefty only; and
therefore his majeſty could not permit him to diſcloſe any thing on the ſub-
ject. That he hoped he fhould not incur the difpleaſure of the committee,
for
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
773
y test
for if the oath was confined, he was ready to be examined. Upon this Chapter 60.
anfwer, he was no further preffed*."
Several others in the fame manner refuſing to anſwer, the committee were
perplexed, and confounded between their ſtrong inclination to convict, and
the impoffibility of effecting their purpoſe by the common mode of legal or
parliamentary proceeding.
"to
C
1742.
They therefore publiſhed their celebrated report, and moved in the Bill of inden
houſe of commons, for a bill," to indemnify fuch perfons, as fhould upon nity.
examination, make difcoveries, touching the difpofition of offices, or any pay-
ment or agreement in reſpect thereof, or concerning other matters belonging
to the conduct of Robert earl of Orford ."
+
Many words are not required to fhew the fatal tendency of a bill, calcu-
lated to fuborn witneffes, to multiply accufations, to encourage villains to
accuſe a perſon who was innocent, or at leaft, fhould be deemed innocent
until he was proved guilty, to bribe men to give evidence to fave their own
lives and eftates; a bill in which the inquiry was uncertain, and the indem-
nity as uncertain as the diſcovery which the witneffes might make. For it did
not lay down any ſpecific object of which the earl of Orford was fuppofed
guilty, it did not offer the payment of a certain fum of money, or the par-
don of any particular crime; but the perfons who gave evidence were to be
indemnified for all the fums which they might lofe, and receive a pardon for
all the crimes which they might difclofe, in giving evidence againſt the
earl of Orford. It was holding up the ex-minifter as a public felon, and
converting the houſe of commons into a tribunal of blood §.
Although the paffing of this inquifition bill cafts a fevere reflection on
the houſe of commons, yet it affords fome confolation, that it was not car-
ried without a confiderable ftruggle, and by a majority of only twelve, 228
againſt 216.
The debates in the houfe of commons, on this important occafion, haye
* Tindal, vol. 20. p. 543. Chandler.
+ See the next chapter.
Tindl, vol. 20, p. 544+
The words of the bill are a fufficient jufti-
fication of theſe cenfures, "That all perfons
who fhall truly and faithfully difclofe and dif-
cover, to the best of their knowledge, remem-
brance, and belief, all fuch matters and things,
as they fhall be examined unto, touching or
concerning the faid inquiry and relative there-
unto, fhall be, and are thereby indemnified and
VOL. I
diſcharged, of and from all forfeitures. penal-
ties, puniſhments, difabilities, and incapacities
which they fhall or may incur, or become
fubject to, for or by reafon or means of any
matter or thing, which they fhall fo truly and
faithfully diſcover and make known, touching
or concerning the faid inquiry, and relative
thereunto; viz. of all matters relating to the
conduct of the earl of Orford, for ten yeas
laft paft."
4 I
nevei
com nonsə
714
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745.
Rejected by
the lords,
never been given to the public; but thoſe which took place when it was
diſcuſſed in the houfe of peers are recorded in the contemporary publica-
tions. The reader may indulge his curiofity, in the perufal of this debate,
which affords a ftriking inftance of the baneful influence of party ſpirit *.
He will be ſhocked at the infinuation of Bathurst, as calculated for the
meridian of defpotifm, " that the introduction of new methods of profecution is
the natural confequence of new fchemes of villany, and new schemes of evafion."
But he will turn with horror from the malignant compariſon of Cheſterfield,
who endeavoured to prove, that fuch an indemnity was not a new thing.in our
conftitution, becauſe rewards were daily offered to highwaymen and murderers, for
the difcovery of their accomplices.
ถ
He will read, however, with pleaſure, the manly remark of lord chancellor
Hardwicke, "that names will not change the nature of the things to which
they are applied." "The bill is calculated," he faid, " to make a defence
impoffible, to deprive innocence of its guard, and to let looſe oppreffion and.
perjury upon the world. It is a bill to dazzle the wicked with a proſpect
of ſecurity, and to incite them to purchaſe an indemnity for one crime, by
the perpetration of another. It is a bill to confound the notions of right
and wrong, to violate the effence of our conftitution, and to leave us without
any certain fecurity for our property, or rule for our actions.'
It reflects the higheſt honour on the houſe of lords, that the bill was re-
jected by a much larger majority than even the place and penfion bills,
which affords a fufficient anfwer to thoſe who confidently affert that its
rejection was wholly owing to the influence of the crown, in confequence
of a compromiſe with Pulteney, and that the profecution was only a col-
lufion. I can trace no figns of fuch a compromife; I obferve the fecret
committee eager to prove the minifter culpable. I obferve Sandys, and the
members of the new adminiftration, as violent in their unqualified affertions
of his guilt, as the Tories and difaffected Whigs, who were excluded by the
arrangement of Pulteney. If I compare the 109 peers, who voted againſt the
bill, with the 57 who voted for it, I find the fame proportion of men of pro-
perty, independence, and probity in the one, as in the other lift; and on an im-
partial review of the fubject, I cannot confider their rejection of this bill, in any
other light than as an act of juftice, which did not conftrue fufpicion into a
* Gentleman's and London Magazines.-
Lords' Debates.
† Lords' Debates, vol. 8. p. 167.
+ Place Bill, 81 againſt 52 majority 29.
Penfion Bill, 76 -
46
Indemnity Bill, 109 -
30.
57
52.
Lords' Debates.
proof
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
715
t
1742.
proof of guilt, which ſet bounds to party ſpirit and Jacobite proſecution; and I Chapter 60.
look up with reverence to that branch of our conftitution, which more than
once has faved this country from the overgrown prerogative of the crown, and
from the violence of popular frenzy.
The rejection of the indemnity bill by the houfe of peers, was received
with fuch diffatisfaction by the inveterate enemies of the ex-minifter, that
lord Strange moved in the houſe of commons, "That the lords refufing to
concur with the commons of Great Britain, in an indemnification neceffary
to the effectual carrying on the inquiry, now depending in parliament, was
an obſtruction to juftice, and might prove fatal to the liberties of this na-
tion *." This violent motion was oppoſed, not only by the friends of the
late miniſter, but even by Pulteney, and the new members of the adminiftra-
tion, and by fome of the Tories, who declared, that although they wished the
bill had paffed, yet they could not agree to a refolution which would create
a breach between the two houſes: it was accordingly thrown out by a majority
of 52.
The day on which parliament was prorogued, Pulteney was called to the Pulteney cre
houfe of peers, by the title of earl of Bath.
Walpole had now the pleaſure, if it be any pleaſure to a great mind, to
fee the celebrated commoner, who had driven him from the helm, as much
expofed to obloquy, as he himſelf had ever been in the plenitude of his
power and unpopularity. He faw him lampooned in ballads replete with
wit, reviled both by miniſterial and oppoſition writers, his influence funk fo
low, that he, who for a few days poffeffed the whole authority of the crown,
was now unable to coinmand for a friend a cornetcy of dragoons, or a lieu-
tenancy of the navy. In fact, the credit of Pulteney was fo much reduced,
that on his remonftrating to the duke of Newcaſtle, that the king 'had
broken his promife of appointing Sir John Hynde Cotton one of the lords
* Tindal, vol. 20, p. 546.
Chandler.
To this decline of his influence, Sir
Charles H. Williams alludes in one of his fa-
tirical ballads :
"Great earl of Bath, your reign is o'er ;
The Tories truft your word no more,
The Whigs no longer fear ye;
Your gates are feldom now unbarr'd,
No crowds of coaches fill your yard,
And foarce a foul comes near ye.
"Few now aſpire at your good graces,
Scarce any fue to you for places,
Or coine with their petition,
To tell how well they have deferv'd,
How long, how ſteadily they ftarv'd
For you in oppofition :
66
Expect to fee that tribe no more,
Since all mankind perceive that pow'r
Is lodg'd in other hands.
Sooner to Carteret now they'll go,
Orev'n (though that's exceffive low)
To Wilmington and Sands.”
Williams's Poems, p. 43.
of
4 Y 2
''
ated earl of
Bath.
His unpopu
larity.
716
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. of the admiralty; Newcaſtle replied, that his majeſty had another fhop to go
1742 to 1745. to, alluding to the duke of Argyle, who had deferted Pulteney, and joined
thoſe who oppoſed the new adminiſtration *
Unjustly ac-
culed.
He ſaw him reviled, perfecuted, and loaded with fuch improbable accu-
fations, as receiving a peerage and an eftate in London from the crown, for
fcreening the minifter from public vengeance.
I think it a duty, and feel a fatisfaction in being able to reſcue the name
of Pulteney from indifcriminate cenfure, and to prove, from the moſt une-
quivocal facts, that he has been unjustly accuſed of acting from baſe and
fordid motives.
In regard to the peerage, he had never concealed his intention of procur
ing that dignity, for he had been frequently heard to fay to his friends,
"When I have turned out Sir Robert Walpole, I will retire into that hof-
pital of invalids, the houfe of peers." But it is no leſs true, that he had re-
peatedly declined the honour under his adminiſtration. He who had driven
out Walpole, who had declined the office of prime minifter, who had made
lord Wilmington firft lord of the treaſury, and filled the boards of treaſury
and admiralty, might eafily have claimed for himſelf a peerage, without terms.
The truth is, that Pulteney delayed accepting the title, until he had ob-
tained the privy feal for the earl of Gower, who was obnoxious to the mi-
niſtry; while lord Hervey, who held that diſtinguiſhed office, was fupported
with all the influence of the king. In fact, he was fo mortified by repeated in-
flances of ill treatment, as to meditate a renewal of his oppofition. He is
even ſaid to have received his new dignity with difguft, and to have trampled
the patent of peerage under his feet.
The ſecond accufation againſt Pulteney, that for the purpoſe of ſcreening
the miniſter from public vengeance, he received from the crown a grant of
a confiderable eſtate in Piccadilly, is alfo no lefs unfounded. For this very
accufation had been advanced in 1731, and was then amply refuted by Pul-
teney himſelf. He fhewed that the eftate in queftion was a family eftate
From the bishop of Salisbury,
+ From lord Orford.
It is thus ſtated by the author of a review
of Mr. Pulteney's conduct :
"Pulteney hoped that by giving up all lu-
crative employments, and barely accepting a
title, he had filenced obloquy and removed fuf-
picion. But the avarice of his temper was fo
well and univerfally understood, that it was
vulgarly ſuppoſed he had accepted large fums
of
for making the compromife between the crown
and the leaders of the oppofition; this was in-
deed looked upon to be equally an idle or
groundleſs furmife; however, it is very certain
that a great part of Piccadilly, which produced
a very large income, and which till that time,
had belonged to the crown, became all of a
fudden the property of Mr. Pulteney." To
this imputation, Pulteney himſelf replied:
"It is true, indeed, that this gentleman hath
a very
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
717
of about £.1,200 or £.1,300 a year, held by a leafe of ninety-nine years Chapter 60.
from the crown, and that he purchaſed the perpetuity at a fair price.
This ſtatement of the tranfaction does not however folely reſt on Pul-
teney's own affertion; it is confirmed by the act of parliament itſelf, which
paffed on the 14th of February in 1729, and alfo from a letter * from the
duke of Montagu to Sir Robert Walpole, requeſting him to obtain from
George the Second, the permiffion of purchafing certain eſtates in reverfion;
as a foundation for the grant, he obferves, that his late majefty, George
the Firſt, had, in the 8th year of his reign, granted to Mr. Pulteney the inherit-
ance of feveral lands and tenements in St. James's, in reverfion of above 99
years then in being.
It is but juſtice to the memory of Pulteney, who has been fo much
calumniated for this part of his political conduct, to add his own apology,
as given by himſelf, in a letter, written to biſhop Newton.
"In every
thing I did, when the change was made, I know I acted honeftly, I am
fure I acted difintereſtedly, and if I did not do what the world may call
wifely, it was the fault of a few friends who betrayed me, of the court that
meant to weaken me, and of many others who too haftily miftrufted me, and
turned their backs upon me. But time (as I always thought it would) has
cleared up all theſe points; and I have the fatisfaction to imagine that the
king now wiſhes he had given into my fchemes; the friends who betrayed
me are fenfible of, and forry for their folly; and they who oppofed me,
though fome of them have fince got power into their own hands, are ſenſi-
ble how mean a figure they make with it, and how unequal they are to the
Certain it is, that no one can be fo capable of writing hif-
tory, as he who has been principally concerned in the great tranſactions; and
poſts they have.
a very large eſtate, which hath been in his fa-
mily for many generations. Some part of his
eftate was held by a leafe from the crown, of
which there was a term of ninety-nine years to
come, after a term that was then in being.
His grandfather left his eftate in truſtees, to be
fold for the purchaſe of other lands of inherit-
ance. Upou this occafion, he applied to the
crown to buy off the inheritance, not as a fa-
vour, but as a fair purchafer, and was at the
expence of an act of parliament to obtain it.
He paid more than Sir Ifaac Newton, or any
other calculator, computes the value of fuch a
purchaſe to be; for it coft him altogether, with
charges, a year's purchafe to make it inherit-
ance: and I believe no body will pretend to argue
that an inheritance, after a term of above an
hundred years to come, is worth one year's pur--
chaſe, nor would this gentleman have given
one fingle thilling for it, if it had not been to
get his eftate out of truſtees hands.
"This is the fact ; and what was the value of
the eſtate thus purchaſed? Not above twelve
or thirteen hundred pounds a year; which is
but a finall part of this gentleman's eſtate, even
according to your own calculation; moſt of
which was land of inheritance before."
* Walpole Papers.
ton.
† August 15, 1745. Life of Bishop New-
1742.
if
718
MEMOIRS OF
1742 to 1745.
1
Period VIII. if ever it ſhould be neceffary to inform the world (which I believe it will not)
of the hiſtory of the late change, no one can to be fure do it, or at leaſt
furnish materials for doing it, fo well as myfelf, for I may truly fay, Pars magna
fui; and I do not apprehend, nor can recollect one fingle fact, no not one
circumftance in the whole affair, that it can be neceffary to fupprefs or dif-
guife. If avarice, ambition, or the defire of power had influenced me,
why did I not take (and no one can deny but I might have had) the greateſt
poft in the kingdom. But I contented myſelf with the honeft pride of
having fubdued the great author of corruption, retired with a peerage, which
I had three times at different periods of my life refufed; and left the go-
vernment to be conducted by thoſe who had more inclination than I had to
be concerned in it. I ſhould have been happy, if I could have united an
adminiſtration capable of carrying on the government with ability, ceconomy,
and honour."
A friend of Pulteney has alfo given a full explanation of his conduct,
and ſtated the infuperable difficulties which he had to encounter from the
difcordant views of that heterogeneous oppofition, which, with all his influ-
ence and abilities, he could not unite in fentiment, though he had fucceeded
in uniting them for the purpoſe of forming a conſiſtent plan of attack.
"Like an oppofition in parliament, carried on againſt an overgrown mi-
nifter, all forts of parties and connexions, all forts of difagreeing and con-
tradictory interefts, join againſt him, at firft, as a common enemy, and toler-
able unanimity is preferved amongſt them, fo long as the fate of this parlia-
mentary war continues in fufpence. But when once they have drivẹn him
from the wall, and think themſelves fure of victory, the jealoufies and fufpi-
cions, which while the conteft depended had been ftifled, break out, every
one, who ſhared in the fatigue, expects to ſhare in the ſpoils, feparate in-
terefis counteract each other, feparate negotiations are fet on foot, till at laft,
by untimely and unneceffary divifion, they lofe the fruits of their victory,
and the object of the common refentment is able to make terms for him-
elf."
To this paffage the author fubjoined a
note : "The true hiftory of the tranfaction
here alluded to, may poffibly, fome time or
other appear; though as yet, we are perfuaded,
the world knows very little of it." Letter
to two Great Men, 1760, p. 35. This excel-
lent pamphlet was written by Dr. Douglas,
now bishop of Saliſbury, who in explanation,
affured me that it was the intention of lord
Bath, to have arranged, from his own recol-
2
lection and papers, a hiſtory of the events
which accompanied and followed the refig-
nation of Sir Robert Walpole. That he
afterwards changed his mind, and faid he
would leave this tafk to Dr. Douglas, who
fhould draw up an account after his death, and
pointed to feveral papers which would be of
ufe to him. From a knowledge of theſe facts,
the public naturally formed the higheſt expec-
tations, and biſhop Newton juſtly obſerves,
66 As
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
719
Chapter 61.
1742.
CHAPTER THE SIXTY-FIRST:
1742.
Examination of the Report of the Secret Committee.-Heads of Accufation urged
against Sir Robert Walpole.—Undue Influence in Elections.—Grants of fraudu-
lent Contracts.-Peculation, and Profufion in the Expenditure of the Money for
Secret Service. His private Fortune, pecuniary Acquirements, and the State
of his Affairs at his Death.
HE charges againſt the ex-minifter, which refult from the report of the Begun Satur-
ſecret committee, may be reduced to three principal heads :
1. Undue influence in elections:
2. Granting fraudulent contracts:
3. Peculation, and profufion in the expenditure of fecret fervice
money.
The firſt charge, of undue influence in elections, is confined principally to
the offer of a place of collector of the port of Weymouth to the mayor, if
he would uſe his influence in obtaining the nomination of a returning officer;
the promife of a living to the brother-in-law of the mayor for the fame pur-
poſe; the removal of fome revenue officers, who refuſed to give their votes
for the miniſterial candidate; and the diſtribution of fome trifling fums for
borough proſecutions and fuits. Such petty abuſes of power, which were
fwelled in the report * into almoft capital charges, were fo much below the
dignity
*The conteft is plain and viſible; it is:
Whether the commons fhall retain the third
ftate in their own hands, whilft this whole
diſpute is carried on at the expence of the peo-
ple; but, on the other fide of the minifter,
As Dr. Pearce had fome knowledge of thefe
and other tranſactions, fo Dr. Douglas, by con-
verfing feveral years almoft daily with lord Bath,
had frequent opportunities of informing himſelf
of the truth of many particulars, and having
collected fufficient materials for the purpoſe, is
well qualified to draw the juft character, and
to complete the hiſtory of his noble patron, a
debt which he owes to his memory, and it is
hoped will one time or other fully diſcharge,
out of the money granted to fupport and fe-
cure the conftitutional independency of the
three branches of the legiſlature.
"This method of corruption is as fure, and
therefore your committee apprehend, as cri-
minal
fo that conformably to the rule, in the mouth
of two or three witneffis, every word may be
eftabliſhed."
On the death, however, of lord Bath, general
Pulteney deftroyed all his papers, and the world
has to regret that the learned prelate was, by this
unfortunate circumftance, prevented from ac-
compliſhing a defign, for which he alone could
be fufficiently qualified.
day, Novein-
ber 7, and
finished Fri-
day, Novem
ber 13.
The first
charge exas
mined.
720
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745.
Second
charge.
Third charge.
dignity of the houſe, as to throw ridicule on their proceedings, and to ex-
cite the contempt of the public.
The fecond charge, of granting fraudulent contracts, is reduced to a ſingle
contract, given to Peter Burrel and John Briſtow, two members of the houſe
of commons, for furnishing money at Jamaica, towards the payment of
the Britiſh troops; into which a friend of Sir Charles Hanbury Williams
was admitted by his recommendation, and by which the contractors gained
£.14. 35. 2ž d. per cent *. But even admitting the truth of the ſtatement,
the bargain, when firft made, could not be unfavourable to the public: be-
cauſe, as appears upon the report, Burrel would not, on account of the riſk,
accept the whole contract, but admitted Briſtow as his partner, and even
offered a part of his fhare to his brothers, and two other gentlemen; all of
whom declined for the fame reaſon.
The next charge, that of peculation, and extravagance in the expenditure
of the public money, is of a far more ferious nature.
In order to affix the ftigma of peculation on Sir Robert Walpole, it was
neceffary to fhew, that the fums employed for fecret fervice during the laſt ten
years of his adminiftration, were much greater than the fums expended on the
fame occafion, during an equal number of years, in any of the preceding reigns;
minal a way of fubverting the conftitution as
by an armed force, it is a crime productive of
a total deftru&ion of the very being of this
government, and is fo high and unnatural,
that nothing but the powers of parliament can
reach it; and as it can never meet with parlia-
mentary animadverfion, but when it is unfuc-
ceſsful, it muſt ſeek for its fecurity in the ex-
tent and efficacy of the mifchief it produces;
and therefore your committee apprehend it is
the more neceffary for your confideration,
while its want of fuccefs yet leaves an oppo【-
tunity to preferve and maintain your indepen.
dency for the future." Report of the Commit-
tee of Secrecy, p. 24.
*Your committee have been obliged to
dwell the longer upon this contract, becauſe
the whole behaviour of the earl of Orford,
who had the fole direction of it, ſeems ſo ex-
traordinary, that they fear this part of the re-
port would want credit, if they had not de-
fcended into the moſt minute parts of it.
"Here they find a contract entered into upon
the good faith of the propofers only, with an
ignorance of the value of the exchange, whe-
ther real or affected does not appear to your
committee; and that defect ſo far from being
endeavoured to be fupplied by admitting pro-
pofals, or information from any other iner-
chants, that it feemed a determined point to
fhut it out, even where it ſeemed to obtrude
itfelf upon him from the very offices fubject
to his inspection.
"But as if this injury to the troops and in-
juftice to the nation had been too little, he
rendered this contract more advantageous to
the contractors, than their moſt ſanguine ex-
pectation originally fuggefted to them.
"For though by the terms of the contract, the
public was only to advance L. 27,000 in mo-
ney, yet we find the further fum of £42,000,
advanced to them before the arrival of the
troops in America.
66
And your committee obferve, that the fares
of the profits of this contract were dealt out
to the deputy of the pay office, and to a friend
of the paymafter of the marines, at the request
of the faid paymafter, without any advance of
money, or trouble on their part; and it is very
remarkable, that theſe ſhares were confined to
the fums iffued from their reſpective offices.
"And here your committee muſt obſerve,
from the whole courfe of this proceeding, that
neither the intereft of the foldier, or the public,
ſeemed to have been the object of the eail of
Orford's attention." Report of the Committee
of Secrecy, p. 13.
and
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
721
174.2.
and in making this comparative ſtatement, the committee appear to realife the Chapter 61.
axiom, that "he who proves too much proves nothing." "The iffuing,"
.obferves the committee, "fuch an immenfe part of the money, given for
the ſupport of the civil government, to theſe particular uſes, during a time
of profound tranquillity till the late rupture with Spain, greatly alarmed your
committee, and put them upon examining what fums had been-iffued for
the fame fervices, in a period for the like number of years. And your com-
mittee beg leave to reprefent to you, that exorbitant as this fum may feem,
they would have fuppreffed this part of their report, if by the compariſon
they had entered upon, they could any ways have reconciled their filence
upon this head, to their duty in this houfe and the nation; and your com-
mittee hope, that the period they have pitched upon, will evince the truth
of this intention, as it comprehends a general and moſt expenſive war abroad,
a demife of the crown, the happy eſtabliſhment of the preſent royal family
upon the throne, and an open and dangerous rebellion at home; in ſhort,
every event that can happen to juſtify extraordinary expences in carrying on
the buſineſs of government. And it is not eaſy to exprefs the furpriſe of
your committee, when they found by the account laid before them, which
is annexed, (N° 11) that from the 1ft day of Auguſt 1707, to the 1ſt day
of Auguft 1717, there was iffued under the aforefaid heads, no more than
the fum of £.337,960. 4s. 5d."
The ſtatement brought forward with fuch affected candour and modera-
tion, is partial and inaccurate.
The partiality will appear from commencing the inquiry into the expen-
diture in 1707. For the adoption of this year, there feems no particular
reafon, excepting, that had they begun with the years immediately pre-
ceding, the fecret fervice money would have been confiderably larger. For
in 1707, the union with Scotland was effected; and it is a well known fact,
that large fums * of money were remitted, in 1705 and 1706, to Scotland,
for the purpoſe of purchafing the confent, or filencing the oppofition of the
refractory natives, who vehemently refifted the eſtabliſhment of the union.
Another proof of partiality is no leſs evident from cloſing their compa-
rative ſtatement with Auguſt 1717; at the time when the large pen-
fion granted to the abbot du Bois, the complicated negotiations for the
•
* At one draft £.20,000 was fent to the Scottish treafury for that purpoſe. Smollett, vol. 2.
P. 93.
VOL. I.
4 2
quadruple
722
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. quadruple alliance, and the neceffity of corrupting the fenate of Sweden,
1742 to 1745. on the death of Charles the Twelfth, and many domeſtic particulars, which
rendered the expences of Sunderland's adminiſtration peculiarly heavy, muſt-
have increaſed the total amount of fecret fervice money, during the years
which immediately followed 1717.
Another proof of partiality appears from confining their ſtatement to only
one term; for had they acted on the common principles of juftice, they ought
to have compared the fecret expenditure, from 1731 to 1741, with that of
feveral terms of ten years, from the reſtoration to the year 1731. Had
they only felected the ten firft years of queen Anne, from 1702 to 1712, or
the firſt ten years of George the First, from 1714 to 1724, the average amount
of the fums expended in fecret ſervice would have been confiderably fwelled;
and perhaps to as large, if not to a larger amount, than thoſe diſburſed on
the fame occafion from 1731 to 1741. Had they only confulted and com-
pared their own account of the three years, from Auguft 1717 to Auguſt 1720,
they might have found that during that period the expenditure for fecret fer-
vice, ſpecial ſervice, and to reimburſe expences, amounted to £.228,000 ; but
they purpoſely omitted this juſt and candid method of proceeding, becauſe Sir
Robert Walpole was at that time in oppofition, and had no ſhare in the diftri-
bution. Had they carefully confulted the treafury books for the four fuc-
ceeding years, they would have found £.458,000 was expended on the fame ac-
count Had they carried their comparative ftatement ftill farther, they
would have found that, in 1725, the year in which the Hanover treaty was
concluded, the ſecret ſervice money, expended between the 1ft of May and.
the 4th of March, amounted to £.218,132. But fuch an inquiry was
not conformable to their views; which were, to diminish the amount of the
fums expended before the year 1731, that thofe difburfed during the laſt
ten years of Walpole's adminiftration might appear enormoufly large.
*
In the ſecond place, the ſtatement of the committee is not a full and
exact account of all the fums employed in fecret fervice money from 1707
to 1717. For half of the term ſpecified in the comparative ſtatement, was
a time of war, when an extraordinary allowance of £. 10,000 per annum
is granted for procuring fecret intelligence, and 2 per cent. deducted from
the pay of all the foreign forces in the fervice of Great Britain, which, in
*Note in Sir Robert Walpole's hand-writ-
ing, at the end of an abſtract of the civil lift,
made in 1725.
† An account of bounties, fecret fervices,
and other payments in the nature of ſecret
fervice, made between the 1ft of May 1725,
and the 4th of March following. In the Or-
ford Papers.
Faction Detected, p. 140.
five
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
723
1742.
five years, amounted to . 178,802. 14s. was principally employed for the Chapter 61.
fame purpoſe *. It follows, therefore, that no juſt medium of compariſon
can be drawn from the money employed for fecret ſervice, in time of war
and in time of peace; becauſe in time of peace expences of this nature have
no eſtabliſhed provifion, whereas in time of war extraordinary allowances are
appropriated for that purpoſe.
}
In addition to theſe extraordinary allowances, muft likewiſe. be joined a
part of the civil lift debt of £. 500,000, which was paid by parliament in
1713, and of £.400,000, which the queen owed at her demife.
I have no particular documents which enable me to prove unquestionably,
that all the fums expended for fecret fervice, during the three firſt years of
George the Firſt, ending in August 1717, are not ſpecified. But I have
reaſon to affert, with full confidence, that it was fo; for it is more than
probable, that part of the debt of £. 800,000 on the civil lift, which was paid
off in 1720 and 1721, was contracted before Auguft 1717. For that a
part of the debt contracted by the civil lift, was always fuppofed to have
been expended in fecret ſervice money, is proved from the motion made by
Pulteney in the houſe of commons, in 1725, on the propoſal to pay the debt
on the civil lift, to addrefs the king for an account of all monies which had
been iffued and paid to any perfon or perfons, on account, for the privy purſe,
fecret fervice, penfions, bounties, or any fum or fums of money to any perſon
or perfons without account, from March 25, 1721, to March 21, 1725.
From theſe remarks the fallacy of the obfervation will fufficiently appear,
"that the fums expended on theſe fervices during the laft ten years, amount
to near five times as much as was expended in the ten years ending in Auguft
1717; and that the two remarkable years, 1733 and 1734, amount to
£. 312,128. 19 s. 7 d. being confiderably more than the total of the whole
from 1707
to 1717."
ten years,
Nor can the injuſtice of the committee be fufficiently reprobated for felect-
ing, as a matter of animadverfion, what ought to have been a fubject of
praife; the two remarkable years, 1733 and 1734, in which commenced
thoſe complicated negotiations, that fucceeded the death of Auguftus king
of Poland, when the fum of £.312,128. 19s. 7 d. for fecret ſervice,
which they malignantly held forth to public cenfure, was well expended for
procuring that fecret intelligence, and for gaining thoſe minifters. abroad,
* Report of the Commiffioners, in 1712.
4 Z 2
which
724
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. which prevented a war with France and Spain, that would have added
1742 to 1745. feveral millions to the national debt.
