1.
DMUND
Harley St
Comero
G. MARSELHON
ох
Sils
ARTES
1837
"
LIBRARY
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
E-PLURIBUS UNUM
TUEBOR
SI-QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAM
CIRCUMSPICE
:
:
1
31
DA
70
.C18
1817

THE RIGHT HON VISCTNELSON,
Vice Admiral of the White
Engraved by IT. Wedgwood, from an Original Painting
in the possession of Alexander Davison Esq.
UorM
LIVES
OF THE
BRITISH ADMIRALS:
CONTAINING AN ACCURATE
NAVAL HISTORY
FROM THE
EARLIEST PERIODS.
BY DR. JOHN CAMPBELL.
THE NAVAL HISTORY CONTINUED TO THE YEAR 1779,
BY
DR. BERKENHOUT.
A NEW EDITION,
REVISED, Corrected,
And the Historical Part further continued to the Year 1780,
BY THE LATE
HENRY REDHEAD YORKE, Esq.
And further continued to
THE LAST EXPEDITION AGAINST ALGIERS IN 1816,
WITH
THE LIVES OF THE MOST EMINENT NAVAL COMMANDERS
From the Time of Dr. Campbell to the above Period,
BY
WILLIAM STEVENSON, Esq.
IN EIGHT VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR C. J. BARRINGTON, STRAND, AND J. HARRIS,
CORNER OF ST. PAUL'S CHURCH-YARD.
1817.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
CHARLES PHILIP YORKE,
Sir R. BICKERTON, Bart. Admiral of the Blue,
JAMES BULLER, Esq.
W. DOMETT, Esq. Vice-Admiral of the White,
Sir J. S. YORKE, Knight, Rear-Admiral of the Blue,
The Honourable F. ROBINSON,
The Right Honourable HORATIO LORD WALPOLE,
LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR EXECUTING
THE OFFICE OF
HIGH ADMIRAL,
OF THE
UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND,
THIS WORK,
CONTAINING THE
HISTORY OF THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE NAVAL POWER OF THIS KINGDOM,
AND OF THE EXPLOITS OF
ITS MOST ILLUSTRIOUS COMMANDERS,
IS
Respectfully Dedicated
BY THEIR
MOST OBEDIENT HUMBLE SERVANT,
HENRY REDHEAD YORKE.
March 7, 1812.
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF YORK, Field
Marshal, Commander-in-Chief, &c. large paper
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF CLARENCE,
Admiral of the Fleet, &c. large paper
The Right Hon. THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE
ADMIRALTY, large paper
ABBOTT, The Right Hon. Charles, Speaker of the
House of Commons
Aplin, Admiral, Upper Berkeley-street
Ackworth, the Hon. and Rev. W. R.
Aberdour, Capt. James, R. N. large paper
Adam, J. W. Esq. New Grove House, Bromley, 2 copies
Adcock, Mr. Princes-street, Cavendish-square
Adye, Capt. John Miller, R. N. large paper
Agar, Lieut. W. R. N.
Ainsworth, Mr. T. Alcester
Alcott, John, Esq.
Alder, W. Esq. Victualling Office
Alexander, Capt. Thomas
Alexander, Mr. Yarmouth
Allan, G. Esq. Grange, Darlington
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Allason, Mr. T. Architect
Allen, Capt. Charles, R. N.
Anderson, Capt. James, R. N.
Andrews, Capt. R. N.
large paper
Arch, Messrs. J. and A. 4 copies
Arkinstall, F. W. Esq. large paper
Asperne, Mr. James, 4 copies
Atkinson, Thomas, Esq. Master Attendant, H. M. S.
Dock-yard, Portsmouth
Atcheson, N. Esq.
Auriol, James Peter, Esq. Park-street
Austen, Capt. F. W. R. N.
BATH, The most Noble the Marquis of, large paper
Bridport, the Right Hon. Admiral Lord Viscount, large
paper
Barham, the Right Hon. Admiral Lord, large paper
Balgonie, the Right Hon. Capt. Lord Viscount
Beauclerck, the Right Hon. Rear-Admiral Lord Amelius
Bolton, the Right Hon. Lord
Bouillon, Vice-Admiral the Prince of, L.L.D. F. R. and
A. S. Bagatelle, Jersey, large paper
Bligh, Admiral Richard Rodney, large paper
Bulteel, Rear-Admiral, large paper
Barclay, General
Bunbury, Colonel, large paper
Bromley, Capt. Sir Robert, Bart. R. N. large paper
Burnaby, Sir W. Bart. large paper
Burgess, Sir James Bland, Bart.
Bickerton, Sir Richard, Bart. Admiralty, large paper
Buller, James, Esq. Admiralty, large paper
Bishop, Charles, Esq. King's Proctor, large paper
Badcock, T. Esq. large paper
Bagster, Mr. S. 6 copies, large and small paper
Bailey, Mr. Harwich
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Baldwin, Mr. Robert, 12 copies, large and small paper
Bamber, Capt. W. Richard, R. N.
Barnwell, Osborn, Esq.
Barrington, Mr. W. Calne, Wilts.
Baskerville, Capt. R. N. large paper
Battye, Charles, Esq. Kensington Gore
Baynes, Rev. J.
Becket and Porter, Messrs. 3 copies, large and small
paper
Beevor, E. Esq. Inner Temple
Belam, Mr. Portsmouth
Bell, Mr. Joseph, 6 copies, large and small
Bentham, Lieut. George, R. N.
Benwell, Mr. S. Architect
paper
Bertram, Capt. Charles, R. N. large paper
Bewes, Thomas, Esq. Plymouth, large paper
Bignell, Peter, Esq. Banbury, large paper
Bingham, Capt. Jos. R. N.
Bingham, Lieut. Edward, R. N.
Black, Parry and Co. Messrs. 31 copies, large and small
paper
Blake, Lieut. George Charles, R. N.
Bligh, Capt. John, R. N.
Bluett, Capt. B. S. R. N.
Bond, Phineas, Esq. His Majesty's Consul General for
the middle and Southern States of America
Bonsor, Mr. Jos. Salisbury-square, large paper
Booker, Mr. Joseph, 8 copies, large and small paper
Booth, Mr. John, 12 copies, large and small paper
Bowdery and Kerby, Messrs. 10 copies, large and small
paper
Bowles, Capt. R. N.
Bowen, Capt. George, R. N.
Bowyer, Lieut. W. Bohun, R. N. large paper
Bradby, Capt. Matthew Barton, R. N. large paper
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Braine, George, Esq. London
Braine, Mr. Charles, Savanna la Mar, Jamaica
Bright, Capt. R. M.
Brooking, John, Esq. Navy Office
Browell, Capt. W. R. N. Lieut.-Governor of Green-
wich Hospital
Brown, Mr. C. 4 copies
Browne, Rev. R. Elsinge, large paper
Brune, Rev. Charles Prideaux, Padstow, Cornwall
Buckeridge, Rev. Dr. Canon Residentiary of Litchfield
Bull, J. Esq. Portland Place
Bullen, Capt. R. N. large paper
Bultree, Rev. A. Higden
Burchell, Lieut. W. R. N.
Busby, Dr. Mus. Prof. Queen Anne Street West
Bushell, Mr. Purser of the Hero, large paper
CAMDEN, The Right Hon. Earl, President of the Council,
large paper
Clive, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount, large paper
Calder, Admiral Sir Robert, Bart. large paper
Curtis, Admiral Sir Roger, Bart.
Campbell, Vice-Admiral, large paper
Curzon, Rear-Admiral the Hon. Henry
Chambers, Rear-Admiral W. large paper
Capel, The Hon. Capt. R. N. large paper
Corbett, Sir Corbett, Bart. Adderley Hall
Croker, John Wilson, Esq. M. P. F. R. S. Secretary of
the Admiralty, large paper
Callow, Mr.
Cannadey, Lieut. R. N.
Carpenter, Mr. 12 copies, large and small paper
Caulfield, Capt. Thomas Gordon, R. N. large paper
Cawthorne, Mr. James, 3 copies
Cawthorne, Mr. John, 2 copies
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Chamier, John, Esq. Grosvenor-place
Christie, William, Esq. R. N.
Chads, W. Catherwood, Esq.
Clarke and Sons, Messrs. 3 copies
Clements,
Esq.
Clementson, Isaac, Esq. Clement's Inn
Clifton, Thomas, Esq. Barrister at Law, large paper
Cochet, Capt. John, R. N.
Coe, Capt. R. N.
Coghlan, Capt. R. N.
Cole, Capt. Christopher, R. N.
Cole, J. Esq. Northampton
Collen, John, Esq. Cirencester
Collman, W. Esq. R. N.
Colombine, D. Esq. Cornhill, large paper
Comby, Lieut. Charles M. R. N.
Cook, J. H. Esq. Naval Department, Lisbon
Cooper, Robert, Esq.
Cornwall, John, Esq. Scarborough
Cory, Mr.
Cotgrave, Capt. Isaac, R. N. large paper
Cottams, Mr. Adam
Cottrell, Charles, Esq. Hadley, large paper
Coulson, Capt. R. N.
Cradock and Joy, Messrs. 8 copies, large and small paper
Crosby and Co. Messrs. 58 copies, large and small paper
Cross, Mr. Thomas, Portsmouth
Currer, Miss, large paper
Cuthell, Mr. 6 copies
DURHAM, the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of, large paper
De Courcy, The Hon. Capt. M. R. N. large paper
Dickson, Capt. Sir Archibald Collingwood, Bart. R. N.
Davey, Mr. James, R. N. Portsea
Davies, Rev. D. Emsworth, large paper
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Davies, Capt. R. N.
Holyhead, large paper
Davies, Lieut. W. 2d. large paper
Dawson, Capt. W. R. N. large paper
Dean, J. Esq.
Derrick, Charles, Esq. Navy Office, large paper
Desborough, Henry, Jun. Esq. Atlas Assurance Office
Dick, J. Esq. Rochester
Dickens, Mr. J.
Dickson, Lieut. D. J. R. N.
Dickson, John, Esq.
Digby, Capt. S. T. R. N.
Dixon, Capt. Manley Hall, R. N.
Dobson, Mr. Wild-street
Dodwell, E. Esq. Lincoln's Inn New Square
Douglas, Capt. J. E. R. N.
Dring, Mr. R. Hinckley
Du Cane, Lieut. R. N...
Dudley Library, The
Dumville, Peter W. Esq. Knutsford, Cheshire
Dunning, Richard, Esq. Plymouth Dock
Dutton, Mr. 4 copies, large and small paper
ESSINGTON, Vice-Admiral, large paper
Edmonstone, Sir Charles, Bart.
Edgcombe, Frederic, Esq. Admiralty
Eliot, Francis Perceval, Esq. Old Burlington Street
Egerton, Mr. 6 copies, large and small paper
Ellis, David, Esq.
Evans, Hugh, Esq. Holyhead
Evans, Mr. R. H. 6 copies, large and small paper
Eyles, Capt. R. Ñ.
}
FALMOUTH, The Right Hon. Lord Viscount
Frazer, Rear-Admiral, large paper
Ferrier, Rear-Admiral John
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Farrer, Mr. Rippon
Fellowes, William Dorset, Esq. Holyhead, large paper
Fellowes, Capt. T. R. N. large paper
Finch, Lieut. W. R. N.
large paper
Fiott, Lieut. W. R. N.
large paper
Fiske, Mr. 5 copies, large and small paper
Fitzgerald, Capt. Robert Lewis, R. N. large paper
Fowler, Capt. Robert, R. N.
Francklin, J. Esq.
}
French, John, Esq. Upper Bedford-place
Fuller, Mr. 3 copies, large and small paper
GRIMSTON, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount, large paper
Gardner, the Right Hon. Admiral Lord, large paper
Gardner, the Hon. Herbert, large paper
Gower, Admiral Sir Erasmus, large paper
Grindall, Vice-Admiral, large paper
Gordon, Rev. Sir Adam, Bart.
Gale and Curtis, Messrs. 15 copies, large and small paper
Galt, John, Esq. large paper
Garlands,
, Esq. Carnarvon, large paper
Garnham, Capt. West Suffolk Militia
Garrety, Capt.
Gibbon, Mr. large paper
Gibbs, Mr. J. Emsworth
Giffard, Capt. John, R. N. Lieut.-Governor of the
Royal Naval College
Gill, John, Esq. R. N.
Gliddon, Mr. H. M. S. Primrose
Glinn, Capt. H. Richard, R. N.
Goddard, Capt. R. N. Holyhead, large paper
Goddard, Mr. T. 20 copies, large and small paper
Goodwin, W. Esq.
Gordon, Thomas, Esq. Middleton, Somersetshire
Gosling, John, Esq. Victualling Office
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Graves, Capt. Thomas, R. N. large paper
Gray, Dr. Physician to the Fleet, large paper
Green, W. Esq. Bond Court, Walbrook
Grenville and Sons, Messrs. Dock, 2 copies
Gunnell, Mr. J. R. N. Deal
HARDWICKE, the Right Hon. the Earl of, K. G. large
paper
Hood, the Right Hon. Admiral Lord Viscount, large
paper
Hampden, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount
Hamilton, Admiral Charles Powell, large paper
Hargood, Rear-Admiral
Hart, Rear-Admiral, large paper
Hartwell, Sir Francis John, Bart. Deputy Comptroller
of the Navy
Hanham, Rev. Sir James, Bart. Dean's Court, Wim-
borne, large paper
Halkett, Capt. R. N.
Hall, Lieut. and Quarter Master, R. M. large paper
Hallilay, Richard, Esq. R. N.
Hamilton, Lieut. Augustus, R. N. large paper
Hamilton, Mr. 8 copies, large and small paper
Hamley, Mr. Osbertus John
Hamstead, Capt. R. N.
Hannam, H. P. Esq. Northbourne, Kent
Hardcastle, Mr. Edgeware Road, 2 copies
Harding, Mr. 3 copies
Harness, Dr. F. L. S. Transport Office
Harris, Mr. N. Victualling Office
Harrison, Lieut. Richard, R. N.
Harrison, Lieut. Jos. R. N.
Harrison, Mr. H. C. R. N.
Harvey, Capt. Thomas, R. N.
Harvey, Capt. John, R. N.
1
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Harvey, Capt. Edward, R. N.
Hatchard, Mr. 10 copies, large and small paper
Hatley, Capt. R. N. large paper
Hatton, Capt. V. F. R. N. large paper
Hawtayne, Capt. R. N.
Hayden and Cobley, Mess. Portsmouth
Heath, John, Esq. Chippenham, Wilts, large paper
Heming, Rev. George, large paper
Hill, Capt. R. N. large paper
Hillyar, R. P. Esq. R. N.
Hine, Mr. N. Plymouth, large paper
Hodgson, Mr. 2 copies
Holder, John, Esq. Ross
Holland, Rev. J. near Carnarvon
Hollingsworth, Mess. Portsmouth, 3 copies
Holme, Rev. Frederic, W. B. D. Meysey Hampton Rec-
tory, large paper
Holmes, Mr. Joseph, Portsmouth, large paper
Hooper, George, Esq. Cottington, Kent
Hughes, H. R. Esq.
Hughes, Capt. Charles, R. N. large paper
Hulbert, J. S. Esq. R. N.
INGRAM, Lieut. W. Henry, R. N. large paper
Innes, Capt. Alexander, R. N.
Jackson, Mr. Worcester
Jan Peters, Mr. large paper
Jeffery, Mr. Edward, 24 copies, large and small paper
Jellicoe, S. Esq. Fareham, large paper
Jenner, Herbert, Esq. LL. D. large paper
Jennings, Mr. 4 copies
Jewry, Lieut. Henry, R. N.
Johnson, John, Esq. Shrewsbury
Jones, Mr. Theophilus, Alnwick, Anglesea, large paper
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Judd, Capt. R. N. Holyhead, large paper
Justice, Lieut. P. R. N. large paper
KEITH, the Right Hon. Admiral Lord, large paper
Kerr, the Right Hon. Lord Mark, large paper
Kenyon, the Right Hon. Lord
Kyd, Major-General
Kelly, Capt. B. M.
R.N,
Kempster, Capt. R. M.
Kenyon, John, Esq.
King, Lieut. W. Elletson, R. N.
Kirby, Mr. R. S. 6 copies
Kirkpatrick, Robert, Esq.
Kite, Thomas, Esq. Admiralty, large paper
Kitson, Mr.
LIVERPOOL, The Right Hon. the Earl of, Secretary of
State for the War Department, large paper
Lilford, the Right Hon. Lord, large paper
Legge, Rear-Admiral the Hon. A. K.
Legge, the Hon. Henry
$
Lackington, Allen and Co. Messrs. 20 copies, large and
small paper
Lake, Mr. R. N.
Lake, Mr. Falmouth, large and small paper
Lambert, W. Esq. East Cowes Cottage, Isle of Wight
Lang, Mr. W. Portsmouth
Langdon, Lieut. R. N. large paper
Langford, Capt. G. R. N.
Langharne, Capt. R. N. large paper
I
Larke, Lieut. Governor of the Royal Hospital, Yar-
mouth
'
Law, Mr. C. 46 copies, large and small paper
Lawless, Capt. R. N.
ジ
​Lawrence, John Thorpe, Esq. large papcr
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Laycock, Mr. Bloomsbury
Layton, W. Esq. Yarmouth
Lea, W. Esq.
Lea, Mr. R. 3 copies, large and small paper
Leach, Capt. R. N.
Leckie, G. F. Esq. Bulstrode Street
Ledger and Shaw, Messrs. Dover
Lee, Capt. Richard, R. N.
Le Feuvre, Philip, Esq. Southampton, large paper
Levy, J. Esq. Mount Place
Liddell, Robert, Esq.
Lindsell, Mr. W. 6 copies, large and small paper
Lloyd, Mr. W. 12 copies, large and small paper
Locke, Rev. Dr. Farnham
Locke, Capt. W. R. N. large paper
Long, Mr. Deal, 2 copies
Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, Messrs. 310
copies, large and small paper
Lott, Edward, Esq. Honiton
Lowes, Thomas, Esq. Ridley Hall, Northumberland
Lumley, Capt. John Richard, R. N. large paper
Lye, Capt. W, J. R. N.
Lys, Lieut. J. O.
R. N.
MELVILLE, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount, large paper
Montfort, the Right Hon. Lord
Murray, Vice-Admiral George, large paper
Morgan, General, large paper
Murray, Sir Patrick, Bart. M. P.
Mundy, Edward Miller, Esq. M. P. large paper
Marryatt, Jos. Esq. M. P.
Mc. Arthur, Dr. R. N. Hospital, Haslar, large paper
Mc. Arthur, J. Esq.
Macbraire, James, Esq. St. John's, Newfoundland
Mackenzie, Capt. Alexander, R. N.
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Mackeson, Henry, Esq. Hythe
Mackinlay, Capt. G. R. N. large paper
Maling, Capt. R. N. large paper
Manners, Edward, Esq. Down Cottage, Epsom, large
paper
Manners and Miller, Messrs. Edinburgh, 3 copies
Mansell, Capt. Thomas, R. N. large paper
Mansfield, Rev. John, B. D. Rowner, Hants
Marr, Mr. large paper
Marshall, Rev. C. R. B. D. large paper
Marshall, Capt. R. N.
Martin, J. N. Esq.
Martin, Mr. P. 3 copies, large and small paper
Mason, Capt. R. N.
Maude, Lieut. W. G. R. N.
Mavor, Rev. Dr. Woodstock
May, Capt. R. N.
Mears, Rev. Thomas, Southampton
Mercer, Mr. Robert, 2 copies
ť
Merridew, Mr. Coventry, large paper
Miller, Geo. Esq. R. N.
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Mills, Mr. Portsmouth, 6 copies, large and small paper
Milner, Mr. C. Academy, Ryde, Isle of Wight
Mingay, Lieut. J. W. R. N.
Mitchell, Mr. W.
Monck, J. B. Esq. Coley Park, Reading, large paper
Moore, Robert, Esq. Hampstead Road
Moore, Dr. Newport
Mortimer, Rev. George, Wellington, Salop
Moss, W. Esq. Navy Office
Mottley, Capt. R. N.
Mottley, Lieut. S. R. N.
Mottley, Mr. J. C.
Mould, Capt. James, R. N.
Mountague, W. Esq.
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Mountsey, Capt. R. N. large paper
Mundy, Capt. R. N.
Murray, Richard, Esq. Chichester
NORTHESK, the Right Hon. Rear-Admiral the Earl of,
large paper
Nicholls, Vice-Admiral
Neale, Rear-Admiral Sir H. B. Bart. large paper
Napier, the Hon. Lieut. W. J. R. N. large paper
Nicolls, Major, R. M.
Niell, Dr. R. N.
Nind, Rev. Philip, Sunning, Berks, large paper
Nelson, R. A. Esq. Navy Office
Newland, Montague, Esq. Lincoln's Inn
Nornaville and Fell, Messrs. 4 copies
North, J. Esq. large paper
Norton, Mr. R.
Noyce, Lieut. J. R. N.
OTWAY, Vice-Admiral
Orde, Lieut.-Colonel, 99th Regiment, large paper
O'Berne, Dr. R. N. Forton
Ollier, Mr. Surgeon, R. N.
Ommaney, Capt. Henry, R. N. large paper
Overend, Lieut. H. R. N.
Owen, Rev. T. E.
Owen, Commodore
PERCEVAL, The Right Hon. SPENCER, Chancellor of
the Exchequer
Pole, Admiral Sir Charles Morice, Bart. M. P. large
paper
Purvis, Vice-Admiral John Child, large paper
Paget, the Hon. Capt. R. N. large paper
b
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Padwick, W. Junr. Esq. Cosham House, Hants, large
paper
A
Park, James Allan, Esq. King's Counsel, large paper
Parkhouse, Mr. W. Victualling Office
Parry, John, Esq.
Paterson, Capt. C. W. R. N. large paper
Patten, Robert, Esq. Hatton Garden
Payne, Capt. Charles F. R. N.
Payne, Mr. Thomas, 6 copies, large and small paper
Peachey, Edward, Esq. Chichester
Penrice, Thomas, Esq. large paper
Phibbs, W. H. Esq. New Bond Street
Phillott, Capt. G. R. R. N.
Pillans, James, Esq. Leith
Pipon, Capt. Philip, R. N.
Pitt, W. Esq. Organ House, Poole, Dorset
Plumridge, Lieut. J. H. R. N.
Popham, Capt. S. R. N.
Porter, James, Esq. Leek
large paper
Powell, W. Esq. Camden Town, large paper
Poynter, James, M. Esq. for the Deal Book Society,
large paper
Price, John, Esq. Glandon, Anglesea, large paper
Prichard, Mr. James
Pritchard, Lieut. Robert, R. N.
Quantock, John, Esq. Exmouth
RADNOR, the Right Hon. the Earl of
Radstock, the Right Hon. Admiral Lord
Rose, the Right Hon. George, M. P. Treasurer of the
Navy, large paper
Robinson, Rear-Admiral Mark, large paper
Rule, Sir W. Surveyor of the Navy
Raggett, Capt. Richard, R. N.
+
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMEŠ.
Rainier, Capt. Peter, R. N. large paper
Ranney, John Freame, Esq. Great Yarmouth, large
paper
Redhead, Mr.
Reed, Mr. W. 4 copies, large and small paper
Reeves, John, Esq. Duke-street, Westminster
Reid, Mr. W. Leith
Renwick, Capt. Thomas, R. N.
Richardson, Mr. Edward, Jun. Otley
Richardson, Mr. John, 12 copies, large and small paper
Richardson, Mr. J. M. 33 copies, large and small paper
Riddell, Capt. Robert, R. N.
Ridgway, Mr. J. 7 copies, large and small paper
Ridley, H. J. Esq. C. C. C. Oxford
Rivington's, Messrs. 14 copies, large and small paper
Robinson, Joshua, Esq. Edgeware Road, large paper
Robinson, Mr. George, 10 copies, large and small paper
Roden, Mr. Bookseller, Hythe, large paper
Rodwell, Mr. John, 37 copies, large and small paper
Rogers, John, Esq. Bird's Lodge, Croydon
Rokeby, Lieut. R. N. large paper
Rolleston, Stephen, Esq. Foreign Office
Rolt, J. D. Esq. Navy Office
Ross, Capt. C. B. H. R. N. large paper
Royal Marine Library, Portsmouth, large paper
Rusher, Mr. Reading, large paper
SPENCER, the Right Hon. the Earl, large paper
Sidmouth, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount
Sydney, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount
Strangford, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount
Scarsdale, The Right Hon. Lord
Scott, the Right Hon. Sir William, Judge of the
Admiralty
Smith, Vice-Admiral
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Staines, Capt. Sir Thomas, Bart. R. N. large paper
Sorell, Major
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Sandom, Lieut. W. R. N. large paper
Sandwiche Book Society
Saunders, Mr. W. G. H. M. S. Cygnet
Scott, Capt. M. H. R. N.
Seeley, Mr. 3 copies
Selby, Lieut. George, R. N.
Setchell, Mr. William, large and small paper
Sewell, James, Esq. Gibraltar
Seymour, Capt. R. N. large paper
Seymour, Capt. R. N.
Seymour, Hugh, Esq.
Sharp, W. Esq. John-street, Bedford-row
Sharp, George, Jun. Esq. Dulwich Hill
Sharpe and Hailes, Messrs. 3 copies
Sherwood and Co. Messrs. 6 copies
Shipdem, Mr. John, Deal
Shugar, J. S. Esq. Portsmouth, large paper
Simpson, Mr. Thomas, 3 copies, large and small paper
Smith, Mr. George, Wells-street
Smith, W. and Co. King-street
Smith, Mr. John, Portsmouth
Smith, Mr. W. Hull
Smith, Mr. W. Leith
Snare, Mr. Reading, 4 copies, large and small paper
Snodgrass, Thomas, Esq. large paper
St. Clair, Lieut. D. L. R. N.
St. Leger, A. B. Esq. Montague-square
Staunton, Mr. Strand, large paper
Staunton, Mr. M.
Steadman, Mr. R. Godalming
Stewart, Lieut. Houston, R. N. large paper
Stockdale, Mr. J. J. 12 copies
Strong, Thomas, Esq. Leith
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Stuart, Daniel, Esq. Courier Office
Students, the, of the Royal Naval College, Portsmouth
Stupart, Capt. R. N.
Symonds, Capt. T. E. R. N.
Symonds, Lieut. R.N.
THOMOND, the Most Noble the Marquis of
Todd, Col. large paper
Thornton, Lieut.-Colonel, Thornville Royal, large paper
Talboys, T. Esq. Tetbury, large paper
Taylor and Hessey, Messrs. 4 copies, large and small paper
Thomas, Capt. W. Bengal Army
Thomas, Peine, Esq. Holyhead
Thompson, Mr. J. Surgeon, R. N.
Thompson, Mr. W. Surgeon, R. N. large paper
Tilloch, Alexander, Esq. Star Office
Tindall, Lieut. R. N.
Tolver, S. Esq. Yarmouth
Townsend, Gore, Esq.
Tozer, A. Esq. Totness, large paper
Tuckfield, Mr. W. Purser, H. M. S. Elephant
Turner, C. H. Esq. Limehouse
Twycross, W. Esq. Godalming
Uxbridge, the Right Hon. the Earl of, large paper
Upham, Mr. Exeter, 6 copies, large and small paper
Usher, Capt. R. N. large paper
Valpy, Rev. Dr. Reading, large paper
Valpy, Mr. A. J. large paper
Välpy, Lieut. R. N. large paper
Valpy, W. Esq. East India College, large paper
Vergne, Capt. D. N. R. N.
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
WILLIS, Admiral, Petworth, Sussex
Waldegrave, the Hon. Capt. R. N.
Wainwright, Mr. Dudley
Walker, Mr. John, 8 copies, large and small paper
Walker, Mr. W. 12 copies, large and small paper
Waller, Daniel, Esq.
Waller, Geo. Esq. R. N.
Walmsley, John, Esq. Castlemeer, near Rochdale
Ward, J. Esq. Stratford
Warre, Henry, Esq. Taunton
Westlake, Mr. Lost-Withiel, Cornwall
Watkins, Mr.
Webb, Mr. James, Bookseller, Bedford
Webb, Lieut. W. R. N.
Webber, Rev. C. Archdeacon of Chichester
Westley and Parish, Messrs. 21 copies, large and small
paper
Whidbey, J. Esq. F. R. S. Woolwich, large paper
White, Cochrane and Co. Messrs. 8 copies, large and
small paper
Whiting, Joshua, Esq. R. N.
Whitmore and Fenn, Messrs. 4 copies, large and small
paper
Wickey, W. H. Esq. Victualling Office
Wilkie and Robinson, Messrs. 12 copies, large and small
paper
Wilkinson, Capt. P. R. N.
Wilkinson, James, Esq. R. N.
Wilkinson, W. Esq. Change Alley
Willington, Thomas, Esq. Tamworth
Withers, Lieut. Jos. R. N. Manacle Signal Station,
large paper
Woodriff, Lieut. Daniel James. R. N.
Woolmer, John, Esq. Queen's Sauare
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Woolmore, John, Esq. large paper
Woolrych, Humphrey Cornwall, Esq. Croxley House,
Herts
Woolwich Div. Roy. Marines Literary Society, large
paper
Worth, Capt. J. R. N.
Wright, Lieut. F. A. R. N.
YORKE, the Right Hon. Charles Philip, First Lord of
the Admiralty, large paper
Young, Admiral, large paper
Young, Capt. James, R. N.
Yates, Joseph, Esq. Chancery-lane
Yenn, John, Esq. R. A. large paper
CONTENTS
OF
VOLUME FIRST.
Dr. Campbell's Preface.
Introduction.
The Life of Dr. Campbell
CHAP. I.
PAGE
......i
Naval History of the Ancient Britons, before they were invaded
by the Romans, and during the continuance of the Roman
Empire in Britain, to the coming of the Saxons
CHAP. II.
The Naval History of the Saxons, from their first seating
themselves in this Island, to their being subdued by the
Danes....
CHAP. III.
The Naval History of the Danes, from the peaceable settlement
of Canutus on the Throne, to the restoration of the Saxon Line,
and from thence to the Death of King Harold
CHAP, IV.
The Naval History of England during the Reigns of the Princes
of the Norman race, viz. William, styled the Conqueror, Wil-
liam Rufus, Henry Beauclerk, and Stephen ..
C
40
69
91
CONTENTS.
CHAP. V.
The Naval History of England during the Reigns of Henry II.
Richard I. John, Henry HI. -Edward I. Edward II. Edward III.
Richard II.
+
CHAP. VI.
The Naval History of England during the Reigns of Henry IV.
Henry V. and Henry VI. of the House of Lancaster
CHAP. VII.
The Naval History of England during the Reigns of Edward IV.
Edward V. and Richard III. of the House of York
•
CHAP. VIII.
The Naval History of England under the Reign of Henry VII.
+
including the Memoirs of such eminent Seamen as flourished
in his time
Memoirs of Sir John Cabot
CHAP. IX.
Naval History of the Reign of Henry VIII. including the Memoirs
of such eminent Sea Officers as flourished therein
Memoirs of Sir Edward Howard
Sir Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk
PAGE
121
240
269
294
312
317
337
343
Sir William Fitz-William, Earl of Southampton .. 351
CHAP. X.
The Naval History of England under the Reign of Edward VI.
with an account of such eminent Seamen as flourished in his
time
Memoirs of Sebastian Cabot
Sir Hugh Willoughby
356
373
387
CONTENTS.
CHAP. XI.
PAGE
The Naval History of England during the Reign of Queen Mary,
together with such Transactions as relate to Foreign Com-
merce, or Remarkable Discoveries
}
390
CHAP. XII.
The Naval History of England under the auspicious Reign of
Queen Elizabeth; an account of the many Discoveries made,
and Plantations settled, during that space of time, with the
measures pursued for the advancement of Trade; including
also Memoirs of the famous Admirals, and eminent Seamen,
who flourished in that glorious Period
407
ERRATUM-Page 294, for Chap. VI. read Chap. VIII.
DR. CAMPBELL'S
Preface.
THE general utility and great importance of
naval history to the inhabitants of Britain, is ob-
vious from our being seated in an island; whence
it is evident, that to navigation we owe our very
being as a people. Next to this is the consi-
deration, that we are a commercial nation, from
whence we equally derive internal and external
advantages, have enlarged our correspondence to
the utmost limits of the globe, whither we have
carried our own commodities and manufactures,
and have brought from them whatever was es-
teemed either valuable or singular. The great
figure we make in the world, and the wide ex-
tent of our power and influence, are due to our
naval strength, to which we stand indebted for
our flourishing plantations, the spreading the
British fame, and, which is of far greater con-
DR. CAMPBELL's PREFACE.
sequence, British freedom, through every quarter
of the universe. These are the glorious trophies
of maritime empire, and the fruits of that do
minion over the sea, which was claimed by the
earliest possessors of this island, and has been
derived by an uninterrupted succession of NOBLE
ACHIEVEMENTS on that element to our own
times, in which the FLEET of BRITAIN may be
truly said to have no rival.
(The preserving a regular and well connected
detail of that long series of events, by which that
mighty empire has been gradually attained, was
the original cause of detaching this from our general
histories, in which, while it lay involved, there was,
as indeed of necessity there must be, no little
obscurity. In order to remove which, and to place
things in a full and conspicuous point of view, it
became necessary to collate and compare not only
our own but foreign historians, and, when this was
done, to consult a number of other authors, who
have incidentally treated of such matters as had
any relation to the subject; that from thence, those
circumstances might be drawn, which might illus-
trate and explain the several parts of the history
of our marine. These would have been often
esteemed trifling or tedious, improper or im-
pertinent, in general histories, and would necessarily
have swelled them beyond their just bounds. But,
when collected with care, and ranged in their
proper order, in conjunction with those parts of
our political history, which were requisite to their
DR. CAMPBELL'S PREFACE.
4
being thoroughly understood, they became equally
curious and useful, and furnished the reader with
an agreeable variety of pleasing and interesting
events, and contributed, not a little, to cherish and
preserve that heroic spirit, which is the source of
every gallant enterprize, and which excites private
men to despise ease and pleasure, and to brave
perils and dangers of every kind, in defence of
public safety, or for promoting public good.
In order to do this effectually, it seemed requisite
to intersperse the memoirs or personal histories of
those illustrious men, who had distinguished them-
selves in this method of rendering service to their
country.) It appeared to be a tribute justly due to
those services, and, at the same time, expedient to
the satisfaction of the reader, who must naturally
desire to be more intimately acquainted with those
to whom the nation stood indebted for her discoveries
or her conquests. Besides, it gave an opportunity
to discuss minutely some points of consequence,
that otherwise might have embarrassed the nar-
rative, to vindicate some great characters from
injurious aspersions, and to answer many other
purposes, that serve to throw light upon the whole
design. But to avoid, as far as possible, the con-
founding naval history with these memoirs, it was
found expedient to place them at the end of every
reign; and the greatest attention possible has been
bestowed, to prevent any unnecessary repetition,
or intermixing such circumstances of their lives,
as had no connection with the character in which
DR. CAMPBELL's PREFACE.
{
they are here considered. We have also been more
succinct in some, and have omitted the lives of others,
which have been written at large elsewhere, or are
to be met with in our biographical collections, and
this chiefly to keep within due bounds; which was
one of the greatest difficulties in our task, and which
it was requisite to mention, to obviate any objection
that has been sometimes made, without reflecting
on the impossibility of producing every thing,
relative to so copious a subject, within the nar-
row compass of a portable library, principally
intended for the furniture of a cabin.
All the original writers, all the ancient histo-
rians, and all the foreign authors that have been
consulted in this work, are distinctly and pre-
cisely cited, so that the reader may have recourse
to them with the greatest facility, and discern
from thence the several authorities upon which
the facts are founded that are here recorded.
This is a point of very great importance, and is
perhaps the most considerable improvement, in
writing history, that has been made by the mo-
derns. Because certainty is of far greater con-
sequence than elegance of composition; and a
judicious peruser will be always better satisfied,
with knowing whence the informations came, than
with reading the most florid account without any
vouchers for what it contains. He also sees, and
can from thence judge, of the propriety with
which the materials have been gathered; and
when he knows by whom things are asserted, he
DR. CAMPBELL's PREFACE.
likewise knows the measure of credit that is due
to them. Add to this, that if he has been for-
tunate enough to meet either with books, or with
passages in books, that have escaped the author,
for he would be weak indeed who pretended to
infallibility in matters of this kind, he has an
opportunity of pointing out these for the benefit
of the public, which he never could have had if
the authorities were concealed, or so loosely quoted
as not to be found with ease.
INTRODUCTION.
IN
N presenting to the public the first volume of a new
Edition of Dr. Campbell's Lives of the Admirals, it will
naturally be expected, that some account should be given
of the nature and extent of my undertaking; after having
said a few words relative to the original work itself.
(There have appeared no fewer than six editions of this
work; three during the life-time of the Author, and three
since his death. This fact, of itself, demonstrates its
great and acknowledged merit. The extreme scarcity and
advanced price of the volumes, denoted that a new edition,
extending our Naval History nearly to the present day,
would be favourably received by the public. The most
important part of our Naval History falls within that
period which I have engaged to delineate. It is not in-
tended by this to deteriorate from the labours of Dr.
Campbell or of Dr. Berkenhout; but to shew that a con-
siderable portion of the ensuing volumes will form an
entirely new and original work. Dr. Campbell terminated
his historical narrative at the epoch of the death of
George I. From that time, the Naval History was con-
INTRODUCTION.
}
1
tinued by Dr. Berkenhout, as far down as the year 1779.
My proportion of labour consists therefore in having
carefully revised the histories both of Campbell and of
Berkenhout; in having added such notes, facts, and ob-
servations, as will cast a fuller light upon the events
which they have recorded; and lastly, in having com-
posed an entirely new history of our Naval Affairs, from
the period when Dr. Berkenhout laid down his pen, until
the memorable battle of Trafalgar, which indisputably
fixed the Naval Trident in our hands though the victory
which was the result of that battle, was clouded by the
death of the hero, by whose genius, example, and prowess,
it was achieved. The æra of the death of Lord Nelson
I have selected for the termination of my labours, because
that epoch was marked by great and most important
events; affording abundant scope for political reflection,
and exhibiting, at one moment, the most mortifying and
the most exhilarating scenes to the observation of mankind.
It had long been my anxious wish to engage in some
literary undertaking, that should be wholly unconnected
with the vexations and contentions which polemical ques-
tions are calculated to excite. A long and dangerous
indisposition enabled me to carry this wish into effect,
by abstracting me wholly from the study of politics; and,
at the suggestion of my learned and excellent friend, the
Rev. Dr. Valpy, of Reading, who first encouraged me to
continue Campbell's History, I was, on my return to
London, enabled immediately to embark in the project,
by the spirit and zeal of the Publisher, and by the extraor-
3
INTRODUCTION.
dinary encouragement which the proposals experienced
from the public.
Having thus stated the motives which led me to revise,
and continue this Naval History; I shall next proceed to
enumerate the assistance I have received, and the faci-
lities I have obtained, through the liberality and kindness
of others.
་
In the first place, I must mention the RIGHT Ho-
NOURABLE GEORGE ROSE, M. P. AND TREASURER OF
THE NAVY; who, from the very outset of the under-
taking, favoured me with the best advice relative to the
conduct of the work, procured me access to public offices,
and who has kindly permitted me to apply to him for any
information which the nature of this history may require.
The splendid library of Mr. Rose, bequeathed to him, in
great part, by the earl of Marchmont, who had been very
careful in forming a collection of books and treatises
concerning the Naval Affairs of the British empire,
has been generously offered for my inspection. There
is another circumstance from which I have been enabled
to derive the most useful information. Mr. Rose lived
in strict habits of friendship with our Author, Dr.
Campbell, all of whose manuscripts are in his possession;
and he has furnished me with such few anecdotes respect-
ing the character of that able writer, as have not been
already recorded in the memoir of Dr. Campbell's Life,
prefixed to this volume. To this I must add, that Mr.
Rose placed in my hands the first edition of the Author's
work, together with the numerous corrections in his own
.
INTRODUCTION.
hand-writing; from which I hope that I have been able
to come at a correct idea of Dr. Campbell's, mode of rea-
soning, in the prosecution of this portion of his literary
lucubrations. All these advantages are unquestionably
great; and if this work should become an useful addition
to the public stock of instruction and entertainment, it
will be, in a great measure, owing to the valuable mate-
rials in the possession of Mr. Rose, materials not to be
found even among the most valuable of the national col-
lections; as well as to the liberality, encouragement, and
fund of knowledge, which distinguish that gentleman.
To the RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORDS COMMIS-
SIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY I must likewise express my
obligations, for allowing me to inspect such papers, as may
be useful to me in the course of my researches. Some years
ago, a fire broke out at the Admiralty in consequence of
which, all the records relative to the Naval Affairs of
Great Britain were consumed. Fortunately, the patriotism
of Mr. Rose has, in a great degree, supplied the defect
occasioned by that accident. Among the many curious
and important documents collected by the earl of March-
mont, are ten manuscript volumes in folio, comprising
minutes of all our naval proceedings, from the reign of
Charles II. These invaluable manuscripts Mr. Rose
presented to the Admiralty; and to them I have been
allowed a ready access. I shall have occasion, in a sub-
sequent part of this work, to write more particularly
respecting the contents of these volumes.
INTRODUCTION.
In the next place, I am indebted to CHARLES DERRICK,
Esq. who, in addition to his own excellent work,
entitled, "Memoirs of the Rise and Progress of the
"Royal Navy," in which the highest accuracy and
minuteness of research are apparent; has, from the com-
mencement of my labours, afforded me the best advice,
besides having put into my hands some valuable ancient
manuscripts, which will appear in another part of the
ensuing volumes.
I have also derived considerable information from the
Rev. Mr. Bree's Sketch of the State of the Naval Esta-
blishment of this Kingdom, during the Fourteenth Cen-
tury; not forgetting his account of the Campaign of
Edward the Third, in Normandy and France, in the
years 1345 and 1346 to the taking of Calais: the whole
of which are collected from ancient manuscripts in the
British Museum, and elsewhere. It is much to be lamented,
that the author was prevented by untoward circumstances
from pursuing further his inquiries.
From the polite communication of Mr. PENNINGTON,
I have been able to correct some errours in Dr. Campbell's
account of the birth-place, and rise of Sir John Penning-
ton, who commanded the Channel fleet, in the time of
Charles the First. I have availed myself of this manu-
script Memoir in my own additions to the work.
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE the EARL OF HARDWICKE
has signified his wish to inspect the biographical account
of Lord Anson before it is sent to press, on account of the
INTRODUCTION.
connection of his lordship's family with that of the illus-
trious admiral.
To my worthy and learned friend, ALEXANDer Til-
LOCH, Esq. I am also indebted for a most entertaining
old manuscript, written by James Melville, of Anstruther,
respecting the reception which the Spaniards experienced
in that part of Scotland, at the time of the projected inva-
sion of England, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth.
I have other acknowledgments to make for many useful
hints and communications, which shall not be overlooked
in the course of these volumes. It is not possible to
enumerate within the limits of a preface, the obligations I
am under to naval and literary gentlemen, for the infor-
mation with which they have furnished me; but I shall
not neglect to mention the sources whence such informa-
tion was derived.
In
Besides these contributions from various quarters, I
have access to the rich stores of antiquity contained in the
British Museum and the Record Office in the Tower.
consequence of my admission into the former, I have been
able to verify the numerous authorities cited by Dr.
Campbell; and, through the politeness of S. LYSONS, Esq.
the keeper of the Records in the Tower, I have come at a
most valuable document, by which I have been able to
correct a material errour in the history of Campbell,
wherein he asserts that there was, properly speaking, no
Naval Establishment, until the reign of Henry the Eighth.
This document is a letter from King Henry the Fifth to his
Chancellor, preserved among the records of the Chan-
INTRODUCTION.
cery, and dated at Tonque in France; and, it appears from
this letter-missive, that there were in those days, not only
great ships, but that commanders were appointed to them
with fixed salaries, payable at Easter and Michaelmas.
The names of the captains are also given. This letter will
be inserted in another volume; at the same time, I am
happy to mention, that Mr. Lysons is preparing for the
press a quarto volume of Royal and other Letters, of the
Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Centuries, from
the Originals in the Record Office. The publication of
these valuable materials, will considerably abridge my
researches in that quarter; as well as throw new light
upon our Naval History.
In justice, however, to the memory and reputation of
Dr. Campbell, it should be remarked, that this letter of
King Henry the Fifth, and several other precious docu-
ments of the same kind, were not known to have existed
in his day. They have been recently discovered by
Mr. Lysons, among a huge mass of old papers in the
course of his revision of the Public Records. The dis-
covery is, however, of the first importance; as it serves
to confirm the principle laid down, and strenuously main-
tained throughout all the ensuing volumes, that from the
earliest ages the sovereigns and parliaments of England
were particularly attentive to the naval interests of the
kingdom.
In addition to this curious fact, I have seen in the
Record Office, a List of the King's Ships, and of those
furnished by the sea-ports, with the number of mariners
d
INTRODUCTION.
to each ship, employed by Edward the Third, in 1347.
Mr. Selden had availed himself of this manuscript in his
Mare Clausum; and I doubt not that the account pub-
lished in Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages, is taken from
the same source.
It is no depreciation of Dr. Campbell's assiduity and
researches, to affirm, that such materials must necessarily
tend greatly to improve the value and merit of the
original work; since he had not the means of ascertaining
whether such monuments of past time had survived the
wreck of ages, and the confusions which arose from the
many contests for power, with which our national history
abounds.
But it is due to truth, nevertheless, to observe, that the
"Lives of the Admirals," constitutes the most diffusive
work which fell from the pen of that indefatigable and ex-
cellent writer. It is, undoubtedly, enriched by elaborate
researches; by a happy penetration into the causes of
public measures; and by many deep political reflections.
The numerous alterations made by the author himself,
in the first edition, and which, as I have before mentioned,
are in his own hand-writing, in the copy with which I was
obligingly furnished by Mr. Rose, demonstrate, that he
had not bestowed so much attention upon some parts of
his subject, as their importance demanded; while upon
others, of less moment, he has laid great stress, and often
launched into unnecessary details. In fact, this work was
composed in the earlier period of his literary life; when,
perhaps, he might have thought, that the Lives of the
INTRODUCTION.
Admirals could not be successfully written, without writing
also an epitome of English history.
To alter or abridge the author's composition, forms no
part of my engagement with the public. I am bound to
follow the path which he has trodden, and to confine
myself solely to a careful revision of his steps.
At first, I had intended to have interspersed my own
notes and observations into the body of the work; but,
after mature deliberation, and after consulting with
literary persons, much more experienced in such sort of
arrangements than I can pretend to be, the present
method has been preferred. Accordingly, the original
work of Dr. Campbell, together with the supplementary
volume of Dr. Berkenhout, are now re-edited from the
last corrected edition. This arrangement has been made
with a view of supplying the great demand for a work
which had become extremely scarce, and the price of
which, had, on that account, been greatly enhanced.
Nevertheless, my task has been both irksome and la-
borious. For, I have felt it to be my duty to turn to all
the authors, with some few exceptions, cited in this
volume, in order to ascertain the exactitude of the re-
ferences. All these collations have been made from the
last edition of the work, compared with the books referred
to, as they are to be found in the British Museum. Who-
ever will take the trouble of comparing the last with the
present edition, will perceive instantaneously the many
inaccuracies which I have been under the necessity of
correcting. It is important that this fact should be well
INTRODUCTION.
1
|
understood; because there are different editions of our
monastic writers, the only historians of the early events
of England, which vary materially in their pages. (Where
Dr. Campbell mentions, which he rarely does, any par-
ticular edition of a work, I have referred to that edition;
and where this has not been the case, I have invariably
corrected the references by the books in the British
Museum, as that vast, though insufficient repository of
our ancient literature, is now rendered accessible to the
researches of the literary world.
There are some, but not many, Authors cited by Dr.
Campbell, whose works I have not been able to find
in the British Museum, although the most diligent
search was made after them. He also refers occasionally
to manuscripts in his own possession. In such instances,
I have been under the necessity of giving credit to the
accuracy of his references. Before the termination of my
labours, however, this inconvenience may possibly be
remedied from the magnificent collection of Mr. Rose;
or, from the manuscripts of Dr. Campbell, in that gen-
tleman's possession. There are in Mr. Rose's library
many valuable tracts on our maritime and other affairs,
not to be found in the British Museum, or elsewhere; of
which I have already mentioned a striking instance in
the ten folio volumes of manuscript minutes, now de-
posited at the Admiralty.
Neither have I confined my attention solely to the iden-
tity of the references. In an historical work, too much care
cannot be bestowed on verifying the dates of events. This
INTRODUCTION.
material omission in the preceding editions, has been sup-
plied in the present, by placing the dates beside the text,
so that the reader can be at no loss to discover in what
particular year any Naval transaction occurred.)
No pains have been spared in rendering the typography
correct; and the only liberty I have taken with the orginal
work, consists in the rectification of grammatical errours,
in modernizing, without altering, the substance of some of
Dr. Campbell's sentences, which were too prolix for the
taste of the present generation; and, in the insertion of
the names of the persons who were living at the time his
history was published, and to whom he refers in their
official capacities only.
Such have been the labours and cares bestowed upon
the present Edition: and, it is a favourable prognostic of
our future exertions, that those who are concerned in the
publication of this volume, have strictly discharged, in
point of time, their engagements with the public.
It only remains, therefore, to say a few words relative
to that part of the work for which I am exclusively respon-
sible. My engagement extends to the correction of such
errours as may be found in Campbell; to the introduction
of such facts as may have escaped his observation, and
which are calculated to shed a stronger light upon our
Naval History; and to continue the work from the year
1779 to the battle of Trafalgar.
For this purpose, I have embodied into one volume
all my own notes, observations, and researches; by
INTRODUCTION.
which means, the compositions of Dr. Campbell, and of
Dr. Berkenhout, will be kept distinct from mine; a
circumstance which could not have been effected if the
dissertations and notes had been blended with the wri-
tings and notes of these Authors. At the same time,
I have minutely abided by the distinct æras selected by
Dr. Campbell, in my own volume; so that after having
read that division of his history which treats of the Navy
of the Ancient Britons, the reader may, by turning to
my volume under the same head, discover how far I
agree with or differ from the Author in his statements
and conclusions: and upon this particular head, it will
be found that a very considerable difference exists
between us.
The same mode is to be observed in re-
lation to every other chapter of Campbell.
The volume, therefore, which I have appropriated for
this object is, of itself, an epitome of our Naval History,
possessing this advantage, that it does not contain the
slightest repetition of what has already appeared in
Campbell and Berkenhout. It is a new work; having
indeed a reference to those two Authors, but composed
entirely of original matter, and abounding in relations
and facts, which either could not be known to, or were
overlooked by, them. This volume will be followed by
my continuation of our Naval History during thirty
years of brilliant and unexampled exertion. Of the
execution of this portion of the whole work, it would
be unbecoming in me to speak. It must be left, as all
INTRODUCTION.
\
original compositions are, and ought to be, to the
judgment of the public. I have leisure, opportunities,
and many facilities; and if my health will only keep
pace with these advantages; I am not without the hope
that my labours will experience a portion of the public
approbation.
H. R. YORKE.
1
Gray's-Inn-Square, March 7, 1812.
THE
LIFE
OF
DR. CAMPBELL.
DR. JOHN CAMPBELL, an eminent historical, biogra-
phical, and political writer of the last century, was a
native of that part of Great Britain called Scotland, and
born in the city of Edinburgh, on the 8th of March,
1707-8. His father was Robert Campbell, of Glenlyon,
Esq. and captain of horse in a regiment commanded by
the then Earl of Hyndford; and his mother, Elizabeth,
was the daughter of -Smith, Esq. of Windsor,n
Berkshire.* Our author was their fourth son; and, at
the age of five years, he was brought by Mrs. Campbell
to Windsor, from Scotland, which country he never saw
afterwards. It was at Windsor that he is supposed to
have received the first principles of his education, under
the direction and patronage of his uncle,
Smith,
Esq. of that place. At a proper age, he was placed out
* The Campbells of Glenlyon are a branch of the noble house of
Breadalbane, of which a distinct account may be seen in Nisbet's and
Douglas's Peerages. For information concerning the respectable
family of the Smith's of Windsor, recourse may be had to Ashmole's
Antiquities of Berkshire, and to No. 5800, a Book of Heraldry, in folio,
in the British Museum. Mrs. Campbell likewise, and consequently
our author, had the honour of claiming a descent from the famous
poet, Waller.
VOL. I.
B
ii
THE LIFE OF
as a clerk to an attorney, being intended for the law; but
whether it was that his genius could not be confined to
that dry study, or to whatever causes besides it might be
owing, it is certain that he did not pursue the line of his
original designation: neither did he engage in any other
particular profession, unless that of an author should be
considered in this light. One thing we are sure of, that
he did not spend his time in idleness and dissipation, but
in such a close application to the acquisition of knowledge
of various kinds, as soon enabled him to appear with great
advantage in the literary world. What smaller pieces
might have been written by Mr. Campbell, in the early
part of his life, we are not capable of ascertaining; but,
we know that, in 1736, before he had completed his
thirtieth year, he gave to the public, in two volumes
folio, "The Military History of Prince Eugene and the
Duke of Marlborough; comprehending the History of
both those illustrious persons, to the time of their de-
cease." This performance was enriched with maps, plans
and cuts, by the best hands, and particularly by the inge-
nious Claude du Bosc. The reputation hence acquired
by our author, occasioned him soon after to be solicited
to take a part in the "Ancient Universal History, a work
of great merit, as well as magnitude, though drawn up with
something of that inequality which is almost unavoidable,
when a number of persons are engaged in carrying on
the same undertaking. This history was published at
first, we believe, periodically; and five volumes of it, in
folio, were completed in 1740. The sixth volume was
finished in 1742, and the seventh_in_1744.* A second
edition of it, in 8vo. began to be published in 1747, and
was carried on monthly, with uncommon success, till the
whole was concluded in twenty volumes. For what parts
of it the Republic of Letters was more immediately in-
* Gent. Mag. vol. x. p. 560; vol. xii. p. 664; vol. xiv. p. 624.
DR. CAMPBELL.
iii
debted to Mr. Campbell, it is not in our power to deter-
mine, excepting that he is understood to have been the
writer of the Cosmogony, which affords a distinguished
proof of his extensive acquaintance with the systems of
the ancient philosophers. Whilst our author was em-
ployed in this capital work, he found leisure to entertain
the world with other productions. In 1739, he published
in Svo. "The Travels and Adventures of Edward Brown,
Esq." a book that was so well received as to call for
another edition, in two volumes, 12mo.
In the same
year appeared his "Memoirs of the Bashaw Duke de
Riperda," in 8vo. which were reprinted with improve-
ments, in 1740. These Memoirs were followed, in 1741,
by the "Concise History of Spanish America," in 8vo.
a second edition of which, if we recollect aright, came
out in 1756. In 1742, he was the author of " A Letter
to a Friend in the country, on the publication of Thurloe's
State Papers :" giving an account of their discovery, im-
portance, and utility. The same year was distinguished
by the appearance of the first and second volumes of his
"Lives of the English Admirals, and other eminent
British Seamen." The two remaining volumes were
completed in 1744; and the whole, not long after, was
translated into German. This, we believe, was the first
of Mr. Campbell's works to which he prefixed his name;
and indeed, he had no reason to be ashamed of so doing,
for it is a performance of great and acknowledged merit.
The good reception it met with, was evidenced in its
passing through three editions in his own life time; and
since his death, three successive editions have been given
to the public, under the inspection of Dr. Berkenhout.
When our author had finished the third edition, which is
more correct and complete than the former ones, he thus
wrote to his ingenious and worthy friend, the Rev. Mr.
Hall: "I am certain the Lives of the Admirals cost me
a great deal of trouble; and I can with great veracity
B 2
iv
THE LIFE OF
1
affirm, that they contain nothing but my real, sentiments,
arising from as strict an inquiry into the matters which
they relate, as was in my power." In 1743, he published
a very curious and entertaining pamphlet, called "Her-
mippus Revived;" a second edition of which, much im-
proved and enlarged, came out in 1749, under the follow-
ing title: "Hermippus Redivivus: or, the Sage's Triumph
over Old Age and the Grave; wherein a method is laid
down for prolonging the life and vigour of man; includ-
ing a commentary upon an ancient inscription, in which
this great secret is revealed, supported by numerous au-
thorities; the whole interspersed with a great variety of
remarkable and well-attested relations." This extraor-
dinary tract had its origin in a foreign publication; * but
it was wrought up to perfection by the additional inge-
nuity and learning of Mr. Campbell, and was founded on
the following inscription, said to be preserved in Reine-
sius's Supplement to Gruter;
}
ÆSCULAPIO ET SANITATI
L. CLODIUS HERMIPPUS
QUI VIXIT ANNOS CXV. DIES V.
PUELLARUM ANHELITU,
QUOD ETIAM POST MORTEM
EJUS
NON PARUM MIRANTUR PHYSICI.
JAM POSTERI SIC VITAM DUCITE.
* This publication appeared at Coblentz, in the beginning of the
year 1743, and was entitled HERMIPPUS REDIVIVUS, sive exercitatio
physico-medica curiosa, de methodo rara ad cxv. annos propagandæ,
senectutis per anhelitum puellarum, ex veteri monumento Romano, de
prompta, nunc artis medicæ fundamentis stabilita, & rationibus atque
exemplis, necnon singulari chymiæ philosophica paradoxo illustrata &
confirmata. Autore Jo. Hen. Cohausen, M. D. i. e. 'HERMIPPUs Re-
VIVED, or a curious Physico-medical Dissertation on an uncommon
method of prolonging human life to one hundred and fifteen years, by
means of the breath of young women. copied from an ancient Roman
DR. CAMPBELL.
V
From the circumstance here mentioned, which is repre-
sented as having been the means of prolonging the life of
Hermippus to so great an age, the author raises an hypo-
thesis, and supports it in an admirable strain of grave
irony, concerning the salutary nature of the breath of
young persons, especially girls and young women. Be-
sides this, he digresses largely concerning the hermetic
philosophers and their universal medicine; and relates a
variety of stories concerning them, which are excellently
calculated not only to amuse his readers, but almost to
deceive those who are not sufficiently aware of his inten-
tion, and whose judgments are not matured. The writer
of this article.* well remembers, that having read the
"Hermippus Redivivus," in his youth, such an impres-
sion was made by it upon his imagination, that, though his
understanding was not convinced, or his belief engaged, by
the reasonings and facts contained in it, he seemed for two
or three days to be in a kind of fairy-land. Dr. Mackenzie,
a physician at Worcester, and author of a Treatise on
Health, is said to have viewed Mr. Campbell's book in a
serious light; and to have been so far influenced by it,
that he went and lived some time at a female boarding-
school, for the benefit of receiving the salutary effects
arising from the breath of the young ladies. + Mr. Thick-
nesse, in a late performance, hath gravely adopted the
system of the " Hermippus Redivivus." It had been
asserted, that Mons. Bayle alone possessed the faculty of
treating at large upon a difficult subject, without discover-
ing to which side his own sentiments leaned, and that his
acquaintance with uncommon books extended farther than
monument, now established on a physical basis, by arguments and
´examples, and illustrated and confirmed by a very singular paradox in
chymical philosophy.' By Dr. Cohausen of Coblentz.-Gent. Mag.
vol. xiii. p. 279,
* Dr. Kippis.
+ From the information of Sir George Baker, Bart. to whom the
fact was told by Dr. Wall, of Worcester.
vi
THE LIFE OF
9
that of any other man. The Hermippus was an essay to
shew that such a mode of writing, and such a species of
literature, were not confined to Mons. Bayle. This, as
our author himself long afterwards informed Mr. Hall,
was the true key to the book. In 1756, a translation of
it into Italian was published at Leghorn, in 4to. in the
introductory preface to which, high commendations are
bestowed upon the Hermippus Redivivus.
The smaller pieces written by Mr. Campbell, were only
an occasional amusement to him, and never interrupted
the course of the great works in which he was engaged.
In 1744, he gave to the public, in two volumes, folio, his
Voyages and Travels, on Dr. Harris's plan, being a very
distinguished improvement of that gentleman's collection,
which had appeared in 1705. So well was this publication
of our author received, that a new edition was soon called
for, which came out in numbers, and was finished in
1749. The work contains all the circumnavigators from
the time of Columbus to Lord Anson; a complete history
of the East Indies; historical details of the several attempts
made for the discovery of the north-east and north-west
passages; the Commercial History of Corea and Japan;
the Russian discoveries by land and sea; a distinct ac-
eount of the Spanish, Portuguese, British, French, Dutch,
and Danish settlements in America; with other pieces not
to be found in any former collection. The whole was
conducted with eminent skill and judgment, and the pre-
face is acknowledged to be a master-piece of composition
and information. The time and care employed by Mr.
Campbell in this important undertaking, did not prevent
his engaging in another great work, with regard to which
we have reason to record his learned labours with parti-
cular pleasure. The work we mean is the "Biographia
Britannica," which began to be published in weekly
numbers in 1745, and the first volume of which was com-
pleted in 1746, as was the second in 1748. By one of
DR. CAMPBELL.
vii
those revolutions to which the best designs are subject,
the public attention to the Biographia seemed to flag,
when about two volumes had been printed; but this atten-
tion was soon revived by the very high encomium that
was passed upon it by Mr. Gilbert West, at the close of
his poem on Education; from which time the undertaking
was carried on with increasing reputation and success.
We need not say that its reputation and success were
greatly owing to our author. It is no disparagement to
the abilities and learning of his coadjutors to assert, that
his articles constitute the prime merit of the four volumes
through which they extend. He was not satisfied with
giving a cold narration of the personal circumstances
relative to the eminent men whose lives he drew up,
but was ambitious of entering into such a copious and
critical discussion of their actions or writings, as should
render the Biographia Britannica a most valuable repo-
sitory of historical and literary knowledge. This end
he has admirably accomplished, and herein hath left an
excellent example to his successors. He received the
thanks of John, the fifth Earl of Orrery, "in the
name of all the Boyles, for the honour he had done to
them, and to his own judgment, by placing the family
in such a light as to give a spirit of emulation to those
who were hereafter to inherit the title." The inge-
nious Mr. Walpole, speaking of the Campbells, Earls of
Argyle, adds, "It is totally unnecessary for me to enter
into their characters, that task having been so fully per-
formed by one who wears the honour of their name, and
who, it is no compliment to say, is one of the ablest and
most beautiful writers of this country."+ The like enco-
mium might be extended to many other articles, several
of which are so uniformly complete, and so highly finished,
* See the article Boyle, (John) Earl of Cork and Orrery, in the
Biographia Britannica.
+ Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, vol. ii. p. 225.
viii
THE LIFE OF
that it is difficult to ascertain where the preference ought
to be given. Were we, however, to select any life from
the rest, we should say, that the account of Roger Bacon
alone would be sufficient to procure for our author no
small degree of reputation. One thing by which he is
peculiarly distinguished, is the candour displayed by him
with respect to those persons from whom he most differed
in religious and political opinions. After he had written
the Lives of the Calamys, he was waited upon by the
Reverend Mr. Edmund Calamy, to thank him for those
articles, and especially for the justice done to his great-
grandfather, the first divine of that family. Mr. Calamy
was even surprised to find that Mr. Campbell was a mem-
ber of the Church of England; and still more so, when he
learned that our biographer had undertaken the articles
of Mr. Baxter and Dr. Conant, on purpose to prevent
their falling into hands that might not equally be disposed
to pay the testimony due to their respective merits. Indeed,
our author has been charged with an excess of candour, in
some of the accounts given in the Biographia. But if, in
a few instances, there should appear to be any ground for
this charge, it ought to be remembered, that his error
never proceeded from any intention to flatter or deceive,
but from the amiable benevolence of his heart, and from
his readiness to discern, and to acknowledge, the talents
and the worthiness of men who were of the most opposite
principles and parties. It ought also to be remembered,
that his candour was not unfrequently the result of supe-
rior knowledge; and that it led him into disquisitions,
which tended to throw new light on characters and
actions.
When the late Mr. Robert Dodsley formed the design
of that useful book, "The Preceptor," which appeared in
1748, Mr. Campbell was one of the ingenious gentlemen
applied to, to assist in the undertaking; and the parts
written by him were the introduction to chronology, and
DR. CAMPBELL.
ix
the discourse on trade and commerce, both of which dis-
played an extensive fund of knowledge upon these sub-
jects. In 1750, he published, in 8vo. the first separate
edition of his "Present State of Europe;" a work which
had been originally begun in 1746, in the "Museum,"
a very valuable periodical performance, printed for Mr.
Dodsley. There is no production of our author's that hath
met with a better reception. It has gone through six edi-
tions, and fully hath it deserved this encouragement; for,
it is not easy to find a book which, in such a moderate
compass, contains so much historical and political infor-
mation. The perspicuity, the good sense, and the saga-
city with which it is written, will ever command attention
and admiration, even though some of Mr. Campbell's con-
jectures and reasonings concerning the future views and
interests of the European powers, should happen to be
overturned by the late surprising revolutions in the poli-
tics of the world. In such high estimation was "The
Present State of Europe" held abroad, that the Count de
Gisors, one of the most amiable young noblemen of his
time, and only son to the Marshal Duke de Belleise,
learned English, when at Copenhagen, in order to be able
to read it. The next great undertaking which called for
the exertion of our author's abilities and learning, was
"The Modern Universal History." This extensive work
was published, from time to time, in detached parts, till it
amounted to sixteen volumes folio; and a second edition
of it, in 8vo began to make its appearance in 1759. The
parts of it written by Mr. Campbell, were the histories of
the Portuguese, Dutch, Spanish, French, Swedish, Danish,
and Ostend settlements in the East Indies; and the his-
tories of the kingdoms of Spain, Portugal, Algarve,
Navarre, and that of France from Clovius to the year 1656.
It may, without controversy, be asserted, that these parts
of "The Modern Universal History," must be reckoned
among some of its brightest ornaments. As our author
THE LIFE OF
had thus distinguished himself in the literary world, the
degree of LL.D. was very properly and honourably con
ferred upon him, on the 18th of June, 1754, by the Uni-
versity of Glasgow. With regard to his smaller publica
tions, there are several, we apprehend, that have eluded
our most diligent inquiry. The following is an account of
all that have come to our knowledge :
In early life, he wrote a little piece, intitled, "A Dis-
course on Providence," 8vo. the third edition of which
was printed in 1748. He published in 1746, in 8vo. “The
Sentiments of a Dutch Patriot; being the speech of Mr. V.
H***n, in an august ASSEMBLY on the present state of
affairs, and the resolution necessary at this juncture to be
taken for the safety of the Republic, in 8vo." The history
of this tract, the design of which was to expose the tem-
porizing policy of the States of Holland, is somewhat amu-
sing. His amanuensis, when he was going to write the
pamphlet, having disappointed him, he requested, after
tea in the afternoon, that Mrs. Campbell, when she had
ordered a good fire to be made, would retire to bed as
soon as possible, with the servants; and, at the same
time, leave him four ounces of coffee. This was done,
and he wrote till twelve o'clock at night, when finding
his spirits flag, he took two ounces; with this assistance,
he went on till six in the morning, when again beginning
to grow weary, he drank the remainder of the coffee;
hence he was enabled to proceed with fresh vigour, till
nine or ten o'clock in the morning, when he finished the
pamphlet, which had a great run, and was productive of
considerable profit. Mr. Campbell having succeeded so
well in a performance hastily written, expected much
greater success from another work, about which he had
taken extraordinary pains, and which had cost him a long
time in composing; but when it came to be published, it
scarcely paid the expense of advertising.
Some years
afterwards, a book in French was brought to him, that had
DR. CAMPBELL.
xi
been translated from the German, and he was asked,
whether a translation of it into English would not be
likely to be acceptable. Upon examining it, he found
that it was his own neglected work, which had made its
way into Germany, and had there been translated and
published, without any acknowledgment of the obligation
due to the original writer. *
In 1749, he printed, in 8vo. " Occasional Thoughts on
moral, serious, and religious Subjects." In 1754, he was
the author of a work, in one volume, 8vo. intitled, “The
Rational Amusement, comprehending a collection of let-
ters, on a great variety of subjects, interspersed with essays,
and some little pieces of humour.'
"The Shepherd
of Banbury's Rules," a favourite pamphlet with the com-
mon people; and "The History of the War in the East
Indies," which appeared in 1758 or 1759, under the name
of Mr. Watts, are supposed to have been of Mr. Campbell's
composition. Upon the conclusion of the peace at Paris,
our author was requested by Lord Bute, to take some
share in the vindication of that peace. Accordingly, he
wrote, in one volume, 8vo. "A Description and History
of the new Sugar islands in the West Indies;" the design
of which was to shew the value and importance of the
neutral islands that had been ceded to us by the French.
As his book was to be presented to the king, he was
desired to write a dedication to his majesty, which he
wished to decline, because he had hitherto avoided all
political disputes, and because his earlier attachments and
sentiments had not led him to pay his devoirs to the court
of St. James's. However, it was at length determined,
that he should present the dedication in manuscript. The
following is a copy of it:
* From the information of Dr. William Watson, who had the account
from Dr. Campbell.
1
xii
THE LIFE OF
&
To the King's most sacred Majesty,
This little WORK,
Undertaken by his Royal Commands,
and honoured by his gracious Approbation,
is humbly inscribed by
His Majesty's most dutiful Subject,
and obliged Servant.
That PEACE,
Which your Majesty's Goodness and Wisdom
have given to this Nation,
is here shewn to be adequate
to the restoring her exhausted Wealth,
to the extension of her Commerce,
through dominions she hath power to keep,
and is inadequate only
in the eye of
FACTION.
In 1772, he printed in 4to. "A Treatise upon the
Trade of Great Britain to America."
By the favour of the Hon. Mr. Daines Barrington, the
Rev. Dr. Lorby, and Mr. Reed, the following additional
list of Dr. Campbell's smaller publications, has been in-
serted in a supplementary note to the article in the Bio-
graphia Britannica.
"The Case of the Opposition impartially stated," 8vo.
1742. In Mr. Reed's copy of this pamphlet, are various
corrections and additions in Dr. Campbell's own hand,
which appear evidently written with a view to a second
impression.
"An exact and authentic account of the greatest White-
Herring-Fishery in Scotland, carried on yearly in the
island of Zetland, by the Dutch only," 8vo. 1750.
"The Highland Gentleman's Magazine, for January
1751," 8vo.
DR. CAMPBELL.
xiii
"A Letter from the Prince of the Infernal Regions, to
a Spiritual Lord on this side the Great Gulph, in Answer
to a late invective Epistle levelled at his Highness," 8vo.
1751.
"The Naturalization Bill confuted, as most pernicious
to these United Kingdoms," 8vo. 1751.
"His Royal Highness Frederick, late Prince of Wales,
Deciphered: or a full and particular Description of his
Character, from his Juvenile Years, until his Death,"
Svo. 1751.
"A Vade Mecum: or Companion for the Unmarried
Ladies: wherein is laid down some Examples whereby
to direct them in the Choice of Husbands," 8vo. 1752.
"A particular, but melancholy Account, of the great
Hardships, Difficulties, and Miseries, that those unhappy
and much to be pitied Creatures, the common Women of
the Town, are plunged into at this juncture," 8vo. 1752.
"A full and particular Description of the Highlands of
Scotland," 8vo. 1752.
"The Case of the Publicans, both in Town and Coun-
try, laid open," 8vo. 1752.
In Mr. Barrington's curious collection of papers, rela-
tive to the probability of reaching to the North Pole, is a
tract, which he received from a learned friend, who per-
mitted him to print it, though not to inform the public
to whom they were indebted for the communication. It
is entitled, "Thoughts on the probability, expediency,
and utility of discovering a passage by the North Pole.”
The writer of this ingenious Essay was Dr. Campbell.
His last grand work was, "A Political Survey of Bri-
tain; being a series of reflections on the situation, lands,
inhabitants, revenues, colonies, and commerce of this
island: intended to shew, that they have not as yet
approached near the summit of improvement, but that it
will afford employment to many generations, before they
push to their utmost extent the natural advantages of
xiv
THE LIFE OF
Great Britain." This work, which was published in 1774,
in two volumes, royal quarto, cost Dr. Campbell many
years of attention, study, and labour. As it was his last,
so it seems to have been his favourite production, upon
which he intended to erect a durable monument of his sin-
cere and ardent love to his country. A more truly patriotic
publication never appeared in the English language. The
variety of information it contains is prodigious; and there
is no book that better deserves the close and constant study
of the politician, the senator, the gentleman, the mer-
chant, the manufacturer; in short, of every one who has
it in any degree in his power to promote the interest and
welfare of Great Britain. An assiduous pursuit of the
numerous hints and plans of improvement suggested by
our worthy author, would, perhaps, be the only effectual
method of preserving and continuing the prosperity of
this island, amidst that combination of enemies and mis-
fortunes, with which she is at present surrounded. As
the "Political Survey" is so excellent both in its design
and execution, it is not surprising that Dr. Campbell
should receive the highest testimonies in commendation of
it, and that it should engage him in a very extensive cor-
respondence. The correspondence occasioned by it was,
indeed, so great, that in a letter to Mr. Hall, dated
July 21, 1774, he informed his friend, that it had absorbed
a ream of paper; and that he was about to begin upon
another ream, which would probably share the same
fate.
In the account which has been given of Dr. Campbell's
writings, we have mentioned some of the encomiums that
have been passed upon his literary merit. Several others
might be added; but we shall content ourselves with pro-
ducing one or two, that happen to be at hand. Dr. Smol-
let, when doing justice to the eminent writers who adorned
the reign of King George the Second, says, "Nor let us
forget the merit conspicuous in the works of Campbell,
DR. CAMPBELL.
XV
""*
remarkable for candour, intelligence, and precision.'
The author of the "Account of the European Settle-
ments in America,” which common fame ascribes to a gen-
tleman of the most distinguished abilities and character,
concludes his preface with the following passage: "Hav-
ing spoken, perhaps, a little too hardy of my materials, I
must except the assistance I have had from the judicious
collection called Harris's Voyages. There are not many
finer pieces than the history of Brazil in that collection.
The light in which the author sets the events in that his-
tory is fine and instructive; an uncommon spirit prevails
through it, and his remarks are every where striking and
deep. The little sketch I have given in the part of Por-
tuguese America, if it has any merit, is entirely due to
that original. Where I differ from him in any respect, it
is with deference to the judgment of a writer, to whom this
nation is much obliged, for endeavouring every where,
with so much good sense and eloquence, to rouze that
spirit of generous enterprize, that can alone make any
nation powerful or glorious." Dr. Campbell's reputation
was not confined to his own country, but extended to the
remotest parts of Europe. As a striking instance of this,
we may mention, that in the spring of the year 1774, the
Empress of Russia was pleased to honour him with the
present of her picture, drawn in the robes worn in that
country in the days of John Basiliowitz, Grand Duke of
Muscovy, who was contemporary with Queen Elizabeth.
To manifest the Doctor's sense of her Imperial Majesty's
goodness, a set of the "Political Survey of Britain,”
bound in Morocco, highly ornamented and accompanied
with a letter descriptive of the triumphs and felicities of
her reign, was forwarded to St. Petersburgh, and conveyed
into the hands of that great Princess, by Prince Gregorio
Orloff, who had resided some months in this kingdom.
* History of England, vol. ii. p. 127, 8vo. edition.
xvi
THE LIFE OF
}
The Empress's picture, since the death of our author, was
presented by his widow to the late Lord Macartney.
Let us now advert a little to Dr. Campbell's personal
history. On the 23d of May, 1736, he married Elizabeth,
daughter of Benjamin Vobe, of Leominster, in the county
of Hereford, gentleman, with which lady he lived near
forty years in the greatest conjugal harmony and happi-
ness. So wholly did he dedicate his time to books, that
he seldom went abroad: but to relieve himself, as much
as possible, from the inconveniences incident to a seden-
tary life, it was his custom, when the weather would admit,
to walk in his garden, or, otherwise, in some room of his
house, by way of exercise. By this method, united with
the strictest temperance in eating, and an equal abstemi-
ousness in drinking, he enjoyed a good state of health,
though his constitution was delicate. His domestic man-
ner of living did not preclude him from a very extensive
and honourable acquaintance. His house, especially on a
Sunday evening, was the resort of the most distinguished
persons of all ranks, and particularly of such as had ren-
dered themselves eminent by their knowledge, or love of
literature. He received foreigners, who were fond of
learning, with an affability and kindness, which excited
in them the highest respect and veneration; and his in-
structive and cheerful conversation, made him the delight
of his friends in general. On the 5th of March, 1765, Dr.
Campbell was appointed his Majesty's Agent for the pro-
vince of Georgia, in North America, which employment
he held till his decease. His last illness was a decline,
the consequence of a life devoted to severe study, and
which resisted every attempt for his relief that the most
skilful in the medical science could devise. By this ill-
ness he was carried off, at his house in Queen-square,
Ormond-street, on the 28th of December, 1775, when
he had nearly completed the sixty-eighth year of his age.
His end was tranquil and easy, and he preserved the full
DR. CAMPBELL.
xvii
use of all his faculties to the latest moment of his life.
On the 4th of January following his decease, he was
interred in the New Burial Ground, behind the Found-
ling Hospital, belonging to the parish of St. George the
Martyr, where a monument, with a plain and modest
inscription, hath been erected to his memory. Dr. Camp-
bell had by his lady seven children, one of whom only
survived him, Anne, who, on the 22d of August, 1763,
married John Grant, Esq. of Lovat, near Inverness, in
North Britain, then Captain in the fifty-eighth regiment
of foot, and afterwards his Majesty's Commissary and Pay-
master of the Royal Artillery at New York. Mrs. Grant,
who was a woman of excellent understanding and taste,
which had been cultivated under her father's eye, and
who was possessed of the most amiable virtues, died at
New York, on the 2d of July, 1778, in the thirty-seventh
year of her age. Mr. Grant returning some time after to
England, departed this life at Kensington, in the month
of November, 1780. Three children were left by Mr.
and Mrs. Grant, under the care of their worthy grand-
mother, the Doctor's widow.
Dr. Campbell's literary knowledge was by no means
confined to the subjects on which he more particularly
treated as an author. He was well acquainted with the
mathematics, and had read much in medicine. It hath
been with great reason believed, that if he had dedicated
his studies to the last science, he would have made a very
conspicuous figure in the physical profession. He was
eminently versed in the different parts of sacred litera-
ture; and his acquaintance with the languages extended
not only to the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin among the
ancient, and to the French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese,
and Dutch, among the modern, but likewise, to the
Oriental tongues. He was particularly fond of the Greek
VOL. I.
C
xviii
THE LIFE OF
language. His attainment of such a variety of know-
ledge, was exceedingly assisted by a memory surprisingly
retentive, and which, indeed, astonished every person
with whom he was conversant. * A striking instance of
this hath been given by the Honourable Mr. Daines Bar-
rington, in his tract, intitled, "The Probability of reaching
the North Pole discussed."+ In communicating his ideas,
our author had an uncommon readiness and facility; and
the style of his works, which had been formed upon the
model of that of the celebrated Bishop Sprat, was per-
spicuous, easy, flowing, and harmonious. Should it be
thought that it is sometimes rather too diffusive, it will,
Nevertheless, it is stated in the addenda prefixed to the fourth
volume of the Biographia Britannica, that, " Dr. Campbell looking
once into a pamphlet at a bookseller's shop, liked it so well as to
purchase it; and it was not till he had read it half through, that he dis-
covered it to be his own composition. This he told the late Mr.
David Hume.”
Dr. Johnson, in a conversation during his tour, said, "I think
highly of Campbell. In the first place, he has very good parts. In
the second place, he has very extensive reading; not, perhaps, what
is properly called learning, but history, politics, and, in short, that
popular knowledge which makes a man very useful. In the third
place, he has learnt much by what is called the vox viva. He talks
with a great many people."
Dr. Johnson one day called on Dr. Campbell, and they talked of
Tull's Husbandry. Dr. Campbell said something, and Johnson began
to dispute it: "Come," said Dr. Campbell, "We do not want to
get the better of one another: we want to increase each other's ideas."
This Dr. Johnson took in good part, and the conversation then went
on coolly and instructively.—Boswell's Journal, p. 405, 406.
+ The instance mentioned by Mr. Barrington, regards the accuracy
wherewith Dr. Campbell, at the distance of thirty years, remembered
the facts related to him by a Dr. Daillie, concerning a voyage towards
the North Pole; in which the navigators, among whom was Dr.
Daillie himself, went so far as to the 88th degree of north latitude;
and might easily have proceeded farther, had not the captain thought
himself obliged, by his duty in other respects, to return.
DR. CAMPBELL.
xix
notwithstanding, indubitably be allowed, that it is in
general, very elegant and beautiful.
To all these accomplishments of the understanding, Dr.
Campbell joined the more important virtues of a moral
and pious character. His disposition was gentle and
humane, and his manners kind and obliging. He was the
tenderest of husbands, a most indulgent parent, a kind
master, a firm and sincere friend. To his great Creator
he paid the constant and ardent tribute of devotion, duty,
and reverence; and in his correspondences he shewed,
that a sense of piety was always nearest his heart. "We
cannot," said he, in a letter to Mr. Hall, "too much
insist on the necessity of religion, not only as securing our
happiness hereafter, but as the only safe and certain rule
of life, and ten thousand times preferable to the modern
notions of philosophy, and ties of honour. I may with
great truth say, that the Church Catechism is a much
better system of morals than Tully's Offices. There are
many fine things in these, and in the works of Seneca:
but, in my judgment, none that equal, either in spirit or
composition, some of the Collects in our Liturgy.' On
another occasion, he wrote to the same friend, that he
thought there was more good sense, and far better pre-
cepts for the conduct of life, in the Wisdom of Solomon,
and the Son of Sirach, than in all the Heathen Sages-put
together; or than could be met with in Lord Bolingbroke,
Mr. Hume, or Voltaire. It was our author's custom
every day, to read one or more portions of Scripture, in
the original, with the ancient versions, and the best com-
mentators before him; and in this way, as appears from
his own occasional notes and remarks, he went through
the Sacred Writings a number of times, with great thank-
fulness and advantage.
Such was Dr. Campbell as a writer and as a man. By
his works he has secured not only a lasting reputation,
!
C 2
XX
THE LIFE, &c.
but rendered himself highly beneficial to the public; and,
by his virtues, he became prepared for that happy immor-
tality, which awaits all the genuine followers of good-
ness.
LIVES
OF
THE ADMIRALS:
INCLUDING
A NEW AND ACCURATE
NAVAL HISTORY.
CHAP. 1.
The Naval History of the Ancient Britons, before they were invaded
by the Romans, and during the continuance of the Roman Empire
in Britain, to the coming of the Saxons.
THE
(Containing the Transactions of about 1740 Years.)
HE ancient History of Britain, or rather of the Britons,
before the coming of Cæsar into this island, is, we must
allow, not a little obscure, as well in respect to their
exploits by sea, as in regard to the succession of their
princes, and the settlement of their civil government at
home; but this matter is carried much too far, when it is
asserted, that the histories of those times deserve not either
reading or notice; that they are mere fables and idle tales,
void of all authority or probability.
It is true, that this lofty style is highly taking with
critics, who very readily reject what they cannot under-
O
NAVAL HISTORY
stand; but this may be sometimes too hastily done, as I
conceive it is here. Camden* disliked the British his-
tory of Geoffrey of Monmouth, and his authority drew
others to treat it with absolute contempt. But, since his
time, through the indefatigable labours of many indus-
trious men, other ancient authors have been published,
which plainly shew, that much true history is to be met
with, even in that book, though embarrassed with fiction.
Besides, it is now out of dispute, that Geoffrey was no
forger, or inventor of that history, but that he really
translated it out of the British language, in which tongue
it is still extant. t
From this history, which in many circumstances is sup-
ported by others of better authority, we have various pas-
sages in relation to the naval power of the Britons, before
Cæsar's expedition. Now, that these are not altogether
incredible, must appear from the reason of the thing, on
one hand, and, on the other, from what may be cited
from writers of unquestionable credit.