Having thus endeavoured to fhew that the conduct of the committee in
comparing the fecret expenditure, during the laſt ten years of Sir Robert
Walpole's adminiftration, with the ten years from 1707 to 1717, was partial
and fallacious, I fhall next examine the account itfelf; and fhall endeavour to
prove that their ſtatement was equally unjuft. The report claffes fecret
expenditure under two principal heads. The firſt relates to the ſecret
fervice money, of which the deſtination was not, and could not be ſpecified,
becauſe it was expended for the fecret purpoſes of government. It amounts
to little more than the half, or £.786,355. 17s. 4d. The fecond com-
prifes that money, the diftribution of which is fpecified; and which is di-
vided into ſpecial fervice, amounting to .272,504. os. 8d. and to reim-
burfe expences, amounting to £.205,390. 175. 10d. They likewiſe add-
ed other articles, £.66,000 for the fecretaries of ftate, £.68,800 upon
account to the folicitor of the treaſury, and £.50,077. 18s. to authors
and printers. Thefe totals, with a few other fmall articles, amount to
£..1,440,128, which is ftated to be the expence of the civil government in
fecret ſervice money, during the ſpace of ten years.
66
But although the report then continues by endeavouring to prove, that
the money,
iffued under the three heads of ſecret ſervice, ſpecial ſervice, and to
reimburſe expences, was underſtood to mean one and the fame thing; and
though they ſhew that, according to the forms and accounts of the treaſury,
they are uſually compriſed under the fame head; " yet who does not per-
ceive a very wide difference between fecret fervices, and the other two articles
of fpecial fervice, and the reimburſement of expences, although it is pro-
bable, that ſome part of the money, under theſe two heads, has been really
applied that way? Yet very great fums must have been iffued under thefe
titles, to purpofes very different from thoſe which ought to have given fo
much alarm to the public *." And it is to be obferved, that till the paffing
of Burke's bill, all treaſury penfions were charged to the ſecret ſervice.
As to the other three articles, viz. That of the folicitor of the treaſury,
that of the allowance of £. 3,000 per annum to each of the fecretaries of
ſtate, and that of the money iffued to authors and printers, it is impoffible,
with any candour, to bring them into the charge of the fecret fervice.
The firſt fum, to the folicitor, is given always upon account, viz. for
crown proſecutions, and other neceffary, obvious, and warrantable purpoſes of
Eation Detected.
government,
!
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
725
government, of which the committee themſelves were fo well aware, that Chapter 61.
they deducted that fum from the grand total.
The ſecond fum, which regards the fecretaries of ſtate, ſtands juſtly ex-
ceptionable in this compariſon, becauſe it was made a diftinct article from
that of fecret fervice in all times, and is particularly fpecified as fuch in the
ftatement of the annual expenditure before the revolution, being not included.
in the annual ſum of £.89,968. 8s. 21 d. to which the annual average of the
fums employed in fecret fervice then amounted."
In regard to the charge that £. 50,077. 18s. was paid to authors and
printers of newſpapers, fuch as Free Britons, Daily Courants, Corncutter's
Journals, Gazetteers, and other political papers, between February 10, 1731,
and February 10, 1741, it may be fufficient to obſerve, with the author of
"Faction Detected," that is a matter rather to be laughed at, than confider-
ed feriouſly *. The grofs amount of £. 50,077. 18s. feems a large fum, but
if divided by ten, the number of years, is reduced to only £.5,007. 15s. 9 d.
per annum, a fum too trifling to deferve notice.
If this reaſoning is juft, and thefe calculations accurate, we muſt deduct
from £.1,453,400, the fum of £.662,781, or the total employed in fpe-
cial fervice, and to reimburſe expences, together with the three articles for
the fecretaries of ſtate, the folicitor of the treaſury, and the authors and
printers; and the remainder, £.790,619, will be the whole diſburſement
for fecret ſervice from 1731 to 1741. This total, upon a medium of ten
years, is only £. 79,061. 18 s. per annum; a much lefs fum than was ex-
pended on the fame occafion, during a fimilar term of years before the revo-
lution. And even if the fums for ſpecial ſervice, and to reimburſe ex-
pences, fhould be included, the amount will then be £.1,264,250 diſburſed
in ten years, or £.126,425 per annum, which certainly cannot be confidered
as an unreaſonable fum for keeping the nation in tranquillity at home, and
peace abroad, during a period of very intricate negotiation, conciliating fo-
reign courts, and procuring intelligence, in bounties, penfions during plea-
fure, reimburſement of expences, extraordinaries to foreign miniſters, prefents
and contingencies at home; and if due confideration be had to the differ-
ence of times of war and peace, to the increaſe in the value of money, and
to the difficulty of procuring exact intelligence, this fum will not appear com-
paratively larger than the ſecret ſervice money expended in the reigns of Wil-
liam, Anne, and George the Firſt. It is rather an object of wonder how lo
much could be effected with this money; for no minifter fince Walfingham,
ever procured fuch extenfive and accurate intelligence as Sir Robert Wal-
pole.
† Ibid. p. 134.
Faction Detected, p. 137.
On
1742.
Cod
!
726
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII.
On reviewing thefe obfervations, we may venture to draw thefe conclu-
1742 to 1745. fions: That no dependence can be had on the ſtatement of the report; it
being unjuſt, partial, and fallacious; that it fully vindicates the character of
the minifter from any charge of peculation, becauſe it fhews, that notwith-
ſtanding his unpopularity, and the eagernefs with which his enemies endeavour-
ed to criminate him, no guilt could be proved. The members of the com-
mittee, except two, were enemies to Sir Robert Walpole, they were inflamed
by party, and goaded by perfonal antipathy; and therefore fome apology
may be made for them, if under the impreffion of ſuch ſentiments, they
gave erroneous ſtatements. But what apology can be made for thoſe com-
pilers of our hiſtory, who, either ignorant of the true ftate of the queſtion, or
wiſhing to miſlead the reader, have exaggerated even the accounts in the re-
port, and do not bluſh to fully the pages of hiſtory by afferting, that the
enormous fum of £. 1,453,400 was employed in fecret fervice money, when
even the report makes a different ſtatement, and when the fallacy of fuch a
ſtatement is unquestionably proved by the author of Faction Detected, which
excellent performance they ought to have ftudied before they made fuch
unqualified affertions.
There yet remains one article, too important to be omitted, which proves
the malignity or ignorance of the committee.
"We find, moreover, that two days before he refigned, viz. Feb. 9th,
£.17,461 was paid into his hands by virtue, of three warrants, figned but
the fame day, which were pawned with the bank officer, in order to raiſe the
fum before they had paffed through the ufual forins of the exchequer, and
till money came into that office, on account of the civil lift, to redeem
them."
This ſtatement carries an appearance of great ignorance in the committee,
of the circumſtances attending iffues of money from the exchequer, or it is
an artful colouring of a very common tranfaction, in order to aggravate the
ſuppoſed miſconduct of Sir Robert Walpole, for the purpoſe of miſleading
the judgment of the public.
The commiffioners of the treaſury, at all times, have been in the practice
of ſigning orders for the iffue of money from the exchequer, as well out of
the fupplies, as out of the civil lift, previous to the actual receipt at the ex-
chequer, of the feveral heads of revenue, out of which, fuch orders are there-
after to be diſcharged *,
This uſage is perfectly correct, and really neceffary, becauſe it enables the
* For the anſwer to this article, I am indebted to Edward Roberts, efquire, deputy to the clerk
of the pells.
payment
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
727
1
payment to be made to the party immediately after the future, or next re-
ceipt at the exchequer, which payment, but for this practice, muft neceffa-
rily meet with great delay, from the time unavoidably to be taken up in
drawing orders at the exchequer, and tranfmitting them for fignatures and
entry at the treaſury.
Monies are very frequently wanted for preffing fervices, which require im-
mediate payment, and various means have been deviſed for that purpoſe,
long before the revenue, out of which thofe fervices are bound to be dif
charged, has found its way into the receipt of exchequer.
The legiſlature annually enables the minifter to anticipate, by exchequer
bills, the iſſues intended to be made out of the land and malt taxes, and the
furplus of the confolidated fund.
As the civil lift arifes from a weekly produce, comparatively fmall, it muſt
fometimes happen that urgent and unforeſeen demands, will unavoidably
compel the minifter, or the creditor, to anticipate the fum required, by pri-
vate means, until it can be regularly diſcharged, by due courfe, from the
exchequer.
I take for granted that from the 8th to the 10th of February, 1741-2,
there was, as has often happened, but little money remaining in the exche-
quer, applicable to the ufes of the civil government, and that the ſum of
£.17,461, was immediately wanted, by Sir Robert Walpole, for fervices
which his majefty muft certainly have approved of, becauſe he figned three
ſeparate warrants for the iffue, as he was entitled by his prerogative to do,
and he muſt alſo have given Sir Robert receipts to their amount.
Theſe warrants are faid to have been pawned to the bank officer, in order
to raiſe the fum before they had paſſed through the ufual forms, and till
money came into that office, on account of the civil lift, to redeem them.
And here lies the whole gift of this charge.
Not to dwell on the ill-natured expreffion of pawned, fo evidently intro-
duced to heighten the accufation, or on the good nature of the bank officer,
who certainly had no power nor means to accommodate the parties, with-
out the ſpecific and exprefs directions of his fuperiors, the bank directors.
then in waiting; what is the fact but fimply this? that a fum of money
required for his majefty's fervice on the 9th of February, and certain of being
paid at the exchequer on the 11th, was advanced by the bank of England
on the undeniable fecurity of the king's fign manual, the warrant of the com-
miffioners of the treaſury, and an exchequer order; the firſt and laſt of theſe
inftruments having been regularly counterfigned by the commiffioners of the
treaſury alfo.
Nor.
Chapter 61.
1742.
728
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII.
Nor could any apprehenfions be entertained that after the minifter's re-
1742 to 1745. moval the payment could be ſtopped by thoſe who were to fucceed him,
they having the power of confirming fuch iffues as their predeceffors had
directed, but not of annulling them.
Vindication
of Walpole
from the
charge of
peculation.
1
Although theſe fums were procured from the bank, they might have been
advanced by a banker, or any other perfons to whom Mr. Scrope or Mr.
Stanhope might have thought proper to apply; the tranfaction being moſt
undoubtedly a private accommodation, and in no reſpect of an official or
public nature.
Sir Robert Walpole himſelf undertook to draw up an anſwer to the re-
port of the fecret committee, and made fome progrefs in the work, but he
relinquiſhed the buſineſs on a conviction, that the anſwer muſt be either ma-
terially defective, or he muſt have related many things highly improper to be
expoſed to the public *. Among the Walpole papers is a rough draught
in his own hand writing, which appears to have been the commencement of
this vindication. It ftates in a very perfpicuous manner the mode of iſſu-
ing and receiving money at the exchequer, and proves undeniably that a
miniſter could never appropriate to his own ufe any part of the ſecret ſervice
money, as the rules and forms which conftitute the law of the exchequer, ren-
der it almoſt impoffible to defraud or mifapply any part of the public trea-
fure. Although this document is incomplete, yet it appears too curious a
paper to be withheld from the public: it is therefore inſerted in the Corre-
ſpondence.
Before I cloſe this review of the report, it will not be improper to make
a few obſervations on the rumours induſtriouſly circulated, that Sir Robert
Walpole gained enormous riches from the plunder of the public.
The current opinion of his vaft wealth was, in fome degree, fanctioned
by his profufe ftyle of living, and the large fums which he expended at
Houghton, in buildings and purchaſes, which could not amount to lefs than
£.200,000, and to which it was faid the income of his eftate, and the known
falary of his viſible employments were manifeftly inadequate †.
* Etough, from Sir Robert Walpole.
+ The confidence and rancour with which
thefe charges were brought forward and fup-
ported, will appear from the following ex-
tracts, written at different periods:
"With what face can he fay that the mini-
fter's eftate is no way exorbitant, when every
body knows he has amaffed immenfe riches,
not in the fervice of the crown, but by jobs, fe-
fecret fervice, the fale of honours, places, pen-
4
*.
This
fions, and bargains, made in more places than
Exchange Alley, by which thouſands of fami-
lies have been reduced to beggary."-Examiner,
in anſwer to the Free Briton, July 1, 1731,
p. 27.
"That he is the mafter of the national
treafure is evident from his profufion, profu-
fion to which no fund but the exchequer can
be fufficient, and of which the income of his
eftate, and the known falaries of his vifible
employments,
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
729
This heinous charge will be beſt anſwered by a plain ftatement of his pri- Chapter 61.
vate property, pecuniary acquirements, and the fituation of his affairs at
his death.
1742.
fortune.
In the firſt chapter of theſe Memoirs, I have fhewn, from undoubted do- His private
cuments, that his family eftate, to which he fucceeded in 1700, amounted to
£.2,169 a year, and that it had been relieved from embarraffments by his
wife's fortune. His generous temper, and liberality in promoting the
Hanover fucceffion, appear to have involved him in his early days in fome
difficulties, from which he was afterwards relieved by the emoluments of
the offices which he held under the Whig adminiftration in the reign of
queen Anne, and while paymafter general of the forces, in the reign of George
the Firſt. But he greatly augmented his fortune by difpofing of South Sea
ſtock. He was, however, principally indebted for this acquifition to his
own fagacity, and to the judgment and intelligence of his agents, Jacombe
and Gibſon; for he was fo far from being entruſted with the fecrets of
the managers, that he was execrated by them for having uniformly op-
pofed the project, and favoured the propofal of the bank. His good for-
tune, however, was ftill greater than his own difcernment or the intelligence of
employments, are not equal to the tenth part.
His conduct has, indeed, in this reſpect, been
fuch, that he ſeems to have thought his tri-
umph not compleat, unleſs he fhewed how
little he regarded detection, and how much he
deſpiſed the refentment of the nation. For
this reafon he has pleaſed himſelf with erect-
ing palaces and extending parks, planting gar-
dens in places to which the very earth was to
be tranfported in carriages, and embracing
caſcades and fountains whofe water was only
to be obtained by aqueducts and machines,
and imitating the extravagance of oriental
monarchs, at the expence of a free people,
whom he has at once impoverished and be-
trayed." Pulteney's fpeech for his removal,
1741-2.-Gentleman's Magazine for 1743.
P. 175.
1740-1. "Some people refine fo much
as to think Sir Robert will be glad to make
himſelf fure of his great fortune, and quit, if he
can have terms that can fecure." "But if this
wonderful thing (the refignation) fhould be
brought about, Sir Robert will ftill be behind
the curtain, with an immenfe eftate, and make
it very uneafy to any miniſter."-Ducheſs of
Marlborough's Opinions, p. 109. On this
fubject the editor juftly obferves, "The vast
wealth of Sir Robert Walpole was, I remem-
ber, the cry of the day; and it feemed as if
VOL. I.
.
he had purchaſed moft of the county of Nor-
folk, and poffeffed one-half, at leaſt, of the
ſtock of the bank of England. He himfelf
faid, in a familiar way, "People call me rich,
but my brother will cut up better.”
"Taken up near Arlington-ftreet, a ſmall
memorandum book (fuppofed to be loft by a
gentleman who is packing up his awls) confift-
ing of feveral articles, particularly the follow-
ing ones:-Settled on my eldeſt fon, upon his
marriage, £. 7,000 per annum. Item-Ex-
pended on my houſe in N
and in pic-
tures. 150,000. Item-On plate and jewels,
very proper for concealment, in cafe of an
im- -t, £.160,000. Item-In houſe-
keeping, for fix years paft, at a moderate com-
putation, L. 150,000. Item-Remitted at ſe-
veral times, within theſe twelve months laft
paft, to the banks of Amfterdam, Venice, and
Genoa, £.400,000; with many other particu
lars, too tedious here to relate. If the gentle-
man who loſt it, will pleaſe to apply himfelf
to Caleb D'Anvers, of Gray's Inn, Efq.; the
faid memorandum book fhall be restored gra-
tis."-Advertiſement in the Craftſman of No-
vember 28, 1730.
"Sir Robert is gone to day to his country-
feat, loaded with the Spoils and the hatred of the
public," Cheſterfield's Letters to his Son.
5 A
his
730
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. his agents, for he narrowly eſcaped being a great fufferer in the laſt fub-
1742 to 1745. fcription, by the precipitate fall of the ftock. Some orders which he had
fent from Houghton, by Sir Harry Bedingfield, together with a lift of his
friends who wifhed to be fubfcribers, came too late to be executed; and the
delay prevented his participating in the general calamity *.
This addition fo confiderably increaſed his revenue, as fufficiently to ac-
count for his expence in building, improving, and purchafing at Houghton,
which he commenced in the following year, as well as for the acquifition of
that noble collection of pictures which coft him £.40,000, and which fold
for nearly double the original price.
During his continuance in office, he provided for his family by lucrative
offices for life Thus he was enabled to expend his private fortune,
confiderably
* Jacombe to Walpole, Aug. 27, 1720.
Orford Papers.
Walpole was not only hinfelf a confider-
able gainer by difpofing of his property in the
South Sea ftock, but he was alfo the cauſe
that the earl of Pembroke derived the fame
advantage. That nobleman having requeſted
his advice, as a perfon well verfed in affairs of
finance, whether he fhould fell out a large
fum, or wait till another opportunity? Wal-
pole anfwered, "I will only acquaint you with
what I have done myſelf, I have juſt fold out
at £. 1,000 per cent, and I am fully ſatisfied.”
The earl of Pembroke faid nothing, and re-
tired. Some years afterwards there arrived at
Houghton, a fine bronze caft of the celebrated
ſtatue of the Gladiator at Rome, it was a pre-
fent from lord Pembroke, as a teftimony of
gratitude for this advice, which he had follow-
ed, and by which he had fecurèd a very large
part of his property.
Mrs. Walpole, however, did not pay fo
much regard to the opinion of her husband,
for ſhe was ſo much infected with the general
frenzy, that in oppofition to his repeated ad-
vice, fhe retained a fum of money, which ſhe
poffeffed in her own right, in the South Sea
funds, and fuffered, by her obftinacy, in com-
mon with the other lofers. Thefe anecdotes
were communicated by lord Orford.
+ The deareſt picture in his collection, the
"Doctors," by Guido, did not coft more than
£.630.
Places of truft and profit held by Sir Robert Walpole.
1705. One of the council to the lord high admiral.
June,
1708. Secretary at war.
Jan. 21,
Treaſurer to the navy.
Oct. 5, 1714. Paymafter of the forces.
Oct. 11, 1715. Firſt lord commiffioner of the treaſury, chancellor, and under treaſurer of the
exchequer.
June 11, 1720. Paymaster of the forces.
April 3, 1721. Firft lord commiffioner of the treaſury.
May 29, 1723. Secretary of ftate, during the king's abſence.
May 7,
1740. Joint ranger of Richmond park.
Places held by or for the family of Sir Robert Walpole.
1721. Collector of the port of London, by Henry Hare and
Robert Mann, during the lives of Robert Walpole,
junior, and E. Walpole, junior, Efquires, fons of Sir
Robert Walpole. The reverfion of this place was
granted on the 28th June 1716, and came into pof-
feffion in 1721. It was held by deed of truft, at the
difpofal of Sir Robert Walpole
£.
2,000 per Annum.
April 5,
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
731
confiderably increaſed by the rife of landed property *, and his minifterial Chapter 61.
emoluments, in that profufe ftyle of living which incurred fuch unqualified
cenfure.
Thefe details of the eftate and property of Sir Robert Walpole, cannot be
deemed fuperfluous, when it is conſidered that he has been repreſented as a
needy adventurer; that he was accufed of having fquandered and appro-
priated the public money; an accufation which was advanced without proof,
believed without conviction, and is ftill credited by many who take rumours
for facts, and give unlimited faith to the rancorous affertions of party.
April 5, 1721. Robert Walpole, junior, clerk of the pells
July 21, 1725. Robert lord Walpole, ranger of Richmond Park.
Nov. 17, 1727. E. Walpole, clerk of the pleas in the court of ex-
chequer
ſecretary to the treaſury.
to the duke of Devonshire, as lord lieutenant.
Feb. 4, 1737. H. Walpole, junior, ufher of the receipt of the exche-
quer
£.
3,000 per Annum.
400
2,000
=} 500
7,000
Nov. 9, 1738.
comptroller of the great roll
Nov. 1, 1738.
clerk or keeper of the foreign eftreats
May 9, 1739. Robert lord Walpole, auditor of the exchequer
Edward Walpole, clerk of the pells, on the furrender of
Robert lord Walpole.
The fortune of Edward Walpole was only £.6,000, which he never received; that
of his fon Horace £4,000, which was not paid till 40 years after the death of his
father. The late lord Orford alſo affured me, that he never received more than
£200 from his father.
* The rental of his family eftate, which in
1700 amounted to £.2,160 a year, could not
*
be leſs at his refignation than between 4 and
L. 5,000 a year.
1742.
5 A 2
1
732
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745.
t
Orford re-
tires to
Houghton.
Returns to
London.
Motion
against him
revived.
Dec. I.
Rejected.
Orford's re-
Яections.
CHAPTER THE SIXTY-SECOND:
1743-1745.
Renewal of the parliamentary Attack on Lord Orford-Defeated.-Confulted by
the King.-His Influence in miniſterial Arrangements.-Exerts himſelf for the
Continuance of Hanoverian Troops in the British Pay.-His Speech in the Houſe
of Lords.-Goes to Houghton.-Returns to London at the King's Requeft.-
Illness.-Death.
TH
HE indemnity bill being rejected, the ex-minifter retired to Hough-
ton, and did not return to London till the next feffion of parliament,
in the public buſineſs of which he took no active ſhare.
Soon after his return to London, he experienced the inveteracy of thoſe
opponents who had not been gratified with places in the new arrangements.
Waller revived the motion for appointing a committee to inquire into the
conduct of Robert earl of Orford, during the laſt ten years, of his being firſt
commiffioner of the treaſury, and chancellor and under treaſurer of the ex-
chequer. He was feconded by Sir Watkin Williams Wynne. Although it
is ſaid that a debate took place on the fubject, I cannot find any account of
it in the periodical publications of the times, which plainly indicates that the
clamours which had been raiſed againſt the ex-miniſter no longer engaged
the popular attention. A contemporary hiftorian only obferves on this oc-
cafion, "This motion was plainly calculated to render the oppofers of it
odious; but the aim was in a great meaſure loft. The fum of the in-
quiry into the earl's domeftic management, had fallen far ſhort of the public
expectation, and the parliament was poffeffed of all the papers that could
give the neceffary lights for an inquiry into his foreign conduct. The mo-
tion, therefore, was treated as tending to divert the attention of the houſe
from the great affairs of government, and upon a divifion, was rejected by 253.
againſt 186*."
The ex-minifter feems to have felt thefe repeated aggreffions with of-
fended fenfibility, and juſt indignation. In a fragment which formed part of
an intended vindication of his conduct with refpect to the charge of pecu-
lation, he thus animadverts on this unrelenting ſpirit:
Tindal, vol. 20. p. 607. Journals,
1
“ What
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
733
"What then ſhall be faid of thefe wicked outcries and clamours, which
have fo long filled and diſtracted the nation, of public robbers, plunderers
of the public, minifters enriching themſelves with the fpoils of the people,
and all that infamous weight of calumny, detraction, and defamation, with
which the patriots have loaded the fervants of the crown, have inflamed the
minds of the populace, and for which we are told the nation are in the
higheſt expectation of obtaining national juſtice. I think offenders of this
fort, if any fuch there be, are proper objects of parliamentary juſtice, but
if none fuch are to be found, what curfe is not due to the authors of theſe
deteſtable practices! And I think the vengeance of the people ought to be
fatisfied either upon the delinquents, if any crimes can be proved, or upon
the inventors of ſuch ſcandalous reports, who have ſo vilely impoſed upon,
and deluded the people. This is common juſtice; but to that height of im-
pudence are fome men now come, as avowedly to declare it is neceſſary
that even injuſtice ſhould be done, to anſwer the unjuſt expectations which
they themſelves have raiſed in the kingdom *."
The king had, from long experience, conceived fo high an opinion of
Walpole's zeal and judgment, that he confulted him in matters of great
emergency. It does not appear that any perfonal conferences took place,
but his advice was fometimes communicated by the duke of Devonshire, and
lord Cholmondeley, fometimes by colonel Selwyn, and Ranby ſurgeon to
the houſehold. The letters which he wrote on theſe occafions were always
returned by the king, who was fcrupulouſly delicate in never retaining any
papers of fuch a nature, from apprehenfions that ill confequences might re-
fult from their future diſcovery. He was led to adopt this practice in con-
fequence of finding, among the papers of George the First, fome letters
from Sunderland, that betrayed political fecrets which ought never to have
been revealed .
I
Another mode of communication was through the king's confidential
page of the back ftairs, who uſed to meet the earl of Orford at the houfe
of Mr. Fowle, in Golden-fquare, who had married his niece, and whom he
had made commiffioner of the excife. This meeting took place in the
evening; fometimes as late as midnight. The earl of Orford uſed to come
firft; the daughters were previously ordered to retire, and the fervants were
*Correfpondence.
+ Colonel John Selwyn, aid de camp to the
duke of Marlborough, colonel of the third
regiment of foot, groom of the bedchamber
to George the Second, treaſurer to queen Caro-
4
line, and afterwards treaſurer to his prefent
majefty George the Third, when prince of
Wales.
From lord Orford.
fent
Chapter 62.
1743 to 1745.
Confulted by
the king.
734
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. fent from home under various pretences. The young ladies were inftigated
1742 to 1745. by curiofity to watch at the top of the ftairs. The houfe door was opened
by Mr. Fowle himſelf, a chair was admitted into the hall, and a little man
came out, and went up ftairs into the drawing-room, where he remained.
fome time with the earl of Orford, and went away in the fame myfterious
manner *. This man was probably Livry the king's confidential page, the
fame who more than once paid fimilar vifits to the earl of Bath.
Affifts in the
promotion of
Pelham.
Struggle in
the cabinet.
By means of this intercourſe, he induced the king to raiſe Pelham to the
head of the treaſury, and to exclude the earl of Bath.
Wilmington being in a declining ſtate of health on the king's depar-
ture for Hanover in 1743, it was expected that his death would happen be-
fore his return; and it was feared a conteft would take place between the
two parties in the cabinet, for the firſt ſeat at the treaſury board. Orford
well knew that Carteret, who was to accompany the king abroad, would
further the views of lord Bath, or attempt to place himſelf in that ſtation.
Hè, therefore, earneſtly exhorted Pelham, who had always proved himſelf
his fedfaſt friend, to apply for it before the vacancy. Pelham for ſome
time declined taking that ſtep, and was not prevailed on till after repeated
importunities, and probably infinuations from the earl of Orford, that his
folicitation alone was neceffary to infure fuccefs. Pelham át length applied,
and obtained a poſitive promiſe from the king.
While this buſineſs was in agitation, a counter intrigue took place.
Lord Bath had from experience ſeen his error in ſuppoſing that he could
direct public meaſures without holding an oftenfible place. He felt that he
was a cabinet counſellor without influence, and that few of thofe who owed
their appointments or continuance in office to him, fhewed any gratitude or
deference to their benefactor. He had declined fucceeding Sir Robert Wal-
pole in 1742, becauſe he had fo repeatedly declared, both in parliament and
in political publications, that he never would accept any place. But he
was now induced to admit that a refolution thrown out in the ardour of
debate, or advanced in party pamphlets, might be broken without ſubjecting
himſelf to the charge of inconſiſtency; yet he did not adopt this reſolution
without ſome ſtruggle.
All the members of the treaſury board entreated lord Bath to place him-
felf at their head, when the vacancy ſhould happen, as the only meaſure
which could prevent the ruin of their party. But their reprefentations were
ineffectual; he refuſed to make any application before the death of Wilming
* Family Anecdote.
+ From the bishop of Saliſbury,
1
ton.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
735
ton. On that event, which happened on the 2d of July, they renewed
their folicitations, and at length overcame his reluctance. Lord Bath an-
nounced to Carteret, the united wiſhes of the whole treaſury board, expreffed
his acquiefcence, and requeſted the place. Sir John Rufhout fent his own
valet de chambre, John George, exprefs to Germany with the diſpatch *
The meffenger was detained fix weeks at Hanau, where the king was en-
gaged in negotiating the treaty of Worms. At length no other anſwer was
returned, than that the king's determination would be ſignified by the duke
of Newcaſtle.
About the fame time that this intimation was brought, a meffenger came from
lord Carteret, announcing the appointment of Pelham to the vacant place at the
head of the treaſury. This intelligence fo greatly furpriſed the duke of
Newcaſtle, that in a letter to the lord chancellor, who was then in the coun-
try, he expreffes himſelf with marks of no leſs aſtoniſhment than fatisfaction;
boaſts of the victory over Carteret, extols the king's firmneſs, but acknow-
ledges his inability to aſcertain the cauſes of this fortunate event f.
The myſtery of this tranfaction was fo impenetrable to both parties, that
while Newcaſtle appeared to be at a lofs by what means the influence
of Carteret had been defeated, lord Bath fufpected that he was betrayed by
Carteret. But it is more than probable, that before the return of Ruſhout's
meffenger, the king had confulted the earl of Orford, who ſtrongly diffuaded
the acceptance of his rival's offer, and enforced the king's adherence to his
promife in favour of Pelham.
Chapter 62.
1743 to 1745.
Pelham firſt
lord of the
treaſury.
Auguſt 23,
privy feal.
Another ſtrong proof of the king's perfonal confideration for the fallen Lord Chof-
miniſter, appeared in December. When lord Gower refigned the privy feal, mondeley
Sir John Ruſhout again preffed lord Bath to come into office by accepting
that place. He thought that he had prevailed on him, and defired lord
Carteret to mention it to the king. But lord Bath, inſtead of applying for
it himſelf, in an audience warmly recommended the earl of Carliſle, who
thought himſelf ſo fecure of fuccefs, that he received the compliments of his
friends. The king, however, declined this requeſt, and inſtantly nominated
lord Cholmondeley, the fon-in-law to the earl of Orford.
The afcendancy of his intereft, and the decline of Bath's credit, became Other
daily more manifeft. When Rufhout was made treaſurer of the navy, his changes.
place at the treafury board was filled by Henry Fox, the inalienable ad-
* From the biſhop of Saliſbury, commu- † Auguſt 1743. Hardwicke Papers.
scicated by Sir John Rufhout.
From the bihop of Saliſbury.
herent
736
MEMOIRS OF
1
Period VIII. herent of Orford; and when Sandys was created a peer, and made cofferer of
1742 to 1745 the houſehold, Pelham united in himſelf the offices of firſt lord of the trea-
Popular dif. fury and chancellor of the exchequer.
contents.
Outcry
againſt Ha-
nover troops.
Exertions of
Orford.
When Orford arrived in London, before the opening of the feffion, he
found the nation in an alarming ferment, and the moſt inveterate diviſions
in the cabinet between the parties of Carteret and Newcaſtle. George the
Second was extremely unpopular. His partiality to the electorate, and ru-
mours of his preferring the Hanoverian to the Britiſh forces, occafioned cla-
mours no leſs general and vehement, than thoſe excited againſt William for
favouring the Dutch. The toast of "no Hanoverian king," was not un-
frequently given in large companies; and the very name of a Hanoverian
became a term of difgrace and obloquy. The popular outcry, that England
was involved in a war with France, for the fupport of German meaſures,
oppofite to her real interefts, was now as violent againſt Carteret, as the
complaints which had been urged againſt Walpole for tamenefs and pufillani-
mity, and baſe fubmiffion to the dictates of France.
Not only the members in oppofition decried the king's partiality, and op-
poſed the continuance of the Hanoverian troops in Britiſh pay, but the lead-
ing members of the cabinet difplayed equal repugnance. Newcaſtle was
violent on this head, and after enforcing the neceffity of their difmiffion, ſtig-
matifed them by the appellation of a "body of troops, whofe views have
directed our motions, and whofe fears have checked our victories *.”
In the midſt of theſe popular clamours and minifterial invectives, the king
returned from the continent, and Carteret found a large majority of the ca-
binet determined to oppoſe the continuance of the Hanoverian troops. Not-
withſtanding the indignity to the king, and chagrin to himſelf, which muft
refult from this determination, he was compelled to acquiefce. The queſtion
was therefore abandoned, and the cabinet engaged in forming other expe-
dients.
The arrival of Orford at this juncture, gave a new aſpect to the tranfac-
tions of the miniftry. He wholly diſapproved the conduct of the war, which
had made England the principal inſtead of an auxiliary on the continent;
he had reprobated the military proceedings in Flanders, which he properly
aſcribed to the fervour of Newcaſtle, eager for continental victories, and the
fubfervience of Carteret to the king's views. But the evil could not now be
remedied. He deprecated therefore fo grofs an infult to the king, without
* The duke of Newcaſtle to lord Hardwicke, November 7, 1743. Hardwicke Papers.
benefit
1
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
737
benefit to the nation. He was aware that if thefe troops were difcharged,
others muſt be ſubſtituted, which in the actual ſtate of Europe could not
eafily be found, and if found would not be attended with lefs expence. He
inſtantly remonſtrated with Pelham and the other members of the cabinet,
over whom he retained any influence, againſt the dereliction of the meaſure,
expoſed the pufillanimity of yielding to popular outcry and exaggerated ru-
mours; and he offered to frame the queſtion in fuch a manner as ſhould ren-
der it palatable, and facilitate its adoption.
Chapter 62.
1743 to 1745,
troops con-
tinued.
He never laboured any point during his own adminiſtration with more
zeal; he employed that perfonal credit and fafcinating influence which he
poffeffed in fo eminent a degree over his friends. At his requeſt, a dinner
was arranged at Sir Charles Hanbury Williams's, where he met thofe mem-
bers of the cabinet, and a few leading men of both houfes, who were averfe
to the meaſure. He enforced, with fo much energy, the neceffity of renewing Hanover
the queſtion, notwithſtanding the occurrences of the campaign, that he finally
brought them over to his opinion. In fact, it was folely owing to his exer-
tions, that the meaſure was not abandoned. He did not himſelf ſupport
it by his eloquence in the houſe of peers, but his brother Horace de-
fended it in the commons with great ability and ftrength of argument; at
the fame time, he accompanied his defence with ſo many farcaftic allufions
to the weakneſs and fubferviency of the cabinet, as to demonftrate that he
acted from no impulſe, but that internal conviction which flowed from his
own experience and his brother's fuggeſtions *.
The earl of Orford, after his refignation, had feldom appeared in the
houfe of lords, and feldomer ſpoke, having obferved to his brother Horace,
that he had left his tongue in the houfe of commons. On one occafion,
however, he fhewed that he ftill retained his former powers of eloquence.
He had given minifters repeated information of the hoftile defigns of
France, to invade this country in fupport of the Pretender; but his intelli-
gence had been difregarded and ridiculed as the effufions of difcontent,
and the remains of thofe apprehenfions of Jacobitifm, which had been
confidered by his enemies as artifices to keep the nation in continual fuf-
penfe and alarm. It appeared, however, that his intelligence was well.
founded,
On the 18th of February the king fent a meffage to both houfes, ac-
quainting them that he had received undoubted information, that the eldeſt
fon of the Pretender to his crown was arrived at Paris, who, in concert
with fome of his difaffected fubjects, was preparing to make an invation,
* Lord Hardwicke's Parliamentary Journal. Debrett's Debates.
King's mef
fage.
VOL. I.
3
B
Alld
738
MEMOIRS OF
1
Fried VIII, and was to be fupported by the French fleet then in the channel; and add-
1742 to 1745. ing, that he did not doubt their concurrence in proper meaſures to defeat
Papers com-
municated.
Speech of
Orford
the defign. Accordingly, both houfes joined in an addrefs, expreffing the
warmeft zeal and unanimity, and fignifying that they would, at the hazard of
their lives and fortunes, fupport his right and title to the kingdom in oppo-
fition to, and defiance of the Pretender and his adherents, and all other
enemies *.
On the 28th of February, Newcaſtle, by order of the king, laid before
the houſe of lords, fome letters and papers containing farther intelligence
concerning the intended invafion from France; he concluded by obfervi g
that their lord hips having already expreffed, in the addrefs of laft week,
their indignation at ſo daring and infolent an attempt, and their refolu-
tion to ſupport his majefty againſt the Pretender and his adherents, he did
not think it poffible to find words more expreffive of zeal and duty, than
were chofen on that occafion, and with which the king was fo much fa-
tisfied, that he had been pleaſed to declare his confidence in their vigour and
unanimity.
At the conclufion of his fpeech, the houfe ordered counſel to be heard in
a private cauſe, when Orford roſe from his ſeat, and with no leſs animation
than dignity, obſerved, that he had made a refolution of never troubling the
houſe, and that it was not without a very uncommon degree of grief he
found it now indifpenfably neceffary to break that refolution, fo neceffary,
that he could not, in his opinion, continue filent without a crime.
"I fincerely wiſh," he ſaid, "that my former apprehenfions concerning
France and the Pretender, for which I have been ſo often and ſo ſeverely ri-
diculed, had not been fo often and fo fully verified. But I could not eafily
have believed, that it could ever have been neceffary for me to ſpeak on an
occafion like this; that it could ever have fallen to my lot to remind your
lordſhips of the reſpect due to the perfon of our fovereign; I could not eaſily
have believed, nor could I have imagined, that the common forms of de-
cency could have been violated in this auguft affembly. It is with the
greateſt emotion and furpriſe that I fee fuch a neglect of duty. My know-
ledge of your lordships, will not fuffer me to term it by any harſher name
than that of forgetfulneſs; but fuch forgetfulneſs I have never known in my
long acquaintance with parliamentary proceedings.
"When his majefty has communicated to your lordships intelligence of
the higheſt importance, is he to receive no anſwer from the houſe? Is his
intimation to be paffed over without ceremony and without regard?
* Debrett's Parliamentary Debates from 1743 to 1745, vol. 1, p. 172.
Debrett.
Such
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
739
Such behaviour muſt doubtless arife from inconfideratenefs, for the leaft re-
flection will ſhow that it is not eaſy to treat our fovereign with leſs reſpect.
A little recollection, my lords, will foon convince you, that when his ma-
jeſty's, care and penetration have been employed for the fecurity of the public
happineſs, when, as he promiſed, he has endeavoured to obtain a more exact
account of the pernicious defigns of France; when he has made fome fur-
ther diſcoveries of them, and has fhewn his regard for our counſels, by im-
parting them to us; can we be fo undutiful, fo indecent, as not to return
an addreſs of thanks? If we do not, how will it appear that we have received
them? For this reaſon, if for no other, the noble duke ought, in my humble
opinion, to have made fome motion for that purpoſe. And certainly, my
lords, our language is not fo barren that we cannot find words to expreſs
our duty on every occafion, and teſtify our acknowledgments for every in-
ſtance of regard ſhown us by our fovereign; and although an addreſs may
appear to fome a repetition of that which has been lately preſented, yet I
cannot think it an unreaſonable or a fuperfluous repetition.
"As fuch treatment, my lords, has never been deſerved by his majeſty, fo
it has never before been practifed. And fure, my lords, if his hereditary.
council ſhould ſelect, for fuch an inſtance of diſreſpect, a time of diſtraction
and confufion; a time when the greateſt power in Europe is fetting up a Pre-
tender to his throne, and when only the winds have hindered an attempt to
invade his dominions; it may give our enemies occafion to imagine and re-
port, that we have loft all veneration for the perfon of our fovereign.
1
"I have, indeed, particular reafon to expreſs my aftoniſhment and my
uneafinefs on this occafion; I feel my breaſt fired with the warmest gratitude
to à gracious and royal maſter, whom I have ſo long ferved; my heart over-
flows with zeal for his honour, and ardour for the lafting fecurity of his illuf-
trious houfe. But, my lords, the danger is common, and an invaſion equally
involves all our happineſs, all our hopes, and all our fortunes.
"It cannot be thought confiftent with the wifdom of your lordships, to
be employed in determining private property, when fo weighty an affair as
the fecurity of the whole kingdom demands your attention; when it is
not known but at this inftant the enemy has fet foot on our coafts, is ra-
vaging our country with fire and fword, and threatening us with no leſs than
extirpation or fervitude.
"If you neglect the public fecurity, if you fuffer the declared enemies of
your name to proceed in their defigns without refiftance, where will be
your dignities, your honours, and your liberties? You will then boaft no
more of the high prerogatives of your houfe, your freedom of fpeech, and
5 B 2
Share
Chapter 62.
1743 to 1745.
1
1
740
E
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. ſhare in the legiſlature. If the enemy, my lords, ſhould obtain fucceſs, that
1742 to 1745. fuccefs which they apparently expect, and which yet they would not hope,
without ſome profpect of being joined by the difaffected part of our own
countrymen, the confequence muft be, that the perfon whom they would
place on the throne, would retain only the fhadow of a fovereign; he would
be no other than a vice-roy to the French king; and your lordſhips, who now
fit in this houſe with a dignity envied by every claſs of nobility in the world,
would then be no better than the flaves of a flave to an ambitious, arbitrary
tyrant.
Addrefs to
the king.
1
"Pardon me, my lords, if a zeal for his majeſty, for your honour and
dignities, and the ſafety of the nation, fires me with uncommon ardour. Per-
mit me to rouſe you from this lethargy, and let it not be faid, that you
fuffer any difregard to be fhewn to intimations thus important; inti-
mations fent by his majeſty, and which relate to nothing less than the pre-
ſervation of the kingdom. I hope, therefore, before you proceed to call in
the counſel for a private cauſe, you will fhew fo much regard to the great,
the univerſal, the national intereft, as to concert a proper form of addreſs to
his majeſty, that he may not appear labouring for our fafety, while we our-
felves neglect it *."
It is obferved by a perfon who was prefent at the time, that he ſpoke this
ſpeech with an emotion and ſpirit which ſhewed that it was quite unpre-
meditated, and came from his heart. It had an immediate effect; the whole
houſe ſaw the impropriety of the proceeding. The minifter confeffed his
inattention, though in a tone and manner, and with fuch expreffions, as
fhewed that he was ftung with the remark. An addrefs was immediately
drawn up by the chancellor, fimilar to that which had paffed on the 18th,
and was unanimoufly approved. The prince of Wales, ftruck with this
of the prince well-timed effufion of loyalty, quitted his feat, and taking lord Orford by
the hand, expreſſed his grateful acknowledgments. As a teſtimony of his
fatisfaction, he revoked the prohibition which prevented the family of lord
Orford from attending his levee .
Satisfaction
of Wales.
Orford goes
བ
At the cloſe of the feffion, Orford retired as ufual to Houghton, where
to Houghton. he remained under the tortures of a nephritic complaint, till he received a
fummons from the king to return to London.
Diftrefs of the
king.
At this time the king was exceedingly diftreffed and embarraffed; he was di-
vided between his inclination for Carteret, and his inability of carrying, without
The earl of Hardwicke's manufcript
journal of remarkable debates. Debrett's De-
bates, vol. 1. p. 177.
The late earl of Hardwicke.
From lord Orford.
1
the
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
741
the affiftance of the Pelhams, through both houfes, the favourite meaſure of Chapter 62.
profecuting the war with vigour in Flanders. Ever fince the refignation of 1743 to 1745.
Walpole, who had cemented the bond of union which kept the heterogene-
ous parts together, and gave ftrength to the executive government, the ad-
miniſtration had been weak and disjointed. There was no one perſon whoſe
aſcendancy in the cloſet, influence in parliament, and pre-eminence of talents,
enabled him to take a decided lead in the cabinet. Great divifions had taken
place, and given riſe to a long ſeries of cabals, between Newcaſtle and Car-
teret, which if not fuppreffed or moderated, threatened ruin both to the do-
meſtic and foreign affairs. Theſe feuds had ariſen to a height ſo alarming,.
as to neceffitate the removal of one of the contending parties.
Carteret, who on the recent death of his mother, had fucceeded to the
earldom of Granville, was ſtrenuouſly ſupported by the king, but the party
of Newcaſtle preponderated both in the cabinet and in parliament. It be-
came a great object of both parties to fecure the intereft of lord Orford, as
well from the confideration paid to his advice by the king, as from the num-
ber of members in both houfes whom he directed or influenced.
In con-
formity with this view, Newcaſtle obferves, in a letter to the chancellor; "It
is neceffary to find means of fatisfying lord Orford, and a certain number of
his friends; for without this laſt, we have no ground to ftand on, and ſhall,-
I fear, be obliged to fhew in a few months that we have not ſtrength enough
to ſupport the king's affairs, though he ſhould put them into our hands *.
Carteret adopted, as he thought, a furer method, which was to employ the
influence of the king. By his majefty's command, lord Cholmondeley wrote
to his father-in-law. He informed him that the king, after many gracious
expreffions and acknowledgments of his fervice, in regard to the queſtion.
for the continuance of the Hanover forces, requeſted his attendance a week.
or ten days before the meeting of parliament. The long experience, he
faid, of his zeal and attachment, the knowledge of his confummate judg-
ment in domeſtic affairs, the conſciouſneſs of the great weight of his opinion
and influence over fo many members in both houfes of parliament, induced the
king to require his advice and concurrence in fubjects of the higheſt import-
ance, at this critical juncture.
Feuds in the
cabinet.
Struggle be-
and
Carteret..
tween New-.
caſtle
Orford fent
for by the
king,
The anſwer was couched in the moft refpectful terms of duty and zeal. His anfwer:
After ſaying, that as the care and ftudy of his life, while he had the honour
to ferve the king, had been directed to deferve his favour and good opinion,
fo he ſhould ftill, in a private capacity, perfevere in his endeavours to merit the
* Duke of Newcastle to lord Hardwicke, November 10, 1744. Hardwicke Papers.
continuance.
742
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. continuance of his majeſty's grace and goodneſs, the only reward he had now
1742 to 1745.
to aſk for all paft or future fervices. He expreffed his intention of obeying
the king's commands by fetting out for London, as foon as his health would
permit. He hoped to arrive there before the meeting of parliament was
fettled, and the buſineſs finally adjuſted, till which time, he could be of no
uſe in recommending the meaſures to ſuch perſons as paid any regard to his
opinion. With refpect to the conduct of affairs, he declined entering into
any previous conſultation, and yet ventured, with his uſual frankneſs, to give
a decided diſapprobation to the fyftem of continental politics which had been
recently purſued. He obferved, "I am heartily forry to fee the king's
affairs reduced to fuch extremities. It has been a long time eaſy to foreſee
the unavoidable, and almoft unfurmountable difficulties that would attend
the preſent ſyſtem of politics. I wiſh to God it was as eaſy to ſhow the way
out of them. But be affured, that I will in every thing, to the utmoſt of
my power, confult and contribute to the honour, intereſt, and ſafety of the
king and kingdom *." In reply, lord Cholmondeley expreffed the king's
cordiality and fatisfaction, and enforced the neceffity of his immediate ap-
pearance, if it could be done without injury to his health.
Arrival in
London.
Illnefs.
Sufferings.
1
In this fituation of affairs he was requeſted by Pelham, and adviſed by his
brother Horace, who fuggeſted that it was a manoeuvre of Carteret, to delay
his journey, as on his arrival he would be embarraffed between the choice
of two contending parties, and might not be able to act without offending
the king. Yet although the ſtate of his health was fully fufficient to juſtify
his continuance in the country, he thought it his duty to obey the fum-
mons of the king; and left Houghton on the 19th of November. On
his arrival in London, he found the whole arrangement finally fettled, with-
out any occafion for his concurrence.. The Pelhams had formed a coalition
with the prince's friends, the Tories and oppofition Whigs, which was ludi-
crouſly called the Broad Bottom. Granville had been compelled to refign,
but carried with him the regret of the king, and ſtrong affurances of future
favour. Harrington fucceeded him as fecretary of ſtate.
But the fmiles or frowns of fovereigns, the petty intrigues of courts, the
bickerings of difcordant politics, and the arrangement of a new adminiftra-
tion were no longer objects of Orford's attention.
He had long been afflicted with the ftone. The journey from Houghton,
which he employed four days in performing, aggravated the ſymptoms, and
brought on fuch excruciating torments, that the defcription of his fufferings,
during the laſt day's journey, which was only twenty miles, filled Ranby
* The earl of Orford to lord Cholmondeley, November 17, 1744. Correfpondence.
Ranby's Narrative.
himfelf
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
743
himſelf with horror. Not finding the expected relief from regular medical affift-
ance, he had recourfe to Dr. Jurin, who adminiftered a powerful folvent, which,
contrary to the advice of his friends, the patient repeatedly took in large
quantities. The medicine diffolved the ftone, but the violence of its opera-
tion lacerated the bladder, and occafioned the moſt excruciating agonies.
His only relief was opium, and from an apprehenfion of returning pain, he
took fuch large and repeated doſes, that for fix weeks he was almoſt in a
conftant ftate of ftupefaction, except for two or three hours in the after-
noon, when he ſeemed to roufe from his lethargy, and converfe with his
ufual vivacity and cheerfulneſs.
A few days before he died, he gave an inftance that his judgment was
found and unimpaired. The duke of Cumberland having ineffectually re-
monſtrated with the king, againſt a marriage with the princefs of Denmark,
who was deformed, fent his governor, Mr. Poyntz, to confult the earl of Or-
ford, on the beſt methods which he could adopt to avoid the match. After
a moment's reflection, Orford adviſed him to give his confent to the mar-
riage, on condition of receiving an ample and immediate eſtabliſhment," and
believe me," he added," when I fay, that the match will be no longer preffed."
The duke followed his advice, and the event happened as the dying ſtateſman,
had foretold *.
He bore his fufferings with unexampled fortitude and refignation.
Ranby, his furgeon, who publiſhed a narrative of his laſt illneſs, thus ex-
preffes himſelf: "When I recollect his refigned behaviour, under the moſt
excruciating pains, the magnanimous fentiments which filled his foul, when
on the eve, feemingly, of diffolution, and call to mind the exalted expreffions
that were continually flowing from him at this fevere time of trial; however
extraordinary his natural talents, or acquired abilities were; however he had
diftinguiſhed himſelf by his eloquence in the fenate, or by his fingular judg-
ment and depth of penetration in counfels; this incomparable conftancy and
aftoniſhing preſence of mind, muft raife in my opinion as fublime ideas of
him, as any act of his life befides, however good and popular; and reflect a
renown on his name, equal to that which confecrates the memory of the re-
markable fages of antiquity."
He expired on the 18th of March 1745, in the fixty-ninth year of his
age. His remains were interred in the parish church at Houghton, without
monument or inſcription :
"So peaceful reſts without a ftone, a name
"Which once had " honours," titles, wealth, and fame."
*From lord Orford.
is given in the genealogical table, chap. L
† An account of his family and deſcendants
Pope.
Chapter 62.
1743 to 1745.
1
Confulted by
the duke of
Cumberland.
Fortitude.
Death
MEMOIRS OF
744
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745.
CHAPTER THE SIXTY-THIRD.
Principles of Walpole's Adminiftration.-Pacific System.-Finance.-Commerce.-
Public Character.
General prin-
ciple.
Preventive
meaſures.
TH
HE portrait of a Miniſter is to be traced from the hiftory of his whole
adminiſtration. Candour therefore requires that we ſhould not judge
by the ſelection of detached parts, but combine the whole in a connective fe-
ries, and referring his conduct to one grand principle of action, judge of it as
critics do of an epic poem, by comprehending, in one point of view, the be-
ginning, the middle, and the end.
Did the adminiftration of Walpole prefent any uniform principle, which
may be traced in every part, and gave combination and confiftency to the
whole? Yes. And that principle was THE LOVE OF PEACE.
The great leading features of this pacific fyftem, are thus delineated by
himfelf:
"To prevent a war, and to take the proper fteps, that may not only keep
us out of the war, but enable us to contribute towards reſtoring the public
tranquillity, is no leſs defirable, and a conduct no lefs juftifiable, than to carry
on and ſupport a war we are unhappily engaged in. If then paries cum proximus
ardet, it is as adviſable to look after ourſelves, and to prevent the flames
reaching our houſes, as it would be to extinguiſh a fire already kindled; and
if to prevent, and by proper care to avoid a cold or a fever, be eaſier, fafer, and
wifer, than to cure the diftemper, I may venture to maintain, that meaſures
tending to prevent a war, or that are preparatory to the carrying it on, if it
becomes unavoidable, are as juftifiable and as reaſonable, if neceffary, as the
fame meaſures would be in cafe of an actual war *.
"
This fame fyftem is alfo fully developed by Horace Walpole.
"This falutary plan of preventive and defenfive meafures, has been the fun-
damental rule of all his' late and prefent majefty's counfels; the rudder, by
which their actions have been fteadily and conftantly fteered, with respect to
the conduct of foreign princes and ftates: Ever cautious not to plunge their
* Some Confiderations on the Public Funds, p. 106.
faithful
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
745
faithful fubjects rafhly into a ruinous war, and equally prepared and refolved Chapter 6 3.
to protect their juft rights againſt all attempts whatfoever, fhould they be
obliged to take up arms for that purpoſe.
"Upon this principle it may be, and indeed has been neceffary to make, at
different times, defenfive alliances in conjunction with, or in oppofition to the
fame powers, as the different difpofitions and behaviour of thoſe powers
might tend to the benefit or difadvantage of this nation: And this feeming
change of conduct will appear not to have ariſen from inconftancy of temper,
or of views on our part, but from the variation of views and intentions on the
part of others *”
his oppo.
nents.
This preventive fyftem was inceffantly reprobated by his adverfaries, and Objections of
affailed with all the weapons of eloquence and wit. He was accuſed of ex-
treme folly, in laying down a ſyſtem, prudent for a petty ſtate, but very
improper for a country which had fo great a fway, and ought to take the lead
in Europe. It was ftigmatized as a fervile fubmiffion to the influence and
interefts of France. His love of peace was characterized as a temporifing
ſyſtem of expedients, a dereliction of national honour, and a pacific obſti-
nacy. He was derided for fitting out provifional fleets and pacific arma-
ments, which plunged the nation into the fame expence as an active war, while
they produced nothing but Spithead exhibitions, and Hyde Park reviews.
Allowing, however, the full effect of thefe objections, and making no
abatements for the prejudices of party, and the jealoufy of political rivalfhip,
few words are neceffary to fhew the beneficial confequences which refulted
from the general tenor of his adminiſtration. The proteftant fucceffion was efta-
bliſhed, the Jacobite faction fuppreffed; the government acquired energy on
a conftitutional bafis; and by the prevention of foreign war, domeftic tran-
quillity was fecured. Under the calm ftability of ſuch a government, public
credit flouriſhed, commerce increafed, manufactures were improved, and agri-
culture ameliorated.
Effects of this
pacific fyl
tem.
ance.
The ſtrongeſt objection which has been urged againft the minifter, is French alli-
that the general tendency of his foreign meaſures was calculated to aggran-
dize the houfe of Bourbon, and deprefs the houfe of Auftria. In examin-
ing this topic, it is neceffary to conſider the motives which induced him
to adopt this line of conduct. He was fully aware that France was the
only power which could effectually affift the Pretender; he conftantly pre-
dicted, and the prediction was verified by the event, that whenever there was
a war with France, the British crown would be fought for on British ground.
* The Interest of Great Britain fteadily puríued, p. 24.
5 C
Vol. I.
B.
746
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII.
By maintaining amity with France, during fo long a period, he broke and
1742 to 1745. difpirited the difaffected party at home, and diminiſhed the danger of an
invafion, by increafing the friends, and reducing the enemies of the new
family on the throne.
Conduct to-
wards the
Emperor.
An act of policy, however, attendant on this alliance, which none of
our hiftorians ſeem fufficiently to have appreciated, and which fhewed
great addreſs and prudence in the minifters, was, their unċeafing attention
to prevent the French from improving their fleet, or exercifing their feamen.
The care of the ſea England took upon herſelf; and Fleury was accuſed by
the French, of having been cajoled by Walpole to facrifice the marine.
If any part of Walpole's conduct fſtands peculiarly expoſed to cenfure, it
is his refuſal to affift the houſe of Auftria, when expoſed without an ally to
the united efforts of France, Spain, and Sardinia.
As there is ſcarcely any vice without its concomitant virtue, fo there is no
virtue without an alloy. His well known defire of peace, expoſed him to
be overreached by thoſe with whom he was treating, and who availed them-
ſelves of his extreme unwillingneſs to engage in hoſtilities. In fact, the mi-
niſter did not always appreciate the juft maxim, "that the diſcovery of
vehement wiſhes generally fruftrates their attainment; that too much im-
patience to conclude a treaty, gives an adverfary great advantage; that a
fort of courage belongs to negotiation, as well as to operations in the field;
and that a negotiator muft feem willing to hazard all, if he wishes to fecure
any material object *."
Nothing can juftify the deſertion of the Emperor, but the internal
fituation of the country, the fear of exciting difcontents at the eve of a
general election, and the full conviction that the Pretender would, in cafe
of a rupture, receive affiftance from France, and attempt an invafion. Nor
can it be deemed an improbable fuppofition, that ſpirited reſolutions, if adopt-
ed in 1733, would have alarmed Fleury, inclined to pacific meaſures, and fear-
ful of a rupture with England, when the French navy was almoſt annihilated,
would have compelled France to guaranty the pragmatic fanction, and thus
have averted the danger, which the houfe of Auſtria incurred on the death of
Charles the Sixth, of an irretrievable depreffion.
But peace is fo defirable for a commercial country, that much praiſe muſt
be due to the minifter even for erring, if he erred, in preferving fo great a
bleffing. And who fhall prefume to cenfure a conduct which conferred
ineſtimable advantages, while it expofed to uncertain evils; which by the
* Burke's Thoughts on a Regicide Peace.
increaſe
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
747
increaſe of trade and manufactures, the neceffary confequences of a ftable Chapter 63.
and tranquil government at home, gave to this country the finews of waf,
and enabled the greateſt war minifter* whom this country ever produced,
to make thoſe vaft and glorious efforts which terminated in the depreffion of
the houſe of Bourbon.
The oppofers of Sir Robert Walpole invariably and conftantly afferted, Hanoverian
that his adminiſtration was founded on the open and manifeft facrifice of influence.
the Britiſh glory and intereft abroad, to thofe foreign dominions, in which
it was even a condition in the act of fettlement, that we ſhould have no
concern, and which was acknowledged by the minifters themſelves to be
the touchſtone of all our negotiations at every court of Europe. But it
muſt be allowed, eyen by thoſe who ſo peremptorily advanced this affertion,
that never was the union of Hanover with Great Britain more conducive to
the real interests of this country, if its general effects, notwithstanding fome
occaſional deviations, contributed to preferve us in peace abroad.