Two arguments result from our very situation; for,
first, the people, whoever they were, Gauls or Trojans,
who planted this country, must have come to it by sea,
and, consequently, must have had some skill in mari-
time affairs, even prior to their settling here. Secondly,
the surrounding seas, the convenient ports, and the
prospect of the opposite shore, must, doubtless, have
encouraged them, when settled here, to practise, and
thereby extend that skill in navigation, which, as I have
said, they could not but have possessed before they came
hither. Hence, I think, it might have been rationally
* Britannia, p. 6, 7. edit, 1594, 4to. See a refutation of Camden's
objections in Mr. Thomson's copious preface to his Translation of
Geoffrey of Monmouth's History; and the most learned Sir John
Price's Defence of that History.
+ Userii Britan. Eccl. Primordia. See also Lewis's British
History,
OF THE BRITONS.
3
concluded, that our British ancestors had performed some-
thing worthy of notice at sea, before the Roman invasion,
even though there had been no records to attest their
actions.
Polybius* mentions this island and its commodities;
Lucretius + also takes notice of it; and these were both
writers elder than Cæsar. The author of the book De
Mundo, which goes commonly under the name of Aris-
totle, speaks of the British islands, and distinguishes
between Albion and Hierna, that is, between England
and Ireland. Athenæus §. tells us, out of Meschion, that
the main-mast of King Hiero's great ship was found by a
swine-herd in the mountains of Britain, and by Phileas
Tauromenites conveyed into Sicily; and Solinus || speaks
of an altar engraven with Greek characters, which Ulysses
met with in Caledonia. It is not easy to conceive how
so remote a country should be so well known in those
times, if the British had not both power and commerce by
sea. But, to put this matter out of dispute, the learned
Mr. Selden ¶ owns himself convinced, even by Cæsar's
writings, that the ancient Britons had a considerable sea
force, which he conceives was either weakened, or totally
destroyed in the defeat which Cæsar gave to the Veneti,
to whose assistance it was sent.
Having thus shewn, that, for any thing the critics know
to the contrary, the facts preserved by our British his-
torians may be, at least, in some measure true, I shall pro
ceed to mention those that are for my purpose, insisting
on such arguments as offer themselves in support of these
transactions; there being, as I conceive, as much honour
to be acquired from the retrieving truth out of our fabulous
stories, as in extracting it from Greek poets, or from
* Hist. lib. xi.
↑ Aristot. Opera, tom. ii. p. 206, edit. Aurel. Allobrog. 1606,
+ De Nat. Rer. lib. iii.
|| Polyhist. cap. 35.
¶ Mare Clausum, lib. ii, cap. 2.
§ Deipnosophist.
4
NAVAL HISTORY
oriental authors, which has, however, been the business
of most of the greatest men famed for learning amongst
us. This I say, not to lessen their reputation, or raise my
own, but, out of a design to vindicate that of my country;
by shewing, that the inhabitants of this island have always
been, what I hope they always will be, lords of those seas
which surround it.
The first naval expedition, celebrated by British writers,
is that of the planting this island by Brito, or Brute, * of
which there is a large, and, in many of its circumstances,
no doubt, a fabulous account, in Geoffrey of Monmouth, +
but that the story had a ground of truth, may be easily
proved. That this island was inhabited as early as this
expedition is placed, appears from the trade of the Phoeni-
cians, and from its being so populous at the time of Cæsar's
invasion. That the story of Brute was no invention of
Geoffrey's, is clear, from our having the same account in
Henry of Huntingdon, who did not borrow from him,
and in Giraldus Cambrensis, § who, though he condemns
the British history published by Geoffrey of Monmouth,
yet, in the same breath, asserts the story of Brute; and,
which is still more to the purpose, from the authority of
Saxon writers, whose testimony, in this case, is of unques-
tionable credit. As to the objection, that foreign writers
knew nothing of this, it may in some measure be removed,
by observing, that, as they give very bad accounts of their
own originals, we need not either wonder at, or regret,
their giving none of ours. Besides this, Ammianus Mar-
cellinus takes notice, that part of the flying Trojans
landed in Gaul, whence, our ancient history says, they
came hither. If so, then they possessed this island in right
* A. A. C. 1195.
† Hist. Brit. lib. i. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. i. p. 10, 11, 12. Ric.
Viti. Hist. Britan. lib. i.
‡ Proem. Hist. & in Epist. ad Guarin.
§ Cambric Descriptio, cap. 7. apud Camden, Angl. Norman, &c.
|| Hist. lib. xv.
OF THE BRITONS.
ઊ
of their naval power; which dominion, as it began in them,
so it shall be our principal business to shew it has by their
posterity been ever since maintained.
One of the most early exploits after this, was that of
King Belinus, * who is said to have taken the King of
Denmark prisoner, and to have obliged him to become
tributary. Afterwards, passing with his brother Brennus
into Gaul, + they, with the joint forces of that country and
their own, invaded Italy, and sacked Rome; after which,‡
Belinus returned home, and reigned here with great glory.
That this story is liable to some exceptions must be
owned; and, indeed, what history of so great antiquity is
not? But that it is not altogether improbable, appears
from hence, that Pausanias, § a learned Greek author,
speaking of the expedition of the Gauls under Brennus
into Greece, says, that they called their order of drawing
up squadrons of horse, three in front, trimarchia, which is
pure British; for tri, in that language, signifies three, and
march a horse. Gorguntius, || the son of Belinus, attacked
the king of Denmark, (which must have been by sea,) slew
him, and conquered his country. I These were the
exploits of the inhabitants of the southern part of the
isle. As for the Scots, they appear to have had a very
considerable naval force, by which they held in subjection
all the adjacent isles, long before the coming of Cæsar,
and this corroborates the other facts strongly.
The commerce of the Britons could not but be very con-
siderable, even in these early times; for, besides the trade
they drove with the Carthaginians in the western part of
the island, ** they also trafficked with the northern nations,
* Gal. Mon. Hist. Brit. lib. iii. cap. 2. Alured. Beverl. lib. i. p. 16.
Vit. Hist. lib. iii.
† A. A. C. 388.
§ Lib. x.
A. A. C. 375.
† A. A. C. 387.
Hist. Brit. lib. iii. cap. 2.
** Strabo, Georg. lib. i,
6
NAVAL HISTORY
1
as appears by the flight of Brennus, * when he quarrelled
with his brother, to a king of Norway; for it cannot be
supposed he would retire to an absolute stranger, or, if
he had, that he should so soon return with a potent fleet.
Their intercourse with all the maritime provinces of Gaul
is indisputable; nor is it a light argument of their perfect
acquaintance with the arts and sciences then known, that
the youth of those provinces were sent hither for instruc-
tion. But what is most to our purpose, and which clearly
demonstrates that, at this time, they had the dominion of
their own seas in the most absolute degree is, what Cæsar
himself says, + viz. That he could get no information con-
cerning the country, or ports of Britain, because the inha-
bitants permitted none but merchants to visit their isle,
and even restrained those from travelling up into the
country. The imposing such rules shews the power of
which they were then possessed.
sea.
It is indeed objected, that Cæsar and other ancient
authors speak but in mean terms of the British vessels;
telling us, they were made of wicker covered with hides,
which, therefore, were very unfit to have opposed the
Roman fleet; and this they suppose to be the reason, that
the Britons never essayed to grapple with the Romans aț
There is, however, nothing solid in this; for one of
the reasons why Cæsar inclined to attack Britain was,
because its inhabitants succoured the Gauls both by land
and sea; the fleets, therefore, that they sent for this pur-
pose, were certainly stout Ships, and not the leathern
boats which they used in fishing on their own coasts, and
to the use of which the Romans afterwards confined them.
The true cause why they did not oppose the Romans by
sea, was the previous loss of the best part of their fleet,
* Hist. Brit. lib. iii. cap. 2.
+ De Bello Gallico, lib. iv. cap. 18.
↑ De Bello Civil. lib. i. cap. 54. Solin. Polyhist, cap. 35. Lucan.
Pharsal. lib. iv.
OF THE BRITONS.
7
which they had sent to the assistance of the Veneti. * As
for the Scots, they were engaged in reducing the isles,
which a little before had thrown off their yoke, as their
own historian tells us: and, after all, Gildas ‡ severely
reflects upon this very circumstance of their not drawing
together a fleet, which would have been absolutely absurd,
if he had known the Britons at that time had no ships of
To sum up all, Cæsar's own relation § is sufficient
to shew, that there is nothing pressing on this objection,
but that the Britons made such a defence as their cir-
cumstances would allow, and the nature of his attempt
required.
war.
This expedition of Cæsar may seem to fall without the
A.A.C.
limits of this work, since they contended with him not at 52.
sea, but on shore. It was, however, a naval expedition
on his side, and undertaken chiefly for the sake of securing
the dominion of the sea to the Romans; wherefore, I con-
ceive, it will not be thought an unjustifiable digression in
me to mention some remarkable circumstances. Cæsar's
first expedition from Gaul was with a fleet of eighty
ships, and a few gallies, on board of which he embarked
two legions. He attempted to land on the opposite
coast of Kent, where he found a British army ready to
receive him, who behaved so exceedingly well, that even
these Roman yeterans were astonished, and, contrary
to their usual custom, betrayed a dislike to fighting;
whence we may justly infer, that this was not the first
time the Britons ever had to do with invaders. The
emperor Julian, ¶ a writer of distinguished parts, intro-
duces Julius as leaping from his ship to encourage his
* Selden. Mare Clausum, lib. ii. cap, 2.
† Johan. de Fordun. Scotichron. lib. 2. cap. 14.
Epist. de Excidio Britan.
§ De Bello Gallico, lib. v. cap. ii.
|| Hist. Brit. lib. iv. cap. 1. Vit. Hist. lib. iv, Cæs. de Bello Gal-
lico, lib. v.
¶ Cæs. ib.
8
NAVAL HISTORY
A.A.C.
51.
frighted soldiers; but Cæsar himself tells us, that it was
the standard-bearer of the tenth legion, who, by this des-
perate action, encouraged the army to gain the shore,
from which, with much difficulty, they drove the British
inhabitants. * After this, Cæsar encamped on Barham
Downs, where he waited a supply; in which, meeting
with some disappointment, the Britons again gave him
battle, and, as he owns, were repulsed with difficulty
enough; insomuch, that when he had repaired his fleet, he
judged it the wisest thing he could do to return to Gaul;
and this accordingly he did, and took the farther precau-
tion of embarking his forces at midnight. † Happy had
it been for the Britons, if, after so glorious a contest for
the preservation of their freedom, they had concerted pro-
per measures for giving him as good a reception, in case
of his making a second attempt; but they were deficient
in discretion, though not in valour, and quarrelling
amongst themselves, Mandubratius, a traitor to his coun-
try, fled to Gaul, in order to invite him again. ‡
Cæsar was at that time returned to Rome, but his lieute-
nants in Gaul were providing a navy according to his direc-
tions, which consisted of no less than 800 sail, on board of
which, when he came back, Cæsar embarked a numerous
army for Britain. He landed as before in Kent, without
meeting any resistance, the Britons being astonished at the
sight of ten times the force with which they had before con-
tested. The Romans marched as far as the river Stoure,
where, in a short space, the British monarch Caswallen en-
gaged them with a formidable army. In this battle the Ro-
mans forced their enemies to retreat; but in the evening the
Britons boldly attacked the Roman camp, and, when they
found themselves unable to keep it, charged quite through
?
* Cæs. de Bello Gallico, lib. iv. cap. 25. Hist. Britan™ lib. iv. cap.3.
† De Bello Gallico, lib. v. Hist. Britan. lib. iv. cap, 5,
↑ De Bello Gallico, lib. v. Hist. Britan. lib. iv. cap. 7,
8.
OF THE BRITONS.
9
the forces appointed to defend it, and recovered their
fastnesses. Cæsar marching forwards toward the Thames,
Caswallan caused the ford where he was to pass to be
stuck full of sharp stakes, remaining with his army on the
opposite shore, in order to have taken advantage of that
confusion this contrivance must have occasioned; but the
design was betrayed, and Cæsar passed somewhat higher.
The place, however, retains the name of Coway Stakes,
near Oatlands, and is another, proof that the Britons
knew how to exert their force by land and by water. After
this, Caswallan managed the war without fighting set
battles, till Cæsar stormed his capital, which is supposed
to have been Verulam, near St. Alban's, and that some of
the British princes submitted to Cæsar, when he also
thought proper to make terms, * which Cæsar readily
granted him, that he might be rid of this business with
honour, which, if we believe his own commentaries, he
effected; but we know Asinius Pollio † said, those memoirs
were written with little accuracy, and small regard to
truth; and Suetonius, as to this particular action, tells
us, that he was fairly beaten by the Britons, which may
derive some credit to what our own histories say of this
matter.
On his return to Rome, Cæsar consecrated to Venus a
military ornament, embroidered with British pearl, § a
circumstance slight in appearance, but of consequence to
my purpose, since by this consecration it is intimated,
that Cæsar arrogated to himself the dominion of the sea;
whence vincula dare oceano, to give laws to the ocean, and
Britannos subjugare, to subdue the Britons, became con-
vertible terms with subsequent authors, who all endeavour
* Hist. Britan, lib. iv. cap. 8, 11. Vit. Hist. lib. iv. Cæs. de Bello
Gallic. lib. v.
+ Apud Sueton. in vit. Jul. Cæs. cap. 56.
↑ In vit. Jul. Cæs. cap. 25. Lucan Pharsal. lib. xi. Hor. Epod. vi
§ Solin. Polyhist. cap. 56.
10
NAVAL HISTORY
A.A.C. to place Cæsar's British expedition in this, as in far the
1. most glorious light: *
8.
?
*
Augustus, when he had settled the empire, thought of
paying this island a visit, but arriving in Gaul, he heard
there of the revolt of the Pannonians, which obliged him
A.D. to change his design. + Seven years after, however, he
resumed it, and came again into Gaul, where ambassadors
from Britain met him; and, on their promising to pay
tribute to him, he desisted a second time. Finding,
next year, that they did not keep their words, he pre-
pared a third time for the invasion of Britain: but the
inhabitants prevented him, by sending ambassadors, who
offered, in the capitol, sacrifices to the Roman gods;
swore obedience in the temple of Mars; promised to pay
tribute duly; and, which is more to our purpose, under-
took to yield certain duties for the goods by them ex-
ported: which is a plain indication, that the Romans
chiefly sought an acknowledgment of naval dominion,
or superiority at sea. ‡ During the reign of Tiberius,
the Britons kept fair with the Romans, by their prudence
in this particular; for when some of the soldiers of Ger-
manicus had been wrecked on their coast, they not only
received them kindly, but sent them back to him safely.
Thus these wise emperors maintained the reputation of
the Roman power, without running any further hazards
against a people martial in their dispositions, unenervated
by luxury, tenacious of liberty, and yet useful as allies. §
$
The felicity of this country was then, as indeed it gene-
rally is, owing to the wisdom, courage, and public spirit
of its prince. The name of this excellent monarch was
* Selden. Mare Clausum, p. 1288. int. oper. tom. iv.
+ Hor. Carm. lib. i. od. 35.
‡ Langhorne's Introduction to the History of England, p. 83. The
title of this work is Elenchus Antiquitatum Albionensium, &ca
Hor. lib. iii. od. 5.
§ Tacit. Annal. lib. ij.
素
​OF THE BRITONS.
11
Cunobeline, who reigned many years, and with great
reputation; but in the latter part of his life, there fell out
a misfortune in his family, which proved fatal to his sub-
jects. One of his sons, whom the Latin writers call
Adminius, behaved so ill, that his father was obliged to
banish him; and he, like an abandoned traitor, repaired to
Caligula, who had succeeded Tiberius in the empire, and
excited him to invade his country in his worthless quar-
rel. Nothing could be more welcome to that vain, and
yet pusillanimous prince, than this application: he there-
fore made such preparations, as if he really intended to
subdue the whole island; but weighing very maturely
the danger of such an enterprize, resolved to content
himself with an imaginary conquest. He sent the letters
of Adminius to the Roman senate, as testimonies of the
submission of the Britons: he built a mighty watch-tower
upon the coast fronting Norfolk, as a monument of his
pretended subjugation of the Britons, which, in after
times, served for a kind of Pharos, and was called in the
language of the natives Brittenhuis, i. e. Domus Britan-
nica, the British house; and to complete all, he drew
down his army to the sea-shore, and having disposed
them in battalia, he then commanded them to fill their
helmets with cockle and other shells, calling them the
spoils of the ocean, due to the capitol, and to the palace; †
which act of his, though it sufficiently spoke his vanity,
yet it farther demonstrates, that the dominion of Britain
and the empire of the ocean were held to be the same
thing: and the greater Caligula's folly was, in thus
arrogating to himself a victory he had never acquired,
the more glorious we must imagine that conquest would
have been, the very notion of which made him so vain,
Cunobeline did not long outlive this emperor; yet he was
* Vit. Hist. lib. iv. Hist. Britan. lib. iv. cap. 2.
1
↑ Vit. Hist. lib. iv. Sueton. in Calig. cap. 44. Oros. lib. vii. cap. 5.
A.D.
41.
12
NAVAL HISTORY
so happy as to die before the Romans set foot as enemies
again in Britain.
He was succeeded by his son, whom the British writers
style Gwyder,* a brave and generous prince, of whom
the Latin historians say nothing, because the Romans
reaped no great honour by their wars against him. He,
in the very beginning of his reign, refused to pay them
tribute, on account that some fugitives who fled to the
Romans, had not been delivered up; which shews that
the Britons were incapable of tamely bearing injuries,
even from the lords of the world. Among these fugitives
was one Bericus, a man of parts, but a traitor; he en-
couraged the Emperor Claudius to think of invading and
subduing Britain. + Accordingly he sent over his lieute-
nants, who began and prosecuted the war with success,
and afterwards crossing the sea himself, subdued a great
A.D. part of South Britain, through the valour of his legions,
and the intestine divisions of the Britons, who, had they
been united, would undoubtedly have compelled him to
quit the island. For this conquest the emperor tri-
umphed, and his lieutenant, A. Plautius, was allowed an
ovation. On account of this victory, he was complimented
by the poets of his time, as the conqueror of the ocean,
and the soverign of the sea. Suetonius § tells us, that
among the spoils of his enemies, he placed a naval crown
by the civic, in testimony of his having vanquished the
ocean; and Seneca, the tragedian, celebrates this victory
in the following lines; || which at once express how high
an idea was then entertained of so extraordinary a disco-
very, and how much glory was supposed to arise from
this maritime victory.
45.
En, qui Britannis primus imposuit jugum,
Ignota tantis classibus texit freta.
By him first vanquish'd, were the Britons shewn,
And Roman navies sail'd through seas unknown.
* Hist. Britan. lib. iv. cap. 12.
1
+ Matt. Westm. ad. A. D. 44,
↑ Dio. Hist. lib. Ix. Sueton. in Claud. cap. 17.
§ In vit. Claud. cap. 17.
|| In Octavia:
OF THE BRITONS.
13
Yet we must not suppose, notwithstanding these pom-
pous marks of conquest, that the Britons were absolutely
subdued: the contrary of this appears plainly from the
British histories; and not obscurely even from the Roman
writers. Arviragus, who is supposed to have been the
youngest son of Cunobeline, inherited the virtues, as well
as the dominions of his father; and after long harassing
the Romans as an enemy, consented at last, upon honour-
able terms, to become their friend. That this martial
monarch had rendered himself exceedingly formidable to
Rome, might, if all other proofs of it were lost, be
deduced from the following passage in Juyenal, where,
bitterly inveighing against the gluttony of Domitian, he
introduces one predicting, from the taking of an over-
grown turbot :-
*
Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno
Excidet Arviragus.—
Some king you'll take, or from the British throne
Shall proud Arviragus come tumbling down.
The irony of this passage could not have been sharp or
cutting, if this British king had not been a very potent
prince, and one whose reputation was at once thoroughly
established, and universally known.
Thus are we imperceptibly fallen as low as the reign
of Domitian; yet some passages there are remarkable
enough to oblige us to return to the mention of those
reigns, which intervene between his and that of Claudius.
The glorious enterprise of Boadicea, who, in the time of
Nero, attempted, and almost achieved, the driving the
Romans entirely out of Britain, having no relation to
maritime affairs, falls not within my province. Under
the reign of Vespasian, who had himself commanded with
Sat. iv. Hist. Britan. lib. iv. cap. 14. Vit. Hist. lib. iv.
also Lewis's British History, and Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 96.
VOL. I.
D
See
14
NAVAL HISTORY
72.
A.C. great reputation in this island, * Julius Agricola was sent
to preside here. He was a wise governor, as well as an
excellent officer; signalized himself in the beginning of
hiş administration by the reduction of Mona or Anglesey, †
with the assistance, however, of British troops, who
passed the narrow arm of the sea which divides that
island from Britain, on horseback, and thereby surprised
the inhabitants, so that they were vanquished as much at
least by fear as by force. Under the reign of Titus,
Agricola projected a noble scheme, that of fixing and
securing the bounds of the Roman empire in Britain, so
as to defend its subjects from the inroad of the barbarous
nations inhabiting the northern part of the island. ‡ I
speak this in conformity to the language of the authors
from whose relations I write, and not with any intention
of blemishing the reputation of those gallant people, who
so worthily defended their liberty against the Romans.
In the prosecution of this design, Agricola advanced
farther north than any of his predecessors had hitherto
done; and observing that two estuaries, or intruding
arms of the sea, almost cut in sunder one part of the
island from the other, he resolved to fortify this isthmus,
and thereby shut out the Scots and Picts, which he accord-
ingly performed. § In Latin authors these arms of the sea
are called Glota and Bodotria, which most of our writers
render the Friths of Dunbritton and Edinburgh; but they
are with greater propriety styled the Friths of Clyde and
of Forth.
A.D.
85.
Having thus secured the Roman province from all
danger, he began to make the necessary dispositions for
invading Ireland, as well as for examining and subduing
the remaining part of Britain. With this view he fitted
,out a considerable fleet, and ordered it to sail northwards,
* Tacit. in Agric.
Tacit. in Agric.
+ Idem, ibid. Vit. Hist. lib. iv.
§ Idem, ibid.
OF THE BRITONS.
15
looking into all the creeks and bays, in order to gain an
exact knowledge of the coast, while himself and the army
marched forward by land: this exceedingly alarmed the
northern nations, who, as the Roman writers observe,
gave all for lost, now the secrets of their sea were dis-
covered. The Caledonians defended themselves with great
obstinacy against Agricola, but with indifferent success;
and, in the mean time, were terribly harassed by the
fleet, which put now into one port, then into another,
and at length surrounded the island; and, if we may
believe the Roman authors, * subdued the Orcades, or
islands of Orkney. However, it is certain, that after
having completed their design, this navy returned to the
Portus Trutulensis, or, as it ought rather to be read,
Rutupensis, which is conceived to be Richborough near
Sandwich. This expedition gained great honour to Julius
Agricola, and was looked upon in those days, as a most
heroic act, the boundaries of Britain being esteemed by
the Romans the very utmost limits of the world, as
appears plainly from the accounts we have in Tacitus:
and if any doubts remain as to his impartiality, since
Agricola was his near relation, we may put the fact out
of dispute by citing what Juvenal says on the same topic. †
-Arma quidem ultra
Littora Juvernæ promovimus, et modo captas
Orcadas, ac minima contentos nocte Britannos.
We fame beyond Juverna ‡ have pursued,
And ev❜n the distant Orkneys have subdu'd;
Our forces now remotest Britons fright,
In northern climes content with little night.
}
History informs us, that this expedition of Agricola
was in the summer, which accounts for the last line, since
in that season the Romans certainly found the days very
A.D.
92.
* Tacit in Agric.
† Sat. ii,
↑ Ireland.
D 2
16
NAVAL HISTORY
123.
long in the northern part of the isle; whence they con-
cluded, that the inhabitants were content with a slender
proportion of rest: which seems to be the true meaning
of their being satisfied with a short night. The tyrant
Domitian, taking umbrage at the great exploits of this
excellent person, recalled him to Rome, and there re-
moved him by poison.
*
Under the reigns of the succeeding emperors, Nerva
and Trajan, there happened little of consequence in this
island; but the emperor Adrian, who succeeded Trajan,
understanding that the northern nations made frequent
incursions into the Roman province, came over hither;
and, after gaining frequent advantages over them, he
resolved to take the same method which Agricola had
formerly done, of bounding the frontier province by a wall,
or military entrenchment; which he accordingly cast up,
A.D. and, as the manner of those times was, strongly fortified.
This wall is said to have extended about eighty Italian
miles, from Eden in Cumberland, to Tyne in Northum-
berland; though others say, it was from Gabrosentum,
now Gateshead, or Gateshend, in the bishopric of Dur-
ham, to Carlisle, thereby abandoning a tract of country,
seventy miles long and one hundred and forty broad, to
the Scots and Picts; yet, on his return to Rome, he
caused a new coin to be struck, whereon he is styled,
the Restorer of Britain. † In the reign of Antoninus Pius,
one Lollius Urbicus acted as his lieutenant in Britain,
who was very successful in his wars against the northern
nations, and who, having driven them beyond the Friths
of Clyde and Forth, re-edified Agricola's wall, and re-
A.D. stored the Roman province to its full extent. About
this time, Sejus Saturninus was archigubernus of the
142.
* Tacit. in Vit. Agric.
† Dio Hist. lib. Ixix. Spartian în Vit. Adrian. cap. ii. Bed. lib. i.
cap. 5.
Jul. Capitolin. in Vit. Anton.
}
OF THE BRITONS.
17
f
*
210.
Roman fleet here; but whether we are to understand
thereby, that he was admiral, or arch-pilot is doubtful.
In succeeding times, the Scots and Picts recovered the
country they had lost, and gained so many advantages
over the Romans, that the emperor Severus came hither A.D.
in person, and with infinite difficulty repulsed these in-
vaders, losing no less than fifty thousand men in the
war; and at last was content to re-edify Adrian's wall,
which he fortified with strong towers or bulwarks, as-
suming thereupon the surname of Britannicus Maximus. †
He died at York, and his body being burnt at Ackham,
there is still to be seen a great mount of earth raised upon
that occasion, and called by the inhabitants Sever's hill. ‡
In the succeeding distractions of the Roman empire,
Britain, like the rest of its provinces, fell into the hands
of various masters, styled by their adherents, Emperors,
and, by the rest of the world, Tyrants. Amongst these,
there is one who deserves to be remembered in this his-
tory; since, how bad soever his title might be, he made a
good prince to the Britons, and which is still more to our
purpose, carried the maritime power of this country so
high, as not only to vindicate his own independency, but
also to strike a terror into the whole Roman empire: it is
true, many historians treat him as an usurper, a thing that
appears to be a little hard; since those they style empe-
rors had no other title than what they derived from
fighting on land, which seems to afford him some colour
of right, in virtue of his power by sea. But, be that as it
will, his history is sufficient to shew, that the Britons in
the Roman provinces were, at this time, remarkable for
their skill in naval affairs, and were able to equip such
fleets as made them terrible to their neighbours.
* Pandect, lib. xlvi. tit. ad senatusconsult. Trebellian.
† Herod. lib. iii. Spartian in Severo. Dio. histor. lib. lxxvi.
‡ Vit. Hist. lib. v. Oros. lib. vii. cap. 16. Eutrop. lib. viiì. Bed. lib.
v. cap. 5. Langhorn's Introduction to the History of England, p. 179.
18
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
288.
Dioclesian and Maximian having shared the empire
between them, the latter, who possessed the western parts,
finding the coasts much harassed by pirates of several
nations, but chiefly Saxons and Franks, made choice of
one Caius Carausius, a man of known valour, to com-
mand the Roman fleet for scouring the seas. Most writers
say, that this man was a Menapian by birth, and of very
mean descent: * certain Scottish authors claim him for
their countryman + and with great appearance of truth.
This charge he executed with equal courage and conduct,
but, as the Roman historians alledge, not so honourably as
he ought; yet, if we consider his future actions, and that
these writers were the creatures of those emperors against
whom he fought, we may safely doubt, whether the cha-
racter they give Carausius ought to prejudice him in our
opinions. They tell us, that, instead of chastising the
pirates, as his duty directed, he too frequently admitted
them to composition, and, finding this policy discovered,
he had recourse to another, neglecting to take them, till
they had enriched themselves by a multitude of prizes,
and then seizing them, with their ill-gotten wealth, applied
it to his own use. Maximian informed of these practices,
conceived a suspicion of his intending to set up for him-
self; which scheme, if this officer really had in his head,
he furthered by endeavouring to prevent it. The method
he took, was, by commissioning a person to assassinate
Carausius; which failing, this cunning commander im-
proved to his advantage; for, crossing with a strong squa-
dron of ships over into Britain, he there persuaded a great
part of the Roman army, and the Britons in general, to
embrace his party; and so, assuming the purple robe, he
declared himself emperor, and maintained that dignity
* Nennius apud Camden. in Rom. Britan. Aurel. Victor cap. 39.
+ Fordun. Seotichronicon. lib. ii. cap. 38. See Dr. Stukeley's
Medallic History of Carausius.
OF THE BRITONS.
19
against all the power with which his rivals could oppose
him. Besides this island, he held the port of Gessoriacum,
now Boulogne, in France, and the adjacent coast, whence
he so harassed Gaul, Italy, and Spain, by his fleets, that,
however averse Maximian might be to such a partner, he
was at length compelled to purchase peace, by owning this
man for emperor in Britain; and there are still extant
some of his coins, having on one side his head, with this
inscription, IMP. CARAUSIUS, P. F. AUG. On the reverse,
the portraitures of two emperors joining hands, alluding
to this agreement with Maximian. This coin is of silver,
and found no where but in Britain. *
سم
However he acquired the empire, it is on all hands
agreed, that he held it very worthily; for, he governed
the Britons with great justice and equity, maintained the
dominion of the sea against all competitors with much
resolution; and, when the northern nations, that is to say,
the Scots and Picts, began to vex his subjects with incur-
sions, he made war upon them, and having beaten them in
many engagements, he recovered all that the Romans had
ever held in Britain, and, as some say, erected, as a mark
of his conquest, that celebrated monument of antiquity,
called Arthur's Oven; though others affirm this to be a
temple of the god Terminus, and erected by another hand.
When he had thus signalized his courage and conduct at
their expense, he made peace with these nations, wisely
foreseeing that he should, some time or other, stand in
need of their assistance against the Roman emperors,
who, he knew, waited only for a favourable opportunity
of disclosing their hatred against him. He took care
likewise, by all means possible, to increase his fleet; and,
which shews him to be a very politic prince, he negociated
* Eutrop. lib. ix. Bed. Hist. lib. i. cap. 6. Aurel. Victor. in Cæsarib.
Speed's Chronicle, p. 254.
+ Hist. Brit. lib. v. cap. 3. Vit. Hist. lib. v. Fordun, Scotichroni-
con. lib. ii. cap. 37, 38, 39. Bed. lib. i. cap. 6.
1
20'
NAVAL HISTORY
a treaty with the Franks, and other nations, who were
seated on the Thracian Bosphorus, and who were become
famous for their power at sea, whereby it was stipulated,
that they should send a strong fleet into the Mediterranean,
which, passing through the streights of Gibraltar, should
join his navy in the British seas, and act in conjunction
against the Romans. This certainly is a transaction wor-
thy of being recorded in our naval history, unless we have
so far lost the spirit of our ancestors, as to be proud rather
of being slaves to Rome, than of contesting the sovereignty
of the sea with that haughty people.
The Romans, justly alarmed at so formidable a confe-
deracy, which in an instant deprived them of any safe pas-
sage by sea, began to provide for putting a speedy end to
this war.
In order to this, Constantius and Maximian
both applied themselves to raising forces by sea and land.
The former undertook to march with an army into the ter-
ritory possessed by the enemy in Gaul; while the latter,
from the naval magazine on the Rhine, fitted out a fleet of
a thousand sail. While this was doing, Constantius be-
sieged Carausius in Boulogne, who, having the sea open,
defended himself without much trouble, and thereby con-
vinced his enemies, that, while he held this advantage,
their siege would be to little purpose; but Constantius
having found a way to block up the port by a work of a
new contrivance, Carausius had no means of safety left
but by breaking through the Roman camp, with a few gal-
lant followers. This he performed in a dark night; and,
embarking in a small ship, crossed over to Britain, where
he had a strong fleet and a powerful army. He quickly
repented of this wrong step, when he was informed, that
the very night after his departure, the sea had carried
away all the works of the Romans, and left the port open.
The next thing Constantius did, was to draw together all
the ships that could be had from every part of his domi-
nions, and having stationed strong squadrons on the coast
OF THE BRITONS.
21
294.
of Britain, Spain, and Gaul, to prevent Carausius from A.D.
joining his confederates, he sailed in person with the rest
of his fleet through the streights of Gibraltar, to meet the
Franks, whom he defeated so absolutely, and pursued his
victory so closely, that there was not a man of them left. *
In the interim, Carausius employed his time in preparing
the best he could for the defence of Britain; but one Alec-
tus, a considerable officer in his service, and whom he had
always treated as an intimate friend, supposing that his
death would put him in possession of all his power,
treacherously murdered him, when he had reigned seven
years, and then assumed the purple.
This Alectus was far from having either the capacity
or the fortune of his predecessor, though all our historians
agree, that he kept his dominions and his forces. He was
for some time superior in power at sea, but he employed
that superiority rather as a pirate than as a prince, send-
ing out his squadrons to spoil the adjacent coasts of Gaul,
and to interrupt the trade of all the Roman provinces.
Constantius saw this with impatience, but at the same
time took all the necessary precautions for putting an end
to it. At length he found himself strong enough to fight
Alectus by sea, and, with this view, sailed from the coast
of Gaul towards that of Britain. Alectus, with a navy no
way inferior to his, lay then at the Isle of Wight, whence,
on the first intelligence of the departure of the Roman
fleet, he stood to sea, in order to intercept it; but it so
happened, that Constantius, by means of a fog, passed
him, and landed safely in Britain; which he had no sooner
done, than, from a foresight that the British fleet would
infallibly beat his in a fair sea-fight, he caused his ships to
be set on fire, that his soldiers might have no hopes of
*
Eutrop. lib. ix.
Diac. lib. x. cap. 41.
lib. xi. cap. 40.
Bed. lib. i. cap. 6. Oros. lib. vii. cap. 25. Paul.
Aurel. Vict. cap. 39. Fordun. Scatichronicon.
22
·NAVAL HISTORY
296.
A.D. escaping, but by beating their enemies. Alectus quickly
returned to Britain, and put himself at the head of a small
body of troops; but perceiving that the hearts of the peo-
ple were entirely alienated from him, and that he was
thereby become inferior on land to those over whom he
had a superiority at sea, he grew in a manner distracted,
and engaging rashly with Asclepiodotus, who commanded
a party of Roman troops, his forces were routed, and
himself having thrown away his purple robe, after a des-
perate defence, was slain. He held the empire, or
rather bore the title of emperor, about three years; and
there is yet extant a gold coin of his with this inscription,
IMP. C. ALECTUS, P. F. AUG: on the reverse, SALUS
AUG. *
He seems to have lost himself by his rashness,
for he certainly fought before the main body of his troops
came up. These consisted of foreigners of all nations,
drawn to his service from the hopes of pay; and who, as
soon as they knew of his misfortune, resolved to satisfy
their expectations by plundering those they came to pre-
With this view they possessed themselves of Lon-
don, but as they entered the city, a new mischance befel
them. Part of the Roman army, severed from the grand
fleet at sea, by the mist before mentioned, landed at the
mouth of the Thames, and entered the city immediately
after them. Upon this an engagement ensued, wherein
the foreigners were defeated, and cut to pieces; their com-
mander, whose name was Gallus, endeavouring to save
himself by flight, was pushed into and drowned in a little
brook, called from thence, in the British tongue, Nant-
Gall, and by the Saxons, Walbrook. †
serve.
* Aurel. Victor. in Cæsarib. Eutrop. ubi supra. Eumen. Paneg.
Constant. Cæsar. Speed's Chronicle, p. 255. Lewis's History of
Britain, p. 120.
+ Hist. Britan. lib. v. cap. 4. Spelt Naut-Gallim and Gallemborne,
in Aaron Thomson's translation of Geoffrey of Monmouth, from
which Dr. Campbell has cited. Vit. Hist. lib. v. Camden. Descript.
OF THE BRITONS.
23
In succeeding times, when the government of the Roman
empire came to be better settled, proper officers were ap-
pointed for maintaining both civil and military govern-
ment in Britain; but above all, due care was taken of
naval affairs, and garrisons were placed in various ports,
and particularly to those which follow, víz. Othona, which
Camden took to be Hastings in Sussex; Dubris, which
certainly was Dover; *Lemmanis, which was either Hythe
in Kent, or some place near it, perhaps Limehill; Brano-
dunum, Branchester in Norfolk, not far from the washes;
Gariannonum, Yarmouth; Regulbium, Reculver in Kent;
Rittupis or Rittupa, Richborough, near Sandwich; An-
deria, Newenden in Kent; and the port of the Adurni,
now Alkrington or Ederington, near Shoreham, in Sus-
sex.
*
Constantine the Great, as he was born in this island,
so he was extremely careful of its concerns. † On his
death, and the division of the empire among his sons, it
fell to the share of Constantine the eldest. After his
murder, his younger brothers, Constantius and Constans,
were both here, and Gratianus was by them made general
of Britain. The emperor Julian sent over Lupicinus
to repress the Scots, in which he was very successful. §
Under the emperors Valentinianus and Valens, Theodo-
sius performed great things in this island; and having
recovered the country between the two walls, he erected
it into a province by itself, and called it Valentia. After
this, Maximus was general of the Roman forces in this
island, who, having vanquished the Scots and Picts, was
Britan. in Trinobant. Speed's Chronicle, p. 255. Lewis's History of
Britain, p. 120.
* Selden. Mare. Clausum, lib. ii. cap. 6, 7.
+ Zozim. Europ. vit. Hist. lib. vi.
+ Pauli Diaconi Hist. lib. xi. cap. 18. Victor in Valentin. Ammion.
Marcellini Hist. lib. xiv.
§ Bed. lib. i. cap. 1. Ammiani Marcellini, lib. xx.
|| Idem, lib. xxvii. Claudian de bello Getico, et in laud Theodosii.
•
24
NAVAL HISTORY
381.
}
A.D. declared emperor by his army. He, carrying on great
wars on the continent, transported thither the flower of
the British youth, which was one principal cause of the
misfortune that befel his country; for, after a reign of six
years, he was vanquished, and put to death in Italy, and
so Britain returned to the obedience of the Roman empe-
rors. The emperor Theodosius sent over Chrysanthus,
who governed very worthily all the time of his reign. In
the nonage of the emperor Honorius, new disturbances
were created by the Scots and Picts, which induced Sti-
lico, who was the emperor's guardian, to send Victorinus
to command here; who, having expelled the invaders, re-
fortified the wall, and placed a legion in garrison to defend
it; the same worthy person took care also to restore the
maritime force of the island, whereby he secured it from
the insults of those piratical nations, who now began to
A.D. infest the sea. Claudian, in his panegyric on Stilico, attri-
butes all this to him, because done by his order, and by an
officer acting under his authority; for thus he introduces
the isle of Britain speaking to his patron:
396.
Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit,
Munivit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Iernen
Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis.
Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem
Scotica, nec Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto
Prospicerem dubiis venientem Saxona ventis. Į
Me too, by neighbours when almost devour'd,
Thou, Stilico, sustain'd-though Ireland pour'd
Her Scots abroad, and cover'd all the sea
With hostile fleets.-But now, restor❜d by thee,
Those Scots, though join'd with Picts, I fear no more,
Nor dread each changing wind should bring the Saxons o'er.
But when Alarick, the Goth, made his first irruption
into Italy, Victorinus, with his legion, was recalled out of
* Zozim. Hist. lib. iv. Fordun. Scotichronicon. lib. ii. cap. 42.
+ Pomponius Lætus in Theodosio,
‡ Paneg..secund. de laud. Stilic.
OF THE BRITONS.
25
/
Britain; * and the affairs of the empire falling continually
from bad to worse, the Roman forces he left behind thought
themselves at liberty to elect, in conjunction with the Bri-
tons, a prince of their own, or as the phrase was in those
times, an emperor. Accordingly, they chose and murdered
two in less than six months; † then they set up one Con-
stantine, merely for his name's sake, who in a short time
aspired to greater things than the bare dominion of Bri-
tain. On this account, he, like his predecessor Maximus,
assembled the utmost force of the island, and passed there-
with over into Gaul, where, by the help of these forces
and his fleet, he performed many great things, till the
emperor Honorius made war against, and subdued him. ‡
The Britons, in the mean time, were brought to the last
extremity by the Scots and Picts; insomuch, that the
remainder of the Romans, giving the country for lost, at
least for the present, buried their treasures, and trans-
ported themselves to other parts. § However, even after
this, on their humble application to Honorius, Ætius,
general of the forces in Gaul, had orders to send over a
legion, which he did, and repeated the same favour some
years afterwards. This last legion was commanded by
one Gallio, who, having repaired, or rather rebuilt the
wall originally raised by Severus, and fortified the coast
against the sudden `invasions of the pirates who then in-
fested the British seas, plainly told the people, that the
affairs of the empire would not permit them to pass over
any more, but that for the future they must think of de-
fending themselves as well as they could; and, after many
exhortations to behave with constancy and courage in the
Camden. Roman. Britan. Gulielm. Malmesbur. de gestis. reg.
Ang. lib. i. cap. 1.
† Zoz. Hist. lib. iv.
Bed. lib. i. cap. 9.
↑ Beda, lib. i. cap. 1. Zozim. lib. xi. cap. 18. Oros. lib. vii. cap. 42,
§ Chron. Saxon. ad ann. 418.
|| Pauli Diaconi Hist. Miscel. lib. xiv.
A.D.
407.
A.D.
418.
26
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
430.
cause of their country, he embarked all the Roman troops,
and left the Britons to their fortunes. *
Thus, about four hundred and eighty years, according
to the computation of the learned Selden, or four hundred
and seventy, as the Saxon chronicle informs us, after the
first invasion of this island by Julius Cæsar, the Romans
quitted it, and all the rights they could pretend to. † For,
this being a voluntary abdication, nothing can be plainer,
than that they left the Britons as free as they found them.
And, as it is evident, that this nation exercised the domi-
nion over the circumambient seas before the coming of the
Romans, who likewise contended, that the possession of
this island gave them a title to the like sovereignty,
nothing can be more apparent than that it now reverted
to the Britons. I say, nothing can be more evident, if
we admit that the Romans acquired any right by con-
quest, which may seem doubtful, since they never subdued
the whole island; and if so, the British title to this domi-
nion remained unimpeached. We are next to inquire,
what the effects were of this desertion of the isle by the
Romans, and in what situation the naval affairs of the Bri-
tons remained, when they were thus left to themselves.
A difficult task indeed, considering the dubious authority
of the authors whom we are to use; but a task necessary
to be performed, since, as the dominion of the sea must
have rested some where, we shall do our best to shew it
rested with them.
The Scots and Picts no sooner understood that the Bri-
tons were abandoned by the Romans, than they began to
form designs, not only of pillaging, as they were wont to
do, the southern part of the island, but, for making an
absolute conquest thereof, or at least of a good part of it,
* Bed. lib. i. cap. 12.
chronicon. lib. iii. cap. 12.
ann. 435.
Gildas de excid. Britan. Fordun. Scoti-
Zozim. Hist. lib. vi. Chron. Saxon ad.
+ Mare Clausum, lib. ii. cap. 9.
OF THE BRITONS.
27
433.
which accordingly they attempted with a numerous army, A.D.
and with a great fleet. The first thing they did, was to
demolish the wall, that it might be no obstacle to future
incursions; then, landing their forces behind the Bri-
tons, they so astonished them with numbers, that they
relinquished all thoughts of defence. These inroads having
destroyed the chief cities, and interrupted agriculture, a
famine ensued, which, however grievous to the Britons in
one respect, was yet of service to them in another; for it
destroyed multitudes of their enemies, compelled the rest
to retreat, and so gave them time to recollect themselves.*
The issue of their deliberations was the sending over the
bishop of London into Armorica, or Britanny, in France,
to demand assistance of their brethren settled there; and
the reason assigned for this, in the British history, is very
just and reasonable; for the bishop was charged to repre-.
sent the chief cause of their weakness, to be the planting
of that country, by the emperor Maximus, and the leaving
there the greatest part of the British navy. This repre-
sentation had a proper effect upon the king of Britanny;
who, though he could not himself pass over to the assist
ance of his countrymen, yet he sent over his brother Con-
stantine, with a squadron of stout ships, and two thousand
men. This Constantine was crowned their king by the
Britons, and by them surnamed the Deliverer, because he
fought valiantly and successfully against their enemies, and
ruled worthily for ten years. +
I know very well, that many of our best writers reject
this Constantine, and would persuade us, that there never
was any such prince; but that the whole is a fiction of the
author of the British history. This notion, however, is
* Hist. Britan. lib. cap. 3. Vit, Hist. lib. vii. Alured. Beverl,
lib. i. Johan. de Fordun. Scotichron. lib. iii. cap. 11.
† Hist. Brit. lib. vi. cap. 4, 5. Vit. Hist. lib. vii. Cooper's Chro-
nicle, fol. 138.
28
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
138.
so thoroughly refuted by a very learned writer, who long
studied and perfectly understood the British records, that
I cannot conceive any impartial critic will censure my
following his opinion, when they have carefully perused,
and duly weighed his reasons:* but what chiefly pre-
vailed upon me to follow the British history in this point
is, the authority of the Saxon annals, published by the
late learned Bishop of London. † For these annals place
the retreat of the Romans in 435, and the coming of the
Saxons in 443, which is the very year after this King Con-
stantine died; and though these annals do not mention
him, yet as they tell us nothing of what passed in that
interval, I can see no cause why we should not rather
follow the account given us by the British authors, of
things which happened in this space of time, than leave
such a chasm in our history, merely because other authors,
who, none of them profess to write of the succession of
the British kings, say nothing of this prince. Especially,
since the Scotch historians own him, and there are other
convincing proofs, from British records, of his having
really reigned here; though perhaps there may be some
error as to the length of his reign.
At the time of his decease he left three sons, Constans,
Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uter, surnamed Pendragon.
Constans, the eldest, was a very weak man, and by his
father destined to be a monk; the other two were children.
Vortigern, a British nobleman of great power, took Con-
stans out of his monastery, and, to serve his own pur-
poses, made him king. He governed for a time in his
name; and when he thought himself strong enough to
rule without him, he caused him to be put to death, and
then seized the kingdom; the children of Constantine
flying to Britanny. This Vortigern it was, who, as the
Saxon authors tell us, invited their countrymen over
* See Lewis's Ancient Hist. of Great Britain, p. 157.
+ Bishop Gibson.
OF THE BRITONS.
29
into Britain. He was, as all writers agree, a very bad
prince, who, by his tyrannical government, encouraged
the Scots and Picts again to invade the southern parts of
the island, and so alienated the minds of his subjects from
him, that he durst not rely on their assistance, even for
the defence of their country: this is so rational an account
of his strong inclination to foreigners, for which he is
unanimously upbraided by all our authentic historians,
that I cannot doubt its being truth. * The first Saxons who
arrived were Horsa and Hengist, two brothers, with their
followers; by whose assistance Vortigern repulsed the
Scots and Picts, and settled himself effectually in the
kingdom. To fix them, without whose assistance his
security could not continue here, he gave them lands in
Kent, where they landed; as also in the north, after they
had beaten his enemies. These Saxons came over in
three ships; but having thriven so well here, Hengist
who was a wise man, prevailed upon the king, first to
give him leave to build a castle, and then to bring over a
fresh supply of his countrymen, which he accordingly
did, in a squadron of eighteen ships. With them came
over Rowena, the daughter of Hengist, a very beautiful
and artful woman, whom Vortigern married, quitting, for
her sake, his former queen, by whom he had three sons;
and inviting over, by her suggestions, a vast number of
Saxons, he thereby so irritated the Britons, that they
resolved to depose him, which accordingly they did, and
set up
his son. +
The name of this young prince was Vortimer, a brave
and worthy man. He immediately raised an army, and
as fast as he could, equipped a fleet, while his degenerate
Hist. Britan. lib. vi. cap. 9. Vit. Hist. lib. vii. Bed. Hist. eccl.
lib. i. Gildas de Excidio Britan. G. Malmesb. de gestis reg. Angl.
lib. i.
† Chronicon. Saxon. ad A. D. 449. Witichin. de rebus Saxon.
lib. i. Hist. Brit. lib. vi. cap. 10, 11, 12.
VOL. I.
E
•
A.D.
463.
30
NAVAL HISTORY
father meanly sided with strangers against his subjects.
The British writers say, that Vortimer defeated the Saxons
in four battles; the first on the river Derwent; the second
at Ailesford, in Kent, where Horsa was slain; the third
was on the sea-shore, on the loss of which they fled to the
isle of Thanet, where they thought they should have been
safe; but Vortimer having now revived the spirits of his
subjects, and withal gotten together a considerable fleet,
the Saxons found themselves obliged to try their fortune in
a naval engagement, in which they were beaten for the
fourth time, and obliged to fly home, leaving their wives
and children behind them in the isle of Thanet: nor had
they ever returned if Vortimer had lived; but he was
soon after poisoned, by the contrivance of his mother-in-
law. * It is true, the Saxon chronicle takes no notice of
any of these battles, except that of Ailesford, wherein they
say they were victorious, but acknowledge that Horsa was
there killed; which concession, with the circumstance of
the Saxons never owning they were beaten at all, seems to
support the credit of the British history.
After the death of Vortimer, the Britons unaccountably
invited Vortigern again to the throne. He, persisting in
his old sentiments, recalled Hengist, who soon brought
over such crowds of Saxons, that when the king would
have restrained him, it was not in his power; insomuch,
that after some fruitless struggles, he at length fled into
Wales, and left the best part of the island to their mercy ;
and thus, as their own writers agree, not more by their
own valour, than by the weakness of an uxorious king,
the Saxons first seated themselves in Britain.
In this period of time, Aurelius Ambrosius, the second
son of Constantine was become a man, and being invited
by the Britons to prosecute his claim to the crown, he got
together a good fleet, and embarking thereon ten thou-
* Hist. Brit. lib. vi. cap. 13, 14. Vit. Hist. lib. vii.
OF THE BRITONS.
31
481.
sand men, landed at Totness. The first thing he did A.D.
was to pursue Vortigern, whom he defeated and destroyed;
and then turned his arms against the Saxons, whom he
defeated also in several battles, and in one of them slew
the famous Hengist, either in fight, or, as the British
history reports, after he had made him prisoner. * It is
true, there is no notice taken of this in the Saxon annals;
but then they say nothing of what happened in that year,
but tell us in the next, that Esca succeeded Hengist,
which is a circumstance very favourable to the account
which we have given; since, as we before observed, theré
is no instance of their commemorating any defeat, though
in setting down their victories they are very exact. Upon
this victory, Aurelius made a peace with the Saxons, and
was, not long after, at their instigation, poisoned. It is
very remarkable, that Paulus Diaconus + mentions this
British king, and tells us, that by his valour he supported
his sinking country.
500.
Uther, surnamed Pendragon, that is, dragon's head, A.D.
from his bearing the head of a dragon in his ensigns, suc-
ceeded his brother, and carried on the war against the
Saxons successfully sometimes, and at others was much
distressed by them; so that he was constrained to treat
them as the French afterwards did the Normans; that is,
to yield them provinces, and content himself with homage,
instead of absolute sovereignty, and therefore, under his
reign, we find several Saxon principalities established in
this island. It likewise appears from the Saxon annals,
that several battles were fought against the Britons in his
reign, though he is never mentioned; because, in those
annals, they speak of no British princes, except such as
were by them either beaten or killed. In his reign also
the kingdom was invaded from Ireland; but by the cou-
* Hist. Britan. lib. viii. cap. 5, 6, 7. Vit. Hist. lib. vii
+ Hist. Miscel. lib. xvi.
E 2
32
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
537.
rage of this prince the enemy was repulsed, and the públic
tranquillity restored; to preserve which, he equipped a very
considerable fleet, and this, together with his dominions,
he left to his son the famous Arthur. *
This prince, whose glory, like that of many other mar-
tial monarchs, turns more to his prejudice than advantage,
by giving an air of fable to his history, and bringing his
real deeds in question, through the extravagant pains
bestowed by those who recorded them; this worthy prince,
I say, achieved great things, and intended greater. Our
learned antiquary, Leland, long ago vindicated the reputa-
tion of his victories against the cavils of the critics; who,
because they do not find things exactly written in bar-
barous times, when indeed it is well they were written at
all, will have them to be absolute fables; as if the memory
of facts could not outlive their circumstances, the con-
trary of which every day demonstrates to be a truth. My
design will not permit me to say more upon this subject;
nor, indeed, had I said so much, if Arthur had not been
one of the most eminent of our naval heroes. For he, ast
the British history informs us, which Mr. Selden did not
disdain to transcribe, annexed to his kingdom of Britain
the six insular provinces, viz. Ireland, Iceland, Gothland,
the Orcades or Orkneys, Norway, and Denmark, † which
throwing off the yoke under the reign of his successor,
were once more recovered by King Malgo, though held by
the Britons after that but for a little time.
Thus we have brought down the naval history of this
ancient nation to the time of its declension, and their being
compelled by the Saxons to retire into Wales, and the
counties adjacent thereto, where, according to their own
* Hist. Britan. lib. vii. cap. 24. Vit. Hist. lib. vii.
+ Hist. Britan. lib. ix. cap. 10. Campbell is here incorrect. The
10th ch. says nothing of Norway and Denmark, but the 11th men-
tions, that Arthur subdued Norway, Dacia, Aquitaine, and Gaul. Vit.
Hist. lib. viii.
OF THE BRITONS.
33
historians, the Britons for several ages preserved some
maritime strength. If any one should esteem this so much
time thrown away, and should surmise that it had been
better we had begun our history lower, that we might
have written with more certainty; the answer is ready,
and I hope satisfactory. Many of our wisest antiquaries
are of opinion, that we derive our excellent constitution
from the Britons, their laws being translated by the com-
mand of the Saxon princes, and incorporated with their
own. If then their constitution might be the model of
ours, why not their naval dominion the source of ours?
We are the descendants of the Saxons; but then they were
the successors of the Britons, and did not think it beneath
them to claim under them in this respect. Thus the glo-
rious King Edward I. in a letter he wrote to the Pope, in
asserting his sovereignty over Scotland, derives it from
the conquest of Arthur; so that, it seems, his acts were
matter of record and history then, though in the eyes of
some they pass for fables now. On the whole, therefore,
if it be right to trace a title as high as possible, that is, as
high as vouchers can be found to support it, we are well
justified as to the pains we have taken; and as to the cer-
tainty of later records, as we state them in their proper
periods, we lose nothing by shewing whence they are
derived.
It may not be amiss to observe, that we follow some
very great authorities, in paying this respect to the Bri-
tish history. Camden himself, though he suspects it in
the gross, yet supports many historical passages in his
great work of the description of Britain, from Nennius and
other British writers. The Scottish historian Buchanan,
though he treats the work of Geoffrey of Monmouth with
great contempt, yet acknowledging the history of Arthur,
gives more light into some parts of it than any other
author. The profound Selden, who studied our antiquities
with equal application and judgment, proceeds likewise in
34
NAVAL HISTORY
this track. To conclude, the immortal Shakespear, whose
works proclaim him as true a patriot as he was a poet,
shewed a strong inclination to preserve the memory of our
British worthies, by dedicating to their honour several
of his plays, such as, the tragedy of King Lear, Cymbe-
line, Locrine, &c.; and the sublime Milton had thoughts
of doing the same, though he seems to have altered his
mind when he wrote his history.
If so little certainty occur in what the world has gene-
rally esteemed matters of moment, we may very well
suppose, that there is less still to be gleaned from ancient
writers, within this period, in reference to commerce? Yet
something there is, for what was there, save the thirst of
gain, that could establish a regular intercourse between
countries so distant as Phoenicia and the British isles? Yet
such a correspondence there was, nor are we left quite
in the dark as to the motives upon which it was founded,
The Phoenicians, in those early days the greatest traders
in the world, visited these islands for the sake of their tin,
which was excellent in its kind, and of which they had
great plenty, and for this reason they bestowed upon them
the name of Cassiterides, * the reader will permit me to
give him two instances with respect to the commercial
spirit of those ages, which are equally instructive and
entertaining.
It was in Spain, in which the Phoenicians had potent
colonies and fruitful territories, that they fixed the staple
of their trade with those islands before mentioned; and so
jealous, it seems, they were of having their route to the
British Indies discovered, that a ship laden with tin
* Strabo, Gregor. lib. iii. p. 147. These islands are styled Cassi-
terides from the Greek word xaccírigos which signifies tin, just as
from the Latin word stannum we have formed stanneries to signify tin
works. In the like manner, among the Indian nation called the
Drangi, there was a city named Cassiteron from its being a great mart
for tin. Stephanus, de urbibus, also mentions in the Indian sea an
island called Cassitera for the same reason.
OF THE BRITONS.
35
1
being chaced by a Roman vessel of greater force, the cap-
tain and owner wilfully run her on shore, that he might
have a chance for drawing his eager enemy into the same
misfortune, or at least, be secure of preventing his rich
cargo from falling into his hands, and thereby tempt the
Romans to think of opening a passage to those islands
themselves. This conduct of his was not only approved,
but applauded by his countrymen, who made him ample
satisfaction for his cargo. We are indebted for this intel-
ligence to Strabo,* one of the most learned and authentic
writers of antiquity. The other passage is to be met with
in Solinus, who assures us, that the inhabitants of the
Cassiterides would not part with their valuable commodi-
ties for money, but insisted upon having goods for goods.
Now this could not arise from a spirit of barbarity, for the
use of money was known to the Britons, though the metal
they made use of for that purpose was either copper or
iron, but flowed from a spirit of traffic; and there is
nothing absurd in supposing, that they either re-exported
these foreign commodities, or manufactured some of them,
and then sold them to other nations; there being no
greater skill required for that than for extracting and
refining metals.
1
* Geogr. lib. iii. p. 175, where we have express mention, that the
Romans were exceedingly solicitous to intercept some of these tin
ships.
+ De Brittannis, cap. xxv. He says, they have no markets there,
and will not deal with strangers otherwise than by barter. But Strabo,
in the place, before cited, mentions them as a sober and civilized peo-
ple, who wore commonly black garments, and particularly an inner or
under robe reaching down to their ancles, girt under their breasts
with a girdle, and walking commonly with staves in their hands.
‡ I might have cited Strabo also in support of what is here advanced.
He informs us, that notwithstanding all the precautions taken by thẹ
Phoenicians, this navigation could not be long concealed from the
Romans. Publius Crassus was the first of their captains who visited
these isles, who found the inhabitants very much addicted to peace
and commerce by sca.
36
NAVAL HISTORY
The goods and commodities of Britain in those early
days were corn, cattle, hides, hounds, pearls, lead, tin,
silver, and gold. The two first metals were of their own
growth; but, for the two last, I presume they had them
from other nations, in exchange. In process of time, when,
by their intercourse with the Romans, they were grown
more polite, the Britons no doubt extended their trade;
and though we have no authorities to enable us to give a
distinct account of this matter, yet there is a passage in
Tacitus which proves it in the general very strongly; for,
he assures us, that the people of Cornwall, by their con-
stant intercourse with traders, became more courteous and
civil than the rest of their countrymen. And the same
observation occurs in another ancient writer; † so that,
notwithstanding the obscurity in which this subject is
involved, we have the clearest certainty, that our ances-
tors, even in the most remote ages, knew the value of
their native commodities, and, in consequence of that
knowledge, procured for their own use those of other
nations; and, therefore, these facts, drawn from Greek
and Latin writers, whose authorities alone will pass for
evidence with the critics, ought at least to have so much
weight, as to render what is said to the same purpose in
the British history of our intercourse with the northern
nations, not either so incredible or ridiculous as some
would represent it.
There can be no doubt made, that when the Romans
had fully subdued all the southern part of this isle, and
had introduced their customs and manners among the
natives, they must have made a great change in the face of
affairs, by bringing in a more elegant and sumptuous way
of living, which consequently was favourable to trade;
and we have just reasons to believe, caused abundance of
good towns to be erected in places held convenient in that
* Tacit. in vit. Agric.
† Diodor. Sicul.
OF THE BRITONS.
37
respect.* It is the conjecture of a most learned and judi-
cious prelate, that London, called by the Romans Augusta,
owed its rise to this; † but, for my part, I rather believe,
that it was a fortress and a port too in the time of the
Britons, and that it was afterwards altered, re-built, and
re-peopled by the Romans. We may form some judgment
as to the size of towns in those days, by what several his-
torians relate of the mischief done here, and at Verulam,
by the Britons, when they endeavoured to throw off the
Roman yoke under Queen Boadicea. They then destroyed
both Verulam and London, and in these two places they
cut off, as one historian says, seventy thousand, ‡ or, as
another affirms, eighty thousand citizens. § Now, at that
time, it is agreed, that London was not so considerable a
place as Verulam, and besides, the Roman general had
withdrawn out of London all who were willing to quit the
place; so that, as Tacitus expressly tells us, there were
none left behind, except such as, through age and infirmi-
ties, were unable to leave it, or such as were so taken
with the delights of it, that even the approaching danger
could not induce them to leave it. If, therefore, under
these circumstances, such numbers were killed in two
places only, we must conclude from thence, that the coun-
try, under the obedience of the Romans, was very popu-
lous. Yet in succeeding times, when they were blessed
with a long and general peace, the Roman dominion much
farther extended, and beyond all comparison better set-
See what our learned Camden says upon this subject, in his
admirable Britannia, speaking of the Romans in Britain.
+ Bishop Stillingfleet, in his discourse concerning the antiquity of
London, in the second volume of his Ecclesiastical Cases.
↑ Tacitus in Vit. Agric. See also our excellent countryman, Mr.
Bolton, in his most judicious and elegant work, entitled, Nero Cæsar.
§ Dio in Xiphilin, p. 168. See also Eutrop. Epitom. Hist. Rom.
lib. vii.
It is observed by Tacitus, that it was the great opulence of these
places which exposed them to the fury of the Britons.
38
NAVAL HISTORY
1
1
tled, the southern parts of Britain must have attained to a
far more flourishing condition.
We have very large, and very accurate accounts of the
several colonies planted, the many fortresses raised, and
the disposition of the great roads, which, with infinite
diligence, and no less skill, the Romans caused to be raised
through all parts of England. We have very learned and
very curious dissertations upon their inscriptions, coins,
and other antiquities, which have escaped the sharp teeth
of time, and have been preserved to our day, all which
plainly shew, that they were a very ingenious and polite,
as well as a great, a wise, and a brave people. *
But still there seems to be wanting a political view of
the Roman government in Britain, and of its effects, towards
which, as occasion offered, we have given some hints in
this chapter; but the thing most evidently deserves to be
considered much more at large; and if it were attempted
by any learned and able person, it would, without question,
afford both entertainment and instruction.
This would be now a much easier task than in former
times, when so little was known of those matters, that
must be previously understood, before any certain and dis-
tinct notions can be formed about it; but when these mat-
ters are tolerably well settled, and when there is no longer
any difficulty of obtaining a tolerable view of the state of
Britain, while it remained a Roman province, it would be
much more useful to endeavour at collecting a rational
view of their government, civil and military, the number
of the inhabitants of their several towns distinguished into
proper classes, the strength of their forces maintained here
at different times, the several improvements that were
made while they were in possession of the island; for that
they did make improvements, their historians affirm, and
* See the many discourses of our famous antiquaries, Camden,
Selden, Burton,,&c. but more especially Horseley's Britannia
Romana.
OF THE BRITONS.
39
the monuments still remaining prove; all which would
contribute to give the generality of readers better ideas of
the Roman power and wisdom, than they are likely to at-
tain from the perusing dry discourses, about the difference
of letters upon inscriptions, or the use of this or that instru-
ment in sacrifices.* That during the flourishing state of
the Roman empire, their provinces here had a full share
of this prosperity, and that the Britons, who lived in sub-
jection, copied their manners, till they were corrupted by
their luxury, which, with the share they had frequently
taken in the civil wars of the empire, rendered them an
easy prey to barbarous invaders, is commonly known, and
well enough understood; but as to the particulars before
mentioned, which would enable us to make a comparison
between the condition of the people in this island then, and
in succeeding times, we know very little, and our want of
knowledge in this respect, has been the source of a great
variety of errors, that one would wish to see confuted and
exposed as they deserve. †
* I do not pretend to condemn these inquiries, but only intimate my
wish they were applied to some more material points.
† What gives me concern is, to see our writers so enthusiastically
fond of Roman power, and so unreasonably severe upon the ancient
Britons.
f
40
NAVAL HISTORY
CHAP. II.
The Naval History of the Saxons, from their first seating themselves
in the island, to their being subdued by the Danes.
(Containing the space of about 500 Years.)
*
We have very copious accounts of the ancient Saxons,
before they transported themselves out of Germany, as
well in other authors as their own. They defended
themselves against the Romans with equal firmness and
success, manifesting the love of liberty, not only by a
generous contempt of death in the field, but also by stu-
diously avoiding luxury in times of peace, for which they
are deservedly famous. † On the declension of the Roman
empire, they became noted for their piracies at sea, in so
much that the emperors were forced to create a new officer
here in Britain, called the Count of the Saxon coast,
purely to repel their invasions. In succeeding times,
‡
they infested the coasts of France as well as Britain, and
began to threaten greater exploits than they had hitherto
undertaken. § We must, however, observe that they were
styled pirates only by their enemies, who felt the effects
of their arms; for as to themselves, they looked on this
course of life as a noble and necessary employment, for
reasons which will presently appear.
The Saxon writers say, that they were invited into
Britain by King Vortigern, in order to assist him against
Siden.
* Witichindus de rebus Saxon. Tacit. de Morib. German.
Apollinar. Ammian. Marcellin. Hist. lib. xxviii. Bed. Hist. Eccles.
lib. i. cap. xv.
† Tacit. ubi supra. Ammian Marcellin. lib. xiv. cap. 3.
‡ Notit. dignitat. occid. cap. 72. Imp. Scaliger ad Auson, lib. ii.
cap. 6. & Guliel. Camden. in Britan. p. 96.
§ Ethelwerd. Hist. Chronicon. lib. i. 474. Henric. Huntingd. lib. ii.
Sidon. Apollinar. lib. viii. Epist. ad Numantium.
OF THE SAXONS.
41
the Scots and Picts; but as we before observed, the Bri-
tish historians differ from them in this particular, and
assert, that Hengist and Horsa landing with their forces in
Kent, King Vortigern, who was then at Canterbury, sent
for them, and received them into his service, without any
previous invitation. This account is very natural, and
the circumstances attending it highly deserve the reader's
notice. As soon as they were brought before him, says
my author, * he cast his eyes upon the two brothers, who
excelled all the rest, both in nobility and gracefulness of
person; and having taken a view of the whole company,
asked them of what country they were, and what was the
occasion of their coming into his kingdom? To whom
Hengist, (whose years and wisdom entitled him to a pre-
cedence,) in the name of the rest, made the following
answer: "Most noble king, Saxony, which is one of the
countries of Germany, was the place of our birth, and the
occasion of our coming was to offer our service to you, or
some other prince: for we were driven out of our native
country for no other reason, but that the established usage
of the kingdom required it. It is the custom of that place,
that when it comes to be overstocked with people, our
princes from the provinces meet together, and command
all the youth of the kingdom to assemble before them;
then, casting lots, they make choice of the strongest and
ablest of them to go into foreign climates to procure them
a subsistence, and free their native country from a super-
fluous multitude of people. Our region, therefore, of late
being actually overstocked, our princes met, and after
lots cast, made choice of the youth whom you see in your
presence, and have obliged us to obey the custom that
had been established of old: and us two brothers, Hengist
and Horsa, they made generals over them, out of respect
* Hist. Britan. lib. vi. cap. 10. Vit. Hist. lib. viii. Chron. Saxon.
ad A. D. 443.
12
NAVAL HISTORY
to our ancestors, who enjoyed the same honour. In obe-
dience, therefore, to laws so long held sacred, we put out
to sea, and under the happy guidance of Woden, (Mer-
cury,) have arrived in your kingdom."
The Saxon annals acknowledge, that Hengist and Horsa
came with no more than three ships, but that the fertility
of the British soil, and the vices of the inhabitants, in-
duced them to think of sending for more of their country-
men, in hopes of seating themselves here. * Another of
their historians gives still a fairer and fuller account of
this matter. The Saxons, says he, made for some time
a civil return to the Britons for their friendship; but by
degrees, perceiving the country to be of a large extent,
the soil fruitful, and the inhabitants little inclined to feats
of arms; considering further, that themselves and many
of their brethren were destitute of settled habitations,
they began to find fault with their pay, to murmur at the
quantity of provisions that were furnished them, and daily
increasing their numbers, they at last, on these frivolous
pretences, made peace with the Scots and Picts, and in
conjunction with them, turned their arms upon the
unhappy Britons. + In order to have a just notion of
this matter, the reader must be informed, that two Saxon
chiefs, Ocha and Ebissa, with forty stout ships, had wasted
the Orkneys, and afterwards seated themselves and their
followers in the western isles and coasts of Scotland,
which, on the invitation of Hengist, they quitted, to share
in his rising fortunes. Though most of our writers call
these invaders by the common name of Saxons, yet, in
truth, there were three German nations whence issued
those swarms of foreigners, who now took possession of
this island, viz. the Saxons, Agles, and Jutes. The
Saxons erected here three principalities, viz. the East,
* Chron. Saxon. ad A. D. 449.
+ Witichindus de rebus Saxon. lib. ix, cap. 2. Vit. Hist. lib. vii.
‡ Nennius Hist. Britan.
OF THE SAXONS,
43
South, and West Saxons. The Angles were for some
time distinguished into East Angles, Mid Angles, Mer-
cians, and Northumbrians. As for the Jutes, they settled
in Kent, and in the Isle of Wight; and, in this last-men-
tioned place, their posterity remained so long unmixed,
that, several ages after, the West Saxons called the inha-
bitants of that island Jutes. *
For some considerable time from their first settlement,
they encouraged fresh supplies, and sometimes whole
colonies to come over; but after they had secured their
possessions, and fixed their respective principalities, they
turned their views entirely to the care of things at home,
and very imprudently concluded that keeping up great
armies would secure them from foreign invasion. It was
nearly three hundred years before they became absolute
lords of that part of the island which they called England; +
and in this space, one Saxon prince or other entertaining
all new comers in his service, with a view of defending his
own dominions, or encroaching on those of his neighbours,
there were few rovers on the coast. But in process of
time the Saxons changed their policy, and by studying to
keep the island to themselves, created a greater mischief
than that which they endeavoured to avoid; for while
they received and employed foreigners in their wars, their
intestine divisions did not depopulate their kingdoms, one
evil balancing the other. Yet now the consequence of
this management, and their altering their conduct, brought
upon them a greater mischief; for it drew over such shoals
of strangers in hopes of employment and settlement, that
the Saxons, in their own defence, were obliged to for-
tify their coast. They had the example of the Britons
before them, they suffered themselves to be distressed for
want of a naval strength, not having learned as yet that
* Chronicon. Saxon. p. 12, 13. Gul. Malmesb. de gestis reg.
Angl. lib. i. cap. 1. Henric. fluntingdon. Hist. lib. ii. Vit. Hist. lib. viii.
↑ Chron. Saxon. ad A. D. 743.
44
NAVAL HISTORY
755.
unerring maxim in policy, that power is best preserved
by the use of those means by which it was obtained.
*
In one thing they either followed the old British model,
or brought the like custom with them from Germany, viz.
allowing a pre-eminence to one of their princes, who,
while the rest governed only within their respective do-
minions, had the superiority over the whole, and thence,
by way of distinction, was styled King of the English-
men. This office, in some sort, resembled a dictator,
and, like it, was sometimes useful, sometimes detrimental,
and at last fatal to the people. Offa, the eleventh king
of the Mercians, having attained this dignity, began to
shew a disposition of ruling absolutely over his neigh-
bours, for which he was better qualified than any of his
predecessors, having parts as well as power, superior to
A.D. most of his contemporaries. His ambition, however,
united the British princes in Wales, and the Saxon kings
in England, in an alliance against him; but he baffled
their united force as much by his wisdom as by the strength
and success of his arms. To secure himself against the
incursions of the Britons, he threw up a strong entrench-
ment, which began near the mouth of the river Dee, and
running along the mountains, ended at the fall of the
Wye, near Bristol. This stupendous work the Britons
called in their own language, Clawdh Offa, and the re-
mains of it are still known by the name of Offa's ditch; †
and having thus secured himself on this side, he turned
his forces against his Saxon neighbours. They, in their
distress, applied themselves to Charles the Great, King
of France, for protection, who wrote letters in a high
style to Offa, exhorting, or rather commanding him to
desist from his enterprizes. But these, instead of pro-
* See Speed's Chronicle, in his account of the Saxon government.
+ Gulielm. Malmesb. de gestis reg. Angl. lib. ii. Ethelwerd, Chron.
lib. ii. cap. 19. Roger Hovend. p. 409.
OF THE SAXONS,
45
k
ducing the desired effect, engaged that magnanimous
prince to turn his thoughts on the proper means of se-
curing his dominions from foreign attempts, which he soon
saw could no other way be done than by keeping up a
naval force. He therefore applied himself to the raising
a considerable fleet; which rendered him so formidable,
that Charles, who was already very powerful, and who
became afterwards emperor, and, in a manner, lord of the
continent, was glad to embrace his friendship; and ac-
cordingly an alliance was negotiated between them by
Alcuinus, or Albinus, a person distinguished for his great
learning, and other accomplishments, of which we have
still remaining many authentic testimonies.* This step
procured Offa both peace and reputation during the re-
mainder of his life; so that in spite of the efforts of his
enemies, he died quietly, after a glorious reign of thirty-
nine years, leaving to his successors this useful lesson, A.D.
that he who will be secure on land must be supreme at
sea. +
It must be observed, that it was under the reign of
this prince that the Danes first set foot in England; and
if they had always met with such a reception as they then
did, they had very probably abandoned all hopes of fixing
here; for they were immediately forced to put to sea, and
some of them were slain ‡ A little after the death of Offa,
they began to infest the coast of Northumberland, where
they did incredible mischief, spreading themselves over the
country like locusts; and when they had eaten up all they
could meet with, where they first landed, they hoisted sail
for some new place. It happened, unfortunately, that the
remains of the Britons had still so inveterate a hatred
against the Saxons, that instead of joining with them to
* Gulielm. Malmesb. de gestis reg. Angl. lib. i. cap. 5. Alcuin.
oper, in epist. p. 1669.
+ Chronicon. Saxon, p. 65.
VOL. I.
‡ Ibid. ad A. D. 787.
F
795.
46
NAVAL HISTORY
*
repress these new invaders, which was certainly their
interest, they, on the contrary, assisted them against their
old oppressors. Ecgbryht, King of the West Saxons,
having raised himself to the sovereignty of England,
equipped a fleet, and defeated a Danish squadron of
thirty-five ships, at Charmouth, in Dorsetshire, with pro-
digious slaughter; yet this did not hinder them, two
years after, from landing with a vast force in Wales,
where they were joined by their confederates, the Britons.
King Ecgbryht opposed them both with a fleet and army;
and though he was not able to do much by sea, yet
coming to a general engagement on shore, he broke
entirely the enemy, compelling the Britons to fly to the
mountains, and the Danes to their ships. This kind of
war was long continued, and exceedingly weakened the
Saxons. Their authentic chronicle informs us, that King
Ethelstan, in the life-time of his father, commanded the
British fleet, and off Sandwich defeated the Danes in a
bloody battle, taking nine of their ships, and obliging the
rest to leave the coast; yet soon after they returned with
three hundred and fifty sail, and landing, took Canter-
bury and other places, and afterwards London. + From
this time forward the Saxons in a manner abandoned all
thoughts of naval affairs, and sought only how to fortify
their cities, and defend themselves as well as they could
against their barbarous enemies, after they were landed.
This was a fatal mistake; for by thus permitting the
enemy to land without interruption, small bodies of Danes,
whom they might easily have cut off, had they attacked
them separately, united themselves into irresistible armies ;
and being by degrees accustomed to conquest, and driving
the inhabitants from the coasts, they at last thought of
settling; and being themselves equally proud and lazy,
made a kind of slaves of the country people, obliging
them to plough, sow, and reap for them as their masters.
* Chronicon. Saxon, ad A. D. 833, 835. + Ibid. ad A. D. 851,
OF THE SAXONS.
47
Such was the situation of things during the reigns of
Ethelwolf, Ethelbert, and Ethelred; so that when Alfred
لم
2
871.
or Elfred came to the throne, he had, properly speaking, A.D.
a kingdom without subjects. The country was destroyed;
all the cities and great towns demolished; and the people
worn out by continual fatigue, having been sometimes
compelled to fight nine or ten battles in a year. In short,
their wealth, their strength, their spirits were exhausted;
and instead of attempting to defend themselves, as they
were wont, they began every where to submit to the
Danes, and to embrace rather a settled slavery, than a
precarious freedom, in a country now become a desert,
and where it was a difficult matter to find subsistence,
even when for a small time released from the fear of
enemies. The king, though in this low condition, did not
despair of the public safety, but, with equal vigour and
prudence, applied himself at once to the management of
the war, and to the conduct of public affairs; so that, in
a short time, encouraged by his example, the Saxons
began to resume their spirits, and in many battles de-
feated the Danes, compelling them as often as it was in
their power, to quit the country, and when they found
this impracticable, permitting them to live amongst them
upon reasonable conditions, and in a regular way.
*
There were two maxims which the king steadily pur-
sued, and thereby extricated himself from his troubles.
The first was fighting the enemy, if possible, at sea; of
which we have frequent instances in the Saxon Chronicle,
and almost always with advantage, by the steady pursuit
of which method he had constantly a fleet, and consider-
able numbers of experienced sailors. But, as it was im-
possible to guard all the coasts of his dominions, and as
* Asser. Meneven. in Alfræd. Mag. Malmesb. de gestis reg. Angl.
lib. ií. cap. 4. Henric. Huntingdon. Hist. lib. v. Roger Hoved.
p. 242, in edit. cited above, Ethelwerdi Chronicon. lib. iv. cap. 3.
Chronicon, Saxon. p. 82.
F 2
48
NAVAL HISTORY
the enemy's squadrons were frequently superior to his
own, he was sometimes obliged to fight on shore; and in
this case he likewise used all imaginable expedition, that
the enemy might not have time either to gain intelligence
or to get refreshment. His other maxim was, to have
always in his court the ablest men, not only in the sciences
but also in the arts, and to converse with them frequently
and familiarly. By this means he came to the knowledge
of many things, by a comparison of informations, of which
even those from whom he learned them were ignorant;
and, by his superior judgment, so adapted the intelligence
he received, as to render his small force successful both at
sea and land, against his numerous enemies.
In maritime affairs he was particularly skilful; and, as
we have authentic memoirs of his reign, one cannot but
be amazed at the sagacity he discovered in providing a
kind of ships of a new construction, devised by himself;
which gave him infinite advantages over people continually
practised in naval armaments, and whose experience, there-
fore, ought to have rendered them his superiors in naviga-
tion. He considered with himself, that as the fleets of
these invaders were frequently built in a hurry, hastily
drawn together, meanly provided in respect to victuals
and rigging, and crowded with men, a few ships of a
larger size, built in a new manner, of well-seasoned mate-
rials, thoroughly supplied with ammunition and provi-
sion, and manned by expert seamen, must at first sight
surprise, and, in the course of an engagement, destroy
numbers without any great hazard to themselves. In
pursuance of this project, he caused a certain number of
ships to be built, capable of holding each sixty rowers,
and, as in that, double in all other respects to the largest
ships then in use. These he sent to sea, with an express
prohibition not either to receive or give quarter, but to
put to death all who fell into their power:* instructions
* Chronie. Saxon. p. 98. Henric. Huntingd. Hist. lib. v. Gulielm.
Malmesb. de gestis reg. Angl. lib. ii. cap. 4. Rog. Hoveden, p. 241.
OF THE SAXONS.
49
perfectly suited to the design on which these ships were
fitted out, and to the circumstances the king's affairs then
were in. In saying this, we only copy ancient authors,
who are loud in the praises of Alfred, and take abundance
of pains to possess their readers with high ideas of his
wisdom, courage, and other virtues. But it will perhaps,
be more satisfactory, the nature of this work especially
considered, to examine this matter a little more closely,
and thereby convince such as will pay a proper attention,
that things were really as these writers have stated them ;
and that there was something truly useful, and, at the
same time, very extraordinary, in his invention; which,
as we have shewn, was entirely due to his sagacity and
penetration.
The learned Sir John Spelman, who wrote an accurate
life of this famous prince, seems to be in much uncertainty
on this subject: he is not able to determine whether they
were ships or gallies; nor can he well reconcile the height
of the vessels to the number of rowers; but, after having
intimated many doubts, and cleared none of them, he
leaves the reader in that perplexity into which he brought
him. * In the first place, then, it appears, from good
authority, that they were gallies; which takes away all
difficulty about the rowers, since in the Mediterranean
these sort of vessels are common, because they are con-
venient; for the same reason which inclined King Alfred
to make use of them, the facility of running with them
close under shore, or up into creeks. That they might be
longer, higher, and yet swifter than the vessels in common
use, in a duplicate proportion, which is the true sense of
what ancient writers say of them, may be easily con-
ceived, and thence their great utility arose. We have
seen that, in point of numbers, the king had no hope of
equalling his enemies: by this contrivance he removed
that difficulty, which seemed otherwise insuperable. For
* Life of King Alfred the Great, p. 150, 151.
50
NAVAL HISTORY
!
with a squadron of these ships, he was not afraid of
attacking twice or thrice the same number of the enemy;
because the force of his ships rendered those on board
them able to deal with as many as they could grapple
with; and in case of the enemy's having either the
weather-gage, or some other accidental advantage, their
swiftness enabled them to bear away; as, on the other
hand, the ports were all their own. As to their instruc-
tions, we cannot call them cruel; because whatever their
enemies might think of themselves, they were certainly
esteemed by the Saxons, and with good reason, enemies
to mankind; incapable, as experience had convinced them,
of keeping faith, and therefore altogether unworthy of
mercy. On the other hand, this severity was necessary
for two reasons; first, in respect to self-defence. These
ships, though large in comparison of other vessels, were
however not large enough to contain prisoners with any
safety; for we cannot apprehend that they carried ex-
clusive of rowers, above one hundred and twenty men,
so many. Secondly, it was prudent, for example sake,
in order to strike a terror into these rovers, that they
might be thereby hindered from infesting this island, and
inclined rather to prosecute their designs on some other
coast. Add to all this another circumstance preserved to
us in the Saxon Chronicle, and Alfred's wisdom will from
thence most incontestibly appear. These gallies were
built after quite another model than Frisian or Danish
ships; so that they were wholly strange to the enemy,
who for a long time knew not how to board them, though
their courage might be great, and themselves, for the age,
in which they lived, able seamen.
if
*
But it is now time to descend to facts, of which some
are very well worth the reader's notice. † The same year
*Chronic. Saxon. A. D. 897.
† Henric. Hunting. Hist. Int. Script. Post.
Hoveden, p. 241, 242. Chron. Saxón. p. 98.
Int. x. Histor. ad A. D. 897.
Bedam. p. 201. Rog.
Chron. Joan. Brompton,
OF THE SAXONS.
51
897.
that a few of these ships were first built, six pirates of A.D.
an unusual bigness infested the Isle of Wight, and the
coasts of Devonshire. The king immediately ordered
nine of his new vessels in quest of them, with instructions
to get, if possible, between them and the shore. Three
of the pirates as soon as they perceived them, ran
a-ground, but the other three stood out to sea, and boldly
engaged the king's ships. Of these, two were taken,
and all the men killed, the third escaped, but with five
men only. They then attacked the ships which ran
a-ground, and killed a great number of men. At length
the tide took them off, but in so battered and leaky a con-
dition, that it was with much difficulty they reached the
coast of the South Saxons; where, again running on shore
two of their vessels, the men endeavoured to escape, but
were taken and carried to Winchester, and there, by order
of the king, were hanged. The third vessel, though the
men in her were grievously wounded, escaped; and in
this single year, not less than twenty ships, with all the
men on board them, were destroyed on the south coast
only; which sufficiently demonstrates what mighty advan-
tages were derived from this happy invention of the king.