In fact, though it cannot be denied, that German prejudices and par-
tial interefts occafionally interfered with the great concerns of England,
yet it is no leſs true, that no minifter ever made fo many, and fuch power-
ful remonftrances againſt petty Germanic fchemes.
He took all proper
opportunities of inculcating juft notions of dignity and credit. He had
even the courage to obferve to George the, Second, that the welfare of his
dominions both at home and abroad, and the felicity of Europe, depended
on his being a great king, rather than a confiderable elector.
He alſo laboured inceffantly to mitigate the effects of the rooted invete-
racy between the houſes of Brunſwick and Brandenburg. Finding the king
vehement in a refolution to commence hoftilities with the king of Pruffia,
either for enrolling troops on the territories of Hanover, or for fome inconfi-
derable acquiſition in Germany; he repreſented the danger and ill policy of
the attempt. "Will your majefty," he ſaid, "engage in an enterpriſe
which must prove no lefs difgraceful than difadvantageous ? Is not the ine-
quality of forces fo great, that Hanover will be no more than a breakfaſt to
the Pruffian army ?"
1
If we compare the uniform conduct of Walpole with the uniform conduct
of oppofition, we ſhall find that he ſtruggled with all his might for the pre-
fervation of the credit, quiet, and happineſs of the nation. They contended
for fuch proceedings as had a tendency to involve the country in all the mif-
fortunes of foreign and domeftic war.
* William Pitt, earl of Chatham.
+ Cafe of the Hanover Forces.
5 C2
While
748
MEMOIRS OF
>
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745.
Firmance.
And
While they were declaring that the nation was impoverished, the trade ruined,
the people loaded with infupportable burthens, and all farther reſources totally
cut off, they were clamouring for foreign aggreffion, which would have re-
quired additional fupplies, and increaſed the national embarraffments.
when their unceafing efforts had plunged the nation into a war, the public
foon difcovered the falfity of that affertion, fo confidently thrown out for a
number of years by Bolingbroke, and re-echoed by the members of oppofi-
tion, that the preventive and temporifing meaſures of Sir Robert Walpole
had been attended with as much expence as an active war.
For the war,
which commenced in 1739, and terminated with the peace of Aix la Chapelle
in 1749, added thirty millions to the national debt; and one year of the
German war coft more than all the preventive meaſures and pacific obftinacy
of Sir Robert Walpole during his whole adminiſtration.
As an able miniſter of finance, his merit has been generally acknowledged,
not only by his friends and admirers, but even by ſeveral of his moſt violent
opponents. No one can ſuſpect Pitt of paying a tribute of applauſe to
his memory from mean and adulatory motives; yet even he obſerved, in
the houſe of commons, that Sir Robert Walpole was a very able miniſter.
Perceiving feveral members laugh, he added, "The more I reflect on my
conduct, the more I blame myſelf for oppofing the excife bill," and con-
cluded by faying, with his ufual energy; "Let thofe who are afhamed to
confefs their errors laugh out. Can it be deemed adulation to praiſe a
miniſter who is no more?" The whole houfe feemed abaſhed, and became
filent *
}
It is unneceffary to urge any other proof of his abilities for finance, than
that confidence which, throughout his whole adminiftration, monied men
and the nation placed in the government; and that nothing created greater
alarm among them, than the apprehenfions that he would either rapidly pay
off the national debt, or reduce the intereft. This fact is an anſwer to
thoſe ſpeculative reafoners, who not adverting to the temper of the times,
and judging of paft tranfactions by prefent circumftances, indifcriminately
cenfure the minifter for not difcharging the whole public burthens, for alic-
nating the finking fund, and for oppofing Sir John Barnard's plan to reduce
the intereft of the national debt.
His financial operations have been already fo amply difcuffed in the courfe
• Communicated by Dr. Symonds, profef-
for of modern languages in the univerſity of
Cambridge, who was in the gallery of the houfe
of commons at the time.
of
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
749
of theſe memoirs *, that it is needlefs to enlarge on particular topics. The Chapter 63.
improvement, however, in the mode of borrowing by means of exchequer
bills, which I have omitted to mention, deferves particular notice. The
cuſtom was to borrow a large fum, the intereſt of which continued to
accrue till the whole fum advanced on bills was paid off, though in the in-
terval confiderable portions of the money had been paid into the exchequer.
Walpole made a reform in 1723, by which the bills were regularly taken up
as the money came in, and by this means faved an enormous charge of inte-
reſt to government .
Parfimony of the public money was one of his chief characteristics. In Public ecc-
corroboration of this fact, many inftances occur in the courſe of this work, nomy.
and diſplay him refifting expenditure, even in oppofition to the wiſhes of the
king. To this part of his conduct, the duke of Newcaſtle bore teſtimony, at
the time when he was cenfuring his meaſures in other reſpects with the greateſt
afperity. "As this is a demand of money," he fays, in a letter to lord
Hardwicke, "we fhall find Sir Robert more difficult to comply than upon
"former occafions."
ments.
The improvement of the Britiſh trade under his aufpices, is generally ac- Commercial
knowledged. Dean Tucker calls him, "the beſt commercial minifter this improve-
country ever produced §;" and it was juftly faid of him, that he found
the book of rates the worft, and left it the beſt in Europe.
The eloquence of Sir Robert Walpole was plain, perfpicuous, forcible, Eloquence
and manly, not courting, yet not always avoiding metaphorical, ornamental,
and claffical allufions; though addreffed to the reafon more than to the feel-
ings, yet on fome occafions it was highly animated and impaffioned. No de-
bater was ever more happy in quicknefs of apprehenfion, ſharpneſs of reply,
and in turning the arguments of his affailants againſt themſelves.
The tone of his voice was pleafing and melodious; his pronunciation dif
tinct and audible, though he never entirely loft the provincial accent. Hiз
ſtyle, though by no means elegant, often deficient in taſte, and fome-
times bordering on vulgarity, was highly nervous and animated, perſuaſive
and plaufible.
The force of his fpeeches refulted rather from the general weight, energy,
* See the chapters on excife, finking fund,
and reduction of intereft.
A fhort hiftory of exchequer bills, which
I found along the Orford papers, corrected
by Sir Robert Walpole, will beſt elucidate this
tranfaction. Correfpondence.
‡ Auguſt 19, 1741. Hardwicke papers.
Tucker againft Locke, p. 222.
and
750
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. and arrangement of the whole, than from the fplendour of particular parts.
1742 to 1745. He poffeffed what Horace calls lucidus ordo, a luminous arrangement of the
moſt complicated ſubjects; and a power of communicating his information
to others who were ignorant of the topics on which he treated. Even calcula-
tion in his mouth was rendered not unintereſting.
Perfons diftinguiſhed for judgment and abilities, have concurred in paying
the tribute of applauſe to his oratorical talents. Speaker Onflow commends
his ſpeech on the peerage bill, as a remarkable effort of natural eloquence and
genius*. Lord Cornbury and the duke of Argyle praiſed, in fimilar terms, his
ſpeech when he relinquiſhed the excife ſcheme; and Pitt extolled the Philippic
againſt Sir William Wyndham on the feceffion, as one of the fineſt ſpeeches
he had ever heard.
A proof of his ready eloquence, recorded by biſhop Pearce, is given in
this volume, to which I am enabled to add another. During an impor-
tant debate in the houſe of commons, he obferved that a member of oppofi-
tion who fat near him, had a written fpeech concealed in his hat, and ob-"
tained a general knowledge of the contents from occaſional glimpſes. At
the moment when the member was about to ſpeak, he rofe, and began by'
obſerving, were I a member in oppoſition, I would make uſe of theſe argu-
ments. He then recapitulated the ſpeech which he had juft caft his eyes over,
and adding, I will now reply to theſe obſervations, he refuted the arguments
in an able and maſterly manner §.
It was his cuftom to note down the heads of the leading expreffions in the
ſpeeches of oppofition, either for his own ufe, if he himſelf ſpoke, or for
the uſe of Sir William Yonge, if abſent at the beginning of the debate, who
often, through the medium of theſe memorandums ||, anſwered thofe argu
ments which he had not heard. As to himſelf, he generally fpoke extem-
pore, and without notes, except on points where figures and calculations
were neceffary. In fome inftances of great magnitude and delicacy, he put
down previouſly general heads of the arguments which he intended to adopt.
Some of theſe minutes are preferved among the Orford and Walpole Papers,
and I have availed myſelf of them in the courfe of this work.
Nor was his eloquence confined to the debates in parliament. As chan-
* Speaker Onflow's Remarks, Correfpond- fome of theſe parliamentary memorandums are
ence, Period IV.
From the late earl of Hardwicke.
+ Chapter 7.
§ From lord Orford.
preſerved. They ferve to eſtabliſh one truth,
which has been-much queſtioned and con
troverted; that the debates which were given,
in the papers and periodical publications, were,
Among the Orford and Walpole Papers, upon the whole, not unfaithful. See Preface.. ·
2
cellor
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
75%
+
cellor of the exchequer, he was called on to decide in a caufe of great Chapter 63.
difficulty and importance, between Naſh and the Eaft India company.
The barons being divided, it was his province, as chancellor, to make the
deciſion; and after a long trial, in which fix of the moſt able lawyers pleaded
on each fide for nineteen hours, he fummed up the whole, and in a
ſpeech of an hour and a half, gave his opinion and fentence with as great
ſkill, ſtrength, eloquence, and clearneſs," as if he had been bred to the law,
and had practifed no other buſineſs all his life *."
He gave to the public feveral political pamphlets, which, at the time, Publications.
were much read. His ftyle in theſe writings was popular, perfpicuous, and
familiar; not affecting ambitious ornainent, or fubtilty of argument. He
muſt have written with great eaſe and correctneſs, fince "The Confideration
concerning the Public Funds," one of the moſt difficult and complicated of
his works, was printed from the rough draught in his own hand writing. I
find
many inftances of his having reviſed, corrected, and made additions to
numerous political pamphlets, particularly to thoſe written by lord Hervey; a
proof that he paid more attention to that mode of controverſy than is uſually
imagined.
He had a ready and tenacious memory. He was remarkable for method
* Lord Hervey to Horace Walpole, No-
vember 18-29, 1735. Correfpondence.
+ Orford Papers.
It is extremely difficult to give an exact
catalogue of his political writings. The lift
publiſhed by his fon in the Royal and Noble
Authors is both defective and inaccurate, as the
late earl candidly acknowledged. I fhall here
give as accurate a lift as it has been in my
power to obtain, marking thofe with a† which
Î have not been able to procure.
The Sovereign's Anfwer to a Gloucefter-
fhire Addrefs.
A Letter to a Friend concerning the Public
Debts, particularly that of the Navy, 1710.
A State of the Thirty-five Millions men-
tioned in a Report of the Houſe of Commons,
1710.
The two laft articles are compriſed in a
publication, called The Debts of the Nation
Stated and Confidered, in four Letters, which
is printed in Somers's Tracts. The two other
letters, namely, An Eftimate of the Debts of
her Majefty's Navy, and A Brief Account of
the Debts provided for by the South Sea Act,
and
1712, have likewife been afcribed to Sir Ro-
bert Walpole; but as it appears to me, without
fufficient foundation.
Four Letters to a Friend in North Britain,
upon the publiſhing the Trial of Dr. Sache-
verel, 1710.
A Pamphlet on the Vote of the Houſe of
Commons, with relation to the Allies not
furniſhing their Quota.
A fhort Hiftory of the Parliament, 1713. A
new edition of this pamphlet, from party mo-
tives, was given by Almon in 1763, under the
title of "A Short Hiftory of that Parliament
which committed Sir Robert Walpole to the
Tower, expelled him the Houſe of Com-
mons, and approved of the infamous Peace of
Utrecht. It was preceded by an advertiſe-
ment, which ſpeaks of Sir Robert Walpole as
a minifter who had faithfully ferved the crown
five and twenty years.
Thoughts of a Member of the Lower Houſe,
in relation to a Project for reftraining and
limiting the Power of the Crown in the fur-
ther Creation of Peers, 1719.
*The South Sea Scheme confidered, 1720.
Some
752
MEMOIRS OF
Diſpatch of
bufiness.
Period VIII. and diſpatch in tranfacting bufinefs. Cheſterfield, who did not love him,
3742 to 1745 pays an eulogium to this quality: "The hurry and confufion of the duke
of Newcaſtle, do not proceed from his buſineſs, but from his want of method
in it. Sir Robert Walpole, who had ten times the bufinefs to do, was never
ſeen in a hurry, becauſe he always did it with method *." And lord Hervey
characteriſes him by obferving, that " he did every thing with the ſame eaſe
and tranquillity as if he was doing nothing."
In 1723, he united the office of fecretary of state to his other employments,
and in addition to the internal government of the kingdom, the whole cor-
refpondence on foreign affairs devolved on him. During the illneſs of Sir
William Strickland, which rendered him incapable of occupation, Walpole
tranfacted all the bufinefs of fecretary at war, although it was the middle of
a feffion of parliament.
It is moſt remarkable, that notwithſtanding his entenſive correſpondence,
he feems feldom to have employed a fecretary. I have never found one letter
which was not wholly written in his own hand; and I am fully convinced, that
all the copies in the Hardwicke Collection, were taken from originals in his
own writing.
It is alſo no leſs remarkable, that he was in the habit of tranſcribing whole
letters, that he conſtantly noted the fubftance of the foreign correfpondence,
and made numerous extracts from the diſpatches of foreign minifters, which
would lead a perfon not acquainted with his multifarious occupations,
to conjecture that he ftudied nothing but foreign affairs, while he was pe-
tulantly reproached by thoſe who witneffed the invariable attention which
he paid to the internal governrnent of the country, for his ignorance of fo-
reign tranſactions. The Orford and Walpole Papers abound with numerous
extracts and memorandums, which prove his indefatigable exertions.
When the validity of the patent of collector of the cuſtoms, which he
had fecured for the benefit of his family, was difputed, all the briefs for
Some Confiderations concerning the Public
Revenues, and the Annual Supplies granted
by Parliament, occafioned by a late Pamphlet,
intituled, An Enquiry into the Conduct of our
Domeſtic Affairs, from the Year 1721 to
Chriſtmas 1733 1735:
The late earl of Orford enumerates among
his father's works, a letter from a foreign mi-
niſter in England, to M. Pettekum, 1710. I
have reaſon to think this pamphlet was not
written by Sir Robert Walpole, as it is a vin-
dication of the Tories. Probably he might
have written an anfwer. On mentioning this.
circumſtance to the earl of Orford, he candidly
acknowledged that he might have been mif
taken. See Royal and Noble Authors, Article,
Earl of Orford.
* Lord Cheſterfield's Letters to his Son,
Letter 309.
†
October 31, 1735. Correfpondence.
his
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
753
1
his counfel were drawn up by himfelf*. Murray, who was employed as
counſel, in behalf of Madame la Neve, whofe caufe Orford warmly fupported
in the houſe of lords, faid of him, that he never met with any man with a
clearer head and more perfpicuous method of arranging his ideas †.
Chapter 63.
The great principle on which Walpole conducted himſelf, feems to have Diflike of in-
been his favourite motto, quieta non movere, not to diſturb things at reſt. He novation.
rightly judged, from the temper of man, ever inclined to fpeculation, that too
frequent innovations would beget a proneness to change, and expoſe the
country to great and certain dangers. An inftance of his adherence to this
principle, is recorded by one of his contemporaries. Soon after the excife
fcheme, Sir William Keith, who had been deputy governor of Virginia, came
over with a plan of an American tax. Sir Robert Walpole being afked
by lord Cheſterfield what he thought of Sir William's project, replied, “ I
have old England fet againſt me, and do you think I will have new England
likewife." But although he followed in general this true and wife prin-
ciple, yet he by no means feems to have deferved the cenfure paffed upon
him in common with the other minifters: "That if any political ſyſtem
"was invariably adhered to during the reign of George the Second, the pur-
port of it appears to have been to leave things as they were, or to check
any attempt which might be made to innovation, or even to inquiry §."
His whole fyftem was a fyftem of gradual improvement: it is only
neceſſary to caſt a fuperficial glance over the regulations in commerce,
finance, and juriſprudence, which took place during his adminiſtration, to be
convinced of this truth.
66
KC
The fate of Sir Robert Walpole's character as a minifter has been ex-
tremely fingular. While he was in power, he was reviled with unceafing ob-
loquy, and his whole conduct arraigned as a maſs of corruption and political
depravity. But he himſelf lived to ſee the propriety of his preventive mea-
fures acknowledged by the public. As time foftened the afperities of per-
fonal animofity, and as the ſpirit of party fubfided, there was fcarcely one of
his opponents who did not publicly or privately retract their unqualified
cenfures, and pay a due tribute to the wifdom of the general principles
which guided his adminiſtration. Impartial poſterity has done ftill greater
juſtice to the memory of a ſtateſman, who, whatever might have been his
public or private defects, maintained his country in tranquillity for a
longer period, than had been experienced fince the reign of James the
Firft.
* Etough.
+ From the earl of Orford.
From the late earl of Hardwicke, com-
VOL. I.
municated by lord Cheſterfield. Hardwicke
Papers.
§ Sinclair, vol. 2. p. 24.
5 D
I fhall
754
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII.
I fhall cloſe this ſketch of Walpole's public character in the words of a
1742 to 1745. celebrated writer, who alone feems to have fairly appreciated his merits and
fcanned his defects..
Character by
Burke.
"He was an honourable man, and a found Whig. He was not, as the
Jacobites and difcontented Whigs of his own time have reprefented him,
and as ill informed people ftill reprefent him, a prodigal and corrupt minifter.
They charged him, in their libels and feditious converfations, as having firſt
reduced corruption to a ſyſtem. Such was their cant. But he was far from
governing by corruption. He governed by party attachments. The charge
of fyftematic corruption is lefs applicable to him, perhaps, than to any mi-
nifter who ever ſerved the crown for fo great a length of time. He gained
over very few from the oppofition. Without being a genius of the firſt claſs,
he was an intelligent, prudent, and ſafe minifter. He loved peace; and he
helped to communicate the fame difpofition to nations at leaſt as warlike
and reſtleſs as that in which he had the chief direction of affairs. Though
he ferved a mafter who was fond of martial fame, he kept all the eſtabliſh-
ments very low. The land tax continued at two fhillings in the pound for
the greater part of his adminiſtration. The other impofitions were moderate.
The profound repofe, the equal liberty, the firm protection of juſt laws,
during the long period of his power, were the principal caufes of that prof-
perity which took fuch rapid ftrides towards perfection; and, which fur-
niſhed to this nation, ability to acquire the military glory which it has fince
obtained, as well as to bear the burthens, the cauſe and conſequence of that
warlike reputation. With many virtues, public and private, he had his
faults; but his faults were fuperficial. A careleſs, coarſe, and over familiar
ſtyle of diſcourſe, without fufficient regard to perfons or occafions, and an
almoft total want of political decorum, were the errors by which he was moft
hurt in the public opinion, and thofe through which his enemies obtained
the greateſt advantage over him. But juſtice muſt be done. The prudence,
fteadineſs, and vigilance of that man, joined to the greateft poffible lenity
in his character and his politics, preferved the crown to this royal family;
and with it, their laws and liberties to this country *.
Burke's Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, p. 63.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
755
CHAPTER THE SIXTY-FOURTH.
Chapter 64.
Private Character of Sir Robert Walpole.-Perfon.-Difpofition.-Manners.-
Social Qualities.-Neglect of Men of Letters.-Conduct in Parliament.
STR
.
IR ROBERT WALPOLE was tall and well proportioned, and in his Perfon.
youth and opening manhood fo comely, that at the time of his mar-
riage he and his wife were called the handſome couple, and among the
knights who walked in proceffion at the inftallation of the garter, in
1725, he was, next to the duke of Grafton and lord Townſhend, moſt
diſtinguiſhed for his appearance. As he advanced in years he became ex-
tremely corpulent and unwieldy. His countenance does not feem to have
been remarkable, for ftrong traits. The features were regular; when he
fpoke, and particularly when he fmiled, his phyfiognomy was pleafing,
benign, and enlightened his eye was full of fpirit and fire, and his brow
prominent and manly.
:
·
His ſtyle of dreſs was ufually plain and fimple; a circumftance which Dress.
was not overlooked by the Craftſman, who thus holds him up to ridicule:
"There entered a man dreffed in a plain habit, with a purfe of gold in his
hand. He threw himfelf forward into the room in a bluff ruffianly manner,
a fmile, or rather a fneer upon his countenance *." His addrefs was fo frank Addreſs.
and open, his converfation fo pleafing, and his manner fo fafcinating, that
thoſe who lived with him in habits of intimacy adored him, thoſe who faw
him occafionally loved him, and even his moft bitter opponents could not
hate him. One of thefe did not heſitate to fay of him, "Never was a
man in private life more beloved: And his enemies allow no man did
ever in private life deferve it more. He was humane and grateful, and a
generous friend to all who he did not think would abufe that friendſhip.
This character naturally procured that attachment to his perfon, which has
` been falfely attributed folely to a corrupt influence and to private intereſt;
but this fhewed itſelf at a time when theſe principles were very faint in
their operation, and when his ruin feemed inevitable †.”
*N 16,
}
+ Faction Detected, p. 62.
5 D 3
Good
756
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. Good temper and equanimity were his leading characteristics, and the
1742 to 1745. placability imprinted on his countenance was not belied by his conduct,
Of this difpofition, his generous rival, Pulteney, thought fo highly, that
in a converfation with Johnfon, he faid, "Sir Robert was of a temper fo
calm and equal, and fo hard to be provoked, that he was very fure he never
felt the bittereft invectives againſt him for half an hour*.'
Temper.
Affability.
Gaiety.
Converfa-
tion.
Manners.
His deportment was manly and decifive, yet affable and condefcending;
he was eafy of accefs; his manner of beftowing a favour heightened the
obligation; and his manner of declining was fo gracious that few perfons
went out of his company difcontented.
Among thoſe parts of his convivial character which have attracted atten-
tion, his laugh is noticed for fingular gaiety and heartiness. His fon
familiarly obſerved to me, "It would have done you good to hear him
laugh." Sir Charles Hanbury Williams fays of him that he "laugh'd the
heart's laugh." Nicholas Hardinge elegantly noticed its peculiarity," pro-
prioque vincit feria rifu."
His converfation was fprightly, animated, and facetious, yet occafionally
coarſe and vulgar, and too often licentious to an unpardonable degree.
In company with women he affumed an air of gallantry, which even in
his younger days was ill-fuited to his manner and character, but in his latter
years was totally incompatible with his age and figure. He affected in his
converſation with the fex a trifling levity; but his gaiety was rough and
boisterous, his wit too often coarſe and licentious.
If we may believe lord Cheſterfield, who knew him well, but whoſe pen
was dipped in gall when he drew his character, "His prevailing weakneſs
was to be thought to have a polite and happy turn to gallantry, of which
he had undoubtedly lefs than any man living; it was his favourite and fre-
quent fubject of converfation; which proved, to thoſe who had any penetra-
tion, that it was his prevailing weakneſs, and they applied to it with fuc-
cefs t." Pulteney alſo faid of him, "A writer who would tell him of his
ſucceſs in his amours, would gain his confidence in a higher degree than
one who commended the conduct of his adminiftration." To this foible
* Hawkins's Life of Johnſon, p. 314.
+ Lord Cheſterfield's Letters to his Son, 1. 97.
A proper Reply to a late fcurrilous Libel, p. 8.
alfo
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
757
alfo a poetafter, after ſpeaking of him under the name of Sir Robert Brafs, Chapter 64.
alludes,
1
66
Nay, to divert the fneering town,
Is next a general lover grown,
"Affects to talk of his amours,
"And boaſts of having ruin'd ſcores,
"While all who hear him bite the lip,
"And ſcarce with pain their laughter keep *."
This foible he ſhared in common with many able men, and parti-
cularly with cardinal Richelieu, who piqued himſelf more on being a man
of gallantry than on being a great minifter. It is fome confolation for
perfons of inferior abilities, that men of ſuperior talents are not exempt
from the infirmities of human nature, and it is no uncommon circum-
ftance, to prefer flattery on thoſe points in which we wish to excel, to
juſt praiſe for thofe in which we are known to excel.
nefs.
He is justly blamed for a want of political decorum, and for deriding Unreferved-
public fpirit, to which Pope alludes,-
"Would he oblige me! let me only find,
"He does not think me, what he thinks mankind."
Although it is not poffible to juſtify him, yet this part of his conduct has
been greatly exaggerated. The political axiom generally attributed to him,
that all men have their price, and which has been ſo often repeated in verſe
and profe, was perverted by leaving out the word thofe. Flowery oratory
he defpifed; he afcribed to the interefted views of themſelves or their rela-
tives, the declarations of pretended patriots, of whom he faid, "All thoſe
men have their price," and in the event, many of them juftified his obferva-
tion. No man was more ready to honour and do juftice to fincerity and
confiftency. He always mentioned his friend the duke of Devonshire in
terms of the higheſt affection and refpect, and even applauded the uniform
conduct of one of his conſtant opponents. "I will not fay," he obſerved,
"who is corrupt, but I will fay who is not, and that is Shippen."
His own conduct fufficiently belied the axiom erroneouſly imputed to Confiftency.
* Sir Robert Brafs. A Poem.
† From lord Orford and the late lord John Cavendish.
him.
}
758
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII. him. He was confiftent and uniform, never deviating in one fingle in-
1742 to 1745. ftance from his attachment to the proteftant fucceffion. He was neither
awed by menaces or fwayed by corruption; he held one line of conduct with
unabating perfeverance, and terminated his political career with the fame fen-
timents of loyalty which diftinguiſhed his outfet.
Profufion.
Hofpitality.
He was naturally liberal, and even prodigal. His buildings at Houghton
were more magnificent than fuited his circunftances, and drew on him
great obloquy. He felt the impropriety of this expenditure, and on
feeing his brother's houfe at Wolterton, expreffed his wishes that he had
contented himſelf with a fimilar ftructure *. The following anecdote
alfo fhows that he regretted his profufion: Sitting by Sir John Hynde
Cotton, during the reign of queen Anne, and in allufion to a fump-
tuous houſe which was then building by Harley; he obferved, that to con-
ftruct a great houſe was a high act of imprudence in any minifter. After-
wards, when he had pulled down the family manfion at Houghton, and
raifed a magnificent edifice, being reminded of that obfervation by Sir
John Hynde Cotton, he readily acknowledged its juftnefs and truth,
but added, "Your recollection is too late, I wish you had reminded
me of it before I began building, it might then have been of ſervice to
me."
His ftyle of living was confonant to the magnificence of his manfion. He
had ufually two annual meetings at Houghton, the one in the fpring, to
which were invited only the moſt ſelect friends and the leading members of the
cabinet, continued about three weeks. The fecond was in autumn, towards
the commencement of the fhooting feafon. It continued fix weeks or two
months, and was called the congrefs. At this time Houghton was filled with
company from all parts. He kept a public table, to which all gentlemen
in the county found a ready admiffion.
The expences of thefe meetings have been computed at £. 3,000. No-
thing could be more ill-judged than the enormous profufion, except the
company for which it was made. The mixed multitude confifted of his
friends in both houfes, and of their friends. The noife and uproar, the
waſte and confuſion were prodigious. The beft friends of Sir Robert Wal-
pole in vain remonftrated against this fcene of riot and mifrule. As the mi-
nifter himſelf was fond of mirth and jollity, the conviviality of their meet-
ings was too frequently carried to excefs, and lord Townſhend, whoſe
dignity of deportment and decorum of character revolted againſt theſe
* From lord Walpole.
9
From the late Sir John Hynde Cotton.
fcenes
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
759
1
}
1
fcenes, which he called the Bacchanalian orgies of Houghton, not un-
frequently quitted Kainham during their continuance. But notwith-
ftanding thefe cenfures, and the impropriety of fuch conduct, it un-
doubtedly gained and preferved to the minifter numerous adherents, who
applauded a mode of living fo analogous to the fpirit of ancient hof-
pitality.
Chapter 64.
edneſs.
This profufion would have been highly difgraceful had it been attended Difintereft-
with a rapacious difpofition. On the contrary, he gave many inftances of
careleſſneſs and difregard of his private fortune. He expended £.14,000
in building a new lodge in Richmond park *, and when the king, on the
death of Bothmar, in 1738, offered him the houſe in Downing-ſtreet, he re-
fufed it as his own property, but accepted it as an appendage to the office
of chancellor of the exchequer.
He was, from his early youth, fond of the diverfions of the field, and re- Love of field
tained this tafte till prevented by the infirmities of age. He was accuftomed fports.
to hunt in Richmond park with a pack of beagles. On receiving a packet
of letters he uſually opened that from his game-keeper firſt; and he was fond
of fitting for his picture in his fporting drefs. He was, like chancellor Oxen-
ftiern, a found fleeper, and ufed to fay, "that he put off his cares with
his cloaths.'
99
ties.
His focial qualities were generally acknowledged. He was animated and Social quali
lively in converfation, and in the moment of feftivity realiſed the fine eulo-
gium which Pope has given of him,-
"Seen him, I have, but in his happier hour
"Of focial pleaſure, ill-exchang'd for power;
"Seen him, uncumber'd with the venal tribe,
"Smile without art, and win without a bribe."
Epilogue to the Satires.
men of let-
ters.
To the virtues of Sir Robert Walpole I fcel regret in not being able to Neglect of
add that he was the patron of letters and the friend of fcience. But he un-
queſtionably does not deferve that honourable appellation, and in this in-
flance his rank in the Temple of Fame is far inferior to that of Halifax,
Oxford, and Bolingbroke, It is a matter of wonder that a minifter who
had received a learned education, and was no indifferent fcholar, fhould
have paid fuch little attention to the mufes. Nor can it be denied, that this
* From loa Cnord.
+ From lord Walpole.
neglect
760
MEMOIRS OF
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745.
neglect of men of letters, was highly diſadvantageous to his adminiftra-
tion, and expoſed him to great obloquy. The perfons employed in juſti-
fying his meaſures, and repelling the attacks of the oppofition, were by
no means equal to the taſk of combating Pulteney, Bolingbroke and Chef-
terfield, thofe Goliahs of oppofition; and the political pamphlets written in
his defence, are far inferior in humour, argument, and ſtyle, to the publi-
cations of his adverfaries.
Pope has ably fatirized the herd of political writers employed by the
minifter, firſt in the epilogue to the Satires, and in the Dunciad,-
&
"Next plung'd a feeble, but a deſperate pack,
"With each a fickly brother at his back:
"Sons of a day! juſt buoyant on the flood,
"Theſe number'd with the puppies in the mud,
"Afk ye their names? I could as foon diſcloſe,
"The names of thefe blind puppies as of thoſe,
"Faſt by, like Niobe, (her children gone)
"Sits mother Oſborne, ſtupify'd to ſtone!
"And monumental brafs this record bears,
Theſe are,
ah, no, theſe were the gazetteers !"
But that he did not wholly neglect literary merit, appears from the grate-
ful ſtrains of the author of the Night Thoughts, for whom he procured a
penfion from George the Firſt, and which was increaſed at his ſuggeſtion
by George the Second, to £. 200 a year, at that time no inconfiderable re-
ward.
At this the muſe ſhall kindle, and aſpire :
My breaſt, O Walpole, glows with grateful fire,
The ſtreams of royal bounty, turn'd by thee,
Refreſh the dry remains of poefy.
My fortune fhews, when arts are Walpole's care,
What flender worth forbids us to deſpair:
Be this thy partial fmile from cenfure free;
"Twas meant for merit, though it fell on me *.
The truth is, Sir Robert Walpole did not delight in letters, and always-
confidered poets as not men of buſineſs. He was often heard to ſay, that
Young's Inftalment, addreffed to Sir Robert Walpole.
they
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
76€
they were fitter for ſpeculation than for action, that they trufted to theory,
rather than to experience, and were guided by principles inadmiffible in
practical life. His opinion was confirmed by the experience of his own
time. Prior made but an indifferent negotiator; his friend Steele was wholly
incapable of application, and Addiſon a miferable fecretary of ſtate. He
was fo fully impreffed with thefe notions, that when he made Congreve
commiffioner of the cuſtoms, he ſaid, "You will find he has no head for
bufinefs."
Low perfons were employed by government, and profufely paid, fome of
whom not unfrequently propagated in private converfation, and even in
public clubs, diſadvantageous reports of the miniſter, and declared that
high rewards induced them to write againſt their real fentiments. Several
known diffeminators of infidelity, were engaged to defend his meaſures.
Many warm remonftrances were frequently made by the miniſter's friends
againſt employing fuch low mercenaries, but ufually difregarded. Some
of theſe infignificant writers had frequent acceſs to him. Their delufive
and encouraging accounts of perfons and things, were too often more
credited, than the fincere and free intimations of thoſe who were more
capable of giving accurate information. But this feems an error too com-
mon in miniſters: they prefer favourable accounts to diſmal truth, and
readily believe what they wish to be true.
Chapter 64.
retirement.
It is a natural curiofity to inquire into the behaviour and occupations of Conduct in
a miniſter retired from buſineſs, and diveſted of that power which he had
long enjoyed. Thoſe who admired his talents, while he fwayed fenates and
governed kingdoms, contemplate him," in their mind's eye," enjoying
his retreat with dignity, and paffing his leiſure hours with calmnefs and
complacency. Yet nothing in general is more unfatisfactory than fuch an in-
quiry, or more illuſive than ſuch a preconceived opinion. The well-known
faying, that "no man is a hero to his valet de chambre," may be applied
with ftrict juſtice to this cafe. Sir Robert Walpole experienced the truth
of the obfervation, that a fallen minifter is like a profeffed beauty, who has
loft her charms, and to whom the recollection of paft conquefts, but poorly
compenfates for prefent neglect.
Though he had not forgotten his claffical attainments, he had little taſte
for literary occupations. He once expreffed his regret on this fubject to Fox,
who was reading in the library at Houghton. "I with," he ſaid,
" I took
as much delight in reading as you do, it would be the means of alleviating
many tedious hours in my prefent retirement; but to my misfortune I derive
VOL. I.
5 E
no
}
762
MEMOIRS OF
1742 to 1745.
Period VIII. no pleaſure from fuch purſuits."-On another occafion, he faid to his fon
Horace, who, with a view to amufe him, was preparing to read fome
hiftorical performance, "O! do not read hiftory, for that I know muſt
be falfe *"
His principal amuſement confifted in planting, obferving the growth of his
former plantations, and in feeing his fon Horace arrange the fine collection
of pictures at Houghton. He had a good taſte for painting, and his ob-
fervations on the ftyle of the refpective mafters were ufually judicious.
A letter which he wrote from Houghton to general Churchill, in 1743,
was much admired, as indicating a love of retirement, and contempt of paſt
grandeur. Yet this letter ftrikes me in a contrary light; it proves that he
was weary of that repoſe which he affected to praife; and that he did not, as
much as he profeffed, tafte the charms of the inanimate world. The trite
obfervation, that the beeches do not deceive, proves either that he regretted
the times that were paft, or that with all his penetration, he had not, when in
power,
made a juſt eſtimate of the deceitfulneſs and treachery of dependents
and courtiers. Houghton had been either the temporary place of retire-
ment from public buſineſs, or the ſcene of friendly intercourfe and convivial
jollity, and neglect rendered it comparatively a iolitude. He faw and felt
this deſertion with greater fenfibility than became his good ſenſe; but in the
*From lord Orford.
Earl of Orford to general Churchill,-
Houghton, June 24th 1743.
Dear Charles,
*
This place affords no news, no ſubject of
entertainment, or amufement, for fine men
of wit and pleafure about town, underftand
not the language, and tafte not the pleaſure
of the inanimate world. My flatterers here
are all mutes. The oaks, the beeches, the
chefnuts, feem to contend which best fhall
pleaſe the lord of the manor. They cannot
deceive, they will not lie. I in fincerity
admire them, and have as many beauties,
about me as fill up all my hours of dangling,
and no dfgrace attends me from 67 years of
age. Within doors we come a little nearer to
real life, and admire, upon the almoft fpeaking
canvafs, all the airs and graces which the
proudest ladies can boaft. With theſe I am
fatisfied, as they gratify me with all I wifh, and
all I want, and expect nothing in return, which
I cannot give.
If thefe, dear Charles, are any temptations, I
heartily invite you to come and partake of
them. Shifting the fcene has fometimes its
recommendation, and from country fare, you
may poffibly return with a better appetite to
the more delicate entertainments of a court
life.
Since I wrote the above, we have been fur-
prifed with the good news from abroad. Too
much cannot be faid of it. It is truly matter
of infinite joy, becauſe of infinite confequence.
I am, dear Charles,
Your's most affectionately, Orford.
This letter is here printed froin a copy
kindly communicated by lord Calthorpe, who
found it among his family papers. His lord-
fhip's grandfather, Sir Henry Gough, baronet,
was neighbour to Sir Robert Walpole, at Chel-
fea, and was in habits of intimacy with him.
It is printed in the Gentleman's Magazine for
1743, with many errors, which are rectified
in this copy.
An elegant imitation of this
letter in Latin verfe is given in the correfpon-
dence.
The battle of Dettingen.
calm
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
763
B
calm and folitude of total retirement, ſuch diſagreeable reflections occur often
and fink deep. The feafon of natural gaiety was irrecoverably paſt, he la-
boured under a painful diftemper; the ill-afforted marriage of his eldeſt fon,
and embarraſſed fituation of his own affairs preyed on his mind, and in-
creaſed his dejection.
This ftate of mind was natural. Every circumftance muſt have ap-
peared unintereſting to a man, who from the twenty-third year of his age,
`had been uniformly engaged in fcenes of political exertion, who, from the
commencement of his parliamentary career, had paffed a life of unremitting
activity, and made a confpicuous figure in the fenate, and in the cabinet.
neous.
To him who had directed the helm of government in England, and whofe
decifions affected the interefts of Europe in general, all fpeculative opinions
muſt have appeared dull. To him who had drawn all his knowledge and
experience from practice, all theory muſt have appeared trifling or erro-
He who had fathomed the fecrets of all the cabinets of Europe,
muſt have confidered hiſtory as a tiffue of fables, and have fmiled at the folly
of thofe writers, who affected to penetrate into ftate affairs, and account for
all the motives of action. He who had long been the difpenfer of honours
and wealth, muſt have perceived a wide difference between the cold expref-
ſions of duty and friendſhip, and the warm effufions of that homage which
felf-intereft and hope infpire in thoſe who court or expect favours. He muft
have been diveſted of human paffions, had he not experienced fome mortifica-
tion in finding, that he had been indebted to his fituation for much of that
obfequious regard which he had fondly thought was paid to his perfonal
qualities.
I ſhall conclude this ſketch of his private character, with a portrait, drawn
from the life, by his friend Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, in an epiſtle to
Henry Fox.
But ORFORD's felf, I've feen, whilft I have read,
Laugh the heart's laugh, and nod the approving head.
Pardon, great ſhade, if duteous on thy hearſe,
I hang my grateful tributary verfe.
If I who follow'd thro' thy various day,
Thy glorious zenith, and thy bright decay;
Now ftrew thy tomb with flowers, and o'er thy urn,
With England, Liberty, and Envy, mourn.
His foul was great, and dar'd not but do well;
His noble pride ftill urg'd him to excel,
Chapter 64.
Above
764
Period VIII.
1742 to 1745.
MEMOIRS OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
Above the thirſt of gold-if in his heart
Ambition govern'd, avʼrice had no part.
A genius to explore untrodden ways,
Where prudence fees no track, nor ever ſtrays;
Which books and ſchools in vain attempt to teach,
And which laborious art can never reach.
Falfhood and flattery, and the tricks of court,
છ
He left to ſtateſmen of a meaner fort:
Their cloaks and fmiles were offer'd him in vain :
His acts were juſtice, which he dar'd maintain,
His words were truth, that held them in difdain.
Open to friends, but e'en to foes fincere,
Alike remote from jealoufy and fear;
Tho' Envy's howl, tho' Faction's hifs he heard,
Tho' ſenates frown'd; tho' death itſelf appeared;
Camly he view'd them; confcious that his ends
Were right, and truth and innocence his friends.
Thus was he form'd to govern, and to pleaſe ;
Familiar greatneſs, dignity with eaſe,
Compos'd his frame, admir'd in every ſtate,
In private amiable, in public great;
Gentle in power, but daring in difgrace;
His love was liberty, his wifh was peace.
Such was the man that fmil'd upon my lays;
And what can heighten thought or genius raiſe,
Like praiſe from him whom all mankind muſt praiſe ?
Whofe knowledge, courage, temper, all furpris'd,
Whom many lov'd, few hated, none defpis'd.
}
}
{
UNIV. OF MICHIGAN,
MAN 8 1912
INDEX.
!
INDE X.
A.
ABJURATION, act of, ftrong debates
upon the claufes of, 15.
A of fettlement, brief hiftory of, 8.-Is ex-
tended to the houfe of Hanover, 9.
Addifon, Mr. is appointed fecretary of ſtate, 107.
-defends the peerage bill, 118.
Aiflabie, Mr. introduces and fupports the propo-
fals of the South Sea company, in the houſe
of commons, 128.—How far concerned in
that buſineſs, 149.-Is involved in the pu-
nifhment of the directors, 150.-His profe-
cution by the houſe of commons, 152.
Aland, the object of the congreſs at, defeated by
the death of Charles XII. of Sweden, 160.
Alberoni, cardinal, the Spaniſh minifter, his dan-
gerous intrigues, 113.-Is difmiffed, 115.
Alexander VI. pope, invefts Ferdinand the Ca-
tholic with an exclufive right to America,
557.
Amalia, daughter of the countefs of Platen, ne-
gotiation for her marriage with the count de
St. Florentin, fon of the marquis de la Vril-
liere, 180.-Is married to him, 192.
America, exclufive claim of the Spaniards to the
poffeffion of, 557-Treaties with England
refpecting the British poffeffions there, ibid.
-The English trade with the Spaniſh fettle-
ments, connived at by Spain, 558.-Hiftory
of the affiento contract, 559.-Difputes be-
tween the two nations concerning illicit trade,
560. And the limits of Georgia, 561-Me-
inorial of the British merchants, 562.-War
declared against Spain, 617.
Anne, daughter of James II. and princefs of Den-
mark, concurs in the act of fettlement, 8.-
Birth and death of the duke of Glouceſter, 9.
-Artful conduct of king William toward
her, 10.-Succeeds to the crown, 18.-Her
VOL. I.
Whig miniftry removed, and fucceeded by
Tories, 26.-Difgufts the duke of Marlbo-
rough, 29.-Forms intentions in favour of
the Pretender, 46.-Alarming ſtate of affairs
at the time of her death, 50.
Anfon, commodore, his expedition to the South
Sea, 636.
Argyle, duke of, removed by the king, from the
houſehold of George prince of Wales, 79.-
Biographical anecdotes of, 610.-His oppofi-
tion politics, 613.-His principles fluctuating,
614.-Character of his oratory, 615.—Ar-
raigns the conduct of the Spanish war, 642.-
Heads the Tories and Jacobites in oppofition to
Pulteney's arrangements on the removal of Sir
Robert Walpole, 703. His difcontented
ſpeech at the meeting at the Fountain tavern,
703.-Is made mafter-general of the ordnance,
707.-Refigns, 716.
Affiento Contract with Spain, its origin and na-
ture, 127.-Hiftory of, 559.
Atterbury, bifhop, brief memoirs of his life, 166.
-The firſt intimation of his plot, 168.-Bill
of pains and penalties againſt him, 169.-His
popularity, 170.-Inftances of lenity toward
him, 171.-Promotes the fervice of the Pre-
tender, 177.-His conduct in exile, 173.-Is
buried in Weſtminſter Abbey, 175.
Aylesbury election, ftrongly contefted in the houſe
of commons, 19.
B.
Bank of England, its competition with the South
Sea Company, 130.-Is engaged by Walpole
to ſupport the credit of the South Sea Com-
pany, but evades the danger, 136.
Barnard, Sir John, his propofed amendment to
the addrefs, in anfwer to the king's fpeech,
previous to the propoſal of Walpole's excife
fcheme,
5 F
IND
E X.
fcheme, 381.-His objections to that ſcheme,
384.-Examines the commiffioners of the
cuftoms concerning the frauds in tobacco,
399.-His fcheme for the reduction of in-
tereft, 498.-His fpeech in reply to popular
objections, 501.-His motion for an abolition
of taxes, 504.-His bill thrown out, 508.-
Introduces a bill for the regulation of the
ftage, 514.-Withdraws the bill, 515.-His
motion for papers refpecting the Spaniſh de-
predations, 575.
Bath; fee Pulteney,
Bath, the order of, revived, and conferred on Sir
Robert Walpole, 195.
Bathurst, lord, his extraordinary declaration re-
fpecting the inquiry into Sir Robert Walpole's
adminiftration, 714.
Bellenden, Mifs Mary, maid of honour to queen
Caroline, rejects the addreffes of the king,
277.-Marries Mr. John Campbell, 278.
Belham, his mifrepreſentations of the debate on
the reduction of the army, pointed out, 568,
note.
Berg and Juliers, the fucceffion to, diſputed, 481.
-The guaranty of, by George II. declined,
by the advice of Sir Robert Walpole, 482..
Bernsdorf, count, the Hanoverian minifter of
George I. his character, 83.-Carries the
king's apologies to Townshend for having
taken the feals from him, 105.-Is difgraced
by the influence of Townſhend, 182.
Berwick, duke of, natural fon of James II. acts
as agent for the Pretender, 48.-Proves the
confpiracy of Bolingbroke to place the Pre-
tender on the throne of England, 199—In-
vades Germany at the head of a French army,
432.
Bolingbroke; fee St. John.
Belles, Sir John, why employed by Harley to
propoſe the bill for fecuring the Proteftant
fucceffion, II.
Bolton, duke of, appointed lord lieutenant of Ire-
land, 107.-Is deprived of his regiment for
his oppofition to the excife bill, 406.-De-
bates on this fubject, 409.
Borck, baron, the Pruffian minifter at London,
his account of his conference with Frederick
prince of Wales, falls into the hands of
George II. 523.
Bothmar, baron, the Hanoverian minifter of
George I. his character, 83.
Bourbon, duke of, complains to Horace Walpole
of Sir Luke Schaub's importunity in folicit-
ing a dukedom for the marquis de la Vrilliere,
187.-Sends the infanta back to Spain, and
affiances the young king Louis XV. to the
daughter of Staniſlaus king of Poland, 237.—
Is difgraced, 257.
Brady, Dr. the Tory phyfician, his early prog-
noftication of the future eminence of S. Ro-
bert Walpole, 4:
Bremen and Verden, how acquired by George I.
86.
Brodrick, Alan; fee Midleton.
Brodrick, Thomas, his character, 221.-Remon-
ftrates to the king on the treatment of his
brother, 224.
Brodrick, St. John, his character, 221.
Bromley, moves a repeal of the feptennial bill,
412.
Brunfwic Wolfenbuttel, treaties formed with the
duke of, by the Emperor, and by Townſhend
on the part of England, 302.
Burke, Mr. His remarks on the conduct of Sir
Robert Walpole, refpecting the war with
Spain, 619, 685.-His opinion of the true
policy of negotiation, 746. His general
character of Walpole, 754.
Burnet, biſhop, his remarks on the conduct of
the Tories, refpecting the bill for fecuring
the Proteftant fucceffion, 11.
Byng,, admiral, deftroys and captures great part
of the Spaniſh fleet, 114.
C.
Cadogan, lord, propofed inquiry into his conduct
reſpecting the tranſport of Dutch troops, ne-
gatived, 112.-His military appointments,
188. His high favour with the king, 189.
Cambray, the congrefs at, obftructed both by
Philip of Spain, and the Emperor, 236.-Ís
broken up, 239,
Carleton, lord, is made prefident of the council
by Sunderland's influence, 165.
Carolina Wilhelmina, queen of George II. her
education, character, and perfon, 273.-Fails
in her endeavours to perfuade Dr. Clarkę to
accept of a bishopric, 275.-Her literary in-
tercourfe with Leibnitz and Clarke, on ab-
ftrufe points of philofophy and theology, 276.
Vindicated from the charge of lord Chef-
terfield refpecting her behaviour to Mrs.
Howard, 278.-Her motives for patronizing
Sir Robert Walpole, 283.-Her prudent con-
duct in appearing to decline interference in
politics, 288.-Appointed regent during the
king's journies to Hanover, 289 —A jointure
fettled on her, 291.-Favours Walpole in the
diſagreement between him and Townſhend,
335-She endeavours to avert the difplea-
fure of the king from Sir Robert Walpole to
his brother Horace, 454-Prevails on the
king
IN D E X.
king to abandon his ſcheme for a northern
league, 484-Grants a reprieve to captain.
Porteous, during her regency, 491.-Her ill-
nefs and death, 547.-Her character, 549.-
Her patronage of learning, 551-Grief of
the king at her death, 552.-Elegy on her
death by Mr. Dodington, 554.
Carteret, John, lord, fent by king George I. to
break up the congrefs at Aland, 161.—Is
made fecretary of fate, 165.-His character
and views, 177 -Cultivates the friendſhip
of cardinal du Bois, 179.-Forms a divifion
in the English cabinet, 180.-Why he at-
tended the king to Hanover, 181.-Is fup-
planted by Townshend in the king's favour,
182.-Is deluded by the repreſentations of
Schaub, his agent at Paris, 186. His indif
creet pertinacity in foliciting a dukedom for
the family of la Villiere, 188.-He foments
the difcontents in Ireland, and imputes them
to Walpole, 189.-Is made lord lieutenant
of Ireland, 192.-His fentiments on the
change of the miniftry, ibid.-Foments the
diſcontents in Ireland, 222.-Is fent over to
fuperfede the duke of Grafton, 225.-Pro-
motes the introduction of Wood's halfpence,
227.-Is obliged to announce the furrender
of the patent, 228.-Moves an inquiry into
the murder of captain Porteous, 493.-His
private conferences with prince Frederick,
* during the quarrel between him and the king,
539.-His motion in the houſe of lords, for
an addreſs to the king for the removal of Sir
Robert Walpole, 669.-Is made ſecretary of
ſtate on Walpole's refignation, 702.-Differs
with the duke of Newcaſtle on the fubject
of Hanoverian troops, 736.-Struggle be-
tween them, 741.-Succeeds on his mother's
death to the title of Granville, ibid.
Carthagena, unfuccefsful attack of, by admiral
Vernon, 636.
Catharine, empreſs of Ruffia, her warm declara-
tions in favour of the duke of Holſtein, 243.
-Is compelled to give up her hoftile inten-
tions, 257.-Her death, 261.
Cawthorn, the poet, his character of the duke de
Ripperda, 319.
Chandler, Dr. his application to Sir Robert Wal-
pole for a repeal of the teſt act, 608.
Charles VI. Emperor of Germany, his unfa-
vourable diſpoſition towards the acceffion of
George I. to the crown of England, 52.-
Why diffatisfied with the quadruple alliance,
236.-Concludes a treaty with Spain at
Vienna, 239-His memorial to George I.
259.-Endeavours to form a confederacy
againſt the allies of Hanova, 260.-Cou-
cludes a ſeparate peace with England, France,
and Holland, 261.-His treaty with the duke
of Brunswic Wolfenbuttel, 302.-Negotiates
with the Britiſh court, 342.-Obſtructions
to an alliance with him, 345.-Sir Robert
Walpole cenfured for not affifting him againſt
France, 428.-Negotiations with the Britiſh
minifter relpecting the Polifh election, 43.-
War declared against him by France, Spain,
and Sardinia, 432.-He claims the affiftance
of England, ibid.-Leaves the Auſtrian Ne-
therlands to the care of the English and the
Dutch, 433.-Neglects an alliance with Sar-
dinia, ibid. His artful attempts to procure
affiftance from England, 436.-Refents the
offered mediation of George II. 438.-Suc-
ceſſes of the allies againſt him, 440.-His en-
deavours to remove Walpole, 441.-Ex-
preffes his concurrence with the Engliſh plan,
fufpended by cardinal Fleury, 449.-His in-
tentions fufpected by the Dutch, 452.-
Hopes to produce a general war, 459-His
remonftrances, 460.-Extraordinary agitation
of his mind, 461.-Receives Fleury's plan,
for a general pacification from the Britiſh
embaffador, with cordiality, 468 -Sufpenfion
of arms on the Rhine, 470.-The prelimina-
ries of peace figned, 473.-Obftructions arif-
ing from his capricious difpofition, 485.
Charles XII. of Sweden, his-character and fitua
tion, at the acceffion of George I. 53.-His
motive for aiding the Pretender, 86.—Con-
fequences of his death, 159.
Charles Emanuel, king of Sardinia, apologizes
to George II. for his reluctant alliance with
France and Spain, 433.
Chateauneuf, the French embaffador, conducts
the negotiations with England at the Hague,
91.
Chatham; fee Pitt.
Chauvelin, influences cardinal Fleury, his funda-
mental principles of politics, 449-Ineffec-
tual attempts of Walpole to bribe him, 487.-
His difgrace, 489.-Difcovers a correfpond-
ence with the Pretender, by careleſſneſs, 490.
Cheferfield, earl, his opinion of the treaty of
Hanover, 247.-Queen Caroline vindicated
from his account of her behaviour to Mrs.
Howard, 278,-Offends the queen by pay-
ing court to lady Suffolk, 281.-Joins the
oppofition against the excife fcheme, 405.-
Is difplaced as fteward of the houſehold, 406.
-Oppofes the bill for licenfing plays, 518.
-His private conferences with prince Fre-
derick, during the quarrel between the prince
5 F 2
and
IND E X.
and king, 539.-His farcaftic imputation on
the memory of queen Caroline, 549.-
His malignant declaration refpecting the in-
quiry into Sir Robert Walpole's adminiftra-
tion, 714.
Cholmondeley, earl, his mediation between the
king and prince of Wales, rejected by the
prince, 693.-Is made lord privy feal, 735.
Chriftian V1. of Denmark, his difpute with
George II. about the lordship of Steinhorst,
608. How influenced to a treaty with Eng-
land, 609.
Churchill, admiral, accufed of negligence and
corruption, 21.
Civil lift, Walpole's plan for difcharging the
debts of, 156.-He procures an increaſe of
it for George II. 290.
Clarke, Dr. Samuel, rector of Saint James's, pa-
troniſed by queen Caroline,
de..
clines a bishoprick, 275.-His literary corref
pondence with Leibnitz, at the queen's in-
ftance, 276.
Cobham, lord, is deprived of his regiment, for
his oppofition to the excife bill, 406.-De-
bates on this fubject, 409.
Collier, Jeremy, falutary effect of his fhort View
of the Stage, 512.
Commerce, Walpole's regulations for favouring,
164.
Committee of fecrefy appointed to inquire into
the adminiſtration of Sir Robert Walpole,
710. Their proceedings, 712.-Examina-
tion of their report, 719.
Common council of London, petitions the houſe
of commons againſt Sir Robert Walpole's
exciſe ſcheme, 403.
Commons, houfe of, the feptennial bill paffed, 74.
-Firſt formation of regular plan of oppofi-
tion to the miniſtry, in, 293.-Debates on the
national debt, 294-Secret fervice
Secret fervice money,
295.-Sir Robert Walpole's report on the
ſtate of the national debt, 297.-Arrears of
the civil lift, 299.-Reftitution of Gibraltar,
304. The imperial loan, and the penfion
bill, 321.-The harbour of Dunkirk, 323.-
The renewal of the charter of the Eaft India
company, 325.-The apprehended rupture
with the Emperor, 344.-Foreign_connexi-
ons, 346.-Alienation of the finking fund, 368.
-Extenfion of the excife laws, 377.-Commit-
tee for fecuring and improving the duties on to-
bacco and wines, 385.-On the removal of the
duke of Bolton and lord Cobham, 409.-On
the place bill, 411.-On the feptennial bill, ibid.
-Gin act, 475.-Motion for the repeal of the
teft act, 476.Quakers bill, ibid.-Proceed.
ings on the murder of captain Porteous, 494-
Sir John Barnard's fcheme for the reduction
of intereft, 498.-Prince of Wales's revenue,
529.-On the reduction of the army, 563.-
On printing parliamentary debates, 569.-
Petition of the merchants againſt the Spaniſh
depredations, 574.-The Spaniſh conven-
tion, 592.-Seceffion of the minority, at the
inftigation of Sir William Wyndham, 606.
-Debate on this feceffion, 627.-Bill for re-
giftering feamen, 631.-Views of the oppofi.
tion, 643.-Sandys's motion for addrefs to
the king, for the removal of Sir Robert Wal-
pole, 645-Subfidy to the queen of Hunga-
ry, 675.-Pulteney's motion for an inquiry
into the ſtate of the nation, 694.-Great ex-
ertions of the oppofition on this queftion, ibid.
Committee of inquiry into Sir Robert
Walpole's adminiſtration, 710.
Compton, Sir Spencer, his expectations of fup-
planting Sir Robert Walpole in the miniftry,
how fruftrated, 282 -His character, 284;
fee Wilmington.
Cornbury, lord, his defence of Sir Robert Wal-
pole againſt the motion for his removal, 654.
Corruption, why a popular complaint in parlia-
ment, 629.
Cotton, Sir John Hynde, his repreſentation of
Whig principles, in the debate on the reduc-
tion of the army, 565.
Cowper, lord, extract from his Diary, refpecting
the conference at Gertruydenberg, 28, note.
Refigns the feals, 32.-His character of the
South Sea ſcheme, 131.
Craggs, Mr. rigorous proceedings of the houſe
of commons againſt his family, occafioned by
his connexion with the South Sea company,
151.
Craggs, junior, fent with an account of the ill-
nefs of queen Anne to Hanover, 60.-Lays
before parliament copies of treaties relating to
the quadruple alliance, 115.-Conduct in
parliament, ibid.-Implicated in the South.
Sea fcheme, 149.
Cumberland, duke of, confults lord Orford on
the king's propoſal for his marriage, 743.
Customs, a committee of the houſe of commons
appointed to infpect into the frauds and abuſes
of, 379.-Report of the committee, 380.-
The commiffioners examined by Sir John
Barnard, as to the frauds in tobacco, 399.
D.
Darlington, countefs of, miftrefs of king George I,
her character, 83.
Davenant,
IN D E X.
1
Davenant, Dr. his prejudices againſt exciſe laws,
375.