If the reader should inquire how this superiority at sea
was lost, we must observe that it was very late in the
king's life before his experience furnished him with light
sufficient for this noble design, which very probably his
successors wanted skill to prosecute; though, as will be
hereafter seen, they were moved by his example to make
great efforts for preserving their territories on shore, by
maintaining the sovereignty of the sea.
Though this care of his own fleet was very com-
mendable, yet the concern he shewed for the improve-
ment of navigation, the extending the commerce of his
subjects, and the discovering and describing far distant
countries, deserves still higher commendation; because
the first might be in some measure ascribed to necessity,
52
NAVAL HISTORY
and ended only in the good of his own kingdom; whereas
the latter was incontestably the fruit of an heroic genius,
and might have been of use to all the nations of Europe.
It was in order to farther these views, that he kept con-
stantly in his court, at a very great expense, the most
eminent men for worth and knowledge of all nations,
such as Gauls, Franks, Germans, Frisons, Armoric Bri-
tons, besides the inhabitants of every corner of the British
isles; of whom he enquired, and from whom he learned,
whatever was known in those days, which, the sequel will
prove, was more than any of the moderns imagine. Two
instances have been transmitted, with authentic circum-
stances, from his time to ours. The first, his sending
certain persons to discover the utmost extent of the Arctic
regions, and the possibility of a passage on that side to
the north-east. The other, his correspondence with the
Indies. Facts so extraordinary in themselves, of such
high importance in respect to the subject of which this
work treats, and hitherto left in such obscurity by those
who ought to have given us a better account of them, that
I presume my dwelling upon them will be considered
rather as a just tribute to Alfred's glorious memory, and
to the honour of this nation, than as a tedious or unne-
cessary digression.
Sir John Spelman, who, as I before observed, consi-
dering the time in which he wrote, hath left us an
excellent history of this monarch, tells us, * that he
had been informed, there was in the Cotton library a
memorial of a voyage of one Octher, a Dane, performed,
by this king's procurement, for the discovery of a north-
east passage.
This paper, he says, he could never see;
but he judged, and I think with reason, that it contained
nothing more than the relation of that voyage, printed
in the collections of Hakluyt and Purchas, which are in
every body's hands; and, if there had been no better
* Life of King Alfred the Great, p. 151.
OF THE SAXONS.
53
account of the matter, even that would have deserved
much attention. There is, however, a much more per-
fect copy of this relation, inserted in the Saxon version
of Orosius, made by King Alfred himself, * whereby it
appears, that Ohther, for so he is called in this authentic
manuscript, was a native of Halgoland, which lies in
66° of north latitude; a man of great substance, of more
than ordinary skill in navigation, and perfectly ac-
quainted with the commerce of the north. He surveyed
the coasts of Norway and Lapland by the direction of
King Alfred, and presented him not only with a clear
description of those countries and their inhabitants, but
also brought him some of the horse-whale's teeth, which
were then esteemed more valuable than ivory, and gave
him a good account of the whale-fishing. This pro-
bably encouraged the king to send Wulfstan, an English-
man, to view these northern countries, of which he also
gave him a relation. Both these narratives are written
with such accuracy in point of geography, so much
plainness and probability in respect to facts, and are
intermixed with such just and prudent observations, that
whoever shall take the trouble of comparing them with
what the famous Olaus Magnus, archbishop of Upsal,
wrote many hundred years afterwards of the same coun-
tries, † will stand amazed, and readily confess, that the
age of Alfred was an age of good sense, and far superior
in knowledge to those which succeeded it, there being
nothing of fable or improbability in what Ohther or
Wulfstan deliver, but all exactly conformable to what
* There is a fair copy of this among Junius's MSS. in the Bodleian
library. The narrative here mentioned, together with a Latin tran-
slation of the Saxon original, is inserted in the Appendix to the Latin
version of Sir John Spelman's Life of Alfred, published by Walker,
whence these facts are taken.
+ The title of this book is, Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, &c.
It was printed originally at Rome in 1555, in folio, and there is an
English translation in 1658.
54
NAVAL HISTORY
the discoveries of the last and present age have taught
us. Hence I must take leave to infer, that what we
read of fleets sent so far north by the Britons, is far
from being so incredible as some critics would make
us believe; for we can hardly imagine, that Alfred
should ever think of such an expedition, without some
previous informations; and that he might have these
from the Britons will appear very probable, if we con-
sider what is related in their histories, and that Asser
of St. David's, a learned Briton, was one of this king's
most intimate friends, and wrote the memoirs of his
reign, * addressed to himself, which are yet extant.
As to the Indian voyage, it was occasioned chiefly by
the king's charity, who, hearing of the distress of the
Christians of St. Thomas, resolved to send them relief.
The person he made choice of was one Suithelm, called
in Latin Sigelmus, a priest, who honestly executed his
commission, and was so fortunate as to return back,
bringing with him an immense treasure of India goods,
and amongst them precious stones, perfumes, and other
curiosities, of which the king made presents to foreign
princes. As the reward of so acceptable a service, Sigel-
mus was made bishop of Sherburn; and William of
Malmesbury, in his pontifical history, gives us a distinct
account of this voyage, and tells us, it not only struck
with wonder such as lived in the time when it was per-
formed, but was considered with admiration even in the
age in which he lived, adding, that Sigelmus had left
to his church several of these Indian curiosities, as un-
questionable evidence of so extraordinary a thing. + It
is true that Asser of St. David's, whom we before men-
* The last edition of this venerable work was printed at Oxford,
A. D. 1722, 8vo.
† Gul. Malmesb. de gestis pontific. Anglorum, lib. ii. p. 141 of the
edition of W. of Malm. in the Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post
Bedam, &c. by which I have verified Dr. Campbell's citations.-Y.
OF THE SAXONS.
55
tioned, says nothing of this Indian voyage, though he
is very particular in whatever relates to the power,
splendour, or reputation of that monarch. But it would
be a rash and unjust conclusion to argue from his silence,
that no such voyage was performed. Asser, as appears
from a passage in his memoirs, wrote them in the year
893, at which time Sigelmus was not returned. But it
is very remarkable, that under the year 887, which was
that wherein Sigelmus set out, Asser celebrates the
king's extensive correspondence, and the great court
that was paid him by princes, and other persons of emi-
nence, in all parts of the world, and he particularly
mentions letters from Abel patriarch of Jerusalem, which
he saw and read; * and these very probably were the
very letters which occasioned the king's sending Sigel-
Add to this, that Asser died soon after the return
of this great traveller, who succeeded him in the bishopric
of Sherburn; † so that the whole of this narration is
mus.
perfectly clear, and well connected. It may not be
amiss to observe, that these Christians of St. Thomas
inhabit the peninsula of India, and that the commodities
which Sigelmus is said to have brought back, are precisely
those of their country. Sir John Spelman observes far-
ther upon this subject, that the value and use of these
curiosities being little known here, the king sought out
for artists of all sorts, particularly goldsmiths and jewel-
lers, for the working of them: and such were the defects
of those times, and so excellent was the faculty of the
king in every thing he turned his hand unto, as that
even in those works also, the artificers themselves, and
their arts, received improvement from his invention and
direction, while they followed his genius, and manu-
factured that he designed for them. ‡ And, as if there
* Annal. rer. gestar. Ælfredi Magni, p. 58. Chron. Joan. Brompton,
ad A. D. 887.
+ Gul. Malmesbür. ubi supra.
+ Spelman's Life of Ælfred, p. 204.
56
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
901.
was something peculiar in the fortune of this prince, we
have still remaining a proof of what is here advanced;
I mean, a jewel richly wrought, dug up in the island of
Athelney, which was the king's retreat, when he fled
from the Danes, in the beginning of his reign, and where
he afterwards founded a monastery. This curious relic
is yet preserved in the Ashmolean collection of curio
sities, and, besides its excellent workmanship, hath a
Saxon inscription to this purpose, ELFREDUS ME JUSSIT
FABRICARI, i. e. Ælfred directed this to be made. *
Having thus, to the utmost of my ability, cleared and
justified these naval expeditions performed near a thou-
sand years ago, I return now to the thread of my history,
and to an account of what the Saxons achieved at sea,
after this wise monarch had shewn them the use and
importance of a naval force.
Edward succeeded his father Alfred, and proved a
great prince; however, his government was disturbed
both by intestine divisions, his cousin Ethelwald pre-
tending to the kingdom, and by foreign invasions of
the Danes, who, at the request of this Ethelwald, came,
in the fourth year of the king's reign, in vast numbers
into England. King Edward, finding it impossible to
hinder their landing, drew together an army as soon as
he could, and followed them into Kent, where he en-
gaged them, and in a bloody battle killed Eric the Da-
nish king, and Ethelwald who had stirred up this war.
But, finding that he was still incommoded with new
swarms of these northern rovers, he had recourse to his
fleet; and, having drawn together a hundred ships upon
the coast of Kent, he successfully engaged the enemy,
and forced the greatest part of their fleet on shore; and
then, landing himself, attacked the forces in a bloody
battle, wherein, though he lost abundance of men, yet
he entirely defeated his enemies, killing most of their
* Annal. Ælfredi Magni, p. 170, 171.
OF THE SAXONS.
57
chief commanders upon the spot. By degrees he raised
his reputation so high, not only by his military exploits,
but by his gentle government and wise provision for his
subjects' safety, that all the petty princes throughout
Britain congratulated him of their own accord on his
success, willingly owned him for their lord, and hum-
bly desired his protection. The very Danes, who were
settled in the island, took the same method of securing
themselves against his arms: but within a very short
time from this extraordinary mark of good fortune, he
died, and, in no long time after, his younger brother, eldest sou
who had succeeded him. *
925.
Ethelstan succeeded his brother, and gave early A.D.
proofs of his being the worthy grandson of the great
Alfred. He discovered, from his first ascending the
throne, a great dislike to that policy, which his prede-
cessors had used, of suffering the Danes and other
strangers, who by force had seated themselves in the
island, to become legal possessors in consideration of
some small acknowledgment, and a feigned subjection,
which was sure to last no longer than till they had a fair
opportunity of revolting. This was certainly a right
maxim; and one may safely affirm this monarch was the
greatest politician, and at least as great a captain as any
of the Saxon kings. He wisely judged, that there was
no executing his scheme without a considerable force,
and therefore he kept his army and his fleet in constant
readiness. † At the beginning of his reign he made, or
rather renewed, the alliance subsisting between his
brethren and Constantine, then king of Scots, conceiving
that, as their interests were the same, this would bind
him to a due performance of the treaty; in which, how-
* Chron. Saxon. p. 99.
+ Chron. Sax. p. 3. Gul. Malmesbur. de gestis reg. Anglor. lib. ii.
c. 6. Hen. Hunting. lib. v. p. 204. Roger Hoveden, p. 242.
58
NAVAL HISTORY
ever, he was mistaken; for Constantine suddenly broke
it, either out of caprice, or from an apprehension of
Ethelstan's power. Immediately upon this the Saxon
invaded Scotland with a royal army, and wasted its
coasts with a mighty fleet; which brought Constantine
to a submission much against his will, as he discovered
some years after. As soon as Ethelstan had retired, the
Scot began to intrigue with the Britons on one side, and
with Anlaff, whom most of our historians style king of
Ireland, but who in reality was a Danish prince, settled
there by conquest, on the other. In consequence of
these negociations, the Britons marched northwards with
a great army, where they were joined by the whole
force of the Scots; Anlaff coming, at the same time, to
their assistance with a more numerous fleet than had
been seen in those seas. Ethelstan, instead of being de-
jected at the sight of so many and such powerful enemies,
resolved to decide the quarrel by attacking them both
by sea and land at the same time, which he accordingly
performed with equal valour and success. In this battle
A.D. there fell five kings, and seven Danish chiefs. It was
the bloodiest engagement that, till then, had ever hap-
pened in this island; and in the Saxon chronicle there
is a most elegant account of it. By this grand defeat
King Ethelstan effectually carried his point, and ren-
dered himself the most absolute monarch that had ever
reigned in Britain. * The use he made of his victory,
was effectually to secure his dominions, by taking from
the petty princes such places as he judged to be dan-
gerous in their hands; and, in all probability, he would
have thoroughly established the Saxon power, if he had
long survived; but he died about a year after, having
swayed the sceptre, some say fourteen, others sixteen
years.
938.
* Chron. Saxon. p. 112, 113, 114.
OF THE SAXONS,
50
•
Edmund, his brother, succeeded him in the throne,
and found himself under a necessity of contesting the
possession of it with his old enemy Anlaff and his asso-
ciates, whom he defeated, and with whom he afterwards
made peace; but, finding that there was no dependence
upon the faith either of the Danish or British princes
seated in the north, he seized on the kingdom of Nor-
thumberland, and added it to his own dominions, giving
Cumberland to the king of Scots as his feudatory. He
had no great occasion for naval armaments, the fame of
his brother's power preserving him from foreign inva-
sions; so that, after a short reign, he left his crown to
his brother Edred. * This prince had scarcely assumed
the regal dignity, before he was assailed by his old
enemies the Scots and Danes, against whom he had not
so great success as his brethren; not through any fault
of his, but rather by the treasonable practices of some
of his powerful subjects. His nephew Edwy stepped
after him into the throne; and, disobliging the monks,
they have transmitted to posterity an account of nothing
but his vices. + It should seem, however, that, during
the reign of all these kings, the naval power of the
Saxons was continually increasing, of which we shall
see immediate proof; and to this we may ascribe their
not being plagued with any of those invasions from the
north, which had so much disturbed their predecessors.
Edgar, very justly styled the Great, succeeded his
brother Edwy; and, from his first ascending the throne,
demonstrated himself worthy of being the heir of Alfred
and Ethelstan. He thoroughly understood, and success-
fully pursued their maxims; for he applied himself, from
the beginning of his reign, to the raising a mighty ma-
ritime force, and to the keeping in due subjection all
* Gul. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Ang. lib. ii. e. 7.
† Speed's Chronicle, p. 369.
A.D.
941.
A.D.
957.
60
NAVAL HISTORY
the petty princes. In one thing only he was blameable;
that he gave too much into foreign customs, and in-
dulged the Danes in living promiscuously with his own
people; which gave them an opportunity of knowing
thoroughly the state of all parts of the nation, of which
they made a very bad use in succeeding times. In all
probability, he was led into this error by his love to
peace, which indeed he enjoyed, much more than any
of his ancestors had done. But he enjoyed it as a king
of this island ought to enjoy it; not in a lazy fruition of
pleasure, unworthy a prince; but by assiduously apply-
ing himself to affairs of state, and by an activity of which
few other kings are capable, even in times of the greatest
danger. But it is necessary to enter into particulars,
since we are now come to the reign of that king, who
most clearly vindicated his right to the dominion of the
sea, and who valued himself on his having justly acquired
the truly glorious title of Protector of commerce.
As to his fleet, all writers agree, that it was far superior
to any of his predecessors, as well as much more powerful
than those of all the other European princes put together ;
but they are by no means of the same mind, as to the num-
ber of ships of which it was composed. Some fix it at
three thousand six hundred, * others at four thousand, †
and there wants not authority to carry it so high as four
thousand eight hundred. However, the first seems to
be the most probable number, and therefore to it we shall
keep. These ships he divided into three fleets, each of
twelve hundred sail, and them he constantly stationed,
one on the east, another on the west, and the third on the
north coast of the kingdom: neither was he satisfied with
barely making such a provision, he would likewise see
* Roger Hoveden, p. 244. Florent. Wigorn. ad A. D. 975.
+ Chron. Joan Brompton.
↑ Matthæus Florileg.
OF THE SAXONS.
61
that it answered the ends for which he intended it. In
order to this, every year, after Easter, he went on board
the fleet stationed on the eastern coast, and sailing west,
he scoured all the channels, looked into every creek and
bay, from the Thames mouth to the Land's-end, in Corn-
wall; then quitting these ships, he went on board the
western fleet, with which, steering his course to the north-
ward, he did the like, not only on the English and Scotch
coast, but also on those of Ireland and the Hebrides,
which lie between them and Britain, then meeting the
northern fleet, he sailed in it to the Thames mouth. *
Thus surrounding the island every summer, he rendered
any invasion impracticable, kept his sailors in continual
exercise, and effectually asserted his sovereignty over the
sea. As a further proof of this, he once held his court at
Chester, where, when all his feudatory princes had assem-
bled, in order to do him homage, he caused them to enter
a barge, and sitting four on one side, and four on the
other, they rowed, while he steered the helm, passing
thus in triumph, on the river Dee, from his palace to the
monastery of St. John, where he landed, and received
their oaths to be his faithful vassals, and to defend his
rights by land and by sea, and then, having made a speech
to them, he returned to his barge, and passed in the same
manner back to his palace. The names of these princes
were, Kenneth, king of Scotland; Malcolm, king of
Cumberland; Maccusius, king of Man, and of the isles;
and five petty kings of the Britons. When the ceremony
was over, the king was pleased to say, that his successors
might justly glory in the title of kings of the English,
since, by this solemn act, he had set their prerogative
above all dispute. † John Fox blamed this speech, as an
* Hen. Huntingdon, Hist. lib. v. Rog. Hoveden. Annal. p. 244.
Alured Beverl. Annal. lib. viii.
† Gul. Malmesb. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 8. p. 31, in the above edit.
Florent. Wigorn. ad Ann. Dom. 347. Henric. Hunting. Hist. lib. v.
VOL. I.
G
62
NAVAL HISTORY
instance of the king's pride and vanity,* which was owing
to a narrowness of mind; for, surely the king intended no
more than to secure his just rights, as his speech declared,
and thereby to distinguish between a wise act of policy,
and a mere pompous parade.
In the winter, he travelled by land through all parts of
his dominions, to see that justice was duly administered,
to prevent his nobles from becoming oppressors, and to
protect the meanest people from suffering wrong. These
were the arts by which he secured tranquillity to himself;
while he kept foreigners in awe, and his subjects in quiet.
By being always ready for war, he avoided it; so that, in
his whole reign, there happened but one disturbance, and
that through the intemperate fury of the Britons, who,
while he was in the north, committed great disorders in
the west. On his return, he entered their country with
a great army, and that they might feel the effects of plun-
dering, suffered his soldiers to take whatever they could
find; but, when he saw the people reduced to extreme
misery, he rewarded his army out of his own coffers, and
obliged them to restore the spoils, by which he left those,
whom he found rebels, the most affectionate of all his sub-
jects. Well, therefore, might our ancient historians
boast as they did of this prince, and say, that he was com-
parable to any of the heroes of antiquity. In truth, he far
surpassed them; for, whereas many of them became famous
by acts of rapine and robbery, he established his reputa-
tion on a nobler foundation, that of reigning sixteen years
without a thief found in his dominions on land, or a pirate
Roger Hoved. Annal. p. 426. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. viii. The
speech alluded to is in these words of Alured: tunc demum quem-
cunque suorum successorum se gloriari posse regem Anglorum fore,
cum tot regibus sibi obsequentibus potiretur pompa talium honrum,
* In his acts and monuments.
↑ Ranulph. Higden. in Polychron. lib. vi.
OF THE SAXONS.
63
*+
}
heard of at sea. *
One thing more I must mention, as
being much to my purpose, though slighted by many of
our modern writers. It is the preamble of a decree of his,
made in the fourteenth year of his reign, wherein his style
runs thus: Ego Edgarus, totius Albivonis Basileus, necnon
maritimorum seu insulanorum regum circumhabitantium,
&c. that is, I Edgar, monarch of all Albion, and sovereign
over all the princes of the adjacent isles, &c. which plainly
asserts his naval dominion. † As he lived, so he died, in
peace and full of glory. Happy had it been for his suc-
cessors, if, with his dominions, they had inherited any
portion of his spirit: but, alas! governed by women, and
ridden by priests, they quickly broke to pieces that mighty
power which he bequeathed them.
A.D.
975.
978.
His son Edward, a child, succeeded him; but, by the
time he had reigned three years, he was, by the contrivance
of his mother-in-law, basely murdered, to make way for
her son Ethelred, who mounted the throne after his de-
cease, but who was entirely governed by this dowager-
queen, his mother. In six years after the death of Edgar, A.D.
the strength of the nation was so far sunk, that a Danish
squadron, consisting of no more than seven ships, infested
the coast, and plundered Southampton; ‡ and, in a few
years after, they ravaged and burned all the coast, inso-
much, that in 991, the king, by the advice of Siricus, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, made a treaty with the Danes, and
endeavoured to bribe them by a subsidy of ten thousand
pounds, to forbear plundering, which gave the first rise to
that infamous tribute called Danegeld. § This produced
an effect which might have been easily foreseen, though
* Roger Hoved. p. 244. Florent. Wigorn. ad A. D. 947. Alured.
Beverl. Annal. lib. viii.
+ Guliel. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Ang. lib. ii. c. 8. p. 32.
Chron. Saxon. ad A. D. 981.
§ Ibid. 991. Gul. Malmesb. de gest, reg. Anglor. lib. ii. c. 10.
Alured. Beverl. lib. viii.
G 2
64
NAVAL HISTORY
quite contrary to what was intended; for the Danes com-
mitted greater rapines than ever, supposing that the worse
they treated the king's subjects, the larger sums they
should extort, for a promise to be gone. Thus the king
was compelled to take that method at last, to which he
should have had recourse at first, viz. raising an army,
and fitting out a fleet. And now, when he had done this,
his general betrayed him, whereby the Danes for that time
escaped, though a little after they returned, and were de-
feated. * These, however, were but slight mischiefs to
those which followed; for, when it is once known that a
kingdom is weakly governed, new enemies daily rise. In
A. D. 993, came Unlaff, a famous pirate, with a fleet of
ninety-three ships, to Stanes, and having wasted the coun-
try on both sides the Thames, they went down the river
again, and committed new outrages on the coast of Kent.
The king sent an army to oppose them, which they beat,
and killed the general who commanded it; afterwards they
landed in the mouth of the Humber, and committed fresh
devastations. The next year Anlaff, duke of Norway,
coming before London, with a fleet of ninety-four sail,
endeavoured to burn it, but the citizens defended them-
selves so well, that, at length, he was forced to desist;
then marching into Kent and Hampshire, he compelled the
country people to furnish horses for his army, which put it
in their power to commit such horrid devastations, that the
king, being unable to protect his subjects, had recourse to a
composition; and having sent commissioners to treat with
Anlaff, it was agreed to give him sixteen thousand pounds,
on condition that he should never again set foot in England;
and, which was rare amongst men of his profession, he re-
ligiously kept his word. In A. D. 997, a great fleet of
strangers entered the mouth of the Severn, spoiled all the
adjacent countries with fire and sword, and afterwards
* Chron. Saxon. A. D. 992.
•
OF THE SAXONS.
65
destroyed Cornwall and Devonshire, and having collected
an immense booty, carried it off to their ships. The next
year they committed the like outrages in Dorsetshire,
where an army sent to oppose them did but little. In
A. D. 999, they came into the Thames, and marching
through Kent, the king met them at Canterbury with his
forces, so that a battle ensued, wherein, through some ill
management, the king was defeated with great loss. This
loss seems to have roused the nobility; for, immediately
thereupon, it was determined, in a great council, to raise
a numerous army, and to fit out a strong fleet, which was
accordingly done; but the old management continuing,
these mighty preparations, says my author, ended in
nothing more than exhausting the purses, and breaking
the spirits of the people, whereby their enemies were
encouraged to trample on them more and more. The next
year the fleet was hindered from acting all the summer by
contrary winds, to the great loss and dissatisfaction of the
people. In A. D. 1001, new disorders of the same kind
happened, and one of the king's admirals deserting with a
great part of the fleet, he was constrained again to think
of treating, which accordingly he did, and purchased
peace for twenty-four thousand pounds; and yet, the very
next year, he found himself so straitened, that he had no
other way of setting his people at liberty, than by a gene-
ral massacre of the Danes throughout England. This,
however, proved but a temporary as well as barbarous
expedient; for, in a few years, they were in as bad a con-
dition as ever, insomuch, that through the fury of the
Danes, and the treachery of his nobility, the king was able
to do nothing but oppress his subjects, by raising vast
sums to be given to their enemies; for, in A. D. 1007, the
Danes had thirty thousand pounds at once. *
* Chron. Saxon. p. 127-136. Gulielm. Malmesb. de gest. reg.
Anglor. lib. ii. c. 10. Hen. Huntingd. Hist. lib. v. Alured. Beverl.
Annal. lib. viii. c. 114.
66
NAVAL HISTORY
These oppressions convinced all the honest and loyal
part of the nation, of the necessity of arming themselves,
and of exerting their utmost force to rid them of these bar-
barous guests. In order thereto, a new and general tax
was laid, for raising and supporting a fleet and army.
According to this scheme, every three hundred and ten
hides of land were to find a stout ship, and every eight
hides a coat of mail and helmet, by which a great force
indeed was raised, and yet, through treachery, great as it
was, it had little effect. * It is plain, that this tax, or sub-
sidy, was imposed with judgment, and by common con-
sent; it grew, therefore, thenceforward, an annual charge
upon the people, and is that tax we so often meet with in
ancient writers, under the name of Danegeld; and from
which Edward the Confessor is said to have freed his sub-
jects. The reader must distinguish this subsidy, raised
upon the English nation, from the money occasionally paid
to the Danes, though they both go under the same deno-
mination. The first was raised at such times, and in such
proportions, as necessity required, and was properly enough
called Danegeld, as it was. given to pacify those invaders.
The second was a regular, settled imposition, not much
unlike our land-tax, and was properly called, in the Saxon
tongue, Heregyld, i. e. soldiers' money, and received the
name of Danegeld, because it was originally given to raise
a force to withstand the Danes. It amounted to a vast sum
in those days; since the Saxon chronicle informs us, that
by it, when first imposed, there was a prodigious fleet set
on foot, such a one as till then had not been seen. Now,
if we take this in a very limited sense, and allow it to sig-
nify not a greater fleet than Edgar's, but superior to any
of his stationary squadrons, even this would be a very
great thing. The consequence of clearing this point will
* Chron. Saxon. A, D. 1008.
† Selden. Mare Clausum, lib. ii. c. 11.
OF THE SAXONS.
67
appear in the succeeding part of the work; in the mean
time let it be observed, that the nation submitted to this
grievous tax, in order to maintain a naval force, sufficient
to have preserved the dominion of the sea; which, question-
less, might have been effected, had the money they gave
been faithfully applied. But such were the delays, such
the disorder in all their military preparations, that the
people were fleeced, the service neglected, and the unfor-
tunate King Ethelred, who, for any thing that appears in
history, was a very brave, well-meaning prince, acquired
the surname, or rather was stigmatized with the oppro-
brious nickname of the Unready. This is a disagreeable
subject, which nothing but the love of truth, and the
desire of preventing such mischiefs, by fairly exposing their
causes, could have prevailed upon me to have dwelt on so
long. It is my duty as an historian, and, though a little
unwillingly, I have honestly performed it.
It would, however, be to no purpose to swell this work
with a long detail of the misfortunes which befel this
prince, and his son the valiant Edmund; who, for his
many hardy acts in the service of his country, was sur-
named Ironsides, since these are fully related in all our
histories, and indeed there is great reason to suspect, that
the stories we meet with therein are rather amplified than
abridged. Two things, nevertheless, deserve the reader's
notice in this great revolution. The first, that after the
spirits of the people had been once sunk, by raising on
them a great sum of money to purchase peace, they never
afterwards could be revived; but things daily declined,
and the chief persons in the realm sought to secure an
interest in the conqueror, by betraying those whom they
ought to have defended; so that the reduction of England
was not so much owing to the number and force of the
enemy, though these were very great, as to the treachery
of the few, the dejection of the many, and the disputes of
both among themselves; their naval force, even when
68
NAVAL HISTORY
they were lowest, being more than sufficient to have de-
fended their coasts, had it been properly conducted. But
being sometimes betrayed by their admirals, at others
distressed for want of provisions, every little accident
discouraged them, and any considerable loss disheartened
them quite. The conquest of such men could not be hard.
The second observation I have to make is this, that
Swain, king of Denmark, no sooner found himself superior
at sea, than he set up a title to the kingdom, which suffi-
ciently shews, that this island is never longer safe, than
while it is the first maritime power; whence the import-
ance of our navy is made too manifest to be denied, and
by which we may be convinced, that as our freedom flows
only from our constitution, so both must be defended by
our fleets.
OF THE DANES.
69
CHAP. III.
The Naval History of the Danes, from the peaceable settlement of
Canutus on the Throne, to the restoration of the Saxon Line; and
from thence to the Death of King Harold.
(Containing the space of about 48 Years.)
THE writers of our ancient history, being many of
them monks, did not well distinguish between foreign
nations, but called all the invaders of this kingdom, from
whatever quarter they came, Danes, because the first
who troubled the Saxons in this way were of that nation.
In like manner foreigners called them Normans, which
seems to be a contraction of northern men. Their prac-
tice of scouring the northern seas, and plundering
wherever they came, made them infamous in the eyes
of others, though it passed among themselves for an
honourable way of making war. The northern nations
were always extremely populous; and, when they found
themselves crowded, their custom was to equip a squadron
of ships, on board of which went some of their chiefs,
followed by a body of such men as were willing to run
their fortunes. At this time they were pagans; and it
must be owned, the structure of their religion was very
favourable to these sort of enterprizes, representing them
rather as effects of heroism than as acts of robbery. In
process of time, as they grew more civilized, they began
to change their notions, and effected settlements wherever
they found themselves strong enough to make them. It
is not our business to enter deeply into their history,
since it is evident enough, that they attained their do-
minion here by their power at sea, which is the only
thing that brings them under our notice. But, if it were,
}
70
NAVAL HISTORY
there has been lately published at Copenhagen a very
curious history of the acts of the Danes in foreign coun-
tries, particularly in England, Scotland, and Ireland,
all of which they long harassed, made settlements in all,
and were expelled from them all through their making
an ill use of their power.
*
When Swain, king of Denmark, invaded this country
about the year 1013, it was in revenge of the death of
his countrymen; and there were at that time so many
great men here of Danish extraction, and the rest were
so much disaffected to their natural prince, that the
foreign invader soon found encouragement to set up a
title by election; as is, though somewhat obscurely, in-
timated by some of our historians, but plainly and fully
asserted by the Danish writers. Indeed, the defection
at that time was so general, that Edmund abandoned his
kingdom, and retired into Normandy; and, if Swain had
lived, it is doubtful whether he might not have kept the
possession. But, he dying in the beginning of the next
year, the Danes in England declared for Canutus his son,
and the Saxons recalled King Edmund. † However,
after the death of the last-mentioned prince, Canutus
had a strong party who adhered to him, especially among
the clergy; so that, at length, King Edmund Ironside,
by the persuasion of one Eadric, who had betrayed his
father during his whole reign, entered into a treaty with
Canutus, whereby it was agreed, that they should reign
jointly after which King Edmund did not live long, and
so the whole fell to Canutus by survivorship. Some of
our authors indeed write, that Edmund was murdered
* The title of this curious book runs thus: Gesta & vestigia Da-
norum extra Daniam; præcipue in Oriente, Italia, Hispania, Gallia,
Anglia, Scotia, Hibernia, Belgio, Germania, & Sclavonia. Maxi-
mam partem ipsis scriptorum, non exoticorum minus, quam domesti-
corum, verbis adumbrata. Hasniæ, 1741, 8vo.
+ Chron. Saxon. p. 144, 145.
OF THE DANES.
71
by the contrivance of Eadric; but for this there seems to
be no solid foundation. The Saxon annals say plainly,
that he died on the feast of St. Andrew, in the year 1016,
and that he was buried with his grandfather King Edgar
at Glastonbury. *
Canutus ascended the throne by the general consent
of the nation, and, in the second year of his reign, raised
an extraordinary subsidy, or danegeld, in order to pay
off his fleet. This amounted to 72,000 pounds for the
rest of the kingdom, and 11,000 pounds for the city of
London: after which he sent back his fleet and forces to
Denmark, except forty ships which he kept to guard the
coast. He was a very wise and brave prince, and, from
the time he assumed the crown, did all that was in his
power to conciliate the affection of his new subjects;
which he so happily effected, that they served him faith-
fully in his wars for the recovery of some part of his
foreign dominions, which were lost during his stay here.
Thus, in 1027, he sailed with a fleet of fifty ships, with
English forces on board, into Norway, out of which
having driven Olaf, who had set himself up for king,
the next year he returned into England. Two years
after, he invaded the Scots both by land and sea, and
obliged their king to submit to his terms: † and, through-
+
out his whole reign, this prince carried his prerogative
in naval affairs as high as, or rather higher than, any of
his predecessors, as the learned Mr. Selden justly ob-
serves, and very fully proves from records and history. ‡
Indeed it was very easy for him to do so, being king of
Denmark and Norway as well as England.
A.D.
1017.
1
* Chron. Saxon. A. D, 1016.
+ Pontan. Hist. Dan. lib. v.
Guliel. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Anglor.
lib. ii. cap. 11. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. viii. Ran. Higden. in
Polychron. Chron. Saxon. p. 150–154.
↑ Mare Clausum, lib. ii. cap. 12.
72
NAVAL HISTORY
1039.
He intended to have made his son Hardiknute, whom
he had by Emma, the widow of his predecessor Ethelred,
the heir of his kingdoms; but, he being in Denmark at
A.D. the time of his decease, his eldest son Harold, surnamed
from his swiftness, Harefoot, found means to raise a party
amongst the nobility, and possessed himself of the king-
dom. Some writers tell us, that his brother Hardiknute
prepared a great fleet with an intent to have invaded his
dominions: but, as to this, the Saxon chronicle is silent;
nor is there any thing memorable recorded in his reign.
It is said, that he raised the danegeld or subsidy for the
maintenance of sixteen ships, which was, it seems, the
stated tax in the latter part of his father's reign; and,
from what follows, it will appear, that this was a very
reasonable imposition: but then it must be considered,
that, in the days of King Canutus, his English subjects
had nothing to fear; and from this circumstance it is
probable, that the case was the same under Harold. *
He died after a reign of little more than four years, and
was succeeded by his brother Hardiknute, who coming
with a large fleet to take possession of the kingdom, he
that very year raised the danegeld to sixty-two ships.
The following year he levied 21,099 pounds, and fixed
the subsidy for the future at thirty-two ships. His uncle
Swain being in danger of losing the kingdom of Norway,
he sent a fleet from England to his assistance, which did
not, however, answer the end he proposed; and a little
after he died suddenly at a wedding, and with him ended
the dominion of the Danes in England, in less than
twenty-eight years after the coming of Canutus to the
crown. †
A.D.
1041.
Edward the Confessor, the son of King Ethelbert and
Queen Emma, succeeded his half-brother, Hardiknute,
and proved a very great prince in the opinion of the
+ Ibid. p. 155, 156.
* Chron. Saxon. p. 154, 155.
OF THE DANES.
73
monks, and a very weak one in the sentiments of better
judges. In the beginning of his reign he kept up a fleet
of thirty-five sail; but afterwards falling out with the
Earl Godwin and his sons, their quarrels threw the whole
kingdom into distraction; insomuch that, in the year
1046, a piratical squadron, consisting of no more than
twenty-five ships, commanded by Lothen and Yrling,
came to Sandwich, where they landed the forces on
board them, who immediately spoiled all the adjacent
county, and carried off the prey they took to their ships.
Afterwards they retired to the Island of Thanet, intending
from thence to have plundered the coast at their leisure;
but by this time the militia rose, and not only prevented
them from landing, but straitened them so much where
they were, that with great difficulty they escaped. Then,
falling on the coasts of Suffolk and Norfolk, they com-
mitted the same outrages there, and at last sailed away
to Flanders with the wealth they had gotten, without
meeting with any interruption from the king's ships.
The next year the king was himself at sea with a fleet,
and was able to do little, Earl Godwin and his sons
having almost all the power, while the king had an
empty title, with which he was little contented. Swain,
Earl Godwin's eldest son, falling out with his family as
well as the king, committed great outrages on all the
coast. His father too, being disobliged, had recourse
to a naval armament, to oppose which, the king fitted
out a fleet of fifty sail; but whether it was through the
intrigues of the earl, or the weak management of the
king, so it happened, that, after all these preparations,
a treaty ensued, in consequence of which, the earl once
more entered the king's favour, and (with his sons) was
declared the king's best subject: such was the doctrine
of those times! After the death of this great nobleman,
his sons Harold and Tostigo succeeded him in his dig-
nities, and used them rather for their own conveniency
74
NAVAL HISTORY
1066.
than with any respect to the royal authority. It must,
however, be owned, that they reduced the Britons, who
had taken up arms under their king Griffith, who was
killed in the action: yet Tostigo made so bad a governor
in Northumberland, where the king had placed him,
that the people expelled him; nor could he be restored,
though his brother Harold was sent with an army for
that purpose; which so disgusted him, that he sailed
with a squadron of ships into Flanders, where, like his
eldest brother Swain, he turned pirate, and began to
think of pillaging by sea that country, the inhabitants of
which would not suffer him to plunder them on land. In
A.D. the midst of these confusions King Edward died as
weakly and irresolutely as he lived, without securing the
succession to Edgar Atheling, his intended heir, and
who had indeed a better title than himself; which threw
the nation into great confusion, and gave Harold, the
son of Earl Godwin, an opportunity of seizing the crown,
to which he had little or no title;* an act equally fatal
to himself and to the people, since it occasioned the
Norman invasion, and the absolute exclusion of the
Saxon line, the monarchs of which had deserved so well
of their country by making good laws, encouraging arts,
and defending both by their arms. But, before we
proceed to this revolution, it will be necessary to say
somewhat of the character of Harold, as well as of his
administration; for though he was a very ambitious, and
consequently a very bad man, yet he wanted not some
qualities that were truly great, and worthy of a prince.
The principal persons about King Edward at his death
were such as had been of Earl Godwin's faction, and
therefore countenanced a report, spread by Harold, that
* Gul. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Angl. lib. ii. cap. 13. Hen. Hun-
tingd. Hist. lib. vi. p. 210. Roger Hoveden. Annal. p. 256. Alured.
Beverl. Annal. lib. viii. Chron. Saxon. p. 154–171.
OF THE DANES.
75
the king had appointed him his successor, which we find
in the Saxon chronicle:* and yet, in that very book,
there are many things which are inconsistent with this
relation, such as the owning that the king sent for his
cousin Edward, the father of Edgar Atheling, † and that,
after the death of Harold, Edgar should have been king, ‡
though his right was no way helped by that circumstance,
but stood just as it did before at the time of King
Edward's death. Such as say that Harold took the
crown, as being more fit to wear it than an unexpe-
rienced boy, like Edgar, seem to speak the truth. §
Harold had all the qualities necessary to have rendered
him popular in an elective kingdom. He was of a great
family, equally allied to the Saxons and Danes, very
brave in his person, and well versed in the art of war;
but, above all, jealous of the honour of the nation, and
very desirous of maintaining his independency on land
and sea. || He had, however, many difficulties to strug-
gle with. A great part of the nation were dissatisfied
with his title, and paid him an unwilling obedience.
William, duke of Normandy, laid claim to his crown,
and began to raise an army to support that claim: add
to this, that his brother Tostigo, who had quarrelled
with the late king and his own father, appeared on the
coasts of Yorkshire and Northumberland with a fleet of
fifty sail. Earl Edwin encountered him on his landing,
defeated his army, and afterwards destroyed a great part
of his fleet; so that, with no more than twelve ships, he
escaped to Scotland. ¶
* Chron. Saxon. p. 172.
+ Ibid. p. 169.
+ Ibid. p. 173.
§ Rog. Hoved. Hist. lib. vi. p. 256. Ingulph. Hist. apud. script. post.
Bedam. p. 511.
Roger. Hoved. annal. prior. Gul. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Ang.
lib. ii. cap. ult. Alured. Beverl. annal. lib. viii. p. 122.
¶ Chron. Saxon. p. 172. Roger. Hoved. p. 257. Hen. Hunting«l.
Hist. lib. vii.
76
NAVAL HISTORY
1
On the first news of his brother's invasion, Harold pre-
pared to march northwards, in order to prevent, if pos
sible, the fatal consequences of this man's malice, whom
he knew to have both courage and ability, considerable
interest at home, and potent allies abroad; nor did he
desist from his design on the news of the check he had
received by his late defeat, knowing that his restless tem-
per would not suffer him to be long before he endeavoured
to revenge this affront. Indeed, he found an opportunity
sooner than he could have expected; for, he was scarcely
arrived in Scotland, before he heard of a new pretender
to his brother's crown. This was Harold Harfager, that
is, Fair-haired, king of Norway, who set up a title by
descent, and, to support it, put to sea with a fleet of three
hundred sail, and a numerous army on board. With him
Tostigo joined, and, both sailing up the Humber, landed
their forces, and began to direct their march towards York.
The two great earls, Edward and Morcar, instantly assem-
bled all the forces they could raise, in order to oppose
them. A battle quickly ensued, in which these lords were
totally routed, and, in consequence thereof, the king of
Norway possessed himself of York. King Harold, no
way discouraged at this ill news, ordered a fleet to be
fitted out, and in the mean time marched in person against´
the enemy, who lay in an entrenched camp, which they
conceived to be impregnable. But the king, opening the
passage at Stanford-bridge, ever since styled Battle-
bridge, attacked them with such vigour, that, after a long
and bloody dispute, he forced their entrenchments, killed
Harold Harfager and Tostigo upon the spot; and, his
admirals at sea having like success in beating the Nor-
wegian fleet, Olaf, the son of Harold Harfager, was glad
to capitulate, and consent to embark the scattered remains
of his army on board twenty vessels, and to give up all
the vast spoil they had taken, with the rest of his father's
OF THE DANES.
77
navy, to the conqueror, which agreement or capitulation
was presently put in execution. *
This was one of the greatest victories that we find re-
corded by our historians; for, in the beginning of this
expedition, the king of Denmark had conquered the
Orkneys; and, indeed, considering the force with which he
invaded it, there was no small probability of his reducing
England. By this defeat, the king entirely frustrated
that design; and, besides ridding himself of so formidable
an enemy, required a vast treasure, and greatly augmented
his fleet; but, as success generally shews a man in the
truest point of light, so the king, on this occasion, dis-
covered some ill qualities which he had hitherto con-
cealed; for, instead of dividing the rich booty he had
taken, or so much as a part of it, amongst his army, he
laid hands upon the whole, which greatly weakened their
affection to him, and made his soldiers less willing to
hazard their lives in the service of so hard a master. On A.D.
the other hand, the duke of Normandy had been labour- 1066.
ing, by a variety of methods, to draw together such an
army, and such a fleet, as might enable him to prosecute
the title he pretended to the English crown, which at last,
by dint of mighty promises to foreigners as well as his own
subjects, he accomplished. His forces, consisting of Nor-
mans, Flemings, Frenchmen, and Britons, he embarked
on board a prodigious number of ships, few of which were
of any great force, though all fit enough for transports.
September 28th, 1066, he landed safely at Pevensey, in
Sussex, and no sooner saw his troops on shore, than he
burnt his useless fleet, which he knew was no way able to
engage that of the English; and, having done this, and
raised a strong fortification, he penetrated farther into the
country. + Harold had the news of this expedition quickly
* Chron. Saxon. p. 172. Guliem. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Angl.
lib. ii. c. 13. p. 57. Roger Hoveden, p. 448. Ingulf. Hist. p. 512.
† Chroniques de Normandie. Ingulph. Hist. Ord. Vital, &c.
VOL. I,
H
78
NAVAL HISTORY
transmitted to him in the north, whence he marched with
great diligence with his forces, flushed indeed with their
late victory, but by so rude a service much diminished in
their numbers, their spirits also abated by discontent.
The king, however, taking counsel from the present
situation of his affairs, behaved towards them more gra-
ciously than he had lately done, and by sending for the
nobility, and representing to them the danger to which
themselves and their country, as well as himself and his
title, were exposed, gained considerable recruits; so that,
by the time he arrived at London, his army was again
become very considerable, only his soldiers stood in need
of refreshment. But Harold, fearing ill effects from delays,
and rejecting the proposals made him by an ambassador,
sent from Duke William, to meet him at London, continued
to move on towards Sussex, in order to determine the fate
of the kingdom by a decisive battle, notwithstanding his
brother Grithus used many prudent arguments to dissuade
him, advising him to entrust the army to his care, and to
remain at London, in order to take proper measures, in
case things went not so well as they could wish.
On the 13th of October the king arrived near Hastings,
where the enemy lay encamped; and, though some pro-
posals of peace were again made him, he remained firm to
his first opinion, of trusting the entire decision to the
sword. The next day, being Saturday, he disposed his
forces in order of battle, giving the van to the Kentish
troops, and reserving the Londoners for the center, where
he fought in person with his two brothers. The duke of
Normandy, on his side, did all that could be expected
from a great captain, and one inured to arms from his very
youth. The contest was long and bloody, suitable to the
value of the prize which was to be the reward of the vic-
tor; but the Normans, making use of long bows, as yet
not well known to the English, had thereby a great advan-
tage, which turned the fortune of the day, and gave them
OF THE DANES.
79
a victory every way compleat. King Harold, drawing the
choicest of his troops about his royal standard, fought it
but bravely to the last, falling by a shot he received under
the left eye, which pierced to his brain. With him fell
his brothers Grithus and Leofrick, and of private men
67,974. We need not wonder that this engagement alone
secured the kingdom to Duke William, especially if we
reflect on the hard fought battle in Yorkshire but a few
months before; for two such actions might well exhaust
the strength of a kingdom almost continually harassed, for
some hundred years before, by the Danes. * Yet the
Saxons, if they had been well united, might have had at
least, another struggle; but their intestine factions con-
tributed as much to their ruin as the force of the invader;
for one part of the nation adhering to Edgar Atheling, the
undoubted heir of the crown, and another inclining to
espouse the party of the great Earls, Edwin and Morcar,
this division disabled both. Thus ended that monarchy,
which, from the time of Hengist, had continued about six
hundred years; and, as it began through personal valour,
so the same spirit was preserved even in its termination;
for, as a learned writer of these times informs us, the last
King Harold was a man in gentleness of nature equalled
by few, in martial virtue surpassed by none, having most
of those great qualities that render princes glorious, and
who, if the event had corresponded with probability,
seemed born to repair the decayed state of his country. †
He left behind him four sons. It is very remarkable, that
three of these, Godwin, Edmund, and Magnus, had inte-
rest enough, after the death of their father, to carry off the
greatest part of his fleet, which enabled them to make
many attempts, as we shall hereafter see, against the
* Chron. Saxon. p. 172. Gulielm. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Angl.
lib. iii. Hen. Huntingdon. Hist. lib. vi. Roger Hoveden, p. 448.
Ingulph. Hist. p. 900, 901.
+ Florent. Wigorn. ad A.D. 1066.
H 2
80
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
power of the Normans; but, proving always unsuccessful,
they at length retired to Denmark, where they were
kindly received, and where, tormented by a quick sense
of their misfortunes, they languished out the remainder of
their lives. I should not have taken notice of this circum-
stance, but that it serves to explain the succeeding part of
our history, and shews how the Norman power at sea
came to be so low for a considerable time after the con-
quest, as well as why the northern princes were so ready
to give assistance to such as undertook to disturb this new
possessor of the English crown; in which scheme, we shall
find persons who had very different interests concurred,
upon the old maxim in politics, that, in acting against a
common enemy, the principles of particular parties may,
and, in prudence, ought to be suspended.
*
WE come now to take a view of the commerce of the
Saxons, and to enquire into the use they made of that
dominion of the sea, to which they set up so loud a pre-
tence. It so happens, indeed, that we have in this re-
spect but very indifferent materials as to direct facts; but,
whoever will consider what kind of men the writers of
those times were, and how unlikely they were to under-
stand traffic, he will not so readily misconstruct their
silence, as some critical writers have done; by which I
mean, he will not conclude from thence, that the Saxons
had little or no foreign trade, since, if they had ever so
much, ecclesiastics were not likely to be the best acquainted
with it. However, it may be truly asserted, that the trade
of the Saxons was very considerable before the Norman
conquest, perhaps more considerable than for some time
afterwards; and that this is not either a bold assertion, or
a groundless conjecture, we shall be able to make out by
* Chron. Saxon. p. 137. Gul. Malmesb. Hunting. Hoveden, &c.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORÝ.
81
a variety of arguments, which, for the honour of our coun-
try, deserve to be duly examined.
In the first place, then, let us observe, that the corres-
pondence between our princes and those of the continent,
is one good argument in favor of the nation's commerce;
for, it cannot be believed, that the greatest princes of
Europe would either enter into treaties with obscure and
barbarous nations, bestow their daughters on the princes
of such people, or receive from them their daughters to
be partners in their beds and thrones. Yet we see, that
Charles the Great of France entered into an alliance with
King Offa, as he also did with the king of Scots; and, as
to marriages, Ethelwolf, the father of King Alfred, mar-
ried the daughter of the Emperor Charles the Bald; King
Ethelred married Emma, daughter to the duke of Nor-
mandy; and, as to the princesses of England, they were
married all over Europe to the most illustrious sove-
reigns: nay, even in their distress, when the sons of
Edmund Ironside fled abroad for protection, one married
the emperor's daughter, the other the daughter of the
king of Hungary. Now, it is impossible for us to conceive,
how the worth and quality of such persons should be
known in these distant places, if there had not been an
extensive commerce between the subjects of the English
kings and those of these princes. Add to this, that Asse-
rius Menevensis informs us, that King Alfred's court was
constantly crowded with persons of distinction, and that
he was extremely careful in procuring the best artists of
all kinds from different parts. Again, the public and pri-
vate buildings of the Saxons demonstrate, that they were
neither a rude nor unsociable people, but rather the con-
trary, since they were exceedingly elegant for the time in
which they were raised; and, we know by experience,
that this kind of taste is the pure effect of extensive com-
merce. We may likewise observe, that the
likewise observe, that the very claiming
the sovereignty of the sea is a plain indication of our
82
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
"
driving a great trade upon it, since those only desire this
dignity who know the importance of it; and, as our claims
in this respect are elder, and more explicit than those of
any other European nation, we must conclude, that the
value of this right was earlier understood here than else-
where. These are general reasons only; I will now offer
some that are clearer and more particular.
We had greater opportunities of understanding naval
affairs in this island, than perhaps any other nation ever
had; for, before the Roman invasion, the Britons had
some skill in navigation, and had fitted out considerable
fleets; they afterwards improved in this, as in all other
arts, by adding the Latin learning to their own; whence
we find them, under Carausius, Maximus, and Constan-
tine, able to bear up against all the maritime force of the
Roman empire. The Saxons were not destitute of skill in
naval affairs before their arrival here; for we read, that
they distinguished time by the ebbing and flowing of tides, *
a kind of knowledge which, notwithstanding all the boast-
ings of the Greeks, Alexander's seamen had not acquired,
even when he made his Indian expedition, † and in which
it appears, that neither Cæsar, nor any of his soldiers, were
well versed at the time of his invading this island. It
was therefore highly natural, when these nations were in
some measure mixed together, and by degrees also blended
with the Danes; I say, it was highly natural for them to
push their genius, for maritime affairs, as far as it would
go. And this leads me to another argument, which is
drawn from the vast number of ships that it is apparent
we had at all times, from the fleets fitted out by the
Roman governors, and by the Saxon princes, especially
Alfred, Edgar, and Ethelred; since navies cannot be
* Sidon. Apollinar. lib. viii, Ol. Worm. in Fastis Danicis, lib. i.
cap. 2.
+ Arrian. Exped. Alex. Mag. lib. xi.
t De Bello Gallico, lib. v.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
83
built in a season or two; or, if they could, would prove of
little use in a country destitute of seamen. Lastly, our
coin is a proof of our commerce. There were under the
Saxon kings variety of mints, no less than seven in Lon-
don, and the laws relating to coinage are very numerous.
Now, since silver was never a commodity of our own, it
follows, that this coinage must have arisen from the pro-
fits, or, to use a modern phrase, from the balance of trade
in our favour. I presume I may add to this a law made
by King Edgar, for reducing all weights, measures, &c.
to one standard. Now this was to remedy an inconvenience
that must have crept in, by trading with different nations,
and so introducing their measures; and the scope of the
law on the other hand proves, that the legislature in those
days, had a just respect to commerce, and was inclined to
do any thing which might facilitate it; all which, taken
together, in my opinion, doth abundantly make good
my assertion, and demonstrates, as far as the brevity
of this design will permit, the commercial genius of our
ancestors the Saxons, to whom we stand indebted for the
chief prerogative of our crown; I mean in comparison with
the other powers of Europe, and that generous spirit of
freedom, which is the soul of our excellent constitution,
and which the princes of the Norman line endeavoured,
but in vain, to extinguish.
It may not be amiss to remark, upon the publishing
this work, I heard some persons of good sense, and great
judgment, complain, that in some places I studied brevity
too much, and that, particularly, they would be glad to
see this point of the Saxon navigation and commerce bet-
ter explained; not that they at all doubted the truth of
what I advanced upon the credit of our most learned and
best historians, but that, being pleased with the hints
given them upon these subjects, they were inclined to see
them more largely handled. And for the sake of such
persons, I shall take the liberty of adding some reflections,
84
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
which, till I knew that it was acceptable to my readers, I
judged it a kind of presumption in me to make.
The vessels built by King Alfred for resisting the Danes,
and which were so very serviceable in that respect, ap-
pearing to be a very singular and material point; some
have wished that I had more plainly described them,
which I would most certainly have done, if it had been
in my power. Those vessels were built, not only by the
direction of the king, but in a new manner, which was of
his own invention; and the writers who have preserved
an account of them, though they are certainly competent
witnesses as to the fact, yet were they very far from being
proper judges of the manner. They can tell us what the
king did, and what were the
how, or upon what principles, he constructed these new
invented ships of his, was out of their way to enquire, and,
consequently, what they could not be expected to declare.
This being so, it would be a thing preposterous to pretend
to lay it down as certain, that King Alfred's new ships
were built in this manner, or in that; all that I intended
to suggest, was, that the king built these ships longer
than usual, and in such a proportion as made them at once
stronger and swifter than any with which that age were
acquainted.
effects of his doings; but
The candid and ingenious reader will readily allow,
that we had good reason to commend the superior skill of
the king, who made that a science which to others was
but a trade. There were, no doubt, in that age abun-
dance of shipwrights, who knew how to put vessels
together, so as to make them sound and tight, and good
sailors too, as things went in those times. Yet it does
not appear that the king asked their advice, but on the
contrary, he directed their labours, and commanded that
ships should be built of a new and very different make
from those that were then in use. He was well acquainted
with the Danish ships; and saw that though they were
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
85
very convenient for transporting troops, yet that very cir-
cumstance might be turned to their disadvantage, by em-
ploying against them vessels of a different make, longer,
higher, stronger, and of a very different proportion in
respect to breadth; which is a plain proof that he had
made himself master of the principles of ship-building,
and knew how to vary the form in constructing vessels,
so as to fit them for different uses and services; which, if
the ignorance of those times was half so gross as modern
writers are willing to represent, was certainly a very great
and wonderful discovery.
It is also highly probable, that though the king gave
directions to his ship-builders, and perhaps a model of the
form in which he would have his new vessels built, yet he
did not acquaint them with the principles upon which he
went, or explain to them the reasons why vessels built in
this new form were swifter and stronger than those of the
enemy, but kept that within his own breast, as a great
secret of state. His naval architects might be, and in all
probability were, men of as great skill and extensive capa-
cities as any of their times; but then their knowledge was
of a very different nature from that of the king; they
might be great artists in their way, but were still me-
chanics; and though they knew how to build what were
esteemed the best ships in this part of the world; yet
were they far enough from penetrating into the causes
of things, or apprehending clearly the reasons upon which
those rules were founded, by which they were guided in
their profession, and which experience had gradually
introduced.
We have the greater presumption that this was the true
state of the case, from the other circumstance, that the
king made great improvements in the art of building ships
for traffick. Hence we plainly discern that what he con-
trived was not the effects of experience, or application of
what he had seen or heard others performed, to his own
1
86
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
affairs, or a thing that flowed from a lucky thought which
was found to answer upon trial; but arose entirely from
his great sagacity, which enabled him to see to the very
bottom of his art, and put it in his power to assign the
just proportions of vessels destined for any purposes
whatever, as his shipwrights were capable of building
and equipping vessels of any dimensions, provided they
had the draught of such vessels given them, in case they
were of a new invention. These trading vessels were,
without doubt, of a form differing from those warlike
gallies that were fitted out against the Danes, and con-
sequently not near so costly; for broad, large, and capa-
cious vessels, such as are fit for carrying almost all sorts
of merchandize, especially bulky and coarse goods, are in
every respect far less expensive than vessels built for
strength and nimble sailing.
I shall be extremely well pleased if these additional
thoughts upon so important a point of history, give the
satisfaction desired, which I hope it will; more especially
if it be considered, that I propose to treat these points as
an historian, and am therefore concerned to state facts
clearly, and from good authorities; not to write disser-
tations upon such subjects as may be fairly presumed to
lie equally out of the reach of my own and the peruser's
curiosity. Whatever Alfred's skill in naval architecture
might be, there is very little room to doubt that the prac
tical part of it continued long after his decease, and proved
no inconsiderable cause of the maritime force of his suc-
cessors. All this time, however, the Danes were exer-
cising themselves in naval expeditions; and as their
strength and courage increased, so by the introduction
of luxury, and its perpetual companion, civil dissentions,
the power and public spirit of the Saxons declined.
It may, however, be remarked in their favour, exclusive
of what has been said before upon that subject, that they
certainly cultivated the arts of peace and commerce with
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
ST
equal industry and success. All that part of this island
under their dominion was thoroughly peopled, and full
of great towns, adorned according to the mode of those
times, with fair churches and great monasteries, which
were at once testimonies of the piety and wealth of
that nation. Their ecclesiastics and nobility frequently
travelled into foreign regions, and brought from thence
rarities of all sorts to enrich their own country, the
flourishing condition of which was what principally allured
the Danes, who had the same appetite for riches, though
they took a different method of procuring them, and
spoiled by force of arms, such as were grown opulent
through the long continuance of peace.
We must likewise observe, that the incorporations of
cities and boroughs was the work of the Saxons, as mani-
festly appears from the very terms that are still in use,
and which are not to be understood or explained, but
from a competent knowledge of their language and his-
tory. This is at once a clear and most conspicuous tes-
timony of the true spirit of that government, which,
while in its vigour, provided for the safety and prosperity
of the people, by securing the liberties and properties,
and by encouraging the industry and integrity of all ranks
and degrees of men; which was the true reason that the
laws of Edward the Confessor, that is, the laws and con-
stitutions of his predecessors, collected and restored by
him, were so universally approved and contended for by
the English nation, as their peculiar blessings and birth-
rights after the conquest, as will be seen in the succeeding
chapters.
But above all, traders, artificers, and manufacturers of
every kind, were especially protected and encouraged under
the Saxon government. They had their respective guilds
or societies for regulating and promoting their affairs; and
it is very remarkable, that there was no less attention paid
to the establishment and extension of these lesser frater-
88
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPOŇ
nities, calculated to maintain order and justice amongst
such as got their living by their labour, than of the larger
corporations; which is a truth that all who are acquainted
with our records and ancient histories will readily admit
and therefore it would be very unnecessary for us to insist
longer upon this topic, though it was very material to
mention it.
The Danes, after the first fury of war was over, and
when they came to be united to, and incorporated with
the Saxons, began by degrees to embrace their notions,
and visit foreign nations, as well in a commercial as in a
hostile manner; and though their historians are more
inclined to preserve the memory of the latter than the
former, yet there is nothing clearer than this matter of
fact, by which the subjects of the Danish monarchs were
enabled to pay those prodigious taxes that from time to
time were levied upon them, and by which the treasury of
Canutus the Great was so amply supplied, that when he
took a journey to Rome, he made a more magnificent ap-
pearance there than any Christian prince, who in those
superstitious times, had honoured that capital with his
presence; and is recorded to have spent and given away
such immense sums of money as filled all Europe with
amazement.
But though the Danes settled in England departed
from the manners of their countrymen, yet those who
remained at home retained, in a great measure, the martial
spirit of their ancestors, and held in the highest contempt
every kind of trade except that of war. We shall see,
however, that notwithstanding they long kept up a claim
to this country, they were never able to recover it;
because, after a few disappointments, their naval power
sunk, and they were no longer capable of equipping such
fleets as were requisite for the undertaking such expe-
ditions. I mention this circumstance here, that the reader
may have an opportunity of observing how soon a naval
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
89
force is worn out, when employed only to serve the pur-
poses of ambition; and this, notwithstanding all the care
and pains that can be taken to keep up the spirits of a
nation, and support an exact discipline; for Canutus the
Great enacted and published a body of laws for that end,
which they would certainly have answered, if the thing
had been possible in nature. This observation will very
much confirm what has been before advanced, in respect
to the great fleets that, for the course of above a century,
were maintained by the Saxons for the defence of their
coasts. These were certainly supplied with seamen from
the ships employed in commerce, the only effectual and
lasting method of maintaining maritime power.
It will not appear any formidable objection to this, that
the Danes settled in Normandy grew so strong, as not
only to maintain their possession of that country, but to
attempt and succeed in their scheme of invading this; for
they had in a great degree altered their measures, and by
the conveniency of their ports, fallen into a considerable
share of commerce, as appears both from their history
and laws. It is true, the old martial spirit reigned
amongst their nobility, who still disdained any other
profession than that of arms; yet this did not hinder a
great part of their people from addicting themselves to
quite another course of life, by which they drew such
wealth into that country, as enabled their dukes to live
in splendour and magnificence, and furnished them with
the means of making such powerful armaments as could
never have been set on foot but by princes, whose autho-
rity upon such occasions, could extract out of their sub-
jects' coffers those treasures that by their industry they
had obtained. The spoils derived from military excur-
sions, and the riches accruing from predatory expeditions,
are quickly wasted, and from the instability of fortune,
seldom admit of recruits; but in countries blessed with
commerce, though the madness of princes may occa-
90
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON, &c.
sionally lavish away great sums, yet the returns of peace
give their subjects an opportunity of recovering again, and
of repairing the breaches that have been made by such
mistakes.
Hitherto I have treated things more largely than İ
propose to do in my accounts of the subsequent reigns
down to that of Henry VII. because this period hath been
much neglected; and, from an unwillingness to search
into the records of antiquity, we have been made to be-
lieve, that, before the Roman conquest, the inhabitants
of Britain were an inconsiderable people, which we have
shewn to be very false. But, from the time of William,
surnamed the Conqueror, our modern histories are more
fruitful; and therefore we may be allowed a greater
brevity there. However, we shall take notice of every
thing that is material, or that may contribute to the
reader's having a just notion of the state our naval affairs
were in under the reign of our monarchs respectively,
as well as of the remarkable expeditions in their times.
NAVAL HISTORY, &c.
91
CHAP. IV.
The Naval History of England, during the reigns of the princes of
the Norman race, viz. William styled the Conqueror, William
Rufus, Henry Beauclerk, and Stephen.
OF
(Containing the space of about 88 Years.)
F all the foreign princes, who, in a course of ages, A.D.
have ascended the English throne, William, duke of 1066.
Normandy, seemed to promise the best, in regard to the
maintenance of the honour and dignity of the crown
which he assumed. He was in the prime of his life, if
`we consider him as a prince, being about forty-three years
of age when he came hither; he had been a sovereign
'from his very childhood, and maintained his right in the
duchy of Normandy against the king of France, and
other troublesome neighbours, with such constancy and
courage, as at length procured him success, and fixed
him in the full enjoyment of the dominions left him by
his father. * He had many opportunities of being ac-
quainted with the English, before his coming hither, by
the near relation between King Edward the Confessor, and
his father Duke Robert; and the long stay that king made
in Normandy, whilst the power of the Danes subsisted in
England. This occasioned a great intercourse between
the English and Normans during the reign of that king,
who rendered himself suspected to the former, by his
extraordinary kindness to the latter; which might pos-
sibly grow from a mixture of fear, as well as love, since
he had no other support against the power of Earl
Godwin. This it was that induced him to invite Duke
William hither in his life-time; and accordingly he made
* Oder. Vital. Guliel. Les Chroniques de Normandie.
F
92
NAVAL HISTORY
him a visit: * and this was, undoubtedly, the chief mo-
tive of his feeding him with hopes of being his heir. As
to the title of King William, it is not requisite that we
should enter into a minute discussion of it; and therefore
it will be sufficient to observe, that he claimed three
different ways. First, by donation from King Edward;
secondly, by right of arms; whence, in succeeding times,
he was surnamed The Conqueror; and thirdly, by elec-
tion: to which some have added a fourth title, by grant
from the pope; though this was no more than an appro-
bation of the first. However he came by the crown,
he certainly condescended to have his right recognized
by the people, and promised solemnly, at his coronation,
to govern as his Saxon predecessors had done: though
he afterwards did not act quite so conformably to his
oath as his subjects expected. To say the truth, he was
of a stern and arbitrary disposition, which did not very
well agree with the temper of the nation; and from this
discordancy between the king's humour and his subject's
sentiments, as to their own rights, sprung the many
disorders which happened during his reign, and the
miseries brought thereby upon the people; of which we
have ample accounts in the histories of those times. †
He was too wise a king not to discern the importance
of a naval power, and too high-spirited a prince to suffer
any of the prerogatives claimed by his predecessors to
be at all prejudiced by his conduct. But in the be-
ginning of his reign, he found himself, as we have
before observed, under great difficulties in this point.
He, at his coming from Normandy, assembled all the
shipping that could possibly be had, as appears by his
delaying his expedition for some time for want of vessels;
* Chroniques de Normandie, fol. 54.
+ Chronic. Saxon. Ingulph. Histor. Guliel. Malmesb. Henric.
Huntingd. Roger Hoveden, Eadmer. Alured. Beverl. Simeon. Dunelm.
Joan. Brompton.
OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
93
as also from the number employed, which was not less
than nine hundred; and all these, as we have heard, he
burned. The greatest part of the English navy was
carried away by the sons of Harold, and other malecon-
tents, so that he could hardly bring together even an
inconsiderable fleet; and yet the king resolved to take
some care of a matter of such great importance, before his
return into Normandy. With this view, he passed into
Kent, where the natives, having first procured a recog-
nition of their rights, delivered up to him the castle
and port of Dover, which was what he principally wanted.
Here he placed a strong garrison; and, having by this
time collected some ships, appointed a squadron for the
guard of these coasts; and embarked a part of his army,
with the chief persons in England, whom he carried with
him as hostages into Normady; intending to.come back,
as he did, with a greater force, to secure himself against
any defection of his new subjects, as well as from foreign
invasions, with both which he was threatened. *
In the third year of his reign, that storm which he
had foreseen burst upon his dominions, and, under any
other prince but himself, would, in all probability, have
been fatal. Our modern historians, especially, relate
this so lamely, that their readers can scarcely form any
just idea of the danger the nation was in; which is one
reason for our giving a detail of it: and besides this, it
is of such great consequence to the subject of which we
are treating, and so fully proves the impossibility of
keeping Britain without a superior force at sea, that it
would be inexcuseable in us either to omit or curtail it.
Immediately after his return from Normandy, the king
began to treat the English somewhat severely; where-
upon many of the most considerable persons retired out
* Chron. Saxon. ad A. D. 1067.
Anglor. lib. iii. Hen. Hunting. lib. vii.
VOL. I.
I
Gul. Malmesb. de gestis reg.
Ingulph. Hist. p. 900, 901.
A.D.
1069%
1
94
NAVAL HISTORY
1
A.D.
1069.
of the kingdom; some one way, some another. The
two great earls Edwin and Morcar, with many others
of the nobility, and not a few of the clergy, went into
Scotland; where Edgar Etheling and his family took
shelter, and from whence they very soon invaded the
north part of England.* Other lords fled to Denmark
to King Swain II. who had always kept up a claim to
the English crown, and who, therefore, readily yielded
credit to their assurances, that, if he would but send a
force sufficient to give them encouragement, the English,
especially in the northern parts, would throw off the
Norman yoke, and declare for him. He, therefore
equipped a considerable fleet, (some copies of the Saxon
chronicle say 240, others make them 300 sail,) and sent
them under the command of his brother-in-law Osborn,
his sons Harold and Canutus, and some of the English
fugitives, well provided with all things necessary, and
with a considerable body of forces on board: so that
nothing less than subduing the whole kingdom was the
intent of this expedition. +
Few undertakings of such consequence, and wherein
so many persons of different interests were concerned,
had, in the beginning such good success as that of which
we are speaking; for the Danish fleet, having favourable
winds and fair weather, came safely into the mouth of
the Humber, and there disembarked their forces about
the middle of August, A. D. 1069, as we are told by
Matthew Paris. They were immediately joined by
‡
Edgar Etheling, the Earls Edward and Morcar, the
famous Earl Waltheof, and many other persons of dis-
tinction, with a great army, composed of English and
Scots, and then moved directly towards York, which
* Chron. Saxon. A.D. 1068.
+ Chron. Saxon. A. D. 1068. Pontanus, Hist. Dan. A. D. 1068.
↑ Hist. Angl. vol. i. p. 6:
OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
95
King William had caused to be strongly fortified. The
governor, whose name was Mallet, resolved to make
an obstinate defence. With this view, he ordered part
of the suburbs to be set on fire, that the Danes might
not lodge in them on their approach; but, through some
negligence, the fire caught the city, and burnt a great
part of it before it could be extinguished, which gave the
Danes an opportunity of gaining it almost without a
stroke; after which they attacked the citadel, took it,
and put three thousand Normans to the sword. On
this success, as the Danish writers say, Earl Waltheof
was left there with a strong garrison, and the main body
marched directly towards London. * The king, however,
advanced to meet them with a considerable army, wasting
and spoiling the northern countries, which he conceived
well affected to the enemy, and, as some alledge, fought
with, and gave a check to the invaders: but our gravest
historians report the fact quite otherwise. They say,
that, finding his troops much inferior to the enemy, he
entered into a private treaty with Osborn, the Danish
general, and offered him an immense sum of money for
himself, with free leave to plunder the northern coasts,
if he would be content to retire with his forces in the
spring; which he accordingly accepted: so the king,
spoiling one way, to revenge the infidelity of his northern
subjects, and the Danes plundering the other, they, in
the beginning of the next year, returned to their fleet in
the Humber, and, embarking their forces, returned
home. + But Swain, king of Denmark, being soon in-
formed that his hopes were frustrated, by the covetous-
ness and treachery of his brother, rather than by the
* Pontan. rer. Danicar. Hist. lib. v. Hen. Huntingd. Hist. lib. vii. p.
369. Simeon Dunelm. A. D. 1069. Chron. Saxon. A. D. 1069.
Roger Hoveden, p. 451, 452. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. ix. p. 129.
↑ Chron. Saxon. p. 174. Pontanus rerum Dan. Hist.
I 2
96
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1069.
A.D.
1072.
force of the Normans, he banished him, as he well
deserved. * Thus ended an expedition which might
have produced another revolution in our affairs, if the
king's prudence had not been as great as his courage.
The next year, the Saxon chronicles tell us, the Danes
landed again in the Isle of Ely, to which, abundance of
malecontents had resorted; but, being able to do little,
Swain made a treaty with the king of England: but his
fleet sailing homewards, laden with booty, a great part
of it was forced into Ireland, and many of the ships,
with all their treasure on board them foundered at sea. †
But as to this, the Danish writers are silent.
About the same time, the sons of the late King Harold
came out of Ireland with a fleet of sixty-five sail, and
landed in Somersetshire, where they committed great
depredations; till Ednorth, who had been an old servant
of their father, marched against them, beat their forces,
and obliged them to retire. They made a second
attempt the year following, with a fleet of sixty sail,
landed near Exeter, plundered and burnt the country;
bnt Earl Brien, raising forces, and fighting them twice
in one day, forced them again to fly, with the loss of
seven hundred men, and some of the principal nobility of
Ireland; which so broke the spirits of that nation, as to
discourage them from abetting the English fugitives
any more; § so that the sons of Harold, Godwin, and
Edmund, retired to Denmark, where they were kindly
received, and spent the remainder of their days.
These accidents convinced the king of the necessity of
having a fleet always ready, and therefore to this he turned
his thoughts; and, having collected as many ships as he
was able, he employed them to hinder succours from
* Adam Bremens. Pontan. lib. V.
+ Chron. Saxon. p. 177.
↑ Roger Hoveden, p. 450.
§ Gul. Malmesh. de gest. reg. Anglor. lib. iii.
OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
97
}
coming to the rebels in the Isle of Ely, which gave him
an opportunity of entering it by land, and reducing to his
obedience, or destroying, all who had taken shelter there.
In the seventh year of his reign, he attacked Scotland by
sea as well as land, in order to be revenged of King Mal-
colm, who had constantly assisted all the disturbers of
his government, and quickly brought him to accept a peace
on the terms he thought fit to prescribe.* In the tenth
year of his reign, it appears that affairs were in better
order than they had ever been before, yet it was not long
before a great conspiracy was formed in England, and the
lords concerned in it invited the Welch to enter the king-
dom on one side, while the Danes invaded it on the other.
The king was at this time in Normandy, but having early
intelligence of what passed in his absence, he quickly
returned into England, seized many of the conspirators,
and disappointed them in their intended rising. The
Danes, however, under the command of Canutus the son
of King Swain, came with a fleet of two hundred sail upon
the coast, and even entered the mouth of the Thames, but
not finding their confederates in the posture they expected,
and perceiving that the king had now a navy as well as
an army, they retired to Flanders without undertaking
any thing. +
For nine years after, the king remained quiet with
respect to the Danes, who were involved in so many trou-
bles at home, that they had no leisure to vex their neigh-
bours. This respite the king employed in securing his
foreign dominions against the attempts of the king of
France, in taming the Welch, and new-modelling affairs
in England, so as to suit them to his own interest and
inclination; as also to the raising a better force than
hitherto he had fitted out at sea, which in some measure
* Chron. Saxon. A. D. 1072. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. ix.
† Chron. Saxon. p. 183. Hen. Huntingd. Hist. lib. vii. p. 369.
A.D.
1075.
98
NAVAL HISTORY
1085.
A.D. he effected. In the twentieth year of his reign, when he
thought to have taken some rest from his labours, and
was busied in settling his affairs in Normandy, he was
alarmed with the prospect of new danger, by receiving
intelligence that the Danes were making prodigious pre-
parations for the conquest of England. Our writers are
far from giving a good account of this matter; for, though
they tell us in general, that mighty things were intended,
and a vast fleet drawn together, yet they deliver no rational
motives for this attempt. Nor are they less deficient in
what they say of the issue of the design, viz. that the fleet
was detained two years in the harbour by contrary winds,
and at last the enterprize was abandoned, when they
understood the mighty preparations made in England to
receive them. But we meet with a much clearer and
more probable story in the Danish authors.
They say, that King Canutus IV. as soon as he was
thoroughly settled on his throne, began to form a design
of asserting the title, which he believed his father Swain
had left him, to the crown of England; to which he was
chiefly encouraged by the persuasions of his brother-in-law,
Robert, earl of Flanders, who promised him his assist-
ance, and by the incitements of the English refugees, who
assured him that their countrymen were quite tired out
with the intolerable oppressions of the Normans, and
would certainly join him, if he landed with a force suffi-
cient to protect them. Before he absolutely determined
to make this expedition, he asked the opinion of his
brother Olaus, duke of Sleswick, who advised him to un-
dertake it, as did also the states of the kingdom; upon
which he drew together a prodigious fleet, little short of
a thousand sail, and put on board them all sorts of ammu-
nition and provision for the great body of troops he in-
tended to embark therein. When all things were ready,
he waited some time for his brother Olaus, and at last
growing impatient, he went to fetch him out of his duchy,
OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
99
where he found him plotting his ruin, instead of preparing
for the voyage to England, upon which he seized, and
sent him prisoner into Flanders. During the absence of
King Canutus, the conspirators on board the fleet gave out
that the provisions were not wholesome, that several of
the vessels were leaky, that the king's mind was changed,
and that the best thing they could do, was to go every man
to his own home, so that, when Canutus returned, he
found both his fleet and army dispersed;* which is cer-
tainly a better account of the miscarriage of this under-
taking, than the long continuance of cross winds, to which
some, or the effects of magical enchantments, to which
others, ascribe it.
Certain it is, that King William brought over from Nor-
mandy such an army as his subjects till then had never
seen; for the maintenance of which, he not only oppressed
the nation for the present, but laying hold of the general
consternation the people were in, ordered the famous
Doomsday-book to be made, wherein, taking an account
of every foot of land in the kingdom, he learned, to the
last shilling, how low they might be drained. I know
some historians place this fact in another light, but I fol-
low the Saxon chronicle, written in his own time, but
with a truly English spirit, and therefore, in this respect,
the best guide. + To say the truth, this king knew how
to make advantage of all things, but particularly of mis-
fortunes; for, in all the rebellions and invasions which
happened during his reign, he constantly spared his Nor-
mans, and subdued the English by the arms of the English.
Thus, on the rumour of this invasion, he first took occasion to
* Pontan. rerum Danie. Hist. lib. v. p. 197. Gul. Malmesb. de
gest. reg. Ang. lib. iii.
+ Chron. Saxon. p. 186. Ingulph. Hist. Gul. Malmesb. Mat. Paris.
An excellent account of Doomsday-book, the reason why it was made,
and its contents, is to be found in Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle,
vol. ii. p. 373, in Mr. Hearne's accurate edition.
100
NAVAL HISTORY.
1086.
fill the country with his foreign soldiers, and then pillaged
the people for their subsistence, and to fill his own coffers.
When the danger was almost over, he sailed to the Isle of
Wight, that it might appear he was not destitute of a naval
force, in case his enemies resumed their projects, and
A.D. passed from thence into Normandy. The next year he
engaged in a war with France, in which, though he was
successful, yet it cost him his life; for, advancing too near
the flames of a city which he caused to be burnt, he caught
a fever thereby, of which he died on the 9th day of Sep-
tember, 1087, in the twenty-first year of his reign, and the
sixty-fourth of his age. The Saxon chronicle tells us, that
he was a diligent active prince, and extremely jealous of
his sovereignty as king of England. Wales he subdued,
and bridled with garrisons, awed Scotland, preserved Nor-
mandy, in its full extent, against all the attempts of the
French; and, if he had lived two years longer, would have
reduced Ireland without employing arms. *
In a word,
he was in England a great king, and to his Normans a
good duke.
A.D.
1087.
WILLIAM II. surnamed Rufus, i. e. the Red, from the
colour of his hair, succeeded his father, though without so
much as a plausible title, his brother Robert having not
only the pretence of birth, but likewise a plea of merit
much superior to his. William, however, thought he
might well attain by fraud what his father had both taken
and kept by force; and, therefore, having the good-will of
some of the clergy, he wisely determined to procure that of
the nation, by distributing among them his father's trea-
sures. To this end he made haste to England; and going
to Winchester, where his father's wealth lay, he scattered
it abroad in such a manner, that the poorest of the people,
in every parish in England, felt the effects of it; so that,
* Chron. Saxon. p. 190, 191. Alured. Beverl. Annal. ib. ix,
OF WILLIAM RUFUS.
101
1088.
on his coming to London at Christmas, he was received
with all imaginable tokens of loyalty and affection. * He
easily discerned, that his brother, Duke Robert, would
not fail to give him disturbance, and that, whenever he
inclined to do it, a party would not be wanting to assist
him in England; he, therefore, to secure himself, in the A.D.
first place, caressed all the English nobility, and, contrary
to his father's maxims, preferred them to the Normans,
not out of any love, but because he saw that the Normans
were better affected to his brother; yet, whatever the
motive was, the thing itself was very beneficial to the
people, for it once again put arms into their hands, and
thereby gave them a power of obliging their princes to
keep their promises longer than they intended. Another
expedient of his was of no less advantage; he permitted
the English to fit out ships of force, to act against his
enemies, and we shall quickly see what profit the king
reaped from this indulgence. †
1089.
Robert, the eldest son of the Conqueror, was in Ger- A.D.
many when his father died, whence he quickly returned to
take possession of the duchy of Normandy, in which he
met with no opposition. When he was settled there, he
turned his thoughts upon England, where his uncle Odo,
earl of Kent, had formed a strong party for the support of
his title. They surprised and fortified several castles; and
if Robert, who had a good army in Normandy, and ships
enough to transport them, had been as diligent in his own
affair as those who abetted his interest here, he had cer-
tainly carried his point, and transferred the crown to his
own from his brother's head; but he contented himself
with sending a few troops hither, which, however, landed
without opposition, the king having no navy to oppose
* Chron. Saxon. p. 192. Gul. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Anglor. lib. iv.
Hen. Hunting. Hist. lib. vii.
+ Roger Hoveden, p. 461, 462. Johan. Brompt. Chron. int. x.
script.
102
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D. them. But the English observing, that after this, they
1090. began to pass the seas carelessly, attacked them as occasion
A.D.
1091.
offered, took their ships, and destroyed multitudes of men;
so that, in a little time, Robert was glad to desist from his
pretensions to the kingdom; and the king, in the fourth
year of his reign, invaded Normandy both by sea and
land; but, by the interposition of friends, their differences
were composed, and for the present the brothers recon-
ciled.
The year following, the king resolving to be revenged
on the Scots, who had invaded his dominions while he was
in Normandy, prepared to attack them with a considerable
land force, and, at the same time, fitted out a great fleet.
Duke Robert, who was then in England, was entrusted
with the management of this expedition, which was far
from answering the expectations raised thereby; for, the
fleet not being ready till towards Michaelmas, there hap-
pened such storms on the Scottish coast, that abundance
of ships were lost, and many more disabled; the army, too,
suffered exceedingly by the severity of the weather, and,
after all, Duke Robert was glad, by the interposition of
Edgar Atheling, to make peace with Malcolm king of
Scots, which the king ratified, without intending to keep
it. *
After this, little occurs in his reign respecting
naval expeditions, except frequent invasions of Nor-
mandy, which shews he was superior at sea, and that he
might have made a great figure by his maritime power, if
he had been so inclined. But he had other views, and
was particularly disposed to bring the Welch under sub-
jection; in order to which, he allowed the nobility on
the borders to undertake expeditions at their own
expense, and, in consequence of that, for their own
advantage.
* Chron. Saxon. p. 197. Alured. Beverl. lib. ix.
OF WILLIAM RUFUS.
103
1
1099.
An accident happened in one of these expeditions, A.D.
which shews how much maritime affairs were then
neglected, and how imprudent a thing it is to depend on
armies without fleets. Hugh, earl of Shrewsbury, and
Hugh, earl of Chester, invaded the isle of Anglesey, and
easily subdued the inhabitants, whom they plundered, and
used very cruelly; but, in the midst of their success, one
Magnus, a Norwegian pirate, came from the Orkneys,
which were then subject to the Danes, with a small squa-
dron of ships, and, landing in Anglesey unexpectedly, de-
feated these insolent invaders, killed the earl of Shrews-
bury upon the spot, and carried off all the spoil that he
and his associates had taken. Not long after this, King
William being informed, that the city of Mans was be-
sieged, he resolved to go to its relief; and, though his
nobility advised him to stay till a squadron, at least,
could be drawn together, yet he absolutely refused to
make any delay, but going on board a small vessel, obliged
the master to put to sea in foul weather, for this wise rea-
son, that he never heard a king of England was drowned;
and so, landing at Barfleur with the troops he had in Nor
mandy, relieved the place. How-much-soever some com-
mend this action, it was not certainly either prudent or
honourable, as expressing rather an intemperate courage,
than any sober resolution of maintaining his dignity, which
would have been better provided for by keeping a navy in
constant readiness.* This appears also to have been the
king's own sentiments; for, on his return to England, the
next year, his first care was, to put his marine in a better
condition; and, having formed some new projects, he
drew together a very considerable fleet, at the same time
that he raised a very great army; but, before all things
could be got ready, he was taken off by a sudden and
violent death. For going to hunt in the New Forest, he was
* Roger Hoved. p. 465. Alured. Bev. Annales, lib. ix.
104
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1100.
shot accidentally by an arrow's glancing against a tree,
so that, after fetching one deep groan, he died on the spot.