Debates, parliamentary, the publication of, pro-
hibited by the houfe of commons, 569.-
Remarks on the ſubject, 573.
Debt, national, Walpole's plan for the reduc-
tion of, 108.-Debates on the increaſe of,
294.-Sir Robert Walpole's report on the
ftate of, 297.
Decker, Sir Matthew, his conduct to madame
Villette, relating to money belonging to
lord Bolingbroke, 205.
Denmark, ftate and difpofition of the court of,
at the acceffion of George I, 53.-Frederick
IV. cedes Bremen and Verden to king
George, 86.-Peace concluded with Sweden,
161.-Difputes with George II. about the
lordſhip of Steinhorft, 608.-Treaty with
England, 609.
Derwentwater, earl of, the petition in favour of,
oppoſed by Walpole, 72.
Devonshire, duke of, affifts Walpole in reconcil-
ing George 1. and the prince of Wales, 131.
132.-Warmly recommends him to queen
Caroline, when princess of Wales, 283.-
Supports Walpole, 622.-Sir Robert Wal-
pole's high opinion of him, 757.
Diffenters, application of, to Sir Robert Wal-
pole, for a repeal of the teſt act, 603.
Dodington, George Bubb, endeavours to diſſuade
Frederick prince of Wales, from applying to
parliament for an increaſe of revenue, 525.-
His elegy on the death of queen Caroline,
554.-Attaches himſelf to the duke of Argyle,
613.-Forms a plan for the removal of Sir
Robert Walpole, 684.
Drapier's Letters, written by Dean Swift, to in-
flame the public in Ireland, againſt Wood's
patent, 225, 226.
Du Bois, abbé, agent of the duke of Orleans, his
conference with the earl of Stair at Paris, 89.
-Negotiates an alliance with England, at
Hanover, 92.-Conduct towards the Britiſh
minifters, and fucceffive promotions through
the influence of England, 178, 179.-His
death, 185.
Dubourgeay, the Engliſh envoy at Berlin, dif-
covers the ſecret of the prince of Wales's in-
tended marriage with the princefs of Prutia,
to the British court, 520.
Duck, Stephen, patronized by queen Caroline,
551.
Dunkirk, the delays of the French in the demo-
lition of the harbour of, inquired into by
the houſe of commons, 323-
E.
East India Company, fcheme of oppofition to
throw the trade open upon the expiration of
its charter, 325.-Defeated, 326.
Eaftcourt, the player, his ballad on Walpole's
commitment to the Tower, 39•
Eugene, prince, his advice to the Emperor, on
not receiving affiftance from England and
Holland, 461.
Exchequer Bills, Sir Robert Walpole's improv-
ment in the mode of borrowing money on
them, 749.
Excife Scheme of Sir Robert Walpole, Dean
Tucker's eulogium on it, 372.-History of
the excife, 374.-Prejudices of the people
againſt the excife, 375.-Walpole's motives
for extending the excife duties, 376.-His
definition of the difference between cuſtoms
and excife, 377, note.- Jutlines of Wal-
pole's ſcheme explained, 379.-Character
given of it by the oppofition members and
writers, 381.-Committee for fecuring and
improving the duties on tobacco and wines, .
385.-Walpole's Speech, ibid.-Arguments
of the oppofition, 399.-The bill relinquiſhed, ›
403.
F.
Farnese, Elizabeth, queen of Spain, her over--
tures to the British court, 561.
Fielding, Henry, his character as a dramatic
writer, 515.
Finch, lord, introduces lord Bolingbroke's peti-
tion to the houſe of commons, for the rever-
fal of his attainder, 206.
to
Fleury, cardinal, becomes prime miniſter of
France on the difgrace of the duke of Bour-
bon, 257.- Adopts the pacific fentiments of
the Britiſh cabinet, 286.-His letter
George II. anfwered by the king with equal
cordiality, 287.-His equivocal conduct be-
tween the Emperor and England, 342.-His
jealouſy of the Auftrian alliance with Eng-
land, removed by lord Waldegrave, 350.-
Correfpondence between him and Walpole
for a general peace, 445.-His infincerity,
448.-Is governed by Chauvelin, 449.-His
reply to the expoftulations of. Horace Wal-
pole, 450.-His irrefolute behaviour, 451.–
His motives for terminating his correfpon-
dence with Horace Walpole, 453.-Over-
tures made by him to the Emperor, 463.-
Denies them to the Britiſh minifter, 464.-
Opens, his plan for a general pacification to
lord Waldegrave, 468,-Preliminaries of peace
figned, 、
IN D E X.
figned, 473-Propofes to Horace Wal-
pole an alliance with England againſt the
Emperor, 488.-His converfations with lord
Waldegrave to that end, ibid.-Propoſes the
mediation of France, between England and
Spain, 638.
El rentin, count de St., negotiation for his mar-
riage with Amalia daughter of the counteſs
of Platen, 180.-Is married to her, 192.
Foreigners, the wife policy of excluding them
from offices of truft or profit, in the act of
ſettlement, 12.
Fox, Henry, made a lord of the treaſury, 735.
France, difpofition of the court of, on the accef-
fion of George I. 51.-Double marriage
projected between the royal families of France
and Spain, 237.-Louis XV. affianced to the
daughter of Staniſlaus, king of Poland, ibid.
Reconciliation with Spain, 341.-Decla-
ration of war against the Emperor, 432.-
The exchange of Lorraine for Tufcany, the
great object of this war, 463.-Sufpenfion of
arms on the Rhine, 470.-Preliminaries of
peace figned, 473.-Preparations to join
Spain in the war against England, 618.-A
family compact concluded with Spain, 639.
Frederick Louis, prince of Wales, his birth and
long refidence at Hanover, 519.-His union
with the princefs of Pruffia, how thwarted,
ibid. His intended fecret marriage with
her, difcovered, 520.-Is fent for by his
father to England, where the difguft between
them increaſes, 521.-His intimacy courted
by the opponents of Sir Robert Walpole,
ibid. His indifcreet demands from his father,
522.-Expreffes his repugnance to a marriage
with the princeſs of Saxe Gotha, 523-His
marriage and revenue, ibid.-Throws himſelf
into the arms of oppofition, 524.-Deter-
mines to folicit an increaſe of revenue from
parliament, 525-The king's meffage to him,
52.-His anfwer, 529. -Pulteney's motion
in the houſe of commons, for the ſettlement
of his revenue, ibid.-His fituation, as ftated
in the debate, 531.-His abrupt departure
from Hampton Court with his princefs in
labour, 533-The king's meffage to him,
534-His repeated applications to the king
for the reſtoration of his favour, rejected, 535.
-Conference between lord chancellor Hard-
wicke and Sir Robert Walpole on the oc-
cafion, ibid.-The king's meffage ordering
him to quit the palace, 543.-His refentment
against Sir Robert Walpole on this occafion,
544. His converfation with lord Hardwicke,
545.-Annuity fettled on his younger chil-
*
dren, 610.-Shews intemperate joy on the
declaration of war againſt Spain, 618.-Con-
tracts debts by fubfcribing to the expences of
conteſted elections, 683.-Walpole attempts
to detach him from the oppofition, 693.-
Acquiefces in the arrangements for a new ad-
miniſtration formed by Pulteney, 703.-
Compofes diffenfions among the former op-
pofitionifts, 706.-Pays his perſonal reſpects
to the king, 707.-His acknowledgments
to the earl of Orford for his fpeech in the
houfe of lords, refpecting the expected
French invafion in favour of the Pretender,
740.
Frederick William, King of Pruffia, why dif-
pofed to favour the acceffion of George I. 52.
Frederick II. King of Pruffia, his character, 639.
Forms a confederacy with England againſt the
houfe of Bourbon, 640.--His invafion of
Silefia, ibid.-Reduces the queen of Hun-
gary, 681.
G.
Gage, lord, his reply to Horace Walpole's
defence of the Spanish convention, 600.-
His Speech on the Auſtrian ſubſidy, 678.
Gavefton, Piers, his hiftory publiſhed, to fatirize
Sir Robert Walpole, 653, note.
Gay, the poet, his encomium on biſhop Atter-
bury, 171-How diſappointed in his views of
preferment, 279.
Gedda, baron, Swediſh minifter at Paris, procures
an Engliſh penfion by the intereft of Horace
Walpole, 444· Communicates hints to
Fleury, for a general accommodation, ibid.
George, prince of Wales, cauſe of his father's
jealoufy of him, 78.-His adminiſtration
during the king's abfence at Hanover, 93.-
Views of Sunderland in propofing the peerage
bill, 116.-A reconcilement between him and
the king, 131.-His engagement in the Cop-
per company, 135.—His reſpect for the me-
mory of his mother, 269.- His acceffion to
the crown of England, and character, 270.—
See George II.
George I. General ftate of Europe at the time
of his acceffion, 51-State of parties in
England, 55-His perfonal character, 56.--
His arrival, and appointment of a new mi-
niftry, 61.-Rebellion in Scotland, 71.
Repeal of the reftraining claufe in the act of
fettlement, 77-His jealoufy of the prince
of Wales, 78.-He vifits Hanover, `79.—
Characters of the junto by whom he was
governed, 82.-Their rapacity and ambition,
84.-How he acquired Bremen and Verden,
86,Rc-
1
IN D E X.
86-Refents the duplicity of the duke of
Orleans, 90.-Cauſes of his changing his mi-
niftry, 93.-Caufe of his quarrel with the Czar
of Ruffia, 94.-His difgufts with his English
miniftry, 95.-Great influence of Sunderland
over him, 98.-Affures Townſhend and Wal-
pole of the restoration of his confidence in
them, 10r.-Yet difmiffes Townshend from
his offices immediately after, ibid -Secret
cauſe of this inconfiftency, 102.-Sends apo-
logies to Townshend for taking the feals from
him, 105.-Why he favoured Sunderland's
peerage bill, 116.-Is reconciled to the prince
of Wales, 131.-Goes over to Hanover, 133.
-Is induced to return by the national dif-
ficulties after the South Sea fcheme, 136.-
Is difturbed by the popular clamours, 137.-
His ſpeech on the prorogation of parliament,
155.-Breaks up the congrefs at Aland, 161.
His fpeech at opening the parliament, 163.
-His regulations for facilitating commerce,
164.-Refifts Sunderland's attempts to re-
move Walpole, 166.-Confers a peerage on
Mr. Walpole's fon, 176.-Goes again to Ha-
nover, 181.-Townshend fupplants Carteret
in his favour, 182.-His high opinion of Wal-
pole's abilities, 184.-His endeavours to pro-
cure a French dukedom for the marquis de la
Vrilliere, 186.-His letter to the duke of Bour-
bon, declining the requeft, 188.- Portions the
countess of Platen's daughter, 192.—Confers
the two vacant garters on Townshend and
Scarborough, 193.-Meets the parliament
with affurances of tranquillity and proſperity,
194.-How induced to take off the attainder
of Bolingbroke, 209.-Gives up the fcheme
of Wood's copper coinage for Ireland, by
Walpole's advice, 228.—Addreffes of the Iriſh
parliament on the occafion, 229-Declines.
the offered fole mediation between Spain and
the Emperor, 238.-The treaty of Vienna
notified to him by the Imperial embaffador,
240. His reply, 241.-Treaty of Hanover,
245 This treaty, why not agreeable to him,
248.-His danger in failing from Hanover to
England, celebrated by Young the poet, 253.
Heads of his fpeech to parliament, 254-Ac-
quaints parliament with the fchemes forming in
favour of the Pretender, 258.-Infult offered
to him by the Emperor, through his embatla-
dor, 259.—Peace figned with the Emperor
and Spain, 261.-Bolingbroke's audience,
264-Dies at Hanover, 266.-Memoirs of
his wife Sophia of Zell, 267.-Inquiry into
his fuppofed promife of restoring Gibraltar to
the Spaniards, 304.
George II. his acceffion and character, 270.-
His great regard for queen Caroline, 272.-
Character of his favourite, Mrs. Howard, 277.
-Avows his intention of appointing Sir Spen-
cer Compton his minifter, 282.--Sir Robert
Walpole's first interview with him, 284.-Is
induced by the queen to continue the old mi-
niftry, 285-Receives a cordial letter from
cardinal Fleury, and returns a ſuitable anſwer,
287.-Always appointed the queen, regent,
when he went over to Hanover, 289.-Re-
ceives an increaſe of the civil lift, 290.-A
jointure fettled on queen Caroline, 291.
His fpeech to parliament, ibid.-His anſwer
to the addreſs for an account of the charge for
fecret fervice money, 295.-His anfwer to
the report on the ſtate of the national debt,
299.-Difficulties occafioned by his inflexi-
bility, 300-Caufe of his refentment against
Charles Stanhope, ibid.-Treaty of Brunf-
wick, 302.-Treaty of Seville, 303.-Par-
liamentary debates relating to the reftitution
of Gibraltar, 304.-Complains in his fpeech
of the licentioufnefs of the prefs, 327.
Changes in the miniftry, ibid.His diflike of
the duke of Newcaſtle, 329.-And of lord
Harrington, 331.-Second treaty of Vienna
concluded, 346.—His fpeech preparatory to
the introduction of Walpole's excife fcheine,
381.-Supports Walpole in the bufinefs, 405.
His fpeech at the end of the feffion, 427.-
His cautious conduct reſpecting the Poliſh
election, 430.-Inclines to aflift the Em-
peror against France, 433.-The king of
Sardinia apologizes to him for his alliance
with France and Spain, ibid.-Returns an
evafive anſwer to the Emperor's application
for fuccours, 436.-Offers his mediation to
the Emperor, 438.-Promifes parliament to
propofe a plan for a general pacification, 448.
Is difpleafed with Walpole's conduct,
454 His anfwer to the reprefentations
of Kinſki, 465.-His fpeech to parliament
on the figning preliminaries for a general
pacification, 474-Horace Walpole attends
him to Hanover, 480.- Objects of his
attention while at Hanover, 481.-Declines
guaranteeing the fucceffion to Berg and Ju-
liers, by Walpole's advice, 482.-Is induced
to abandon the fcheme of a northern league,
484.-Cauſe of the miſunderſtanding between
him and Frederick prince of Wales, 519
-His meffage to the prince of Wales refpect
ing his revenue, 527-The prince's an-
fwer, 529.-His meffage to the prince, on
his leaving Hampton court, and on the deli-
very
IN DE
X.
very of the princefs, 534-Orders the prince
to remove from the palace, 543.-His grief
on the death of queen Caroline, 552.-His
great refpect for her memory, 553.-His
ſpeech to parliament on the ratification of
the Spanish convention, 591.-His difpute
with the king of Denmark, about the lord-
ſhip of Steinhorft, 608.-His meffage to par-
liament for affiſtance to prepare for war, 615.
-Declaration of war against Spain, 617.-
Why eager for the war, 620.-Occafional ill-
humour between him and Walpole, 623.—He
refuſes to appoint Mr. Trevor envoy and ple-
nipotentiary at the Hague, 624.-Refufes to ac-
cept Walpole's refignation, 625.-His fpeech
to parliament, 626.-Kemonftrates with the
duke of Newcaſtle on the diffenfions between
him and Sir Robert Walpole, 637.-His fpeech
at opening the feffion of parliament, 641.-
Recommends the fupport of the queen of
Hungary to parliament, 674.-Is obliged to
defert her, and accept a neutrality, 681.-In-
ſtances of Walpole lofing his confidence, 685.
-Speech to parliament, 688.-Manifefts his
reluctance to Walpole's refignation, 696.-
His cautious mode of confulting him on ſtate
affairs, 733.-Becomes unpopular by his par-
tiality for his Hanoverian troops, 736.-His
meffage to both houfes, with information of
an intended French invafion in favour of the
Pretender, 737.-Is diftreffed by feuds in the
cabinet, 740.
Georgia, difpute with Spain about the limits of,
561.-Is provided for defence, 587.
Geraldino, the Spanish agent in London, his
memorial to the Britiſh court, reſpecting the
limits of Georgia, 561.-His cabals with the
oppofition to inflame public difcontents, 577.
Germany, difpofition of the Imperial court, at
the acceffion of George I. 52.-Forms a de-
fenfive treaty with England, 90 -The Em-
peror, why diffatisfied with the quadruple al-
liance, 236.-Treaty of Vienna with Spain,
239; fee Charles VI Emperor.
Gertruydenberg, remarks on the congreſs at, 28.
Gibbon, Mr. the hiftorian, his remarks on the
harſh proceedings againſt the South Sea di-
rectors, 150.
Gibraltar, the reftitution of, peremptorily de-
manded by Spain, 239.-Is befieged by the
Spaniards, 260-Parliamentary debates about
the reftitution of, 304.-Narrative of the ne-
gotiations for the reftitution, 306.
Gibſon, biſhop of London, lofes the favour of Sir
Robert Walpole for his ftrenuous oppofition
to the Quakers bill, 478.-Anecdotes and
character of him, ibid.
Gin aët, a meaſure of Sir Jofeph Jekyll, the oc-
cafion of much reproach to Sir Robert Wal-
pole, 475.
Glasgow, tumult there, on account of the malt
tax, 232.-Suppreffed by general Wade, 233.
Godolphin, lord treafurer, patronizes Mr. Walpole
and others of the Whig party, 21.-His re-
conciliation with the Whigs, 22.1 His impo
litic profecution of Dr. Sacheverel, 24.-Is
attacked by St. John, and defended by Wal-
pole, 34-His dying declaration of friend-
fhip for Walpole, 42.
~
Golden Rump, a licentious theatrical piece, pro-
duced by Sir Robert Walpole in the houſe of
commons, to prove the neceffity of licenfing
plays, 516.
Gould, Sir Nathanael, impeaches the accuracy of
Pulteney's ſtate of the national debt, 295.
Grafton, duke of, is appointed lord chamberlain,
192-His character and unfkilfulneſs in quiet-
ing the troubles of Ireland, when lord lieu-
tenant, 218.-His mifunderſtanding with the
lord chancellor Midleton, 222.
Grantham; fee Robinson.
Granville; fee Carteret.
H.
Halifax, earl of, his difgufts at his allotment in
the miniftry under George I. 81.
Hanover, the act of fettlement extended to the
houſe of, by king William III. 9.-Averfion
of queen Anne to the houfe of, 47.-Accef-
fion of George I. to the English crown, 51.
-Becomes the centre of intrigue and nego-
tiation, 245-Alliance formed there between
England, France, and Pruffia, ibid.—Objects
of this treaty, 246.-The merits of this treaty
examined, 247.-Is approved by the houſe of
commons, 255.
Harcourt, Sir Simon, lord, his conduct on the
motion for impeaching lord Somers, 14.-
Appointed chancellor, 32.-Gained by Wal-
pole, 190. Is employed by the duche's
of Kendal to manage the negotiation of a
pardon for lord Bolingbroke, 209.
Hardwicke; fee Yorke.
Harley, Mr. a violent Whig, fhifts over to the
Tories, 9.His conduct refpecting the bill
for fecuring the Proteftant fucceffion, 11.-
Is difmiffed from his office of fecretary of
ſtate, 23.-Perſuades queen Anne to remove
the Whig miniftry, 29.-Courts Walpole,
32. Forms Jacobitical connexions, 47-Is
difmiffed
INDE E X.
}
1
difmiffed 48.-Is impeached by the commons,
67.-His defence, and remarks on it, 68.—
Is unanimouſly acquitted, 1 12.-Projected the
South Sea company, 126.-His character,
198. His removal by the influence of Bo-
lingbroke, 199.
Harley, Edward, his temperate fpeech in debat-
ing the motion for the removal of Sir Robert
Walpole, 655.
Harrington, lord, is appointed fecretary of ftate,
327.-His character, 330.-How he over-
came the prejudices of the king and Sir Ro-
bert Walpole against him, 331.-Makes ufe
of Strickland, biſhop of Namur, as a ſpy upon
the Pretender, 442.-His inftructions to Ho-
race Walpole, on the irrefolution of cardinal
Fleury, 451.Difpleafed at the houſe of Au-
ftria being abandoned by England, 465.—The
king diffatisfied with him, 480.-Appointed
prefident of the council, 701.-Is made fe-
cretary of ftare, 742.
Her vey, lord, fuppofed to be the writer of Sedi-
tion and Defamation Difplayed, 361.-His
character defended againft the fatire of Pope,
362, note. His duel with Mr. Pulteney, 363.
-Anfwers a pamphlet reſpecting the prince
of Wales's revenue, 532.-Is appointed lord
privy feal, 623.
Hefian troops, debate on Horace Walpole's mo-
tion for a grant for, 292.
Holftein, Charles Frederick duke of, his preten-
fions to the crown of Sweden fet afide by the
election of Ulrica Eleonora, 160.-Supported
by the czar Peter, 181.-His interefts waru:ly
eſpouſed by the empiefs Catharine, 243.
Hofer, admiral, fent on an expedition to the
Spanish West Indies, 260.
Howard, Mrs. the favourite of George II. her
character, 276.-The queen's behaviour to
her accounted for, 278.-Thoſe who paid
court to her always oppofed by the queen,
279.-Retires from court, 281.
Hungary; fee Maria Therefa.
J.
Jacobites, true diftinction between them and the
Tories, 55-Their hopes of a revolution at
the acceffion of George II. fruftrated, 290.-
Are confounded with Tories, 293 -They
join the Tories against Pulteney's arrange-
ments, after the removal of Walpole, 703.
Facombe, under fecretary at war, fuggefts a plan
to Walpole for the reſtoration of public credit,
after the South Sea fcheme, 139.
James II. grounds of the declaration of his ab-
dication, 8.
Jannel, agent of cardinal Fleury, is fent by him
VOL. I.
to the Hague, as the medium of his negotia-
tion with the British cabinet for a general
pacification, 445.-His conferences with Ho-
race Walpole, 446.-Quits the Hague, 448.
Jekyll, Sir Jofeph, was the chief promoter of
the gin act, 475:
Jenkins, captain, fable of his ill-ufage by the
Spaniards, 579.
Jenyns, Soame, inftance of his difinterefted
friendflip for Sir Robert Walpole, 696.
Ilay, Archibald earl of, lord keeper of the privy
feal in Scotland, is deputed by Walpole to
quiet the popular difcontents there against the
malt tax, 234.—His character, 235.-His re-
preſentations to Sir Robert Walpole, con-
cerning the murder of captain Porteous, 192.
Innocent XIII. pope, affords an afylum to the
Pretender, 54.
Intereft, Sir John Barnard's propofal for the
reduction of, 498.-Minifterial arguments
againſt it, publiſhed in the Whitehall Evening
l'oft, 500, note.-His bill rejected, 508.
John V. king of Portugal; fee Portugal.
Ireland, hiftory of the difturbances there, on
account of Wood's halfpence, 216.—The pa-
tent ſurrendered up, 228.—Addreſſes of the
Iriſh parliament on the occafion, 229.
Juliers; fee Berg.
K.
Kecne, Mr the Engliſh miniſter at Madrid, fo-
ments the jealouly between France and Spain,
472.-Deſcribes the inveteracy of the Spa-
niards to the French, 473.-His clear fate
of the difpute between England and Spain,
concerning illicit trade with the Spanish Ame-
rican ſettlements, 561.-Preſents the memo.
ial of the Britifli merchants to the Spamfl
court, 562.-Negotiates the convention with
Spain, 589.-His peremptory inructions re-
fpecting the Britiſh complaints again Spain,
617, 621.
Kendel, duchess of. miftrefs of king George I.
her character, S2.-Her difputes with the
English miniftry, 95.-Gained by Townshend
in oppofition to Carteret, 182 -Her in-
fluence over the king, purchaſed by Boling-
broke, for the taking off his attainder, 209.
-Sells the patent for fupplying Ireland with
copper coin to Wood, 218-Her cabals
against Walpole, 263.-Delivers Boling-
broke's memorial to the king, 264 -Receives
intelligence of the king's death, 266.-Hcr
retirement and death, ibid. watc.
Kinki, count, the Imperial embalador, claims
the ftipulated fuccoms from England, 432.
5 G
Delivers
IN DE
X.
1
Delivers the Emperor's remonstrances at not
receiving them, 436.-Cabals to procure the
removal of Sir Robert Walpole, 442.
Knight, cafhier of the South Sea company, ab-
fconds, 148.
Kenigfmark, count, a Swedish nobleman, his at-
tachment to the princeſs Sophia of Zell, and
death, 267.
. L.
La Baume, agent of cardinal Fleury, is fent pri-
vately to Vienna, to negotiate a feparate peace
with the Emperor, 464.
Land, why not a proper fpecies of property for
direct taxation, 376, note.
Lansdowne, lord, his verſes on Mr. Walpole's im-
priſonment in the Tower, 38.
Leibnitz, his literary correfpondence with Caro-
line queen of England, 276.
Letchmere, his invectives and agitation on Bo-
lingbroke's audience of the king, 264.
Limerick, lord, moves an inquiry into the ad-
miniflration of Sir Robert Walpole, 708.-
Makes a fecond motion for a fecret commit-
tee, 710.-Is appointed chairman of the com-
mittee, 711.
Livry, abbot de, his behaviour on delivering the
French king's letter for the return of the in-
fanta, 238.
Locke, Mr. his prejudices againſt excife duties,
376.
Logwood, the right of the English to cut it in the
bay of Campeachy, difputed by Spain, 561.
Loraine, the exchange of for Tuſcany, the great
object in the war between France and Ger-
many, 463. 468.-Diffatisfaction of the duke,
485.
Lord chamberlain, his ancient fuperintendance.
over public amufements, 510.-Powers grant-
ed to him by the bill for licenfing plays,
516.
Louis XIV. acknowledges the fon of James II.
as king of England, 15.-Connives at the
attempts of the Pretender to affert his claims,
51.— His death, 88:
Louis XV. of France, projected marriage of,
with the infanta of Spain, 237.-Is affianced
to the daughter of Stanislaus, king of Poland,
ibid.-Determines to fupport the claim of
Stanislaus to the crown of Poland, 429.
Lyttleton, his fpeech againſt the Spanish con-
vention, 602.
M.
Magazines, monthly, their indirect mode of
printing parliamentary debates,, after the re-
folution of the houfe of commons against the
publication of them, 573.-Their reports on
the whole not unfaithful, 750, note.
Mainwaring, Arthur, his prediction reſpecting
Mr. Walpole, 14.-His fubfequent character
of him, 35.
Mantua, the ficge of, by Philip V. of Spain,
counteracted by the reft of the allies, 471.
Mar, earl of, fets up the Pretender's ſtandard in
Scotland, 70.-His defeat at Dumblain, 71.
Mardyke, the port of, why offenfive to Eng-
land, 92, note
Maria Therefa, queen of Hungary, eſpouſes
Francis, duke of Loraine, 485.-Her accef-
fion, 640. Her dominions invaded by the
king of Pruflia, ibid:-The propriety of fup-
porting her, difcuffed in parliament, 674.-
Subfidy granted to her, 680.-Is reduced to
retire to Hungary, and yield to the Pruffian
demands, 681.
Marlborough, John duke of, procures the office-
of fecretary at war for Walpole, 23.-His
difgrace with the queen, 29.-Is difmif-
fed with ignominy, 32.-Is declared com-
mander in chief by George I. 61.-His dif-
gufts, 81..
Marlborough, Charles duke of, his motion in the
houfe of lords, in favour of Sir Robert Wal-
pole, in the debate for his removal, 669.
Marlborough, Sarah dutchefs of, caufe of her ill
will to William III. 10.-Treats queen Anne
with difreſpect, 23.-Her influence over
queen Anne, 2.7.-The Whig miniftry in-
volved in her dilgrace, ibid.
Mary, daughter of James II. and princefs of
Orange, concurs in the act of fettlement, 8.
Mofham, Mrs. fupplants the dutchefs of Marl-
borough in queen Anne's favour, 28.—In-
trigues in favour of the Pretender, 47.
Mafter of the Revels, inftitution of the office,
and the objects of, 510.-His functions fuf-
pended by the civil wars, and difputed on the
reſtoration, 511. See Stage.
Mecklenburgh, difputes between the duke and
nobles of, 94.
Methuen, comptroller of the houſehold, oppofes
the bill for taking off the attainder of Boling-
broke, 207-Delivers the king's meffage in
anfwer to the inquiry into the charge for fe-
cret fervice money, 295.
Midleton, lord chancellor of Ireland, his inflexi-
ble oppofition to Wood's patent,' 219.-His
character, ibid. His antipathy to Walpole,
221.-His miſunderſtanding with the lord
lieutenant, the duke of Grafton, 222.-Ex-
plains the motives of lord Carteret's conduct,.
227p.
INDE X.
1
27.-Refigns the feals, 228.-Quits Ireland,
230. His opinion of Swift, ibid. note.
Miller, ferjeant, oppoſes the motion for taking
off the attainder of Bolingbroke, 207.
Mitford, the tobacco merchant, his frauds in-
ſtanced by Sir Robert Walpole, 390.
Molefworth, lord, his arguments, again
Swedish fubfidy, 162.
"Mordaunt, colonel, his injudicious fpeech againſt
the reduction of the army, 566.
Morpeth, lord, his motion for depriving the king
of the prerogative of diſplacing military off-
cers, 409.
the
Mustapha and Mahomet, two Turkiſh dependants
on George I. 84.
N.
Naval Stores, the importation of, encouraged by
Walpole, 164.