The current of our modern histories have fixed this fact
on one Sir Walter Tyrrel; but, several ancient writers,
speaking of the king's death, do not mention this gentle-
man; and a contemporary author affirms, he had often
heard Sir Walter declare, that he was in another part of
the forest at the time of the king's death, and that he knew
not how it happened. * Thus the rumours in one age
become history in the next. This accident fell out on
the 2d of August, in the year 1100, when the king had
reigned almost thirteen, and lived somewhat more than
forty-two years. He was certainly a prince of high spirit,
and quick parts, but had little tenderness for his subjects;
and, though he made a better king than his father to the
English, yet it was merely because he had more need of
them, as appeared by the difference of his conduct in time
of distress, and when the situation of his affairs was
mended through their assistance, for he grew then as care-
less in performing, as he had been lavish before in pro-
mising. So that his death was looked on as a deliverance,
though he left the succession unsettled, and all things in
confusion.
HENRY, the youngest son of the Conqueror, from his
being bred to learning, surnamed Beauclerk, stept into
the vacant throne, while his brother Robert was in the
Holy land. He had a bad title, though varnished with
many fair pretences, such as his being born after his father
became king, drawing his first breath in England, and
having ever shewn a great affection for his countrymen.
Yet the favour of the clergy, and particularly the arch-
bishop of Canterbury, was the chief cause of his peaceable
* A quodam ex suis sagitta occisus, says the Saxon Chron. p. 277.
Suger. in vita Ludovici Crassi.
OF HENRY 1.
105
1
accession; as his being very rich, and knowing well how
to distribute his money, gained him, after his accession,
many friends. In the very dawning of his reign, he dis-
covered an admirable talent for government, doing more
good things than his brother had ever promised. He
restored, in a great measure, the Saxon laws; preferred
virtuous and able men; eased the people of their taxes;
and provided for the security of the seas; promoting also,
to the utmost of his power, the trade and navigation of his
subjects. Still more to ingratiate himself with the com-
mons, he espoused Matilda, the sister of Edgar, king of
Scots, who was niece to Edgar Etheling, the true heir of
the Saxon line; all this he did with great sincerity of
heart, and not from those principles of Norman cunning,
wherein consisted the seeming wisdom of his brother. He
carried his affection for the English further still, by doing
them justice upon their oppressors; imprisoning the bishop
of Chester in the Tower, who had been the principal adviser
of William Rufus, in all his arbitrary exactions. * In con-
sequence of all this, he either had, or ought to have had,
the entire affection of his subjects. But his wisdom would
not allow him to trust entirely to that; and, therefore, as
soon as he understood that his brother Robert was returned
into Normandy, and received there in triumph, he pro-
vided for the security of his dominions by the most natural
method, that of increasing his strength at sea; and giving
directions to his officers who had the custody of the coasts,
called in the language of those times, butsecarles, to be
vigilant in preventing all persons from coming out of Nor-
mandy into England. †
Time plainly discovered the wisdom of the king's pre-
caution; for Duke Robert, who was returned with a great
Chron. Saxon. A. D. 1100. Gul. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Ang.
Matth. Paris, p. 55. Eadmer. Histor. Nover. lib. iii. Alured.
Beverl. Annal. lib. ix.
lib. v.
↑ Roger Hoveden, p. 468, 469. Florent. Wigorn, ad A. D. 1100.
106
NAVAL HISTORY
!
1101.
reputation, and who was a prince endowed with many
amiable qualities, quickly renewed his pretensions to the
English crown; preparing both a fleet and an army, in
order to pass over into England with greater strength, and
hopes of better success than he had formerly. All our his-
torians, however, agree, that if King Henry's commanders
at sea had done their duty, he would never have set his
feet on this island by force. But it so happened, that
either out of hopes of profit, or from the natural levity of
their dispositions, several of them inclined to the duke;
and, as soon as they knew his fleet was at sea, went over,
with their ships, into his service, by which means, he
A. D. landed safely at Portsmouth, with a gallant army. King
Henry, however, had not been idle, but had a considerable
force about him, when he received this news, upon which
he marched directly to Hastings, where he was joined by
many of the nobility, though some of these, too, afterwards,
went over to his brother. When things were on the point
of being determined by arms, and a second battle of Hast-
ings seemed to be the only method of clearing the royal
title, the archbishop of Canterbury, and some other great
men, interposed, and brought about an accommodation, by
which the kingdom was left to Henry, and a pension of
three thousand marks was reserved to Robert, * who,
after a stay of six months in his brother's court, returned
into Normandy, very well satisfied, though he did not
continue so long, perceiving plainly, when it was too late,
that he who wanted resolution enough to contend for a
kingdom, was not likely to preserve a dukedom in quiet ;
and this jealousy drew upon him, in process of time, the
very thing that he feared, as our historians relate at large,
and as I shall briefly shew, so far as it concerns the sub-
ject of which I am treating.
* Chron. Saxon. p. 209. Mal. Paris, p. 98. Gul. Malmesb. de
gest. reg. Angl. lib. v. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. ix.
OF HENRY I.
107
After various passages into Normandy, the king, at last, A.D.
determined to make an absolute conquest of it; pretending, 1106.
that he was ashamed to see his brother not able to live
upon his revenues, though he had not been ashamed to
take from him, as a gift, the pension of three thousand
marks per annum, which he had forced him to accept in
lieu of the crown. With this view he raised a great army,
and a fleet proportionable, with which he crossed the sea,
and, in a short time, conquered the greatest part of his
brother's dominions. That stout prince, whose spirit was
always superior to his power, resolved to hazard all
bravely in the field, rather than remain safe in his person,
but stripped of his dominions. Full of this generous reso-
lution, he gave his brother battle, wherein he shewed all
the courage and conduct of an experienced commander ;
yet, in the end, was routed, taken prisoner, and thence-
forward never enjoyed either land or liberty more. * The
English writers are fond of remarking, that this conquest
of Normandy happened that very day forty years, on which
his father, by the battle of Hastings, obtained the crown
of England; but, as to what they relate further, of Duke
Robert's having his eyes put out, and dying of spite,
because the king sent him a robe that was too little for
himself, they are facts, if not false, very doubtful at
least, and therefore not hastily to be credited.
S
As Normandy could not have been conquered without a
considerable fleet, so it would quickly have been lost again,
if the king had not been superior to his neighbours at sea;
for, the king of France was very desirous of setting up
William, the son of Duke Robert, and nephew to the king,
in the room of his father. This obliged King Henry to
* Chron. Saxon. p. 213, 214. Mat. Paris, p. 62. Gul. Malmesb. &c.
↑ This is indeed affirmed by M. Paris, and some other writers of
good authority; but the Saxon chronicle is silent, and Malmesbury
commends King Henry's kindness to his brother.
108
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1120.
make frequent voyages thither, and to be at great expense,
as well in gratifying the French lords, as in maintaining
an army and fleet for its defence; which did not, however,
hinder him from chastising the Welch, when they took up
arms against him; or from sending to the assistance of the
Christians in the Holy Land, as great succours as any
prince of his time. Indeed, his remarkable felicity, in
attaining almost every thing he undertook, put much in
his power; and he had too elevated a soul not to use what
he possessed.
*
He received, however, in the twenty-first year of his
reign, a very considerable check; for, having settled every
thing in Normandy to his good liking, where, for that
purpose, he had resided for some years, he resolved to
return to England, with all the royal family. His only
son William, whom he had made duke of that country,
and who was alike the delight of his father, and of the
nation, ordered a new ship to be built, for the commodious
carriage of himself, and many of his princely relations;
these, accordingly, embarked on the 26th of November,
the weather fine, and the wind fair. The prince, having
made the hearts of the sailors merry, proposed to them a
reward, in case they could outsail the vessel in which his
father was.
In attempting this, they ventured too near
the shore, and unfortunately, just as it fell dark, ran upon
a shoal of rocks, then known by the name of Shatteras.
The boat was presently put out, and the prince, with some
few about him, got into it, and might have been yet safe,
if, moved by the cries of his sister, the countess of Perche,
he had not returned with an intent to take her in, which
gave so many an opportunity of crowding into the boat,
that it sunk together with the ship, every soul going to
the bottom except a butcher, who very strangely escaped,
Gul. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Anglor. lib. v. Hen. Hunting. Hist.
lib. vii. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. ix.
1
109
• OF HENRY 1.
by clinging to the main-mast.* There perished by this
misfortune, about two hundred persons, which enables us
to give some guess at the bulk and burden of ships in
those days.t
Other circumstances in this king's reign, I find none of
weight enough to deserve mentioning; I shall therefore
content myself with observing, that, by several laws relating
to trade, (particularly one which gave every wreck to the
owners, if a living thing was found on board,) he mani-
fested his attention to commerce, and his care of maritime
affairs. To this we may add, that the Danish prince of
the Orkneys made him frequent presents, as testimonies
of his veneration and respect; and, though Morchad, king
of Ireland, whom the writers of that country style, Mur-
chertus O'Brian, in the beginning of his reign, treated the
English but indifferently, yet, on King Henry's threaten-
ing to prohibit all commerce with that island, he came to
a just sense of his folly, and ever after behaved as became
him towards the subjects of so great a prince. § It is in A.D.
some measure wonderful, that, considering the many and 1135.
great fatigues this prince underwent, he was not sooner
worn out; but, as he was fortunate in all other things, so
in this also he was happy, that he enjoyed a longer life
and rule than his predecessors, dying on December 2,
1135, after having reigned thirty-five, and lived near
sixty-eight years. He was a monarch of great endow-
ments, improved by an excellent education; who sincerely
loved the English, and had always a just regard to the
honour of his crown.
* Chron. Saxon. p. 212. Gul. Malmesb. Hen. Hunting. Matth
Paris, &c.
+ Alured Beverl. Annal. lib. ix. p. 148. Robert of Gloucester's
Chronicle, p. 438, contains a very particular and curious account.
‡ Selden. Jan. Ang. int. oper. tom. iv. p. 1009.
§ Gul. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Angl. lib. v.
Il Chron. Saxon. p. 237.
VOL. I.
Matth. Paris. Gul. Malmesb. &c.
K
110
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1136.
A.D.
1140.
STEPHEN, earl of Blois, nephew, by the father's side, tó
the late king, and, by his mother, grandson to William the
Conqueror, by cajoling the English lords, promising
wholly to remit danegeld, and to ease them in other par-
ticulars, attained the possession of the English crown, to
the prejudice of Maud, the empress, through the same
arts precisely, whereby her father had defrauded his
brother, Duke Robert. This King Stephen was a prince,
who, abating his ambition, had few or no vices; brave in
his person, a good officer; and who, in all probability,
would have made an excellent king, if he had come to the
throne with a better title, and thereby secured a more
peaceable possession; but, being involved in wars and
disputes almost his whole reign, and having given up or
relinquished that tax, by which he should have secured
the sovereignty of the sea, which promise he exactly kept,
we need not wonder, that we have less to say of him than
of the other Norman princes. *
In the third year of his reign, he, with a great fleet, and
a considerable army on board, invaded Normandy; and,
though Geoffrey, earl of Anjou, the husband of Maud, the
empress, did all in his power to defend it, yet he rejoined
that dukedom to the English crown, intending to have
bestowed it on his son Eustace. However, his affairs had
not this prosperous current long; for, after many domestic
troubles, his competitor, Maud, landed in England, and
laid claim to the crown. Though her retinue was very
small, scarcely one hundred and fifty in number, yet she
quickly grew strong enough to give the king a great deal
of trouble; nay, at length, she became so powerful, that
she took him prisoner, and sent him to be kept at Bristol,
where, by her orders, he was put into irons, yet afterwards
exchanged for her bastard brother, Robert, earl of Glou-
*
* Chron. Saxon. p. 238. Matth, Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 74, 75. Gul.
Malmesb. Hist. Novel. lib. i.
OF STEPHEN.
111
cester. This potent lord, crossing over into Normandy,
recovered it for his sister and her son Henry; and then
returning, is recorded to have invaded the northern parts
of the kingdom, with a fleet of fifty-two sail, which shews
how low the maritime strength of the nation was then
fallen; and what mighty mischiefs follow from a contested
succession, which, however it may end as to princes, is
sure to be always fatal to their subjects.
*
-1154.
Indeed, this reign of King Stephen, if our best histories,
and the Saxon Chronicle, especially, be worthy of credit,
was most unfortunate for the people, exposing them to
such miseries and distresses as in times past they had
never felt, and which would hardly meet with any belief
now. Amongst all their grievances, this was none of the
least, that there was a total stagnation of trade; much
counterfeit money; and no security for foreign merchants;
remedies for all which are expressly provided by the treaty
of peace made with Henry duke of Normandy, by King A.D.
Stephen, in the eighteenth year of his reign, which was
confirmed by the king's charter, whereof an authentic
copy is preserved in Holingshed's Chronicle, and no where
else. The king did not live long after this settlement of
his affairs, otherwise he would, in all probability, have
done his utmost to restore things to a better state, about
which, when his mind was employed, he was carried off
by a complication of distempers, on October 25, 1154,
when he had reigned nearly nineteen years. A great cap-
tain, says Matthew Paris, and most of our other historians
agree as to his personal qualifications, a good king. Only
that ancient and venerable book the Saxon Chronicle,
which ends with his reign, sets down nothing but cala-
mities and misfortunes which happened therein; and yet
* Gul. Neubrigen. lib. i. cap. 13. Nic. Trivet. Annal. Robert of
Gloucester's Chronicle, p. 460.
† Vol. ii. p. 62. edit. 1587. This was given to the editor by Ser-
jeant Fleetwood, then recorder of London, a great antiquary.
K 2
112
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
this prince had a reputation for piety, and was remarkably
kind to the monks. I mention this particularly, to shew
the impartiality of that authentic history, which well de-
serves to be translated from the tongue of our ancestors
into modern English, and would afford such as prefer
truth to fine language, much satisfaction.
*
ACCORDING to the method I have hitherto followed, I
ought to speak now of such discoveries as were made
within this space of time, or extraordinary acts performed
by private persons; in respect of which, however, I shall
not detain the reader long, because, in the first place, we
have not much of this kind to note; and, secondly, what
there is hath been already examined by Hakluyt and other
collectors, and, therefore, may be presumed to be suffi
ciently known already. Such are the travels of Alured
bishop of Worcester, in the year 1058, to Jerusalem;
the journey of Ingulphus, abbot of Croyland, to the same
place, in 1064; + both which are private transactions,
and only prove that Englishmen were as forward as any,
in those days, in undertaking such journeys as might con-
tribute to the increase either of their knowledge or repu-
tation. As to the expeditions of Edgar Atheling, they
are somewhat of a different kind, and are, in some mea-
sure, of national importance. His high quality, as the
true heir of the English crown, made all his actions very
conspicuous during the times in which he lived'; and, as he
often found it troublesome staying at home, under the eye of
such as, to his prejudice, were vested with supreme power,
and bore him no good-will, so he chose to signalize his
courage abroad, in such adventures as fell in his way.
Thus he commanded a body of Normans, which were sent
* Roger Hoveden, in parte priore Annal. p. 445. Hakluyt, vol. ii.
p. 8.
+ Ingulph. Histor. ap. script. post Bedam, p. 903, 904. Hakluyt,
vol. ii. p.9.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
113
*
into Apulia; and, returning out of Italy with honour,
he then applied himself to Robert duke of Normandy,
who treated him with kindness and respect, and with
whom he went to Jerusalem, where he likewise gained
such great reputation, that first the emperor of Constan-
tinople, and then the emperor of Germany, would wil-
lingly have detained him in their courts; but he came
back in 1102, and was four years afterwards taken pri-
soner, with duke Robert, in Normandy. † One of our
most famous historians, who was his contemporary, re-
proaches him severely for his not accepting the offers that
were made him abroad, and for his fond attachment to his
own country: but, if we consider that his sister was
married to the king of Scots, and that her daughter by
that king was espoused to King Henry, in whose reign he
returned, one cannot think that censure very reasonable;
or that his wasting the last years of his life in so obscure a
retirement, that we know not where it was, ‡ or when, or
how he died, appears more dishonourable to his memory,
than to the writers of that age, who were so devoted to
power, that they could not so much as do justice to the
character of a man obnoxious thereto. Athelard, a monk
of Bath, is said by Bale to have travelled through Egypt
and Arabia, in search of knowledge: and that, on his
return home, which was towards the latter end of the A.D.
reign of Henry I. he published many learned works. §
Leland, a more accurate writer, tells us he was a great
traveller, but without any mention either of Egypt or
Arabia; though he informs us, that he translated Euclid's
Elements out of Arabic into Latin; and that himself had
seen another learned work, translated by the same monk,
* Gul. Malmesb, de gest. reg. Angl. lib. iii.
+ Chron. Saxon. A. D. 1106.
‡ Gul. Malmesb. de gestis reg. Angl. lib. iii. p. 103. Hakluyt,
vol. ii. p. 11.
§ Baleus de Script. Britan. p. 183. Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 15.
1130.
114
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
from an Arabic treatise, intituled, Erith Elcharmi; which
deserves to be remarked, because very probably these
books were then first brought to the knowledge of learned
men here; and therefore this man might be said to travel
for public advantage. * William of Tyre, † and Robert
Ketensis, are both mentioned in Hakluyt, from Bale, for
learned men and travellers, as they were. The former
flourished under King Henry, the latter under King
Stephen; but as to any thing farther capable of recom-
mending their fame to posterity, I find not.
It appears from the renewed charters of the cinque
ports, that as they were first incorporated by Edward the
Confessor, so, during the reigns of the several princes
mentioned in this chapter, they were particularly ser-
viceable upon all occasions: whence it is evident, that
there was a flourishing trade carried on from this coast,
even in these times, and before them. As to the com-
merce of the river Thames, and the city of London, there
is an ample testimony in the works of William of Malmes-
bury, who flourished under King Stephen: for he assures
us that it was then frequented by merchants of all nations ;
and so ample a store-house of all the necessaries of life,
that, upon any dearth or scarcity of corn, the rest of
the nation was cheaply and conveniently supplied from
thence. § The same writer observes as to Bristol, that a
great trade was driven from thence to Norway, Ireland,
and other places, whence the inhabitants were vastly
enriched. Without doubt, the accession of the Norman
dominions was of considerable use in respect to trade; as
was our former intercourse with the Danes; since it en-
larged our correspondence with the northern parts of the
* Leland's Comment. de Script. Brit. voi. i. p. 201.
† Bal. de Script. Britan. vol. ii. p. 50, 150. Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 16.
† Bal. de Script. Britan. vol. i. p. 191. Hakluyt, ubi supra.
§ De gest. pontif. Anglor. lib. ii,
|| Ibid. lib. iv.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORÝ.
115
world, a thing always profitable to a country abounding
with valuable commodities or manufactures, as will more
clearly appear, even from our concise account of the suc
ceeding reigns.
>
The reader will observe, that we refer any advantages
arising to the inhabitants of this island, from their falling
under the same sovereignty with the duchy of Normandy,
to the succeeding reigns; since there is nothing more cer-
tain, than that under the government of the princes men-
tioned in this chapter, they suffered severely. William I.
provoked by frequent insurrections in the north, and the
assistance given by the Scots to such as took arms against
him, ruined the northern parts of his territories in such a
manner, that they did not recover during this whole
period. On the other hand, his son and successor, Wil-
liam Rufus, demolished thirty-six good towns, in the
fairest and most fruitful part of England, for the making
that which is still called the New Forest. What is ascribed
to rage in the one, and wantonness in the other, may
perhaps be justly styled the fruits of the same policy in
both for it looks as if the father had a mind to make war
a thing more difficult to the inhabitants of the north, by
preventing their joining with the Scots so easily, or sub-
sisting their forces conveniently when joined; and ´the
son might possibly be willing to have that coast less popu-
lous, that the inhabitants might not be tempted to aim at
preventing his return from Normandy, whenever his affairs
carried him thither, as otherwise perhaps they might have
been.
:
Both those monarchs seem to have had no tenderness at
all for this country, but considered it as a farm, of which
it was wisdom to make the most while in their possession.
Henry had indeed a heart, if not entirely, yet in a good
measure, English: under him the people began to recover
again, and grow wealthy, as the king did likewise: for it
was in his time that the revenue arising from the crown
$
116
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
{
lands was adjusted, and fixed to a settled and certain rate,
so as that it might be paid, either in money or provisions.
As this shews that the people were beginning to grow
rich, so by attending his affairs at home as well as he did
those abroad, the king grew rich too, insomuch, that at
the time of his demise, he actually left in his coffers the
sum of one hundred thousand pounds in ready money,
exclusive of plate and jewels, This would have coined,
in our times, to thrice that sum; but, in reference to its
real value, ought to be esteemed about a million. Ste-
phen seized upon all this, and spent it in his wars, with
much more. Better had it been, if he had spent it in his
follies, for then it would have gone amongst the people,
without prejudice to their industry: whereas his reign
being a series of troubles, they were so often in arms, that
they could attend to nothing else; which was the true
source of that misery and poverty before mentioned.
But to understand this, and many of our subsequent
reflections perfectly, it will be requisite to say somewhat
of the manner of dealing in those days, the nature of
payments, and the value of gold and silver. As to the
common people, in their ordinary way of trading in the
country, they made but little use of money, and yet
derived great advantage from the laws enacted for settling
its value; since, by those laws, the rates of most saleable
goods were likewise settled, by which exchange or barter
was very much facilitated; and where commodities could
not be brought to balance each other exactly, the differ-
ence was paid in money, that is, in silver or gold, accord-
ing to the rates at which they were then fixed by law, so
that none in their open dealings, could be over-reached,
cheated, or wronged.
Payments, ad scalam and ad pensum, were by weight.
Twenty shillings were then a pound, and the officers took
sixpence over, called Vantage-money. This kind of pay-
ment was very ancient: when payment was made ad
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
117
pensum, the payer was to make good the weight, though
he had allowed the sixpence over. To prevent fraud in
the fineness, as well as weight, part of the money was
melted down, called combustion. There were two sorts
of payments by combustion; real and nominal. Real,
when a sample of the money was put into the furnace:
nominal, when a twentieth part of a pound was taken
and accepted in lieu of actual combustion. When money
paid in was melted down, or the supplement made by
adding one shilling to each twenty, the ferme was said to
be dealbated, or blanched: so one hundred pounds, thus
paid into the exchequer after combustion, was said to be
one hundred pounds blank. This was opposed to pay-
ments made numero, or by tale, which is our modern
way. Computations, or at least payments, were made by
pounds, marks, half-marks, shillings, pence, &c. silver
by marks, half-marks, ounces, and half-ounces of gold.
The mark of gold was equivalent to six pounds of silver,
or six score shillings: the ounce of gold was equivalent to
fifteen shillings of silver; the pound of silver was twenty
shillings; the mark of silver thirteen shillings and four
pence; the shilling twelvepence. It is requisite to have
these notes before our eyes, when we are speaking of
what passed in times at such a distance; for, otherwise, it
will be almost impossible to prevent falling into great
mistakes about subjects of importance; as indeed, several
able historians have done, for want of attending carefully
to these matters, which, in all probability, they did not
conceive so deserving their notice: and yet a disposition
to negligence is sometimes as fatal to the reader, as an
inclination to falsehood.
But, that I may not seem to expect more caution in
others, than I have shewn myself, I think it may not be
amiss to give the public some account of the reasons why
I suppose, that the sum of one hundred thousand pounds,
found in the treasury of King Henry I. was equivalent to
118
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
near a million at this time. In order to this, it is neces-
sary to acquaint the reader, that, in the reign of that
prince, the king's tenant, who was bound to provide
bread for one hundred men, was allowed to compound, by
paying one shilling in money. The very learned Bishop
Fleetwood, supposes, that this was bread for one meal;
but I am inclined to think that it was bread for a whole
day: and am induced to think so, because, in countries
where this establishment has always prevailed, a ration of
bread is still so accounted. In our times, I presume, the
value of bread for a day may be computed at about two-
pence, or rather more; and consequently, bread for a
hundred men will come to sixteen shillings and eight
pence: so that what could be then bought for one shilling,
would cost almost seventeen now. Yet, if we should
hastily conclude from hence, that any given sum of money
at that time, ought to be multiplied by seventeen, to find
its equivalent in ours, we shall be much in the wrong.
For the shilling, in those times, was thrice as heavy as
ours; and therefore was, in reality, worth three shillings :
so that, in fact, the bread that would now cost sixteen
shillings and eight pence, might have been bought then
for as much silver as is in three of our shillings. Accord-
ing to this computation, one hundred thousand pounds
then, would not be worth quite six hundred thousand
now; but if we reflect, that a great part of this sum must
have been in gold, and that it is very reasonable to believe
the composition was not exactly made, or strictly set, it
will appear that the estimation I have made is agreeable
to truth; or, at least, not very wide of it.
It may not be amiss, after dwelling so long upon this
subject, to explain another point; that is, the difference
between the Saxon and Norman money, which in sound
was very great, though but very little in fact. The Saxons
divided the pound weight of silver into forty-eight shil-
lings, which the Normans divided only into twenty; but
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
119
then, the Saxons divided their shilling into five pence
only; whereas the Normans split theirs into twelve'; from
whence it follows, that the number of pence in the Saxon
and Norman pound was the same, and the pounds them-
selves exactly of the same value, as being in reality what
the word implies, a pound weight of silver. It has been
before observed, that great sums of money were paid in
weight; and the reason of it is not hard to be found: for
the coin then current was the silver penny, with a deep
cross indented on the reverse; so that it might be easily
broken into the halfpenny, or farthing. This was con-
venient enough, therefore, for small matters, but not for
great and for this reason all large payments were by the
scale; and in cases of very great moment, it was stipulated
that it should be so just as in succeeding times it was
required, that payments should be made in sterling money,
and as in ours we use the phrase of good and lawful
money of England.
We collect most of these particulars either from old
records, monkish historians, or those ancient chronicles in
rhyme, which are still preserved to us by the industry and
care of a few men of a particular taste, though very little
regarded by the many. It is, notwithstanding, very cer-
tain, that points of this nature are highly important, to
the thorough understanding the most useful and material
parts of history: such as comparing the state and con-
ditions, the manners and usages, the felicity and infelicity
of past times with our own; without which, historical
reading is a mere amusement: which, how much soever
it
may enable a man to talk, will, notwithstanding, scarcely
afford him the capacity of thinking or reasoning better.
It is on this account that we see the common people very
apt, upon some occasions, to treat learning and learned
men with contempt; because they are not able to answer
readily such questions as are proposed to them, about
matters in common use: and it is this, likewise, that
120
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, &c.
recommends to them Baker's Chronicle, and other books
of a like nature, written in a familiar style, and which
descend to things which fall under daily notice; though
they are but mean in point of composition, and are very
frequently dark and inaccurate; which is indeed a good
reason why they should be corrected and set right, instead
of being undervalued and wholly neglected by men of
parts and knowledge. For, after all, we can never expect
to see an English history complete, if there is not full as
much respect paid to the discoveries made by antiquaries,
as to the greater and more shining events which are
recorded by those who make the wars and state intrigues
of our monarchs their principal care, and discussing them
the great business of their writings.
NAVAL HISTORY, &c.
121
CHAP. V.
The Naval History of England, during the reigns of Henry II.
Richard I. John, Henry III. Edward I. Edward II. Edward III.
Richard II.
(Containing the space of about 235 Years.)
A.D.
1154.
HENRY II. ascended the throne with universal con-
sent on the death of King Stephen, having, besides his
kingdom, large dominions on the continent, by various
titles, viz. Normandy, Aquitain, Anjou, Main, and Tou-
rain, which rendered him extraordinarily powerful.
He was about twenty-eight years old at this time, and
esteemed as wise and brave a prince as that age pro-
duced. His first care was to restore the government
to its former state, by rectifying the many disorders
which had crept in during the unsettled reign of King A.D.
Stephen.* Having perfomed this, he projected the 1155.
conquest of Ireland; for which, though he had many
pretences, yet he thought fit to obtain the pope's bull,
the rather, because the reigning pontiff, Adrian IV.
was by birth an Englishman. This favour be easily
he
obtained, for propagating the Christian faith, together
with the power and profits of the holy see, as by that
instrument appears. + In order to this expedition, the
king conferred with his great council at Winchester; but
his mother disliking the project, it was for that time laid
aside, ‡
His next expedition was beyond the seas, in the fifth A.D
year of his reign, undertaken at a vast expense, with
* Gul. Neubrig. Hist. rer. Angl. lib, ü, c. 1.
↑ Nie. Trivit. Annal, vol. i. p. 28,
Ibid. p. 31.
1159.
122
NAVAL HISTORY
a great fleet and potent army, for the recovery of the
earldom of Tolouse, to which the king claimed a title:
but he was not so happy in this as in his other expedi-
tions, though he was so far superior at sea, that his
A.D. enemies durst not contend with him on that element. *
1165. In the eleventh year of his reign, he employed both a
fleet and an army against the Welch, and afterwards
was engaged in various disputes with the king of France,
which obliged him to a long residence in Normandy. †
In the sixteenth year of his reign, he caused his son
Henry, then about fifteen years of age, to be crowned
king in his life-time, which instead of contributing,
as he supposed it would, to his peace and prosperity,
proved the cause of very great calamities to himself and
subjects.
A.D.
1169.
About this time, the king resumed his grand design
of conquering Ireland, to which he had various incite-
ments. Some pretensions he formed, from its having
been anciently subdued by the Britons: another motive
was, the injuries done to his subjects by the piracies
which the Irish committed, taking and selling English
prisoners into slavery: but that which gave him the
fairest occasion was the tyranny of Roderick O'Connor,
who, assuming the title of monarch of Ireland, oppressed
the other princes in the island, and thereby forced them
to seek the protection of King Henry. One of these,
whose name was Dermot, king of Leinster, being driven
out of his dominions, passed over into Normandy, where
the king then was, and entreated his assistance, which
was readily granted: but the king, like a politic prince,
advised him for the present to apply himself to some of
his barons, to whom he granted a licence to undertake
an expedition in his favour. Accordingly, Robert Fitz-
* Gul. Neubrig. lib. ii. c. 10.
↑ Gul. Neubrig. lib. ii. e. 25.
† Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 46,
OF HENRY IL·
123
A.D.
1170.
Stephens in the month of May, in the year 1169, landed
at Wexford, with a very small force: he was immediately
followed by Maurice Pendergast; and these, by the
assistance of King Dermot, having gained footing in the
island, Richard earl of Chepstow, commonly called in
our histories Richard Strongbow, who was the chief
undertaker, went thither in person, and landed August
25, 1170, at Waterford, with a greater force, and in a
short time reduced Dublin, and many other places.
King Henry, having advice of their unexpected success,
began to take umbrage thereat, and published a pro-
clamation, commanding all his subjects to return out
of that island by a time prefixed, on pain of confiscation
of their estates in England: but they, by assuring the
king of their duty, and submission to his will, engaged
him to revoke that order, and to come to an agreement
with them, whereby he reserved to himself the sea-ports
and coasts, and confirmed their inland conquests to
the undertakers. The king, however, resolved to go A.D.´
over thither in person, and for that purpose drew to-
gether a considerable army, which he embarked on
board a fleet of 400 sail, and passed therewith from
Milford-haven to Waterford, where he landed October
25, 1171. The appearance of so great a force, and the
presence of the king, had such an effect on this country,
then torn by intestine divisions, that in a very short
time, the king made this great conquest, which he had
so long sought, and so vigorously endeavoured, without
effusion of blood. Afterwards, keeping his Christmas
at Dublin, he there received homage and hostages of
the several petty princes, and even of the great King
Roderick O'Connor; so that, if his affairs had permitted
him to have remained there so long as he intended, he
would in all probability not only have effectually re-
duced Ireland, but also have left it in a quiet and peaceable
1171.
124
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1172
to
state. It was discord arising in his own family that
prevented this; for Eleanor his queen, his eldest son,
King Henry, his younger sons Richard and Geoffrey,
entering into a conspiracy against him, and being sup-
ported therein by the power of the king of France, old
King Henry was obliged, about Easter, to leave Ireland,
and return to Wales; which he did, without suffering
any loss, having before settled the English conquests
in that island as he thought proper. + Of this war we
have a very distinct account, though interlarded with
many superstitious circumstances by Gerald Barry, better
known by the name of Geraldus Cambrensis, an eye-
witness. I
The king was engaged, by the unlucky accidents
before mentioned, in various wars for many years to-
1175. gether; in all which he supported himself with un-
daunted courage, and admirable conduct. In Normandy
he defeated the king of France, and the forces of his
own son Henry: the loyal nobility of England, in the
mean time, not only repulsed the king of Scots, who
had invaded the northern provinces of England, but
took him prisoner; and the earl of Flanders, who had
raised great forces with an intent to have invaded
England, was so awed by the king's success, that he
was forced to give over his enterprise, and disband his
army: and these great things the king was chiefly
enabled to perform by his superior power at sea, in
which, though some contest happened between him and
his son Henry, yet it was quickly over; for the king's
fleet destroyed most of the rebels' ships, and many of
* Rog. Hoved. Annal. par. post. p. 526, 527. Matt. Paris, Hist,
Angl. p. 126. Gul. Neubrig. lib. ii. cap. 26. Nic. Trivet. Annal, vol. i.
p. 57.
† Gul. Neubrig. lib. ii. cap. 27.
↑ There is an English translation of his work in the first volume of
Holingshed's Chronicle.
OF HENRY II.
125
their confederates, insomuch that wearied by degrees
with repeated disappointments, and brought low by
numberless defeats, his enemies were at length content
to accept a peace on the terms prescribed them by the
king; after which he transported his victorious army on
board a royal fleet into England, landing at Portsmouth
on May 26, 1175.* The same year, Roderick O'Connor
made a second and more full submission to the king, t
who thereupon transferred his title to that island to his
son John, who, as some writers report, was crowned
king with a diadem of peacock's feathers set in gold,
sent to his father by the pope for that purpose. Some A.D.
part of this story, however, cannot be true; since it
appears, from the great seal made use of by this prince,
that he never styled himself king, but lord only of
Ireland, into which country he also went, several
years after, with a considerable army, and continued
there some time, though without performing any great
matter. ‡
1185.
Even after those times of confusion, and notwith-
standing all the expense they had occasioned, the king
shewed the greatness of his mind by giving extraordinary
assistance to the Christians in the Holy Land, not only A.D.
by licensing several of his nobility to go thither at their 1185.
own charges, but also by advancing large sums of money,
and furnishing ships and arms. § How much there was
of piety in these expeditions, I pretend not to determine;
yet certainly the king's intent was good, and this good
effect followed it, that his fame, and the reputation of
the nation, were spread thereby to the most distant parts
* Nic. Trivet. Annal, vol. i. p. 67.
† Roder. O'Flaherty in Ogyp. p. 441. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i.
p. 68.
Camden. Britan. p. 795. Roger Hoved. Annal. p. 630. Specd's
Chronicle, p. 469.
§ Gul. Neubrig. lib. iii. cap. 10. Roger Hoved. Annal. p. 641.
VOL. I.
L
126
NAVAL HISTORY
of the world, insomuch that the crown of Jerusalem
was offered to the king, who, considering the state of
his affairs at home, modestly declined it. Indeed, the
troubles he had so happily quelled some years before,
broke out again in the latter part of his reign, when
he was as unfortunate as of old he had been happy; in-
somuch that, after undergoing a cruel reverse of fortune,
occasioned chiefly by his being obliged to end these dis-
putes by fighting on land, where his French and Norman
lords often betrayed him, he was at length compelled
to accept such terms of peace, as France and his rebel-
lious son Richard would afford him; which affected him
so sensibly, that it threw him into a fit of sickness, of
A.D. which he died on July 6, 1189, when he had reigned
near thirty-five years, and lived sixty-three. He was
the first prince of the royal house of Plantagenet, and
was possessed of very extensive dominions. He enjoyed
England in a fuller and better settled condition than his
predecessors, restoring the ancient laws, and abolishing
danegeld. He humbled Scotland more than any of his
predecessors, kept Wales in strict subjection, subdued
Ireland, and held all the maritime provinces of France,
even to the mountains which divide it from Spain; so
that, as a foreign writer confesses, he justly claimed, and
undeniably maintained, his sovereignty over the sea,†
which he esteemed the most honourable prerogative of
his crown.
1189.
A.D.
RICHARD 'succeeded his father King Henry in all his
1189. dominions, as well on the continent as in this island;
and having adjusted all his affairs in France amicably
with Philip Augustus, who was then king, he came
* Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 151. Gul. Neubrig. lib. iii. cap. 25,
26. Roger Hoved. Annal. p. 652, 653. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p.94.
Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle, p. 481.
† P. Daniel, Hist. de la Mil. Franc. tom. ii. p. 445.
OF RICHARD I.
127
over hither to settle his domestic concerns, that he
might be at liberty to undertake that great expedition on
which he had set his heart, viz. of driving the Saracens
out of the Holy Land, in which he was to have King
Philip of France and other great princes for his asso-
ciates. * Our historians speak of this according to their
own notions, and without any respect had to the then
circumstances of things; hence some treat it with great
solemnity, and as a thing worthy of immortal honour,
while others again consider it as a pure effect of bigotry,
and blame the king exceedingly for being led by the
nose by the pope, and involving himself in so romantic
a scheme to the great danger of his person, and the
almost entire ruin of his subjects. I must own, that to
me neither opinion seems right; yet I should not have
expressed my sentiments on this subject, if it did not very
nearly concern the matter of this treatise. The power
of the Saracens was then exceeding great, and they
were growing no less formidable at sea than they had
been long at land; so that, if the whole force of Christen-
dom had not been opposed against them in the east, I
see very little or no room to doubt of their making an
entire conquest of the west: for, since they were able
to deal with the joint forces of these princes in the Holy
Land, they would undoubtedly have beaten them singly,
if ever they had attacked them. How little soever,
therefore, the popes are to be justified in their spiritual
characters in regard to these croisades, they indisputably
shewed themselves great politicians. As to the particular
case of England, though it might be hard on those who
lived in these times, yet the nation, as a nation, reaped
great advantage from it; for it not only excited a martial
* Matt. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 155. Gul. Neubrig lib. iv. c. 1. Nic.
Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 97. Galfrid. de vino salvo. Roger Hoveden,
Annal. Jolian. Brompton, Rad. de Diceto. Ran, Higden in Polychron.
L 2
128
NAVAL HISTORY
f
spirit, which in that age was necessary for their pre-
servation; but it also raised a much greater naval force
than had ever been set on foot since the coming of the
Normans, and withal carried the English fame to such
an height, as astonished the whole world, and was the
true source of that respect which has ever since been paid
to the English flag. But it is now time to return to the
expedition.
A.D. The articles of agreement between the two kings,
1190. Richard and Philip, are recorded at large in our own
and the French historians, as also the naval regula-
tions; * with which, therefore, I shall not meddle. One
thing, however is very observable, that, when King
Richard appeared with his fleet before the city of
Messina in Sicily, it so much astonished the French
king, that he from that moment conceived such a jealousy
of King Richard, as could never afterward be extin-
guished. During the stay of our king in this island, a
difference happened between him and King Tancred,
which occasioned the attacking Messina, and taking it
by the English; which, as our writers say, gave no
small umbrage to King Philip, though the French his-
torians affirm, that he abetted King Richard, and had
a third part of the money paid him by King Tancred
for his pains. † However that was, it is certain, that
this last-mentioned prince did, by a treaty of composi-
tion, agree to give King Richard sixty thousand ounces
of gold, four large galleons, and fifteen gallies; by which
accession of strength, the English fleet, when the king
left Sicily to sail for Cyprus, consisted of thirteen ca-
pital ships of extraordinary burden, one hundred and
* Matthew Paris, Roger Hoveden, and in Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 20,
there is a very large relation in English, drawn from John Fox, who
had consulted all our historians.
† Abrege de l'Histoire de France par Mezeray, tom. ii. p. 595.
OF RICHARD I.
129
1191.
fifty ships of war, and fifty-three gallies, besides vessels
of less size, and tenders. In their passage to Cyprus A.D.
they were sorely shaken by a tempest, in which several
ships were lost, and a great number of men drowned,
among whom were some persons of very great distinc-
tion. The ship in which Berengaria, daughter to the
king of Navarre, and who was contracted to King
Richard, was, with many other ladies of great quality,
very near perishing by their being denied entrance
into one of the ports of Cyprus by the tyrannical king
of that island, whose name was Isaac, and whom most
of our historians grace with the high title of emperor.
This, with the plundering such ships as were wrecked
upon his coast, and making prisoners of such persons
as escaped drowning, so provoked King Richard, that
he made a descent with all his forces, and in the space
of fourteen days, reduced the whole island, taking the
king and his daughter and heiress prisoners. Here he
received Guy, formerly king of Jerusalem, with se-
veral other Christian princes in the east, who swore
fealty to him as their protector; and, having left two
governors with a considerable body of troops in Cyprus,
he sailed from thence with a much better fleet than he
brought with him; for it consisted of two hundred and
fifty-four stout ships, and upwards of sixty gallies. In
his passage to Acon or Ptolemais he took a huge vessel
of the Saracens, laden with ammunition and provision,
bound for the same place, which was then besieged by
the Christian army. The size of this ship was so ex-
traordinary, that it very highly deserves notice. Mat-
thew Paris calls it Dromunda, and tells us, that the
ships of the English fleet attacked it briskly, though
it lay like a floating castle in the sea, and was in a
manner impenetrable. * At length, however, they boarded
* Hist. Angl. p. 163.
130
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1191.
and carried it, though defended by no less than one
thousand five hundred men, of whom the king caused
one thousand three hundred to be drowned, and kept
the remaining two hundred prisoners, who, another
writer says, were all persons of distinction. After this
victory the king proceeded to Acon, which he blocked
up by sea, at the same time that his forces, in conjunc-
tion with those of other Christian princes, besieged it
by land; so that at length, chiefly by his means, it
was taken, though defended by the whole strength of
the Saracens under their famous Prince Saladine. *
The French and English took joint possession thereof;
but King Philip was so sensible of his glory, being
eclipsed by the superior merit of King Richard, that
nothing would satisfy him but returning home, contrary
to all the stipulations that he had made with the king
of England. To this King Richard, with much ado,
consented, upon his taking a solemn oath not to invade
any of his dominions till King Richard himself should
be returned forty days. King Philip left behind him
the duke of Burgundy with a body of ten or twelve
thousand men, with orders to obey King Richard as
captain-general of the Christian forces in the Holy
Land, but with private instructions, as our historians
surmise, to frustrate, as much as in him lay, all that
king's undertakings; which, if it be not true, is at least
very probable, since that duke acted as if he really had
such instructions. But, notwithstanding this, Richard
took Ascalon, Joppa, and other places; reduced the
greatest part of Syria; beat the Saracens in several
engagements, and, if his confederates had done their
duty as well, would infallibly have retaken Jerusalem,
which was the principal design of the war. That he
* Gul. Neubrig. lib. iv. cap. 22. Mat. Paris, vol. i. p. 163, 164.
Roger Hoveden, Galf. de vino salvo, Mezeray.
OF RICHARD I.
131
really intended it, appears from the testimony of a ce-
lebrated French historian, who tells us, that the king
had formed a project of acquiring mighty dominions
in the east, and had for that purpose given to Guy of
Lusignan the kingdom of Cyprus in exchange for his
title to the crown of Jerusalem. * But at length finding
himself envied and betrayed by his confederates in the
east, and having intelligence that his brother John
sought to usurp his dominions at home, he made a treaty
with Saladine, and resigned his pretensions to the king-
dom of Jerusalem to his near kinsman, Henry earl of
Champaigne. Such was the conclusion of this famous
expedition, which might have ended better, if that
mixture of envy and jealousy, which is so rooted in the
temper of our ambitious neighbours the French, had
not inclined them rather to sacrifice all regard to honour,
and all respect to religion, than suffer so great an enter-
prize, as that of taking Jerusalem would have been, to be
achieved by an English prince. †
The king, having settled his affairs in the best manner
he could in the east, endeavoured to make all possible
haste home, but met with a sad misfortune in his pas-
sage; for being shipwrecked on the coast of Istria, where
with great difficulty he saved his life, he thought, for
expedition sake, to travel by land through Germany
incognito, taking the name of Hugo, and passing for a
merchant. But arriving in the neighbourhood of Vienna,
he was unluckily discovered, and made prisoner by Leo-
pold duke of Austria, with whom he had formerly had
some difference in the Holy Land, and who basely
made use of this advantage to revenge his private
quarrel. After he had kept him some time, he delivered
* Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 165.
p. 124. Gul. Neubrig. lib. iv. cap. 30.
Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i.
Mezeray, tom. ii. p. 508.
† Galfr. de Vino Salvo. Roger Hoveden. Guk Neubrig.
A.D.
1192.
132
NAVAL HISTORY
or rather sold him to the Emperor Henry VI. a covet-
ous, mercenary prince, who was resolved to get all he
could by him, before he set him at liberty. * The in-
justice of this proceeding was visible to all Europe; but
the dominions of the emperor and of the Austrian prince
were so far out of the reach of England, and withal, the
enemies of King Richard were become so numerous and
powerful, that, instead of wondering at his remaining
fifteen months a captive, posterity may stand amazed
how he came to be at all released, especially since so
large a ransom was insisted on as one hundred and four
thousand pounds; which, however, was raised by the
people of England, though with great difficulty, part of
it being paid down, and hostages given for the rest. †
A.D. In the spring of the year 1194, the king returned to
England, where he began to rectify all the miscarriages
which had happened in his absence; and perceiving that
nothing could effectually settle his foreign dominions,
but vigorous measures, and a war with the French,
whose king acted as perfidiously as ever, he suddenly
drew together a considerable fleet, embarked on board
thereof, a large body of forces, and, transporting them
into Normandy, quickly disappointed all his potent ene-
my's views; and, after five years war, brought him to
think in earnest of peace. Here, notwithstanding, I
must take notice of one thing, which, however slight in
appearance, is exceedingly pertinent to my subject; I
mean the marriage of Philip Augustus with Isemberga
the daughter of Canutus V. king of Denmark; which
match was made with no other view than to engage the
1194.
* Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 172. Roger Hoveden, Annal. p. 728.
Gul. Neubrig, lib. iv. cap. 33.
+ Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 173, 174. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i.
p. 117. Gul. Neubrig. lib. iv. cap. 41.
† T. Walsingham Hypodigm. Neustria. Matth. Paris. Roger
Hoveden.
OF RICHARD I,
133
Danes in the interest of King Philip, who intended to
have employed their naval force against that of the
English: * and sure a clearer proof than this cannot be
offered, of our being masters of the balance of Europe,
notwithstanding the personal misfortunes of King
Richard, in virtue of our superiority at sea.
A.D.
1194.
In the course of the war, the king having gained
a complete victory in the neighbourhood of Blois, +
his troops possessed the enemy's camp and baggage,
whereby all the records and charters of France, which
then were wont to follow the court wherever it went,
came into the hands of the English, and through care-
lessness were dissipated and destroyed. At last, when
King Richard was reconciled to his brother John, and
had effectually quelled his foreign enemies, he was
taken out of this life by an extraordinary accident.
A certain nobleman having found a large treasure hid
in his own lands, sent a part of it to the king, who
thereupon demanded the whole; which being refused
him, he presently besieged this nobleman in his castle;
and going too near the walls to give directions for an
assault, he was mortally wounded by an arrow: though
some say that the wound was not mortal in itself, but
was rendered so by the ill management of an unskilful
surgeon. However this might be, he died on April 6, A.D.
1199, in the tenth year of his reign, and forty-first of
his age. He was a prince very justly surnamed Cœur de
Lion, or Lion's Heart; since his courage carried him
through all things: and his firmness was such, that it
alike bound to him his friends, and daunted his enemies :
a strong instance of which we have in the message sent
by Philip of France to Earl John, on the king's being
་
* Gul. Neubrig. lib. iv. cap. 26.
† Histoire de France par Mezeray,
Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 195.
Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 124.
tom. ii. p. 601.
Roger Hoveden, Annal. p. 791.
1199.
134
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
released by the emperor, viz. That the devil was now
let loose again, and therefore he should take the best
care he could of himself. * Of all our princes, none
better understood the value of a naval force, or how to
use it; as appears not only by the victories he gained
in time of war, but by establishing the laws of Oleron,
for the regulating maritime affairs, and by the constant
care he took in supporting the ports and havens through-
out the kingdom, and encouraging seamen ; whereby he
drew numbers from all parts of Europe into his service,
and by a like vigilance in promoting and protecting
commerce. †
JOHN succeeded his brother by virtue of his will, and
1199. not in right of blood: for if that had taken place, the
crown would have belonged to his nephew Arthur, the
son of his elder brother Geoffrey. From the day of his
ascending the throne, he was perplexed with foreign
wars, and domestic seditions; and the latter have had
such an effect upon our historians, that there cannot
be a more difficult task, than even attempting to draw
this king's true character. Those who allow him many
virtues, are at a loss how to account for several of his
actions; and those who deny him any good qualities
at all, are still more at a loss to render their relations
consistent. That he had very just notions as to mari-
time force, and was extremely tender of his sovereignty
over the seas, is more authentically recorded of him,
than of any of our preceding kings: for it appears,
that very early in his reign, he, with the assent of the
peers at Hastings, enacted, that if any of the com-
manders of his fleets should meet with ships of a foreign
*
Roger Hoveden, Annal. p. 729.
1
+ Joan. Selden. in dissertat. ad Fletam. c. ix. Matth. Paris, Hist.
Angl. p. 191.
OF KING JOHN.
135
nation at sea, the masters of which refused to strike
to the royal flag; then such ships, if taken, were to
be deemed good prizes; even though it should appear
afterwards, that the state of which their owners were
subjects, was in amity with England.* It cannot
be supposed, that this striking to the royal flag was
now first claimed; but rather that as an old right, it
was for the preventing unnecessary disputes clearly
asserted. If it had been otherwise, one would imagine
that it would prove more still; since no prince, who
was not confessedly superior at sea, could ever have set
up, and carried into practice, so extraordinary a pre-
tension. + We may therefore conclude, that this, to-
gether with his warrant for pressing all ships into
service, when he had occasion for transports, with other
things of the like nature, were, in consequence of
ancient usage, founded on the indubitable rights of his
predecessors.
1200.
From his entrance on the government, the king of A.D.
France shewed himself as much his enemy, as ever he
had been his brother's, invading his territories on the
continent, under pretence of protecting Prince Arthur;
but in reality in order to aggrandize himself, and to unite
Normandy and other provinces to the French crown.
These stirs obliged King John to pass frequently into
Normandy, with considerable armies, where sometimes he
did great things, and sometimes little or nothing. Our
historians, generally speaking, charge the king roundly
with negligence, and want of spirit; whereas the king,
in his days, attributed all his losses to the want of fidelity
in his barons § The best way to learn truth, is to consult
unprejudiced writers; and in this case it must be owned,
* Selden Mare Clausum, vol. ii. c. 26.
Roger Hoveden. Polyd. Virgil.
§ See the reign of this prince in Speed's Chronicle,
↑ Ibid,
136
NAVAL HISTORY
1
that the French historians describe King John as a fierce
and active prince; and particularly ascribe the great vic-
tory he gained at Mirabell, to his extraordinary expedi-
A.D. tion, marching night and day with his forces to the relief
1201. of his mother. * It seems therefore, most probable, that
the great men in those times were in fault; and that they
suffered themselves to be persuaded, that the humbling
of their prince might prove the means of their own
exaltation. This conduct of theirs lost the king the
greatest part of his French dominions, and was also the
cause of the disputes between him and his barons at
home, who always thought themselves well entitled to
their privileges, and yet seldom saw it convenient to
yield the king their obedience. When by their help he
might have preserved his territories on the continent,
they denied their assistance; and yet, when they were
torn from him, they clamoured at the loss.
This so
exasperated the king, who was certainly a prince of a
very high spirit, that he resolved to conquer them, and
A.D. make one experiment more of the fidelity of his subjects.
1206. In order to this, he assembled a great army, and provided
a numerous fleet, which he never wanted, in order to
pass into Normandy: but, when all was ready, and the
nobility seemed thoroughly disposed to behave as became
them, the archbishop of Canterbury, and William Mar-
shal, earl of Pembroke, came, and in the name of the
pope, forbade him to proceed. † The king unwillingly
obeyed; and yet, repenting of this step, he, the next day,
put to sea with a few faithful subjects, hoping that the
rest, either out of fear or shame, would have followed:
but in this he was disappointed; for they not only re-
mained where they were, but, by sending after the king's
small squadron, prevailed on many to come back, so that
* Histoire de France, par Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 611.
+ Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl.
OF KING JOHN.
137
0
the expedition was entirely frustrated; which filled the
nation with murmurs, and particularly distasted the
seamen, of whom no less than fourteen thousand were
come from different parts of the kingdom, in order to
serve on board the royal fleet. * This, at the same time
that it shews King John's misfortune, demonstrates also
how great our maritime force was in those days, and
what wise regulations subsisted, since such a number of
seamen could be so easily drawn together. Our best
writers agree, that the conduct of the archbishop and the
earl of Pembroke, was the effect of their engagements
with France; and in all probability, the great view of
France in this transaction, was to distress the king in this
tender point, and prevent his being able to assemble such
a naval force for the future. But in this their policy failed
them, for the king always kept the hearts of the seamen ;
and by doing so he defeated the attempts of his enemies,
though he had the whole force of France to struggle with
abroad, and was never free from the effects of their fraud
at home. This is an extraordinary fact, and of the highest
importance to my subject; therefore, I shall endeavour
to make it out in such a manner, as to leave the reader
no colour of doubt; and by so doing, shall effectually
prove, that though a king may be undone by trusting to
his army, he cannot but be safe if he is secure of his fleet.
The kingdom, or, as it was then properly styled the A.D.
dominion of Ireland, belonged to King John before he
attained the realm of England, and had remained more
obedient to him than any other part of his territories:
but now troubles began there; and such accounts were
transmitted of the insolence of some of the lords pro-
prietors, and of the devastations committed by the native
Irish, hitherto unsubdued, that the king resolved to go
over in person and reduce it. † For this purpose, the king
* Roger Hoveden, Annal. + Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 230.
1209.
138
NAVAL HISTORY
ordered a great army to be levied, and drew together a
prodigious fleet, little short of five hundred sail, with
which he passed from Pembroke in Wales, into Ireland,
where he landed on May 25, 1210. The fame of his
coming, and the appearance of so great a force as he
brought with him, so terrified the inhabitants of the sea
coast, and low countries, that they immediately came and
A.D. submitted. On his arrival at Dublin, twenty of the Irish
1210. chiefs came in, and swore fealty to him; and having thus
performed much in a peaceable way, he, by force of arms,
achieved the rest, reducing the king of Connaught, be-
sieging and taking the castles of many rebellious lords,
and forcing them either to yield or to quit the kingdom.
When things were brought to this pass, he thought of
civil establishments; ordered the whole realm to be for
the future governed by the English laws; and appointed
sheriffs and other legal officers in every county. At his
departure, he constituted John de Gray, then bishop of
Norwich, governor of Ireland, a very wise and prudent
man, who pursuing the king's plan, brought that nation
into a settled state. * This certainly shewed not only
the spirit and temper of the king, but the utility of his
fleet, without which he could not have entered on this
expedition with such honour, or have finished it with so
great success; especially at a time when at home things
were in so bad a situation.
A.D.
1212.
On his return, he found the Welch in rebellion, his
barons disaffected, and the king of France contriving an
invasion. His spirits were far from being broken by these
crosses; for, as to the Welch, he hanged up their hos-
tages; † and, with a royal army, would have entered into
and subdued their country, if he had not been well in-
* Annal. Hibern. ap. Camd. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 154.
Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. vol. i. p. 230, 231. Thom. Walsingham,
Hypodigm. Neust.
↑ Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 231. R. Wendover.
OF KING JOHN.
139
formed, that some of his principal lords intended either to
destroy him in that expedition themselves, or else deliver
him up to the enemy.* He thereupon first dismissed his
army, and then took hostages of the noblemen he most
suspected. Soon after, the French invasion terrified the
nation; the pope having absolved the king's subjects from
their allegiance, and given the kingdom of England to
Philip Augustus of France. This monarch, well pleased
with so noble a present, raised a prodigious army, and
brought together, some say, thirteen hundred ships, in
order to embark them for this island. † On the other
hand, King John was not slack in his preparation; he
shewed his diligence in collecting a force equal to that of
the enemy, and his magnanimity in dismissing a part of
them, that the rest might have a greater plenty of pro-
visions; yet after this was done, he encamped sixty thou-
sand men on Barham Downs, having a larger fleet riding
along the coast than had been seen in those times, and, in
this posture, he waited for his foes. But the pope's
legate coming over, and promising to deliver him from
this danger, if he would submit himself and his kingdom
to the see of Rome; he, to prevent effusion of blood, and,
perhaps, fearing the treachery of his barons, consented
thereto, and the pope immediately prohibited King Philip
to proceed. § He too, notwithstanding his great power,
obeyed, though with an ill will; yet resolved to make some
use of this mighty armament, and therefore turned it
against the earl of Flanders, sending the best part of his
fleet to waste the coasts of that country, while himself
with a great army entered it by land. King John was no
* Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 231.
† Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 622. Matth. Paris, vol. i. p. 231. Nic Trivet.
Annal. vol. i. p. 157.
↑ Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 234.
§ Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 157, 158. Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl.
p. 237. Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle, p. 507.
A.D.
1213.
A.D.
1213.
140
NAVAL HISTORY
1
A.D.
1214.
sooner informed of this, than he ordered his navy, under
the command of his brother, the earl of Salisbury, to sail
to the assistance of his ally. He, finding the French fleet,
part riding in the road, and part at anchor, in the haven
of Dam, in Flanders, first attacked and destroyed those
without, and then landing his forces, fell upon the French
in the harbour by sea and land, and after an obstinate
dispute, took them all, sending home three hundred sail,
well laden with provisions, to carry the news of the vic-
tory, and setting all the rest on fire. So fortunate was
this prince at sea, because his sailors were loyal, who was
so unlucky on shore, through the treachery of his great
men.
*
At
Thus delivered from his present apprehensions of the
French, the king began to think of passing once again
beyond the seas, in order to recover his rights; but met
with so many difficulties and disappointments, that it was
long before he could carry his design into execution.
last, in the month of February, 1214, he, without the
assistance of his barons, embarked a great army on board
a powerful fleet, and therewith sailed to Rochelle, where
he landed, and was well received, the greatest part of the
country submitting to him immediately. For some time
he carried on the war against the French prosperously;
but, fortune changing, and his allies being beaten in the
fatal battle of Bovins, he was constrained, about Easter,
the next year, to agree to a truce, the rather, because his
subjects in England began to rebel. + In the month of
November, he returned into this kingdom, where he found
A.D. things in a much worse condition than he expected. The
barons, in his absence, had time to confer together, and
had reduced their demands into form; so that the king
1215.
* Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 157. Mezeray, vol. ti. p. 623.
Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 238.
+ Chroniques Abreges des Rois de France, p. 79. Mezeray, vol. ii.
p. 625.
OF KING JOHN.
141
quickly found, that he either must grant what they asked,
or, if he ventured to refuse them, must have recourse to
the sword. At first he chose the latter; but he quickly
found, that the barons were likely to be too powerful for
him; and therefore, in a meadow between Egham and
Staines, called Runnemede, i. e. the Mead of Council, he
granted that charter in the sight of both armies, which
since, from the importance of its contents, and the solem-
nity with which it was made, hath been called MAGNA
CHARTA, or the Great Charter. * Yet, repenting of this
soon after, he endeavoured to frustrate what he had done;
but, the barons were too powerful for him, and reduced
him to such straits, that at length he was constrained to
fly to the Isle of Wight, where he lived in a manner little
different from that of his predecessor King Alfred, when
he fled from the Danes. Yet, in all his distresses, his
seamen remained faithful; and now, when he had not a
house in which he could sleep with safety on shore, he
found a sanctuary from all dangers in his ships, in which
he frequently chased the vessels of his disloyal subjects,
and, by landing on the coasts, spoiled their estates; and
thus subsisted the few loyal persons who stuck to him, at
the expense of his and their enemies. +
In the mean time, the barons, plainly perceiving their
want of a head, resolved to invite over Lewis, son to the
king of France, who had married King John's niece, in
order to shelter themselves against the resentment of that
monarch, by setting his crown on the head of this young
prince. Not only Lewis, but King Philip, his father,
relished this proposal exceedingly; and, assembling a fleet
of six hundred and ten sail at Calais, the prince, with a
numerous army landed in Kent. The city of London,
‡
* Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 255, 256, &c.
† R. de Wendover.
↑ Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 281. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 165,
166. Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 629.
VOL. I.
M
A.D.
1216.
142
NAVAL HISTORY
long alienated from the king in affection, declared imme-
diately for the invader, received him with joy, and swore
allegiance to him as their sovereign. In the mean time,
King John was no ways idle; he endeavoured to maintain
himself in Kent, where he had a considerable army; but,
finding many of his barons unfaithful, and his forces not
strong enough to hazard a battle, he garrisoned some
castles, and particularly that of Dover, that he might be
able to protect his fleet, and then marched to Winchester,
where he soon drew together a much greater force than his
enemies expected. Breaking out from thence like a tem-
pest, he laid waste the estates of his rebellious barons, in
spite of the foreign assistance they had received; and,
having acquired a vast booty, he came with it to Lynn, in
Norfolk, which had signalized its loyalty to him in his
utmost distress, as most of the ports in the kingdom did;
but, marching from thence into Lincolnshire, his carriages
were lost in the washes, and himself and his army nar-
rowly escaped. * At Swine's head abbey, he was attacked
by a distemper which proved fatal to him, but what that
distemper was, is very difficult to say. Some affirm, that
it was the effect of grief, † others call it a fever, ‡ others
a flux, § and others a surfeit; but many of our first
writers, and the most authentic foreign historians, affirm,
that he was poisoned by a monk, which it is certain his son
Henry ¶ believed. This end had the troubles of King
John, at Newark, to which place he was carried in a
horse-litter, on October 18, 1216, when he had reigned
nearly eighteen years. **
* Matth, Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 287.
+ Johan. de Wallingford.
§ Thom. Otterborn.
↑ Polyd. Virgil.
|| Matth. Westmonst.
¶ See this point cleared in the close of King John's reign, in Speed's
Chronicle.
** Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 165. Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl.
p. 288. Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle, p. 512, 518.
OF HENRY III.
143
We have already shewn how vigorously this king main-
tained his sovereignty of the sea, and left more express
tokens thereof to his successors, than any of the kings who
reigned before him. To this we must add, that he was a
great encourager of whatever had a tendency to the sup-
port of maritime strength, or the ease and increase of
trade. He granted more and larger charters to cities and
boroughs than any of his predecessors; and, by thus
strengthening the liberties of the people, he incurred the
hatred of his ambitious barons. * He settled in 1199 the
rates of necessaries, and effectually punished all kind of
fraud in commerce. + To him, likewise, was owing many
regulations in respect to money, and the first coining of that
sort, which is called Sterling. One cannot, therefore, help
doubting, when we consider that he was the author of our
best laws, whether those writers do him justice, who de-
clare, that King John was one of the worst of our kings.
He stood on bad terms with the monks; and at that time
they penned our histories, which is a sufficient reason
against his obtaining a good character, even though he
had deserved it. So much of his fame, however, as may
result from the respect he had to naval affairs, we have
endeavoured to vindicate; and shall do the same good
office (as indeed it is our duty to do) to every other prince,
in whose favour authorities may be produced against com-
mon opinion.
age,
1
HENRY III. a child between nine and ten years
of
succeeded his father immediately in his dominions, and in
time became also the heir of his misfortunes. At first,
through the care of the earl of Pembroke, his guardian, he
was very successful, that wise nobleman shewing the
barons, that now they had nothing to fear from King John;
* Speed's Chronicle, p. 506.
↑ Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 129. Camden's Britan. in Striveling.
Roger Hoveden, Annal.
A.D.
1216.
M 2
144
NAVAL HISTORY
1217
The
and themselves also, by this time well knew, they had very
little to hope from King Lewis, who put French garrisons
into all the castles that were taken by the English lords,
and gave glaring proofs of his intention to rule as a con-
queror, in case he could possess himself of the kingdom. *
A.D. In a short time, therefore, the royalists grew strong enough
to look the enemy in the face; which the French so little
apprehended, that, with an army of twenty thousand men,
they had marched northwards, and besieged Lincoln. The
city quickly fell into their hands; but the castle, being
very strong for those times, made an obstinate defence;
and, while they were engaged before it, the earl of Pem-
broke with his forces came to offer them battle.
barons, who adhered to King Lewis, and were certainly
best acquainted with the strength of their countrymen,
advised the French general to march out and fight; but
he, suspicious of their integrity, endeavoured to secure his
forces in the city. The royalists first threw a considerable
reinforcement into the castle, and then attacked the enemy
in the town. The struggle was very short, the French and
their confederates being quickly beaten, almost without
bloodshed; and the victorious army so exceedingly en-
riched by their plunder, that they called this battle Lewis-
fair, as if they had not gone to a fight, but to a market.
The consequences of this battle brought the French prince
and his faction so low, that he was glad of a truce, which
might afford him time to go back to France for succours;
and, this being granted, he passed over accordingly to
Calais, many of the barons deserting him in his absence. †
A.D. He did not stay long abroad, but, providing with the
utmost diligence a considerible recruit, embarked on board
a fleet of eighty stout ships, besides transports, and imme-
1217.
* Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 292.
† Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 169. Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl.
p. 296. Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 631.
OF HENRY III.
145
*
diately put to sea. Hubert de Burgh, governor of Dover
castle, assisted by Philip de Albanie and John Marshall,
resolved to encounter him with the strength of the cinque
ports, and accordingly met him at sea with forty sail of
ships. The English, perceiving that the French had the
advantage of them both in ships and men, made use of
their superiority in skill; so that, taking advantage of the
wind, they ran down many of the transports, and sunk
them, with all the soldiers on board; their long bows also
did them notable service; and, to prevent the French
from boarding them, they laid heaps of lime upon their
decks, which the wind, blowing fresh, drove in the faces
of their enemies, and in a manner blinded them; so that,
declining the dispute, they, as fast as possible, bore away
for the shore, and, landing at Sandwich, Lewis, in revenge
for the mischief their ships had done him, burnt it to the
ground. The English were every way gainers by this
engagement, as, on the other hand, it entirely ruined the
affairs of Lewis, who was now forced to shut himself up
in London, where very soon after he was besieged; the
English fleet, in the mean time, blocking up the mouth of
the Thames. He quickly saw how great his danger was,
and how little reason he had to expect relief. In this
situation, he did all that was left for him to do; that is to
say, he entered into a treaty with the earl of Pembroke,
whereby he renounced all his pretended rights to the king-
dom of England, and provided the best he could for him-
self and his adherents; which freed the kingdom from the
plague of foreigners; † and remains an incontestable proof,
that as nothing but our intestine divisions can invite an
invasion, so, while we retain the sovereignty at sea, such
attempts in the end must prove fatal to those who under-
take them.
* Annal Waverl. Thom. Walsingham Hypodigm. Neustriæ.
† Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 631,
146
NAVAL HISTORY
The importance of this engagement will excuse our
dwelling upon it so long, as well as our taking notice
here of some lesser circumstances relating thereto. One
Eustace, who had been in his youth a monk, but for many
years had exercised the trade of a pirate, and had done the
English, in particular, much mischief; fell now into their
hands, and though he offered a large sum of money for
his ransom, yet it was refused, and he put to death. There
are some differences in our ancient historians as to the
year in which this famous sea-fight happened, which it
will be necessary to clear up, because any error therein
would affect most of the subsequent dates. In the first
place, Matthew Paris fixes on the very day, and assures
ús, that it was gained on the feast of St. Bartholomew,
1217.* Trivet places it in the same year, and gives us
the reason why Eustace the monk, who so severely dealt
with. He, like an apostate as he was, says my author,
went from side to side, and, of a wicked monk, became a
very devil, full of fraud and mischief. As soon, therefore,
as he was taken, his head was struck off, and, being put
upon a pole, was carried through a great part of England. +
Yet Holingshed places it under the year 1218, ‡ and the
French historian Mezeray, in 1216. § These errors, how-
ever, are easily rectified, since it is certain, that the treaty
of peace followed this victory, and we find it bore date
September 11, 1217.||
The same wise governors, who had so happily managed
the king's affairs hitherto, and had so wonderfully delivered
him out of all his difficulties, shewed a like diligence in
establishing the tranquillity of the realm, and cultivating a
correspondence with foreign princes; of which various
testimonies occur in Mr. Rymer's collection of treaties,
* Hist. Angl. p. 298.
† Vol. ii. p. 201,
† Annal. vol. i. p. 169.
§ Abregé de l'Histoire de France, vol. i. p. 631.
Rymer's Foedera, vol. i. p. 222, edit. secunda.
OF HENRY III.
147
P
*
A.D.
1218.
whence it is incontestably evident, that they were ex-
tremely tender of trade, and of the dominion of the sea.
In order, however, to keep up the martial spirit of the
nobility, and perhaps to prevent their breaking out into
rebellions at home, leave was given them to take the
cross, and to make expeditions into the Holy Land. +
Thus the earls of Chester, Winchester, and Arundel, went A.D.
at one time, the bishops of Winchester and Exeter at
another, with many followers, so that, when they came
into Syria, there were not fewer English there than forty
thousand men, of whom very probably not many returned
home.+
1227.
The desire King Henry had to recover the provinces
taken from him by the king of France, and the clear title
he thought derived to him from the treaty made with
Lewis, who was now king, induced him, more than once,
to solicit that prince to restore them, and to send over
small supplies of forces into the places which he still held.
All this produced nothing considerable; so that, at last,
the king resolved to go over, as his predecessors had done,
with a great fleet, and a numerous army. With this view,
large sums were demanded, and given by parliament, and
such a force assembled, as the nation had scarcely ever seen;
but, when the forces marched about Michaelmas to Ports- A.D,
mouth, in order to embark, the fleet provided for that pur-
pose appeared so insignificant, that it became necessary to
postpone the expedition till the next spring, a thing highly
prejudicial to the king's affairs, and much more so to his
reputation. § The next year the king actually invaded
* The reader may find a multitude of instances in support of this in
the first volume of the Foedera, and not a few in the second volume of
Hakluyt.
+ Matth. Paris, p. 303. T. Walsingham. Ypodigma Neustriæ.
p. 463. Annal. Waverl. p. 184. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 171.
† Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 31–38.
§ Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 363. Tyrrel, vol. ii. p. 867. Holingshed,
vol. ii. p. 211.
1229.
148
NAVAL HISTORY
1230.
France, and might, if he had pushed this war with vigour,
have recovered the dominions of his ancestors; but, being
entirely governed by his mother, and her second husband,
he consumed both his time and money in pompous enter-
A.D. tainments; so that the French, coming down with a con-
siderable body of forces, compelled him, after he had been
there from April to October, to embark and sail home
again, without adding any thing either to his honour or tø•
his dominions. * This mistake had terrible effects; for it
emboldened such of the lords as were disaffected, and gave
the common people a mean opinion of their sovereign,
which is, generally speaking, the consequence of all such
miscarriages.
A.D.
1240.
A
His brother, Richard earl of Cornwall, who was natu-
rally an active prince, and therefore little pleased with
the king's management, resolved about the year 1240,
to take upon him the cross, and to lead a body of succours
into the Holy Land. With him went the earl of Salisbury,
and many other persons of distinction; and not long after,
Simon, earl of Leicester, and John, earl of Albemarle,
followed his example. Thus, in times of great supineness
in the administration here, the honour of the nation
abroad was supported by the valour and activity of private
persons. + Disputes with the barons continued to embroil
the kingdom, and to hinder the king from thinking of
foreign affairs; but, in 1242, the king resumed his project
of reducing Gascony under his dominion. To this he
was chiefly excited by his mother, a high-spirited haughty
woman, who had contributed much to his father's mis-
A.D. fortunes. Accordingly, having with much ado obtained
money of his parliament for that purpose, the king, with
1242.
* Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 183. T. Wilkes's Chronicle, p. 41.
H. Knyghton, p. 2439. Tyrrel, vol. ii. p. 879.
+ Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 536. Annal. Waverl. p. 201. T.
Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 465. `Annales Monast. Burton,
p. 292.
1
OF HENRY III.
149
a small force, passed over into France, where, so long as
his money lasted, he kept up a kind of war, more detri-
mental to himself than to the enemy. *
By this strange sort of management, the naval force of
the kingdom was impaired to such a degree, that the
Normans and Britons were too hard for the cinque ports,
and compelled them to seek relief from the other parts
of the kingdom, who, in the first year of this king's reign,
had performed such extraordinary things. One William
Marshall, of the noble family of Pembroke, having, by
some means or other incurred the king's displeasure,
became a pirate, and fortifying the little island of Lundy,
in the mouth of the Severn, did so much mischief, that at
length it became necessary to fit out a squadron to reduce
him, which was accordingly done, and he suffered by
the hand of justice at London: † yet the example did not
deter other discontented persons from practices of the like
nature.
1260.
An idle desire of making his son Edmund, king of A.D.
Sicily, drew the king into vast expenses, and yet pro-
duced nothing glorious in the least degree to the nation,,
any more than another expedition he made for the re-
covery of Normandy, in 1260, which ended in a dis-
honourable treaty; whereby, for the sake of certain sums
of money, he renounced all title to those countries which
had been the patrimonial possessions of his ancestors;
and thenceforward left the dukedoms of Normandy and
Anjou out of his titles. On his return home, he met
with fresh griefs, and greater disturbances than ever.
The barons grew quite weary of a king entirely directed
by foreigners, and who thought of nothing but providing
* Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 194. Fabian, p. 50, 51. Grafton,
p. 124.
† Matth. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 584. Holingshed's Chronicle, p. 230.
‡ Gul. Rishanger in continuat. Matth. Paris, p. 989. Chron. T.
Wilkes, p. 54. Annal. Wayerl. p. 214. Rymer's Foedera, vol. i. p. 668.
150
NAVAL HISTORY
for his favourites, at the expense of his people. The
cinque ports, ever steady in his father's interest, revolted
from him, sided with the barons, and fitted out a con-
siderable fleet for their service; but as these were times
of great licence, so in a very short period, the inhabitants
of these ports forgot the motives on which they took arms,
and began to consider nothing but their private interest,
taking indifferently all ships that fell into their hands,
and exercising an unlimited piracy on foreigners, as well
as the king's subjects. By their example, something of
the same nature was practised on the coast of Lincoln-
shire; for certain malecontents having seized the Isle of
Ely, plundered all the adjacent countries, and carried to
A.D. this receptacle of theirs all the booty they acquired. At
1266. length, however, by the industry and valour of Prince
Edward, they were reduced; and the same worthy person,
partly by persuasion, and partly by force, brought the
inhabitants of the cinque ports to return to their duty. *
The confusion of the times, however, was such, and the
king's temper so timid, so irresolute, and in all cases so
little to be depended on, that the gallant Prince Edward,
with his brother Edmund, and many other persons of the
first distinction, took the cross, † and went against the
A.D. Saracens. A stronger instance there could not be of the
1269. low and exhausted state of the kingdom, than the equipage
with which these princes went; for their squadron con-
sisted of no more than thirteen ships, on board of which
there were embarked but one thousand men: and yet, on
his coming into the east, the very fame of Prince Edward
drew to him a considerable force, with which he per-
formed many noble acts, insomuch, that the infidels de-
spairing of any success against him in the field, had
recourse to a base assassination, which likewise failed
Annal. Waverl. p. 221. Gul. Rishanger contin. Hist. Angl. p. 1004.
† Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 229. Chronica de Mailros, p. 241.
T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 471.
OF HENRY III.
151.
ין
them. *
On his recovery, the prince finding that he
should not be able to do any great service to the Christian
cause in those parts, settled his affairs in the best manner
he could, in order to return home: in the mean time, the
king his father, in the last years of his life, enjoyed more
peace than he had formerly done, which was in some mea-
sure owing to a change in his conduct; having learned
by experience, that to govern a kingdom was a painful
office, and required more application than hitherto he had
bestowed upon
it. But what seems to have been the chief
cause of this short calm, after so high a storm, was the
death of his principal opposers, all of whom King Henry
out-lived, and the uneasy circumstances in which they
left their heirs: so that, upon the whole, the fire of sedi-
tion might in this case, be said to extinguish for want of
fuel, and the king to die in peace, because the power of
disturbing him was exhausted.
He ended his life on November 16, 1272, when he had
reigned somewhat more than fifty-six years, and lived
sixty-six. He was a prince of but moderate endow-
ments, which rendered him unable to govern without
assistance, and made him also too prone to an implicit
confidence in such as were about him. In the first years
of his reign, while the famous Hubert de Burgh, earl of
Kent, was at the head of the administration, there seems
to have been great care taken of commerce, which must
have been very considerable, to supply the prodigious
expenses of his foreign expeditions, or rather journeys';
in one of which, he carried over no less than thirty large
casks of specie, as also the mighty sums employed by the
*
* Annal. Waverl. p. 225, 226: Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 232.
Gul. Rishanger in cont. Hist. Angl. p. 1007. Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 36.
† Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 236. H. Knyghton, p. 2461. Annal.
Waverl. p. 226. T. Walsingh. Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 472. Chron.
Mailros, p. 242. Chron. Godstov. p. 99. Chron. W. Thorn, p. 1920.
Chron. T. Otterbourne, p. 77—80.
152
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
several adventurers in the holy wars, who constantly
mortgaged their lands at setting out, and spent the money
they raised beyond the seas. Besides all this, we find
that whenever any respite from troubles would allow it,
this was a most luxurious age; and the king's kindness
for foreigners, especially the Poictevins, enabled them to
carry away vast sums; and his brother, Richard, earl of
Cornwall, is said to have lavished much treasure in
attaining the pompous title of king of the Romans; which
enormous expense did not however hinder his living and
dying a very rich man so that some way or other, vast
sums must, by the balance of foreign trade, have centered
here, otherwise such large draughts could not have been
supplied; and yet we are pretty certain, that the policy
of this king's time did not reach to any of those refined
arts of creating an appearance of wealth by altering the
value of the current coin,. which have been since found
out. Better arguments than these to prove a balance of
trade in favour of that age, can hardly be produced, and
therefore we must allow, that such a balance there was;
though doubtless, under a better government, and a more
settled state of things, it might have been much larger.
But the mistakes of former are, or at least should be,
lessons to later ages.
EDWARD I. surnamed Longshanks, though he was at his
1274. father's decease in the Holy Land, was readily and unani-
mously acknowledged his successor; nor did there happen
any disturbance, notwithstanding he delayed his return to
July 25, 1274. In his passage home, he visited Pope
Gregory X. and King Philip of France; stayed some
time at his city of Bourdeaux, and having thoroughly
settled his affairs abroad, arrived here with an established
reputation as well for wisdom as courage, which perhaps
was the principal reason that all ancient animosities
seemed buried in oblivion, and his barons shewed as
OF EDWARD 1.
153
1
great alacrity in obeying him, as they had discovered
obstinacy in thwarting his father. He, on the other hand,
manifested a great spirit of forgiveness, and addressing
himself to the government with equal spirit and diligence,
quickly gave a new face to public affairs. The desire he
had of settling the realm in perfect tranquillity, engaged
him to spend some time in making new laws, and com-
posing old differences amongst potent families; in regu-
lating affairs with the king of Scots, and in providing for
the security of the English frontiers towards Wales, by
redressing the grievances complained of by the Welch,
and heaping favours upon David, brother to Llewellin,
who ruled over all Wales. Yet this peace did not con-
tinue long, and the nature of our work leads us to shew
how it was broken, and what were the consequences of
that breach. *
1276.
Llewellin was a wise and warlike prince, more potent A.D.
than any of his predecessors, but withal, excessively am-
bitious, filling his mind with vain hopes, `founded on old
prophecies, and furthered, in all probability, by his
intrigues with some of the English barons. These
notions induced him to decline paying homage to King
Edward; and to endeavour to strengthen his interest by
marrying the daughter of Simon Mountford, late earl of
Leicester, that determined enemy of the royal family.
This lady, coming to him by sea from France, (for when
came mischief into this island from another quarter?)
was taken at sea by some ships from the port of Bristol,
and, with her brother, brought to the king, who treated
her very kindly. In order to put an end to these disputes;
Edward entered Wales with a great army, and at the
same time, harassed the coast with his fleet, which brought
* Walter Hemingford, Historia de rebus gestis Edw. I. Edw. II.
and Edw. III. vol. i. p. 1-4. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 237, 238,
239. Chronicon. Godstovianum MS. p. 100. Mat. Westm. Chron.
Dunelm.
2
154
NAVAL HISTORY
1282.
the proud Llewellin so low, that he yielded to a peace on
very hard terms; in consequence of which, however, the
king, from a royal generosity, sent him his wife. * Not
long after he broke out again, and in conjunction with his
brother David, committed such devastation in the English
marches, that the king was obliged to turn against him the
whole force of the kingdom; and, having slain him in
battle, added Wales to his dominions, and declaring his
young son Edward, just born at Caernarvon, † prince
+
A.D. thereof, put an end to the British line. His policy in
securing his conquest, is worthy of observation: for first,
to awe the people, he distributed the inland parts amongst
his nobility; and next, to prevent their giving in to the
Welch customs, he established the English laws, and
appointed sheriffs and other legal officers in those parts;
lastly, for his own security, which he judged depended
on a naval force, he kept all the ports of the principality
in his own hands, encouraging the inhabitants in their
application to inland trade and foreign commerce, more
than any of their native princes had done, ‡ that they
might become true subjects of an English king, rich and
free.
A.D.
1289.
In the seventeenth year of the king's reign fell out the
death of Alexander king of Scots, which afforded Edward
another opportunity of displaying his wisdom, and of
extending his power. This prince had for his first wife,
Margaret, the king's sister, by whom he had a son, who
died young, and a daughter named Margaret, who was
married to the king of Norway, to whom also she bore a
daughter, called Margaret likewise, whom the Scots,
* Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 5. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 248.
+ Thomas Walsingham, Hist. Angl. p. 40-52. H. de Knyghton,
lib. iii. cap. 1. p. 2464. Annal. Waverl. p. 234, 235. Chron. Dun-
staple, p. 432, 433, 494, 507. Chron. T. Otterbourne, p. 81, 82.
Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 8-13. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i.
p. 256-259. Chron. Godstovian, ubi supra.
OF EDWARD 1.
155
with the consent of King Edward, acknowledged for the
heiress of their crown. She, in her passage from Norway,
going on shore in the Orkneys, died there; whereupon
many competitors for the Scottish diadem appeared,
*
who agreed to submit the decision of their respective titles
to King Edward. These were Eric, king of Norway;
Florence, earl of Holland; Robert le Brus, lord of An-
nandale; John de Baliol, lord of Galloway; John de
Hastings, lord of Abergavenny; John Comyn, lord of
Badenoch; Patrick Dunbar, earl of Marche; John de
Vesci, for his father; Nicholas de Soules, and William
de Ros: and great consequences King Edward drew from
this reference, which put the whole island into his power,
and gave him a pretence for keeping a strong squadron of
ships upon the northern coast, in right of his sovereignty
over those seas, which, though always claimed, had not
been exercised by some of his predecessors. † After A.D.
much consultation, and with great solemnity, the king 1292.
pronounced his judgment in favour of Baliol, as descended
from the eldest daughter of David earl of Huntingdon,
notwithstanding Robert le Brus was somewhat nearer in
descent, though by a younger daughter; who therefore,
holding himself injured, still kept up his claim, which
perhaps was not disagreeable to Edward, who thought
nourishing dissensions in that kingdom necessary to pre-
serve peace in his own. †
Notwithstanding these arduous affairs at home, King
Edward was far from neglecting his concerns on the con-
tinent, where he still preserved the duchy of Guienne,
* H. Knyghton, lib. iii. cap. 1. p. 2468.
p. 82-89. Chron. Dunstaple, p. 594, 595.
lib. xiii. fol. 291.
Chron. T. Otterbourne,
Hector Boeth, Hist. Scot.
† John de Fordun, Scotichron. vol. iii. p. 782. Walter Hemingford,
vol. i. p. 29. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 267.
↑ Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 37, 38. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i.
p. 273, 274. Hector Boeth. Hist. Scot. lib. xiv. Thomas Walsingham,
Hist. Angl. p. 59.
156
NAVAL HISTORY
1293.
and some other dominions, to which he passed over when
occasion required, and contrary to the usage of his pre-
decessors, took all imaginable care to preserve the friend-
ship of France, which in the end he found impracticable,
and that his right were only to be defended by force.*
A.D. An extraordinary act of French insolence gave rise to the
bloody war which broke out in the twenty-first year of
King Edward's reign, and of which I shall exhibit a dis-
tinct account from proper authorities. The first grounds
of the quarrel are very differently reported both by our
own and foreign historians; but the relation given us by
Walter of Hemingford is more circumstantial, and much
more probable than any of the rest, and therefore from
him (especially as it has never appeared in English,) we
shall insert it.
"In the year 1293, a fatal contention happened between
"the English seamen of the cinque ports and the mariners
"of the French king in Normandy, which began thus:
"An English ship putting into a Norman port, remained
"there some days; while they lay at anchor, two of the
66 crew went to get fresh water at a place not far distant
"from the shore, where they were insulted by some
"Normans of their own profession; so that coming from
"words to blows, one of the Englishmen was killed, and
"the other flying to the ship, related what had happened
"to his fellow-sailors, informing them that the Normans
"were at his heels. Upon this they hoisted sail and put
"to sea; and though the Normans followed them, they
❝ nevertheless escaped, but with some difficulty: where-
the inhabitants of the English ports sought assist-
"ance from their neighbours; and the enemy, on the
"other hand, retaining still the same disposition, in-
"creased their strength daily, and chased all English ·
66
upon
* Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 368, 369. Mezeray, tom. ii. p. 777. Thomas
Walsingham, p. 60. T. Wilkes's Chron. p. 125, 126. Nic. Trivet.
Annal. vol. i. p. 274.
"OF EDWARD I.
157
"ships. In these excursions, having had the fortune to
"meet six, and to take two English vessels, they killed
❝the sailors, hung up their bodies at the yard-arm, with
66 as many dogs; sailing in this manner for some time on
"their coasts, and signifying to all the world thereby
"that they made no sort of difference between an
"Englishman and a dog.
"This, when it came to the ears of the inhabitants
❝ of the English ports, by the relation of those that
"escaped, provoked them to take the best measures
"they could to revenge so signal an affront; and having
❝in vain cruized at sea, in order to find out the enemy,
"they entered the port of Swyn, and having killed and
"drowned abundance of men, carried away six ships;
(( many acts of a like nature succeeding this on both
❝ sides. At last, wearied by this piratical war, they
"by messengers who passed between them, fixed a
"certain day to decide this dispute with their whole
"strength: this day was the fourteenth of April, and
"a large empty ship was fixed in the middle, between
66
the coasts of England and Normandy, to mark the
<6 place of engagement. The English, against the time
appointed, procured some aid from Ireland, Holland,
"and other places; and the Normans drew to their
"assistance the French, Flemings, and Genoese. At
"the appointed day both parties met, full of resolution;
❝and as their minds boiled with rage, so a like spirit
"seemed to agitate the elements: storms of snow and
❝hail, and boisterous gusts of wind were the preludes
"of an obstinate battle; in which at length God gave
"the victory to us; many thousands being slain, besides
"those who were drowned in a large number of ships
"which perished: the victorious English carrying off
"two hundred and forty sail; and with these they
"returned home.
VOL. I.
N
158
NAVAL HISTORY
"When King Philip received this news, though his
"brother Charles had been the author of the battle,
<< yet he sent ambassadors to the king of England,
"demanding reparation for the wrong done him, by
<< punishing such as were concerned, and by the payment
"of a vast sum for the losses which his merchants had
"sustained. To them the king prudently answered,
"that he would enquire into the matter, and return his
"resolution by messengers of his own. Agreeably to
"this promise, he sent to desire the French king, that
"time and place might be fixed for commissioners on
"both sides, to meet and enquire into the circumstances
"of the fact, in order to its being amicably adjusted:
“but this the French king refused; and, by the advice
"of his nobility, summoned the king of England to
66 appear, and answer for what had passed, in his court,
"on a day assigned. The day came, and the king
"not appearing, a new summons was issued, wherein
"the king was cited to appear on another day, under
"pain of forfeiting all his dominions beyond the seas.
"The king, before this day elapsed, sent his brother
"Edmund earl of Lancaster, and the earl of Leicester,
"with instructions for the making an end of this busi-
66 ness; yet these ambassadors, though they produced
CC proper credentials, were not heard, nor even admitted;
"but judgment was given, that the king should lose
"Aquitain, and all his transmarine dominions for his
" contempt in not appearing."*
Such is the account given by Hemingford, which is
clear and exact, and very agreeable to what we find in
the best French authors, particularly Father Daniel,
who very candidly relates, and very honestly blames,
this violent procedure. + But what followed was so
Historia de rebus gestis Edward I. &c. vol. i. p. 39, 40, 41.
Histoire de France, vol. iv. p. 358.
OF EDWARD I,
159
1294
very base, that, though I own it is somewhat beside
my purpose, I cannot help relating it. By the interpo- A.D.
sition of the French queens, a treaty was set on foot
with Prince Edmund for the accommodating all differ
ences. By this treaty it was agreed, that, to save the
honour of King Philip, a few French troops should be
admitted into certain forts and cities, and that, after
this mark of submission, they should be withdrawn; and,
letters of safe conduct being granted to King Edward,
he should pass the seas, and settle all things in a per-
sonal conference with the French king; the troops to
be recalled, and the sentence vacated in forty days, in
consequence of the before-mentioned submission. All
this being fairly executed by King Edward, when the
time was elapsed, and the French troops were required
to evacuate the towns, King Philip roundly declared,
that he was unacquainted with the treaty, and that he
would by no means comply therewith.* Such was the
policy of France of old, and such the honourable means
by which her monarchy was extended!
The resentment of the king for this base usage shewed
itself in various treaties with foreign princes, as also
by sending a speedy relief to Gascony under his ne
phew the earl of Richmond, attended by Lord St. John
and Admiral Tiptoff. + At the same time, to secure
the seas, and prevent any descents on his coast, the king
fitted out three fleets well provided with men and am-
munition; one from Yarmouth, which was commanded
by John de Botecourt; another from Portsmouth, under
the direction of William de Leibourne; the third, which
had the care of the western coast, under the command
* Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 42, 43. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i.
p. 276, 277. T. Walsingham, p. 61.
† Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 279.
Walter Hemingford, vol. i.
p. 51. Histoire de France, par J. de Serres, p. 174.
N 2
160
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1294.
of a valiant knight of Ireland. *
of Trivet's Annals, this admiral is
trious house of Ormond. †
In some of the copies
said to be of the illus-
J
1
That of Portsmouth,
· All these fleets did good service.
about Michaelmas, sailed into the mouth of the Garronne,
and, having disembarked the troops on board, took several
places from the French: † yet next year, the French
king having hired a great fleet, some of our writers say
not less than 300 sail, they stood over to the English
coast, and landing the troops on board suddenly near
Dover, by the assistance of Sir Thomas Turberville, a
traitor, took the town, and burnt it; but were quickly
afterwards forced to fly to their ships, with the loss of
A.D eight hundred men. § In the mean time, the Yarmouth
1295. fleet made a descent in Normandy, burnt the town of Cher-
bourg, and spoiled a rich abbey. The Portsmouth squa-
dron also on the coast of Flanders took fifteen sail of Spa-
nish merchantmen, richly laden, and brought them into
A. D. Sandwich. I To balance this, there happened an unfore-
seen stroke at Berwick, where, the English fleet rashly
entering the harbour, the Scots destroyed four ships, and
the rest with some difficulty escaped. **
1296.
A
A.D. In the twenty-fifth year of his reign, the king made
1297. great preparations for invading Flanders; and not-
withstanding he met with many interruptions from his
barons and clergy, yet, by the latter end of August he
sailed from Winchelsea with a mighty fleet, having a
1
Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 279.
+ See the MS. of Trivet, in the library of Merton College, in Oxford.
↑ Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 56.
p. 280.
Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i.
Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p.
Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 789.
§ Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 59.
284, 285. H. Knyghton, p. 2503, 2504.
|| Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 284.
¶Thom. Walsingham, Hist. Angl. p. 64.
** Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 90. Thom. Walsingham, Hist.
Angl. p. 66. H. Knyghton, p. 2512.
OF EDWARD I.
161
•
gallant army of between fifty and sixty thousand men
on board, and landed at Sluys in Flanders, on the
twenty-seventh of the same month, where a very un-
lucky accident fell out. The squadron from the cinque
ports, quarrelling with the Yarmouth mariners, sud-
denly fell to blows; so that, notwithstanding the king's
interposition, a desperate engagement followed, wherein
twenty ships of the Yarmouth squadron were burnt,
most of the men on board them lost, and three of the
largest ships in the navy, one of which had the king's
treasure on board, were driven out to sea, and, not with-
out much difficulty, escaped. * This was an ill begin-
ning; and indeed nothing answerable to the force
employed therein was done through the whole expe-
dition; yet, in one respect they were fortunate; for,
the French having formed a scheme for burning their
whole navy in the harbour of Dam, it was luckily
discovered, and the English fleet, putting to sea, es-
caped. The king's confederates abroad also fell from
their promises; and the Flemings, to whose assistance
the English came, making a sudden. defection, the king
was next year obliged to return to England, as well
on account of these miscarriages, as to quiet his barons,
and to repress the Scots, who, at the instigation of the
French, took up arms, and invaded the kingdom. ‡
The king, according to his disposition of entertaining A.D.
peace on the continent if possible, while he had affairs 1299.
of moment to employ him nearer home, was content,
notwithstanding the injuries he received, to make a
peace with King Philip, which in the twenty-seventh
year of his reign was confirmed, § and by the mediation
* Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 304. Walter Hemingford, vol. i.
p. 146.
+ Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 305. Holingshed's Chronicle, p. 304.
↑ Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 148.
§ Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 168, 169. Annal. Abington. Nic.
Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 314, 315.
162
NAVAL HISTORY
1303.
of Pope Boniface VIII. made more explicit by a treaty;
wherein it was stipulated, that the king of England
should marry the French king's sister, and his son
Prince Edward the daughter of the said king; and
that the duchy of Aquitain should be put into the
hands of the pope, until the matters in difference be-
tween the two kings should be enquired into, and
settled, with many other articles to be seen at large in
A.D. Rymer's collection. * This truce, indifferently performed
on the part of the French, subsisted to the thirtieth
year of the king, and then a peace was concluded
between the two crowns, of which, the third article con-
tained a reciprocal engagement, that neither of the con-
tracting parties should afford any manner of aid or
assistance to the enemies of the other, or suffer the same
to be given, in any way whatever, in any of the territo-
ries or places under their power, and that they should
forbid the same to be done on pain of forfeiture of body
and goods to the offenders, &c. I mention this article
particularly, because, in consequence of it, there fell
out the clearest proofs of the king of England's absolute
sovereignty of the sea, that could be desired or wished;
a clearer proof, perhaps, than the whole world can shew,
in respect to the prerogative of a prince, with regard to
other princes. + It happened thus:
The war still continuing between Philip the Fair and
the Flemings, that prince thought fit to send a great
fleet to sea under the command of a Genoese noble-
man, whose name was Reyner Grimbaldi, (most of our
writers call him Grimbaltz,) to whom he gave the title
of admiral; and who, under colour of this commission,
took several ships of different nations, bound for the
ports of Flanders, laden with various kinds of goods.
Upon this, complaints were made to the kings of Eng-
+ Ibid. p. 941.
* Foedera, tom. ii. p. 840.
OF EDWARD I.
16$
1
land and France, who jointly appointed commissioners to
hear and determine the matters contained in them.
To these commissioners, therefore, a remonstrance was
presented in the name of the procurators of the prelates
and nobles, and of the admiral of the English seas, and of
the communities of cities and towns, likewise of the mer-
chants, mariners, strangers resident, and all others belong-
ing to the kingdom of England, and other territories subject
to the said king of England; as also the inhabitants of other
maritime places, such as Genoa, Catalonia, Spain, Ger-
many, Zealand, Holland, Frizeland, Denmark, Norway,
&c. setting forth, that whereas the kings of England, by
right of the said kingdom, have from time to time, whereof
there is no memorial to the contrary, been in peaceable
possession of the sovereignty of the English seas, and of
the islands situate within the same, with power of ordain
ing and establishing laws, statutes, and prohibitions of
arms, and of ships otherwise furnished than merchantmen
used to be; and of taking security, and giving protection,
in all cases where need shall require, and of ordering all
other things necessary for the maintaining of peace, right,
and equity, among all manner of people, as well of other
dominions as their own, passing through the said seas, and
the sovereign guard thereof; and also, of taking all man-
ner of cognizance in causes, and of doing right and justice
to high and low, according to the said laws, statutes, ordi-
nances, and prohibitions, and all other things, which to
the exercise of sovereign jurisdiction in the places afore-
said may appertain; and whereas A. de B. (Lord Coke *
says his name was de Botetort) admiral of the said sea,
deputed by the said king of England, and all other admi-
rals deputed by the said king of England, and his ances-
tors, formerly kings of England, have been in peaceable
possession of the said sovereign guard, with power of juris-
* Instit. lib. iv. c. 22.
164
NAVAL HISTORY
diction, and all the other powers before mentioned, (except
in case of appeal, and complaint made of them to their
sovereigns the kings of England, in default of justice, or
for evil judgment,) and especially of making prohibitions,
doing justice, and taking security for good behaviour from
all manner of people carrying arms on the said sea, or
sailing in ships otherwise fitted out and armed than mer-
chant ships used to be, and in all other cases where a man
may have reasonable cause of suspicion towards them of
piracy, or other misdoings; and, whereas the masters of
ships, of the said kingdom of England, in the absence of
the said admirals, have been in peaceable possession of
taking cognizance, and judging of all facts upon the said
sea, between all manner of people, according to the
laws, statutes, prohibitions, franchises, and customs; and,
whereas, in the first article of the treaty of alliance, lately
made between the said kings at Paris, the words following
are set down, viz. First of all it is agreed and concluded
between us, the envoys and agents above mentioned, in
the names of the said kings, that they shall be to each
other, for the future, good, true, and faithful friends and
allies, against all the world, (except the church of Rome,)
in such manner, that if any one or more, whosoever they
be, shall go about to interrupt, hinder, or molest the said
kings, in the franchises, liberties, privileges, rights, or
customs, of them and their kingdoms, they shall be good
and faithful friends, and aiding against all men living, and
ready to die, to defend, keep, and maintain, the above men-
tioned franchises, liberties, rights, and customs, &c. ; and
that the one shall not be of counsel, nor give aid or assist-
ance in any thing whereby the other may lose life, limb,
estate, or honour. And whereas Mr. Reyner Grimbaltz,
master of the ships of the said king of France, who calls
himself admiral of the said sea, being deputed by his sove-
reign aforesaid, in his war against the Flemings, did (after
the above mentioned alliance was made and ratified, and
OF EDWARD I.
165
against the tenor and obligation of the said alliance, and
the intention of those who made it,) wrongfully assume and
exercise the office of admiral in the said sea of England,
above the space of a year, by commission from the said
king of France, taking the subjects and merchants of the
kingdom of England, and of other countries, passing upon
the said seas, with their goods, and did cast the men so
taken into the prisons of his said master the king of
France, and, by his own judgment and award, did cause to
be delivered, their goods and merchandizes to receivers
established for that purpose, in the sea-ports of the said
king, as forfeit and confiscate to him; and, his taking
and detaining the said men with their said goods and mer-
chandizes, and his judgment and award on them as forfeit
and confiscate, hath pretended in writing to justify before
you, the lords commissioners, by authority of the aforesaid
commission for the office of admiral by him thus usurped,
and against the general prohibition made by the king of
England, in places within his power, in pursuance of the
third article of the before mentioned alliance, containing
the words above written, and hath therefore required, that
he may be acquitted and absolved of the same, to the great
damage and prejudice of the said king of England, and of
the prelates, nobles, and others before mentioned; where-
fore the said procurators do, in the names of their said
lords, pray you, the lords-commissioners before mentioned,
that due and speedy delivery of the said men, ships, goods,
and merchandizes, so taken and detained, may be made to
the admiral of the said king of England, to whom the cog-
nizance of this matter doth rightfully appertain, as is above
said, that so, without disturbance from you, or any one
else, he may take cognizance thereof, and do what belongs
to his aforesaid office; and that the aforesaid Mr. Reyner
may be condemned, and constrained to make due satisfac-
tion for all the said damages, so far forth as he shall be
able to do the same; and, in default thereof, his said
A
166
NAVAL HISTORY
master, the king of France, by whom he was deputed to
the said office, and that, after due satisfaction shall be
made for the said damages, the said Mr. Reyner may be
so duly punished for the violation of the said allowance,
as that the same may be an example to others for time to
come. *
Thus far the remonstrance, on which other writers
having largely insisted, let us content ourselves with
making a few obvious reflections. I. It appears from this
paper, that the dominion of the sea had not only been
claimed, but exercised and possessed, by the kings of
England, for time immemorial, which is sufficient to give
some credit to the facts which we have related from the
British history; for, as to the times since the Roman inva-
sion, they were, in an historical sense, within memory.
II. It is clear, from hence, what the dominion of the sea
was, viz. a jurisdiction over the vessels of all nations pass-
ing thereon for the common benefit of all, for the prevent-
ing piracies, the protection of commerce, and the decision
of unforeseen disputes. III. It is no less apparent, that
this was an exclusive jurisdiction, in which no other poten-
tate had any share; which must have been founded either
in common consent, or in superiority of strength, either of
which afforded a good title. IV. We see, by this remon-
strance, that the dominion of the sea resting in the king
of England, was a point not only known to, but main-
tained by, the Genoese, Spaniards, Germans, Hollanders,
Danes, and, in short, by all the maritime powers then in
Europe; which is sufficient to evince, that trade was far
from being at a low ebb; and that the prerogative of the
crown of England, in this respect, had been hitherto so
exercised, as to render it a common advantage. V. We
perceive, that foreigners were so jealous of the assuming
* Selden's Mare Clausum, lib. ii. cap. 27, 28. Coke's Instit. lib. iv.
cap. 22.
OF EDWARD I.
167
temper of the French princes, that they would not admit
the commander in chief of their naval force to bear the
title of admiral, which they apprehended to include a title
to jurisdiction; and, therefore, would have this Reyner
Grimbaltz styled only master of the ships to the king of
France. VI. We must observe, that the commissioners,
to whom this remonstrance is addressed, neither had, nor
claimed any naval jurisdiction whatsoever, but were ap-
pointed to hear and determine whether King Edward's
prerogative, as sovereign of the sea, had been invaded by
this Reyner Grimbaltz, in contravention of the first article
of the treaty between the crowns of England and France,
whereby the contracting parties covenanted to maintain
each other's prerogatives; and, consequently, the French
king was bound to maintain this prerogative of King
Edward, which gave occasion to the commission. VII.
We owe the knowledge of this whole affair not to our his-
torians, but to our records; whence we may safely deduce
this consequence, that the want of facts to support such a
jurisdiction throughout preceding reigns, ought not to be
urged as a just objection; because, as I once before hinted,
most of those who applied themselves to writing history,
were very little acquainted with these matters.
But there is one thing more relating to this affair, which
deserves particular attention; and that is, the plea put in
by Reyney Grimbaltz, in answer to this remonstrance.
He did not dispute the king of England's sovereignty; he
did not plead any power derived to himself from the
French king's commission; but, what he insisted on was,
the third article of the treaty before mentioned, which he
would have to be thus understood; that, King Edward
having contracted not to give any aid or assistance, or
to suffer any aid or assistance to be given to the enemies
of King Philip; and, having also actually issued out a pro-
hibition, forbidding any such practices, it followed, in his
opinion, that all such as, after this prohibition, relieved the
U
168
NAVAL HISTORY
܀
Flemings, by merchandize or otherwise, were to be
esteemed enemies, of whatsoever nation they were; and,
that he, having taken none but the persons and goods of
such, conceived himself to have a permission so to do, by
virtue of the said prohibition; whereby King Edward,
according to his interpretation, had signified, that he
would not take it as an injury done to him, although the
ships of such offenders should be taken in his seas by the
French king's officers. I shall not enter into the rea-
sonableness or validity of this defence, the issue of which
is not known; but content myself with observing, that it
contains the clearest concession, on the part of France,
that can be desired; because this man derives the legality
of his own actions, if they were legal, not from the com-
mission of the prince he served, but from the king of
England's prohibition; so that, in reality, he asserts him-
self to have acted under the English sovereignty, and
from thence expected his acquittal.
*
Many other instances of this king's claiming and exer-
cising the sovereignty of the sea might be produced, if
they were at all necessary; but, as at that time, the title of
our kings was no way contested, it is not necessary to
detain the reader longer on this head. The remainder of
his life was spent in subduing Scotland, on which he had
particularly set his heart, as appears, by his directing his
dead body to be carried about that country, till every part
of it was brought under his son's dominion. In this
temper of mind he died, in a manner in the field; for he
caused himself to be conveyed from Carlisle to a village
called Burgh upon Sands, where he deceased on July 17,
1307, in the thirty-fifth year of his reign, and the sixty-
ninth of his age. †
* Selden, ubi supra. Molloy, de jure Maritimo & Navali, cap. v.
+ Walt. Hemingford, vol. i. p. 237, 238, 239. Nic. Trivet. Annal.
p. 346, 347. Chron. Godstovian, p. 103. T. Walsingham Hist. Angl.
OF EDWARD II.
169
He was, undoubtedly, one of the bravest and most po-
litic princes that ever sat on the English throne. He
rightly judged, that he could never be formidable abroad
till he had established unanimity at home; which was the
reason that, at such an expense of blood and treasure, he
annexed Wales for ever to his dominions, and endeavoured,
with such earnestness, to add Scotland to them likewise;
which, if he had lived, he would, in all probability, have
done; and then, no doubt, the French would have felt the
weight of his whole power; for, though he was too wise to
be diverted from the prosecution of his designs by any of
the, arts of his enemies, yet he was a monarch of too great
spirit to bear the injustice done him by France, longer
than the situation of his affairs required. As he set the
state in order at his first coming to the throne, so he left
the government thoroughly established at the time of his
decease; which, with a numerous army and potent fleet,
he consigned to his son, who resembled him very little
either in his virtue or his fortune.
EDWARD II. succeeded this monarch in the throne, A.D.
with the general satisfaction of the nation. His first 1307.
care was to solemnize the marriage, concluded for him
by his father, with the Princess Isabella, daughter to the
French king; and for that purpose he passed the seas,
and went to Paris, where he was very magnificently
received, and the ceremony of his nuptials was performed
with extraordinary splendour. His marriage over, he
returned to England with his new queen, and was
crowned on the feast of St. Matthias with all imaginable
testimonies of joy and affection from the people. But
this fair weather was soon over; for he shortly after
bringing back his favourite, called by most of our wri-
ters Gaveston, but whose true name seems to have been
p. 94. Thom. Sprot, Chronic. p. 112. Johan. Fordun de Scotichro-
nicon, vol. iv. p. 1003. H. Kuyghton, p. 2530. Fabian, p. 149.
A.D.
1308.
170
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1313.
Piers, or Peter de Gaberston, a Gascon, the barons took
such an offence thereat, and at the extravagant marks
of royal favour he afterwards received, that more than
one civil war happened upon his account, which hin-
dered the king from applying himself to the care of his
concerns abroad, as well as the nobility from rendering
him those services to which they were heartily inclined.
These jealousies and disputes ended not but with the
death of the king's minion, by whom they were occa-
sioned, and who, falling into the hands of the lords, had
his head struck off without any form of justice. It is
highly probable, that the French counsellors about the
queen were the chief instigators of this fact, at least as
to the manner of doing it; and yet, after it was done,
they inflamed the king's discontents, and by thus dividing
this nation, kept their own quiet.*
In the year 1313, Robert le Brus, king of Scotland,
invaded England with a great army, which roused the
king from his lethargy, and obliged him to provide for
the nation's safety, and his own honour. The next year
therefore he assembled the whole strength of the realm,
and marched therewith northward, intending to have
reduced the whole kingdom of Scotland, according to
his father's directions upon his death-bed; but those
disasters which always attend princes when on ill terms
with their subjects, waited on this unfortunate expedi-
A.D. tion; so that in a general engagement on June 24, 1314,
the English were entirely defeated, though the king dis-
covered much personal courage, and, when all fell into
confusion, was with difficulty prevailed upon to fly. He
1314.
* Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 242. Contin. Annal. Nic. Trivet.
per Adam Murimuth, vol. ii. p. 5. Thom. Walsingham, p. 95-101.
Mezeray. H. Knyghton, p. 2532. Thom. de la Moor, vit. Edward
II. p. 593. T. Otterbourne, p. 109, 110. Johan. Trokelowe, Annal
Edward II. p. 1–18. Anonym. Monach. Malmsburiens, vit. Ed-
ward II. p. 95-106.
:
OF EDWARD II.
171
certainly meant to have attempted, at least, the repairing
this misfortune, by invading Scotland with a new army;
but his reputation was so much injured by his late defeat,
and his nobility were so unwilling to fight under his
banners, * that all his endeavours came to nothing; and
he had besides the misfortune to see not only the nor-
thern parts of England ravaged, but Ireland also invaded
by the Scots, whom his father had left in so low a con-
dition, and so little likely to defend their own, instead of
offending.
This design of the Scots upon Ireland was very deeply
laid, and nothing less was intended than an entire con-
quest of the island. For this purpose King Robert le
Brus sent over his brother Edward, who took upon
him the title of king of Ireland, and who landed in
the north with six thousand men, attended by the earls
of Murray and Monteith, Lord John Stuart, Lord John
Campbell, and many other persons of distinction; and,
by the assistance of the native Irish, quickly reduced a
great part of the country. This war lasted several years,
King Robert going over thither at last in person; and
in all probability had carried his point, if it had not
been for the hasty temper of his brother. Sir Edmund
Butler, in the beginning of these stirs, had with the
English forces done all that in a very distracted state of
affairs could be done, for the preservation of the island,
till such time as the king sent over Lord Roger Mor- A.B.
timer with a very small force to repress the invaders;
who engaging Edward le Brus in the famous battle of
Armagh, which the Scots very imprudently fought be
* Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 15. Hector Boeth. Hist. Scot.
lib. xiv. p. 302. Thom. Walsingham, Hist. Angl. p. 105. T. Otter-
bourne, p. 110. H. Knyghton, p. 2533. Johan. Fordun, Scotichro-
nicon, vol. iv. p. 1007. Monach. Malmesburiens, vit. Edward II.
p. 146, 147. Johan Trokelowe, Annal. Edw. II. p. 24-26. Fabian's
Chronicle, p. 167,
1818.
172
NAVAL HISTORY
1323.
fore they were joined by King Robert and his forces,
the English gained a complete victory; * the pretended
King Edward being slain upon the spot, his head
carried by the Lord Birmingham into England, and
there presented to King Edward. After this all matters
in Ireland were so well settled, that the king had
thoughts of retiring thither, when sinking under his
misfortunes; and had probably done so, if he had
remained master of the sea.
The king drew these troubles upon himself, by suf
fering his new favourites the Spensers to guide him in
all things, since by this he equally disgusted his no-
A.D. bility and his own family. A dishonourable treaty he
had made with Scotland was another ground of discon-
tent; and, while things went so ill at home, there
wanted not some causes of disquiet abroad. Charles
IV. of France, brother to Queen Isabel, pretending to
take umbrage because King Edward did not assist at
his coronation, sent his uncle Charles de Valois into
A.D. Guyenne, a great part of which he quickly reduced,
and grievously distressed Edmund earl of Kent, the
king's brother, who was sent to defend that province;
insomuch that he agreed with the French general to
come over, and persuade his brother to give King
Charles satisfaction, or else to render himself, if the
king of England was inflexible, prisoner of war; by
which capitulation, he preserved the few towns the
English still retained in Guyenne, though he thereby
paved the way, perhaps involuntarily, for his unfortu-
nate brother's deposition and destruction. †
1324.
>
* Chron. Hibern. Adam Murimuth. vol. ii. p. 28, 29, 49, 53. Johan.
Trokelowe, Annal. Edward II. p. 33, 44. J. Fordun, Scotichronicon,
vol. iv. p. 1008, 1009. T. Walsingham, p: 107, 111. Hector Boeth
Hist. Scot. lib. xiv. p. 305.
+ Mezeray, abrege de l'Hist. de France, tom. ii. p. 841. Le Gen-
dre, Hist. de France, tom. iii. p. 431. Adam Marimuth, vol. ii. p.
OF EDWARD II.
173
!
1
1325.
F
As soon as King Edward was informed of what had A.D.
passed, he took it extremely to heart, banished the
French who were about the person of the queen, and
had thoughts of entering immediately into a war with
that crown: but, finding it impossible to obtain sup
plies from his parliament, he suddenly changed his
purpose, and resolved to send over Queen Isabella to
treat with her brother, and to endeavour to accommo-
date the differences which had happened between them;
and upon this errand she accordingly went. By her
applications the French king was not only drawn to
pass by what had given him offence, but was likewise
induced to give him the dukedom of Aquitain, and the
earldom of Poictou to Prince Edward his nephew, on
condition that he came and did him homage for them in
person; though to preserve appearances, letters of safe
conduct were also sent to the king, that he, in case
he so thought fit, might also go over to France, and
take possession of those countries. * When King Ed-
ward had considered these conditions, and consulted
with his favourites, he resolved to send over the prince
to his mother, in order to the due execution of the
treaty. This was all the queen and her party wanted;
for no sooner was the heir of the crown in France
under their tuition, than immediately they began to
negotiate a treaty of marriage between him and the
daughter of the earl of Hainault, directly contrary to
his father's instructions; and, at the same time, made
all the necessary dispositions for invading England, as
soon as this marriage was brought about.† The king, 1326.
62. T. de la Moor, vit. Edward II. p. 596. Thom. Walsingham,
p. 122.
* Paul Æmyle, Hist. des Rois de France, p. 497. P. Daniel, Hist.
de France, tom. iv. p. 45-47. Rymer's Foedera, tom. iv. p. 195.
† Adam Murimuth, vol. ii. p. 63. Thom. de la Moor, vit. Edward
II. p. 598. Thom. Walsingham, 123.
VOL. I.
A.D.
174
NAVAL HISTORY
having intelligence of these proceedings, sent positive
orders to the queen and his son to return home; and,
on their refusal, proclaimed them enemies to the king-
dom, and at the same time began to act vigorously
against France; sending orders to his admiral to cruize
on the French coasts, particularly to the constable of
Dover castle, and warden of the cinque ports; who
executed his commands so effectually, that, in a short
time, a hundred and twenty sail of ships belonging to
Normandy were brought into the English ports.* This
had such an effect upon King Charles, that, in appear-
ance at least, he abandoned his sister: though a French
historian intimates, that it was rather occasioned by
her too great familiarity with Roger Lord Mortimer.
However it was, the queen retired first into Guyenne,
and went thence with her son, the prince, to the court
of the earl of Hainault, where she openly prosecuted her
design of attacking her husband, in support of which, she
had formed a strong party in England.
The king on his side provided the best he could for
his defence, which however did not hinder her landing
with three thousand men, at Orewell in Suffolk, a little
before Michaelmas: an inconsiderable force in propor-
tion to the design, and yet it is hard to conceive even
how these were landed, without the connivance at least
of such as had the command of the king's fleet: which
may with the greater reason be suspected, since imme-
diately after her arrival the earl of Lancaster, and most
of the nobility, came in to her assistance: so that the
king, seeing himself deserted, was forced to retire, or
rather was compelled to fly into Wales; where finding
himself abandoned by those about him, he went on board
a small ship, intending to retire into Ireland; but after
Polydor. Virgil, lib. xviii. Thom. Walsinghami Ypodigma
Neustriæ, p. 507, 508. Mezeray, tom. ii. p. 843, 844.
OF EDWARD III.
175
tossing to and fro a whole week, he landed again in
Glamorganshire, where for some time he lay hid.
He
At last being discovered, he was carried prisoner to
Monmouth, and thence to Kenilworth-castle, belonging
to the Earl of Lancaster, where he remained till his
queen and the counsellors about her took a resolution
of forcing him to resign his crown; which, by authority
of parliament, was placed on the head of his son.*
did not survive long after this, but was conveyed from
place to place under the custody of Gournay and Mattra-
vers, who in the end brought him to Berkley castle,
where he was basely murdered on September 21, 1327,
when he had reigned twenty years, and with small ce-
remony buried at Gloucester. † With the character of
this prince we shall meddle very little his enemies have
left us reports enough, in relation to his vices, and we
have also some accounts of him from less prejudiced pens.
As to maritime concerns, during his reign, they were
certainly on the decline, as they will always be when
the state is discomposed: yet, as far as the distractions in
his affairs would give him leave, he shewed himself a
friend to trade, and remarkaby careful of wool, the staple
commodity of the kingdom, as appears by his charter, the
13th of his reign, granted for that purpose, and other au-
thentic proofs. +
:
1328.
EDWARD III. called, from his birth-place, Edward A.D.
of Windsor, ascended the throne in his father's life-time,
being entirely governed by the queen his mother, and
* Adam Murimuth, vol. ii. p. 69. Thom. Walsingham, p. 125-
127. Thom. de la Moor, p. 600.
+ Chron. Godstovian, p. 109. Adam Murimuth, vol. ii. p. 70.
Thom. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 509. Thom. de la
Moor, vit. Edward II. p. 602, 603. Barnes's Hist. of Edward III.
H. Knyghton, p. 2551. Grafton's Chronicle, p. 218, 219.
↑ Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 142.
0 2
176
NAVAL HISTORY
•
?
her favourite Roger Mortimer. He married Philippa,
daughter to the Earl of Hainault, who was also crowned
queen. In the beginning of his reign there happened
many things which were far from promising those glo-
rious events that afterwards followed. For, first, he
made an unfortunate war against the Scots, which was
succeeded by a disadvantageous treaty; then passing
over to France, he, by the advice of his mother and
her counsellors, did homage to Philip, son of Charles
de Valois, then styling himself king, to the prejudice of
his own title to that crown. We may add to this, the
cutting off his uncle Edmund earl of Kent's head, for
a pretended treason, in endeavouring to set his brother
King Edward on the throne again; though it was well
known he was dead. But as by degrees he began to act
1330. according to his sentiments, he easily wiped off these
imputations, due rather to the tenderness of his age,
than to any fault of his mind. For in the 4th year
of his reign, when the king himself was but twenty
years of age, he, at a parliament held at Nottingham,
went in person, and at the hazard of his life seized
Mortimer in his mother's bed-chamber, caused him to
be carried to London, where, by his death, he in some
measure atoned for the crimes he had committed in his
life-time. *
A. D.
►
Thenceforward king Edward ruled like a great prince,
and one who had his own honour, and the reputation
of his people at heart. He first turned his arms against
the Scots, who had done incredible mischiefs in the
north; and resolving to repair the dishonour he had
sustained during the weak administration of his mother,
* Adam Murimuth, vol. ii. p. 76. Walter de Hemingford, vol. ii.
p. 271. Chron. Godstovian, p. 110. Robert de Avesbury, Hist. Ed-
vardi, vol. iii. p. 8, 9. H. Knyghton, p. 2556-2559. T. Walsinghami
Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 510, 511. Wilhelmi Wyrcesti Annales, p, 429.
OF EDWARD IIF.
177
1
1334.
he prepared both an army and a fleet for the invasion of
that country; and though the latter suffered grievously
by storm on the Scottish coast, whereby most of his.
great ships were wrecked, and the rest rendered un-
serviceable, yet he persisted in his design of expelling
David Brus, and restoring Edward Baliol; which at
length, with infinite labour, he effected, and received
homage from the said Edward, as his grandfather, Ed-
ward I. had from John Baliol: David Brus, who had A.D.
succeeded his father in the kingdom of Scotland, re-
tiring into France with his queen, where they were
kindly received. In this step of securing Scotland,
previous to any expeditions beyond the seas, King
Edward imitated his grandfather, as he seems to have
done in most of his subsequent undertakings; having
always a special regard to the maintenance of a stout
fleet, and securing to himself the possession as well as
title of lord of the seas, which enabled him to assert,
whenever he thought fit, his rights abroad, and effec-
tually secured him from apprehending any thing from
the efforts of his enemies at home. While he was laying
these solid foundations of power, he thought it not at
all beneath him to make use of such temporary expe-
dients as were proper to serve his purpose, and to enable
him to maintain his right to the crown of France, when-
ever he should think fit to claim it. *
As this war was of great importance to the nation, as
well as to the king, and carried our naval force to a
greater height than ever it arrived at before, it will be
necessary to enter into a distinct, though concise detail of
its causes, as well as of the circumstances attending it.
117.
* Adam Murimuth, vol. ii. p. 79–84. T. Otterbourne, p. 115-
Monach. Malmesburiens, p. 246, 247. Robert de Avesbury,
p. 21–23. ´ H. Knyghton, p. 2563-2565. Hector Boeth. Hist. Scot.
lib. xv. p. 312–316. J. Fordun Scotichronichon, vol. iv. p. 1021,
1022.
178
NAVAL HISTORY
1
Philip the Fair, king of France, left behind him at his
decease, three sons, who all swayed the sceptre of that
kingdom in their turns. The eldest of these, Lewis X.
reigned twenty-six years, leaving his queen big with
child, who after his decease brought forth a son, called
John; but the child died at a week old, and Philip, the
late king's brother, succeeded, who reigned also twenty-
six years. On his demise, Charles IV. surnamed the Fair,
claimed and enjoyed the crown twenty-eight years; and
deceasing in the year 1328, left his queen, Jane, preg-
nant, who was afterwards delivered of a daughter named
Blanch; and immediately thereupon King Edward set up
his title to the succession: thus he acknowledged that the
salique law excluded the females; but he maintained,
that the males descending from those females were not
éxcluded by that law, because the reason whereon it was
founded did not reach them. The peers of France how-
ever, decided against him, and acknowledged Philip de
Valois, cousin to the deceased prince, as the next heir
male, and seated him on the throne. This was in 1328;
and King Edward being at that time in no condition to
vindicate his rights by force, seemed to acquiesce; and
being afterwards summoned to do homage for the countries
hẻ held in France, he made no difficulty, as we before
observed, of complying; and even performed it in person
with great magnificence. *
But afterwards, being better informed as to the validity
of his pretensions, and finding that several foreign princes
were ready to abet his claim, he resolved to do himself
justice by force of arms, in case he could obtain it no
other way. With this view, he entered into a treaty with
the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, the earl of Hainault, the
duke of Brabant, and other princes; and having pro-
* Mezeray, Abregé de l'Histoire de France, vol. iii. p. 3-12. P.
Daniel Histoire de France, tom. iv. p. 63-72 Continuat. Adamı
Murimuth. Holingshed's Chronicle.
OF EDWARD III.
179
ceeded thus far, the king next wrote letters to the pope
and cardinals, setting forth the injury that was done him,
and his resolution to do himself right. At length, these
previous endeavours having served no other purpose than
that of giving the French king time to strengthen himself,
Edward, by the duke of Brabant, made his claim to the
French crown, and spent the next winter in disposing all-
things for the obtaining it by force, issuing his orders for
raising a very numerous army, and for drawing together
a great fleet; his allies in like manner sending their
defiances to the French king, and making great prepara-
tions for fulfilling their promises to the king of England,
which nevertheless they did but slenderly. And thus
was this great war begun, in speaking of which, we shall
concern ourselves no farther than with the naval expe-
ditions on both sides.
*
The principal confederate, or at least the confederate
of principal use to our monarch, was James Arteville, a
brewer of Ghent; for this man so well seconded the
king's endeavours, that he drew to him the hearts of the
Flemings, whom King Edward had already made sensible
of the importance of the English friendship, by detaining
from them his wool. However, they durst not shew
their inclinations till such time as the king sent the earl
of Derby with a considerable force, who made themselves
masters of the Isle of Cadsand; upon which most of the
great cities in Flanders declared against the French, and
invited King Edward thither. The French, however,
struck the first blow at sea: for having, under colour of
* T. Otterbourne, Chron. p. 118-128. Robert de Avesbury, p.
27-44. H. Knyghton, p. 2569. Fabian's Chronicle, p. 214, 215.
+ Froissart, Chron. cap. xxix. fol. 18. Mezeray, Abregé de l'Histoire
de France, tom. iii. p. 14. P. Daniel, Histoire de France, tom. iv.
p. 90.
Chroniques de Flandres, par J. Meir. Inventaire gen.de
l'Hist. de France, par J. de Serres.
† Froissart, cap. xxx. T. Walsingham. Hist. Angl. p. 136. H.
Knyghton, p. 2570. Paul Emyle, p. 512, 513.
180
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1338.
A.D.
1339.
sending relief to the Christians in the Holy Land, assem-
bled a squadron of large ships, they sent them over to
the English coast, where they took and burnt Southamp-
ton; and yet in their retreat they lost three hundred men,
and the son of the king of Sicily who commanded them : *
so that upon the whole, this, though an apparent hostility,
could scarcely be styled an advantage.
In 1338, King Edward by the middle of July drew his
numerous army down to the coast of Suffolk, and at Ore-
well embarked them on board a fleet of five hundred sail,
with which he passed over to Antwerp. On his arrival,
he was received with great joy by the allies, particularly
the Emperor Lewis; but the subsidies he paid them were
excessive; nor could he immediately make use of their
assistance, the French king declining a battle.+ In the
mean time, by the advice of the Flemings, he assumed
the arms and title of king of France; but while the king
spent his time in marches and countermarches, in which,
however, he gained some advantages over the enemy, the
French and their allies the Scots, did a great deal of
mischief on the English coasts with their fleet. ‡ The
town of Hastings they ruined, alarmed all the western
coast, burnt Plymouth, and insulted Bristol; all which
was owing to the king's employing the greatest part of
his naval force abroad, and the remainder in the north, to
awe the Scots: yet, in two instances, the English valour
* T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 512. Fabian's Chro-
nicle, p 206. Dupleix, Histoire de France, tom. ii. p. 451. Le
Gendre, Histoire de France, tom. iii. p. 449. The king, in his letters
to the pope, takes notice of the ships being those intended for the
Holy Land, and which the reader may meet with in Walter of Heming-
ford, T. Walsingham, and others.
+ T. Otterbourne, p. 129. Monach. Malmesburiens, vit. Edward
III. p. 248. W. Hemingford, vol. ii. p. 282. Froissart, cap. xxxii.
Robert de Avesbury, Hist. Edward III. p. 41. Holingshed, vol.
ii. p. 356. Gio. Villani, lib. xi. cap. cviii. Paul Æmyle, p. 516.
Chronique Abregé du Tillet, p. 104.
OF EDWARD III.
181
1340.
and naval force appeared with great lustre. A squadron
of thirteen sail of French ships attacked five English,
who defended themselves so valiantly, that, though they
lost the Edward and the Christopher, two of the largest,
yet the other three escaped, notwithstanding the supe-
riority of the enemy. * The mariners of the cinque ports
also, taking advantage of a thick fog, manned out all
their small craft, and ran over to Boulogne, where they
did notable service; for they not only burnt the lower
town, but destroyed four large ships, nineteen galleys,
and twenty lesser vessels, which lay in the harbour, and
consumed the dock and arsenal, filled with naval stores. †
In 1340, King Edward returned to England, in the A.D.
month of February, in order to hold a parliament to pro-
vide for the expenses of the war, wherein he succeeded
to the utmost extent of his expectations; and, in return
for the readiness expressed by his subjects to assist him,
he made many good laws, and granted great privileges to
merchants. After this, with a strong fleet, he passed
over into Flanders, and gave the French a terrible defeat
As this is one of the most remarkable events in
this period of our history, and as there are various dis-
cordances in the relations thereof published by modern
authors; I think it may not be amiss to give the reader
that distinct and accurate account which is preserved in
Robert of Avesbury, who lived and wrote in those days;
and who besides, fortifies what he says, by annexing the
account published by royal authority, within four days
after this battle; which detail I am the more inclined to
copy, because I find in it several circumstances, parti-
cularly respecting the king's conduct, which are not to be
met with elsewhere.
at sea.
* H. Knyghton, p. 2573. Fabian's Chronicle, p. 206. Stowe's
Chronicle, p. 235. Froissart, cap. xxxvii. fol. 21–23.
+ Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 357.
↑ Walter Hemingford, vol. ii. p. 318, 319. T. Walsingham, p. 147.
Cotton's Abridgment of the Records, p. 21. H. Knyghton, p. 2576.
182
NAVAL HISTORY
"It happened,” says my author," that, on the Satur
"day fortnight before the feast of St. John the Baptist,
"the king was at Orewell, where there were forty ships,
❝or thereabouts, preparing for his passage into Flanders,
" where he was going to his wife and children, whom he
"had left in the city of Ghent, as well as to confer with
"his allies about the measures necessary to be taken for
"carrying on the war, intending to sail in two days
"time; but the archbishop of Canterbury sent to give
❝him intelligence, that Philip de Valois, his competitor
"for the crown of France, having had notice of his
"intended passage, with much diligence, and as much
66 privacy as the nature of the thing would admit, had
"assembled a great fleet, which lay in the port of Sluys,
« in order to intercept him: wherefore he advised his
"majesty to provide himself with a better squadron,
"lest he and those with him should perish.
"The king yielding no belief to his advice, answered,
"that he was resolved to sail at all events. The arch-
"bishop upon this, quitted his seat in council, obtaining
"the king's leave to retire, and delivered up to him
"the great seal. His majesty sent, therefore, for Sir
"Robert de Morley, his admiral, and one Crabbe, a
"skilful seaman, and gave them orders to enquire into
"the truth of this matter, who quickly returned, and
"brought him the same news he had heard from the
"archbishop; upon which the king said, ye have agreed
"with that prelate to tell me this tale, in order to stop
"my voyage; but, added he angrily, I will go without
(C you; and you who are afraid, where there is no ground
"of fear, may stay here at home. The admiral and the
66 seamen replied, that they would stake their heads,
"that if the king persisted in this resolution, he and all
"who went with him would certainly be destroyed;
" however, they were ready to attend him even to certain
"death, The king having heard them, sent for the
·
OF EDWARD III.
185
"archbishop of Canterbury back, and with abundance
" of kind speeches, prevailed upon him to receive the
"great seal again into his care; after which the king
❝ issued his orders to all the ports both in the north and
"south, and to the Londoners likewise, to send him aid;
"so that in the space of ten days, he had a navy as large
"as he desired, and such unexpected reinforcements of
❝archers and men at arms, that he was forced to send
"many of them home; and with this equipage he arrived
" before the haven of Sluys, on the feast of St. John the
"Baptist.
"The English perceiving, on their approach, that the
"French ships were linked together with chains, and
"that it was impossible for them to break their line of
"battle, retired a little, and stood back to sea. The
"French, deceived by this feint, broke their order, and
"pursued the English, who they thought fled before
"them but these, having gained the sun and wind,
❝tacked, and fell upon them with such fury, that they
"quickly broke, and totally defeated them; so that
"upwards of thirty thousand French were slain upon
"the spot, of whom numbers through fear, jumped of
"their own accord into the sea, and were miserably
❝ drowned. Two hundred great ships were taken, in
"one of which only, there were four hundred dead
"bodies. The day after this victory was gained, it was
"published in London by the voice of the people, which
" is said to be the voice of God: but though the rumour
❝ thereof, through the distance of places, was uncertain,
"yet, on the Wednesday following, the king's eldest son
❝ had perfect intelligence thereof at Waltham, as appears
"by the following authentic account;" that is, the nar-
rative by authority published, as before mentioned, by
Prince Edward. *
* Robert de Avesbury, p. 34, 35, 36. Fabian, p. 210, 211.
184
NAVAL HISTORY
We have also many remarkable particulars in relation
to this battle, in other writers. The lord Cobham was
first sent by the king to view the French fleet, which he
found drawn up in line of battle; and, having given the
king an account of the vast number and great force of
their ships, that brave prince answered, "Well, by the
assistance of God and St. George, I will now revenge all
the wrongs I have received." He ordered the battle
himself, directing his ships to be drawn up in two lines;
the first consisting of vessels of the greatest force, so
ranged, that between two ships filled with archers, there
was one wherein were men at arms, the ships in the wings
being also manned with archers; the second line he used
as a reserve, and drew from thence supplies as they
became necessary. The battle lasted from eight in the
morning till seven at night; and even after this, there
was a second dispute; for thirty French ships endeavour-
ing to escape in the dark, the English attacked them
under the command of the earl of Huntingdon, and took
the James of Diep, and sunk several others. The king
behaved with equal courage and conduct throughout the
whole fight, giving his orders in person, and moving, as
occasion required, from place to place.
The French fleet, some authors say, had three, others,
four divisions, one of which consisted of the Genoese
ships. They were extremely well provided with arms
and ammunition, and abundance of machines for throwing
stones, with which they did a great deal of mischief; but
they were less dextrous in managing their ships than the
English, and this seems to have been one great cause of
their defeat. The victory, however, cost the English a
great deal of blood; for a large ship and a galley, belong-
ing to Hull, were sunk, with all on board, by a volley
of stones; and in a great ship, which belonged to the
king's wardrobe, there were but two men and a woman
that escaped. In all, the English lost about four thou
OF EDWARD IIÌ.
185
sand men, and amongst them the following knights: Sir
Thomas Monthermer, Sir Thomas Latimer, Sir John
Boteler, and Sir Thomas Poinings.
The account the French writers give us of this battle,
contains likewise some remarkable passages. They tell
us, that there was a great dissention among their chief
commanders. + The French had two admirals, Sir Hugh
Quieret and Sir Peter Bahuchet; the former would have
come out and fought, but the latter was for remaining
within and defending the haven; and, persisting in this
opinion, he detained the ships so long in the port, that at
last they could not get out. As for the Genoese, they were
under an admiral of their own, whose name was Barbarini,
who, with his squadron, stood out to sea as soon as the
English approached, and behaved very bravely, carrying
off some part of his squadron, which was all that escaped.
Sir Hugh Quieret was killed in the engagement, and Sir
Peter de Bahuchet was hanged at the yard-arm for his ill
conduct. To take, as much as may be, from the honour
of the English, these writers report, that the victory was
chiefly owing to the Flemings, who joined the English
fleet a little before the battle began; and they likewise
magnify the loss which the English received, computing it
at ten thousand men, adding also, that King Edward was
wounded in the thigh. On the whole, it appears to have
been a very hard-fought battle; and the victory seems
entirely due to the skill and courage of the English sailors,
who were more adroit in working their ships, as the men
at arms were more ready in boarding than the French, and
the archers also did excellent service. King Edward kept
* Walter Hemingford, vol. ii. p. 319-321. Froissart, chap. i.
fol. 30. T. Walsingham, p. 148. H. Knyghton, p. 2578. Du Chesne,
lib. xv. p. 651. Grafton, p. 242, 243.
† Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 16. P. Daniel, Histoire de la malice Franc.
tom ii. p. 468. Froissart, chap. li. lij.
↑ Le Gendre, tom. iii. p. 455. J. de Seres.
§ Histoire de France, vol. i. p. 491.
186
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1340.
the sea three days to put his victory out of dispute, and
then, landing his forces, marched to Ghent, in order to
join his confederates. *
▼
The French king acted now on the defensive, putting
garrisons into all his strong places, that whatever the
English and their allies won might cost them dear.
Hereupon King Edward, with a very numerous army, in-
vested Tournay; from which siege he sent King Philip a
challenge, offering to decide their quarrel either by a single
combat between themselves, or of a hundred against á
like number; which King Philip refused for two reasons;
because the letters were addressed to Philip de Valois,
and therefore seemed not to concern him; as also, because
King Edward staked nothing of his own, and yet required
Philip to hazard his all. Both these letters are preserved
in one of our old historians. + At last, after the siege had
continued three months, King Edward, perceiving that his
foreign auxiliaries daily dropped away, while the French
king's army of observation became gradually stronger and
stronger; he was content to make a truce for some months;
(which was afterwards renewed,) and then returned to
England, ‡ having got a great deal of honour by his naval
victory, and no less experience by his disappointment
before Tournay; which convinced him, that, in all foreign
confederacies, an English monarch is no farther consi-
dered than for the sake of his treasure, with which he is
sure to part, though without any certainty of meeting with
a proper return.
ર્
But if these foreign expeditions excessively harassed the
nation, and cost immense sums of money, yet it must be
* Chron. Godstovian, p. 112. Cont. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth,
Annal, vol. ii. p. 96. T. Otterbourne, p. 129.
+ Robert de Avesbury, p. 60, 61.
Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 96.
Walter Hemingford, vol ii. p. 324. Froissart, chap. Ixiii. fol. 35.
H. Knyghton, p. 2578. T. Walsingham, p. 159. Gaguin. Hist. Franc.
lib. viii. p. 138, 139.
OF EDWARD III.
187
owned, that King Edward had always an eye to his sub-
jects' welfare, and was very attentive to whatever might
promote their commerce. He had, from the beginning of
his reign, made several good laws for the regulation of
trade, and preserving to the nation the benefit of their
wool; but now his long residence in Flanders having
given him an opportunity of observing the great profits
made by the Flemish manufacturers, who then wrought
up almost all that commodity; he wisely contrived to draw
over great numbers of them hither, by insisting on the dif-
ficulties they laboured under at home, where their country
was the seat of war, and the great advantages they might
reap by transporting themselves into England, where he
was ready to afford them all the encouragement they could
desire; and from his endeavours, in this respect, sprung,
though not wholly, yet in a large degree, that great, that
lucrative, manufacture, which has been since productive
of such mighty advantages to the English nation.* Yet, in
other respects, the king discovered severity enough in his
temper, by displacing and imprisoning most of his great
officers, and obstinately persisting in levying vast sums to
be lavished away in useless confederacies, and a fruitless
prosecution of his claim to the French crown. But it is
time to return from these reflections, however natural, to
the business of this treatise.
1342.
In the year 1342, the war was renewed, on account of A. D.
the contested succession to the duchy of Brittany, King
Edward supporting the cause of John de Montford, who
was owned by the nobility against Charles de Blois, de-
clared duke by the French king, who was his uncle. On
this occasion, a considerable body of English troops was
sent over into that duchy under the command of Sir Walter
de Mannie, who performed many gallant exploits both by
land and sea, though to no great purpose, the French king
* Stow, Holingshed, Speed, Brady.
188
>
NAVAL HISTORY
having it always in his power to pour in as many French
troops as he pleased; so that the party of Charles de Blois
prevailed, though against right, and the inclination of
those who were to be his subjects.* King Edward, on
advice thereof, sent ever a new succour under the com-
mand of the earls of Northampton and Devonshire.
The French king, having notice of the intended supply,
sent Lewis of Spain, who commanded his fleet, which was
made up of ships hired from different nations, directing
that it should lie near the island of Guernsey, in order to
intercept the English squadron in its passage. This fleet
consisted of thirty-two sail, of which nine were very large
ships, and three stout gallies, and had in them three thou-
sand Genoese, and a thousand men at arms, commanded
under the admiral by Sir Carolo Grimaldi and Antonio
Doria. The English fleet consisted of ordinary transports,
about forty-five sail in all, having on board five hundred
men at arms, and a thousand archers, under the command
of the earls of Northampton and Devonshire. The French
squadron attacked them unexpectedly at sea, about four
in the afternoon, and the fight continued till night,
when they were separated by a storm. The French and
Genoese kept the sea, their vessels being large, with four
or five prizes: but the rest of the English fleet, keeping
close to the shore, found means to land the forces which
they had on board, who shortly after took the city of
Vannes, and performed other notable services.† Towards
winter the king passed over with a great army into Brit-
tany, and besieged three principal places at once, yet with-
* Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 17. Histoire de France, escrite par ordre de
M. de Harley, P. president du parliament de Paris, vol. i. p. 494.
Paris edit. 1720. Froissart, cap. lxxx. lxxxi. H. Knyghton, p. 2581
T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 515.
+ Holingshed's Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 363. We find the continuation
of Trivet's Annals cited there in support of these facts; yet, we meet
with nothing relating to this matter in the continuation published by
the Rev. Mr. Anthony Hall, printed at Oxford, 1724
OF EDWARD III.
189
out success; for, the duke of Normandy, the French king's
eldest son, coming with a great army to their relief, a ne-
gociation followed, which ended in a cessation of hostili-
ties for three years; which, however was but indifferently
kept, notwithstanding the pope interposed, as far as he was
able, in order to have settled an effectual peace. *
1345.
In 1345, the war being already broken out with France, A.D.
the king determined to sail over to Flanders, in order to
accomplish his great design of fixing that country firmly
to his interest, either by obliging the earl to swear
fealty to him as a sovereign, or else to deprive him of his
dominions. While, therefore, he lay in the harbour of
Sluys, a council was held of his principal friends in Flan-
ders, on board his great ship the Catharine. At this coun-
cil assisted James d'Arteville the brewer, who, by the
strength of his natural eloquence, ruled all the Nether-
lands, and ruined himself by going into the king's pro-
ject. He, when his countrymen, the Flemings, demanded
a month's time to consider of the propositions that had
been made to them, undertook that all things should go to
the king's wish; yet, finding a great faction raised against
him by one Gerard Dennis, a weaver, he accepted of a
guard of five hundred Welchmen from the king. This,
however, proved of little signification; for, in a sudden
tumult of the people, a cobler, snatching up an axe, beat
out his brains.
The king was still at Sluys with his fleet when this un-
fortunate accident happened; at which, though he was
much moved, yet he was forced to dissemble his resent-
ment, and to accept of the excuses made him by the cities
of Flanders. + Attributing, however, all to the arts of the
French, he resolved once again to attempt the conquest of
" Walter Hemingford, vol. ii. p. 359. Contin. Nic. Trivet. Annal.
vol. ii. p. 97. Froissart, Thom. Walsingham, Chronic. Godstovian.
† Froissart, chap. cxv. Gio. Villani, p. 855. Dupleix, tom. ii.
p. 473. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 368. Stowe, Speed.
VOL. I.
P
190
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
that kingdom, and to employ therein the utmost force of
his own.
Our historians give us a very copious account
of this war; there is, consequently, the less need that I
should insist upon it here; I will, therefore, content myself
with giving a succinct detail of the English forces employed
in this expedition, and a more particular recital of what
was remarkable in the siege of Calais, which, as it was in
part formed by a naval force, falls more immediately under
the design of this treatise.
In the midst of the summer of the year 1346, the king
1346. drew his navy, consisting of one thousand ships, to Ports-
mouth, and shortly after arrived at Southampton with his
army, composed of two thousand five hundred horse, and
thirty thousand foot. These he quickly embarked, the fleet
sailing thither for that purpose, and on the fourth of June
he put to sea, intending to have landed in Guyenne; but,
being driven back by a storm on the coast of Cornwall,
and, the French writers say, put back thither a second time,
he at last determined to make a descent on Normandy,
where, at La Hogue, he safely disembarked his forces,
and began very successfully to employ them in reducing
the strongest cities in the neighbourhood; after which, he
spread fire and sword on every side, even to the very gates
of Paris. The French king, provoked at so dismal a sight,
as well as with the news that the earl of Huntingdon,
with the English fleet, destroyed all the coast almost with-
out resistance; resolved, contrary to his usual policy, to
hazard a battle, which he accordingly did on the 25th of
August, and received that remarkable defeat, which will
immortalize the little town of Cressy. Of this victory I
chuse to say nothing, since my subject will not allow me
to say of it what I could wish. * It was so entire, that for
the present it left the king without enemies; and so much
*Walter Hemingford, vol. ii. p. 381. Rob. de Avesbury, p. 123.
Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 99. Frois-
sart, chap. cxxx. T. Walsingham, p. 166.
}
OF EDWARD III.
191
the effects of true courage, that, though Philip had quickly
after an army of one hundred and fifty thousand men on
foot, yet they had no stomach to fight again.
After this victory, the king, on the last day of August, A.D.
appeared before Calais, and formed a siege that lasted 1347.
eleven months; and which, if we had leisure to dilate on
all the circumstances attending it, would appear little infe
rior to the fabulous siege of Troy, or the reduction of Tyre
by Alexander the Great. The king knew that he was to
reduce a place strong by nature and art, well supplied
with ammunition and provisions, furnished with a nume-
rous: garrison, full of expectation of relief from King
Philip, who was not far from thence with his mighty army
before mentioned. These difficulties, instead of discou-
raging Edward, inflamed him with a desire of overcoming
them. He invested the place regularly by land; fortified
his lines strongly; and within them. erected, as Froissart,
a contemporary writer, tells us, a kind of town for the con-
veniency of his soldiers; wherein were not only magazines
of all sorts for the service of the war, but vast warehouses
also of wool and cloth for supplying the sinews of war by
a constant trade at two settled markets; his troops all the
while being exactly paid, and doing their duty cheer-
fully.
As for the fleet which blocked up the place at sea, it
consisted of seven hundred and thirty-eight sail, on board
of which were fourteen thousand, nine hundred and fifty-
six mariners. Of these ships, seven hundred sail belonged
to his own subjects, and thirty-eight to foreigners; so that
there seems to be no reason for putting us on a par with
our neighbours for hiring ships; since it is as evident, that
we were then able to fit out great fleets from our own
ports, as that our enemies were able to do nothing but by
the assistance of the Genoese, and other foreigners. The
French king made some shew of relieving this place, by
approaching within sight of Calais at the head of a mighty
P 2
192
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1349.
army, the loss of which he was determined, however, not
to venture. The garrison of Calais, and the citizens, see-
ing themselves thus deceived, had no other remedy left
than to submit to the mercy of a provoked conqueror,
which, in the most abject manner, they sought, and were,
at the queen's entreaty spared. Thus ended this glorious
siege, wherein the English monarch triumphed over his
enemy by land and sea, carrying his own and the nation's
fame to the utmost height, and forcing even his enemies
to acknowledge, that nothing could equal the courage
and conduct of himself, and his renowned son, the Black
Prince, but the courtesy and generosity of their beha-
viour. *
The
The king, having carried his point in taking Calais,
was content, at the earnest entreaty of the pope, to
make a truce for a year; and the first use the French
made of this, was, to attempt recovering by fraud what
they knew it was in vain to attempt by force.
king had bestowed the government of Calais on Aymeri
de Pavia, whom soon after some French noblemen per-
suaded to accept of 20,000 crowns, and to deliver up
this important fortress. † King Edward, being informed
of the design, passed with great secrecy from Dover to
Calais, with 300 men at arms, and 600 archers; and,
being received by night into the forts, he was ready
to repulse the French troops under the command of the
count de Charnay, who came, with 1200 men, to sur-
prise the place. The combat was long and doubtful;
but, at last, it ended in the total defeat of the French,
who, instead of taking the fortress, were all either killed,
or made prisoners. The king and Prince Edward were
* Rob. de Avesbury, p. 136-141. Histoire de France, vol. i. p.
503. Mezeray, p. 29. Froissart, vol. i. c. 133. T. Otterbourne, p.
132. H. Knyghton, p. 2595.
-
† Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 488. Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 31. P. Daniel,
tom. iv. p. 175.
OF EDWARD III.
199
both in this action, and both in some danger, especially
the king, who at length took Sir Eustace de Ribaumont,
the knight with whom he fought, prisoner, and rewarded
him for his valour with a rich bracelet of pearl: * and
thus, as Robert de Avesbury remarks the deceit of the
deceivers proved fatal to themselves. †
4
1350.
In the month of November, 1349, a squadron of Spanish
ships passed suddenly up the Garronne; and finding
many English vessels at Bourdeaux laden with wine,
they cruelly murdered all the English seamen, and
carried away the ships, though in time of full peace.
King Edward having intelligence that a squadron of A.D.
Spanish ships, richly laden, were on the point of re-
turning from Flanders; he drew together at Sandwich
a squadron of fifty sail, on board which he embarked in.
person about midsummer, having with him the prince
of Wales, the earls of Lancaster, Northampton, War-
wick, Salisbury, Huntingdon, Arundel, and Gloucester,
with many other persons of distinction. They met with
the Spanish fleet on the coast near Winchelsea, which
consisted of forty-four very large ships, styled carracks :
they were out of comparison bigger and stronger than
the English vessels; and yet the latter attacked them
with great boldness. The Spaniards defended themselves
resolutely, and chose at last death rather than captivity,
refusing quarter, though it was offered them. Twenty-
four of these great ships, laden with cloth, and other
valuable goods, were taken, and brought into the English
harbours, and the rest escaped by a speedy flight. To.
perpetuate the memory of this victory, the king caused
himself to be represented on a gold coin, standing in the
midst of a ship with a sword drawn, thinking it an honour
* Contin. Nic. Trivet, & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 101.
Froissart, Mezeray, P. Daniel.
† Hist. Edward III. p. 181–183.
194
NAVAL HISTORY
to have his name transmitted to posterity as THE AVENGER
OF MERCHANTS.
*
It would be beside or rather beyond our purpose to
record all the glorious expeditions of this reign, which
would require a volume to do them right. In order to
connect such passages as fall properly under our pen,
we shall observe, that, on the death of Philip the French
king, his son John succeeded in the throne, who in the
beginning of his reign bestowed the duchy of Aquitain
upon the dauphin; which so provoked King Edward,
that he gave it, with the like title, to his son the prince,
and sent him with a small army of veteran troops to
A.D. maintain his title. With these forces, on September
1356. 19, 1356, he won the famous battle of Poictiers, in which
he took the king of France and his youngest son Philip
prisoners, and with them the flower of the French no-
bility, with whom, towards the close of the year, he
landed in triumph at Plymouth; from whence he pro-
ceeded to London, where he was received with the ut-
most respect by the citizens, having at their head Henry
Picard, then lord mayor, who afterwards entertained the
kings of England, France, Scotland, and Cyprus, at
dinner. †
The taking of their king brought the French affairs
into great disorder, which was increased through their
own dissentions, and occasioned such a terrible fluctua-
tion in their councils, that King Edward, believing
himself ill dealt with in the negociations they had set
on foot for the deliverance of the king, resolved to
*Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 102.
Rob. de Avesbury, p. 184, 185. T. Walsingham, p. 169. H. Knygh-
ton, p. 2601. Fabian, p. 228. Villani, lib. i. cap. 99.
+ Continuat. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 107.
Robert de Avesbury, p. 210-252. Anonym. Hist. Edward III. c. lvi.
T. Walsingham, p. 172. Froissart, c. elxiv. Paul Æmyle, p. 540.
Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 504.
OF EDWARD III.
195
J
quicken them by invading France with a more potent
army than hitherto he had employed against them; and,
accordingly, embarked at Sandwich, October 24, 1359,
on board a fleet of 1100 sail, and the next day landed
his army on Calais sands, consisting of near an hundred
thousand men. The dauphin, with a great army, kept
about Paris, but could not be drawn to a battle; which,
though it lost him some reputation, yet it certainly
preserved France; for King Edward perceiving that
though he was able to take their greatest cities, and to
plunder their richest provinces, yet it was by no means
in his power to preserve his conquests; resolved to put
an end to so destructive a dispute, which, though it
raised his glory, served only to ruin two great nations;
and, from this generous view, concluded the peace of
Bretigny, so called from its being signed at that place,
May 8, 1360.
1360.
By this treaty King Edward, for himself and successors, A.D.
renounced his title to the kingdom of France, the duchy
of Normandy, and many other countries; the French, on
the other side, giving up to him all Aquitain, with many
countries depending thereupon, as also the town and
lordship of Calais, with a considerable territory thereto
adjoining. * By this treaty, King John obtained his
liberty, and was conveyed in an English fleet to Calais
in the month of July following. King Edward, who was
in England at the time the French king went away,
passed also over to Calais in the month of October,
where, upon the 24th, the treaty was solemnly rati-
fied after the performance of divine service; and the
kings mutually embracing, put an end to all their
differences: John proceeding from thence to Paris,
1
* Rymer's Foedera, tom. vi. p. 229. Contin. Nic. Trivet & Adam
Murimuth, Annal. p. 113. Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 59. P. Daniel,
tom. v. p. 81.
196
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1364.
A.D.
and King Edward returning on board his fleet to
England.
*
This peace lasted as long as the French king lived,
who, in 1364, came over into England again, under
pretence of treating with King Edward, but in reality
out of respect to an English lady; and died here soon
after his arrival. His son, the dauphin, succeeded him,
by the name of Charles V. surnamed The Wise; and
from the instant he mounted the throne, projected the
breach of the late treaty, and the depriving King
Edward of the advantages stipulated thereby, which has
been always a great point in French wisdom. † The
war, however, did not break out till the year 1369.
The pretence then made use of by the French was,
that the prince of Wales had raised some illegal taxes
in his French dominions, of which the nobility of those
provinces were excited to complain to the French king,
and to demand redress as from their sovereign lord.
The French historians themselves admit, that this was
1369. mere pretence, and that King Charles had secretly
disposed all things for expelling the English out of
France; and when his mines were ready, directed the
Count de Armagnac, and others of prince Edward's
barons, to spring them, by presenting their petition
upon which he summoned the prince of Wales to answer
before his court of peers at Paris. This was a direct
breach of the treaty of Bretigny, whereby the provinces
in question were absolutely yielded to the king of
England. The prince, on receiving this summons,
declared that he would come to Paris with his helmet
on his head, and sixty thousand men to witness his
* Froissart, chap. ccxiii. T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ,
p. 524. Fabian, p. 243.
1
† Paul Æmyle, p. 548, 549. Gaguin. Hist. p. 155, 156. Dupleix
tom. ii. p. 536.
OF EDWARD III.
197
appearance. The French king, who expected such a
return, immediately declared that the territories of the
king of England in France were forfeited for his con-
tempt: of which sentence he gave King Edward notice,
by so contemptible a messenger as a scullion.* To such
an act as this, he was prompted by the confidence he had
in a scheme of his own, for invading and destroying
England. In order to this, he had been for some years
purchasing ships all over Europe; so that at length he
drew together a prodigious fleet, on board of which he
was preparing to embark a numerous army; when he
had advice that the duke of Lancaster and the earl of
Warwick, with a considerable body of English forces,
were landed in the neighbourhood of Calais, and in full
march towards him. This obliged him to abandon his
design, and to make use of his forces to defend his
own country, which they performed indifferently, though
they were lucky in another respect; for the Count de
St. Pol disappointed a design the duke of Lancaster had
formed, of burning the whole French fleet in the port
of Harfleur. +
1371.
King Edward in the mean time conceiving himself, A.D.
by this series of unprovoked hostilities, entirely freed
from his stipulations in the treaty concluded with King
John, resumed the title of king of France; and having
received great supplies of money from his parliament,
made mighty preparations for invading France; and, for
the present, several squadrons were sent to sea to cruize
upon the enemy. One of these, on the coast of Flanders,
took twenty-five sail of ships laden with salt. These
*Froissart, chap. ccxlii. Du Cheyne, p. 699. Mezeray, tom.
iii. p. 78, 79, 80.
+ Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 123.
Anonym. vit. Edward III. cap. lix. Froissart, chap. cclxix. T. Wal-
singham, p. 183. Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 82, 83. P. Daniel, tom. v.
p. 171.
† Anonym. Histor. Edward III. cap. lx. Froissart, chap. ccxci.
fol. 177. T. Otterbourne, p. 147. Jacob. Meyer. Aunal. Flandr.
lib. xjii, p. 190.
198
NAVAL HISTORY
ships were commanded by one John Peterson; and
having brought this cargo from Rochelle, thought to
shew their bravery by attacking the earl of Hereford
with his small squadron, and so drew upon themselves
this misfortune. The same year, the French formed the
siege of Rochelle, the news of which gave King Edward
great disquiet: he therefore immediately ordered the
earl of Pembroke, a young nobleman of great courage,
to sail with a squadron of forty ships, and such forces
as could be drawn together on a sudden to its relief. *
Henry, king of Castile, having notice of this embarkation,
and fearing if the English succeeded, that they would
again deprive him of his kingdom, which was claimed
by the duke of Lancaster in right of his wife; fitted
out a stout fleet consisting of forty sail of great ships,
and thirteen tight frigates, which, well-manned, under
the command of four experienced sea-officers, he sent
to cruize before the entrance of the port of Rochelle,
in order to intercept the English fleet. †
The earl of Pembroke arriving on midsummer-eve,
before Rochelle, engaged this fleet, but with indifferent
success; the Spaniards having ships of war, and he only
transports: however, being parted in the night, he lost
no more than two store-ships. The next day, he re-
newed the fight, wherein he was totally defeated; all
his ships being taken or sunk, and himself sent pri-
soner into Spain. On board one of his ships were
twenty thousand marks in ready money, which were to
have been employed in raising forces; but, by this
accident; went to the bottom of the sea. French writers
pretend, that the besieged were not displeased with
this misfortune which befel the English; and, as a
* Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 127,
128. T. Walsingham, p. 186. Anonym. Histor. Edward III. cap.
lx. p. 439:
+ Paul Æmyle, p. 550, 551. Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 566. Le Gendre,
tom. iii. p. 547.
OF EDWARD III.
199
proof of this alledge, that they gave them no assistance;
the contrary of which appears from our authors, who
give us a list of the Rochellers who perished in this
fight. *
This loss was attended with that of Rochelle, and
the greatest part of Poictou; which so raised the spirits
of the French, that they besieged the strong city of
Touars, which they brought to a capitulation on these
terms; that if, by the feast of St. Michael, they were
not relieved by King Edward, or one of his sons, then
the place, with all its dependencies, should be ren-
dered into the hands of the French. The principal
person employed by the French in this expedition, was
one Sir John Evans, a native of Wales, who had for-
saken his country through some discontent. This man
was an excellent officer, both by land and sea, and was
now recalled from the island of Guernsey, upon which
he had made a descent, and had almost reduced the
place, to perform the like service in Poictou. + I men-
tion this to shew, that the French began now to have
some power at sea, which is the natural consequence
of their maintaining a lingering war with us.
1372.
King Edward had all this time been preparing a vast A. D.
number of transports, and a stout fleet, in order to
transport his army to Calais; but now, having intel-
ligence of the terms on which the city of Touars had
capitulated, he resolved to employ his forces and his
fleet for its relief. With this view he embarked a con-
siderable body of troops on board a fleet of 400 sail;
and, to shew the earnest desire he had of saving so
important a place, he went in person with the prince
Wilhelmi Wyr-
Froissart, chap.
* T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 529.
cester Annales, p. 437. T. Otterbourne, p. 147.
ccxcviii. Gaguin. Hist. p. 158. Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 87, 88. P.
Daniel, tom. v. p. 189.
† Froissart, chap. 305. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 407.
200
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
of Wales, the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Cam-
bridge, all three his sons, and many of his nobility;
but all his endeavours were to no purpose; for, em-
barking the beginning of August, the fleet was SO
tossed by contrary winds, that, after continuing at sea
about nine weeks, the king found himself obliged to
return to England, where, as soon as he landed, he
dismissed his army; by which untoward accident, Touars
was lost. * From this instance, it is apparent, that, not-
withstanding the utmost care and diligence in fitting
out fleets, and in spite of all the courage and conduct
of the most accomplished commanders, expeditions of
this kind may easily fail; and, in such cases, the con-
sequence generally is the same which fell out here: the
people murmured at the vast expense, and began to
suggest, that, now the king grew old, fortune had
deserted him.
}
The king, notwithstanding these repeated disappoint-
1373. ments, still kept up his spirits, and resolved to make
the utmost efforts for restoring his affairs in France:
but being grown far in years, and withal much worn
with fatigue, he contented himself with sending the
duke of Lancaster, with a great fleet, and a good
army on board, to Calais. The French writers, and
indeed most of our historians, say, it consisted of 30,000
men; but Froissart, who lived in those times, and
knew very well what he wrote, affirms they were but
13,000, viz. 3000 men at arms, and 10,000 archers.
They might indeed be increased after their arrival, and
probably they were so. At the head of these forces,
the duke of Lancaster passed through the heart of France-
*Cont. Nic. Trivet & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 128.
Anonym. Hist. Edward III. cap. Ix. Both these writers, however,
say, this expedition was for the relief of Rochelle. Froissart, chap.
eccv. Agentre, Hist. de Bretagne, liv. vii. chap. ii. Mezeray, tom.
iii. p. 89.
OF EDWARD III.
201
to Bourdeaux, in spite of all the opposition the French
could give him, who made it their business to harass
him all they could in his march, though they were
determined not to fight.* Thus far the expedition was
equally successful and glorious; but in the latter end
of it, the army, by continual fatigue, began to diminish,
and the duke of Lancaster was glad to conclude a
truce, which was prolonged from time to time so long
as the king lived. In these last days of his life, he
grew feeble in body and mind, and was (as many of
our historians say) governed in a great measure by a
mistress and her favourites.
His glorious son the Black Prince, lingered also for
several years with a dropsy, and a complication of distem-
pers; so that we need not wonder at the wrong turn
the English affairs took in France, if we consider the
advantage the French then had in the art and cunning
of Charles V. who was certainly one of the ablest
princes that ever sat upon the throne. In all proba-
bility the sense King Edward had of this great change A.D.
in his affairs, and his foresight of the miseries that
would attend a minority in such troublesome times,
might possibly hasten his death, which happened on
June 21, 1877, in the fifty-first year of his reign. +
In the course of this reign we have taken notice
of the great jealousy the king expressed for his sove-
reignty of the sea; but, if we had mentioned every
instance thereof, it would have swelled the account
beyond all reasonable bounds: some special cases, how-
ever, it may not be amiss to touch here. In the peace
made by him with King John, wherein Edward renounced
* Cont. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 129.
Froissart, chap. cvi. T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 529.
T. Otterbourne, p. 147.
† Contin. Nic. Trivet & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 138.
T. Walsinghami, p. 192. H. Knyghton, p. 2629. W. Wyrcester,
Annal. p. 440.
1377.
202
NAVAL HISTORY
all title to Normandy, he expressly excluded all the
islands dependent thereupon, that he might preserve
his jurisdiction at sea entire. * In his commissions to
admirals and inferior officers, he frequently styles himself
sovereign of the English seas, asserting that he de-
rived this title from his progenitors, and deducing from
thence the grounds of his instructions, and of the
authority committed to them by these delegations. †
His parliaments likewise, in the preambles of their bills,
take notice of this point, and that it was a thing notorious
to foreign nations, that the king of England, in right
of his crown, was sovereign of the seas. He was also,
as we have before shewn, very attentive to trade, and
remarkably careful of English wool, the staple of which
he managed with such address, that he long held the
principal cities of Flanders attached to his interest, con-
trary to the duty they owed to their earl, whom he more
than once engaged them to expel. §
Yet for all this, his conduct in the last years of his life
was fatal to the naval power of this nation: for by long
wars, and frequent embargoes, he mightily injured com-
merce; while, on the other hand, the French king was
all this while assiduous in his endeavours to cultivate a
maritime force in his dominions; in which he so far suc-
ceeded, that he became this way a formidable enemy to
the English, || as will be seen in our account of the next
reign. But before I part with this, I must take notice,
that not only the state was exceedingly exhausted by the
king's French wars, but that prince himself also driven to
such necessities, that he thrice pawned his crown; first,
in the seventeenth year of his reign, beyond the seas; T
again, in the twenty-fourth, to Sir John Wesenham, his
* Thom. Walsingham, ad xxxiv. Edvardi III.
+ Rot. Scotia. 10 Ed. III. membran. 16.
↑ Rot. Parl. 46 Ed. III. num. 20. § Mezeray, vol iii. p. 86.
Histoire de la milice Francoise, par P. Daniel, tom ii. p. 448.
¶ Pat. Pars. 1. An. 17 Ed. III.
OF RICHARD II.
203
merchant; * and yet again, in the 30th of his reign, to
the same person, in whose hands it then lay eight years,
through the king's inability to redeem it. + Neither
is this a slight report, or a story taken from private
memoirs, but appears in our records; and ought, there-
fore, to be a caution to succeeding monarchs, not to lay
too great a stress on their foreign expeditions; which,
though sometimes honourable in appearance, have been
always in effect ruinous to their predecessors.
1377.
RICHARD II. from the place where he was born styled A.D.
Richard of Bourdeaux, the son of the famous Black
Prince, succeeded his grandfather in the kingdom with
general satisfaction, though he was then but eleven years
old. He was crowned with great solemnity; and, being
too young to govern himself, the administration naturally
devolved upon his uncles, and particularly John of Gaunt,
duke of Lancaster, then styled king of Castile and Leon. ‡
While the great men in England were employed in adjust-
ing their interests, and getting good places, the French
king's fleet, consisting of fifty sail of stout ships, under
the command of admiral de Vienne, infested our coasts;
and a body of troops landed in Sussex, by whom the town
of Rye was burnt. This was in the latter end of June,
within six days after King Edward's decease; of which
the French having notice, they then took courage to
attempt greater things. On the 21st of August they
landed in the isle of Wight, pillaged and burnt most of
the villages therein, and exacted a thousand pounds of
the inhabitants for not burning the rest; and afterwards,
passing along the coast, they landed from time to time,
and destroyed Portsmouth, Dartmouth, and Plymouth,
* Pat. Annal. 24. membran. 21.
† Claus. Annal. 30 Ed. III. Com. de Term. Hil. 38 Ed. III. ex
parte rem. regis.
Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 140,
141. T. Walsingham, p. 195–197. H. Knyghton, p. 2630.
204
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1378.
to the great dishonour of the lords about the young king,
who were so much employed in taking care of themselves,
that they had little time to spare, and perhaps as little
concern for the affairs of the nation; so that if private
persons had not interposed, matters had gone still worse:
for though Sir John Arundel drove the French from
Southampton with loss, yet they burnt Hastings, and
attempted Winchelsea, which was defended by the abbot
of Battel. At Lewes they beat the prior, with such troops
as he had drawn together; and having killed about a
hundred men, not without considerable loss on their side,
re-embarked their forces, and returned home. *
In some measure to wipe off the shame of these mis.
adventures, a considerable fleet was at length sent to sea,
under the command of the earl of Buckingham, who had
with him many gallant officers, and who intended to have
intercepted the Spanish fleet in their voyage to Sluys;
with which view he twice put to sea, and was as often
forced into port by contrary winds, so that his project
came to nothing. + The duke of Lancaster, on a promise
to defend the nation against all enemies for one year, got
into his hands a subsidy granted by parliament for that
purpose; yet he executed his trust so indifferently, that
one Mercer, a Scots privateer, with a small squadron,
carried away several vessels from under the walls of
Scarborough castle; and afterwards adding several French
and Spanish ships to his fleet, began to grow very for-
midable, and greatly disturbed the English commerce. ‡
In times of public distraction private virtues are com-
monly most conspicuous. There was one Alderman John
Philpot, of London, who with great wealth and a fair
* Froissart, chap. 327. Vita R. Richardi II. a Monach. de Evesham
Script. p. 2, 3. T. Otterbourne, p. 148.
+ Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 141.
T. Walsingham, p. 208, 209.
Stowe, p. 281. Holingshed, vol. ii. 419. Speed.
OF RICHARD II.
205
reputation, had a very high and active spirit, and could
hardly digest the affronts daily done to his country by the
French admirals and the Scots pirates. This man, at his
own expense, fitted out a stout squadron, on board which
he embarked a thousand men at arms, and then went in
quest of Mercer, whose fleet, superior in force, and flushed
with victory, he engaged and totally defeated, taking not
only his ships with all the booty on board them, but also
fifteen Spanish vessels, richly laden, which a little before
had joined Mercer, besides all the prizes he had carried
from Scarborough. For this glorious act, Alderman
Philpot, according to the strange policy of those times,
was called before the council, and questioned for thus
manning a squadron without legal authority; but he
answered the Earl of Stafford so wisely, and justified
himself so fully, that the lords were content to dismiss
with thanks, a man whose virtues were more illustrious
than their titles.*
But as there could be no dependence on these extraor-
dinary remedies, the parliament provided in some measure
for the security of navigation, by the imposition of certain
duties. The very learned Sir Robert Cotton says, these
impositions were by strength of prerogative only,† the
contrary of which appears clearly by the record, which is
still extant. But before we speak of these, which in their
own nature are the strongest proofs of our sovereignty at
sea, it will be necessary to observe what former kings had
done in this respect.
In King John's time, as we find it recited upon record
in subsequent reigns, the town of Winchelsea was enjoined
in the sixteenth year of his reign, to provide ten good and
large ships for the king's service at Poictou; ‡ at another
* Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. 6. T. Walsingham, p. 211. Holingshed,
vol. ii. p. 419.
† Answers to Reasons for Foreign Wars, p. 46.
† Ex. Johan. Eversden. Pat. An. 3 Ed. I. m. 26.
VOL. I.