Newcastle, duke of, is appointed fecretary of
ftate, 192.-His character, 327.-Conduct
in regard to the difputes between England
and Spain, 620.-His peremptory memorials,
to Mr. Keene, at Madrid, 621.-His diffenfions
with Sir Robert Walpole, 637.-His overtures
to the duke of Argyle difclofed to Walpole,
685.-His first conference with Pulteney,
699.-His fecond conference with Pulteney,
701.-Is averfe to the employment of Hano-
verian troops, 736--Feuds in the cabinet be--
tween him and lord Carteret, 741.
Norris, Sir John, is fent with a fleet to the port
of Liſbon, 459.-Is fent to intercept the
Spaniſh fleet, 635.
Northern League, the project for, counteracted
by Sir Robert Walpole, 483.
Nottingham, earl of, declared prefident of the
council by George I. 62.-Is diffmiffed, 81.
Nystadt, peace of, between Ruffia and Sweden,
162.
0.
Ogle, Sir Chaloner, his expedition againſt New
Spain, 636.
Onflow, his encomium on the feptennial bill,
75.-Objects to Walpole's propofal to tax the
ettates of Papifts, 175.-Oppoles the motion
for reverfing the attainder of Bolingbroke,
207-1s chofen fpeaker, 291.
Orange; fee Mary, and William.
Orford; fee Walpole.
Orleans, duke of, his negotiations with the earl
of Stair, at Puris, 89.-Communicates Atter-
bury's plot to the court of England, 168.-
Explains to Ilorace Walpole his objections to
the grant of a dukedom to the family of la
Vrilliere, 186.His death, ibid.His views in
promoting the double marriage between France.
and Spain, 237.
Ormond, impeached by the houſe of commons,
67.-Abfconds, and is attainted, 68.-His
imprudent conduct, 70.
Oftein, count, the Imperial embaffador, his con-
ferences with Horace Walpole, reſpecting the
interefts of the queen of Hungary, 680.-
Diffuades her from an accommodation with
the king of Pruffia, 681.
Ofend Company, the eſtabliſhment of, an object
in the treaty of Vienna, 240.-The treaty of
Hanover calculated to compel the Emperor
to relinquish the fcheme, 246.-Sufpended
for ſeven years by treaty, 261.
Oppofition, in the houſe of commons, the firſt
regular formation of, into a compact body,
againſt Sir Robert Walpole, 293.
Oxford; fee Harley.
Oxford, intemperate rejoicings there, on the fai-
lure of Sir Robert Walpole's excife ſcheme,
404.
P.
Palm, the Imperial miniſter at London, adviſes
the Emperor to publiſh a memorial impeach-
ing the veracity of George I. in his fpeech to
the parliament, 259-Is ordered out of the
kingdom, 260.-Cabals with the oppofition,
361.
Papifs, excluded from fucceffion to the crown
of England, by the bill of rights, 9.
Pafquin, a dramatic piece by Fielding, its com-
plexion, 515.
Patinko, Doa, prime minifter of Spain, his pro-
pofal to the British embaffador, to be revenged
of cardinal Fleury, 473.
Paulett, lord William, moves a diſabling claufe
to the bill for revcrfing the attainder of Bo-
lingbroke, 207.
Parten, folicitor to the treafury, committed to
Newgate by the fecret committee, for refufing
to anfwer interrogatories, 712.
Pearce, Dr. bishop of Rochefter, his private
anecdotes of Sir Robert Walpole and Pulte-
ney, 365.
Pecle, the tobacco merchant, his frauds inftanced
by Sir Robert Walpole, 391.
Peerage bill, propofed by Sunderland, and from
what views, 116.-ls withdrawn, 117.—ls
again introduced, 119-Walpole's ipecch
against it, 120.The bill reje&ed, 125.
Pelham, Henry, is appointed fecretary at war,
192 -Defends the treaty of Hanover in the
houte of commous, 255.—Is made firft loid
5 G 2
of
I
لوحم
X.
N DE
1
of the treaſury, by the influence of the earl of
Orford, 734-
Penfion bill, to difable all penfioners from fitting
in parliament, thrown out by the lords, 322.
Perry, alderman, prefents the petition of the
merchants against the Spanish depredations,
to the houfe of commons, 574-
Peter the Great, czar of Ruffia, invades Sweden,
161 -Makes peace with Sweden at Nyfladt,
162.—Allumes the title of emperor, and fup-
ports the duke of Holftein, 181.-His death,
242.
Phip V. of Spain, double marriage projected
between his family and that of France, 237.
His violent refentment at the infanta being
returned from France, 238.-Concludes his
differences with the Emperor, by the treaty of
Vienna, 239.-Makes a peremptory demand
of the reftitution of Gibraltar, ibid.-Accedes
to the peace made by the Emperor with
Ergland, &c. 261.-Evades fulfilling his
obligations on the death of George I.
30-Submits to ratify the peace at Pardo,
303-Treaty of Seville, ibid.-Inveftiga-
tion of his claim for the reftitution of Gib.
raltar, 305.-His haughty conduct on the
occafion, 309.-Joins with France in a
war against the Emperor, 432.-His attempts
to acquire Mantua counteracted by France,
Sardinia, and England, 471.-Is irritated at the
ſeparate accommodation between France and
the Emperor, 472.-See Spain.
Pitt, William, his maiden fpeech, in commen-
dation of Frederick prince of Wales, 524-
His fpeech againfi the Spanifli convention, 6or.
His arguments in favour of Sandys's motion
for an addreſs to the king for the removal of
Sir Robert Walpole, 653.-Promotes the-in-
quiry into his conduct, 711.-His frank con-
feffion of Walpole's merits after his death,
748.
Place bill, introduced into the houſe of com-
mons, and negatived, 411.
Playhouses, Sir John Barnard's bill to limit the
number of, 514.-The bill withdrawn, 515.
Abſtract of the act for licenfing plays, 516,
note.
Poland, feeble ftate of that kingdom, at the time
of the acceffion of George I. 53.-Death of
Auguftus II. 429.-Refolution of Lewis XV.
to fupport the election of Staniſlaus, ibid.-
Election of Stanislaus by French intereft, and
counter election of Auguftus by Ruffian af-
fiftance, 432.
Polwarth, lord, his reply to colonel Mordaunt's
fpeech againſt a reduction of the army, 567.
Pope, the poet, his ftrong attachment to bi--
fiop Atterbury, 172.-His character of Mrs.
Howard, 277.-His abufive treatment of lord
Hervey reprobated, 362, note.-His malig-
nant infinuations against queen Caroline,
549.-Praiſes the focial character of Walpole,
757-Ridicules the minifterial advocates,
760.
Portecus, captain, his murder by the populace at
Edinburgh, 491.-Parliamentary inquiry into
the tranfaction, 493.
Porto Bello, taken by admiral Vernon, 635.
Portugal, ftate of, at the time of the acceffion of
George I. 52.-Difputes with Spain, 457.-
Claims the affiftance of England, 458.-Sen-
timents of the court of, ibid.-Convention
with Spain, 460.
Pretender, is acknowledged as the fon of James II.
by Louis XIV. 7.-Bill of attainder paffed
againſt him, 15.-Addreffes a pathetic letter
to queen Anne, 47.-Parliamentary intrigues.
in his favour, 48.-Takes refuge in the papal
dominions, 54-His manifefto, 69.-Sets up
his ftandard in Scotland, his coronation at
Perth, and flight from Scotland, 71.-Pub-
lifhes another manifefto, 87.-Bishop Atter-
bury's plot, 168.-His interefts included in
the treaty of Vienna, 251.-His correfpond-
ence with Chauvelin, the French minifter,
diſcovered by an accident, 490.
1
Price, Dr. his remarks on the operation of the
finking fund, had it been kept to its original
purpoſe, 369, note.
Pruffia, ftate and difpofition of Frederick Wil-
liam, king of, at the acceffion of George I..
52.-Death of Frederick William, and accef-
fion of Frederick II. 639.-Confederacy
formed against the houfe of Bourbon, 640.
Pulteney, William, his motion for a committee
to ſtate the public debts, negatived, 254.-
Oppoſes the approbation of the treaty of Ha-
nover, 255.-Endeavours to injure Walpole's
credit with George II. 282.-Becomes the
great leader of the oppofition now formed
againſt the miniftry, 293.-His pamphlet on
the ſtate of the national debt, 294.-Biogra-
phical anecdotes of him, 352.-His parlia-
mentary conduct, 354.-Is made ſecretary at
war, 356.-Origin of his difagreement with
Walpole, ibid.Was chairman of the com-
mittee for profecuting bifhop Atterbury, 357
-Joins the oppofition againſt Walpole, 358.
-His conduct on the motion for diſcharging
the debts of the civil lift, ibid.-Moves for a
committee to ſtate the public debts, 360.-
Becomes a writer in the Craftſman, 361-
His
IN D E X.
His duel with lord Hervey, 363 -Party
pamphlets between him and Walpole, ibid.-
Is ftruck out of the lift of privy counfellors,
365.-His character of Walpole's propofed
excife fcheme, 383.-His oppofition to it,
400.-Endeavours to revive the attack on
the excife, 408.-Moves the addreſs to the
king on the marriage of Frederick prince of
Wales, 524-Is preffed by the prince to
folicit an increaſe of revenue from parlia-
ment, 525. His motion to that end, 529.—
His fpeech against the publication of parlia-
mentary debates, 569.-His fpeech and mo-
tions refpecting the Spaniſh depredations,
580.-His bill for fecuring and encouraging
the trade to America, 584.-The bill thrown
out, 586.-His eulogium on the duke of Ar-
gyle, 614.-Vindicates the feceflion of the
oppoſition members from parliament, 627.-
Moves the bill for the encouragement of fea-
men, 630,-Wins a wager of Sir Robert
Walpole in the houſe of commons about a
quotation from Horace, 644.-His arguments.
in favour of Sandys's motion for an addrefs
to the king for the removal of Sir Robert
Walpole, 653.-His ſpeech in favour of the
queen of Hungary, 676.-Supports the mo-
tion for an amendment to the addrefs, 694.
-His firft conference with the duke of New-
caſtle, 699.-His fecond conference with the
duke, 701.-His demands and arrangements,
702.-Meeting at the Fountain tavern, 703,
-His anfwer to the duke of Argyle's reflec-
tions, 704-Difcontents of the late oppo-
fitionists compofed by the prince of Wales,
706.—Adviſes the king to fhew fome coun-
tenance to the Tories, 709.-Is created earl
of Bath, 715-His unpopularity, ibid.-
His conduct defended from popular ca-
lumnies, 716.-Solicits the appointment of
firft lord of the treafury, but is anticipated by
Pelham, 734.--Decline of his credit, 735.
Q
Quadruple alliance, objects of this treaty, 114-
The Emperor and Spain both diffatisfied with
it, 236.
Quakers bill, fupported by Sir Robert Walpole,
476.--Paffes the commons, 477.-Is rejected
by the lords, 478.
R.
Ranby, the furgeon, his encomium on the dying
behaviour of the earl of Orford, 743-
Rebellion in Scotland, in favour of the Pretender,
71.-Government vindicated from the charge
of feverity in puniſhing the rebels, 73.
Report of the fecret committee examined, 719.
Revolution, the grounds of, examined into, 8.
Rice, Sir Robert Walpole's act for permitting it
to be carried directly from Carolina to any part
of Europe, 327.—Extended to Georgia, ibid.
Ripperda, baron de, is commiffioned by Philip
V. of Spain, to conclude an accommodation
with the Emperor at Vienna, 239.-His ex-
ulting anticipations of the operation of the
treaty of Vienna, 252-His fall, 257
Takes refuge in England, 311.-Memoirs of
his life, ibid. Is made prime minister of
Spain, 315-Difgraced, 315.-Is confined
in the caſtle of Segovia, and eſcapes, 317.-
His arrival in England, 318.-Goes to Mo-
rocco, and dies there, 319.-His character
by Cawthorn the poet, ibid.
Robethon, French fecretary to king George I.
his character. 83.-His difputes with the
Engliſh miniſtry, 95.-Allufions to him, in a
fpeech of Mr. Walpole, 110.
Robinson, Sir Thomas, afterward lord Grantham,
his character, and miffion to the court of
Vienna, 351-His negotiations with the
Emperor. refpecting the Poliſh election, 431.
-His inftructions to evade the Emperor's
preffing applications for affifiance, 437-His
account of the diftrefs of the duke of Loraine
at the propofed ceffion of Loraine to France,
486.
Rochefter; ſee Atterbury.
Roxburgh, duke of, fecretary of flate for Scot-
land, his ftrong attachment to Carteret and
Cadogan in oppofition to Townshend and
Walpole, 233.- Encourages the difcontents
in Scotland against the malt tax, 234.-is
diſplaced, ibid.
Rufhout, Sir John, his anticipations of Sir Ro-
bert Walpole's excife fcheme, 383-Is made
a lord of the treaſury, 702.-Treaturer of the
navy, 735.
Rufia, ftate of, at the acceffion of George I, 53.
The czar Peter invades Sweden, 161.
Death of Peter, and bold enterprizes of his
fucceffor Catherine, 242.-Supports the elec-
tion of Auguftus king of Poland, 431-En-
gages in a war againſt the Turks, 484.
S.
Sacheverel, Dr. remarks on his impeachment
by the houſe of commons, 24.-His fen-
tence, 25.
St. John, Henry, vifcount Bolingbroke, his cha-
racter and rivalihip with Walpole, 14.
Propofes
1
INDE X.
}
Propoſes an inquiry into the public expendi-
ture, 34-Succeeds Harley in the miniſtry,
48.-His conduct myfterious, 49.-Is dif-
miffed by George I. 61.-Is impeached by
Walpole, 67.-Abfconds, 68.-Is attainted,
69.-Biographical memoirs of him, ibid.-
His character and difagreement with lord
Oxford, 197. Procures the removal of
Oxford, 198.-His connections with the
Pretender proved, 199.-Manner and cauſe
of his difmiffion from the Pretender's fer-
vice, 200. Negotiates with lord Stair
for his return to England, 201.-Private
hiſtory of his letter to Sir William Wyndham,
ibid.Vifits England on obtaining his pardon,
202.-Endeavours to become the confidential
channel of communication between the duke
of Bourbon and the Britiſh miniſtry, 203.-
Opens his fituation and ſentiments to Horace
Walpole at Paris, 204.-Marries Madame
de la Villette, 205.-Sends her to England
to manage his affairs, ibid.-Petitions the
houfe of commons for the reverfal of his
attainder, 206.-Returns to England, and
joins the oppofition as a decided enemy to
Walpole, 208.-Secret hiſtory of his pardon,
209.--Remarks on his political writings,
211. His character of a patriot king, 213.-
Bribes the dutcheſs of Kendal, who fails in
fulfilling her engagements, 263.-His, me-
morial to the king againſt Walpole, 264.
Obtains an audience of the king, ibid.-
His activity in forining an oppofition to Sir
Robert Walpole, 320.-Endeavours to irritate
the people about the harbour of Dunkirk,
323.-Is feverely treated by Walpole in the
debate, 324.-Vindicates himſelf and l'ulteney
in the Craftſman, 363.-The oppofition to
the excife fcheme, formed under his aufpices,
408.-Quits England and retires to France,
426.-His character of the peace between
the Emperor and the allies, 473.-Cultivates
an intimacy with Frederick prince of Wales,
521.-Foments the difagreement between the
prince and his father, by his counfels, 525.-
Inftigates a feceflion of the minority of the
houfe of commons, 604.
Salt duty, is revived by Sir Robert Walpole, 377.
Sandys, his motion calling for the king's reafons
for difniffing the duke of Bolton and lord
Cobham from their regiments, 410.-Gives
Sir Robert Walpole notice of his intended
accufation of him, 644-His fpeech, 645.
Moves an addreſs to the king for the re-
moval of Walpole, 651.
Sardinia, is reduced to an alliance with France
and Spain, by the neglect of the Emperor,
433.
Savage, Richard, patronifed by queen Caroline,
551, note.-His character of Sir Robert Wal-
pole's pacific ſyſtem, ibid.
Scandalum magnatum, the offence defined, 120,
note.
Scarborough, earl of, mafter of the horfe to the
prince of Wales, is made a knight of the
garter by lord Townshend's intereft, 193.
Schaub, Sir Luke, his character, and miffion to
Paris, 178.-Conteft with Horace Walpole,
185.-His indifcreet folicitation of a duke-
dom for the marquis de la Vrilliere, 186.-Is
recalled, 191.
Scotland, rebellion there in favour of the Pre-
tender, 71.-The duty on malt evaded, 230.
-The people inflamed by a transfer of the
duty to beer, 231.-Tumults at Glaſgow,
232. Confederacy of brewers at Edin-
burgh, 233.-Roxburgh difplaced for en-
couraging the popular difcontents, 234.-
Tranquillity reſtored by the earl of Ilay, ibid.
Tumult at Edinburgh, and proceedings_on
the murder of captain Porteous, 490.-Par
liamentary inquiry into the affair, 493-
Scrope, fecretary to the treaſury, refuſes to an-
fwer the interrogatories of the fecret commit-
tee refpecting fecret fervice money, 712.
Seceffion of the minority of the houſe of com-
mons in the affair of the Spaniſh convention,
at the inftigation of Sir William Wyndham,
604.-Walpole's reply to Pulteney's defence
of it, 628.
>
Secret Service money, anſwer of George II. to
the addreſs of the commons for an account
of the charge for, 295.
Sedition and Defamation Difplayed, a pamphlet
abufing Pulteney and Bolingbroke, fuppofed
to be written by lord Hervey, 361.-Is an-
ſwered by Mr. Pulteney, ibid.
Septennial bill, paffed, 74. Difcuffion of its
merits, 75-The repeal of, moved, 411-
Sir William Wyndham's fpeech for the re-
peal, 413.--Sir Robert Walpole's in anfwer,
420.
Seville, treaty of, between Great Britain, France,
and Spain, 303.-Is carried into exccution,
347.
Sh
'ppen, Mr. his remarks on the conduct of Mr.
Walpole when in oppofition, 110, 111.-Is
committed to the Tower for reflections
on the king, 112.- Oppoſes Mr. Wal-
pole's plan for reftoring public credit, in the
South Sea year, 145.-Moves for a limitation
of the civil lift, 290.-His declamatory ob-
jections
9
INDE
X
་
jections to the addrefs, 292.-Becomes the
leader of the Jacobites in the regular oppo-
fition formed againſt the miniftry, 294.-
Repreſents the popular alarms occafioned by
Walpole's excife ſcheme, 382.-His declara-
tion and conduct in the debate on the motion
for the removal of Sir Robert Walpole, 656.
670. His character, 671.- Biographical
anecdotes of him, ibid.-His fpeech againſt
the Auftrian fubfidy, 679.
Shrewsbury, duke of, joins Harley in perfuading
queen Anne to diſmiſs her Whig miniſtry, 29.
-Is made lord chamberlain, 30.-Is made
lord treaſurer at the point of the queen's
death, 50.
Silefia, invaded and overrun by the king of
Pruffia, 640.
Sinclair, Sir John, his reafons againſt impoſing
all taxes directly on land, 376, note.
Sinking fund, first propofal of, by Mr. Walpole,
for reducing the national debt, 108.-The
South Sea loan applied to it, 113.-Debates
on, 294.--Sir Robert Walpole's report on the
ftate of, 297.-Alienation of, 368.-Specu-
lations on the fubject, 369.
Sinzendorff, count, the Imperial minifter, his
intemperate refentment againſt England and
Holland, for withholding affiftance from the
Emperor, 461.
Smellett, his mifrepreſentations of the debate on
the reduction of the army, noted, 568, note.
Somers, lord, motion for his impeachment in the
houſe of commons, 13.-Is made prefident
of the council, 23.-His opinion of the fep-
tennial bill, 76.
Sophia, ele&refs, her application for a writ to
call up the electoral prince to the houſe of
peers, refifted by queen Anne, 47.- Her
death, 56, note.
Sophia Charlotte, fifter of George I. of England,
and wife of Frederick elector of Brandenburgh,
afterward king of Fruffia, her character, 273,
note.
Sophia Dorothy, of Zell, married to George the
Firft, 267.-Account of her, ibid. Her di-
vorce, impriſonment, and death, 268.-Cir-
cumftances favourable to her memory, ibid.
South Sea company, a loan from, applied in aid of
the finking fund, 113.-Origin and progrefs
of the company, 126.-Its trade fufpended,
127. Makes propofals to government for a
reduction of the irredeemable annuities, 128.
-Outbids the Bank, 130.-Propoſed advan-
tages of the ſcheme, 133-General frenzy
in favour of it, 134.-The directors ruin their
own ſcheme by fuppreffing other bubbles,
13·5.-National defpondency on the fall of
the ſtock, 136. The houfe of commons
order the directors to lay an account of
their proceedings before the houſe, 142.-
Mr. Walpole's plan for the relief of the com-
pany, and of the public credit, 144.-Popu-
lar indignation against the directors, 147-
Rigorous proceedings against them, 148.-
Their fictitious flock how diftributed, 149.-
Confifcation of the eftates of the directors,
150.-Operation of the bill for reftoring pub-
lic credit, 155-A view of the advantages
derived from the South Sea fcheme, 156.—
Diſputes between the company and the Spa-
nish government, 588.
Spain, difpofition of the court of, on the accef-
fion of George I. 52.-Dangerous intrigues
of cardinal Alberoni, 113.-The ill fuccefs
of his meaſures procures his difmiffion, 115.
-Philip why diffatisfied with the quadruple
alliance, 236.-- Refentment of the Spanish
court at the return of the infanta from France,
238.-Treaty of Vienna, 239.-Peace figned
with England, 261. Convention of the
Pardo figned, 296.-Declares war againſt the
Emperor, in conjunction with France, 432.-
The object of Spain in this war, 454.-Dif-
putes with Portugal, 457.-Convention with
Portugal, 460.-Inveteracy of the Spaniards
againſt the French, 473-Preliminaries of
peace figned, ibid. Exclufive claim of, to
America, 557-Treaties with England re-
ſpecting America, ibid.The English in-
dulged with an indirect trade with the Spanish
fettlements, 558.-Affiento contract, 559.-
Difputes between the two nations concerning
illicit trade, 560.-And the limits of Georgia,
561.-Memorial of the Britiſh merchants,
562.-Petition of the British merchants to
the houſe of commons, complaining of the
Spaniſh depredations, 574-Conduct of the
Spaniſh refident Geraldino, 577.-Difficul-
ties attending the negotiation with, 587.-
Convention with, 590.-The merits of this
convention difcuffed in parliament, 592.-
Refractory behaviour of the Spaniſh court,
616.-War declared, 617.- Spaniſh mani-
fefto, 618.-Examination into the merits of
this war, ibid.-A family compact concluded
with France, 639.
Stage, expediency of checking the licentiouſneſs
of, 509.-Immorality of, on the reſtoration,
512.-King William's order for the regula
tion of, ibid.-Relapfe of, 513.- Sir John
Barnard's bill for the limitation of playhouſes,
514-Abftract of the bill paffed for licenfing
plays, 516, note.
Stair, carl of, his negotiations with the duke
of
IN D
E X.
of Orleans at Paris, 89.- Bolingbroke ne-
gotiates with him for his return to England,
231.
Stanhope, James earl, fecretary of ftate, negotiates
an alliance with France, at Hanover, 92.-Is
gained over by the intrigues of Sunderland, 96.
-Effect of Horace Walpole's expoftulations
with him 100.-Apologizes for his condu&
to Walpole, and is reproached by him, 103.
His excules, 105.-Is appointed firſt lord
of the treaſury and chancellor of the exche-
quer, 107—His infinuations againſt his pre-
deceffor Walpole, 1 10.-His unfucceſsful ne-
gotiation with ca dinal Alberoni, 114.
Again appointed fecretary of state, dies, 155.
Stanhope, Charles, accepts a fhare in the South
Sea fictitious ſtock, 149.-His narrow eſcape
from profecution on this occafion in the houfe
of commons, 151.-Caufe of the averfion
of George II, to him, 300.
Stanhope, William; fee Harrington.
Stanislaus, the ejected king of Poland, his daugh-
ter married to Louis XV of France, 237.-
Is re-elected king of Poland by French in-
tereft, but is driven out, and Auguftus elected
by the affiſtance of Ruffia, 432.
Staremberg, count, the Imperial embaffador, his
audience of George I. to notify the treaty of
Vienna with Spain, 240.
Steele, becomes obnoxious to queen Anne's
Tory minifters by his writings, and is ably
defended by Walpole, 43.-Is expelled the
houſe of commons, 45.-His remarks on the
South Sea directors, 142.
Steinhoft, difpute with the king of Denmark
concerning the lordship of, 608.
Steuart, his account of the motives that induced
an alienation of the finking fund, 370.
Stock-jobbing, condemned by a vote of the houfe
of commons, 143.
Strange, lord, his violent cenfure on the houſe
of lords, for rejecting the indemnity bill for
witneffes against Sir Robert Walpole, thrown
out by the commons, 715.
Strickland, bifhop of Namur, his character, 442.
-His cabals for the removal of Sir Robert
Walpole, 443.-Is difmiffed, 444.
Suffolk; fee Howard.
Sunderland, Charles earl of, becomes fecretary
of ftate by the intereft of the Whigs, 23.-
His difcontents under George I. 8o.-His
cabals, 81 His intrigues at Hanover, 96-
His accufations againſt Townshend and Wal-
pole, 98.-Procures their difmiffion, 101.
Apologizes for his conduct on this occafion,
104. Is feebly fupported in the houfe of
commons, 106.Is appointed fecretary of
ş
ftate, 107.-His view in propofing the peer-
age bill, 116.—His efforts in its favour, 118.
-It is rejected, 125.-Forms a coalition with
Townshend and Walpole, 131.-Is fheltered
from profecution on account of his concern
in the South Sea ſcheme, by the exertions of
Walpole, 152.-Refigns the office of firſt lord
of the treafury, 159.-is myfterious con-
duct, and influence over the king, 165.-His
death, 166.
Sundon, lord, his imprudent conduct at the Weft-
minſter election, 683.
Sweden, ftate and difpofition of the court of, at
the acceffion of George I. 53. Death of
Charles XII. and election of Ulrica Eleo-
nora, 160.-Treaty with Hanover and Eng-
land, 161.-Peace of Nyftadt, 162.—is de-
tached from Ruffia, and accedes to the treaty
of Hanover, 256.
Swift, dean, his clamour against Wood's copper
coinage, proved to be falſe, by an affay at the
mint, under Sir Ifaac Newton, 217.-Ag-
gravates the difcontents in Ireland, by ballads
and other writings, 222.-Replies to Walpole's
report in his Drapier's Letters, 226.-Lord
Midleton's opinion of him, 230, note.-At-
tributes Gay's diſappointment of preferment
to Sir Robert Walpole, 279.—Mrs. Howard
the object, firſt of his fulfome praiſe, and then
of his bitter fatire, 280.
T.
Tencin, Madame, her artful intrigue with lord
Bolingbroke, 197.
Tect act, motion in the houfe of commons for
the repeal of, 476.-Application of the dif-
fenters to Sir Robert Walpole, for the repeal
of, 658.
Thomson, the poet, his compliment on the oratory
of the duke of Argyle, 615, note.
Tobacco, Sir Robert Walpole's reprefentation of
the frauds practifed in the trade of, 387.-
Mitford's cafe, 390.-Peele's cafe, 391.-Ris
propofed remedy for thefe frauds, 593.-The
bill relinquished, 403.
Tories, obtain the adminiflration of government,
under William II. 9.-How managed by
him, 10. Are fupplanted by the Whigs, un-
der queen Anne, 23.--Again come into
power, 32.-Excluded on the acceffion of
George I. 61. Their inveteracy, to the
Whigs, 62.-Impeachment of Bolingbroke,
Oxford, and Strafford, 67.-Arc confounded
with the Jacobites by Walpole, 293.-
Their coalition with the difcontented Whigs,
320.-Why they defended Sir Robert Wal-
pole
INDE X.
pole against the motion for his removal,
654.-Their expectations on the removal of
Walpole, 700.-Form an oppofition againſt
the new miniftry, 708.
Townshend, Charles vifcount, plenipotentiary at
Gertruydenberg, 30.-Appointed fecretary
of ſtate, at the acceffion of George I. 61.-
His rife and character, 63.-Oppofes the at-
tainder of Oxford, 70.-Rivalihip between
him and lord Sunderland, 80,-Favours the
acquifition of Bremen and Verden, 87.-
Counteracts the duplicity of the duke of Or-
leans, by an alliance with the Emperor, 90.
Vindicates himſelf, 100.-Difmiffed from
the office of ſecretary of ſtate, 102.—Declines
the lord lieutenancy of Ireland, ibid.-Popu-
lar diſcontents upon his removal, 104.-Re-
ceives apologies from the king, and is induced
to accept the viceroyalty of Ireland, 105.-
Is again difmiffed, 107.-Is made prefident of
the council, 131.-Is appointed fecretary of
ftate, 159.-Cultivates the friendſhip of Du
Bois, the French miniſter, 178.—Attends the
king to Hanover, 181.-His rivalſhip with
Carteret in the king's favour, 182.-Obtains
one garter for lord Scarborough, and receives
the other himſelf, 193.-Object of his nego-
tiations at Hanover, 245.-His fcheme for
the partition of the Auftrian Netherlands, 246.