K
206
NAVAL HISTORY
time, twenty; Dunwich and Ipswich being to find five
each, and other ports in proportion, all at their own
expense. * Edward I. had from the merchants a twentieth,
and afterwards a seventh, of their commodities; † he
imposed a custom of a noble upon every sack of wool, ‡
which in his son's time was doubled. In Edward II.'s.
time we find, that the sea-ports were for twelve years
charged to set out ships, provided with ammunition and
provision, sometimes for one month, sometimes for four,
the number of ships more or less, according as occasion
required. § Edward III. heightened the subsidy upon
wool to six and forty shillings and four pence a sack,
being seven times the first imposition. As for ships, he
enjoined the sea-ports frequently to attend him with all
their strength. ¶ In the thirteenth year of his reign, he
obliged the cinque ports to set out thirty ships, half at his
cost, and half at theirs, the out-ports furnishing fourscore
ships, and the traders of London being commanded to
furnish ships of war at their own expense. ** Complaint
being made on account of these hardships, to parliament, ††
no other answer could be had, than that the king would
not permit things to be otherwise than they were before
his time; that is, would not permit his prerogative to
be diminished. By these methods he raised his customs
in the port of London, to a thousand marks per month. §§
These were certainly hardships, and hardships that would
not have been borne under any other pretence.
Rot. Claus. An. 26. H. III.
+ Rot. Vasconiæ, An. 22. Ed. I. m. 8.
Ex. Historia Johan. Eversden. See Brady's History in that
king's reign.
§ Rot. Scot. An. 2. Ed. II, m. 17. Rot. Scot. An. 12 Ed. II. m. 8.
Rot. Pat. An. 4 Ed. II. Dors. Claus. An. 17 Ed. II. m. 2.
See Brady's History.
¶ Claus. An. 1 Ed. III.
Molloy de jure maritimo, p. 289.
** Rot. Scot. An. 13 Ed. III. m. 13.
Rot. Scot. eod. An.
Rot. Alman. An. 2 Ed. III. m. 2,
++ Rot. Scot. An. 10 Ed. III.
§§ Claus, An. 5 Ed. III.
OF RICHARD II.
20.7
But now, under the minority of King Richard II. when
things could not be carried with so high a hand, and yet
the necessity of maintaining a constant squadron at sea
for the security of the coasts was apparent; a new order
was taken, equally agreeable to justice and reason, for
imposing certain duties on all ships sailing in the north
seas, that is, from the mouth of the river Thames north-
wards. These duties were to be levied not only on
merchants, but on fishermen, and on those belonging to
foreign nations, as well as to English subjects. It con-
sisted in paying sixpence per ton; and such vessels only
were excused as were bound from Flanders to London
with merchandize, or from London to Calais with wool
and hides. Fishermen, particularly such as were em-
ployed in the herring fishery, were to pay sixpence per
ton every week; other fishermen a like duty every three
weeks; ships employed in the coal trade to Newcastle,
once in three months; merchantmen sailing to Prussia,
Norway, or Sweden, a like duty and for the collecting
these impositions, six armed vessels were to be employed.
As for the authority by which this was done, it will
best appear by the title of the record, which runs thus:
"This is the ordinance and grant by advice of the mer-
"chants of London, and of other merchants to the
"north, by the assent of all the commons in parliament,
"the earl of Northumberland, and the mayor of London,
"for the guard and tuition of the sea coasts under the
"jurisdiction of the admiral of the north seas, * &c.
This, as I observed before, is the clearest proof that our
sovereignty of the sea in those days was admitted by all
nations, otherwise this ordinance would not have been
submitted to, about which it appears, there was no kind
of scruple or apprehension, since so small a force was
appointed to collect it.
* Rot. Parl. An. 2. Ric. II. part ii. art. 39. in schedula.
Q 2
203
NAVAL HISTORY
1378.
A.D. In 1378, the earls of Arundel and Salisbury passed
with considerable forces into France, where, being able
to perform little, they, in their return, were attacked at
sea by a Spanish squadron. Part of the English fleet
seems not to have engaged; and my author charges
Philip and Peter Courtney, who commanded the ships
that fought, with temerity. However it was, they both
behaved very gallantly; and Philip escaped, though much
wounded. As for Peter, he was taken with a few of his
men, who were never heard of afterwards; and as there
perished in this fight, abundance of Devonshire and
Somersetshire gentlemen, it was looked upon as a very
great misfortune.* It was, however, followed with a
greater. The duke of Lancaster, with a very numerous
army and a very potent fleet, sailed to the assistance of
the duke of Bretagne, about midsummer; and having
spent near a month in a fruitless siege of the town of St.
Malo, which he missed taking by his own negligence and
ill conduct, he returned to England with little reputation
to himself, the French fleet in the mean time having
spoiled the coasts of Cornwall. †
A.D.
The foes of the French court very naturally applied
1379. themselves for assistance to England, and seldom failed
to obtain it, though it was not often that either we or
they were gainers by it in the end. The king of Navarre,
who had shewn himself a bitter enemy to the house of
Valois, and who met hitherto with but indifferent success
in a great variety of intrigues and enterprizes into which
he had entered, at last addressed himself to King Richard,
and offered to put the fortress of Cherburgh, in Normandy,
into his hands; which was accepted, and with some diffi-
culty obtained in the month of October, 1379. In the
* Cont. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 143. Vit.
K. Ricardi II. p. 6. Hollingshed, vol. ii. p. 419.
† T. Walsingham, p. 212, 213. Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. 7. Contin
Nic. Trivet. & Annal. vol. ii. p. 144
OF RICHARD II.
209
Jatter end of the same year, Sir John Arundel, going with
a considerable reinforcement to Bretagne, was ship-
wrecked, part of his squadron being driven on the coasts
of Ireland, some on the Welsh shore, and others into
Cornwall; so that himself and a thousand men at arms
perished. This loss, and the uneasiness following upon
it, occasioned the calling of a parliament.
The next year, however, new supplies were sent under A.D.
the command of the Earl of Buckingham, Sir Robert 1380g
Knollys, and Sir Hugh Calverly, to Calais, and from
thence passed through the heart of France into Bretagne,
where the duke employed them in the siege of Nantes, a
city which refused to acknowledge him; and, taking very
little care to supply them with necessaries, they were by
degrees reduced to such misery, that the English soldiers
were glad to return in small companies through France,
not in a hostile way, but begging their bread; which
ought to have put an end to all these inconsiderate expe-
ditions, that served only to waste the strength of the
nation, and to expose us to foreigners; for, in the mean
time, the French gallies burnt Gravesend, and plundered
the whole Kentish coast. *
1383.
In 1383, a new kind of war broke out, which, though A.D.
inconsiderable in its consequences, ought not to be passed
over in silence. There was at this time a schism in the
church of Rome; Urban IV. was owned in that city, and
Clement VII. was acknowledged for Pope at Avignon.
The several princes of Europe consulted their own advan-
tage in the choice they made of these pontiffs; and, as
the French had owned Clement, the English grew very
warm on the behalf of Urban. He, therefore, to serve
his own interest, and to heighten their zeal, proclaims a
croisade against his opponents, and constitutes Henry
* Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adain Murimuth, Annal. vol. ii. p. 147—
150. T. Otterbourne, p. 150. W. Wyrcester, Annal. p. 441. Me-
zeray, vol. iii. p. 111, 112.
910
NAVAL HISTORY
i
A D.
1384.
Nevil, bishop of Norwich, his general in England. This
prelate, a man of noble birth, was of a fit character for
such an enterprize, having a high spirit, a resolute
courage, and a very intriguing genius. He, knowing
that the Flemings were then in arms against their earl,
and that they were naturally inclined to the English,
resolved to make use of his commission to over-run, if
possible, that country. Passing over with this view to
Calais, he there suddenly assembled fifty thousand foot
and two thousand horse, with whom, and a good fleet
attending, he suddenly fell into Flanders, where he cut
to pieces a body of twelve thousand men, belonging to
the earl; took Dunkirk, Gravelines, Mardyke, and other
places, and at length besieged Ypres, his fleet proceeding
with like good fortune at sea. But the French king
marching a great army into Flanders, and the Flemings
beginning to fall off, the bishop of Norwich was glad to
retire, and, after all his short-lived successes, to return
with a handful of men into England.
The next year, the French fitted out several squadrons
to infest the English coast, in which they were but too suc-
cessful, while our intestine divisions hindered us from
taking that due care of our affairs, which our great
strength at sea enabled us to have done; yet the inha-
bitants of Portsmouth, to shew the martial spirit of this
nation was not quite extinguished, fitted out a squadron
at their own expense; which, engaging the French with
equal force, took every ship, and slew all, but nine
persons, on board them, performing also other gallant
exploits before they returned into port.
So very appa,
*
rent it is, that, if our affairs go wrong, this ought to be
ascribed to the rulers, and not to the people, who are
naturally jealous of our national glory, and ever ready
* T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 535, T. Otterbourne,
p. 156, 157. Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. 44, 45, Dupleix, tom. ii. 605, 606.
P. Daniel, tom. v. p. 308, 309,
OF RICHARD II.
211
enough to sacrifice, as is indeed their duty, both their
persons and properties for its defence.
*
1385.
The French king, Charles VI. was, in the year 1385, A.D.
persuaded to revive his father's project of invading
England, in order to compel the English to abandon
the few places they still held in France. With this view,
he at a prodigious expense, purchased ships in different
parts of Europe, and, by degree, drew together a very
great number; an author of credit, who lived in those
times, says, twelve hundred and eighty seven sail; inso-
much, that if it had been necessary, they might have
made a bridge from Calais to Dover. On the other
hand, King Richard prepared a numerous army, and also
drew together a powerful navy; yet, after all, there was
no great matter done; for the French king's uncles, the
dukes of Berry and Burgundy, fell at variance upon this
head; and the design was so long protracted, that, at
last, they were obliged to lay it aside for that year. †
Mezeray seems to attribute this to the duke of Bur-
gundy but Father Daniel ascribes it to the duke of
Berry; § however, it was not entirely given over, but rather
deferred till the succeeding spring, when the French sailed 1386.
a second time, and partly through the treachery of the duke
of Bretagne, and partly through the cowardice of admiral
de Vienne. This man had been sent with a fleet of sixty
ships to Scotland, in order to excite and enable the inha-
bitants of that kingdom to make a diversion; but he
behaved there very indifferently, for he declined fighting
the English, when they destroyed all the country before
them, and entered into an amour with a princess of the
royal blood; which, says Mezeray, the barbarous Scots,
being strangers to French gallantry, took amiss, and
*Histoire de Charles VI. A. D. 1385.
+ Froissart, vol. iii. cap. xxv.
↑ Abregé de l'Histoire, vol. iii. p. 129.
§ Histoire de la Milice Francoise, vol. ii. p. 448.
A.D.
212
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1386.
shewed their resentment in such a manner, as obliged
him to leave their country very abruptly. On his return
he reported the English army to consist of ten thousand
horse, and a hundred thousand foot, which struck the
French with terror. As for the duke of Bretagne, on
some private distaste, he clapped up the constable of
France in prison, who was to have commanded the forces
that were to be transported in this mighty fleet, which
new disappointment frustrated the whole design.
Father Daniel is just enough to acknowledge, that it is
doubtful whether the duke, by this act of treachery, did
the English or the French most service; since, if this
design had miscarried, the greatest part of the nobility of
France, who were embarked therein, must have necessa-
rily perished. As it was, a great number of ships belong-
ing to this huge fleet, in sailing from the haven of Sluys,
were driven on the English coast and taken; and the year
before, the earls of Arundel and Nottingham, with the
English fleet, had attacked a great number of French,
Spanish, and Flemish merchantmen; and having beaten
their convoy, took upwards of a hundred sail. Thus this
wild scheme ended in the destruction of the naval power
of France; which, as it is in itself unnatural, so, when-
ever it receives a considerable check, it is very hard to be
restored again, as Father Daniel tacitly acknowledges;
for, he owns, that during the remainder of the reign of
Charles VI. as also during that of Charles VII. which
takes in upwards of half a century, they attempted little
or nothing by sea, and not much in the succeeding fifty
years.
*
The expedition of the duke of Lancaster into Spain,
deserves to be mentioned in a work of this nature; for,
though it be true, that it did not concern the kingdom of
England, yet, as the whole naval strength of the nation
* Histoire de la milice Francoise, vol. ii. p. 448. Stowe, Holing-
shed, Speed, Brady, Tyrrel, &c.
OF RICHARD II.
213
was employed therein, and as the reputation of the English
arms was spread thereby over all Europe, it would be
unpardonable to omit it. The duke's title, notwithstand-
ing the slight put upon it by some authors, was in reality
a very good one; he claimed in right of his second wife
Constantia, who was the daughter of Peter the Cruel,
king of Castile; whereas the possessor of that crown was
of a bastard line. The king of Portugal was likewise in
his interest, and sent into England seven gallies and
eighteen ships, to join the duke's fleet, which was a long
time in preparing.
At length, about midsummer, 1386, he embarked with
twenty thousand men, and the flower of the English nobi-
lity, himself commanding the army, and Sir Thomas Piercy
the fleet. The first exploit they performed was the re-
lieving Brest, at that time besieged by the French, by
which the duke gained great reputation; after this, em-
barking again with fresh provisions, and some recruits,
they arrived at the port of Corunna, or, as our sailors call
it, the Groin, on August 9, and there safely landed their
forces.* The king of Portugal behaved like a good ally,
and many of the Spanish nobility acknowledged the duke
for their king; yet the war, at the beginning, was not
attended with much success, great sickness wasting the
English army; and, through the precaution of John, king
of Castile, the country was so destroyed, that a famine
ensued, which proved of still worse consequences to the
duke's affairs. By degrees, however, the soldiers recovered
their health, and the duke, who had himself endured a
sharp fever, resumed his spirits, and continued the war
with fresh vigour, and with better fortune. John, king
of Castile, seeing his dominions destroyed, and the French,
who had promised him great succours, very slow in per-
* Marianæ Hist. Hispan. tom. ii. lib. xviii. cap. x. p. 155. M.
Furia y Sousa, lib. iv. cap. 11. T. Walsingham, p. 321, 322. H. '
Knyghton, p. 2670. Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. 70, 71.
214
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1389.
A.D.
1394.
forming, wisely entered into a negotiation, which quickly
ended in a peace.
*
By this treaty, King John paid the duke about seventy
thousand pounds for the expenses of the war, and assigned
him and his dutchess an annuity of ten thousand pounds.
The eldest daughter of the duke married Henry, prince
of Asturias, King John's heir; and the duke's second
daughter espoused the king of Portugal. After this agree
ment made, the duke, with the remains of his army, which
an eminent French writer says, might amount to about a
sixth part of the forces he carried abroad, † returned into
England towards the end of the year 1389; and a little
after, the king was pleased to honour his uncle with the
title of duke of Aquitain. ‡
In 1394, an insurrection in Ireland obliged the king to
pass over thither, being attended by the duke of Glouces-
ter, the earls of March, Nottingham, and Rutland. In
this expedition, he had better fortune than in any other
part of his life; reducing most of the petty princes to such
straits, that they were glad to do him homage, and give
him hostages; but, at the request of the clergy, he returned
too hastily, in order to prosecute heretics, when he might
have subdued his rebels, and settled that kingdom. This
mistake in his conduct proved afterwards fatal to his crown
and life. § The disputes he had with his nobility at home,
inclined the king to put an end to all differences abroad;
and, therefore, after a long treaty, it was agreed, that King
Richard should espouse the Princess Isabella, though but
a child between seven and eight years old.
* Ferrera's Hist. de Espan. p. viii. sec. 14. De la Clede, Hist. de
Portugal, tom. i. p. 336. T. Walsingham, p. 342. W. Wyrcester,
Annal. p. 442.
+ Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 134.
‡ T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 554. T. Otterbourne;
p. 177, 179.
§ Chron. Hibern, A. D. 1394.
OF RICHARD II.
512
1396.
On this occasion, he passed over to Calais, where he had A.D.
an interview with the French king; and, having espoused
this young princess on October 31, he soon after brought
her home, and caused her to be crowned, but very little to
the people's satisfaction, who fancied there was something
ominous in the loss of part of her portion, in the short
passage between Calais and Dover, in a sudden storm. *
Some time after, he was drawn into a much more unpo-
pular act, by giving up the fortress of Cherburgh to the
king of Navarre, and the town of Brest to the duke of
Britanny; and the disturbances which followed these mea-
şures in England, encouraged the Irish to rebel. + In the
first fury of these people they cut off Roger Mortimer
earl of March, governor of Ireland for King Richard, and
presumptive heir of the crown. The news of this so much
provoked the king, that he determined to pass over into
that island, in order to chastise the authors of so black a
fact. With this view, he drew together a considerable
army, and a fleet of two hundred sail, with which he
safely arrived at Waterford, in the spring of the year
1399. ‡
1
1309.
The king had some success in this, as he had in his for A. D.
mer expedition, it being the constant foible of the Irish to
be wonderfully struck with the presence of a prince, and
the pomp of a court. But his success was quickly inter-
rupted by the mortifying news of his cousin, Henry of
Lancaster, being landed in England, and in open rebel-
lion. This young nobleman, styled in his father's life-
time first earl of Derby, and then duke of Hereford, had
ever been of a martial disposition, and had attained to
great military skill, by serving in Prussia under the Teu-
* Rymer's foedera, tom. vii. p. 802. T. Walsinghami, p. 353. Vit.
R. Ricardi II. p. 128, 129. P. Æmyle, p. 601. Du Tillet, p. 309.
+ Chron. Hibern. A. D. 1395.
‡ T. Walsingham, p. 356. T. Otterbourne, p, 197. Chron. Hibern.
A.D. 1399.
216
NAVAL HISTORY, &c.
A.D.
1400.
tonic knights. He had been very indifferently treated by
King Richard, yet had no thoughts of pretending to the
crown, when he first returned home; but, finding the peo-
ple universally disaffected, the king in Ireland, and him-
self surrounded by a number of brisk and active young
noblemen, he grew bolder in his designs, though he still
acted with much caution. The king, on the first advice of
this rebellion, returned into England, where he no sooner
arrived, than all his spirits failed him, insomuch, that the
first request he made to the earl of Northumberland was,
that he might have leave to resign his kingdom. * The
precedent of his grandfather, Edward II. was too recent
to leave the rebels any scruple of making use of the king's
pusillanimous temper; they, therefore, brought him up
prisoner to London, where he was committed to the
Tower; and, shortly after, by authority of parliament,
deposed, when he had reigned twenty-two years, and was
in the thirty-third year of his age. †
After this his life was of no long continuance; for,
being carried from place to place, he at length ended his
days at Pomfret castle, in the year 1400; but how, or
with what circumstances, is not clearly known to posterity.
Some say, that hearing of the misfortunes which attended
his friends, who endeavoured to restore him, and had
miserably lost their lives in the attempt, he refused sus-
tenance, and starved himself; others, with greater proba-
bility, affirm, that with hunger and cold, and other unheard
of torments, his cruel enemies removed him out of their
way; and, to this opinion Camden inclined, who, in
* Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. 151–155. T. Walsingham, p. 358, 359.
T. Otterbourne, p. 201-206. Chron. Godstovian, p. 126. Fabian,
p. 345.
† Attested copies of all these proceedings, from the original records
in the Tower, the reader will meet with in H. Knyghton, col. 2743-
2762.
T. Walsingham, p. 363. Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. 169. T. Otter-
bourne, p. 228, 229.
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, &c.
217
speaking of Pomfret castle, says it is a place principum
cæde & sanguine infamis.
*
THE history of our commerce within this period of time
would be equally curious and useful, if carefully and impar-
tially, collected from our records and histories. What I
have to offer on this head, is only the fruit of my own
reflections upon some remarkable passages, that, in the
composition of this history, appeared of too great import-
ance, in reference to the subjects under my consideration,
to be passed by without notice, amongst a long train of
common events. Such observations, I conceive, may be
of more use, because, generally speaking, our writers
upon political arithmetic, have very rarely carried their
researches so high as these times, from a notion, very pro-
bably, that there was not much in them to their purpose;
in which, however, I must confess myself of a very dif-
ferent sentiment, being fully satisfied, that many points of
the greatest consequence might be very much enlightened,
if due attention were paid to such occurrences, in these
times, as any way regard our foreign and domestic trade,
the scarcity and plenty of coin, and the different state of
the finances of our several monarchs; for all which, though
there may not be sufficient materials to compose a com-
plete history, yet there are more than enough to convince
us, that the vulgar opinion of the poverty of our ancestors,
in past times, is very far from being founded in truth, but
is rather the consequence of an ill-grounded complaisanee
for our own age.
We have before observed, that Henry I. left behind
him a very large sum of money at his decease; his grand-
son, Henry II. reigned about the same space of time, that
is, four months short of thirty-five years, as his grandfather
reigned four months more than that number of years.
* Descript. Brit. p. 83,
218
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
Their tempers were much alike with respect to economy;
that is to say, both of them were inclined to collect and
leave behind them as much wealth as they could; the
former for the sake of establishing his family; the latter
that he might make a provision for the expedition into the
Holy Land, which he certainly had very much at heart.
But Henry II. at his demise, left in gold and silver, exclu-
sive of jewels and other curiosities, the sum of nine hun-
dred thousand pounds; which would be a thing altogether
incredible, if we had not as good authority for this as for
any historical fact whatever. * It is indeed true, that
some writers have represented him as an avaricious, and
even rapacious prince; but the facts which they assign to
prove this, are such as will scarce satisfy an impartial
reader. He levied, from time to time, considerable sums
upon the Jews, who were the monied people of those
days; he had considerable aids from his nobility; and he
kept bishoprics, and other ecclesiastical benefices in his
hands for several years together. His predecessors, how-
ever, had done as much without acquiring any such trea-
sure; and, therefore, we may conclude from this fact, that
the nation was become much richer.
It is said, and very truly said, that coin or ready money
is the PULSE of a state. If it beat high and even, there is
no reason to question the health of the body politic; but,
if it grow low, and intermit, even wise men may be
allowed to doubt as to the public safety. We may, there-
fore, safely collect that the trade of this kingdom was very
much increased during the course of this reign, though we
had no other argument to prove it; since, in the same
space of time, and without having recourse to any extra-
* The words of Matthew Paris, my author, are these: "Inventa
"sunt plura quam nongenta millia librarum in auro & argento, præter
“ utensilia & jocolia & lapides pretiosos." The will of this great
monarch is preserved in the Liber Niger Scaccarii, published by
Hearne; but in this we find none but charitable legacies.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
219
ordinary methods, this monarch was able to leave, after
bestowing very considerable sums in ready money for the
holy war, a treasure nine times as great as that of his
grandfather, though he was looked upon as the richest
prince of his time.
The beginning of King Richard's reign was very fatal
to the estates and revenues of the crown, as the latter end
of it was excessively burdensome upon his people; yet,
those who, from the difficulty of paying his ransom, would
infer, that this kingdom was grown wretchedly poor, and
that the wealth of the nation was nothing then to what it
is now, are far from being so much in the right as they
may imagine; as will appear from hence, that Hubert,
archbishop of Canterbury, when he desired the king's
leave to withdraw from the administration, gave this as
his reason, viz. that there had been levied upon his sub-
jects, in the years 1195 and 1196, the sum of one million
one hundred thousand marks; * which I have the autho-
rity of an ingenious and judicious writer to bear me out in
affirming, was equal to eleven millions in our times. † So
that it was not the poverty of the kingdom which made
Roger Hovden, p. 767, 768, assures us, the scope of that pre-
late's letter to the king was, to shew how much the wealth of England
was exhausted, and, as a proof, added, “Quod infrą biennium
proximo præteritum, adquisierat ad opus illius undecies centena
"millia marcarum argentide regno Angliæ." Robert de Brunne, in
his Chronicle, informs us, that, though the sums levied were large, yet
the king's visible necessity, and the bad behaviour of King Philip, of
France, made the nobility contribute cheerfully to their master's assist-
ance, as well in their persons, as out of their purses.
† The author referred to in the text is Dr. Davenant, who, in his
discourse on grants and resumptions, p. 112, not only says what I have
mentioned, but farther, that what was given to King Richard, was
more than was really levied on the people in any two years of King
William's war. If so, why might not the whole necessary supplies
have been raised, which could not (the difference of times considered)
have been in any degree so oppressive as what our ancestors endured,
rather than a debt created, which has proved ever since an accumu-
lating burden.
220
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
the impositions of those days seem insupportably hard;
but the impositions themselves were so excessive, and so
often repeated, that at last they really made the nation
poor.
Another thing to be observed, in regard to this reign,
is the tax, or rather subsidy given in wool, which is the
first time any thing of that nature occurs in history; though,
without all doubt, wool was long before one of the prin-
cipal staple commodities of this country. If we look into
this affair carefully, we shall find something in it very
dif-
ferent from what is commonly understood; for, it was not
a tax imposed upon wool for leave to export it; a thing
frequent in succeeding times, and which, for any thing we
know, might not have been altogether new even then; it
was not a grant to the crown of a certain quantity of wool,
which was the land-tax of those times, and very commonly
granted to his successors; but, it was a loan taken from
the Cistercian monks, who then exported the wool of this
island to Flanders, and other countries, the produce of
which, for that year, was received to the king's use, in
order to complete his ransom, and was to be repaid;´and,
perhaps, the different accounts we have of the sum to
which that amounted, might be owing, in some measure,
to this manner of raising it. But, however these things
may stand, there is nothing clearer than that the vast
sums raised in this reign must have been brought into
this island by foreign trade, that is, by the produce of
our commodities and manufactures. The latter, without
question, were very inconsiderable in comparison of what
they have since been, and yet not altogether so incon-
siderable as is commonly thought; but, as for our staple
commodities, we certainly had them then as well as now;
and, I believe, there is some reason to think that they were
not only exported in very large quantities, but were also
vended in foreign markets, at very high prices; that is,
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
221
the proportion of things in those times, and in these,
being duly weighed and considered. *
In the reign of King John, if we may believe most of
our historians, there was nothing but oppression and
taxes; and immense sums of money, from time to time,
levied upon the nation; which, however, is a proof there
was money in the nation, as the great number of seamen
he had constantly in employment shews there must have
been trade. The Cistercian monks were still the expor-
ters of wool; and, that this was no inconsiderable thing,
may appear from hence, that they charge the king with
taking from them by violence, in the course of a few years,
sixty-six thousand pounds. It may be, he only took by
violence what they had before got by fraud; for, why such
vast sums were to rest in the hands of religious men, when
the public treasury was empty, it will be hard to render a
just reason. The same king is said to have imprisoned an
archdeacon of Huntingdon, till he extorted from him
twenty-two thousand marks; this might be injustice in the
king; but public affairs could not be well regulated, when
a clergyman of his rank was able to pay so much. † If
King John had not bore so hard upon the priests and
* Two things principally contributed, in those days, to turn the
scale of trade in our favour: First, we were not given to refined
luxury; if we indulged in any extraordinary degree, it was in our
native and unpurchased blessings, which made our wants the less.
And, secondly, commerce not being so extensive, some of our staple
commodities were highly valued, and from thence brought in the
more money.
† Matth. Paris, Ralph Coggeshale, and John Eversden, are the
chief authors of what is reported of King John's excessive taxations:
and the first of these speaks of him in a manner so full of indecency,
that one naturally suspects so angry a writer of sometimes making free
with truth. An unmarried elergy, immensely rich, was equally repug-
nant to the principles of sound policy and of the gospel; the king,
therefore, might well take somewhat, from their immense revenues,
for the public service, without deserving to be thought either tyrant or
infidel; though these charitable authors have pawned their credit with
posterity, that he was both,
VOL. I.
R
I
222
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
monks, they would have furnished, or, at least, they would
have allowed him a better character in their chronicles;
if he had been more indulgent to his nobility, they might
possibly have been more loyal; but, if he had not shewn
himself a lover of trade, and a kind master to the com-
mons, he would not have had the seamen, the sea-ports,
and the trading towns at his devotion, London only
excepted; and, amongst other provocations given to her,
it was no small one, that this monarch favoured the out-
ports; so that the trade of Boston, in Lincolnshire, ap-
proached, in some degree, to that of London; as appears
from the customs in both during this reign.
It has been hinted, that our manufactures were not
quite so low at this time as they are generally represented;
and, it looks like a proof of this, that in the nineteenth
year of Henry III. there passed a law for regulating some
branches of the weaving business; and, it appears from this
very law, that the branches regulated thereby were dif-
ferent kinds of broad cloth. This does not, indeed, shew
when we began to make cloth; for, without doubt, this could
not be then a new manufacture; but, it plainly shews, that
we had it in a good degree of perfection, above a hundred
years before most of our histories speak of its introduction
into England. * In this king's reign arose the first com-
plaints about clipping of money, which not only produced
a standard, but also a new regulation; which, though it
proved a remedy for the evil, was accounted almost as
* Some circumstances relative to this manufacture are mentioned
in the reign of Henry II. nor does it then appear to be a new thing,
but rather the contrary. It was in this reign, if not sooner, introduced
into Scotland; which put the government on contriving methods to
prevent wool being carried thither from any of the northern counties,
but with very little success.
+ There is some diversity in our old historians, and much more
amongst our modern critics, about this matter; we will give the truth
as near, and in as few words as we can. King John is by some
reckoned the author of our standard, but this must be with regard to
fineness, especially the sterling, or esterling, which was the name of
a penny made of good silver, being introduced in his reign. As to
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
223
great an evil as that which it was intended to cure. In
short, the taking money by tale, as is the custom now,
and which first began to grow into a custom then, was
prohibited, and people were directed to pay and receive
by weight, in the manner that has been before described.
There are few princes who have sat upon this throne,
whose behaviour we find represented in a worse light to
posterity than that of this monarch; for he had the mis-
fortune, like his father, to be upon bad terms with the
barons and the clergy; who, not contented with keeping
him a beggar all his life, have transmitted his memory
to succeeding times, with as heavy a load of infamy upon
it as was in their power. It is, indeed, out of doubt, that
King Henry did levy large sums upon his people, which
Matthew Paris, who lived in his time, and wrote the
history of his reign, has very dexterously magnified, by
reckoning the same tax sometimes over and over again.*
Upon the whole, he tells us, in the period of forty-one
years, (he reigned in all fifty-six) he had been the spoiler
of the kingdom; that he had not taken less than nine
hundred and fifty thousand marks: yet the reader has
seen, that King Richard levied considerably more than
this sum in two years. He might very well want extra-
ordinary supplies, if what the same monk, in another
weight, Thomas Rudborn tells us, William the Conqueror ordained,
A. D. 1083, that a penny should weigh thirty-two grains of wheat out
of the midst of the ear; and the statute 53 H. III. says the very same
thing; but, however, there was a distinction, though not a difference.
It was found by experience, that grains of wheat differed in weight;
that those kept for the king's balance were affected by the weather,
and that no certainty could arise while this method was continued.
It was agreed, therefore, that twenty-four pieces of brass, equal in
weight to the thirty-two grains of wheat, should be substituted, as an
easy number to divide; and thenceforward, the penny-weight was said
to contain twenty-four grains.
* When an historian writes with a visible leaning to one side, the
reader, to set things straight, must lean a little to the other. King
Henry might have, and, to be sure, had great faults; but there was
the less need to exaggerate them. Matthew Paris furnishes matter
R 2
224
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
place, * inadvertently tells us was true, that the whole
ordinary revenue of the crown, fell considerably short of
sixteen thousand pounds a year.
If we should conclude from these clamours, from the
meanness of the king's circumstances, and from the dis-
tresses to which King Henry was driven, that the nation
was quite exhausted, and that the nobility and clergy,
who always complained, and often rebelled, were plun-
dered and pillaged till they had nothing left to subsist
them, we should be extremely mistaken. The king's
brother, Richard earl of Cornwall, laid up out of his
estate, near two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, with
a part of which, he purchased the diadem of Germany.
We are also told, that the Lord Warine, who is said to
be the wisest, and yet not affirmed to be the richest barou
in England, disposed, by will, of two hundred thousand
marks, which he had by him in money; † so that private
men, if the nobility in those times might be so called,
were really very rich, though their king was often in a
state of downright want. In short, property was in those
days strangely divided; and though, by the balance of
trade, vast sums were brought into the nation, yet a very
for his own refutation: he acknowledges, the nobility were always
rebellious, and yet blames the king for loving strangers: he exclaims
against his avarice, and owns he gave away all he could obtain.
* It is in a manner by accident, that Matthew Paris lets us into this
important point; for, inveighing against the papal oppression, he says,
that the revenue of the alien clergy in England, amounted to no less
than seventy thousand marks per annum, when the king's ordinary
income came to scarce a third part of that sum: which, considering
the largeness of the king's family, was, even in those days, a very
pitiful thing.
† Mat. Paris, p. 908. n. 10. I cite the place so particularly, because
Sir William Dugdale, in his baronage, vol. i. p. 561, after making
very honourable mention of this Warine de Muntchensi, and, speaking
particularly of his great riches, sets down what he disposed of by his
will at no more than two thousand marks, which is visibly a mistake,
as he quotes the very same author that I do, and the very same
edition.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
225
great part of these came into the coffers of the monks
and of the Jews; and as for the remaining produce of
domestic industry, it was almost swallowed up by the
barons and the priests.
In the glorious reign of Edward I. we find many things
worth observing; and first, as to the coin; for though the
fineness thereof, had been established in the reign of his
grandfather, and various regulations made in his father's
long administration; yet, in his time it was, that the matter
was entirely settled, and put into such a condition, as that
in succeeding reigns the manner only has been susceptible
of change. This was done in the seventh year of his
reign, when he fixed the weight of his round silver penny
at the twentieth part of an ounce Troy, whence our
denomination of a penny weight: as to the fineness, it
remained the same as before; that is, there were eleven
ounces two penny-weights of fine silver, and eighteen
penny-weights alloy * in a pound of silver, which was
coined into two hundred and forty pence. However, in
the twenty-eighth year of his reign, he reduced his penny
somewhat; and this was the first variation of its kind from
the Saxon times. It was the weight and purity of his coin
that tempted the Jews over hither, in greater numbers
than ever, to exercise their laudable trades of usury
and clipping; for which last offence, he hanged two
hundred and eighty of them at once; and having, in
* It is now hardly to be expected, that any clear account should be
gained of the motives on which this change was made: but, by the
smallness of it, there is good reason to conclude, that it was rather
for the service of the state, than to serve a turn. But it is time to shew
what this change was. The pound of silver, hitherto accounted equal
to twenty shillings, was now raised to twenty and three-pence: the
shilling (or rather twelvepence) weighed two hundred and sixty-four
instead of two hundred and eighty-eight grains: and in short, silver
was, by this means, raised from twenty pence to twenty-pence far-
thing an ounce.
226
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
vain, endeavoured to moderate the rigour of their ex-
tortions, he at length banished them out of his dominions,
to the number of fifteen thousand, to prevent their preying
upon the industry of his subjects; having exhorted them
more than once, by proclamation, to apply themselves to
honest labour, or to the exercise of lawful trades, and to
forbear fleaing his people. In 1299, the king settled as
a dowry, upon Margaret, daughter to the King of France,
eighteen thousand livres per annum, which amounted to
four thousand five hundred pounds sterling: so that four
French livres were then worth an English pound; * which
is a point of great consequence towards understanding the
transactions of those times.
In this king's reign there were certain silver mines
wrought in Devonshire, to considerable profit; in the
twenty-second year of his reign, they produced, from the
twelfth of August to the last of October, three hundred
and seventy pounds weight of silver; the next year five
hundred and twenty-one pounds and a half; in the twenty-
fourth year seven hundred and four pounds: they yielded
afterwards more, but how much more is not said; nor
have we any account when they were worn out. † We
may form some judgment of the course of trade in his
time from hence; that, having occasion to borrow a large
sum of money, for carrying on his wars against the Welch,
he took up eight thousand marks from the city of London,
· and one thousand from the port of Yarmouth. In reference
to the wealth of private men, there is a particular fact
recorded that gives us some light. The judges were found
to have been guilty of corruption, and were fined amongst
* This comparative value of coin is a subject hitherto hardlly con-
sidered, and yet ancient histories are unintelligible, without a due
regard being had to it.
†These mines were opened again in Queen Elizabeth's time, and
have been also wrought since, but have not answered the cost of
working.
1
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
227
them one hundred thousand marks, of which, Sir Edward
Stratton paid thirty-four thousand. * There was, in his
reign, a great clamour against foreign merchants, who
now began to keep houses and warehouses of their own
in the city of London, whereas before, they lodged in
some citizen's house, who was their broker: and to this
the citizens would very willingly have reduced things
again, but the king and his council held, that it was for
the public benefit they should remain as they were; and
with this they were forced to be satisfied.
In the reign of Edward II. we meet with very little to
our purpose, unless it should be thought so, that, upon
the deposing of this unhappy monarch, the allowance
settled for his maintenance in prison was one hundred
marks a-month, or eight hundred pounds a-year: yet this
monarch had given to the Lady Theophania, a French
woman, who was nurse to his Queen Isabella, an estate
of five hundred pounds a-year. † The taxes in his reign
were very inconsiderable.
In the reign of Edward III. anno Domini 1331, the king
granted a protection to one John Kent, a cloth-weaver,
who came over from Flanders, and at the same time, invited
over fullers and dyers; ‡ from whence, it has been supposed,
that clothing was then introduced into this kingdom,
which is directly contrary to truth, that trade having been
here long before; indeed, so long before, that there is no
record extant to shew when it was introduced. As King
Edward was a very martial prince in his temper, and his
* Matt. Westmon. p. 414. n. 10. Knyghton, col. 2466. Thomas
Wayland, who was the most guilty, lost his whole estate.
+ My author, for the first of these facts, is Thomas Walsingham, and,
for the latter, Mr. Rymer, both unquestionable in such points.
Rymer's foedera, tom. iv. p. 496. There is very little room to
doubt, that the true reasons of these encouragements were, first of
all, instructing our own people to the utmost perfection, in this capital
art, and next, drawing over the workmen here, that, as we rose in that
manufacture, our neighbours might also gradually decline.
228
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
reign almost a continued series of wars, there were
successive impositions levied upon his subjects, and these
amounting to such vast sums as very clearly prove, that,
at the beginning of his reign, England was far richer than
in the times of any of his predecessors.
Some attempts have been made to settle, by the help
of the taxes in this reign, the manner in which they were
levied, and the produce of them, the value of our wool:
and, without doubt, something very near the truth may
be discovered, if we proceed cautiously. In the year 1338,
the laity * granted him one half of their wool, and the
clergy nine marks a sack upon their best wool. We know
not what number of sacks the king received; but it is
said, that he sent over ten thousand sacks into Brabant,
which produced him four hundred thousand pounds, that
is, at the rate of forty pounds a sack one with another:
and, from this, some writers think themselves warranted
to compute the produce of our wool in foreign markets,
at least at forty pounds a sack; and by the help of this
calculation, they estimate our annual exportations at a
very large sum. We will shew first, what this is, and
then consider whether it be right, or whether the price
should not be reduced.
When it is said, that we know not what quantity of
wool the king received by that grant, it is to be under-
stood, that we know it not from the historians who
mention this grant; but it appears from the records, that
it amounted to twenty thousand sacks. Those who
made the computation, of which we have been speaking,
compute the exportation of wool that year at forty thou-
sand sacks; which amounts to one million six thousand
pounds; and the aid to the king comes to half that money,
The computations mentioned in the text, are to be found in the
historical account of taxes, p. 106.
† By this method of receiving taxes in kind, the king became, in
some measure, a merchant; and that to his great profit,
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
229
which they say, is amazing and prodigious and indeed,
well they might. But, when a grant was afterwards made
to the king of thirty thousand sacks of wool, we find it
estimated far lower, viz. at six pounds a sack, the very
best; the second sort at five, and the worst at four pounds
a sack; which, however, was exclusive of the king's duty
or custom. This computation was, certainly, very fair;
and this grant to the king, was in the nature of a land-
tax; which is the reason that the produce of it was
computed at the rate wool sold here, though there is no
manner of doubt, that, by exporting and selling it abroad,
the king made much more of it. We will try, however,
if it be not practicable to extract something more certain
out of the facts mentioned by ancient authors, because,
if it could be done, it would be very satisfactory.
A certain writer has preserved the state or balance of
the English trade, as found upon record in the exchequer,
in the twenty-eighth year of this monarch; and there is
no reason to suspect its authenticity.* In this, the export
of wool, is set down at thirty-one thousand, six hundred
and fifty-one sacks and a half, valued at six pounds a
sack; but then the duty is excluded. It appears also,
from this account, that a considerable quantity of cloth,
both fine and coarse, and of worsted also, was exported.
We cannot, therefore, doubt, that when the commons
granted King Edward thirty thousand sacks of wool, it
was at least, as much as giving him one hundred and fifty
thousand pounds in money, out of their pockets. But, if
we are inclined to know what it brought the king, we
may, perhaps, find the means of discovering it. In the
last year of his reign, the citizens of York complained,
* This account was published in a treatise, entitled, The Circle of
Commerce, p. 119, 120, written by Mr. Edward Misselden, and printed
in 1633. After drawing from it the remarks mentioned in the text,
I thought it would be for the conveniency of the reader, and render
my observations more perspicuous, if a place were allowed this curious
paper in the notes.
230
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
that a German lord* had seized thirty-six surplus of their
wool, which they valued at one thousand nine hundred
pounds, for a debt, due from the king; and, according to
this reckoning, wool was worth, in that country, thirteen
pounds a sack, and something more so that the aid
granted to the king, could not produce much less than
four hundred thousand pounds, which was a very large
sum for those days.
The balance of the English trade in the 28th year of Edward III. as
said to be found upon record in the exchequer.
EXPORTS.
£.
s. d.
One and thirty thousand six hundred fifty-one sacks
and a half of wool, at six pounds value each saek,
amount to ....
Three thousand six hundred sixty-five fells, at forty
shillings value, each hundred at six score, amount to
Whereof the custom amounts to....
Fourteen last, seventeen dicker, and five hides of
leather, after six pounds value the last
Whereof the custom amounts to.....
Four thousand seven hundred seventy-four cloths
and a half, after forty shillings value the cloth, is..
Eight thousand and sixty-one pieces and a half of
worsted, after six shillings and eight-pence value
the piece, is
Whereof the custom amounts to.
189,909 0 0
6,073 1 8
81,624 1 1
89 5 0
6 17 6
9,549 0 0
6,717 18 4
215 13 7
Exports 294,184 17 2
IMPORTS.
£.
s. d.
One thousand eight hundred thirty-two cloths, after
six pounds value the cloth
10,992 0 0
91 12 O
Whereof the custom amounts to.....
Three hundred ninety-seven quintals and three quar-
ters of wax, after the value of forty shillings the
hundred or quintal
759 10 0
Carried up 11,843 2 0
* This foreign nobleman had served the king in his wars, and pre-
tended so much money was due to him; he had also ships in our ports,
with goods on board, which the citizens, thus injured, desired might
be seized.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
231
£.
s. d.
Whereof the custom is......
Brought up 11,843 2 0
One thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine tons
and a half of wine, after forty shillings value per ton
Whereof the custom is......
Linen cloth, mercery and grocery wares, and all other
manner of merchandize.
Whereof the custom is..
19 17 0
3,659 0 0
182 0 0
22,943 6 10
285 18 3
Imports
38,970 13 8
Balance 255,214 13 8
+
N.B. The totals do not answer the particulars exactly; but, at this
distance of time, it is impossible to aim at correcting them with any
degree of certainty.
BUT we must not part with this account, without draw-
ing from it some other observations. We find the whole
imports of that year computed at something less than
thirty-nine thousand pounds, whereas the exports amounted
to above two hundred and ninety-four thousand pounds;
so that the clear balance, in favour of this nation, was
above two hundred and fifty-five thousand pounds. Yet,
this is not all; we must consider, that in this account there
is no notice taken of lead and tin, probably because the
accounts relating to them might not be brought into the
exchequer, that is, not into the exchequer at Westminster;
which will raise the account very considerably; insomuch,
that there seems very good reason to believe, the intrinsic
value of the coin in those days, being compared with ours,
the whole balance of trade fell very little, if at all, short
of nine hundred thousand pounds, as our money is now
reckoned; which is, indeed, a very large sum, and much
beyond what those, who had never looked into these mat-
ters, could possibly have imagined. Yet, the probability,
at least, if not the truth, of this computation, might be
shewn in another way; that is, from the consideration of
the immense sums that were consumed by this monarch in
232
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
foreign wars and alliances, which it is impossible this
nation could ever have furnished, if the balance of trade
had fallen any thing short of what it appears to be from
the foregoing computation.
That commerce was very much the object of King
Edward's attention, and his parliaments, very fully ap-
pears from the many acts made within the compass of his
reign for its regulation. It is, indeed, true, that several
of these laws are contradictory; that what was established
in one year, was sometimes overturned in the next; that
frequent alterations were made in the staple; that the cus-
toms were sometimes high, sometimes low; and that the
standard of money was twice varied. But, notwithstand-
ing all this, the former assertion will still remain unim-
peached, since there can be nothing clearer, that that even
these variations arose from the regard that was paid to
commerce; and, perhaps, the alteration in the coin was
made necessary from the conduct, in that particular, of our
neighbours. We likewise find, that, towards the latter
end of this king's reign, there were great frauds and impo-
sitions committed in obtaining licences for the exporta-
tion of goods, and in other respects, of which complaints
were made in parliament against the Lord Latimer, the
king's chamberlain, and Richard Lyons, of London, mer-
chant, for which they were convicted and punished.
*
King Edward III. was the first of our princes who
coined grosses or groats, so called from their being the
grossest or greatest of all money, the silver penny having
been till then the largest coin in use. The purity of the
standard he never debased; but, in the twentieth year of
* An inquisitive reader may consult Barnes's history of this reign;
but the records are still fuller and clearer. It would be of infinite
service to the nation, if the facts they contain were digested into
chronological order, and made public. This would effectually refute
many gross mistakes universally believed, and disclose many new
truths.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
233
his reign, he saw reason to make it lighter; so that,
instead of twenty shillings, the pound of silver, was
raised to the value of twenty-two shillings and six-
pence, and, in the twenty-seventh year of his reign,
the value of a pound of silver was raised to twenty-
five shillings. The reader will observe, that the shil-
ling was imaginary then, as the pound is still, or rather
it was a denomination of money, and not a coin. He also
first coined the noble, half-noble, and quarter-noble, in
gold; for, before his time, none of our kings had stamped
any gold. He likewise called in all clipped money, and
prohibited base coin; which shews, that what he did in
altering the weight of his coin was for the conveniency and
benefit of his subjects, who, by the increase of their trade,
stood in need both of gold coin, and of larger pieces of
silver, and not with any intention to enrich himself at their
expense; though the contrary is asserted by an ancient his-
torian, who charges William Eddington, bishop of Win-
chester, and lord-treasurer, with consulting the king's profit
more than that of the kingdom, by advising him to coin
groats that were not so heavy as they should be. There
was also some variation in the value of gold in his time, a
pound of that metal coined going sometimes for fifteen,
then for little more than thirteen, afterwards for fourteen
pounds of their money; but, at length, the king raised it
again to its old price of fifteen pounds,* which all things
considered, is pretty near the proportion that it now holds,
only King Edward's gold was somewhat finer than our
coin is at present.
In the reign of Richard II. we find a great many laws.
relating to trade; and, it appears to have been a great
controversy then whether foreign merchants should, or
* As one shilling was nearly equal to three of ours, an ounce of gold,
then worth twenty-five shillings, was in fact at three pounds fifteen of
our money; so that the proportions between gold and silver have not
altered very much since that time.
£34
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
Y
should not, be allowed to vend their commodities freely
in London, and other corporations. The sense of the
legislature, as appears from their laws, was in favour of
the foreign merchants; but, the clamour still continued,
and parliaments were seldom held without petitions for
the redress of this, which was called a grievance. It was
also desired, that the staple of wool might be removed
from Calais to some town in England; and Michael de la
Pole, earl of Suffolk, and chancellor of England, a noble-
man esteemed to be very knowing in points of this kind,
declared publicly in parliament, that the king's subsidy
on wools yielded a thousand marks a year more, when
the staple was in England, than when it was fixed at
Calais, which is a proof that the exportation was
greater. *
As the foreign wars in this reign were of little conse-
quence, and prosecuted with no great vigour; so, what-
ever sums were levied upon the people, and in what man-
ner soever they were dissipated by their profuse prince,
yet this being all amongst themselves, and the balance of
foreign trade continuing, and perhaps increasing, the
wealth of the nation could not but be prodigiously aug-
mented; to which some writers attribute the broils and
disturbances of this reign, in which, if there be any truth,
it must have been owing to the unequal distribution of
property. This, indeed, is certain, that the commons
complained loudly of oppression from the lords and from
the lawyers; as, on the other hand, both the nobility and
the commons were highly incensed against the clergy, on
account, as they alledged, of their haughtiness and avarice ;
but, the churchmen suggested, that the luxury of the age
was so great, that, notwithstanding their vast estates, the
expenses of the nobility exceeded their income, and was
* The family of this chancellor had acquired an immense estate by
trade; and other instances of a like kind might be given in those
times.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
235
•
the principal cause that inclined them to form cabals, for
alienating and dividing amongst themselves the revenues
of the church.
As to the coinage in this reign, it remained in a great
measure, at least, upon the same foot as in the former,
and therefore there is no need of dwelling upon it; one
thing, however, deserves to be insisted upon, which is
this; the great luxury of these times had so visibly in-
creased the importation of foreign commodities, that it
was taken notice of in parliament; and in the last year of
King Richard's reign a law passed, by which it was pro-
vided, that every merchant should bring into the Tower
of London, an ounce of foreign gold coin for every sack
of wool exported, or pay thirteen shillings and four pence
for his default, and to give security for the performance
of this, before he was allowed to export the wool into
foreign parts. There was also a law made in this reign,
allowing every person to make cloth of what length and
breadth he would: so that in those days they thought it
very practicable to encourage the clothing manufactory,
without restraining the subject from transporting wool,
and this upon the plain principle of doing nothing that
might sink the price of this staple commodity, which
brought in continually such vast supplies of bullion, and
which it is likely they knew not how to obtain, in case
the exportation of wool had been put under any severe
restriction. *
These observations on a period of so great extent, in
which it may be easily conceived, that matters of this
nature must have suffered many changes and alterations,
cannot but be acceptable, inasmuch as they greatly con-
tribute to the illustration of the principal points with
which our history is concerned; for naval force, and the
sovereignty of the sea, being the result of extensive com-
* It may deserve the consideration of an able statesman, whether
some use might not be still made of this maxim of our ancestors.
236
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
merce, whatever contributes to explain the rise and pro-
gress of that, must shew how these are to be kept, as well
as demonstrate in what manner they have been obtained.
Within this period there happened, or at least there are
said to have happened, some extraordinary discoveries, of
which, therefore, we ought to speak. First, then, it is
affirmed, that America was discovered by the Welch,
about the year 1170. The story is thus told: that on the
death of Owen Guyneth, dissensions arose among his
sons; one of them, whose name was Madock, resolved to
trust the safety of himself, and such as were with him,
rather to the mercy of the seas, than to the uncertain
issue of a civil war; and, therefore, embarking with his
followers, on board a few ships well victualled, he put to
sea in search of new countries. Accordingly he sailed
due west, till such time as he left Ireland to the north,
and then continued his voyage till he came to a large,
fruitful and pleasant country. After some time spent
therein he returned home, and reported the happy effects
of his voyage, and the large possessions which every man
might acquire who would go with him. He at length
prevailed with as many of both sexes as filled ten ships,
and with these he returned to his new plantation; but
neither he nor his people were heard of more. * It must
be confessed, that there is nothing here which absolutely
fixes this discovery to America; though it must likewise
be owned, that the course before set down might very
possibly carry him thither. The great point is, to know
how far the fact may be depended upon; and in relation
to this, I will venture to assure the reader, that there are
authentic records in the British tongue as to this expedi
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 1. Meredith ap Reece, a Cambrian bard,
who died A. D. 1477, composed an ode in his native language on this
expedition, from which the particulars above mentioned are taken;
and this was prior to Columbus's discovery; so that fact could never
have encouraged the framing of this fable, even supposing it to be so.
1
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
237
tion of Madock's, wherever he went, prior to the dis-
covery of America by Columbus; and that many probable
arguments may be offered in support of this notion, that
these Britons were the discoverers of that new world, is
also true, though at present we have not opportunity to
insist upon them.
Some reports there are concerning great discoveries in
the north, made by a friar of Oxford, one Nicholas de
Linna. Of this man, the famous John Dee, who was both
a great antiquary and a skilful mathematician, informs us,
that in the year 1360, being the thirty-fourth of Edward
III. he sailed, in company with several of his countrymen,
to the northern islands, and there leaving his associates,
he travelled alone, and drew up an exact description of
all the northern countries, with their surrounding seas;
which book he entitled, Inventio Fortunata: or, A Dis-
covery of the Northern Parts, from the latitude of fifty-
four degrees, to the Pole; and presented it at his return
to King Edward. However, for the better settling these
discoveries, he returned no less than five times into those
northern regions. To render this odd story somewhat
more probable, Mr. Dee remarks, that from the haven of
Lynn in Norfolk, of which this friar was both a native and
an inhabitant, to Iceland, was not above a fortnight's
sail, and in those days a common thing, as appears par-
ticularly by a charter granted to the town of Blakeney,
in Norfolk, by King Edward III. exempting the fishermen
of that port from attending his service, on account of their
trade to Iceland. * This is, in some measure, confirmed
by the testimony of that famous geographer, Gerard
Mercator, who confesses that he borrowed his description
of the northern countries from one who owned his having
them from this friar of Oxford, whom he well describes,
though he does not name him. Yet it must be acknow-
VOL. I.
* Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 121.
S
238
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
f
ledged, that Leland speaks very largely of this Nicholas
of Lynn, who, according to his account, was a Carmelite,
and a great astrologer; but in all his eulogium there is
not a syllable concerning his travels, though he concludes
with saying, that his works sufficiently praised him.*
John Bale transcribes this account of Leland's exactly,
but gives us a much more copious detail of the friar's
writings; and yet, even in his list, we meet with nothing
as to this Inventio Fortunata; though on the other hand
we must allow, that Bale says he wrote other things
which he had not seen. †
The discovery of the Island of Madeira, is likewise
attributed to one Macham, an Englishman; which is thus
reported by several of the Portuguese writers. They say
that this man, having stolen a lady with whom he was in
love, intended to have carried her into Spain, but being
by a storm driven out to sea, after much tossing and
danger of his life, was forced into this island, in which
the harbour where he lay at anchor is to this time called
Machico. On his going ashore with the lady and some
of his servants, the ship's crew took the opportunity of
sailing, and got safe into some Spanish port. In a very
short time after, the lady, who was extremely sea-sick,
and not a little fatigued by what she was forced to undergo
on shore, died; and her disconsolate lover, having first
erected and consecrated a little chapel to the holy Jesus,
buried her therein. After paying this duty to the lady,
whose love for him cost her the loss of life, Macham
addressed himself to the contriving his escape, which he
effected by hollowing a large tree, and making thereof a
canoe, in which himself, and those that were with him,
passed over to the opposite shore of Africa, where, being
taken prisoners by the Moors, they were sent by way of
present to the king of Castile. This accident, is by some,
* Commentar. de Script. Britan. vol. ii. p. 347.
+ Script. Britan. vol. i. p. 468.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
239
placed in the year 1344; but by others, and I think with
reason, somewhat later. It is remarkable that we are
indebted for this account to foreigners, who can hardly
be supposed any way prejudiced in our favour against
themselves. *
We might add here, some accounts of the expeditions
made to Jerusalem, Barbary, and Prussia, by some famous
Englishmen; as also the beginning of our commerce with
the Hanse-towns; but as to the former, it would swell
our work too much with things already mentioned by
others and as to the latter, it may with equal propriety
be reserved for the close of the next chapter, to which,
therefore, we refer it.
* Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 1, from Antonio Galvano.
02
#
240
NAVAL HISTORY
1
1399.
CHAP. VI.
The Naval History of England, during the reigns of Henry IV.
Henry V. and Henry VI. of the House of Lancaster.
(Containing the space of about 60 Years.)
A.D. HENRY IV. called sometimes Henry of Bolingbroke,
from the place of his birth, and sometimes Henry of Lan-
caster, from his father's dukedom, was crowned on the
15th of October, 1399, and his title generally acknow-
ledged. When he came over against King Richard, it
was from France, and most of our historians affirm, that
he received considerable assistance from thence; which,
however, French writers deny. * Certain it is, that, after
the death of his unfortunate predecessor, the duke of
Orleans, then director of the public affairs in that king-
dom during the lunacy of Charles VI. treated King
Henry as a murderer and usurper, though he had been
formerly his friend; yet, in all probability, this was rather
out of policy than from any motive of justice; for all the
use the French made of it was, to attempt upon the
English possessions on the continent. + King Richard
†
being born, and for some time bred at Bourdeaux, his
countrymen the Gascons discovered a strong resentment
of his ill usage, and seemed disposed to revolt. To soothe
this humour of theirs, the French assumed this appear-
ance of indignation, in hopes that they would imme-
diately have put themselves under their protection. † But
Mezeray justly observes, that the advantages they drew
* Polydor. Virgil. Hist. lib. xxi. Histoire de France, par le P.
Daniel, tom. v. p. 395.
† Abregé de l'Histoire de France, par Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 140.
‡ P. Daniel, tom. v. p. 396.
OF HENRY IV.
241
from the English commerce hindered them from hastily
taking this step, and disposed them to receive the Lord
Piercy for their governor, who was sent over with that
title by King Henry.* Not long after, King Richard's
young queen was sent back to France, with the whole of
her fortune, and all her jewels; and thereupon, the truce
between the two nations was renewed for twenty-six
years; which shews how little of reality there was in the
concern expressed by the French court for the cruel death
of King Richard. *
1403.
In 1403, the king, who was then a widower, married A. D.
Joan, the daughter of Charles king of Navarre, and very
lately widow to John Montford, duke of Britanny, which
proved the cause of great disasters to this kingdom; for
the inhabitants of that duchy, conceiving an ill opinion
of this marriage, and being powerful at sea, suddenly
landed in the west, and burnt Plymouth, at a time when
the king's hands were full, through the conspiracy of the
earl of Northumberland, and other great lords. This, A.D.
however, did not remain long unrevenged; for the inha- 1404.
bitants of Plymouth having fitted out a squadron under
the command of William de Wilford, admiral of the
narrow seas, he seized forty ships laden with iron, oil,
soap, and wine, and then burnt the like number in their
harbours, reducing the towns of Penmarch and St. Mat-
thew, and wasting with fire and sword a great part of the
coast of Brittany, § Admiral de Castel, who commanded
the enemy's fleet, in the mean time attempted to land in
the Isle of Wight; but, failing of success there, he steered
for Devonshire, where, actually landing, he briskly at-
* Abrege de l'Histoire de France, tom. iii.
† Froissart, cap. cxix. P. Daniel, tom. v. J. Rossi, Antiquarii
Warwicensi, Historia Regum Angliæ, fol. 106. b.
T. Walsingham, p. 367, 369. W. Wyrcester, Annal. p. 452.
Chron. Godstovian, p. 131, 132.
§ T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 561. Stowe, p. 329.
Hollingshed, vol. ii. p. 524.
242
NAVAL HISTORY
1405.
tacked Dartmouth, but was defeated by the country
militia, with the loss of four hundred men, and two
hundred taken, among whom were himself and two other
persons of distinction; yet his squadron, and the Fle-
mings, still infested the coast, took many ships, and, to
shew their inveterate hatred to the English nation, most
inhumanly hanged all the seamen who fell into their
A.D. hands. In the mean time, the French, without any
regard to the treaty subsisting between the two crowns,
invaded the duchy of Guyenne, and sent an army of
twelve thousand men, with a fleet of one hundred and
forty sail, to the assistance of Owen Glendour; these
forces they safely disembarked in Milford haven; but the
Lord Berkeley, and Henry Pay, who commanded the
squadron of the cinque ports, attacked them in that
port, where they took fourteen, and burnt fifteen of the
French vessels, which so frighted those on board the rest,
that soon after they fled home. †
About the same time, the earl of Kent sailed, with a
considerable fleet, to the coast of Flanders, where he
cruised for some time upon the enemy, the Flemings
being then subject to a prince of the house of France;
at last, entering the port of Sluys, they found four ships
lying at anchor, took three Genoese merchantmen, of a
very large size, at the entrance of the haven, though not
without a gallant resistance; after which they searched
all the ports on the Norman coast, and making descents
in several places, burnt at least six and thirty towns, and
then, with an immense booty, returned in triumph to
Rye. Some mariners belonging to the port of Cley, in
* T. Walsingham, p. 370. T. Otterbourne, p. 247, 248. Argentre,
liv. x. chap. v.
+ T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 566. Stowe, p. 333.
Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 531.
‡ T. Otterbourne, p. 253, 254. Fabian, p. 382. Hall. fol. 24.
Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 528.
OF HENRY IV.
243
Norfolk, sailing on the north coast in a stout bark, took,
near Flamborough-head, a Scots ship, having on board
Prince James, duke of Rothesay, and heir apparent to
that crown, to which he afterwards succeeded, by the
name of James I. Him, with his attendants, an earl, and
a bishop, they sent to King Henry at Windsor, who kept
him there as a prisoner indeed; but, during his captivity,
used him in all respects as a prince. The Scotch writers
treat this as a plain breach of faith; but the French his-
torians instruct us better; they acknowledge they had
lately renewed their treaties with Scotland, for the usual
purpose of annoying England; and, in such times of
public disturbance, this prince ought to have been fur-
nished with letters of safe conduct, since he was going to
France, an enemy's country, which every day infested the
English coasts by their fleet. * In support of Owen
Glendour, the Welch malecontent, the French court sent
another squadron on the coast of Wales, of which only
thirty arrived, the rest being taken by the English; and,
a short time after, the famous Henry Pay, admiral of the
cinque ports, surprised the Rochelle fleet, consisting of
one hundred and twenty sail of merchantmen, richly laden,
and took them all. These exploits, in vessels belonging to
merchants, shew, that, beyond all contradiction, trade in
those days was not altogether so inconsiderable a thing as
by most of our modern writers we are taught to believe. †
The king, in 1407, narrowly escaped the fate of the
Scots prince. He had spent part of the summer at Leeds
castle, in Kent; and, his affairs calling him into Essex,
he ventured to sail from the port of Queenborough with
only five ships in his passage, he was attacked by certain
* T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 566. J. Fordun, Scoti-
chron. Continuat. p. 1162. J. Major de gestis Scotorum, lib. v. fol.
125, 126. Hector Boeth. Hist. Scot. lib. xvi. p. 339. P. Daniel,
tom. v. p. 404, 420.
†T. Walsingham, p. 376. Stowe, p. 334. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 559.
A.D.
1407.
244
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1408.
French privateers, who, after a very brisk engagement,
took every vessel but that in which the king was, and
carried them to their own coasts.-* This taught that
monarch, by experience, the necessity of keeping better
fleets at sea; and, therefore, he ordered a very strong
one to be fitted out the next year, under the command of
the earl of Kent, who effectually scoured the narow seas,
and, when he had cleared our own coasts, stood over to
Brittany, where he boldly landed in the little island of
Briehac, and there attacked a town of the same name,
in which, the privateers had taken shelter, took it by storm,
and put them all to the sword; but in this action, received
A.D. himself a wound, which proved mortal. † In 1410, an
1410. English fleet of ten sail, under the command of Sir Robert
Umfreville, went against the Scots, and, sailing up the
Forth, spoiled the coasts on both sides, ravaging the
country, burning all the ships in their harbours, and
amongst the rest the largest they had, called the Grand
Galliot in Blackness, carrying away fourteen ships, and
such a vast quantity of corn, as reduced the price of that
commodity, which was then very high in England; whence,
the admiral obtained the surname of Robert Mend-
market.
Whenever the French affairs were in a tolerable con-
dition, they were constantly forming schemes to the pre-
judice of the English, which, generally speaking, were
defeated by the breaking out of their own domestic troubles.
King Henry, therefore, wisely held intelligence with both
the factions in that kingdom, aiding sometimes the one,
and sometimes the other. Thus, he this year, sent a
considerable body of auxiliaries to the assistance of the
duke of Burgundy, with whom they entered Paris. The
service they did, made it so evident, that the king of
* Hall, fol. 26. Grafton, p. 431. Stowe, p. 334.
+ T. Otterbourne, p. 264. Chron. Godstovian, p. 134. Cooper's
Chronicle, fol. 254. Hall, fol, 28.
† Hall, fol. 26. Stowe, p. 338. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 536.
OF HENRY IV.
245
\
3
England's assistance was the surest method of turning the
balance in favour of any party in France; that the opposite
faction, headed by the dukes of Berry and Orleans, sent
their agents to London, who entered into a treaty with
King Henry, by which they acknowledged his right
to the duchy of Guyenne, and promised their homage to
him for the lands and castles they held therein, and the
king, on the other hand, undertook to send them a con-
siderable succour, which he performed. *
These troops A.D.
embarked in the month of July, 1412, under the command 1412.
of Thomas, duke of Clarence, the king's son. It appears,
by our histories, that great expectations were raised by
this expedition; insomuch, that there was some talk of
recovering France: but these notions quickly appeared
to be very ill founded; for, upon the landing of the duke
of Clarence, with his troops, in Normandy, they were
informed, that the duke of Orleans, and the rest of the
princes, to whose assistance they came, had made a treaty
with the king and the duke of Burgundy; so that nothing
was left for them but to go home again. The duke of
Clarence, justly provoked by such usage, first ravaged
Lower Normandy, and Anjou, and, then entering the
dutchy of Orleans, lived there at discretion, till such
time as the duke came to an agreement of allowing three
hundred and twenty thousand crowns of gold for the
expenses of their voyage, part of which he paid down,
and sent his brother into England, as an hostage for the
rest. + This treaty was particular with the duke of
Orleans for, as to the war with France, it still went on,
and Sir John Pendergast, who commanded the fleet in
the narrow seas, took a great many French ships, laden
with provision; which, says my author, got him little
* Rymer's Foedera, vol. viii. p. 738. Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 699.
P. Daniel, tom. v. p. 500, 501. T. Otterbourne, p. 268-270.
† P. Æmyle, p, 607. Gaguin, p. 194. Mezeray, tom, iii. p. 181.
Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 540. Hall, fol. 31, 32.
246
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1413.
reputation with the nobles, but much love from the people,
who, by this means, enjoyed plenty of French commodities
at a very cheap rate. This admiral had, some years before,
felt the severe effects of that envy which was borne him by
the nobility; for having had the command of a squadron
intended to scour the seas from pirates and privateers,
which he worthily performed, yet, when he returned, a
complaint was made, that himself had taken such extra-
ordinary rewards for his services, as rendered him little
better than a pirate. Upon this, he took sanctuary at West-
minster, where, for some time, he lay in a tent in the
church-porch; but at last, he had justice done him; and
now, when his country required the service of a stout and
able seamen, he was called again to command.* Things
being in this uncertain state, King Henry, worn out by
continual labours, and not a little grieved by his late
disappointments, deceased, as is generally said, of a
leprosy, on the 20th of March, 1413, in the 46th year of
his age, and the 14th of his reign. † He was a monarch
(even his enemies allow) of great courage and wisdom;
and, if he did not promote trade and naval power so much
as some of his predecessors, it ought rather to be ascribed
to the disorder of those times, than to any want, either of
will or capacity in the prince. ‡
HENRY V. from his birth-place, styled Henry of Mon-
mouth, succeeded his father; and, in the beginning of his
reign, shewed a laudable inclination to do all that could
be expected from him for his people's good. § It hap-
pened, that the wealth and state, as well as the pride and
*T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 571. T. Otterbourne,
p. 271. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 530.
† T. Walsingham, p. 382. Chron. Godstovian, p. 135. W. Wyrcester,
Annales, p. 452. Stowe, p. 342.
P. Daniel, tom. v. p. 507.
§ Thom. de Elmham, vita & gesta Henrici quinti Anglorum regis,
cap. xiv. Tit, Liv, in vit. Henry V. p. 6. Chronicon Godstovian, p. 136.
OF HENRY V.
247
ambition of the clergy, had raised a strong spirit of re-
sentment against them throughout the nation; to divert
which, it is generally believed, that the archbishop of
Canterbury inspired the king with an eager desire of
subduing France, to which, it was no difficult matter to
persuade him that he had a clear right. Indeed, the
condition that kingdom was in, might seem to invite such
an attempt. The king was oftener out of than in his senses:
the whole nation was divided into two factions; the duke
of Burgundy at the head of one, and the duke of Orleans
at the other two Dauphins died, one soon after the
other, by poison; and the third was but a child. How-
ever, King Henry concealed his design for some time, and
even treated of a marriage between himself and the
Princess Catherine, daughter to King Charles VI. In
1415, the French king sent his ambassador hither, with
very advantageous proposals, who had their final audience
of the king on July 6; when, if Father Daniel is to be
believed, Henry would have been content to have con-
cluded a truce for fifty years; but the archbishop of
Bourges insisted absolutely on a definite peace, and so
these negociations were broken. * Some of our writers
mention a strange story of the dauphin's provoking the
king, by sending him a present of tennis-balls; which,
however, is very improbable, considering the youth of
that prince, and the known apprehension all France had
of the English power. The French writers seem to give
a better account of this matter: they tell us that the first
flash of lightning before this dreadful storm, was an angry
letter written to the French king, with this address: "To
"the most serene Prince Charles, our cousin and adver-
sary of France; Henry, by the grace of God, king of
"England and of France, &c." This letter was dated
July 28, from Southampton: and the French king re-
turned an answer in the same angry style, dated the 23d
of the next month; so that, thenceforward, the war,
66
* Histoire de France, tom. v. p. 536. Tit. Liv. vit. Hen. V. p. 6.
A.D.
1415.
248
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
+
415.
though not actually begun, was looked upon, as declared
on both sides. *
King Henry acted with greater caution, and with more
military prudence than most of his predecessors. The
design he had formed, was not that of ravaging the
country, or seizing some of the provinces of France, but
making an entire and absolute conquest of the whole
realm; which he knew was not to be undertaken without
a numerous army, a very great fleet, and these constantly
supported by competent supplies of money. He, there-
fore, drew together six thousand men at arms, twenty-
four thousand archers, the rest of his infantry completing
the army to, at least, fifty thousand men. That these
might be transported with the greater conveniency, he
hired, from Holland and Zealand, abundance of large
ships; which, with those belonging to his own subjects,
rendezvoused in the month of August at Southampton,
where the whole fleet appeared to consist of no less than
sixteen hundred sail. As to supplies, his parliament
being wrought, more especially by the arts of the clergy,
into an high opinion of this expedition, furnished him
liberally so that, with all the advantages he could
desire, the king embarked his mighty army, which he
landed safely in Normandy, without meeting with any
resistance. He was attended by his brothers, the dukes
of Clarence and Gloucester, his uncle, the duke of York,
and most of the nobility of England. It is remarkable,
that though the constable of France had a very numerous
army, with which he might well have disputed the land-
ing of the English, yet he chose to retire; for which
conduct of his, he was afterwards questioned in a court-
martial: but, he justified himself, by producing his
:
* Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 192. Thom. de Elmham, p. 29, 30. Fabian,
p. 390. Hall, fol. 9. b. Grafton, p. 448, 449.
† T. Otterbourne, p. 276. W. Wyrcester Annal. p. 453. Chron.
Godstovian, p. 136. T. Walsinghami Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 582.
‡ Thom. de Elmham, cap. xviii. Tit. Liv. p. 7. Polydor. Virgil,
lib. xxii. Speed, p. 630.
OF HENRY V.
249
1415.
orders from court, directing him not to hazard a battle on
any terms whatever, but to leave the English, if they
were so inclined, to waste their force in long marches,
and tedious sieges. Would to God, says my author, this
maxim had been as steadily pursued as it was wisely laid
down!* The policy of France, therefore, is to cheat us
whenever they make peace, and to destroy us when we
break with them by means of a dilatory war; which,
though troublesome to them, becomes soon insupportable
to us; and thus their cunning gives them advantages,
which they never could derive from the force of their arms.
The first enterprize of importance undertaken by the A.D.
king, was the siege of Harfleur, a sea-port town of great
consequence at that juncture; well fortified, and in which,
the French had a numerous garrison. It was invested
both by land and sea; and though it was defended with
great resolution, it was at last taken, for want of relief.
The French, however, succeeded in their policy thus far,
that by this siege, the English army was exceedingly
wasted; insomuch, that, by the time the place was taken,
one half of it was absolutely destroyed. On due con-
sideration of this, it was resolved, in a council of war, to
leave a garrison of English at Harfleur, and to march
through Picardy to Calais, with the rest of the army. +
This passage appeared extremely dangerous, since the
French army was, by this time, not only in the field, but
also at their heels. The English forces, according to the
French writers, consisted of two thousand men at arms,
and eleven thousand archers. Our authors say, there were
but nine thousand in the whole; whereas, the French were,
at least, three, if not five times their number. To prevent
the needless effusion of blood, King Henry was contented
to have made peace on very reasonable terms; but this
* Histoire de France, tom. v. p. 538.
† Thom. de Elmham, cap. xxii. et. seq. Tit. Liv. p. 11-15. T.
Walsingham, p. 391, 392. Stowe, p. 348, 349. Holingshed, vol. ii.
p. 552. Speed, p. 631.
250
NAVAL HISTORY
*
gen-
was refused by the French, who flattered themselves, that
they should be able to make him and all his army, pri-
soners. In consequence of this obstinacy of theirs, a
decisive battle was fought on October 25, A. D. 1415, in
the plains of Agincourt; wherein, the French were en-
tirely defeated by the English, through the bravery of
their troops, says Father Daniel, and the wise conduct of
their officers. + There fell in the field, seven princes of
the blood, and five were made prisoners, the flower of
the nobility of France, no less than eight thousand
tlemen, and about ten thousand common men; about
fourteen thousand being taken prisoners. The English
lost, as our writers alledge, about four, the French say
sixteen hundred; and amongst them, the duke of York
and the earl of Oxford. ‡ A French manuscript § of that
time, mentions a circumstance, no where else so particu-
larly recorded, viz. that King Henry lost his baggage,
even to his crown and jewels; a great body of peasants
having forced the English camp, during the heat of the
engagement. Father Daniel says, very judiciously, that
nothing but arrogance, imprudence, and temerity, were
visible in the conduct of the French: whereas, the
English behaved with the utmost coolness and address,
as well as the most determined valour. || After this
victory, the king continued his march to Calais; and in a
short time, passed into England with the chief of his
* Tit. Liv. p. 15. Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 712. Mezeray, tom. iii. p.
193. P. Daniel, tom. v. p. 540. Speed, p. 631.
•
+ Histoire de France, tom. v. p. 541, 542.
‡ Thom. de Elmham, cap. xxvii-xxix. Tit. Liv. v. p. 17-20.
The Batayll of Agynk Corte, an ancient MS. in rhime, in the Cotton.
library. Vitellius, D. xii. 11. fol. 214. Mezeray, Stowe, &c.
§ This MS. is of those times, and is in the library of the Abbe
Baluze. It seems to be a kind of factum for the seigneur de Gaucourt,
against the seigneur d'Etouteville. The former of these gentlemen
was taken in Harfleur; and, to procure his liberty, traced out the
effects belonging to the king, so that most of them were recovered.
Histoire de France, tom. v. p. 546.
OF HENRY V.
251
prisoners: the next year, the French had leisure to re-
cover themselves a little, notwithstanding a new misfor-
tune had befel them, little inferior to that of the loss of
this battle; for the duke of Burgundy pushed his resent-
ment so far, as to make a treaty with King Henry, and
to acknowledge him for king of France; as appears by
his letters and treaties, which are preserved in Mr.
Rymer's most valuable collection. *
The first attempt of the French, for the repair of their
late dishonour, was their besieging Harfleur by land and
sea. In order to this, they made a treaty with the
Genoese; who, in consideration of large subsidies, fur-
nished them with a very considerable fleet, in which were
many vessels of an extraordinary size; by the same pre-
vailing argument, the French also drew considerable suc-
cours from the king of Castile; and, having thus raised
for the present a great maritime force, they attempted
Southampton and the Isle of Wight, but without suc-
cess; after which, their fleet returned again to the siege,
or rather, blockade of Harfleur. The place was gallantly
defended by the earl of Dorset, whom the king had ap-
pointed governor there; but, at last, he was brought to
such straits, that, without relief, it was evident the town
must have been lost. King Henry directed, therefore, an
army of twenty thousand men to be drawn together; and,
having embarked them on board a fleet of four hundred
sail, sent them under his brother John, duke of Bedford,
to attack the French navy. This service he performed
with courage and conduct; for, having gained the advan-
tage of the wind, he attacked the French with such vigour,
that, after a long and bloody dispute, he entirely defeated
them, taking or sinking five hundred sail, and amongst
them three of those large ships which had been furnished
by the Genoese, and which, by the French and their Ita-
* Fœdera, vol. ix.
A.D.
1416.
252
NAVAL HISTORY
!
1417.
lian allies, it was believed the English would not have had
courage enough to engage. Not long after, the French
army retired from before Harfleur, and the earl of Dorset,
with his garrison, which was now reinforced, made excur-
A.D. sions through all Normandy.* In 1417, the earl of Hun-
tingdon being sent to sea with a strong squadron, met with
the united fleets of France and Genoa, which he fought
and defeated, though they were much superior to him,
not only in number, but in the strength and size of their
ships; taking the bastard of Bourbon, who was the French
admiral, prisoner, with four large Genoese ships, and on
board them a quarter's pay for the whole navy; so great
in those days, and so well directed too was the English
power at sea! †
There being now sufficient security for the safe landing
of troops in France, the king, in the spring of the year,
began to make mighty preparations for passing the sea,
with such an army as might speedily and effectually de-
cide the fate of this dispute, by giving him the possession
of that country as well as the title. As he was a more
prudent undertaker in these matters than any of his pre-
decessors, and bid infinitely fairer for both getting and
keeping the French crown than they ever did, it will be
proper to give a succinct detail of this grand expedition;
the rather, because it has a near connection with our sub
ject, the dominion of the sea. His army consisted, in part,
of troops in his own immediate pay, and in part, of forces
raised by his barons. Of the first, there were sixteen
thousand, four hundred men; of the latter, nine thousand,
one hundred, and twenty-seven; and, of this army, about
a fourth part was horse. To transport them from Dover,
* Thom. de Elmham, cap. xxxii. Tit. Liv. p. 25-31. T. Wal-
singham, p. 394. S. Dupleix. tom. ii. p. 719. Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 196.
P. Daniel, tom. v. p. 551, 552.
† Thom. de Elmham, cạp. xxxvi. T. Otterbourne, p. 278. Stowe,
p. 353. Họlingshed, vol. ii. p. 558.
OF HENRY V.
253
}
1417.
1418.
a navy was prepared of one thousand, five hundred ships,
of which two were very remarkable. They seem to have
been both admirals, and were equally adorned with purple
sails, embroidered with the arms of England and France;
one was styled the King's Chamber, the other his Hall;
from whence it plainly appears, that he affected to keep
his court upon the sea, and to make no difference between
his palace and his ships royal. They embarked on July
28, and landed in Normandy, August 1.* As soon as the A.D.
army was safely disembarked, he dismissed the fleet, keep-
ing only a few small vessels for transporting his artillery,
which shewed, that he did not intend to return hastily,
and before his business was half finished, into England.
Before the end of the year, he totally subdued Normandy,
and a great part of the adjacent countries. As fast as he A.D.
reduced the great cities, he put garrisons into them; such
of the French as submitted, he received into his protec-
tion; but, where he became master of countries by force,
he bestowed the lands in them as he thought fit, for the
encouragement of English adventurers; and, in the space
of two years more, he, by a slow and regular war, reduced
the greater part of France to his obedience, and, at length,
forced the unfortunate monarch, Charles VI. to beg a
peace almost upon any terms; + a thing that none of his
ancestors had been able to accomplish, and which this
king chiefly performed by awing his enemies with fleets on
their coasts, at the same time that he invaded their coun-
tries by land, as appears in the larger histories of his life,
by us often quoted, and in the English collections from
them, published by Godwin, in his history of the life and
reign of this victorious king.
By this treaty, dated May 21, 1420, King Henry's title
to the crown of France was acknowledged by general
* Thom. de Elmham, cap. xxxviii. Tit. Liv. p. 31-33. T. Otter-
bourne, p. 279. Fabian, p. 396. Hall, fol. 23. b. Grafton, p. 464.
+ P. Æmyle, p. 617, 618. Gaguin, p. 200. Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 735,
VOL. I.
T
A.D.
1420.
254
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1421.
consent; and, on account of his espousing the Princess
Catharine, daughter to Charles VI. it was stipulated,
that he should be declared heir of France after the
decease of King Charles; and, on account of his weak-
ness and infirmity of mind, should govern the kingdom,
during his life-time, with the title of regent.* As for the
dauphin, he was declared incapable of succeeding to the
crown; and, afterwards, on a civil prosecution, he was
attainted and convicted for the murder of the duke of Bur-
gundy, (upon the precedent set in attainting King John,)
rendered incapable of all successions, particularly that of
the kingdom of France, and was also adjudged to perpe-
tual banishment. + The two kings, Henry and Charles,
with their two queens, and a splendid court, continued,
for some time after these regulations were made, at Paris;
from thence King Henry went into Normandy, where he
held an assembly of the states; and, then, passing through
Picardy to Calais, he came to Dover, with his new queen,
on February 2, 1421. The intent of this journey is very
truly stated by the French historians, who say, that it was
purely to obtain a fresh supply of treasure and men, his
wars having already exhausted all that before this time
had been transported thither, § a circumstance worthy of
attention!
As soon as the king's design was answered, and he had
obtained, notwithstanding the extreme poverty of the
kingdom, a very large sum of money, he immediately
* Thom. de Elmham, cap. xc-xcii. Tit. Liv. p. 85, & seq.
Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 209. Le Gendre, tom. iii. p. 628. Rymer's
Fœdera, tom. 9. p. 394. Stowe, p. 360. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 573.
Speed, p. 641.
+ See remarks on this treaty, and on King Henry's causing coin to
be struck, on which he is styled Rex Francorum. Histoire de France
par Pere Daniel, tom. v. p. 583, 585.
Thom. de Elmham, cap. cviii. cix. Tit. Liv. p. 91. Chron.
Godstovian, p. 143.
§ Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 211.
OF HENRY V.
255
recruited his army; and, having ordered a considerable
fleet to be drawn together, passed over into France,
leaving Queen Catharine behind big with child. The
dauphin, Charles, had still a considerable party, many
strong towns, as well as some large provinces, under his
obedience : and, during King Henry's stay in England, had
acquired both power and reputation, by defeating a great
part of the English army, killing the duke of Clarence,
and several other persons of great distinction, on the spot;
which moved King Henry, at his return, to use his utmost
diligence in the prosecution of the war, that the kingdom
might be entirely reduced, and the dauphin compelled to
withdraw, for his personal safety, into Italy. * While he
was thus employed, the queen, who remained at Windsor,
brought him a son; and, as soon as she was able to travel,
followed him into France, where she had an interview
with her father, at Paris; in which city, both courts con-
tinued for some time; but, the king, ever vigilant and
active, in the month of June took the field, in order to
raise the siege of Cosne, on the Loire, before which the
dauphin lay. In this expedition, he harassed himself sø
much, that he found a great alteration in his health, which
hitherto had been, apparently at least, almost unpreju-
diced by his fatigues. Through his want of rest, and still
continuing an assiduous application to business, an inflam-
matory fever followed, which proved fatal to him at Vin-
cennes, the French writers say, on the twenty-eighth, our
authors, on the last of August, 1422. + He enjoyed his A.D.
senses to the very last, and died with as much glory as he
had lived, employing his last breath in giving such directions
* Thom. de Elmham, cap. cxvii. & seq. Tit. Liv. p. 92. T. Wal-
singham, p. 404. P. Emyle, p. 618. Gaguin, p. 201. Mezeray,
tom. iii. p. 213. P. Daniel, tom. v. p. 593, 594.
+ T. Walsingham, p. 407.
Liv. p. 95. W. Wyrcester,
Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 214.
Thom. de Elmham, cap. cxxvii. Tit.
Annal. p. 455. Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 754.
Stowe, p. 362.
Speed, p. 648.
1422.