Is re-appointed ſecretary of ſtate, by George
II. 288.-Negotiates the treaty of Brunfwick,
302.-And that of Seville, 303.-Refigns,
on account of his diſagreement with Sir Ro-
bert Walpole, 327. 332.-Explains the motives
of his refignation, 337.-His dignified retire-
ment, 338.
Trevor, Robert, his character, 623.-Is refufed
to be appointed envoy and plenipotentiary at
the Hague, by the king, 624.-Accepts the
fituation of envoy, ibid.
Tucker, dean, his encomium on the commercial
regulations of Sir Robert Walpole, 164.-
His eulogium on the exciſe ſcheme, 372.
V.
Vernon, adiniral, is fent to the Weſt Indies with
a fquadron, against the Spaniards, 617-
Takes Porto Bello, 635. His unfucceſsful
attack of Carthagena, 636.
Victor Amadeus, duke of Savoy, view of the po-
licy by which he was actuated on the accef
fion of George I. of England, 54.
Vienna, treaty of, between the Emperor, and
- Philip V. of Spain, 239.—Extract from the
report of this treaty, 248.-The fecret articles
of this treaty difcuffed, 250.-Negotiations
VOL. I.
opened there with the Emperor by England,
342.-Second treaty of Vienna, 346.
Villarias, marquis of, the Spaniſh minifter, his-
negotiations with Mr. Keene at Madrid, 616.
Ulrica Eleonora, elected queen of Sweden, on
the death of Charles XII. 160.-Refigns the
crown in favour of her huſband, Frederick I.
162.
United Provinces, favourably difpofed to the
acceffion of George I. 53.-Cauſes of the
fupine conduct of, in the war between the
Emperor and France, 434.-Miffion of Ho-
race Walpole to the Hague, ibid.-The irrefo-
lution of the ſtates, the cauſe of the failure of
the convention with England, 449.-How
withheld from taking any part in the war,.
452.
Vrilliere, marquis de la, negotiation for the mar-
riage of his fon, the count de St. Florentin,
with Amalia, daughter of the countefs of
Platen, 180.-Struggle of lord Carteret to
obtain a dukedom for him, 186.—Fails in the
fuit, but completes the marriage, 192.
Utrecht, the peace of, characterized, 47.—Eng-
land reduced to a delicate dilemma by this
peace, 113.
W.
Wade, general, fuppreffes the tumult at Glaf--
gow, occafioned by the malt tax, 232.
Wager, Sir Charles, is fent with a fquadron into
the Baltic, to detach Sweden from Ruffia,
256.-Is made firſt lord of the admiralty,
406.-Introduces a bill for the regiſtry of fea-
men, 631.-His defence of Sir Robert Wal-
pole, againſt the motion for his removal, 654- -
His tumultuous re-election for the city of
Weftminster, 683.-Decifion of the houſe
upon it, 691.
Waldegrave, James earl of, is fent embaſſador
to Paris, 347-His character, and family,
1bid.-Evidence of his diplomatic talents, .
350.-Taxes Fleury with duplicity, 464.-
Prevails on Fleury to open his fcheme for a.
general pacification, 458.-Fleury's c. averfa-
tions with him on de abject o, an al^. ce
between France and ngia ad again the Em-
peror, 488.-He conributes to the 'ife ace of
Chauvelin, 489.
Waller, revives the cotion for a cre committee
to inquire into the adininiſtration of Sir Robert
Walpole, 732.
Walpole, antiquity of the family, and derivation
of the name, I.
Walpole, Sir Edward, grandfather of Robert earl
of Orford, his character, 1.
SH
Walpole
1
INDE X.
Felpe, Horace, is made private fecretary to
loid Townshend, 30.-Is fent to the Hague
to procure Dutch troops to affift in quelling
the rebellion in Scotland, 71.-His reaſons in
tavour of the acquifition of Bremen and Ver-
den, 87.-His negotiations at the Hague, 91.
His reafons for refufing to fign the treaty
with France, 97.-His expoftulations with
Sunderland and Stanhope, 100.-Objects to
the quadruple alliance, 115.-His character,
184.Is fent to Paris to fuperfede the embaffy
of Sir Luke Schaub, 185.-His difpatches, and
thofe of Schaub, contradictory in their repre-
fentations, 186.The duke of Bourbon coin-
plains to him of Schaub's importunity, in foli-
citing a dukedom for the family of la Vrilliere,
187.-Is appointed envoy extraordinary to the
court of Verſailles, 188.-Is named embaſſa-
dor to Paris, 191.-Procures the recal of
Schaub, ibid.Declines the affiftance of Bo-
Ingbroke, 204.-Conferences with Boling-
broke, ibid.-Defends the treaty of Hanover
in the houſe of commons, 255.-His confer-
ence with cardinal Fleury on the acceffion of
George II. 286.-Brings over the cardinal's
letter to the king, and returns with the an
fwer, 287.-Moves a grant for the Heffian
troops, 292.-Recommends lord Waldegrave
to fucceed him at Paris, 347.-Is fent to ne-
gotiate privately at the Hague, 434.—Is ap-
pointed embaffador extraordinary to the
States, 441.-Reprefents to Harrington and
the queen, the impropriety of countenancing
the biſhop of Namur, 443.-Procures a pen-
fion for baron Gedda, the Swediſh miniſter at
Paris, 444.-His correfpondence with cardi-
nal Fleury, to promote a general pacification,
445.-Conferences with Jannel at the Hague,
446, 447-Carries the unfigned plan of pa-
cification to London, 448.-His account of the
principles of Chauvelin, 449.-His expoftula-
tions with Fleury, 450.- Declines the office
of ſecretary of ſtate, but attends the king to
Hanover, 480.-Prepares the project for a
northern league, according to his brother's
inftructions, 483.-His reply to Fleury's over-
tures for an alliance with England againſt
the Emperor, 488.-Defends the conven-
tion with Spain in parliament, 594.-Re-
preſents the injuftice of the war with Spain,
to the miniſtry, 621.-Becomes weary of his
diplomatic employment, 623.-Returns to
England, 624.-Forms the plan of a confede-
racy againſt the houſe of Bourbon, 640.-His
conferences with count Oftein, the Imperial mi-
nifter, to perfuade the queen of Hungary to an
8
accommodation with the king of Pruffia, 680.-
Defends the meaſure of continuing the employ-
ment of Hanoverian troops, in the houſe of
commons, 737.-The fyftem of his brother's
adminiftration explained by him, 744.
Walpole, Robert, father of Robert earl of Or-
ford, brief account of, 2.-Record of the
births of his numerous children, 3, note.-His
character, 5.
Walpole, Robert, (afterwards earl of Orford) his
birth, 3. His education, 4.-His marriage,
5.-His paternal inheritance, 6.-His firſt
entrance into parliament, 7.-State of poli-
tics at this time, ibid.-His activity in the
houſe of commons, 13.-His character
compared with that of St. John, 14.-In-
ftances of his rifing confequence in parlia-
ment, 18.-His high credit with the Whig
leaders, 21.-Is appointed one of the council
to prince George of Denmark, lord high ad-
miral, ibid.--Reconciles the lord treaſurer
Godolphin with the Whigs, 22.-Is appoint-
ed fecretary at war, 23.Is choſen manager
for the impeachment of Dr. Sacheverel, 24.
-Effect of this trial on his future conduct,
25.-Publiſhes remarks on this trial, ibid.
Laments the difunion of the Whigs, 30.--Is
courted by Harley, 32.-Refigns the office
of fecretary at war, 33.-Supports lord Go-
dolphin againſt the attack of St. John, 34.
-juftifies the late miniftry againſt the in-
temperate reproach of the commons, 35.-
Is expelled the houſe, and committed to the
Tower, 37.-Publifhes a defence of him-
felf, ibid.Lord. Lanfdowne's verſes on his
impriſonment, 38.-Eaftcourt's ballad on
that occafion, 39.-His releaſe and fubfe-
quent embarraffinents in fupport of the cauſe
of the Whigs, 41.-Is again returned to par-
liament, and publiſhes a hiftory of the late
parliament, 42.-His able defence of Mr.
Steele, 43.-Expreffes apprehenfions of the
danger of the Proteftant fucceffion, 46.-Is
appointed paymafter of the forces, by George
I. 61. His intimacy with lord Townf-
hend, 64.-Moves the addrefs to the king,
reflecting on meaſures at the cloſe of the late
reign, 65.-His report as chairman of the
committee of fecrecy, on the papers of Bo-
lingbroke, Strafford, and Prior, 66.-Moves
the impeachment of Bolingbroke, 67.-Op-
pofes the attainder of Oxford, 70.-His
activity on the rebellion in Scotland, 7.
-Is appointed firſt commiffioner of the trea-
fury, and chancellor of the exchequer, ibid.
-Oppoſes the petitions in favour of the
rebel
INDE
I.
rebel lords, 72.-Septennial bill paffed, 74.
Evidence that he and lord Townshend fa-
voured the acquifition of Bremen and Ver-
den, 87.-Why induced to prefer a connex-
ion with France, to an union with the houſe
of Auſtria, 88.-Incurs the refentment of the
king, 95.-His confidence in fecretary Stan-
hope, betrayed to Sunderland, 96.-Infinua-
tions to the king againft him, conveyed by
Sunderland, 99 Reproaches Stanhope for his
conduct, 103.—Refigns, on the diſmiſon of
Townfhend, 107.-Sketch of his plan for
the reduction of the national debt, 108.-
Defends his refignation, 109.-Leagues with
the Tories in oppofition, 110.-Gives way
to party refentment, 111.-His exertions to
inftitute an inquiry into the conduct of Ca-
dogan, 112.-Supports the Swediſh fubfidy,
ibid.-Procures the South fea loan to be ap-
plied in aid of the finking fund, 113.-True
caufes of his influence in the houfe of com-
mons, ibid.-Oppofes the war with Spain,
115.—And objects to the quadruple alliance,
116.-Exerts himſelf against the peerage bill.
ibid.-Writes againſt it, 118. His arguments
at the Whig meeting at Devonshire houſe,
ibid. His memorable ſpeech againſt the bill,
120. Encounters the South Sea fcheme with
arguments in favour of an open competition,
129. His objections to the South Sea pro-
pofals, 130.-Accepts the office of paymafter
general of the forces, 131.-Exerts himfelf in
reconciling the king and the prince of Wales,
132.-His endeavours to retrieve the credit
of the South Sea company, 136 -Adopts
a plan for the reſtoration of public credit,
139.-Prefents it to the houfe of commons,
144-It paffes into a law, 145.-Violent
oppofition againft his fcheme in parliament,
ibid. Endeavours to moderate the public
indignation against the South Sea directors,
148.-Favours the petitions againſt the ri-
gour of the commons, 151.-Defends Charles
Stanhope, ibid.-Aiflabie and Sunderland,
152.-Frames the address of the commons
to the king, on the ftate of public credit,
154-Operation of the bill for reſtoring pub-
lic credit, 155.-Draws up the king's fpeech
on the enſuing prorogation of parliament,
ibid.-His plan for difcharging the debts of
the civil lift, 156.-General remarks on his
conduct in the South Sea bufinefs, 157.
Is made firft lord of the treaſury and chan-
cellor of the exchequer, 159.-His reply to
lord Molefworth's arguments againſt aflifting
Sweden againſt Ruffia, 162.-Draws up the
King's ſpeech at opening the parliament, 163.
His regulations in favour of commerce, 164.
-Communicates Atterbury's plot to the houfe
of commons, 168.-Defends his bill for taxing
the eftates of Papifts and Nonjurors, 175.-
Declines a peerage, which is conferred on his
fon, 176.— Acts as fole fecretary of ſtate
during the king's journey to Hanover, 181.-
Oppoles the king's interference between
Ruffia and Sweden, 183.-The king's high
opinion of his talents, 184.-Is unable to
procure the difmiffion of Cadogan, 189.-
Baffles the efforts of Carteret to prejudice
the king against him, 193.-Is inftalled a
knight of the bath and of the garter, 195.-
Moves the bill for taking off the attainder
of Bolingbroke, 196-Declines Bolingbroke's
propoſals of a coalition with the Tories,
202. Supports the bill for reverfing Bo-
lingbroke's attainder, 206. Bolingbroke
returns, and joins oppofition, as a decided
enemy to his adminiſtration, 208.-Secret
hiftory of Walpole's interpofition in his fa-
vour, 209.-Remarks on this tranfaction,
210.-Bolingbroke's character of Walpole ex-
amined, 211.—The tumults in Scotland, and
diſturbances in Ireland, attributed to him,
216-His ineffectual oppofition to Wood's
patent, and caution to infure the due perform-
His conduct
ance of the contract, 218.
refpecting the difcontents in Ireland, 223,
Withdraws his fupport from the duke of
Grafton, and procures the lord lieutenancy
for lord Carteret, 225.-Advifes the king to
give up Wood's copper coinage, 22S.—Ď2-
putes the earl of flay to quiet the popular
difturbances in Scotland againſt the malt tax,
234-Treaty of Hanover, 245.- The merit
of this treaty examined, 247.-His objec-
tions to this treaty, 249.-Pulteney's motion
for a committee to Rate the public debts ne-
gatived, 254.- Prefents the treaty of Ha-
nover to the houfe, which is fupported by his
brother Horace, 255.-Draws up the addrefs
of the commons to the king, on the memo-
rial circulated by Palm, the Imperial embaf-
fador, 259.-Good confequences of his paci-
fic fentiments at this juncture, 260.-Cabals
of the dutchess of Kendal, againſt him, 263.
Preffes the king to grant Bolingbroke an
audience, 264.—Death of George I. 265.-Is
accuſed by Swift of obſtructing Gay's prefer
ment, 279.-Expects to be removed by the ca-
bals againſt him under the new king George
II. 282. Patronifed by queen Caroline,
283.-His firſt interview with the king, 284,
Is
5 H 2
tap
I ND E X.
Is re-appointed first commiffioner of the
treafury, and chancellor of the exchequer,
288. Procures an increaſe of the civil lift,
290.-And a jointure for the queen, 291.-
The first regular formation of an oppofition
to miniftry, in the houfe of commons, 293.
His plan of refiftance to it, ibid.-Debates
on the national debt, 294.-His report on
this ſubject, 297.-Favourable effect of this
'report, 299.-Incurs odium by the king's in-
flexibility, 300.-Treaty of Brunſwick con-
cluded by Townshend, 302.-Promotes the
treaty of Seville, 304.-Debates concerning
the reftitution of Gibraltar, ibid.-Coalition of
the Tories and difcontented Whigs, under
the management of Bolingbroke, againſt him,
320.-Debate on the Imperial loan, 321.-
His conduct reſpecting the penfion bill, and
his arguments againſt it, 322.-Exerts him-
felf in the debate about Dunkirk harbour,
324. His fuccefsful defeat of the ſcheme to
throw open the Eaſt India trade, on the ex-
piration of the company's charter, 325.-
Permits rice to be exported directly from
Carolina and Georgia, to any part of Europe,
327-Changes in the miniftry, ibid.-His
diflike of lord Harrington, how founded, 331.
--Cauſe of his difagreement with lord Townf-
hend, 332.-Their altercation, 336.-Coun-
teracts Townshend's plan of hoftile operations
againſt the Emperor-ftate of the difference
between them, 337.-Promotes a reconcilia-
tion with the Emperor, 341-Negotiation at
Vienna, 342.-Second treaty of Vienna, 346.
-His great confidence in lord Waldegrave,
349. Removes the jealoufy of cardinal
Fleury at the Auftrian alliance, 350.-His
acrimonious altercations in debate with Pul-
teney, 360. Is abufed by him in the
Craftsman, 361.-Mutual recrimination be-
tween them in party pamphlets, 363.-Their
cordial private converfation in the houſe of
commons, 365.-Takes half a million from
the finking fund, 368.-His motives for this
alienation, 370.-Popularity of the meaſure
at the time, ibid.-Dean Tucker's eulogium
on the excife fcheme, 372.- Walpole's
motives for extending the excife, 376.-
Revives the falt duty, 377.-His diſtinction
between customs and excife, ibid. note.-An
explanation and defence of his fcheme pub-
liſhed, 378.-Is obliged to combat the an-
ticipations of oppofition reſpecting his pro-
poſed ſcheme, 382.-His ſpeech in the com-
mittee, for fecuring and improving the duties
-on tobacco and wines, 385.-His view of
the frauds in the tobacco trade, 387.-His
propofed remedy for thefe frauds, 392.
Anfwers objections to the excife laws, 395.-
Arguments of the oppofition, 399.-His re-
ply, 400.-Is attacked by the multitude in
returning from the houſe, 402.-His motives
for relinquishing the bill, 403.-Receives
fupport from the king, 405.-His reply to
Pulteney's affertion, that he wished to refume
the plan, 408.-Defends the king's preroga-
tive in removing the duke of Bolton and lord
Cobham from their regiments, 410.-His re-
ply to Sir William Wyndham's fpeech for
the repeal of the feptennial bill, 420.-Senti-
ments conveyed by him in the king's fpeech,
427.-Remarks on his pacific fyftem, in his
refufal to affift the Emperor, 428.--His cau-
tious conduct refpecting the Poliſh election,
430.-Sends his brother Horace to the
Hague, to negotiate with the Dutch, in fa-
vour of the Emperor, 434.-His prudent op-
poſition to the king's inclination for the
war with France, 435.-Counteracts the art-
ful repreſentations of the Emperor, 437-
Prepares to put the nation in a refpectable
pofture of defence, 438.-Incurs the refent-
ment of the Emperor, who cabals to remove
him, 442.-Counteracts the intrigues of the
biſhop of Namur, 443.-His correfpondence
with cardinal Fleury to procure a general pa-
cification, 445.-Propofes pacific meafures,
446.-Oppofes the inftructions intended by
lord Harrington to be fent to the Hague, to
obftruct the pacific negotiations there, 447.-
Strengthens the army and navy, 450.-Di-
vided ſtate of the English cabinet, 454-
His expences in conteſted elections, 456.-
Sends a fleet to the affiftance of Portugal,
459.-Renews his overtures to France, 462.
The cabinet divided, 466.-His final an-
fwer to the Emperor's claims of affiftance,
467.-Preliminaries of peace figned, 473.-
Incurs obloquy for the gin act, 475-His
cautious management on the motion for the
repeal of the teſt act, 476.—Supports the
Quakers bill, ibid.-The bill rejected by the
lords, 478.-His refentment againſt biſhop
Gibſon on this account, ibid.-His confi:
dential correfpondence with his brother Ho-
race, while attending the king at Hanover,
480. His objections to the guaranty of the
fucceffion to Berg and Juliers, 482.-He re-
probates the projected northern league, 483.
Oppoſes the Britiſh mediation between
Ruffia and the Porte, 484.-Fails in his at-
tempts to bribe Chauvelin, the French fecre-
tary
1
IN DE X
tary of ftate, 487.-Correfpondence between
him and Fleury, on a propofed alliance againſt
the Emperor, 489.-His conduct in the in-
quiry into the murder of captain Porteous,
495.-Takes another million from the fink-
ing fund, 497.-Oppofes Sir John Barnard's
fcheme for the reduction of intereft, 500.-
His ſpeech against the bill, 505.- Inquiry
into the motives of his oppofition to this
fcheme, 509-Supports Sir John Barnard's
bill to limit the number of play houfes, 514.
Produces the Golden Kump before the
houſe of commons, to fhew the neceffity of
licenfing plays, 516.-Account, and abftract,
of the act paffed for this purpoſe, ibid.-Is
embarraffed by the ftate of the prince of
Wales's revenue, 526.-His reply to Pulte-
ney's motion for an increaſe of it, 530.
Reviſes an anſwer to a pamphlet on the
fubject, 532.—His conference with the lord
chancellor Hardwicke on the breach between
the king and the prince, 535.-Involves the
difference between the king and prince in
that between himſelf and the oppoſition, 539,
-Draws up, by the king's order, a meffage,
ordering the prince to remove from the pa-
lace, ibid.-Repreſents the affair to the ca-
binet council, 541.-Review of his conduct
in this delicate affair, 544.-Queen Caroline's
warm recommendation of him to the king,
on her death-bed, 552.-Advantages refult-
ing from his pacific fyftem, 556.-His fpeech
in the debates on the reduction of the army,
563. His reply to Sir John Hynde Cotton's
repreſentation of Whig principles, 565.-
His reply to Mr. Pulteney's remarks on the
publication of parliamentary debates, 570.-
Refolution of the houſe prohibiting fuch
publication, 572.-His objections to the hear-
ing counſel on the petition of the merchants
againſt the Spanifli depredations, 574-His
arguments, oppofed to Sir John Barnard's
motion for papers relating to this fubject,
575-His reply to Mr. Pulteney on the fame
fubject, 581.-His amendment to Pulteney's
refolutions, 582.-His objections to Mr. Pul-
teney's bill for fecuring and encouraging the
trade to America, 585.-Convention with
Spain, 590.-Defends the convention in par-
liament, 592. 602.-His reply to Sir William
Wyndham's fpeech on his feceffion from the
houſe of commons, 606.-Takes advantage
of this feceffion to carry commercial regula-
tions, 607.-Is applied to by the diffenters
for a repeal of the teſt act, 608.- Treaty
with Denmark, 609.- Inftance of perfonal
oppofition to him, 610. Vote of credit,
615 War declared against Spain, 617-
Inftance of his difinclination to the war,
618, note.- Remarks on his conduct by
Mr. Burke, 619.-Was controuled by the
popular infatuation, ibid.-Divifions in the
cabinet, 620.-Difgufts the duke of New-
caftle by appointing lord Hervey privy feal,
622. His views often counteracted by the
king, 623.-The king refuſes to employ Mr.
Trevor as plenipotentiary at the Hague, 624.
-Offers to refign, but is prevailed on by the
king to continue in office, 625. His reply
to Pulteney's vindication of the feceffion of
the oppofition members from parliament, 628.
tack
Oppofes Pulteney's motion for a bill for
the encouragement of feamen, 630 -Se-
conds Sir William Wyndham's motion for the
addrefs, ibid.Oppofes the place bill, 631.
Relinquishes the bill for regiftering feamen,
ibid. Addrefs to the king for the appoint-
ment of cruizers, 633.-Petition againſt the
embargo, ibid.-Expeditions to America,
635.-His diffenfions with the duke of New-
caſtle, 636.-His meaſures to counteract the
family compact between France and Spain,
639.-Sandys informs him of his intended
motion againſt him, 644.-Motion for an ad-
drefs to the king for his removal, 651.-1s fa-
tirized in the public prints, 653, note.-Is de-
fended by his friends, 654.-His fpeeeh, 657.
-Defends his conduct in foreign affairs, 660.
-Juſtifies his domeftic management, 664-
Examines the conduct of the war, 666.—His
perfonal defence, 667.-The motion nega-
tived, 669.—His arguments for fupporting the
queen of Hungary, 677.-His motion for
the Auftrian fubfidy, 679.-Meaſures of the
oppofition, and public clamours againſt him,
under the new parliament, 684.-Virulent ca-
lumnies raiſed and propagated againſt him, 686.
Becomes too fecure and confident, 687.-
Evidences of the decline of his influence, 689.
-The Westminster election decided against
him, 691.-Endeavours to detach the prince
of Wales from the oppofition, 692.-Exerts
himſelf againſt Pulteney's motion for referring
to a committee, the papers relating to the war,
694.-Is created earl of Orford, and refigns,
695.-His affecting interview with the king,
696.-Inftances of affection and regret fhewn
by his friends on the occafion, ibid.-Three
great objects laboured by him after his refigna-
tion, 698.-Diſcordant views of the oppofition
parties, 700.-Influences the formation of
the new adminiftration, 701.- Appoint-
ment
IN D E X.
ment of a fecret committee to inquire into
his adminiſtration, 710.-The bill of indem-
nity for witneſſes, rejected by the lords, 714.-
Examination of the report of the fecret com-
mittee, 719.-His vindication from the charge
pecula on, 728.-Lift of the places of
t and profit held by him, 730, note.-His
emarks on his parliamentary perfecution,
32.-Is confulted by the king on ſtate af-
and the caution ufed on fuch occafions,
33.Aflifts in the promotion of Pelham,
73+-Oppofes the difmiffion of the Hano-
verian troups, 736.-Warns miniſters of an
intended French invafion in favour of the
Pretender, 737.-His fpeech in the houfe of
lords, on his majefty's meffage on this ſubject,
738.-Kind acknowledgments of the prince
of Wales on this occafion, 740.-His anſwer
to the king's requèft for his attendance in
London, 741-Decline of his health, 742.-
Dies, 743.-Inquiry into the principles of
his adminiſtration, 744-His motives for
preferving peace with France, 745.-Exe
tenuation of his conduct towards the Em
peror, 746.- His endeavours to reſtrain
Hanoverian influence, 747.
His abilities
in finance, 748.-Teftimony of his cau-
tious expenditure of public money, 749.
-Dean Tucker's character of him, ibid.-
His eloquence, ibid.-His publications, 751.
-His eafy difpatch of bufinefs, 752-His dif-
like of innovation, 753-Burke's public cha-
racter of him, 754. His perfon, dreſs, and ad-
drefs, 755-His manners, 756.—Want of
referve, 757-His magnificence and hofpi-
tality, 758. His focial qualities, 759-His
neglect of men of letters, ibid.His conduct
in retirement, 761.-Letter from him at
Houghton to general Churchill, 762-His
portrait by Sir Charles Hanbury Williams,
763.
མ
Walpole, Robert, junior, raiſed to the peerage
176.-Is made lord lieutenant of the county
of Devon, 406.
Westminster, tumultuous election for the city of,
983-Decifion of the Houſe upon it, 691.
Westminster bridge, the commiffioners for, im-
powered to conſtruct it of ftone, 607.
Whigs, why difmiffed from adminiſtration by
William III. 9.-Gain an aſcendancy over
the Tories under Queen Anne, 23.-Are in-
volved in the difgrace of the dutchefs of
Marlborough, 28.-Irrefolute conduct of the
party, 30.-State and ſtrength of the party, at
the acceffion of George I. 55.-Their in-
veteracy to the Tories, 62.The difcon-
tented Whigs are formed into a compact body
of oppofition to the miniftry, 293.
William, prince of Orange, is declared King of
England, by parliament, 8.-His care to
fecure the fucceffion to the crown in a pro-
teftant line, 9. His political management
between the Whigs and Tories, 10.-Signs
the act of abjuration, the last act of his
life, 17.
Williams, Sir Charles Hanbury, his ſarcaſtic ac-
count of the oppofition meeting at the Foun-
tain tavern, 706, note.-Deſcribes the earl
of Bath's lofs of popularity, 715, note.
His portrait of the earl of Orford, 763.
Willingt, alderman, his anfwer to Sir Robert
Walpole on the fubject of hearing counfel
in behalf of the merchants' petition againſt the
depredations of the Spaniards, 574.
Wilmington, Sir Spencer Compton created earl of,
291.-Appointed lord privy feal, and prefi-
dent of the council, 327.-Oppofes any mc-
dification of the king's angry meffage to prince
Frederick, 534.-Motives of his oppofition to
Sir Robert Walpole, 621.-Cabals with the op-
pofition leaders, 685.
Wilson, Alexander, provoſt of Edinburgh, pu-
niſhed on account of the murder of Captain
Porteous, 496.
Winnington, Mr. extends Sir John Barnard's
fcheme for reducing the intereft of South Sea
annuities, to all the public debts, 503.
Wood, William, hiftory of his patent for a cop-
per coinage for Ireland, 216.-Is obliged to
furrender his patent, 217.His indifcretion
in the buſineſs, 223.
Wyndham, Sir William, defends queen Anne's
Tory miniftry, in the houfe of commons, 65.
-His juftification of the peace of Utrecht, 68.
Is apprehended on ſuſpicion of being con-
cerned in the rebellion, 71.-Becomes the chief
leader of the Tories, in the regular formation of
an oppofition to the miniftry, 294.-Debate
on his motion refpecting the harbour of Dun-
kirk, 323-His oppofition to Sir Robert Wal-
pole's excife fcheme, 400.-Diftinguiſhes
himſelf in favour of the repeal of the fep-
tennial bill, 412.-Why the Tories decline
fupporting Pulteney's motion for the in-
creaſe of the prince of Wales's revenue, 532.
-His animated fpeech on the Spaniſh con-
vention, declaring his intended feceffion from
parliament, 604.-Moves an addreſs to the
king againſt the Spaniards, 630.-The union
between the Tories and difcontented Whigs,
diffolved by his death, 644.
Y. Yorke,
i
NDE X.
Y.
Yorke, Sir Philip, appointed lord chief justice
of the court of King's Bench, and baron
Hardwicke, 407.-His character, ibid.-Is
made chancellor, 526.-His prudent advice
for conducting matters between the king and
the prince of Wales, ibid.-His conference
with Walpole on the breach between the
king and the prince, 535.-His interview
L
with the prince, 545.Joins the public cla-
mour for a war with Spain, 621.-His cenfure
on the mode of inquiring into the adminiſtra-
tion of Sir Robert Walpole, 714.
Young, Dr. celebrates the king's eſcape from a
ftorm, and compliments Walpole, in his
Night Thoughts, 253.-Extols Walpole's
liberality, 760.
1:
Additional ERRATA:
Page 755. l. 3.
Vol. 2. p. 647.
for parliament, read retirement.
delè marginal note, afterwards biſhop of London.
:
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