T 2
256
NAVAL HISTORY
$
as were necessary for the safety of both his kingdoms; and
experience shewed, that, if his rules had been strictly and
steadily pursued, his family might have been as much
indebted, for the preservation of France, to his wisdom,
as they were for the possession thereof to his courage and
conduct. He was indisputably one of the best and
greatest, as well as bravest princes that ever sat on the
English throne; and would, in all probability, have pro-
vided effectually for the peace and prosperity of his English
subjects, if he had lived to finish his wars. As it was, he
performed a great deal in so short a reign as nine years
and a half, considering also, that he was but in the thirty-
fourth year of his age when he died.
It may be supposed, that the dominion of the sea was
fully maintained under so enterprising a prince, and one
who was so remarkably jealous of his rights; I say, this
might have been well supposed, though there had been no
express evidence of it; which, however, is far from being
wanting. He took occasion to have his title and autho-
rity in this respect mentioned in the preambles to acts of
parliament; * he maintained strong squadrons at sea, and
on the coasts humbled all the maritime powers of Europe
in his time, on account of the succours they gave the
French, and thereby drew great advantages to his sub-
jects, especially from the trade of Flanders, which, by a
close alliance with the duke of Burgundy, he in a manner
absolutely secured to them. Yet, for all this, the nation
was excessively distressed, as well through the interrup-
tion of foreign commerce, as by the immense taxes levied
upon them for the support of his wars; insomuch, that in
the eighth year of his reign, his chancellor bewailed to
him in parliament the feebleness and poverty of the peo-
ple, as himself expressed it, and besought him to apply
the only remedy which could preserve them from ruin, a
* Selden's Mare Clausum, lib. ii. cap. xxiii.
OF HENRY VI.
257
speedy peace, and putting a stop to his expenses; which
the king promised; and, indeed, he could not but be sen-
sible of the truth of what the chancellor said, since he had
been obliged to pawn his own imperial crown of gold to
Henry, bishop of Winchester, for what in these days
would be thought a very inconsiderable sum of money.
All this he did to obtain his French dominions, which, in his
son's time, the wisest men in England thought more expe-
dient to lose than keep, time and experience having
always justified this fundamental maxim of English policy,
that the subjects wealth can have no other source than
trade, and the majesty of the crown no better support than
a firm trust in the people's love, and, in consequence of
their extensive commerce, a constant, as well as superior
power at sea. This is the voice of nature in making our
country an island; the dictates of sound reason, shew,
that all force is lessened by an unnecessary extension ;
and this lesson is taught us, not only by our history in
general, but by the occurrences under every reign; the
reader, therefore, must not be surprised to find me fre-
quently inculcating what ought always to be remembered,
and what at every turn, notwithstanding we are, alas!
but too apt to forget.
1422.
HENRY VI. from the place of his birth, styled Henry A.D.
of Windsor, succeeded his father, before he was a year
old, under the tuition of his uncles, all men of great expe-
rience and abilities. Of these, Humphrey, duke of
Gloucester, was protector of England; Thomas, duke of
Exeter, had the custody of the king's person; and John,
duke of Bedford, was regent of France. It was not long
before Henry became king of France, as well as of Eng-
land; for the French king, Charles VI. dying on Octo-
* Sir Robert Cotton's answers to reasons for foreign wars, p. 59.
+ Thom. de Elmham, cap. cxxix. Tit. Liv. p. 95. Chron. God-
stovian, p. 145. T. Walsingham, p. 407.
58
NAVAL HISTORY
*
ber 21, 1422, he was proclaimed at Paris, though the
French immediately owned the dauphin, who was now
called Charles VII. In the beginning of this reign,
things went better than could well have been expected
under an infant prince; for Humphrey, duke of Glou-
cester, took care to supply his brother, in France, both
with money and men; and, the duke of Bedford, on
his side, taking all imaginable methods to preserve
the friendship of the dukes of Burgundy and Brittany,
maintained himself, by their assistance, in the posses-
sion of all the dominions which were left to his son
by King Henry V.; and, if the same union had con-
tinued, must have constantly preserved them; for, the
French king, Charles, was never strong enough to have
dealt with such confederates; but, it was not long before
this harmony was dissolved. The duke of Gloucester, who
was protector of England, took Jaqueline, dutchess of
Hainault, from her husband, the duke of Brabant, mar-
ried her, and, in Irer right, pretended to large dominions
in the Low Countries, which he sought to recover by the
help of an English fleet and army. These measures dis-
gusted the duke of Burgundy, who was extremely con-
cerned for what had happened to his cousin the duke of
Brabant; and, resenting his ill usage and dishonour,
became, thenceforward, disaffected to the English, and
shortly after totally deserted them. On November 6,
1429, King Henry was crowned king in England; and,
in the latter end of 1431, he was crowned king of France,
at Paris, where he remained for two years; yet during
that space, his affairs rather declined than amended; and,
after his departure, and the death of his uncle, the wise
and brave duke of Bedford, which happened in 1435, they
* Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 756.
tom. iv. p. 1, Stowe, p. 363.
+ Dupleix, tom. ii. p.784,
Le Gendre, tom. iv. p. 6.
Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 215. Le Gendre'
Speed, p. 651.
785.
Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 236, 237.
OF HENRY VI.
259
fell into a rapid decay, so that they grew daily worse and
worse.
*
A.D.
1436.
In the succeeding year, the duke of York was named
regent of France; but, being hated by many of the great
men in England, he was so disappointed in the supplies
which he should have carried over into that kingdom,
that, before his arrival, Paris fell into the hands of the
French. The duke of Burgundy also, in the month of
July, laid siege to the town of Calais with very great
forces, which obliged the lord-protector to think of
relieving it from England: accordingly, he raised a potent
army, which he embarked on board a fleet of five hundred
sail, and, landing near Calais, marched directly to fight
the enemy. The Flemings, however, raised the siege
precipitately, and retired into their own territories,
whither the regent pursued them with his army; and,
after living in the country at discretion, for some time, he
returned again into England. + Towards the latter end
of the year 1437, the earl of Warwick was sent regent
into France, in the room of the duke of York, and, which
is very remarkable, was shipped and unshipped seven
times before he made his voyage: he dying shortly after,
the duke of York was sent again in his place, where,
notwithstanding these supplies, the English affairs con-
tinually declined; so that, in 1445, a peace was concluded, A.D.
and king Henry was content, on very mean conditions,
to marry a French princess, whose name was Margaret, the
daughter of the duke of Anjou, much to the displeasure
of the nation, and which was attended with the worst
consequences imaginable. A lingering war, and an
insidious peace, had deprived the English of all their
conquests in France, except Calais, and a very few other
* Chron. Godstovian, p. 145. W. Wyrcester, annal. p. 455–457.
Cooper's Chronicle, p. 258, 259.
+ P. Æmyle, p. 624, 625. Gaguin, p. 217, 218. Dupleix, tom. ii.
p. 810-812. Polydor. Virgil. lib. xxiii. p. 619, 620.
A.D.
1437.
1445.
A.D.
1451.
260
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1457.
places; and, though the nation was sensible of the mighty
expense which attended the keeping them, yet they saw,
with grief, the loss of cities and provinces purchased, and
so dearly! with the blood and the treasure also of their
ancestors.
*
The French were not content with this; but, having
still in view, the reduction of the English power, they
meditated, even in a time of peace, a descent upon this
kingdom, which they afterwards executed. As this is a
matter chiefly respecting the naval history of England, I
think myself not only at liberty, but even obliged, to set
it in the clearest light. The reigning French king;
Charles VII. was, without question, one of the wisest
men, and one of the ablest princes of his age; he saw,
with terror, the English power at sea, and with shame,
his own incapacity to dispute therewith. In order to
remedy this, he made a treaty, offensive and defensive,
with Christiern I. king of Denmark, by virtue of which
that prince was obliged to furnish him, on certain con-
ditions, with at least forty good ships, and between six
and seven thousand men, to be employed against England:
yet, by another article in this treaty, this, for which alone,
it was made, was entirely defeated. The French king
had engaged, that the then king of Scots should give
satisfaction to the Danes, with whom he had long had a
difference; and, not being able to bring this to bear, the
Danes refused to furnish any auxiliaries. In the mean
time, the queen of England, like a true French woman,
had entered into a secret negotiation with the king of
Scots; and, finding that he was like to be too hard
pressed by the English, she thought a French invasion
might at once serve her purposes, and save her friends.
With this view, she applied herself to her relations in
France, who easily prevailed upon the court, to enter
* Rymer's fœdera, vol xi. p. 59. Stowe, p. 383. Holingshed, vol.
ii. p. 624. Speed, p. 664.
bro
OF HENRY VI.
261
into this measure. A fleet, accordingly, was fitted out in
Normandy, and in the month of August, 1457, they made
a descent on the coast of Kent, and disembarked one thou-
sand, eight hundred men, about two leagues from Sandwich,
to which place, they had orders to march by land, while the
fleet attacked it by sea. We have a very circumstantial
relation of this whole affair, in Father Daniel's history;
and, indeed, I think a more distinct account than any
I have met with of the like nature in our historians. He
owns, however, that the English, notwithstanding their
being surprised, defended themselves with incomparable
valour, and that, though the town was burnt and pillaged
at last, yet it cost a great deal of blood, which might,
perhaps, balance the booty acquired by it. The reflection
he makes upon it is a little partial. "Thus," says he,
a prince, whom the English, thirty years before, called
" in contempt, king of Bourges, was now powerful enough
"to insult them in their own island, and to menace their
"country with the same mischiefs which they had here-
"tofore brought upon France."* As if there had been no
difference between surprising the town of Sandwich, that
was quitted the next day, and the gaining possession of
Paris, and keeping it for many years. However, his
zeal for his country, may well excuse a greater error
than this.
The French made also some other attempts upon the
coast, and the Scots entered and plundered the borders: +
but these accidents, far from producing the effects which
the queen and her partizans expected, served only to
heighten that general disaffection which now began to
discover itself, and from whence, it was but too visible,
that the councils of this French queen would undo the
pious, innocent, well-meaning prince, her husband. The
* P. Daniel, tom. vi. p. 292. Fabian, p. 462. Hall, fol. 88. a.
Grafton, p. 630.
+ Dupleix, tom. ii. Buchanan, lib. xi. Hall, fol. 89. h.
262
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1458.
favourers of the house of York, had, with infinite pains,
cultivated an interest with the sea-faring people, and
amongst the inhabitants of Ireland. The former, they
persuaded, that all attention to the coasts was neglected,
and into the latter, they infused the strongest resentment
of their present oppressions and apprehensions of final
destruction. The famous earl of Warwick, the then great
support of the house of York, had procured himself to be
made admiral; and to shew his diligence in that office,
and his concern for the English honour, caused several
squadrons to put to sea, to the officers of which, he gave
such instructions as he thought proper. One of these
squadrons, on Trinity Sunday, 1458, fell in with the
Spanish fleet, who, treating them as enemies, they quickly
and warmly returned their hostilities, and after a long
and sharp dispute, took six of their ships, laden with iron
and other merchandize, and either sunk or drove on
shore, twenty-six more. * This exploit, many of our
historians confound with that which follows, and which
was subsequent thereto in point of time. Though we
cannot exactly fix its date, yet, by a certain circum-
stance, it unquestionably appears they were distinct
enterprizes, the former being performed only by ships of
the earl of Warwick, whereas, the latter was by him
atchieved in person. +
This great nobleman had, by authority of parliament,
been appointed captain of Calais; but the queen having,
with much artifice and flattery, drawn him to court,
thought to have prevented his going back to his charge,
by procuring him to be suddenly murdered. An attempt
of this sort was actually made in the palace, from which
the earl narrowly escaped, and flying immediately to a
* Fabian, p. 464. Stowe. p. 404. Speed, p. 668.
+ Compare the accounts given by Mr. Burchet and Echard with
that of Rapin, and with the relation of the succeeding story in
Holingshed.
OF HENRY VI.
263
little vessel he had in the river, he therein transported
himself to Calais, where he had a very strong squadron
of stout ships. With fourteen sail of these, he shortly
after put to sea, in order to scour the coasts, and to hinder
the queen from receiving any succours from France, as
also to aid, if occasion should so require, the duke of
York and his party. It so fell out, that, sailing through
the channel, he met with five very large ships, richly
laden; three of these were Genoese, and two Spanish;
he attacked them, though they were exceedingly well
provided both with men and ammunition, as appeared by
their defending themselves two days; at length, however,
they were beaten, two escaping by flight, and the other
three falling into his hands, were carried into Calais,
where their cargoes, valued at upwards of ten thousand
pounds, were converted into money, to the great profit of
the inhabitants of that place. In this engagement the earl
lost about fifty men, and the enemy near a thousand.*
Thenceforward, there were scarcely any measures kept;
the duke of York retiring into Ireland, and many of the
principal nobility to Calais, where the earl of Warwick
still kept a great fleet, and had besides such an interest
in all the sea-faring people of England, that the king
found it impossible to make use even of the little naval
power that remained, against this formidable lord. The
queen, however, sent down the Lord Rivers to Sandwich,
with directions to equip as strong a squadron as he pos-
sibly could, in order to deprive the earl of Warwick of
his government of Calais; but when these ships were
almost ready, the earl sent Sir John Dineham, an officer
of his, who surprised this squadron in port, and not only
carried away all their ships, but also their commander,
Richard Lord Rivers, and Anthony Woodville, his son,
who remained long prisoners at Calais. + After this, one
* Stowe, p. 404. Holingshed, vol. ii.
+ Fabian, p. 465-467. Hall, fol. 91.
p. 648. Speed, p. 668.
Grafton, p. 635, 639.
264
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
Sir Baldwin Fulford undertook to burn the earl's fleet in
the haven of Calais, which quickly appeared to be but a
vain enterprize. At last, the duke of Exeter being made
admiral, and having information that the earl of Warwick
had sailed with his fleet for Ireland, stood to sea with
the royal navy to intercept him; but when the earl of
Warwick's fleet appeared, the sailors on board the king's
shewed so much coldness, that it was not judged safe to
fight; and the earl of Warwick, on the other hand, being
tender of the lives of his countrymen, and unwilling to
destroy any of the king's fleet, passed by without molest-
ing them. But he did not afterwards shew the same
moderation, when, on an invitation from the Kentish
men, he resolved to make a descent in their country; for
Sir Simon Mountford, being then warden of the cinque
ports, and lying with a very strong squadron at Sandwich,
to oppose his landing, he attacked, defeated, and destroyed
the greatest part of them; and amongst the rest, Sir Simon
himself perished. * After this, little remarkable hap-
pened in naval affairs, during the remainder of this long,
but unfortunate reign, which ended strangely; for, after
the duke of York had been defeated and killed in battle,
his son Edward, earl of March, by the assistance of the
earl of Warwick, made himself master of the city of Lon
don; where, by the general consent of the nation, he was
acknowledged for their lawful prince, and King Henry
deposed, after holding, though very unsteadily, the English
crown near thirty-nine years. +
•
LET us now proceed, as we did at the close of the last
chapter, to some commercial observations on events that
happened within this period. Upon the great revolution
in the government, made by deposing King Richard, and
* Stowe, p. 407. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 652. Speed, 669.
+ Hall, fol. 101. b. Grafton, 656, 657. Cooper's Chronicle. Po-
lydor. Virgil. lib. xxiii.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
265
setting up his cousin, Henry of Bolingbroke, the par-
liament desired that the new king would resume whatever
had been profusely thrown away, cither in the dotage of
Edward III. or by King Richard II. in the wantonness of
his youth, and this with a view that the king might be the
better able to live upon his own, without having recourse
continually to impositions upon his subjects. This good
as well as reasonable advice, however, had not such an
effect as was expected; for Henry IV. received frequent
supplies from parliament; and, in the eighth year of his
reign, such a tax was imposed, as to prevent the know-
ledge of it, or rather of the manner of raising it from
coming to posterity, the house of commons desired, that
after the accounts of such as had received it were once
examined, they should be destroyed, that what they had
been moved to by their zeal for once, might not pass into
a precedent for succeeding times. The great exportation
of wool, upon which, from time to time, he had consi-
derable subsidies given him, must have made a very large
addition to his revenue; and in this respect, for reasons
with which we are unacquainted, he very much favoured
the Italians, allowing them to export wool, paying no
higher a tax than his own subjects.
The coin, in his time, received no alteration whatever;
but in the second year of his reign, he was obliged to pro-
hibit a kind of base coin, which had gained a currency
through his dominions, to the great prejudice of his sub-
jects. These were brought from abroad, chiefly on board
the Genoese galleys, and were from thence called galley-
halfpence. About two years afterwards, he directed new
money to be coined, but precisely after the old standard,
in respect as well to fineness as weight.
After all the care and pains used to settle the revenue
in the former reign, by which, no doubt, it was much
improved; King Henry V. found his income but very
limited, even with the assistance of his customs, the
266
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
revenue of Wales and Cornwall, and the casual profits
arising to the crown: for in the third year of his reign, it
did not amount to quite fifty-seven thousand pounds per
annum; and therefore to augment this, upon the petition
of the commons, he took ten thousand pounds a year out of
the pensions that were then subsisting.
All the vast supplies that he received for carrying
on the war with France, were swallowed up in that war:
and the absence of the king with the principal nobility,
the frequent embargoes upon shipping, and the gradual
declension of commerce, brought the nation lower, and
made the people poorer than they had been at any time
within the remembrance of persons living in that age.
He made very few laws relating to trade, which I do not
mention at all to his discredit; but only to shew that com-
merce was then much sunk: for when it was brisk and
lively, petitions to parliament were frequent, and these
were commonly attended to, and were of course followed
with statutes; and when any of these, as it very often hap-
pened from very different causes, were found inconvenient,
they were by new laws repealed.
This monarch found it necessary, in the ninth year
of his reign, to raise the value of silver, from two
shillings and a penny, to two shillings and sixpence per
ounce; but it does not appear that he debased the coin;
on the contrary, he prohibited the currency of suskins
and doitkins, which had been brought in by foreigners.
This king, after his victory at Agincourt, and peace with
France, ordered a silver coin to be struck, with this
style or inscription, Rex Anglia regens, & hæres
Franciæ; i, e. king of England, regent and heir of
France. A gold coin, called a salus or salute, of the
alloy of sterling, value twenty-two shillings with the
angel saluting the Virgin Mary on one side, the one
holding the arms of England, and the other the arms
of France, with the king's titles, and Christus vincit,
•
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
267
Christus signat, Christus imperat, on the reverse.
But in
the next reign, this silver coin, which was called a blanch,
or white money, to distinguish it from the salus, or yellow
money, coined at the same time in France, being found
not to be so fine as it ought to have been, that is, not of
the alloy of sterling; was also prohibited by order of the
parliament in 1423.
The reign of Henry VI. was a continued series of
profusion and mismanagement; so that when he had
sat upon the throne twenty-eight years, his ordinary
revenue was sunk to five thousand pounds per annum,
and he owed at that time, three hundred and seventy-
two thousand pounds. This occasioned a resumption
at the request of the commons, and the same remedy
for the same causes was repeated over and over again,
but without any great effect. He mortgaged the cus-
toms of London and Southampton, to the cardinal of
Winchester, and engaged by an indenture for bettering
his security, to turn the trade chiefly to those ports.
In the thirty-first year of his reign, he seized all the
tin at Southampton, and sold it for his own use; he
granted licenses to foreign merchants, to transport wool,
notwithstanding the statutes; he raised the price of silver
to three shillings and three halfpence an ounce, but it
does not appear he debased the coin, unless the making
of brass money in Ireland can be so called, which he cer-
tainly did.
It appears from our records, that while the house of
Lancaster possessed the throne, extraordinary favour
was shewn to the Hanse-towns; the inhabitants of which
had great privileges granted to them here, and were
thereby enabled to engross, or, as they styled it, to
manage a good part of our trade: * the rest was in a man-
* Molloy de jure maritimo, p. 341.
1
268
LITICAL
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS. UPON,. &c.
ner absorbed by Florentines, and other Italians; * which
was partly owing to the necessities of Henry V. during
his French wars, and partly also to the weak administra-
tion under his son, especially in the latter part of his reign,
`when, through the influence of the queen, the interest of
foreigners, a fit interest for an intriguing busy woman to
support, was constantly promoted. This occasioned fre-
quent tumults in the city of London, and was one great
cause of that strange revolution in favour of the house of
York; who, as we before observed, made their court to
the people, by shewing a strong aversion to strangers, and
by cherishing the seamen, of whom little care had been
taken in this last reign. How things instantly changed
after King Henry's deposition, and how the English re÷
sumed again the sovereignty of the sea, will be shewn in
the next chapter, from foreign writers as well as our own.
1
* Fabian, p. 459. Hall, fol. 87. b. Grafton, Stowe, and the rest
of our old historians; who discourse very copiously on this subject.
OF EDWARD IV.
269
ト
​CHAP VII.
The Naval History of England during the Reigns of Edward IV.
Edward V. and Richard III. of the House of York.
(Containing the space of about 25 Years.)
A.D.
1461.
EDWARD
WARD IV. son to Richard, duke of York, and, by his
grandmother, heir to Lionel, duke of Clarence, third son
of King Edward III. and consequently prior in title to
the line of Lancaster, whose ancestor was John of Gaunt,
fourth son to the same King Edward, assumed the crown
on March 4, 1461, being then about twenty years of age.*
He was compelled to fight for his erown, before he had
well put it on; and though, in the battle of Towton,
which was fought on Palm-Sunday after his accession, he
totally defeated King Henry, who was constrained to fly
into Scotland, yet his queen, passing over into France, A.D.
procured their assistance, under the command of the
famous Peter de Breze, who, in the former reign, had
taken Sandwich; but, through the affection which all the
inhabitants of the sea-coast bore to the house of York,
she was disappointed in her purpose, and forced, after
entering Tinmouth-bay, to put again to sea, and retire
that way into Scotland. + About this time, the earl of
Kent, who was abroad with a stout navy, scoured all the
coast, and, landing in Bretagne, with ten thousand men,
took and burnt the town of Conquet, ravaged the island
of Rhé, and carried off a great booty. ‡
* W. Wyrcester, Annal. p. 489. Hall, fol. 101. b. See the claim
of Richard duke of York, in his speech to the House of Lords, in Hall,
fol. 95. Grafton, p. 658.
† Fabian, p. 473, 493. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 666. Speed, p. 676.
Grafton, p. 659. Stowe, p. 416. Rapin questions this fact, be-
cause not taken notice of by the French historians; which seems no
just exception, while Bretagne was subject to its own duke.
VOL. I.
U
1462.
270
NAVAL HISTORY
This early care of the sea, shews the temper and genius
of this prince, and how fit he was to sway the English
sceptre; yet he treated his predecessor Henry but indif-
ferently; causing him to be brought prisoner to the Tower,
and there kept very strictly, though he was of a blameless
life, and generally revered, as a kind of saint by the
people. *
The defection of the earl of Warwick, whose
power had greatly contributed to gain him the crown, was
very near taking it from Edward again; yet, whence that
defection grew, is not easily known. I must confess, this
is not properly my business; but, inasmuch as the great
power of this earl of Warwick sprung from his being
admiral and captain of Calais, it may not be amiss to
remark the errors that are crept into almost all our his-
tories concerning him; the rather because the matter is
new, and not only affects our own, but some, also, of the
most accurate among foreign historians.
The story we are told is, that the earl of Warwick was
sent into France to treat of a marriage between King
Edward and the Lady Bona, of Savoy, sister to the queen
of France; and that, while he was absent on this embassy,
the king married the Lady Grey, daughter to the Lord
Rivers, by Jaqueline, dutchess of Bedford. + But, Mr.
Hearne has published some memoirs of this reign, written
by a person who not only lived therein, but was also well
acquainted with the king, and the principal persons in his
court. He vouches the thing to be quite otherwise; and
that this story was devised in after times to hide the truth.
According to him, the earl of Warwick had not been in
France before the king's marriage, which was on the 1st
of May, 1463; but, four years afterwards, viz. in 1467,
he was sent to treat with King Lewis, with whom he
*
Stowe, and all our abbey chronicles.
† Polyd. Virgil, lib. xxiv.
↑ Printed at the end of Thomæ Sprotti Chronica, 8vo. Oxford,
1719.
OF EDWARD IV.
271
began to hold privately some intelligence, for the restoring
King Henry, to whose party the French had always been
inclined.* Indeed, this seems to be the truth, and accords
much better with facts and dates than the other story;
since it is not easy to conceive, how a man of the earl of
Warwick's violent temper, should dissemble his resent-
ment so many years together. †
says,
The true cause, therefore, of his quitting the king, was
his immeasureable ambition, and the apprehensions he was
under that the new queen's kindred would supplant him
and his friends; and this, notwithstanding the great offices
of which he was possessed, and which, as my author
brought him twenty thousand merks per annum. The
means he used to distress the king was, drawing off his
brother the duke of Clarence, whom he married to his
own daughter, and then retired with him to Calais. On
this occasion, the fleet stuck to the earl against the king,
having been long under his command. This circumstance
enabled him to return speedily into England, where he,
and his son-in-law, the duke of Clarence, soon raised a
powerful army, and marching to Warwick, surprised the
king's forces, beat them, and took him prisoner. §
.
A.D.
1469.
1470.
Edward, however, escaped shortly after, and drove A.D.
the earl and duke to such distresses, that they were
forced to join their party to that of the deposed King
Henry; and even this helped them very little for,
after several disputes, in which the king had the better,
the duke retired into France, and the earl went on
board his fleet, with which he sailed to Calais
Anonymous Chronicle, just mentioned, p. 297-299.
† 1497.
1 Ibid, p. 300.
§ Memoires de Philip de Comines, liv. iii. chap. iv. P. Daniel, tom.
vi. p. 414. Polydor. Virgil. lib. xxiv. Stowe, p. 422. Edward was
not taken prisoner, but embarked at Bishop's-Lynne, in Norfolk, and
landed near Alcmar, in Friezeland. There is great confusion in this
part of Dr. Campbell's history, and what follows shews, that he has
made two events of one.
U 2
272
NAVAL HISTORY
<<
being there refused entrance, put into several harbours
in Normandy, where he met with all the favour and
assistance he could desire, from the French king. *
While an army was providing to be, by the earl of
Warwick, transported into England, part of his fleet
cruized upon the Flemings, and took many of their
ships, because the duke of Burgundy, their sovereign,
sided with King Edward, whose sister he had married.
The duke, to revenge this ill usage, drew together a
great fleet, and, therewith sailing to the mouth of the
Seine, blocked up the earl of Warwick's ships in their
A.D. harbour.
harbour. Towards the beginning of the month of Sep-
1470. tember, 1470, the Freneh king furnished the earl of
Warwick, the duke of Clarence, and Queen Margaret,
all now of one party, with great succours, not only of
men, but of ships, which enabled them to force their
passage so that landing on the 13th of September,
some at Plymouth, others at Dartmouth, they quickly
drew together so great a strength, and withal brought
so many of the king's court to desert him, that Edward
fearing his person might be betrayed, fled with such
of his friends, as he could best trust, to Lynn, in Norfolk,
and in getting thither ran very great hazards. + There,
on the third of October, he embarked on board an
English ship, and his friends on board two Dutch hulks,
intending to have passed over into Flanders; but some
ships, belonging to the Hanse towns, attacked him :
nor was it without great difficulty that his small squadron
got clear, and at last landed him safe in Zealand. His
queen, whom he left big with child, and in the utmost
distress, took shelter in the sanctuary at Westminster,
+
Philip de Comines, liv. iii. chap. v. Dupleix, tom. iii. p. 62, 63.
Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 314. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 674.
+ Fabian, p. 500. Hall, fol. 17-19.
Comines, tom. i. p. 154.
Speed, p. 681. Philip de
OF EDWARD IV.
273
where she brought forth her eldest son, afterwards the
unfortunate Edward V. *
1470.
As soon as the king's flight was known, Henry VI. A.D.
was released from his imprisonment, and again seated
on the throne; Edward proclaimed an usurper, and
many of his favourites put to death as traitors; his
own brother the duke of Clarence concurring in all these
measures; for which the crown was entailed upon him
and his heirs, in case the male line of King Henry
should fail. + Edward, however, still kept up his spirits,
and though he found himself disappointed in the only
friend, to whom he trusted, his brother-in-law, Charles
duke of Burgundy, who durst not provoke both England
and France, by openly assisting him; yet he resolved to
venture, with the small train he had about him, and
in a few ships which were lent him, to return into his
own country. This was certainly acting like an English
king, who ought rather to die in the field, asserting his
right, than disgrace himself and his subjects, by living
long an exile in foreign parts.
1471.
His whole force consisted but in four ships of war, A.D.
and fourteen transports, on board of which were em-
barked about two thousand men. § He intended to
have landed in Norfolk, but a storm prevented him,
and obliged him after some days tossing at sea, to run
with a small squadron into the port of Ravenspur in
Yorkshire, from whence he marched directly towards
York, declaring at this time, as the first monarch of the
Lancastrian line had done in the like case, that he
sought no more than his inheritance as duke of York,
and that he was content King Henry should wear the
* Grafton, p. 688, 690. Stowe, p. 422. Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 267.
† Fabian, p. 301. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 677. Speed, p. 681.
Philip de Comines, tom. i. p. 163. P. Æmyle, p. 666. Habing-
ton's Hist. of Edw. IV. in Kennet, vol. i. p. 447.
§ Hall, fol. 24. b. Stowe, p. 412.
Gaugin, lib. x. p. 260, 261.
274
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1474.
crown: but, as soon as he found himself at the head of
a considerable army, he laid aside this pretence, resumed
his royal title, and in the famous battle of Barnet*
defeated and killed the potent and ambitious earl of
Warwick, who, from his success, acquired the surname of
Make-king. Shortly after he defeated Queen Margaret,
and her son the prince of Wales, at Tewksbury, ‡ where
the latter lost his life. §
In the mean time, the fleet was still in very bad hands.
The bastard Fauconbridge, who commanded under the
earl of Warwick, held it in the name of King Henry,
but in reality to his own use. His first project was
the taking and plundering of the city of London in
the king's absence, in order to which he brought his
ships into the mouth of the river Thames, and landed
himself with 17,000 men, with whom he boldly attacked
the place, and was as gallantly received, the citizens
defending themselves with such resolution, that he was
forced to retreat with great loss. Soon after he gave
up the fleet, and submitted himself to the king, who
knighted him, and made him vice-admiral; which honour,
however, he did not long enjoy; for, entering into some
new intrigues, he was detected, and lost, very deservedly,
his head. I
r
King Edward had no sooner settled affairs at home
and restored the peace and naval power of Eng-
land, than he thought of revenging himself on the
* April 14, 1471.
† Fabian, p. 503, 504. Hall, fol. 28, 29. Grafton, p. 703-705.
Polydor. Virgil. Hist. lib, xxiv.
† May 5, 1471.
§ Stowe, p. 424.
Habington, p. 453.
Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 688. Speed, p. 684.
|| This man's name was Thomas Nevil, son to Lord Fauconbridge,
created by this King Edw. IV. earl of Kent. Hall, fol. 33. Speed,
p. 685.
T Stowe, p. 424.
OF EDWARD IV. ´
275
French for the trouble they had given him; for which
a fair occasion offered, by the breaking out of a war
between Lewis XI. and Charles duke of Burgundy. *
To the assistance of the latter, he passed over with
a mighty army, attended by a fleet of five hundred sail,
with which, in the month of July, 1475, he entered the
road to Calais, where he disembarked his forces. This
sufficiently shews the great maritime strength of England
in these times, when the king, after such an unsettled
state, and so many revolutions as had lately happened,
was able in a year's space to undertake such an expe-
dition as this, and that too with so great a force. †
1475,
When he came to take the field, however, he did A.D.
not find that assistance from his allies which he ex-
pected; and therefore, though at the beginning he
pretended to no less than the entire conquest of France,
yet, on King Lewis's desiring to treat of peace, he
was content to enter into a negociation, which ended
much to his satisfaction, and all things considered, to
the honour of the English nation; for the French king
gave very large sums by way of present to the English
soldiers, and discovered, by various other acts, such a
terror at the English name, as might serve instead of
many victories. This peace is generally styled the
peace of Amiens, from the place where it was treated;
and the curious reader may find it at large in Rymer's
collection, § as well as some remarkable circumstances
relating thereto in Philip de Comines, and in the most
authentic of the French writers. ||
* Philip de Comines, liv. iv. ch. v. P. Æmyle, p. 669. Gaguin,
lib. x. p. 267.
† Fabian, p. 508. Grafton, p. 719. Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 267. b.
Polydor. Virgil. lib. xxiv.
‡ Dupleix, tom. iii. p. 87. Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 327. P. Daniel,
tom. vi. p. 461-463.
§ Fœdera, tom. xii. p. 17.
Philip de Comines, liv. iv. Gaguin, lib. x. Mezeray, tom. iii.
p. 327, 328.
276.
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
تھے
In consequence of this treaty, the king received an
annual pension from France, of 50,000 crowns, which
he looked upon, not without reason, as a kind of tribute;
and applied a great part of it to the repair of his
navy, for which he always shewed a great concern, and,
by keeping squadrons continually at sea, held the timo-
rous Lewis XI. king of France in continual terrors,
who, to secure his own quiet, distributed annually, vast
sums amongst the privy council of England. *
A war
1480. with Scotland, gave the king an opportunity of dis-
playing his force, by sending a great army, under the
command of his brother the duke of Gloucester, into
that country, and a powerful fleet upon its coasts, which
so terrified the Scots, that they obliged their prince to
A.D. accept of such proposals as were made to him. † After
the coming back again of the duke of Gloucester, the
king's affairs began to take a less fortunate turn. He
had created great troubles at home by removing his
brother the duke of Clarence, not without strong suspi-
çions of injustice. He had crossed the humour of the
nation, in refusing succour to the Flemings, who were
the natural allies of the English, and from whom they
annually gained large sums by the balance of trade.
Add to all this, that it became every day more and
more apparent, that the French king never intended
to perform the most essential points of the last peace,
particularly that relating to the marriage of the dauphin
with the Princess Elizabeth, which perplexed the king
exceedingly, and at last determined him to break with
this perfidious monarch.
1482.
A.D.
1483.
In this war he resolved to rely chiefly on his own
strength at sea, and not at all on the promises of his
* Fabian, p. 509.
+ Stowe, p. 432.
lib. viii. p. 321, 322.
† Hall, fol. 50. b.
Hall. fol. 46, 47. Grafton, Holingshed.
Speed, p. 689. Lesliæ de rebus gestis Scotorum,
Buchanan, lib. xii. p. 399, 400.
Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 703. Habington, p. 475.
OF EDWARD IV.
277
allies, by whom himself and his predecessors had been
so often deceived; and of which he had a recent example
in the conduct of the emperor Maximilian, who, not-
withstanding the king had lately sent a squadron of stout
ships, under Sir John Middleton to his assistance, had
not only made a peace, but entered into a close union
with France, which highly provoked the king. * The
pains King Edward took in disposing all things for a
French war, and especially in drawing together a nu-
merous fleet, was so highly agreeable to his people,
that they seemed heartily inclined to bear the expense
which such an expedition must have brought upon them.
The care, however, of so important an enterprize, joined
to his unusual fatigue in providing every thing for
undertaking it, threw that monarch into a sudden
illness, when his fleet and army were almost ready,
which brought him unexpectedly to his end on the
9th of April, 1483, after he had reigned somewhat
more than twenty-two, and had lived very little above
forty-one years. † The French writers will have it,
that he died of chagrin at the dauphin's marriage,
because, from the treaty of Amiens, he had always styled
his eldest daughter Elizabeth, dauphiness: ‡ but Mezeray
very honestly owns, that his death was a great deliverance
to France, and freed her from the terror of beholding
once again an English army, under a victorious king, at
the gates of Paris. §
He was, though too much addicted to his pleasures,
a very wise, as well as a very fortunate prince; had
* Grafton, p. 473. Stowe, p. 431. Speed, p. 689. Corps diplo→
matique du droit des gens, tom. iii. p. xi. p. 100. Rapin, vol. i.
p. 625.
† Hall, fol. 59–61. Grafton, p. 755. Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 268.
h. Polydor. Virgil, lib. xxiv.
‡ Dupleix, tom. iii. p. 130. P. Daniel, tom. vi. p. 551, 552. Le
Gendre, tom. iv. p. 106, 107.
§ Abregé de l'histoire de France, tom. iii. p. 346.
278
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
true notions of naval power, and of the consequences
of an extensive commerce. The former he maintained
throughout his whole reign, 'and the latter he encouraged
as much as his domestic troubles gave him leave to do.
He made several treaties with foreign powers, Denmark,
Burgundy, the Hanse towns, very serviceable to the
merchants, and one with Henry king of Castile, A.D.
1466, and another in A. D. 1467, which proved very
beneficial to his people. He reformed many abuses.
that had crept in during the civil wars. He prevailed
on the several companies to be at the expense of re-
building London-wall; and the emulation of finishing
the parts assigned them, in the speediest and strongest
manner, caused the whole to be very quickly finished.
At this time Bishopsgate was sumptuously rebuilt by
the Esterlings. Indeed his principal maxim was main-
taining a good correspondence with the city of London,
to which he constantly adhered; and of which he found
the good effects in his adversity, as well as prosperity;
as is well observed by Philip de Comines,* who attri-
butes to this his restoration, after the potent earl of
Warwick had driven him out of his dominions; and
one of the last acts of his life was an extraordinary com-
pliment to that city, of which we have a long account in
our old chronicles. + In one thing he was singularly
happy, that he died in full possession of the hearts and
affections of his subjects.
EDWARD V. succeeded, or rather seemed to succeed his
1483. father, for he never had any thing more than the shadow of
royalty; and even this did not continue above the term of
ten weeks, through the ambition of his uncle, Richard
duke of Gloucester. My subject does not lead me to say
much of this matter, which, I must own, appears to me
* Memoires, tom. i. lib. iii. chap. 7.
† Fabian, p. 512. Grafton, p. 757. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 705.
OF RICHARD III.
279
one of the darkest parts of our history; for though I am
far from thinking that Buck in his panegyric, rather than
history of King Richard, hath written all things according
to truth; yet, I must own, that I do not believe he errs
more on one hand, than Sir Thomas More, in his history
of Edward V. on the other; which history, however, has
been the ground-work of all succeeding stories.
Thus much of certainty, undoubtedly, there is, that
immediately after the death of Edward IV. Richard, duke
of Gloucester, assumed the office of protector, and caused
the young prince to be proclaimed; after which, on
various pretences, he cut off several great persons, who
were the principal friends of his deceased brother's queen;
and, having thus paved the way for his own promotion,
he next infused into the people's minds a bad opinion of
the late monarch's administration, and some doubts as to
the legitimacy of his children; which, by the help of the
duke of Buckingham's management of the lord-mayor
and citizens of London, was improved into a popular
demand, that the young prince should be laid aside, and
Richard, instead of protector, declared king; which, at
first he refused, but was quickly prevailed upon to change
his mind, and accept. *
1483.
RICHARD III. was proclaimed the 22d of June, 1483, A.D.
and crowned upon the 6th of July following, together
with Anne, his queen, and his title effectually confirmed
by a parliament called in January following. + This act
is perhaps the best drawn piece, considering the design it
was to cover, that is extant in any language; and many
* Stowe, Holingshed, Speed. Sir Thomas More is transcribed in
these three histories; and as for Buck's laboured apology, it is to be
met with in the first volume of the complete History of England, by
Bishop Kennet.
† Fabian, p. 516. Hall, fol. 1. Cotton's Abridgment of the
Records, p. 709.
250
NAVAL HISTORY
of our modern historians might have avoided the gross
mistakes into which they have fallen about this prince,
if they had carefully considered it. But Sir Thomas
More's rhetoric had so much warmed them, that, gene-
rally speaking, they confound the duke of Clarence's
treason with the duke of Gloucester's pretensions, which,
though they might be as bad, yet certainly they were not
the same. * Clarence, in framing his title to the crown,
was obliged to set aside that of his elder brother, King
Edward; which put him upon alledging, that the king
was not in reality the son of Richard, duke of York; +
but as Richard, duke of Gloucester, was under no neces-
sity of doing this, so he was much too wise a man to
attack his mother's honour without cause.
We find, therefore, nothing of this in the before-men-
tioned act of parliament, but a title of quite another kind.
The right of King Edward is clearly acknowledged, but
his marriage with Queen Elizabeth is declared to be null;
not, as Sir Thomas More says, because of the king's
marriage before God, to Lady Elizabeth Lucy, a matter
which had been long before cleared up, but in respect to
a pre-contract, or rather marriage, between the king and
Lady Eleanor Butler, daughter to the earl of Shrewsbury,
which was proved by a bishop, in consequence of which
all his posterity were illegitimate. Then again, as to the
posterity of the duke of Clarence, which were still in
Richard's way, they were set aside on account of their
father's attainder, which could not have been alledged, if
Richard had questioned King Edward's right. The case
then, in few words, stood thus: the crown of England
had been entailed by parliament on the posterity of the
* Compare Buck's History with the rest, and consider the autho-
rities produced on both sides.
† See the grounds of the duke of Clarence's attainder, in Stowe,
p. 430.
↑ Philip de Comines, liv. vi. chap. 9. Mezeray, tom. iii. p. 346.
OF RICHARD III.
231
duke of York, in the reign of King Henry VI.; this duke
left three sons, Edward, George, and Richard; Edward,
by virtue of that entail, claimed and enjoyed the crown,
but (as this act says) left no lawful issue; George, in the
life-time of his brother Edward had been attainted of
treason, by which his family became incapable of succeed-
ing; and therefore, Richard, duke of Gloucester, was
called to the throne, as the next heir in the parliamentary
entail. *
An indifferent title he had at best; but this did not
hinder his making a good king, I mean in a political
sense; for he made wise laws, governed the people gently,
and took all imaginable care to promote trade, and to pre-
serve the superiority of the sea. In all probability, these
were the effects of his refined policy for the strengthening
of himself and his family; but, be that as it will, the
nation was undoubtedly the better for it; yet all his
wisdom did not preserve him, because he suffered himself
to be deceived by appearances, and to quit the prudent
care which, at the beginning of his reign, he had taken
for the guard of the English coasts, at that very juncture
when it became most necessary; and, as this is a point of
great consequence to the subject I am upon, it will be
necessary to enter into a distinct detail of the earl of
Richmond's expedition, which, as it is taken from foreign
historians, will, I hope, prove both agreeable and in-
structive to the reader.
We have already shewn how the quarrel between the
houses of York and Lancaster began, by Henry IV.'s
assuming the crown, on the deposition of King Richard II.
Henry, earl of Richmond, was, by his mother's side, held
a descendant of the house of Lancaster, and had been in
the battle of Tewksbury, with Queen Margaret and
Prince Edward; after that signal defeat, he retired into
Bretagne, where he was well received by Francis II.
* See this at large, in Speed, p. 711,
282
NAVAL HISTORY
then duke thereof, and protected throughout the reign of
Edward IV. notwithstanding all the intrigues of that
A.D. crafty prince to get him into his hands. * Richard III.
1483. sent his agents to the duke, promising vast sums, if he
would deliver up Earl Henry, but to no purpose; which
arose from this secret reason: there were great factions at
that time in Bretagne, the duke being entirely governed by
`his minister, a man of low birth, though of strong parts,
and high spirit, whose name was Peter Landois; which in-
duced the nobility to confederate themselves against him.
This statesman, having good intelligence in England,
knew perfectly the scheme that was set on foot for placing
Earl Henry on the throne, and uniting the two houses
of York and Lancaster, by marrying the said earl to the
Princess Elizabeth, eldest daughter to Edward IV. He
likewise knew, that the duke of Buckingham, and some
other very great persons, were engaged in that design,
which he resolved, therefore, to promote, not doubting
but that, when Henry should be once seated on the
English throne, he would speedily enable the duke, his
master, to quell his rebellious barons.
As soon, therefore, as he was informed that the duke of
Buckingham's designs were ripe for execution, he fur-
nished the earl of Richmond with a fleet of fifteen sail, on
board which were embarked about five thousand men ; t
but King Richard, having early intelligence of the
duke of Buckingham's project, and of his negotiations
with the earl of Richmond, took effectual care to dis-
appoint both. The duke's forces he defeated by sur-
prise, made himself master of his person, and beheaded
him. As to the earl's landing, he prevented that
* Hall, fol. 33. b. Grafton, p. 712, 713, 737. Philip de Comines,
liv. vi. chap. 9. Argentre, liv. xii.
↑ Hall, fol. 16. b. Speed, p. 720. Angentre, Histoire de Bretagne,
liv. xii. Dupleix, tom. iii. p. 148.
↑ Grafton, p. 824-826. Stowe, p. 465. Polydor. Virgil, lib. xXV.
OF RICHARD III.
283
likewise by keeping a strong squadron at sea, and
guards on all the coasts; so that, when the earl with
his little fleet approached the Welch shore, he saw it
was impracticable to land, and therefore bore away to
Dieppe, where he safely arrived, and from thence went
by land into Bretagne.* Thus we see of what conse
quence such precautions are in times of danger, and
how very possible it is for an English prince to hinder
invaders from setting foot in his dominions: but if his
measures on this occasion, demonstrated the wisdom of
King Richard, his subsequent behaviour was of a quite
different kind; for immediately upon the earl's retreat,
he dismissed his forces, laid up and unrigged his fleet,
as if, after escaping so great a danger, he meant to
invite a greater: at least, so it proved, and might have
been easily foreseen. But let us now return to the earl
of Richmond.
He found things on his coming back much altered in
the court of Bretagne; for events will ever change the
measures of those who suffer their councils to be
governed by expectations of profit, rather than regard
to principle. Peter Landois, who had been his warmest
friend, was now become his bitterest enemy; for per-
ceiving that the earl's designs were frustrated, the duke
of Buckingham dead, the countess of Richmond confined,
and England quietly submitting to Richard, he suddenly
changed his politics; and since he could not reduce the
confederate lords by the help of an English king of his
own making, he resolved to have recourse to
English king then reigning, and therefore entered into
a treaty with Richard, for putting the earl of Richmond
into his hands. † But Doctor Richard Morton, bishop of
an
* Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 745. Argentre, ubi supra. Mezeray, tom.
iv. p. 357. P. Daniel, tom. vi. p. 601.
† Hall, fol. 21, 22. Grafton, p. 832. Rapin, vol. i. p. 643. Ar-
gentre, liv. xii.
284
NAVAL HISTORY, &c.
1547.
Ely, a firm friend to the house of Lancaster, then in exile
´in Flanders, having discovered this design, gave timely
notice of it to the earl of Richmond, advising him to fly
immediately into France, which he did, and yet very
narrowly escaped, a troop of horse, sent to retake him,
missing him but an hour.
A.D. He was well received by the French king, Charles
VIII. who promised him his protection and assistance :
nor had he been long at his court, before the earl of
Oxford, who was a prisoner at Calais, prevailed upon
the governor of that strong place to embrace his interest,
and to go with him into France, in order to concert
measures for a new invasion of England. * Some of the
French historians say positively, that King Charles fur-
nished Henry of Richmond with four thousand men: Fa-
ther Daniel says, they were choice troops; † but our Eng-
lish writers speak of no more than two thousand, nay, and
insist that these were hired with money which the earl
A.D. borrowed. However it was, with this insignificant
1485. force embarked on board a very scurvy fleet, the earl
ventured to put to sea on the first of August, 1485, from
the port of Havre de Grace, and landed at Milford-
haven on the eighth of the same month. He was
quickly joined by great bodies of the Welch, and,
passing the Severn at Shrewsbury, met with many of
his English friends, and then marched directly into
Leicestershire, where he knew King Richard lay with
his army. § Upon this followed a decisive battle fought
near the town of Bosworth, on the 22d of August,
* Stowe, p. 467. Speed, p. 721. P. Æmyle, p. 682. Gagnin.
Chalon Histoire de France, tom. ii. p. 220.1
+ Philip de Comines, indeed, very modestly acknowledges this aid
to have consisted but in three thousand Normans, and those the very
refuse of the people, liv. vi. chap. ix. P. Daniel, tom. vi. p. 602.
Hall, fol. 27. a. Stowe, p. 468. Speed, p. 722.
§ Fabian, fol. 519. Grafton, p. 849, 850. Holingshed, vol. 2. p.
759.
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, &c.
285
wherein King Richard, fighting gallantly, was slain
with his sword in his hand, after a short reign of two
years and two months, wherein he shewed himself a
better king than most of our historians are willing to
represent him. An exemplary instance of this was his
suffering his nephew Edward Plantagenet, earl of War-
wick, son and heir to his brother, George duke of
Clarence, to live quietly and freely in Yorkshire, though
one of the first acts of his successor, was to shut up this
unhappy youth in the Tower, where he was afterwards
beheaded for no greater crime than desiring freedom.
In the reign of these monarchs of the house of York,
there were no grievous taxes drawn from the subject:
when Edward IV. wanted money, he had recourse to an
expedient (which, whatever it might be in law, was cer-
tainly not amiss in politics) of sending for persons in easy
circumstances, and, having opened to them his occasions
for money, and his reasons for supposing they could supply
him, desired they would give him what they pleased; by
which he raised money without aid of parliament by a
kind of prerogative, styling such a voluntary contribution
BENEVOLENCE. As he was a debonair prince, this method,
odd as it was, brought him in very considerable supplies.
Amongst others that, in this manner, he once summoned,
was a gentlewoman of London, esteemed rich in those
times, to whom having stated his case in a free and fami-
liar manner, he asked her what she would give him? "My
"liege," answered she, "for the sake of that sweet and
"comely face, you shall have twenty pounds." The king
being extremely well pleased with this testimony of her
good-will, gave her a kiss; which royal favour procured
him another twenty pounds. He is likewise said to have
made use of the personal affections of his subjects, in bor-
rowing considerable sums; which, however, was attended
VOL. I.
X
286.
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
with no small dislike, and was, therefore, laid aside by one-
of his successors.
We are told by Stowe, in his chronicle, that this
monarch sought some private advantage in the alterations
which he directed to be made in the coin; but, it is very
justly observed by Bishop Nicholson, that this imputation
upon his government is ill founded. It is, indeed, very
certain, that this king directed, that all the bullion re-
ceived for staple commodities at Calais, should be coined
in the mint there; but then, as appears by the indentures,
it was of the same weight and fineness with that of his
decessors. Another great antiquary, I mean Sir Robert
Cotton, says much in praise of King Edward, for restoring
the state of our coin, which had been greatly injured in
the preceding reign; and, for saying this, he is censured
by Bishop Fleetwood, who shews, that the money coined
by Edward IV. was not either better or worse than that
of Henry VI. But, notwithstanding this is certainly very
true, yet the former observation might be true likewise.
pre-
We have seen, that, in the reign of King Henry, there
was great indulgence shewn to strangers, and more espe-
cially to Italians; and, we have likewise seen, that it was
by these people that great sums of base money were
brought into and circulated through the kingdom; and, as
there is no doubt that this was publicly prohibited, and
effectually restrained by Edward IV. so we may reason-
ably conclude, that for this, and for the coining great sums,
as well in silver as in gold, of due weight and fineness,
by which the occasion and necessity of using these adul-
terated coins was taken away, he afforded just ground for
Sir Robert Cotton's remark. In his reign, the Lord Hast-
ings was appointed master of the king's mints in England,
Ireland, and France; and he coined largely in the several-
mints of all the three kingdoms. Sir John Davis assures
us, that it was Edward IV. who first introduced a dif-
ference between the English and the Irish coin, so that
+
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
287
the former was worth a fourth part more than the latter.
Upon whatever motives he did this, and whether the doing
it was laudable, or otherwise, we dare not decide; but,
however, there is no doubt at all, that the custom was pur-
sued by his successors; so that, in succeeding times, an
Irish shilling was worth no more than nine-pence in Eng-
laud, and the same proportion held in all their other
coins.
In the short reign of King Richard III. there was but
one parliament called, and but one tax granted, which was
a tenth upon the clergy. At the same time, the king, of
his own accord, gave life, as one of our antiquaries ex-
presses it, to another law, by which the subject was for
ever freed from BENEVOLENCES, which is said to have
flowed from an evil intention in that prince, to captivate
the minds of the people by this extraordinary shew of self-
denial. It is very possible it might be so, but, perhaps,
it would be very difficult to find any evidence to prove it.
It is a dangerous thing to put bad constructions upon such
actions as are visibly good, either in kings or in private
men. If this monarch was really guilty of one half of the
crimes with which some of our historians have been pleased
to charge him, there was no need of misrepresenting what
had the appearance of right in his conduct, in order to
render him a monster. All that I incline to add further
upon this subject is, that such as are determined to believe
the worst of him must be contented with what is said in
our chronicles, public histories, and memoirs; for, as to
the statute-books and records, they bear no testimonies of
his being either an oppressor or a tyrant; yet, I readily
allow, what vindicates his public, cannot be extended to
justify his private character, because both history and
experience sufficiently teach us, that a very bad man may
be a very good king; but, then it is necessary that he
should reign long, in order to be so esteemed.
1
X 2
238
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
As to the history of our trade during this period, it is
better preserved than in any other, because, perhaps, it
now began to grow more considerable. A great variety
of laws we have relating thereto, and a long charter pre-
served in Hakluyt, whereby King Edward IV. grants large
privileges to the English merchants settled in the Nether-
lands. Some of our historians, it is true, blame that prince
for suffering certain sheep, out of Herefordshire, to be
transported into Spain; whence they would have us be-
lieve, arose that plenty of fine wool, for which that country
hath been since renowned. But this, perhaps, is in some
degree vanity in us, since nothing is more certain than
that the Spanish wool was, long before, in some request;
so that, in the thirty-first year of Henry II. the weavers
of London had it granted to them, upon their petition,
that wherever they could discover cloth entirely fabricated
of Spanish wool, or even with a mixture of Spanish wool,
they were authorised to carry it before the mayor of Lon-
don, who was to cause it to be burnt.* At this time, how-
ever, the prevailing notion was here, that without our
wool, the best cloths could not be made; and, indeed, if
there had been no excellence in their fleece, a few of our
sheep had been no fit present for one king to make, or the
other to receive.
The history I mention is contained in a little treatise,
preserved in Hakluyt, † entitled, De politia conservativa
maris, written in verse, and, as it seems from his preface,
never before printed, though written copies were pretty
common. We know not by whom, or exactly when, it
was composed, and yet we may come pretty near the time,
for it is said, in the close, to have been examined and
approved by the wise baron of Hungerford; which Noble-
man lost his head at Salisbury, in 1466, being the sixth of
* Hall's Chronicle in the reign of Edward IV. fol. vii. a. edit. 1550.
Grafton, p. 668.
+ Collection of Voyages, vol. i. p. 187.
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
229
Edward IV.* consequently, this book must have been
written some time before, probably about the beginning
of that king's reign. There is a particular title to every
chapter; that to the general introduction runs thus:
"Here beginneth the prologue of the processe of the
"libel of ENGLISH POLICIE, exhorting all ENGLAND to
"keep the SEA, and namely, the NARROWE SEA; shew-
❝ing what profite commeth thereof, and also what wor-
"ship and salvation to ENGLAND, and to all ENGLISH-
MEN."
(6
In this introduction the author shews both the utility
and the necessity of England's preserving the dominion of
the sea; and tells us, that the Emperor Sigismund, who
came over hither in 1416, and went into France with
Henry V. advised him to keep the two towns of Dover
and Calais, as carefully as he would his two eyes. The
author next explains to us the device on our nobles, a gold
coin first struck in 18th of Edward III. introducing his
remarks thus:
"For four things our NOBLE sheweth unto me,
King, ship, and sword, and power of the sea."
In his first chapter, this writer gives us a very clear and
exact account of the commodities of Spain and Flanders,
and of the commerce between those countries; where i
he remarks, that neither country could live without the
other; that the Spanish wool cannot be wrought by the
Flemings, without a mixture of English; and, besides
this, that, from their situations, the trade between these
two countries must be altogether precarious, if both were
not at peace with England. This is the author's main
point, and he urges it very sensibly. The Low Countries
were then, what the United Provinces were in the last
century, viz. the centre of the commerce of Europe; and
* Stowe's Annals, p. 419.
290
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
therefore, while Calais, as well as Dover, was in our
hands, that commerce could not be carried on but by our
permission, which was expressed by King Edward's gold
noble.
The second chapter treats of the commodities and trade
of Portugal; wherein he observes, that the inhabitants
of Portugal were always our friends, and that a very
advantageous trade had ever subsisted between the two
nations, the stream of which, he complains, began now
to be turned into Flanders. He speaks of the commerce,
and of the piracies carried on by the inhabitants of the
dutchy of Bretagne; and exclaims grievously at the out-
rages they were wont to commit on the English coasts,
particularly on the maritime towns of Norfolk, and then
tells us a remarkable story of what happened in the time
of Edward III. The merchants, he says, represented to
that prince, that notwithstanding the peace between him
and the duke of Bretagne, the privateers of that dutchy
took their vessels; of which the king, by his ambassadors,
complained to the duke, who, in answer, said, that these
privateers belonged to the ports of St. Michael and St.
Malo, which, though in his dominions, he could not say
were under his obedience, being inhabited by a sort of
people who would do what they pleased; upon which the
king directed Dartmouth, Plymouth, and Fowey, to be
fortified, and gave the inhabitants leave to fit out pri-
vateers, to cruize upon the coast of Bretagne. This expe-
dient soon answered his purpose, by bringing the subjects
of the duke into such distress, that he was glad to under-
take for the future good behaviour of his two lawless
towns, that he might be rid of the troublesome visitants
who daily distressed his coasts from our three towns.
The commodities of Scotland, hides, felts and wool,
and her commerce with Flanders, make the subject of the
fourth chapter. He shews that the Scots wool was then
in the same, that is, in as low esteem as the Spanish, and
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
291
unfit to be wrought without a mixture of English; for
the truth of which he appeals to the knowledge and expe-
rience of our manufacturers and merchants; adding, they
well knew in what school he was taught these secrets.
He further observes, that household stuff, haberdasher's
wares, and all utensils of husbandry, even to cart-wheels
and wheel-barrows, were by the Scots ships carried home,
in return for their staple commodities; from whence he
infers, that England, being possessed of the narrow seas,
and a superiour naval force, may, at all times, awe Spain
and Scotland, by the interruption of that commerce,
without which they could not subsist.
In the fifth, he treats of the trade of Prussia, Ger-
many, and the Hanse-towns, and of the inland countries
dependant upon them. The commodities and trade of
Genoa employ the sixth; whence it appears, that at this
time they carried on the trade of Africa, and the Indies;
that is to say, imported Indian and African commodities
here; and, in return, exported wool and woollen com-
modities, and all this in certain very large ships, in those
days called carracks. The trade of Venice and Florence
follows next, to which the author seems no great friend,
as supposing that the balance thereon was greatly in
their favour, and that the things bought of them were
mere instruments of luxury. Much pains is taken in this
chapter to shew the advantages that foreigners had in
trade over English natives; and what frauds were com-
mitted by the Italian bankers, and by the factors of that
nation employed here.
The trade of Flanders takes up the eighth chapter;
wherein great complaints are made of the insolence of
ships belonging to the Hanse-towns, and of the folly of
English merchants lending their names to cover foreigners
goods imported hither. In the ninth, we see a copious
and exact account of the commodities and commerce of
Ireland, except that the author speaks confidently of gold
292
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS UPON
and silver being found there, which time hath not verified.
Towards the conclusion, there is a project of the then
earl of Ormond, suggesting, that, if one year's expense
in the maintenance of French wars were employed in
the reduction of Ireland, it would answer the purpose
effectually, and produce a very considerable profit an-
nually to the English nation. Yet this, as the writer
complains, was slighted, from views of private profit, to
the great detriment of the public.
The old trade carried on to Iceland from Scarborough,
and of late years from Bristol to the same place, is
described in the tenth chapter; at the close of which the
author discourses of the importance of Calais. In the
eleventh chapter, he descants on the naval power of King
Edgar, and the mighty fleets of King Edward III. and
Henry V. who, he says, built larger and stronger ships
than any of their predecessors. The twelfth and last
chapter is a concise recapitulation of the principal matters
spoken to before, with a pathetic exhortation to English
statesmen thoroughly to consider the importance of these
points, and especially the great one of maintaining our
power or sovereignty at sea, on which, he says, the peace,
plenty, and prosperity of this island essentially depend.
One cannot help wondering, on the perusal of this piece,
that no pains has ever been taken to make it more useful,
by re-publishing it, either in modern verse, or as it now
stands, with notes, since it is evidently written with equal
science and spirit; so that it is not easy to say, whether
it gives us a better idea of the author's head or heart.
Besides, it is a full proof that trade was then a very
extensive and important concern, which will appear more
clearly to the reader, if he considers the different value of
money then and now,
It likewise shews, that the reasons and grounds of our
naval dominion were then as thoroughly understood, and
as clearly and plainly asserted, as ever they have been
THIS PERIOD OF NAVAL HISTORY.
293
t
since; which is the reason that Mr. Selden cites this book
as a remarkable authority, both in point of argument and
antiquity. * But we are now coming into brighter times,
wherein that spirit of commerce, which this author so
earnestly wished for, began really to appear; and when
there seemed to be a contest between private men, and
those in the administration, who should serve the public
most; a spirit to which we owe our present correspond-
ence with all parts of the world, our potent and stately
fleet, and, above all, our numerous plantations, the chief
support of our maritime strength, as well as the most
considerable branch of our trade still remaining.
* Mare Clausum, lib. ii. chap. 25.
1
1
NAVAL HISTORY
294
CHAP. VIII.
The Naval History of England, under the Reign of Henry VII.
including the Memoirs of such Eminent Seamen as flourished in
his time.
A.D. HENRY VII. was crowned king on the field of battle,
1485.
the diadem of King Richard being found among the
spoils.* By what title he held the regal dignity, is
difficult to determine. In his own days, he would not
suffer it to be drawn into question, and posterity have not
much considered it since. † As to descent, he could scarce
be accounted of the royal family; for his father was of
Wales, his mother of the house of Beaufort, descended,
indeed, of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster; but so as
to be legitimate only by an act of parliament, with an
express exception in that very act, as to the crown. By
conquest, he could not be king; for no people conquer
themselves, and his army at Bosworth, were Englishmen,
as well as King Richard's.
His clearest, and therefore his best title then, must be
marriage, which he had not, till some time after; for
though he was solemnly crowned on the thirtieth of
* It was placed upon his head by Sir William Stanley, afterwards
Lord Chamberlain of his household, and brother of Thomas Lord
Stanley, created by this monarch, earl of Derby, in regard to the near
relation in which he stood to the king; being married to his majesty's
mother. Hall, fol. 34. Grafton, p. 852. Stowe, p. 470. Holingsher,
vol. ii. p. 760, 779. Dugdale's Baronage, vol. ii. p. 248.
+ See what the celebrated Lord Bacon had thought fit to deliver,
upon this head, in his admirable history of this prince, in his works,
vol. ii. p. 268–271. edit. 1753.
† T. Walsingham, Hist. Angl. p. 353. Cotton's Abridgment of the
Records, p. 363. Tyrrell's History of England, vol. iii. p. 959.
Speed, p. 727. Dugdale's Baronage, vol. ii. p. 123, 237.
OF HENRY VII.
295
October, yet he did not marry the Princess Elizabeth till
the eighteenth of January, 1486.* He was generally
esteemed the wisest monarch of his time, and was, without
all doubt, an accomplished prince; to which, the difficulties
he went through in his youth, must have contributed not
a little; for he was an exile before he was a man, and
at the head of his party by that time he was at years of
discretion. He had great obstacles to surmount, even
after his accession to the throne; for the common people
were generally fond of the house of York, and the dutchess
of Burgundy took care to furnish them with variety of
pretenders of that line: yet, such was the care King Henry
took of his coasts, and so wisely did he provide for the
security of the sea, that his enemies could scarce ever set
foot directly in this kingdom; which was the reason that
Simnel went first to Ireland, and Perkin Warbeck into
Scotland, where, having procured assistance, he thence
invaded England. †
1488.
Another strain of his policy was, his keeping up a martial A.D.
spirit among his own subjects, at the expense of his neigh-
bours, repaying, thereby, the French in their own coin.
Thus, he privately assisted the duke of Bretagne with a
considerable body of troops, under the command of the
Lord Woodville, uncle to the queen; and, when the
French king expostulated on this head, he excused himself,
by saying, that lord, transported forces into Bretagne
without his consent or permission. Soon after, he openly
assisted the Britons against the French, because he saw,
that these expeditions were pleasing to his own people,
and served his purposes at the same time. On the same
principles, he threatened an open rupture with France,
for which, he provided a very formidable army, and a
•
* Fabian, p. 527. Speed, p. 729. Cooper, fol. 269. b.
↑ Stowe, Holingshed, Speed, Rapin, but, above all, Lord Bacon's
history of his reign, and his finished character of Henry VII.
206
NAVAL HISTORY
numerous fleet; and yet, his real view was not so much
attacking the French king, as drawing aids from his own
parliament; which, on this expectation, and upon this
only, they were inclined to give. He transported, how-
ever, his forces to Calais, took the field, and, having
terrified the French, made such a peace as satisfied him,
and so returned home, keeping, however, his squadrons
at sea; for though he loved peace, yet it was his fixed
maxim, that he might keep it, to be in constant readiness
for war; which was the reason that, during his reign,
the marine was in better condition than under any of his
predecessors. The cares of government took up his whole
time, and left no room, either for thoughts or expenses
of pleasure. *
I will not
The French historians say, that, of all our English
kings, this wise monarch was best inclined to them, and
most observant of his treaties; which they ascribe to
his gratitude, for the succours afforded him in France,
when he came over against King Richard.
deny, that some truth there may be in this, and yet I am
inclined to believe, that the chief motive, which so strongly
bound him to affect peace abroad, was the almost con-
tinual intestine divisions among his subjects at home,
which might have created him, even more uneasiness than
they did, in case the malcontents had been supported by
so powerful a prince as the French king.
Besides, it was the policy of Henry VII. to divert the
spirits of his subjects from war to trade, which he both
understood and encouraged. His long residence in
Bretagne, had given him an opportunity of acquiring a
much greater skill in maritime affairs, than most of his
* Hall, fol. 12-28. Grafton, Stowe, Rymer's foedera, tom. xii.
p. 497.
† Gaguin, lib. xi. P. Daniel, tom. vii. p. 19. Du Tillet, Recueil
des Traites, Godefroy, supplement au memoires de Philip de Comines,
chap. vii.´
OF HENRY VII.
297
predecessors; and this was so well known, that eminent
seamen, even in foreign countries, frequently on that
account, addressed themselves to him for his favour and
protection. Amongst the rest, the famous Christopher
Columbus, who rendered his name immortal, by the
discovery of America, and who sent his brother Bar-
tholomew hither, in order to have prosecuted that glorious
expedition for the benefit of this nation; nor was it any
fault in this wise king that he did not; though some
modern writers, not only without, but against all authority
assert, that King Henry rejected his proposals. I shall
here give a concise account of that affair, of which, I
shall have occasion to speak again, in the memoirs of John
Cabot, who, though he did not undertake to make dis-
coveries till after the return of Columbus, yet saw the
continent of the new world earlier than he, as will be fully
proved in its proper place.
*
Experience shews us, that there are certain seasons
remarkably favourable to particular arts. This age of
which we are speaking, had been so to navigation, which
then prospered exceedingly under different states, but
principally under the Portuguese: they had discovered, or
rather were discovering, a new route to the East Indies,
by going entirely round the great continent of Africa, which,
from the consequences even of those endeavours, rendered
them so much richer and more powerful than their neigh-
bours, that, by an emulation, natural amongst great men,
the thoughts of all the active wits in Europe, were turned
towards undertakings of this kind.
Christopher Columbus, by birth a Genoese, but of
what family is very uncertain, and I think, very immaterial,
had a head excellently turned for such enterprizes; by
nature, he was sagacious, penetrating, and resolute; he
* See this matter largely discussed, in a book published some years
ago, entitled, A compleat History of Spanish America.
298
NAVAL HISTORY
derived, from education, such knowledge as enabled him
to make the best use of his experience; and his ardent
passion, for the science of navigation, had inspired him,
from his early youth, with a desire of engaging in distant
and dangerous voyages. Abundance of lucky circum-
stances concurred, in giving him still greater advantages
than any of his contemporaries; but, as to the story of
his having the first hint of an undiscovered continent in
the west, from the papers of an old pilot, who died in his
house, while he resided in the island of Madeira, I entirely
agree with Sir William Monson, * that it is mere calumny,
and for this reason, that, if Columbus had really received
any such information, he would scarcely have embraced
some opinions, which exposed his projects to many plausible
objections, and which, nevertheless, he retained to the
last. It is by no means clear, though we have a life of
him written by his son, and collected partly from his own
writings, when he first entertained thoughts of finding
out countries hitherto undiscovered. It seems, however,
to have been pretty early in his life, because it appears,
from notes of his own, that he had undertaken several
voyages with a view of fixing, from the lights of ex-
perience, his speculative notions on this subject.
When he had thoroughly methodized his scheme, and
rendered it, as he thought, probable and practicable, he
first propounded it to the state of Genoa in the year 1482;
but, it was not accepted, because they were then engaged
in such an extensive commerce as they scarcely knew how
to manage, and were, therefore, afraid of launching out
into new projects. Columbus offered it next to the king
of Portugal, who was much too wise a prince not to discern
the benefits which might arise from such a discovery, or
the strength of those reasons which were urged by Colum-
bus, to shew that the design was feasible; he, therefore,
* Naval Tracts, p. 493.
OF HENRY VII.
299,
appointed commissioners to treat with him about this un-
dertaking, who dealt with that worthy man very basely;
for, having, as they thought, drawn out of him his whole
secret, they advised the king, while they entertained
Columbus with objections, to fit out a ship, which, under
colour of going to the Cape de Verd Islands, might attempt
the execution of what he had proposed; but, the issue of
this contrivance was as unlucky, as that in itself was
dishonourable; for, the fraud coming to the ears of Co-
lumbus, he was so disgusted thereby, that he determined
to quit Portugal, and to seek protection in some more
generous court. *
It was towards the close of the year 1484, that he came
to a resolution of going himself into Spain, and it was the
next year that, after meeting with some difficulties there,
he sent his brother Bartholomew into England, where
Henry VII. had just ascended the throne. A man
could scarcely be more unfortunate than Bartholomew
Columbus was in this voyage. He was first taken by
pirates, who stripped him to the skin, and obliged him, for
some time, to earn a sorry living, by labouring at the oar.
When he had made his escape from them, he found means
to get into England, and to come to London, but, in so
poor a condition, and so worn by a lingering ague, that
he wanted both opportunity and spirits to pursue the design
he came about. +
A.D.
1485.
1488.
As soon as he had recovered a little, he applied himself A.D.
to the making maps and globes; and, discovering thereby
a more than ordinary skill in cosmography, he came to be
known; so that, at last, he brought his design to bear,
and was actually introduced to the king, to whom, on the
13th day of February, 1488, he presented a map of the
world of his own projecting, and afterwards entered into a
* See the life of Christopher Columbus, by his son, in Churchill's
Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 557, 688.
↑ Lord Bacon's History of Henry VII. vol. ii. p. 836. .
300
NAVAL HISTORY
negotiation on the behalf of his brother. The king liked
the scheme so well, that they came sooner to an agree-
ment than Christopher had brought things to a point in
Spain; though, by a new series of cross accidents, Bartho-
lomew was not able to carry any account of this to his
brother, before he had actually discovered the American
islands in the service, and for the benefit of the crown of
Spain, which he did in 1492.
*
As we have these facts from the son of Don Christopher
Columbus, and the nephew of Bartholomew, who pub-
lished his father's life in Spain, I think the authority cannot
be doubted, according to all the rules of evidence laid
down either by lawyers or critics. Add to this, that the
map made by Bartholomew Columbus was actually in
being in the reign of Queen Elizabeth; which is such a
corroborative proof, as puts the matter out of dispute, †
and shews, that we have at least as good a title as the
Spaniards, from our agreement with the first discoverer of
a passage to this new world. If they plead the success of
their expedition, we may alledge our prior contract; and
if this should fail us, and their title be approved, we have
then, as I hinted before, a better title than they, (even
according to their own method of arguing,) to the con-
tinent of America, in regard to which, our success in dis-
covering was prior to theirs.
I know, as was hinted before, certain writers have made
some coarse and bitter reflections upon King Henry for his
dilatoriness in this matter, by which they think we have
suffered so much; but, when all things are more maturely
weighed, perhaps we shall meet with no just grounds for
these censures; for, first, it does not appear that the king
delayed this affair at all, though it be true, that Bartho-
lomew Columbus spent a long time in negotiating it; and,
* Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 2, 3. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i.
book ii. p. 9. Harris's Voyages, vol. i. p. 3.
† See the Life of Christopher Columbus, as before cited, p. 575.
OF HENRY VII.
801
the reason was, because the king had then many arduous
affairs upon his hands, such as the attempt of Perkin
Warbeck, an expedition into Scotland, his breach with
France, and voyage thither, all which fell out within that
space; and, secondly, it does not seem to manifest, as
these people imagine, that we are really such mighty suf-
ferers by the Spaniards having the start of us in this expe-
dition; for which many reasons might be offered; but,
there is one so obvious, and withal so clear and so con-
clusive, that it seems to supersede the rest. Spain, at the
time she undertook this discovery, was one of the greatest
maritime powers in Europe, though, since her possession
of the Indies, she is become one of the most inconsi-
derable.
But it may be said, that, if we had first seized and
settled these countries, we should have acted otherwise;
yet, this is not only a bare supposition, but, at the same
time, a very improbable one. The heat of the climate,
the luxuriancy of the soil, the profit of mines, &c. would
have affected us, or indeed any other people, as much as it
did them; so that, upon the whole, we have but little
reason either to blame King IIenry's conduct, or to repine
at that of Providence. The Spaniards have purchased
Mexico and Peru too dearly, at the expense of their naval
power; we are really richer in virtue of our northern
colonies, which have so prodigiously increased our industry,
our commerce, and our shipping.
The great care the king had of maritime affairs, induced `A.D.
him to make, in the eleventh year of his reign, a treaty 1496.
with the king of Denmark, whereby he secured to his sub-
jects, and particularly to the inhabitants of Bristol, the
trade to Ireland, which they long before enjoyed, but in
which they had of late suffered some disturbance. By the
stipulations in this league it was agreed, that the English
were to furnish the inhabitants of that island with all kinds
of provision, with coarse cloth and other commodities,
VOL. I.
Y
302
NAVAL HISTORY
without let or hindrance from the king of Denmark. This
was a special privilege granted to no other nation, and,
it is very probable, would not have been granted to us, if
the Danish commerce had not been a declining state, of
which we have an authentic account in the work of a very
ancient writer. The care of these affairs brought to the
king's notice that celebrated Venetian, Sir John Cabot,
who, in his service first discovered the continent of
America, and that country which is now called New-
foundland;* of him, therefore, we will give a more par-
ticular account at the close of this reign.
While this Sir John Cabot was thus employed in the
prosecution of the expedition before mentioned, Bartho-
lomew Columbus had passed from Spain to the West
Indies, where he acquainted his brother with the disposi-
tion of the English court, and the reason there was to
apprehend, that it would not be long before other adven-
turers would endeavour to interfere in his discoveries. †
This quickened the admiral; and, on his returning into
Spain, he gave such hints to that court and ministry, as
induced them to take all imaginable pains to secure the
great seamen of every nation in their service, which, in
some respect, answered their purpose, since Magellan,
who discovered the passage into the South seas, which
has been of such infinite service to the Spaniards, was by
this policy detached from his duty to his king and country
for the sake of pay; and this was likewise the case of
A.D. Sebastian Cabot and others. In so short a time as four
years after John Cabot's first voyage, we find, that King
Henry granted his letters-patent to Hugh Elliot and
Thomas Ashurst, merchants of Bristol, and others, for set-
1502.
*Foed. Dan. xi. Henry VII. art. iv. quod in tabula legationis
MDCII. etiam habemus. Rymer's Foedera, tom. xii. p. 381. Seldeni
Mare Clausum, lib. ii. cap. 32.
+ Herrera's General History of the West Indies, vol. i. p. 136-139.
↑ Herrera, Hackluyt, Purchas, Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts.
OF HENRY VII.
303
tling colonies in newly discovered countries; which grant
bears date the 9th of December, 1502,* and is another
proof of this monarch's assiduity in promoting commerce;
he never, indeed, suffered any opportunity of that sort tớ
escape him.
1506.
Philip of Austria, who succeeded to the kingdom of A.D.
Castile, sailed from the Low Countries into Spain, together
with his queen, in 1506; but, meeting unhappily with a
storm, they were driven on the English coast, and, being
exceedingly fatigued, they would, contrary to the advice of
the wisest persons about them, land at Weymouth; of which,
the king having notice, he sent, under colour of respect,
the earl of Arundel, with three hundred horse, to attend
them, who brought the royal guests from thence by torch-
light, and conducted them to his own house. † Some
months they were detained by the extraordinary civilities
paid them; and after their departure, it appeared, how
great use a wise prince may make even of the slightest
accidents. In this short space, the king did a great deal
for himself, and not a little for his subjects: he prevailed
upon King Philip to put into his hands Edmund de la Pole,
earl of Suffolk, nearly related by his mother to the royal
line, and he likewise concluded a very advantageous
treaty of commerce between the crowns of England and
Castile, § which proved afterwards of great importance.
As to the remaining part of his reign, it was spent in
peace, and in cares of a nature which by no means recom-
mend them to our notice, farther than as the mention of
them may prove admonitory to other princes. He had,
all his days, been of a very frugal disposition, and had
* Rymer's Foedera, vol. xiii. p. 37.
† Hall, fol. 57. b. Grafton, p. 943. Polydor. Virgil. lib. xxvi.
p. 776. Marianæ Historia de rebus Hispaniæ, lib. xxviii. cap. xvi.
p. 592. Petri Martyris Epistol. lib. xix. Epist. 296, 300.
Stowe, p. 484. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 793. Lord Bacon's History
of this Reign, vol. ii. p. 350. Ferrera's Hist. de Espan. p. xii. sec. 16.
§ Rymer's Foedera, vol. xiii. p. 142.
Y 2
304
NAVAL HISTORY
also shewn a singular dexterity in the art of filling his
coffers: but in the latter part of his life, this grew upon
him to a very great degree: and as covetous princes never
want fit instruments, so this king found in Empson and
Dudley two such as scarcely ever had their fellows. They
put him upon such severe and unreasonable extensions of
penal laws, as made him rich as a man, but poor as a
prince, since, by wringing out their wealth, he effectually
lost the hearts of his subjects. Another misfortune was,
that these grievances fell upon the most eminent traders
in those times.
*
Thus Sir William Capel, an opulent citizen, who had
been mayor of London, suffered many years persecution
and a long imprisonment, besides great losses. Out of
Thomas Knesworth, at the expiration of his mayoralty,
with his two sheriffs, the king and his ministers squeezed
one thousand four hundred pounds. Christopher Hawes,
an eminent mercer, and Alderman of London, broke his
heart through vexation; and Sir Lawrence Ailmer, a great
merchant, and who had been mayor, remained a prisoner
in the tower, till he was delivered in the next reign.
These acts would have appeared flagrant oppressions in
any other prince; but Henry made many wise laws for
the public good; and such laws interfering sometimes
with the methods men had been in a habit of practising
for private profit, he took always advantage of the highest
offenders, as yielding most to his coffers, and, from the
terror of their punishment, impressing universal obedience;
for, in most of his prosecutions, the welfare of the state
was the apparent object, and the due execution of the
laws the invariable pretence. He was, therefore, the
laws being made by parliament, a rigid prince, but, acting
ever by law, escaped the odium of being a tyrant.
* Fabian, p. 530, 536.
945. Stowe, p. 485.
p. 352.
Hall, fol. 57.
Speed, p. 750.
a. fol. 59. b. Grafton, p. 942,
Lord Bacon in his history,
OF HENRY VII.
305
•
Yet, in some things, the king shewed a magnificent
spirit, particularly in building that noble chapel at West-
minster, which bears his name, and which cost him fourteen
thousand pounds. About the like sum he laid out in the
construction of a new ship, called THE GREAT HARRY, *
and which, properly speaking, was the first ship of the
royal navy; for though he, as well as other princes, hired
many ships, exclusive of those furnished by the ports,
when he had occasion to transport forces abroad, yet he
seems to have been the only king who thought of avoiding
this inconveniency, by raising such a naval force as might
be, at all times, sufficient for the service of the state; †
a design worthy of his wisdom to project, and of being in
some degree perfected under the more fortunate reign of
his son.
As to the concern which this prudent monarch shewed
for trade, some hints of it have been already given; and
to these, upon the review of our work, a few farther
instances may be added. In the year 1487, the arch-
bishop of Canterbury, who was also lord-high-chancellor
of England, opened the parliament with a speech, in
which, amongst other things, he told them, that the king
recommended to their serious consideration, trade and ma-
nufactures. Accordingly, several wise laws were made
in that respect; and, in the treaties that were concluded
with foreign princes, he was remarkably careful to make
such provisions as turned highly to the benefit of the
* Stowe's Annals, p. 484. This famous vessel was burned by
accident, at Woolwich, in the evening of the 28th of August, 1553.
Holingshed's Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 1090. Strype's Memorials, vol. iii.
p. 22.
†The king foresaw an increase of commerce would make larger
vessels necessary, and therefore began to build, and let out such to
hire for the advantage of, and by way of example to, his subjects. An
instance of royal attention that merits reflection!
This was the famous Cardinal Morton. Godwini de Præsul.
Angliæ Commentar. Cantab. 1743. fol. p. 131. Bacon's History of
Henry VII. p. 289. Parliamentary History, vol. ii. p. 417-419.
1
$06
NAVAL HISTORY
nation. * There is the less wonder to be made at this,
because the king himself was not only very well ac-
quainted with the advantages arising from foreign traffic,
speculatively as a statesman, but knew them experi-
mentally likewise, being a very extensive trader himself,
and that in more ways than one. †
-
As he found it requisite for him to have a certain
number of ships of his own, so, when these were not
employed, or likely to be employed, he was content to
let them out to merchants for hire. He was very ready,
on the same principle, to assist with considerable sums of
money, such as undertook any new trade, or set up any
new manufacture, provided he had a share in the profit
proportionable to the risque he run. He also sold licences
for dealing in prohibited commodities, either by importing
or exporting; for the managing of which extraordinary
and new-devised branches of his revenue, this principal
instrument was Edmund Dudley, Esq. a man of quick
parts, and whose genius was wonderfully extensive. He
was nobly descended; a lawyer, no doubt, and a serjeant-
at-law, but no judge, as some of our historians make him.
He was of the king's privy-council, and speaker of the
house of commons in this king's last parliament; which
shews his general interest was great, as well as his power.
He suffered, in the next reign, as the king's adviser and
instrument; which was hard, for the king governed by
his own lights, and saw not with others eyes. Ministers
he had, and very able ministers too, who served him
well, and he never disgraced them; but still they were
his ministers, and not his masters.
*
Rymer's Foedera, tom. xii. p. 374, 378, 389, 571, 701.
† In this, as in building large ships, he was willing to shew his
subjects the way.
‡ Sir Richard Empson's book of accounts had been seen by Lord
Bacon; that between the king and Dudley, both of them most exactly
kept, came into the hands of Sir R. Cotton.
OF HENRY VII
807
Whatever distaste might be taken to some of these
practices, it is very certain that the king ingratiated
himself by others; and that, till within the four last years
of his reign, he was very popular in London; to which,
perhaps, it might not a little contribute, that he not only
accepted the freedom of the merchant-taylor's company,
but dined also publicly in their hall; wearing the dress,
taking the seat, and doing the honours of the table, as if
he had been their master.* This condescension was ac-
ceptable to numbers, and the laws he passed from time
to time, for promoting manufactures, encouraging manu-
facturers, giving ease to mechanics, prohibiting the im-
portation of foreign goods for luxury, exciting merchants
of all nations to frequent England, and purchase its com-
modities, with his complaisance and fair language, abated
the sense of his strictness in other respects. Besides, it
was his manner to intermix smiles with his severities, and
to reward oftener, and with more alacrity, than he
punished. Thus he knighted many of the citizens in the
field; received them kindly at court; and communicated
all good news to them with much familiarity and con-
fidence.
In respect to the taxes imposed in his reign, they were
not very large or burdensome. It is true, that having
repealed the laws of his predecessor, he thought himself
at liberty to demand an aid of his subjects, by way of
BENEVOLENCE; for which he assigned this reason, that
it would be a means of exempting the poorer sort of
people from feeling the weight of a burden they were
least able to bear. It is not at all improbable, that hẹ
was induced to take this step from that experience he
learned in the beginning of his reign, that nothing so soon
disposed the populace to insurrections, as the levying new
* Speed, p. 736, from the records in the company's hall.
308
NAVAL HISTORY
taxes, how moderate soever. * But this new method, like-
wise, had its inconveniences, though he was far enough
from pushing it to a degree of oppression; since the money
which was raised under this title in the whole city of Lon-
don, did not amount to quite ten thousand pounds.
In one thing he shewed his mercantile principle ex-
tremely. He demanded a loan of the city of London for
a certain time, and with some difficulty obtained six
thousand pounds; but paying it very exactly, when he
had occasion for a greater sum, it was raised with ease;
and this too being punctually paid, he there rested his
credit, reserving the confidence he had established for any
real necessity that might require it, the former loans
being rather out of policy than for relief. + The wealth
of the nation certainly increased extremely during his
pacific reign; it was the large estates of the merchants
that exposed them to be pillaged by his instruments of
iniquity; and as for the nobility, he was not without
some reason jealous of their great power, and their great
fortunes. When he seized upon Sir William Stanley's
effects, who was younger brother only to the earl of
Derby, he found they amounted to forty thousand marks
in ready money and jewels, besides an estate in land, of
three thousand pounds a year.
At the marriage of Arthur, prince of Wales, with the
infanta Catherine, all who assisted at it were most mag-
nificently dressed; Sir Thomas Brandon, an officer of the
king's household, wearing a gold chain of the value of
fifteen hundred pounds; yet the fortune he gave the
princess Margaret, his daughter, when she married the
* His colour was, that by this means the tax was set by affection
upon substance; while those in mean condition, of which themselves
were left to judge, werc exempted from the burden.
+ Some authors say, that, on his first application, he could borrow
but three thousand pounds.
+
OF HENRY VII.
309
king of Scots, was no more than thirty thousand nobles,
or ten thousand pounds; and the allowances stipulated for
the Lady Anne, his wife's sister, when she married Lord
Thomas Howard, did not much exceed one hundred and
twenty pounds a year.
He was the first of our monarchs who coined shillings;
and they were very large and fair, there being but forty in
a pound weight of silver. His coin in general, both gold
and silver, was of due weight and fineness; but when he
made his expedition to Boulogne, he either coined, or
tolerated a base kind of money, called dandiprats, † which
perhaps was a right piece of policy; but it proved a bad
precedent, and afforded his son a colour for sinking the
value of his money beyond all example.
The treasure left by this prince in his coffers, at the
time of his decease, not only exceeded what had ever
been amassed by his predecessors, but surpassed beyond
comparison what any of his successors have ever seen in
their exchequers; for the Lord Chief Justice Coke tells
us, it amounted to five millions three hundred thousand
pounds, most in foreign coin, and too much of it acquired
by methods unworthy of a king, and more especially so
wise a king as he was. The judicious and curious Lord
Bacon, who wrote this monarch's life with much care,
and had great opportunities of being informed, reduces
this sum much less; for he says, there was a tradition of
his leaving eighteen hundred thousand pounds hid in
secret places, under his own lock and key, in his palace
at Richmond, where he deceased; and this he accounts,
and very justly, to be (for those times especially,) a vast
* Stowe's Annals, p. 483, where many particulars may be found of
a like nature.
† Sir Robert Cotton's Discourse of Foreign Wars, p. 53. Numini
Britannica Historia, p. 47. Fleetwood's Chron. Preciosum, p. 47.
Fourth Institute, chap. xxxv. where he cites the close roll,
An. 3. H. VIII.
310.
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1509.
wealth. * But we can settle this point with more cer-
tainty, and on still better authority. The great and
accurate antiquary, Sir Robert Cotton, asserts, he left
behind him four millions and a half in bullion, exclusive
of wrought plate, jewels, and rich furniture. These sums
are not set down in figures, from which mistakes often
arise, but in words at length; and, as Sir Robert affirms
nothing without a voucher, so, in respect to this, he has
given the best that could be desired, viz. the book of
accounts kept between the king and Mr. Dudley. † It is
possible this wide difference may be, with probability,
reconciled, by supposing eight hundred thousand pounds
to stand on Sir Richard Empson's account, as Sir Robert
Cotton speaks only of Mr. Dudley; and then the sum
will agree with the record cited by Sir Edward Coke.
- The fixing this fact is very material, as it shews how much
more wealthy the nation then was, than it has been ever
esteemed to be.
Our historians tell us, that King Henry intended to
have made a thorough change in his measures, and to
have relieved his people from all the grievances of which
they complained, when he was taken off by death, on the
22d of April, 1509, in the twenty-third year of his reign. ‡
He was allowed by his contemporaries to have been one
of the wisest princes of the age in which he lived; § and
his memory hath been commended to the reverence of
posterity, by the inimitable pen of the great Lord Chan-
* Life of Henry VII. in the second volume of his works, p. 353.
† Answer to the Reasons for Foreign Wars, p. 53. See also Dr.
Davenant's Grants and Resumptions, p. 250.
I Hall, fol. 60. b. Grafton, p. 947, 948. Stowe, Holingshed,
Speed, Lord Bacon, in his History of this prince, p. 353.
§ Thuan. Hist. lib. i. G. F. Biondi, Hist. delle Guerre Civili
d'Inghilterra. Johan. Major de gestis Scotorum, lib. vi. P. d'Orleans,
Hist. des Revol. d'Angleterre, tom. ii. p. 341. Marsollier, Histoire
de Henri VII. dit le cage ou le Saloman d'Angleterre: Par. 12mo.
2 vol. P. Daniel, Hist. de France, tom. vii. p. 183, 184.
OF HENRY VII.
511
cellor Bacon, who, in doing justice to this king's abilities,
has shewn his own; as, by freely censuring his errors, he
has set a noble example to English historians, to be more
solicitous about truth than the reputation of themselves as
writers, or the glory of those whose actions they record;
an example which succeeding ages have rendered the
more difficult to follow, since, as corruption increases, it
not only enervates the will, but also both weakens and
misleads the judgment; whence, as good histories become
rare, they become consequently more valuable.
312
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
OF
SIR JOHN CABOT.
1.D.
.495.
*
THE Venetians, throughout the whole century, and,
indeed, for some ages before, were by far the most general
traders in Europe, and had their factories, in most of the
northern kingdoms and states, for the better managing
their affairs. In England, especially, many of them
settled, at London and Bristol particularly; and, in this
last place dwelt John Gabota, Gabot, or, as our writers
usually call him, John Cabot, of whom we are to speak.
He had been long in England, since his son Sebastian,
who was born at Bristol, was old enough to accom-
pany him in his first voyage: he was, it seems, a man
perfectly skilled in all the sciences requisite to form an
accomplished seaman, or a general trader; and, having
heard much of Columbus's expedition, he addressed him-
self to the king, with proposals for making like discoveries,
in case he met with due encouragement.
His offer was readily accepted; and, the king, by let-
ters-patent, dated March the 5th, in the eleventh year of
his reign, granted to him, by the name of John Cabot,
* Libel of English polity in keeping the narrow sea, chap. vii-ix.
in Hakluyt, v. i. p. 193. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts,
p. 442, 443. P. Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, tom. i.
p. 4.
農
​† Petri Martyris ab Angleria de novo orbe, dec. iii. lib. vi. Lopez
de Gomora Historia general de las Indias, lib. ii. c. iv. Navigationi
et Viaggi raccolti da M. Gio. Batt. Ramușio, tom. iii. in proemio.
OF SIR JOHN CABOT.
313
citizens of Venice, and to his three sons, Lewis, Sebas-
tian, and Sanctius, leave to discover unknown lands, and
to conquer and settle them, with many privileges, reserv-
ing only to himself one fifth part of the neat profits, and,
with this single restraint, that the ships they fitted out
should be obliged to return to the port of Bristol. *
Though these letters patent were granted in 1495, yet it
was the next year before they proceeded to set out any
ships; and then John Cabot had a permission from the
king to take six English ships in any haven of the realm,
of the burden of two hundred tons and under, with as
many mariners as should be willing to go with him. +
In consequence of this license, the king, at his own
expense, caused a ship to be equipped at Bristol: to this,
the merchants of that city and of London, added three or
four small vessels, freighted with proper commodities;
which fleet, sailed in the spring of the year 1497.‡ Our
old chronicle-writers, particularly Fabian, § tells us of a
very rich island, which John Cabot promised to discover;
but in this, they seem to mistake the matter for want of
thoroughly understanding the subject of which they were
writing. John Cabot was too wise a man to pretend to
know, before he saw it, what country he should dis-
cover, whether island or continent; but what he proposed
was, to find a north-west passage to the Indies: so that
he appears to have reasoned in the same manner that
Columbus did, who imagined that, as the Portuguese, by
sailing east came to the west coast of the Indies, so he,
by sailing west, might meet their opposite shore. This,
with his discovering the island of Baccaloes, or Newfound-
land, was certainly the source of this story.
* Rymer's Fœdera, tom. xii. p. 595. Hakluyt's Collection of
Voyages, tom. ii. p. 4.
↑ Ibid. p. 5.
§ Ibid. Stowe.
↑ Fabian's Chronicle, as hereafter cited.
A.D.
1497.
$14
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
John Cabot, having his son Sebastian with him, sailed
happily on their north-west course, till the 24th of June,
1497, about five in the morning, when they first discovered
land, which John Cabot, for that reason, called Prima
Vista, that is, first seen. Another island, less than the
first, he styled the island of St. John, because it was
found on the feast of St. John Baptist. He afterwards
sailed down to Cape Florida, and then returned with a
good cargo, and three savages on board, into England,
where it seems he was knighted for this exploit, since on
the map of his discoveries, drawn by his son Sebas-
tian, and cut by Clement Adams, which hung in the privy
gallery at Whitehall, there was this inscription under the
author's picture; Effigies Seb. Caboti, Angli, filii Jo.
Caboti, Venetiani, militis aurati, &c. *
This was a very important discovery, since, in truth, it
was the first time the continent of America had been
seen, Columbus being unacquainted therewith till his last
voyage, which was the year following, when he coasted
along a part of the isthmus of Darien. It is somewhat
strange, that our English writers have delivered these
matters so confusedly, especially such as lived under the
reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James I. and con-
sequently in and near the time of his son; yet, so inac-
curate are their relations, that some have been induced
from thence to doubt, whether John Cabot made any dis-
coveries at all. + The reverend Mr. Samuel Purchas, to
whose labours the world is so much indebted, discovers a
good deal of distaste that America should be so called
from Americus Vesputius, and asserts, that it ought rather
to be called Cabotiana, or Sebastiana, because, says he,
Sebastian Cabot discovered more of it than Americus, or
}
* Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 6. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iii.
p. 461.807.
+ Lediard's Naval History, vol. i. p. 86.
OF SIR JOHN CABOT.
315
Columbus himself. * In Stowe + and Speed, we find
this very discovery ascribed wholly to Sebastian, without
any mention of his father; and yet, in Fabian's Chronicle,
who lived in those days, we have these two remarkable
passages:
66
"In the thirteenth year of King Henry VII. (by means
❝of one John Cabot, a Venetian, which made himself
very expert and cunning in the knowledge of the circuit
"of the world, and islands of the same, as by a sea card,
"and other demonstrations reasonable, he shewed,) the
“king caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to
"search for an island, which he said he knew well was
"rich, and replenished with great commodities; which
ship, thus manned and victualled at the king's cost,
"diverse merchants of London ventured in her small
"stocks, being in her, as chief patron, the said Venetian.
"And, in the company of the said ship, sailed also out
❝ of Bristol, three or four small ships, freighted with slight
"and gross merchandizes, as coarse cloth, caps, laces,
"points, and other trifles; and so departed from Bristol
" in the beginning of May, of whom, in this mayor's time,
"returned no tidings."
Under the fourteenth year of the same king's reign he
tells us, "There were brought unto him," i. e. Henry VII.
"three men taken in the new-found island; these, says
" he were clothed in beasts' skins, whom the king kept a
"time after; of the which, about two years after, I saw
"two apparelled after the manner of Englishmen, in
"Westminster-palace, which, at that time, I could not
"discern from Englishmen, till I was learned what they
"were; but, as for speech, I heard none of them utter
one word."
66
Thus, it appears from the best authority that can be
desired, that of a contemporary writer, this discovery was
made by Sir John Cabot, the father of Sebastian; and,
* Pilgrimage, p. 602. † Annals, p. 480. Chronicle, p. 744.
316
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, &c.
indeed, so much we might have gathered, if we had
wanted this authority; for, Sebastian Cabot being, as we
shall see hereafter, alive in 1557, it is plain, that, at the
time this voyage was made, he could not be above twenty
years old, when, though he might accompany his father,
yet, certainly he was too young to undertake such an expe-
dition himself. * It is probable that John Cabot died in
England, but when or where is uncertain, at least for any
thing I have read.
There is, indeed, another account of this affair, which
supposes, that Sir John Cabot, with his son Sebastian,
sailed for the discovery of a north-west passage, before
this expedition, by the royal authority, and that in this
voyage they had sight of the island which was afterwards
called Newfoundland. To this opinion I should also incline,
if it could be clearly reconciled to the authorities which
have been produced, and considered with the greatest
attention. At all events, whichever be the true account,
this man, Sir John Cabot, was the original discoverer;
of which honour he ought not to be despoiled even by his
son, of whom we shall also give some memoirs in their
proper place. At present, we will conclude with remark-
ing, that the offer of Christopher Columbus, the favour
shewn to his brother Bartholomew, and the encourage-
ment given to Sir John Cabot and his family, do the
highest honour to the memory of Henry VII. and fix the
revival of our commercial spirit to his reign.
* This detail has been collected from Mr. Thorne of Bristol's Letter
to Dr. Leigh; which Mr. Thorne, was the son of the merchant of
Bristol, who, in conjunction with Mr. Elliot, fitted out the Cabots; as
also from Sebastian Cabot's own accounts, and from the remarks of
Hakluyt, Eden, and Purchas.
OF HENRY VIII.
317
CHAP. IX.
"The Naval History of the Reign of Henry VIII. including the Me-
moirs of such eminent Sea-Officers as flourished therein.
1509.
THERE never was, in any period, a prince who ascended A.D.
the English throne, of whom his subjects formed greater
hopes than those that were entertained of Henry VIII.
at his accession. He was then about eighteen years old,
of strong natural parts, heightened by an excellent educa-
tion; and, though he afterwards discovered a good deal of
obstinacy in his temper, yet, in the dawn of his reign, he
shewed himself very inclinable to listen to good advice;
and, his father left him as able counsellors as perhaps any
monarch ever had about him. His first acts were con-
formable to his subjects' hopes; he delivered such as his
father unjustly kept in confinement; and, in their stead,
Empson, Dudley, and their creatures, were imprisoned.
Yet even these were not destroyed, as some have sug-
gested, by a hasty and rigorous prosecution, but were left
to the ordinary course; and after that, as they deserved,
to the due severity of the law, their great knowledge in
which they had so flagrantly abused to the ruin of others. †
Dudley, during his confinement in the Tower, composed
*
* Fabian, p. 538. Hall, fol. 1. Grafton, p. 951. Stowe, p. 487.
Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 799. Cooper. Godwin's Annals, p. 1-5. Life
of this Prince by Edward, Lord Herbert, of Cherbury, in the com-
plete History of England, vol. ii. Bishop Burnet, in his History of
the Reformation, vol. i. and the rest of our celebrated Historians.
† See a very sensible and pathetic speech of Sir Richard Empson to
the lords of the council, on his being called before them on April 23,
1509, in Lord Herbert of Cherbury's Life of Henry VIII. p. 3, not
wrote for him by that nobleman, as some imagine, the substance of it
having long before appeared in our old chronicles, such as Grafton,
p. 952. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 803. See this case at large in Ander-
son's Reports, p. i. p. 152-158.
VOL. I.
Z
318
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1511.
A.D.
a very extraordinary book, entitled, The Tree of the Com-
monwealth, wherein he shewed a prodigious capacity as a
statesman, and from which (though, for ought I know, it
was never published) many pestiferous schemes have taken
their rise, his family having held the reins of government
here for nearly half a century. In other respects the king
shewed himself a very gracious prince, having a like
sense of his own dignity, and of his duty towards his
people.
In the year 1511, the king of Arragon and Castile
demanded assistance against the Moors; whereupon King
Henry, who was desirous of maintaining to the utmost
the glory of the English nation, sent him one thousand
five hundred archers, under the command of Sir Thomas
Darcey, with whom went abundance of gentlemen, of the
best families of the kingdom, volunteers. They sailed
from Plymouth, escorted by a squadron of four royal ships,
and landed happily, on the 1st of June, in the south of
Spain; but, the politic king, who wanted nothing more
than their appearance to bring his enemies to terms,
instead of employing, dismissed them with a few presents,
and so they returned into England, without encountering
any other hazards than those of the sea.* The same year,
the king sent a like aid to the dutchess of Burgundy, under
the command of Sir Edward Poynings, which met with
better success; for, after having answered effectually the
ends for which they were sent, they returned with small
loss, and much honour, to their native country.
Notwithstanding what had so lately happened in Spain,
1512. the artful Ferdinand, by the assistance of the pope, who
cajoled King Henry with fair words and fine promises,
drew him to make war on France, in hopes of recovering
the dominions of his ancestors. With this view, King
>
* Hall, fol. 11.
Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 808.
Espan, p. xii. sec. 16.
Ferrera's Hist. de
† Grafton's Chronicle, p. 958. Stowe, p. 488. Cooper, fol. 274.
OF HENRY VIII.
319
*
Henry was persuaded to send a numerous army, under the
command of the marquis of Dorset, by sea, into Biscay,
in order to penetrate that way into the dutchy of Guyenne;
this expedition had worse consequences than the former;
Ferdinand never intended that these troops should act
against the French, but, by their remaining for some time
in his country, sought an opportunity of over-running
Navarre, to which he had no title, while the French, awed
by the English army, durst not move to its assistance.
But, during the time he made this conquest, sickness
destroyed numbers of the English; so that, shortly after,
they were constrained to return. In August, the same
year, there happened a bloody engagement between the
English and French fleets, of which we shall give the
reader, hereafter, a distinct account; and, the Sovereign, †
the largest ship in the English navy, being burnt therein,
the king built another of still greater burden, called Henry
Grace de Dieu. In the month of March, 1513, another A.D.
royal fleet put to sea, which, engaging the French on the
25th of April, the admiral was killed; which loss was
soon repaired, and the French driven to take shelter in
their ports. § In August, the king went in person with a
great army into France, where he made some conquests,
while his admiral spoiled the French coasts, as he also did
the next year; so that the French king was glad to obtain
peace; upon the conclusion of which he married Mary,
who was sister to our King Henry, but did not long outlive.
his marriage. ||
* Gabriel Chappuy, Histoire du Royaume de Navarre, p. 620.
Marianæ Historia de rebus Hispaniæ, lib. xxx. p. 583. Hall, fol. 17.
+ Called, in other accounts, the Regent.
‡ Grafton, p. 970. Stowe, p, 490. Herbert.
§ Hall, fol. 23. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 816. Godwin's Annals,
P. 12.
H. Velleii in Gaguini Append. p. 321-323. Dupleix, tom. iii.
p. 262-265. Rymer's Foedera, tom. xiii. p. 413-423. Grafton
Stowe, p. 495, 496.
1513.
Z 2
320
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1515.
1520.
Francis I. succeeded him, between whom and the Em-
peror Maximilian, King Henry kept as even as he could,
sometimes assisting the emperor, and sometimes seeming
to favour the French king, who prevailed on him, in 1520,
to pass over to Calais, in order to have an interview with
him; and, it followed accordingly, between the towns of
A.D. Ardres and Guines. Our historians give us long descrip-
tions of the pomp and splendour which accompanied this
meeting; but, a short passage in a French writer seems
to me better worth transcribing than any thing they have
said. He tells us, that at this interview, King Henry
caused an English archer to be embroidered on his tent,
with this sentence under him; Cui adhæreo præest; i. e.
"He shall prevail, with whom I side;" which, says the
judicious historian, was not only his motto, but his prac-
A.D. tice as long as he lived.* In 1522, there arose new dif-
ferences between this monarch and the French king,
which were not a little heightened by the coming of the
Emperor Charles V. who paid great court to Henry, and
persuaded him to send over a numerous army into France,
which he did shortly after under the command of Charles
Brandon, duke of Suffolk, who wrought the French
infinite mischief, without doing his country much good.
During this war, the emperor's fleet acted in conjunction
with the English, whereby the French were driven to
great distress, and the Scots, being engaged in their inte-
rest, suffered also very severely; but, when the king evi-
dently saw, that, by his assistance, the Emperor Charles
was become too powerful, and affected to manage all the
affairs of Europe at his will, he wisely withdrew his
auxiliaries, and pursued such a conduct as seemed most
likely to restore the balance of power. +
1522.
A. D.
1525.
In 1525, a peace was concluded with the French king
upon very advantageous terms; and, soon after, Cardinal
* Abregé de l'Histoire de France par Mezeray, tom. iv. p. 494.
+ Hall, Herbert, Godwin, Dupleix.
1
OF HENRY VIII.
321
1
Wolsey went over into France, and had a conference with
that prince. Thenceforward the king's thoughts were
much taken up with his domestic affairs, and with altera-
tion in religion; so that, except some disputes with Scot-
land, wherein their king received such a check as broke
his heart, * there happened nothing material till the year
1544, when King Henry joined once more with the emperor
against the French; whereupon, Sir John Wallop was
sent into France, and a considerable force marched into
Scotland under the earl of Hertford, Sir John Dudley,
Viscount Lisle, wasting the coasts, in the mean time, with
a great fleet. + In the midst of the summer, the duke of A.D.
Suffolk entered the French dominions with a great army,
and laid siege to Boulogne, which was also blocked up at
sea by the admiral Viscount Lisle, who, after the place
was taken, was constituted governor thereof, the king and
his forces passing from thence into England. ‡ The next
year the French fleet made several attempts on the Eng-
lish coast with indifferent success; to revenge which, the
Viscount Lisle landed in Normandy, and burnt all the
adjacent country. §
In 1546, the French made an unsuccessful attempt upon
Boulogne, the earl of Heartford, and Viscount Lisle, having
obliged them either to come to a battle or to raise the
siege; they chose the latter; and, after some other
attempts at sea, which were unsuccessful, a peace ensued,
which lasted as long as the king lived, || he deceasing in
* Grafton, p. 1143. Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. p. i. 458. Bu-
chanan, lib. xiv. p. 475, 476.
+ Stowe, p. 585. Speed, p. 782. Leslei de Rebus Gestis Sco-
torum, lib. x. p. 472.
↑ Hall, fol. 258. b. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 964. Godwin's Annals,
p. 190.
§ Dupleix, tom. iii. Mezeray, tom. iv. p. 633. Grafton, p. 1276.
Commentaires de Montluc, tom. i. p. 237. Memoires du Bellay.
liv. x. Hall, fol. 260. Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. p. ii. p. 305.
1544.
A.D.
1546.
1
NAVAL HISTORY
322
the night of the twenty-eighth of January following, *
1546-47, in the fifty-sixth year of his age, and the thirty-
eighth of his reign, † exceedingly regretted by the bulk of
his subjects, many of whom celebrated his praises after-
wards in their learned writings; such as our famous anti-
quary John Leland, Sir Richard Morison, Sir Thomas
Chaloner, Becon, in his preface to his Policy of War,
Udal, in his preface to Erasmus's Paraphrase on the New
Testament, and many others. Neither are foreigners
wanting in paying a proper tribute of respect to the me-
- mory of this prince, a few of whom we shall remark at the
bottom of the page. ‡
The principal events only of this monarch's administra-
tion, and those too, but very succinctly, have been touched
here, to avoid repeating again the same things, in the
memoirs of those eminent sea-officers who flourished in his
reign. But, before we come to these, it may not be amiss
to speak somewhat as to the merit of this prince, in having
a special and very commendable regard to the grandeur,
security, and prosperity of his dominions; his attention to
merchants, discoverers, and others, who aimed at public
utility, in different manners; as also to make some short
remarks upon those acts of his government, for which he
has been both generally and severely censured. What I
shall offer on these heads, I have collected, by a diligent
perusal of the statutes passed in, and the public acts of his
time, which are still remaining; charters of cities, towns,
and corporations; the solemn assertions of intelligent
contemporary writers, and other authentic evidences on
which the reader may depend, in regard to the facts.
* Hall, fol. 263. Grafton, p. 1282. Stowe, p. 593. Speed, p. 784.
Godwin, p. 207. Burnet, in his History of the Reformation, vol. ii.
p. 350.
+ Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 977.
Thuas. Hist. lib. iii. sec. 2. Du Chesne, Hist. Angl. liv. xix. P.
Jovius in Elog. lib. vi.
OF HENRY VIII.
323
It was to this great monarch we owed the deliverance
of this realm from the temporal as well as spiritual domi-
nion of the papal see, which, at this time, drew half a mil-
lion per annum from hence. He added the titles of De-
fender of the Faith, and king of Ireland, to the crown,
which he made supreme in all causes, ecclesiastical as well
as civil. Scotland he humbled to the dust, and built the
strong citadel of Carlisle, to keep the Scots in awe.
Other kings had possessed Wales; he reduced it into
order, civilized the people, and with the appellation gave
them all the privileges of English subjects. He improved
on the act which his father obtained, for giving a sanction
to the Star-chamber, by causing its decrees to be inserted
into statutes. He, by authority of parliament, framed a
court of wards, and a court of augmentations. He reduced
into a consistent regularity almost every branch of our
domestic policy. By an act of parliament, the pay and
punishment of soldiers was settled, which, in effect, was
the first act against mutiny and desertion. By his prero-
gative, and at his own expense, he laid the foundation,
and settled the constitution of the present royal navy. But,
notwithstanding these additional forces, he kept up a mar-
tial spirit amongst, by putting arms into the hands of all,
his subjects, exacting also the legal services of the sea-
towns and cinque-ports. He was at great pains to repress
the humour of preferring grazing to tillage, which spread,
as well as continued, that depopulation, by which it was
introduced. He took care that provisions should be both
plentiful and cheap. He made laws for the planting and
preservation of timber. He caused so much of Hounslow-
heath as belonged to him to be leased and improved.
Several good laws were made in his time for procuring
and maintaining a breed of sound, well-sized and ser-
viceable horses. The poor had a legal maintenance
assigned them. Power was given to magistrates to set
idle people to work, and vagabonds, especially gypsies,
1
324
NAVAL HISTORY
were severely punished. Most of the defects, which were
many, in respect to laws against murder, were removed.
The manner of proceeding against pirates was settled.
For the common benefit of the subject, the making and
the maintaining high-ways and bridges was adjusted by
statute. Watermen were regulated; deeds of bargain
and sale were directed to be enrolled; the security of pro-
perty was enlarged by the acts respecting wills and testa-
ments; usury was restrained, and legal interest fixed at
ten per cent. which, though a high rate to us, was far
below what the Jews in former, and the Italians in these
times exacted.
The laws made in his time, for the facilitating and sup-
port of inland navigation, clearly demonstrate, that the
importance of large rivers began to be understood, and
esteemed more than during the civil wars, when public
welfare gave way to private interest. The Thames, the
Ouse, the Exe, the rivers of Southampton, the Severn,
&c. were freed from wears, and other obstructions; on the
same principle, an act passed for rendering the river of
Canterbury deeper, in order to its becoming navigable.
The illegal tolls, and other oppressive duties on the
Severn, were suppressed, that the great communication,
by that noble river, might be as free as possible. The
making of cables, and other hempen manufactures, which
had been the principal stay of Bridport, in Dorsetshire,
was secured to that place by statute. More than one law
was passed to prevent the harbours in Devonshire and
Cornwall from being injured and choaked up by the
stream-works of the tin-mines. An act was also passed
in favour of the port of Scarborough; and, with regard to
Dover, the haven being in a manner spoiled, the king
expended between sixty and seventy thousand pounds,
out of his own coffers, in building a new pier, and other
. necessary works. Some favours he likewise granted, out
of consideration to their harbour, unto the inhabitants of
OF HENRY VIII.
325
Pool. But not to dwell upon a subject that might employ
a volume, let us barely mention his founding the two
royal yards of Woolwich and Deptford, the cradles of
Britain's naval power; and, his founding at the latter, his
noble marine guild, or fraternity of the Trinity, denomi-
nated from thence of Deptford strond. These were mani-
fest proofs of his acquaintance with, and attention to, the
real and essential interests of his subjects; it may, indeed,
be said, that many of these, being acts of the legislature,
ought not, therefore, to be ascribed singly to this prince;
which, in regard to any other reign, would be a good
objection. But though, in such matters, parliaments, in
other times, did what they pleased, almost without the
king, yet Henry did what he pleased with parliament, and
parliament studied to please him. Other histories will
shew, and very truly too, what evils flowed from this source.
It is my felicity to have no concern, but to prove, that
some good things came likewise through this channel,
which is certainly a point of justice to do, if I had abilities
to perform it.
He was likewise very solicitous in providing for the
security of his dominions, that whatever share he thought
fit to take in the affairs of the continent, his crown might
be at all times safe, and the public tranquillity in no
danger. His militia and his navy were always ready for
service; but to give them leisure to arrive, he covered all
his havens with fortresses. Guines, for the protection of
Calais, he rendered impregnable; and made Boulogne
strong enough to resist all the force of France. He
constructed a strong castle on the Isle of Portland, and
built another at Hurst, to guard Southampton, and the
adjacent coasts; the two forts called Cowes, for the guard
of the Isle of Wight; Camber castle, to defend Win-
chelsea and Rye; as South Sea castle was erected to
secure Portsmouth; Sandgate, Walmer, Deal, and San-
down castles, were all raised by him to preserve the
326
NAVAL HISTORY
cinque ports; as was that of Queenborough, to cover the
other side of Kent. Nor did he overlook or neglect the
more distant parts of this island, as the strong and costly
castles of Pendennis, and St. Mawes, in Cornwall, clearly
witness. We may think the less of these fortifications,
by seeing most of them sinking into ruins, being suffered,
through neglect, to moulder and decay; but they were
once works of wonder for all that, cost Henry immense
sums, and in his own days were both useful and ho-
nourable, whatever, through a change of circumstances,
they may be now. He was magnificent in his palaces,
such as Bridewell, and Whitehall, here in his capital;
Beaulieu, in Essex; Nonesuch, in Surrey; Chelsea, and
Hampton-court, in Middlesex; Dartford, and Greenwich,
in Kent; and Windsor castle, in Berks, which he much
improved. These buildings were expensive, encouraged
artists, gave employment to multitudes, and, by the king's
example, spread a spirit of this sort over all England, as
Leland, and other contemporary writers remark, and
praise him for it exceedingly; and of what passed in
their own times, we cannot be so good judges as they, in
respect to the safety those fortresses procured, or the
good effects which the king's taste in building and other
polite arts produced.
Though dreaded by his clergy, and little beloved by
the old nobility, Henry was revered by the gentry, whom
he employed and advanced, and had the affections of the
commons, to whom he was kind. He made laws for regu-
lating measures, for improving the woollen and worsted
manufactures, and for preventing frauds in pewter, by
which exportation was prevented. He was an enemy to
monopolies, and to the oppression of incorporated com-
panies, whom he restrained from making bye-laws, but with
the assent of the chief justices. He caused the fees of ap-
prentices, at being bound and made free, to be fixed by a
statute; and also declared bonds taken by masters from
OF HENRY VIII.
327
their apprentices, that when they had served their times
they would not set up their respective crafts, to be void.
In respect to foreigners exercising trades, of which, in
those days, there were in London many thousands, which
occasioned much heart-burning, many tumults, and one
great insurrection; he directed a strict inquiry in the
Star-chamber, and then converted the decree made there,
into a law, by authority of parliament. As this has been
liable to misniterpretation, as a measure destructive to
industry, it may be proper to set it in a true light. These
strangers took no English apprentices or servants; they
undersold by debasing wares; they did not bear a share in
taxes or public services; they affected to live in com-
munities, and to hold meetings for supporting their in-
terests against the natives; and when they were grown
rich by these and such like arts, they went home with
their wealth, and left their nephews or servants here, in
possession of their trades. All the hardships put upon
them by the king's law was, to set them on a level, in all
these respects, with his own subjects. He was also a lover
of learned men, and an encourager of learned professions.
He founded the royal college of physicians, granted them
extensive privileges by charter, which was supported by
a statute; and he, in like manner, exempted surgeons
from being on juries, or serving offices, as being, in its
consequences, detrimental to society. He invited over
Hans Holbein, and other ingenious foreigners, rewarded
them liberally, and encouraged all new inventions, of
which, if we had room, we could give a considerable
catalogue, that were introduced under his auspices, or at
least during his reign; which, having lasted almost thirty-
eight years, must have brought in manners, as we shall
see it actually did, that had a very strong effect upon the
fortune and condition of the nation.
Mr. Robert Thorne, a merchant of Bristol, in the year
1527, addressed himself to the king by a letter, wherein
328
NAVAL HISTORY
*
he represented what great advantages the emperor, and
the king of Portugal drew from their colonies, and, in a
very pathetic strain, exhorted him to undertake disco-
veries towards the north, concerning which he gave many
hints, supported by very plausible reasons. The king
understanding that this gentleman had great experience,
as well as a very penetrating judgment, yielded to his
request, and ordered two ships to be well manned and
victualled for this expedition, of which Mr. Thorne him-
self had the direction. The issue, however, of this voyage,
is very uncertainly recorded; all we know of it is, that
one of the ships employed therein was lost, and that the
other returned home without discovering any north-west
passage, though certainly no care or pains were wanting,
in such as were concerned. Mr. Thorne, the principal
undertaker, lived to be afterwards mayor of Bristol, and
dying in a good old age, with a very fair reputation, lies
buried in the Temple church. +
In 1530, Mr. William Hawkins, of Plymouth, father of
the famous Sir John Hawkins, Knight, and himself es-
teemed one of the ablest seamen of his time, fitted out a
stout tall ship, says my author, at his own expense, called
the Paul of Plymouth, of the burden of two hundred and
fifty tons, in which he made three voyages to the coast of
Brasil, touching also on the coast of Guinea, where he
traded in slaves, gold, and elephants' teeth, opening thereby
the channel of that rich and extensive commerce, which
has been since carried on in those parts.
Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 212.
† Hall, fol. 158. b. IIerbert's Hist. of Hen. VIII. in Kennet, vol.
ii, p. 85. Hakluyt, vol. i. p. £20. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. ii. p. 806—
809. Weever's Funeral Monuments, p. 443. Though Fuller, in his
Worthies, under Bristol, p. 26, speaking of the great beneficence of
this truly eminent and worthy person, intimates, that he lies buried in
St. Christopher's, near the Exchange, London.
Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 700.
OF HENRY VIII.
329
Less successful, though undertaken with greater hopes,
was the famous voyage of Mr. Hore, of London, a worthy
merchant, and one of the most remarkable men of his
time. His person was tall and graceful, his knowledge
solid and extensive, his behaviour insinuating and polite;
all which is necessary to be observed; since, by his dis-
courses on the honour and profit of discoveries in North
America, he inspired no less than thirty gentlemen, of
family and fortune, with a desire of sharing in the fatigues
of his intended voyage. They equipped two ships, one
called the Trinity, of one hundred and forty tons, com-
manded by Mr. Hore; the other the Minion, of less
burden; and on board these there embarked, in all, one
hundred and twenty persons.
*
They sailed from Gravesend, on the 30th of April, 1536,
and, without any remarkable accident, arrived on the
coasts of Newfoundland, where, while they were intent
on discoveries, they were reduced to such distress for want
of food, that some of them, when on shore, killed and ate
their companions. At last, when they were on the point
of being all starved, a French ship arrived, well furnished
with provisions, of which they made themselves masters,
and returned therein to England, but in such a miserable
condition, though they were not out above seven months,
that Sir William Butts and his lady did not know their
own son, who was one of the company, but by an extra-
ordinary wart on his knee. Some months after, arrived
the Frenchmen whom they had spoiled, and made a great
clamour at court, about the wrongs they had received;
into which King Henry having made a strict inquiry, he
was so much moved at the miseries these brave men had
suffered, that he generously repaid the French to their
satisfaction, out of the treasury, and promoted several of
those who returned from this disastrous voyage; amongst
the rest, Mr. Armigal Wade, who was, many years after,
* Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 129, and 704.
330
NAVAL HISTORY
clerk of the council to himself, and his son, Edward VI. *
One thing more I must remark, before I quit this subject,
and that is, that the Reverend Mr. Hakluyt, from whom
we have these particulars, rode two hundred miles, in
order to take them from the mouth of Mr. Butts, the only
surviving person of those who had made this voyage. †
The English commerce, during the reign of this prince,
extended itself very much, especially towards the new-
discovered lands in the north, to which, by degrees, a
regular trade was fixed; and in the Levant, encouraged
by the great intercourse between the king and the two
maritime states of Italy, Venice and Genoa. In proof of
this, I will give the title of a patent granted by this
monarch to a Genoese, to execute the office of a consul
of the English nation, in the Isle of Chio, the original
of which is still preserved in the library of the Society for
propagating Christian knowledge. It runs thus: "Exem-
"plar: literarum pat. Henrici regis octavi, in quibus con-
❝cessit Benedicto Justiniani mercatori Genuensi, officium
"sive locum magistri protectoris, sive consulis; infra in-
❝ sulam sive civitatem de Scio. Teste rege apud Chel-
"sehith, quinto die Octobris reg. XXIII."
It seems, indeed, to have been the king's maxim, as
may be gathered from the state papers of his reign, which
have reached our times, to have made use of all his foreign
negociations for the furtherance of trade, to which his
agents, Ley, and Pace, the former employed in Spain,
and the latter in Venice and the Swiss cantons, had a
strong inclination. As to Pace, he had formed a plan for
enlarging our foreign trade into the Turkish dominions,
which was hindered from coming to the king's notice, by
the arts of Cardinal Wolsey, who first decried him as a
madman, and then by his ill usage made him really such. ‡
† Ibid.
* Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 130.
p. 131.
‡ Strype's Memorials, vol. i. in the Appendix. Herbert. Burnet.
Wood's Athen. Oxoniensis, vol. i. col. 29.
OF HENRY VIII.
331
After doing, as indeed it was our duty to do, justice to
this monarch's intentions, which, with respect to foreign
affairs, were always what they ought to be; that is, he
meant to preserve the independency of the sovereigns of
Europe, and make himself the umpire of their differences ;
we must next, in justice to our subject, say somewhat of
the consequences that attended his interfering so much as
he did, with the affairs of the continent, and of the high
price he paid for that reputation which he attained. But,
previous to this, let it be observed, that such as have
censured him for changing sides, as the history of his
reign plainly shews he did, are in the wrong to ascribe it
to the inconstancy of his temper; since, as that learned
antiquary, Sir Robert Cotton, truly observes,
rather to be placed to the account of his allies.
it ought
When the Emperor Maximilian entered into a league
with this monarch, he promised to assist in person, to
recover for him the crown of France, and to repel the
tyrannical king who then wore that crown; he promised
likewise the dutchy of Milan to him and his heirs-male,
to be held as a fief of the empire; and, as if this had not
been enough, he likewise assured him the reversion of the
imperial crown, and the Roman empire. But, when he
had served his turn, he left King Henry to serve himself
how he could. Yet this usage did not hinder him from
entering into a confederacy with Charles V. who fed him
with the hopes, that, when by their joint support the con-
stable of Bourbon should be put into possession of the
kingdom of France, he should do homage for it to King
Henry; yet afterwards, through his assistance, their
affairs being in a prosperous condition, and the French
king in the greatest distress, when Mr. Pace, the king of
England's ambassador, desired farther assurances, they
were plainly refused; so that, to break with such allies
* In his Discourse of Foreign War, London, 1690, 8vo. p. 90.
332
NAVAL HISTORY
1
as these, ought not to draw any imputation upon his
character.
The times in which he lived, and the temper of those
princes with whom he had to deal, may furnish some
excuse for his conduct; and perhaps the secret engage-
ments of his ministers, by the means of pensions or pro-
mises from foreign powers, might, if they could be
thoroughly exposed, justify the king still farther, by
proving, that he was misled in those measures which
induced him to take such steps for maintaining his in-
terest and grandeur abroad, as deeply distressed and
impoverished his subjects here at home.
That immense treasure his father left behind him, was
quickly consumed in the great expeditions he undertook;
in the transporting vast armies to the continent; the main-
taining them in the field and in garrisons; and the high
subsidies granted to his allies, while he was fighting all
the time in other men's quarrels, and got little or nothing,
at least that was worth keeping, for himself. When all
that mass of money was gone, he demanded, and received
such assistance from his parliament, as none of his pre-
decessors had obtained. To all this they added that pro-
digious grant of the estates of all the religious houses in
this realm, which at that time amounted to one hundred
and fifty thousand pounds per annum, and which were
vested in the crown for ever. Besides these legal impo-
sitions, this king acquired no small sum, by methods which
had no better support than the stretch of his prerogative;
to mention only a few:
In the fourteenth year of his reign, he had a loan of
ten per cent. out of the personal estate of such of his
subjects as were worth from twenty to three hundred
pounds, and twenty marks from such as were worth more.
This, indeed, was only borrowed, and they had privy
seals for their money; but the parliament kindly inter-
posed four years after, and released his majesty from the
OF HENRY VIII.
933
obligation of paying so much as a farthing of those debts.
Neither must it be forgotten, that, in collecting this loan,
the value of every man's estate was put upon his oath;
so that every subject was in jeopardy either of poverty or
perjury.
In the seventeenth year of his reign he had another
great loan, in which an oath of secrecy was administered
to the commissioners, and they were empowered to tender
the like oath to such as came before them; though this
was styled an amicable grant, yet the commissioners, to
quicken men in their offers, threatened them with im-
prisonment of their persons, and confiscation of their
estates. In the thirty-sixth year of his reign, he de-
manded, and received a loan of eight-pence in the pound,
of such persons as were worth from forty shillings to
twenty pounds; and one shilling in the pound, from such
as were worth more; by which it appears, that as he fell
early into necessity, notwithstanding the rich exchequer
that he came to, so he was not long out of necessity, after
that prodigious accession to the royal revenue, made by
the confiscation before mentioned, of the abbey lands.
The worst of all was, that, when he found himself
pressed for money, he took the most detrimental way of
raising it, which was that of practising upon his coin. It
may, however, seem doubtful, whether the alteration he
made in the first year of his reign, was with this view.
He did, indeed, coin forty-five shillings out of a pound
of silver, by which he raised that metal to three shillings
and nine-pence an ounce; but, as the standard was not
altered, it is not at all improbable, that the motives
upon which he made this alteration might be honourable
enough. But, in the latter end of his reign, his conduct
in this respect became inexcusable, because highly detri-
mental to his people.
The first stroke of this bad policy was in the thirty-
fourth year of his reign, when he not only divided the
VOL. I.
A A
334
NAVAL HISTORY
+
1
pound into forty-eight shillings, by which, if the coin
had remained in its former purity, silver would have
been raised to four shillings an ounce, but added also
two ounces of base metal in the pound, instead of eighteen
pennyweights, which raised it nine pence halfpenny an
qunce more. Not contented with this, in the thirty-sixth
year of his reign, he coined money that was but half
silver; and though some of the chronicles of those times
say, that by this he raised it to four shillings an ounce,
yet, in fact, he brought it up to eight shillings. In the
next year he gave the finishing stroke, by coining money
that had but four ounces of silver in the pound weight;
so that silver was then at twelve shillings an ounce, the
consequence of which was, that, after his death, his shil-
ling fell to nine-pence, and afterwards to sixpence; that
is, people would take them for no more.
It is to be observed, that the greatest part of this money
was coined into testons, which, though they were never
called shillings, yet passed in his time for twelvepence;
they are said to have been of brass, covered with silver;
and these are the pieces that fell first to nine-pence,
and then to sixpence; and, a piece of that value being
found very convenient in change, they were coined of
good silver at that rate, in succeeding times, and from
hence came the word tester. He made, likewise, some
alterations in his gold coins; all which was occasioned
by his foreign wars, and other expensive measures, which
forced him upon these methods, unknown to any of his
royal predecessors, even in the times of their greatest
necessities.
It is inconceivable what strange as well as what bad
effects this debasement of the coin produced, and which,
as the common people, for want of discernment, were
unable to ascribe to its proper cause, they were led from
thence into a variety of errors, which naturally ren-
OF HENRY VIII.
335
dered them desirous of very improper measures, which
they vainly hoped would prove remedies. All things of a
sudden grew extravagantly dear, as indeed how should it
be otherwise? for, let a prince be ever so powerful, he
cannot change the nature or even the value of things, nor
will his debasing his coin sink the worth of the commo
dities or manufactures, that are to be purchased with it.
At first, such alterations will create great confusion,
which cannot but be detrimental to private property; yet,
by degrees, men will be taught to set up their natural
against the regal prerogative; and, when they find money
of less value than it should be, they will insist upon
having more money. But, notwithstanding experience
points them to this remedy in their private dealings; yet,
as all men are buyers as well as sellers, it is easy to per-
ceive, that, in such a situation of things, a general cla-
mour will arise about the dearness of necessary commo-
dities, which may be, as it then was, attributed to false
causes, which occasioned not only ineffectual remedies to
be applied, but such as were also injurious, heightening
old, and being also productive of fresh inconveniences.
To this may be ascribed many of the complaints that
are to be met with in the historians of those times, and
many of the laws too that were founded on popular
conceit; and which, though they were enacted to give
public satisfaction, were repealed again in succeeding
reigns, when they were felt to be public grievances.
If, as the Roman poet observes, there is a pleasure in
beholding storms and tempests when we are safe, and out
of their reach, there is certainly much greater satisfaction
in contemplating the political foul weather of former
times, which we are not only exempt from feeling, but
which our present happy constitution secures us from any
apprehension that we, or our posterity shall ever feel.
But, this satisfaction may be still heightened, by a ra-
A A 2
836
NAVAL HISTORY, &c.
+
țional reflection upon what passed in those times, on
the connection between mistakes in policy, the mischiefs
created by them, and the misconstructions that were
sometimes put on these, by those who suffered them.
It is the power of making these remarks, and of setting
things, even of the nicest nature, in their true light, that
is one of the greatest advantages attending freedom. In
times past, no doubt, there might be many who had heads
clear enough to make these, or perhaps better reflections ;
but they were obliged to conceal them, because reasons
of state would have made that a' crime, which was com-
mendable in itself, but which, notwithstanding that, will
never be commended but amongst a free people. The
measures that we have censured and exposed, were cer-
tainly marks of the power, the excessive power of the
prince by whom they were taken, and who, it is very pro-
bable, did not foresee the consequences that would attend
them; they served some immediate purpose; and he who
is urged by an ambitious will, when he is possessed of
absolute power, will seldom look farther. But those who
live under milder princes, and in better times, will discern
from such histories, the dangers to which a people must
be always exposed, who want the safeguard of a legal
constitution, which may defend them from having those
privileges, bestowed upon them by God, torn from them
at the will of one of their fellow-creatures.
But it is time to pass from these matters, to the glorious
seamen, to whose memories we have undertaken to do
right, and of whom several flourished in this martial
reign, that are but very slightly mentioned in those his-
tories, where we might reasonably have expected the
best accounts of them. As far as the narrowness of our
límits will permit, we will endeavour to supply that
defect here, beginning with
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, &c.
337
SIR EDWARD HOWARD, LORD HIGH ADMIRAL OF
ENGLAND, AND Knight of the MOST NOBLE ORDER
OF THE GARTER.
If the advantage of an illustrious descent add, as
we commonly suppose it does, to the reputation of great
atchievements, then the memory of this very gallant and
worthy man will have a double right to our respect. He
was a second son of the most noble house of Norfolk, and
derived, from the example of his father, those qualities
which most adorn the highest titles, untainted loyalty, and
invincible courage. He began early to testify his inclina-
tion to the sea-service, since we find him employed in the
Flanders expedition in 1492, when King Henry VII.
thought fit to assist the duke of Burgundy against his
rebellious subjects. As we purposely omitted an account
of that expedition in his reign, let us, as was our intention
then, insert it here.
The Flemings, naturally a brave people, and fond of
freedom, grew uneasy under the yoke of the house of
Austria, and under the command of the baron de Raven-
stein, began to throw it off. In order to this, they seized
the town and harbour of Sluys, from whence they fitted
out abundance of vessels of pretty considerable force; and,
under colour of pursuing their enemies, took and plundered
vessels of all nations without distinction; and, as the
English trade to Flanders was then very extensive, their
ships suffered at least as much as any other; which was
the true reason why King Henry, upon the first applica-
tion of the duke of Burgundy, sent a squadron of twelve
sail under the command of Sir Edward Poynings, with
whom went out Sir Edward Howard, then a very young
man, to learn the art of war. The duke of Saxony, in
consequence of his alliance with the duke of Burgundy,
marched with an army into Flanders, and besieged Sluys
338
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
by land; and Sir Edward Poynings thereupon blocked it
up with his fleet by sea.
The port was defended by two strong castles, which the
Flemings, who had nothing to trust to but force, defended
with unparalleled obstinacy; insomuch, that though
Poynings attacked them constantly every day for twenty
days successively, yet he made no great impression, till at
last, through accident, the bridge of boats, by which the
communication between the castles was preserved, took
fire; whereupon the besieged were glad to surrender their
city to the duke of Saxony, and their port and castles to
the English.* In this expedition, Sir Edward was made
a knight for his extraordinary bravery, of which he gave
frequent instances during that long reign, and so thoroughly
established his reputation, that King Henry VIII. on his
accession made choice of him for his standard-bearer, +
which in those days was considered not only as a mark of
particular favour, but as a testimony also of the highest
confidence and greatest respect.
In the fourth year of the same reign he was created lord
high admiral of England, and in that station convoyed
the marquis of Dorset into Spain, of whose expedition we
have already spoken, as also of the manner in which it
ended. The lord admiral, after the landing of the forces,
put to sea again; and, arriving on the coasts of Bretagne,
landed some of his men about Conquet and Brest, who
ravaged the country, and burnt several of the little towns.
This rouzed the French, who began immediately to fit out
a great fleet, in order to drive, if possible, the English
from their coasts; and, as this armament was very extraor-
dinary, King Henry sent a squadron of five-and-twenty
tall ships, which he caused to be fitted out under his own
* Hall. fol. 17, 22. Polyd. Virg. p. 584. Lord Bacon's History
of Henry VII. vol. ii. p. 304, 305.
↑ Pat. i. H. VIII. p. 1. m. 24.
↑ Pat. iv. H. VIII. p. 2.*
OF SIR EDWARD HOWARD.
339
eye at Portsmouth, to the assistance of the admiral.*
Among these were two capital ships; one called the
Regent, commanded by Sir Thomas Knevet, master of
the horse to the king; and the other, which was the
Sovereign, by Sir Charles Brandon, afterwards duke of
Suffolk. When these vessels had joined the admiral, his
fleet consisted of no less than forty-five sail, with which
he immediately resolved to attack the enemy, who were
by this time ready to come out of the harbour of Brest. †
Authors differ much as to their number, though they agree
pretty well as to the name of the admiral, whom they call
Primauget; yet, it seems they agree in a mistake; for,
the historians of Bretagne assure us, they have no such
name in that province, and that undoubtedly it ought to
be Porsmoguer. ‡
Whatever his name was, or whatever the force of his
fleet might be, which our writers say consisted of thirty-
nine, and the French only of twenty sail, he was certainly
a very brave man. The ship he commanded was called
the Cordelier, which was so large as to be able to carry
twelve hundred fighting men, exclusive of mariners. At
this time there were nine hundred on board; and, encou-
raged by their gallant officer, they did their duty bravely.
Sir Thomas Knevet, in the Regent, which was a much less
ship, attacked and boarded them. The action lasted for
some time with equal vigour on both sides; at last, both
admirals took fire, and burnt together, wherein were lost
the two commanders, and upwards of sixteen hundred
valiant men. § It seems this accident struck both fleets
* Hall, fol. 21. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 815. Herbert, p. 11.
↑ Histoire de France, par P. Daniel, tom. vii. p. 313.
↑ We have this from the last cited author, who certainly judges
right; for, from the Sieur Porsmoguer our old chronicles took Sir
Pierce Morgan, which is the name they have thought fit to bestow on
the French admiral, as the reader may see in Hall, fol. 22. a. and
Grafton, p. 970.
§ Godwin's Annals, p. 10. H. Velleii in Gaguini Appendix, p. 318,
319. Dupleix, tom. iii. p. 263.
340
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
with amazement; so that they separated without fighting,
each claiming the victory, to which probably neither had a
very good title.
In the beginning of the next April, the admiral put to
sea again with a fleet of forty-two men of war, * besides
small vessels, and forced the French into the harbour of
Brest, + where they fortified themselves, in order to wait
the arrival of a squadron of galleys from the Mediterra-
nean. Sir Edward Howard, having considered their pos-
ture, resolved, since it was impossible to attack them, to
burn the country round about; which he accordingly per-
formed, in spite of all the care they could take to prevent
it; and yet, the French lay still under the cover of their
fortifications, and of a line of twenty-four large hulks
lashed together, which they proposed to have set on fire,
in case the English attempted to force them to a battle. ‡
While the admiral was thus employed, he had intelligence
that Mr. Pregent, with the six galleys from the Mediter-
ranean, were arrived on the coast, and had taken shelter
in the bay of Conquet. This accident induced him to
change his measures; so that he now resolved first to
destroy the galleys, if possible, and then to return to the
fleet. Upon his advancing to reconnoitre Pregent's squa-
dron, he found them at anchor between two rocks, on each
of which stood a strong fort; and, what was likely to give
him still more trouble, they lay so far up in the bay, that
he could bring none of his ships of force to engage them.
The only method, therefore, of which he could think, was
to put the bravest of his sailors on board two galleys,
which were in his fleet, and with these to venture in, and
try what might be done against all six. §
* Grafton, p. 971.
† A. D. 1512.
Stowe, p. 491. Cooper, fol. 275.
† Hall, fol. ii. b. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 816. Rapin, vol. i.
p. 721.
‡ Herbert, p. 18. Memoires du Bellay, liv. i. Dupleix, tom. iii.
Losing his life thus unhappily, as observed by Mr. Austis, before he
OF SIR EDWARD HOWARD.
341
This being resolved on, he went himself, attended by
Sir Thomas Cheyne, and Sir John Wallop on board one
of them; and sent Lord Ferrers, Sir Henry Sherburn, and
Sir William Sidney on board the other; and, having a
brisk gale of wind, sailed directly into the bay; where
with his own galley, he attacked the French admiral. As
soon as they were grappled, Sir Edward Howard, fol-
lowed by seventeen of the bravest of his sailors, hoarded
the enemy, and were very gallantly received; but, it so
happened, that, in the midst of the engagement, the gal-
lies sheered asunder; and the French, taking that advan-
tage, forced all the English upon their decks, overboard,
except one seaman, from whom they quickly learned, that
the admiral was of that number. * Lord Ferrers, in the
other galley, did all that was possible for a very brave
man to do; but, having spent all his shot, and perceiving,
as he thought, the admiral retire, he likewise made the
best of his way out of the harbour. †
We have, in a certain noble writer's accurate history,
some very singular circumstances relating to this unlucky
adventure. He says, that Sir Edward Howard having
considered the posture of the French fleet in the haven of
Brest, and the consequences which would attend either
defeating or burning it, gave notice thereof to the king,
inviting him to be present at so glorious an action; desiring
rather that the king should have the honour of destroying
the French naval force, than himself; ‡ a loyal, generous
proposition; supposing the honour, not the danger, too
great for a subject; and measuring (no doubt very justly)
could have notice that his master had honoured him with his orders.
Register of the Garter, vol. ii. p. 275.
* Godwin, Stowe, Speed. Father Daniel says, he died of a wound
he received in the former engagement, which is a plain mistake.
+ This lord was Sir Walter Devereux, knight of the garter, ances-
tor of the old earls of Essex, and of the present viscounts of Here-
ford.
‡ Lord Herbert's Life and Reign of Henry VIII. A. D. 1513.
342
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
his master's courage by his own; the only standard men
of his rank and temper of mind ever use.
>
But, his letter being laid before the council, they were
altogether of another opinion; conceiving it was much too
great a hazard for his majesty to expose his person in such
an enterprise; and, therefore, they wrote sharply to the
admiral, commanding him not to send excuses, but to do
his duty. This, as it well might, piqued him to the ut-
most; and, as it was his avowed maxim, That a seaman
never did good, who was not resolute to a degree of mad-
ness, so he took a sudden resolution of acting in the man-
ner he did. When he found his galley slide away, and
saw the danger to which he was exposed, he took his
chain of gold nobles which hung about his neck, and his
great gold whistle, the ensign of his office, and threw
them into the sea, to prevent the enemy from possessing
the spoils of an English admiral. Thus fell the great Sir
Edward Howard, on the 25th of April, 1513, a sacrifice
to his two quick sense of honour in the service, and yet,
to the manifest and acknowledged detriment of his country;
for, his death so dejected the spirits of his sailors, that
the fleet was obliged to return home; which, had he lived,
would not have happened.
There never certainly was a braver man of his, or con-
sequently of any family, than this Sir Edward Howard;
and yet, we are assured, that he was very far from being
either a mere soldier, or a mere seaman, though so emi-
nent in both characters; but, he was what it became an
English gentleman of so high a quality to be; an able
statesman, a faithful counsellor, and a free speaker. He
was ready at all times to hazard his life and fortune in his
country's quarrels; and yet, he was against her quarrel-
ling on every slight occasion, or against her interests. He
particularly dissuaded a breach with the Flemings, for
these wise and strong reasons; that such a war was pre-
judicial to commerce abroad; that it diminished the cus-
OF SIR THOMAS HOWARD.
343
*
age.
toms, while it increased the public expenses; that it served
the French, by constraining the inhabitants of Flanders
to deal with them against their will; and, that it tended
to the prejudice of our manufactures, by interrupting our
intercourse with those by whom they were principally im-
proved.
Thus qualified, we need not wonder he attained such
high honours, though he died in the flower of his
Henry gratified his ardour with titles, and such-like
rewards; making him admiral of England, Wales, Ireland,
Normandy, Gascoigne, and Aquitain, for life, and causing
him to be chosen knight of the garter; + believing, that he
should thereby command, as indeed he did, not only the
utmost service Sir Edward could do, but also all the force
and interest of his potent family; which, however, that
prince ill requited, as we shall see in the next life. This
Sir Edward Howard, married Alice, widow to Sir Wil-
liam Parker, Knight, and daughter of William Lovel,
Lord Morley, by whom he had no issue.* He was, as
soon as the news of his unfortunate death reached the ears
of his royal master, succeeded in his high office by his
elder brother.
k
SIR THOMAS HOWARD, AFTERWARDS EARL OF
SURREY, AND DUKE OF NORFOLK, &c.
If we spoke first of the younger brother, it was in
respect to his dignity, and to its date; for, though the
junior son, he was the elder admiral; in point of merit
* Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 141.
+ Ashmole's Order of the Garter, p. 713. The king of Scots, in a
letter to King Henry VIII. May 24, 1513, speaks thus:
“And,
"surely, dearest brother, we think more loss is to you of the late
"admiral, who, deceased, to his great honour, than the advantage
"might have been in winning all the French gallies.”
↑ Baronagium Angliæ, fol. 2, 17. MS. in my possession.
344
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
they were equal. Thomas, earl of Surrey, restored after
wards to the title of duke of Norfolk, treasurer to Henry
VIII. and, the father of both these brave men, spared not
either himself, or his sons, when the service of the crown
and his country required it. In the third year of this king's
reign, a Scots seaman, Sir Andrew Breton, or Barton, with
two stout vessels, one named the Lion, the other Jenny
Perwin, ranged on the English coasts, and interrupted all
navigation. His pretence was, letters of reprisals granted
him against the Portuguese, by James III. late king of
Seots, (whom his rebellious subjects murdered;) and,
under colour of this, he took ships of all nations, alledging
they had Portuguese goods on board. * On complaint of
these grievances to the privy-council of England, the
father of our admiral, then earl of Surrey, said, “The
"narrow seas should not be so infested, while he had
"estate enough to furnish a ship, or a son capable of
"commanding it.” †
Upon this, two ships were immediately fitted out by the
two brothers, as I conceive, at their own, or at their father's
expense; and, my reason for it is, because, had they
gone with the king's commission, they would probably
have had a squadron. Besides, they needed no commis-
sion; for, pirates being hostes humani generis, enemies to
mankind, every man is at liberty to act against them; and,
on this very principle, King Henry justified this action. §
Indeed, most of our historians overturn these arguments,
by styling Sir Edward Howard, lord-admiral, and saying,
his brother served under him on this occasion. The latter
may be true, on account of Sir Edward's experience; but,
as to the former, it is plainly erroneous; as appears by the
ť
* Hall, fol. 15. Leslei de rebus gestis Scotorum, lib. viii. p. 355.
Buchanan, xiii. p. 424, 425.
+ Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 143.
+ Grafton, p. 960. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 811.
§ See his answer to the Scotch king's remonstrances.
OF SIR THOMAS HOWARD.
$45
*
date of his patent in the succeeding year. On the whole,
I think it most likely, this was a private expedition, with
the knowledge and consent of the king, but not by his
special commission, or immediate authority, as will quickly
appear by still stronger testimony.
The lords having been some days at sea, were separated
by a storm, which gave Sir Thomas Howard an opportu-
nity of coming up with Sir Andrew Barton in the Lion,
whom he immediately engaged. † The fight was long and
doubtful; for Barton, who was an experienced seaman,
and who had under him a determined crew, made a most
desperate defence; himself cheering them with a boat-
swain's whistle to his last breath. The loss of their cap-
tain was the only thing that could induce them to submit,
which at last they did; and were received to quarter and
fair usage. In the mean time, Sir Edward fought, and
took the consort of the Lion, which was likewise a strong
vessel, and exceedingly well manned. Both these ships,
with as many men as were left alive, being in number one
hundred and fifty, they brought, the 2d of August, 1511,
into the river Thames, as trophies of their victory. The
men were sent to the archbishop of York's palace, now
called Whitehall; where, for some time they remained
prisoners, but afterwards were dismissed, and sent into
Scotland. §
King James IV. who then governed the Scots, exceed-
ingly resented this action, and instantly sent ambassadors
to Henry, to demand satisfaction; on which the king gave
this memorable answer: "That punishing pirates was
never held a breach of peace among princes." || King
James, however, remained still dissatisfied; and, from that
"6
* 4 Henry VIII. p. 2.
† Godwin's Annals, p. 8. Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 276. b.
Stowe's Annals, p. 489.
§ Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 7.
|| Hall, fol. 15. b. Sir William Drummond's History of the Five
James's, p. 139.
1
346
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
time to his unfortunate death, was never thoroughly recon-
ciled to the king or English nation. I reserved this re-
markable event for the life of Sir Thomas, because the
ship of Sir Andrew Barton became his prize, and I thought
it by no means proper to repeat the story in both lives;
as to Sir Edward's being made admiral, in preference to
his elder brother, it must have arisen from his greater
acquaintance with naval affairs, or from the family's de-
siring to have the eldest son always at hand, to assist his
father, who, besides his many high employments of lord-
treasurer, earl marshal, and lieutenant of the north, had
the jealousy of the potent Cardinal Wolsey to contend
with. *
Sir Thomas Howard accompanied the marquis of Dorset
in his expedition against Guyenne; which ended in King
Ferdinand's conquering Navarre; and the commander-in-
chief falling sick, Sir Thomas succeeded him, and managed
with great prudence, in bringing home the remains of the
English army. He was scarcely returned, before the ill
news arrived of his brother the lord-admiral's death;
whereupon the king instantly appointed him his successor.
Sir Thomas returned his master sincere thanks, as well
for this mark of his confidence, as for affording him an
opportunity of revenging his brother's death. The French
ships were at that time hovering over the English coasts,
but Sir Thomas quickly scoured the seas, so that not a
bark of that nation durst appear; and, on the 1st of July,
-1513, landing in Whitsand-bay, he pillaged the country
adjacent, and burnt a considerable town. The king was
then engaged in Picardy, having the emperor in his ser-
vice; and this induced James IV. to invade England with
a mighty army, supposing he should find it in a manner
defenceless; but Thomas, earl of Surrey, quickly con-
* Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 131. Burnet's History of the Refor
mation, vol. i. b. i.
+ Grafton, p. 962.
Hall, fol. 24. b. Stowe, p. 491. Godwin's Annals, p.-12, 13.
4
OF SIR THOMAS HOWARD.
347
vinced him of his mistake, marching towards him with a
powerful army, which strengthened as it moved. Sir
Thomas Howard returning, on the news of this invasion,
landed five thousand veterans, and made haste to join his
father. The earl of Surry despatching a herald to bid the
Scots king battle, the lord-admiral sent him word, at the
same time, that he was come in person to answer for the
death of Sir Andrew Barton; which evidently shews, how
far that was a personal affair. This defiance produced the
famous battle of Flodden-field, which was fought the 8th
of September, 1513, wherein Sir Thomas Howard com-
manded the van-guard, and, by his courage and conduct,
contributed not a little to that glorious victory in which
King James fell, with the flower of his army, though not
without the slaughter of abundance of English. *
King Henry thought himself so much obliged at that
time to the Howards, for this and other services, that, at
a parliament held the next year, he restored Thomas, earl
of Surrey, to the title of Norfolk, † and created the lord-
admiral earl of Surrey, who took his seat in the house of
peers, not as a duke's son, but according to his creation. ‡
These favours were from the king; for, as to the cardinal
minister, he made the duke of Norfolk so uneasy, as high-
treasurer, that, in the course of a very few years he was
glad to resign that high charge to his son.
The war being ended with France, the admiral's martial
talent lay some time unemployed; but certain disturbances
in Ireland calling for redress, the active earl of Surrey
was sent thither, with a commission as lord-deputy, § where
he suppressed Desmond's rebellion; humbled the O'Neals
* Grafton, p. 984. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 829. Speed, p. 755. See
an original letter of Queen Catharine to her lord (Henry VIII.) dated
Voborne, the 16th of September, 1513, acquainting him with the
news of this great victory, in Sylloge epist. à variis Angl. princip.
script. p. 106.
† A. D. 1514.
‡ Pat. V. Hen. VIII. p. 2. m. 11. Journal of Parliament, eod. anno.
§ A. D. 1519.
348
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
and O'Carrols; and, without affecting severity or popu-
larity, brought all things into good order, leaving, when
he quitted the island, peace and a parliament behind him, *
and carrying with him the affections of the people, though
he performed not all he intended, the cardinal grudging
the honour he had already acquired, and resolving to
hinder, at all events, his gaining more. †
The pretence for recalling him was, the breaking out
again of a French war. Before it was declared, the French
ships of war interrupted (according to custom) the English
trade, so that we suffered as their enemies, while their
ambassadors here treated us as friends. The lord admiral,
on his arrival, remedied this inconvenience; he imme-
diately fitted out a small squadron of clean ships, under a
vigilant commander, who soon drove the French privateers
from their beloved occupation, thieving, to their old trade
of starving. In the spring, Sir William Fitz-Williams,
as vice-admiral, put to sea, with a fleet of twenty-eight
men of war, to guard the narrow seas; § and it being ap-
prehended, that the Scots might add to the number of the
king's enemies by sea as well as by land, a small squadron
of seven frigates sailed up the Frith of Forth, and burned all
such vessels as lay there, and were in a condition of going
to sea. In the mean time, the admiral prepared a royal
navy, with which that of the Emperor Charles V. was to
join; and as it was evident that many inconveniences
might arise from the fleets having several commanders in
chief, the earl of Surrey, by special commission from
Henry VIII. received the emperor's commission to be
admiral also of the navy, which consisted of one hundred
and eighty tall ships. This commission is dated at London,
* A. D. 1521.
† Hall, fol. 70, 90. b. Herbert, p. 40, 41. Cox's History of Ireland,
p. 208. Speed, p. 762.
↑ Grafton, p. 1052, 1053. Stowe, p. 514. Speed.
§ A. D. 1522.
| Hall, fol. 92. b. 94. a. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 873. Stowe, p. 515.
OF SIR THOMAS HOWARD.
349
June 8, 1522, in the third year of his reign over the
Romans, and seventh over the rest of his dominions, and
is very ample. *
*
'
With the united fleets, the admiral sailed over to the
coast of Normandy, and landing some forces near Cher-
burg, † wasted and destroyed the country; after which
they returned. This seems to have been a feint; for, in a
few days, the admiral landed again on the coast of Bre-
tagne a very large body of troops, with which he took
and plundered the town of Morlaix; † and having gained
an immense booty, and opened a passage for the English
forces into Champaign and Picardy; § he first detached Sir
William Fitz-Williams with a strong squadron to scour
the seas, and to protect the merchants, and then returned
to Southamptom, where the emperor embarked on board
his ship, and was safely convoyed to the port of St.
Andero, in Biscay. In the fourteenth of King Henry's
reign, the good old duke, his father being quite tired
out with cares, resigned his office of lord-treasurer,
and the king thereupon conferred it on his son, the
earl of Surrey. 1 He was also entrusted by the king
with the army raised to invade Scotland; and, in the
station of general, did good service against the duke of
Albany, whereby all the deep designs of the French
were frustrated. On the death of his father, he was
once more appointed to command an army against the
Scots; in which affair he acquitted himself with as
much honour, justice, and bravery, as any man ever
did. **
* Lord Herbert has inserted it at large in his History, p. 49.
† June 13, 1522.
+ July 1.
§ Grafton, p. 1063. Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 270. Godwin's
Annals, p. 56.
|| Herbert, p. 50. Rapin.
** Hall. Buchanan, lib. xiv.
lib. ix.
VOL. I.
¶ Pat. 14. Hen. VIII. p. 1.
Leslæi de rebus gestis Scotorum,
B B
350
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
He afterwards attended the king into France, and was
sent principal ambassador to the French king, at such
time as that monarch was proceeding to an interview with
the pope. * In the twenty-eighth year of King Henry, he
assisted the earl of Shrewsbury in suppressing a formi-
dable rebellion, covered with the specious title of the
Pilgrimage of Grace, and throughout his whole life ap-
proved himself an honest and active servant of the crown,
in all capacities; yet, in the close of his reign, the king
was wrought into a persuasion, that this duke of Norfolk,
and his son, Henry earl of Surrey, were in a plot to seize
upon his person, and to engross the government into their
own hands, with many other things devised by their
enemies, but altogether destitute of proof. For these
supposed crimes, he and his son were imprisoned, and,
as was but too frequent in that reign, attainted almost on
suspicion. + Henry, earl of Surrey, the most accom-
plished nobleman of his time, lost his head in his father's
presence; nor would the duke have survived him long,
(a warrant being once granted for his execution,) if the
king had not died at that critical juncture, and thereby
opened a door of hope and liberty.
After all these sufferings, he survived King Edward VI.
and died in the first year of Queen Mary, at the age of
sixty-six, when his attainder was repealed, and the act
thereof taken from amongst the records. He was un-
questionably, as able an admiral, as great a statesman, as
* Hall, fol. 206. b. 211. b. Memoirs du Bellay, liv. iii. iv.
Dupleix, tom. iii. p. 391, 393.
+ Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 565. His misfortunes were
owing chiefly to the resentment of his dutchess, the daughter of
Edward duke of Buckingham, and the falsehood of his female favourite,
the former accusing, and the latter betraying him.
† A.D. 1554.
§ See the act of repeal, 1mo Mariæ, and the character of both the
duke and his son, in Sir Walter Raleigh's Preface to the History of
the World.
OF SIR W. FITZWILLIAMS.
$51
fortunate a general, and as true a patriot, as any in that
age. But it is now time to come to his successor in the
command of the navy.
-
SIR WILLIAM FITZ-WILLIAMS,
AFTERWARDS
•
EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON, AND KNIGHT OF THE
GARTER.
He was descended not only of an ancient and honour-
able, but also of a famous and noble family; his ancestors
having been summoned to parliament, as barons, to the
time of Edward III. Sir Thomas Fitz-Williams, the father
of our admiral, married Lucia, daughter and co-heiress
to John Nevil, Marquis Montacute, by whom he had
two sons, Thomas, who was slain at the battle of Flodden-
field, and this William. * Being the younger son, he,
from his nonage addicted himself to arms, and particularly
to the sea-service, which in those days became a distinct
and regular profession, King Henry having a navy-office,
commissioners, &c. which his predecessors had not. He
also fixed settled salaries for his admirals, vice-admirals,
captains and seamen; so that under him naval affairs
underwent a very great change, and we have had a con-
stant series of officers in the royal navy ever since. How
soon Mr. Fitz-Williams went to sea, does not appear
from any memoirs now extant, but most certainly it was
in the reign of Henry VII.; for in the second of Henry
VIII. he was appointed one of the esquires of the king's
body.
1
In 1513, he had a command in the fleet which fought
the French off Brest; and, behaving very bravely there,
received a dangerous wound in the breast, by a broad
arrow. This did not hinder his being present at the siege
* From the collections of R. Glover, Somerset.
BB 2
352
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
*
of Tournay, the same year, where, distinguishing himself
in an extraordinary manner, in the sight of his prince,
he was honoured with knighthood, and thenceforward
constantly employed at sea, where he made himself equally
useful to his prince, and grateful to the seamen. Of these,
we are assured, he knew and called every one by name,
never taking a prize but what he shared amongst them, or
suffering more than two months to elapse, before they
were fully paid their wages. The merchants were re-
markably friends to him, on account of his constant atten-
tion to their concerns; and the king highly esteemed him
for the punctuality with which he executed his orders, and
his wonderful expedition in whatever he undertook.
He executed the office of vice-admiral, during the
absence of the earl of Surrey, then lord-lieutenant of
Ireland, in 1520, and convoyed the king, when he passed
over to France, in order to an interview with Francis I.;
and two years after, on the breaking out of a war with
that prince, Sir William, with a good fleet, was sent to
protect our trade, and to molest the enemy, which he did
effectually; but was not quite so successful in 1523, when
he had orders to prevent the duke of Albany from passing
with French succours into Scotland; for though he once
dispersed the duke's fleet, and actually took some of his
ships, with several persons of distinction on board; yet,
that cunning prince escaped him with the rest, by this
artifice he pretended to abandon his enterprize, relanded
his forces, and ordered the ships to be laid up; but, as
soon as he understood the English admiral was returned
to his own coasts, he instantly re-embarked his troops,
and continuing his voyage, notwithstanding it was the
winter season, arrived safely in his own country. + In
* Hall, fol. 23. a. 45. a. Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 334.
Stowe, p. 490, 491.
† Buchanan, lib. xiv. p. 448. Leslæi de rebus gestis Scotorum,
lib. ix. p. 406, 407. Drummond, p. 180.
OF SIR W. FITZ-WILLIAMS.
353
the sixteenth of Henry VIII. we find Sir William pre-
ferred to be captain of Guinea castle, in Picardy; in the
next year, he was sent ambassador into France, and
executed his commission with such success, that he was
from that time more and more in the king's favour. *
After the fall of Cardinal Wolsey, to whom our admiral
was no great friend, we find him an active man in parlia-
ment, and made use of by the king to excuse Bishop Fisher
to the house of commons. † In the twenty-seventh of
the same reign, he was again employed in an embassy to
France; and in the succeeding year, being already trea-
surer of the household, chancellor of the duchy of Lan-
caster, and knight of the garter, the king, by letters
patent, raised him to the dignity of admiral of England,
Ireland, Wales, Normandy, Gascoine, and Aquitain; ‡
and by other letters patent soon after created him earl of
Southampton; all which he is said to have merited by his
steady loyalty, and by his great skill and indefatigable
application in maritime affairs, to which he from his youth
had been addicted. §
Shortly after, the king raised him still higher, to the
post of lord privy seal, in which quality we find that, with
John, Lord Russell, who succeeded him as high admiral,
he passed over into France, where the war was again
broke out, with two troops of horse; which shews his
martial spirit, and how loth he was to quit the service of
his country in a military way.
It seems his constitution was by this time much broken
through continual fatigues, and therefore he made a will,
whereby, among other legacies, he bequeathed the king
his master, his best collar of the garter, and his rich
George, set with diamonds. I
* Grafton, p. 1109. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 892.
+ Hall, fol. 189. a.
↑ Pat. 28 Henry VÌII. p. 2.
§ MS. Collections of Sir Thomas Wriothesley.
Hall, fol. 243. b.
¶ Spert, qu. 16.
1
}
1
354
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
Yet, on the breaking out of a war with Scotland, to
which his friend and old companion in arms, Thomas,
duke of Norfolk, was immediately ordered, with a nume-
rous army, our brave captain would not remain behind,
but, with a brisk body of horse and foot, joined him, and
led the van; yet, this proved but the last flashings of his
heroic flame, since at Newcastle, overcome by his disease
and with fatigue, he breathed his last, to the great regret
of his royal master, as well as of his general, who com-
manded his banner to be borne, as it had hitherto been,
in the front of the army, all the rest of the expedition, as
a mark of the respect due to his memory. * By his coun-
tess, Mabel, daughter to Henry, Lord Clifford, he had no
issue to inherit his virtues or his honours; but he left
behind him a natural son, Thomas Fitz-Williams, alias
Fisher. As to his age at the time of his decease, we
find no note thereof, either in books or in records; but it
is probable, that he did not exceed sixty, according to the
course of his preferments. He seems to have been one
of the first seamen raised to the honour of peerage in this
kingdom.
As to the remaining admirals in King Henry's reign,
they were, John, Lord Russel, and the Viscount Lisle,
so well known to posterity by the title of duke of Nor-
thumberland, as the supreme director of all things in the
reign of Edward VI.; and, as a fatal example of the
issue of boundless ambition in the beginning of the
succeeding reign. But, the reader will find such ample
accounts of them elsewhere, and their naval atchieve-
ments contain so little worthy of notice, that I rather
* Grafton, p. 1268.
† Dugdale's Baronage, vol. ii. p. 105.
In Dugdale, Collins, and other Peerages of England, as well
as in the general histories, and particular memoirs of these reigns,
and in Strype's and other collections of original papers relating to
those times.
OF SIR W. FITZ-WILLIAMS.
855
proceed to the transactions under the next king, than
detain my readers with a jejune detail of things of little
consequence, especially, considering the narrow bounds
into which we are to bring such an infinite variety of
important matter.
356
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1547.
CHAP. X.
The Naval History of England, under the reign of Edward VI.
with an account of such eminent Seamen as flourished in his
time.
THIS young prince, at the decease of his father, was but
in the tenth year of his age; however, on the 20th of
February following, he was crowned to the great joy and
satisfaction of the nation, who were in hopes a milder
government would succeed under the auspices of an infant
prince, assisted by ministers, whose chief, indeed, whose
only support must be the affections of the people. * The
scheme of administration, laid down by the will of King
Henry VIII. was held to be impracticable, + because it
made such a division of power, as rendered the conduct of
public affairs extremely difficult, if not impossible; and,
therefore, to remedy these inconveniences, the earl of
Hertford, uncle to the young king, created soon after duke
of Somerset, was declared PROTECTOR, or chief governor,
that the nation might have some visible head; after which,
as a manifestation of his authority, followed various pro-
motions: amongst the rest, Sir Thomas Seymour, the pro-
tector's brother, was created baron of Sudley, and raised
to the great trust of lord-high-admiral. ‡ One would have
thought, that, in the dawn of such a government, peace
* Fabian, p. 535. Grafton, p. 1283. Stowe, p. 593. Holingshed,
vol. ii. p. 979. Speed. Godwin's Annals, p. 211. Journal of this
monarch's reign, written by himself, p. 3, printed by Bishop Burnet
at the end of his second volume of his History of the Reformation.
Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 12.
†The reader may see his testament in Rymer's Foedera, tom. xv.
p. 110, the authenticity of which has been however questioned.
↑ Grafton, p. 1283. Life of King Edward VI. by Sir John Hay-
ward, in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 275, and seq. Strype, vol. ii. book 1.
OF EDWARD VI.
357
>
had been more advisable than war; but, we find the
great counsellors in those days thought otherwise; for,
one of the first things they resolved, was, to commence war
against Scotland; to which, probably, they might be pro-
voked by the passage of a strong squadron of French gal-
lies through the narrow seas, which were going to block
up the castle of St. Andrew's, and to which they were
certainly encouraged by the distracted state of the Scots
affairs, the government being weakened by a minority, and
the nation divided and distracted by factions. +
*
•
The preparations made by the protector for his expedi-
tion into Scotland, looked as if he intended rather an abso-
lute conquest of that country, than to compel the marriage
of Mary, queen of Scots, to the young King Edward. ‡
Both the brothers took a share in this expedition; the
protector commanded in person the land army, which
consisted of ten thousand foot, six thousand horse, and a
fine train of artillery; it being allowed to be, in all respects,
the best equipped force that for many years had been set
on foot in this kingdom. § With this also, the fleet, fitted
out by his brother's care, corresponded; consisting in all
of sixty-five sail, of which thirty-five were ships of force,
the rest were store-ships and tenders, the whole com-
manded by the Lord Clinton, as admiral of the north sea,
and Sir William Woodhouse as vice-admiral; which ar-
rived before Leith about the time the English army pene-
trated by land. ||
The protector, who was by no means a cruel man, endea-
voured to have prevented bloodshed, by sending very
'amicable letters to the Scotch governors, wherein he
* Stowe, p. 594. Thuan. Hist. lib. iii. sec. 5. Buchanan, lib. xv.
† Leslæi de rebus gestis Scotorum. lib. x. Keith's History of the
Church and State of Scotland, p. 52.
↑ Grafton, p. 1284. Godwin's Annals, p. 214.
§ Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 980. Speed, p. 804.
Hayward. Buchanan, lib. xv. Keith, p. 53.
358
NAVAL HISTORY
ļ
A.D.
1547.
1
}
shewed, how much it would be for the interest of both
nations, that this match should take place; and how little
it was for the benefit of Scotland to remain in that depen-
dency on France, in which she had continued for a long
course of time. The governor, or protector of Scotland,
James Hamilton, earl of Arran, who was entirely in the
French interest, shewed this letter to none but his own
creatures, who advised him, since he had a very numerous
army, with the flower of the nobility in the field, not to
listen to any conditions of peace, but to force the English
to a battle; which very bad advice he complied with,
and told the rest of the lords about him, that the pro-
tector's letter contained only threatenings and reproaches. *
This strange conduct brought on a decisive engagement
on the 10th of September, 1547, which, in the English
histories, is styled the battle of Musselburgh, † but the
Scotch writers call it the battle of Pinky. It was fatal
to the Scots, notwithstanding their superiority in numbers,
their army consisting of upwards of thirty thousand men;
but, they were so eager to fight, that they all despised the
precautions usually taken as to ground and other circum-
stances. Nay, they were so fool-hardy, as to expose them-
selves to the fire of the English fleet, which galled them
extremely; and, therefore, we need not wonder that they
were totally defeated, leaving fourteen thousand dead on
the place, and eight hundred noblemen and gentlemen
prisoners; after which victory, the protector burnt Leith,
and so returned in triumph. §
The Lord Clinton, with his fleet, continued longer in
those parts, with a design, as it appeared, to extirpate
* Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 890. Speed, p. 804. Keith, p. 55.
+ Grafton, p. 1286. Stowe, p. 594. Cooper, fol. 338. b. See
King Edward's journal of his reign, p. 5.
‡ Buchanan, lib. xv. Keith, p. 54. and the rest of the Scotch
historians.
1
§ Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 99). Speed, p. 805. Hayward.
OF EDWARD VI.
359
entirely the naval force of the Scots. He had before, in
the reign of Henry VIII. been employed for the same
purpose, and had executed his commission with great dili-
gence, carrying off the Salamander and the Unicorn, two
very fine ships, and all other vessels that were worth
taking. * He now perfected this scheme of destroying, by
burning, all the sea-ports, with the small craft that lay in
their harbours, and searching every creek, and all the
mouths of rivers, with such diligence, that it is said he did
not leave one ship of force or burden in all that kingdom. †
In 1548, the lord-high-admiral, with a very stout fleet,
sailed hence upon the Scotch coasts, to prevent their
repairing their harbours, and to do what further mischief
he was able. But he was less successful; for, though he
made two descents with considerable forces, yet he was
repulsed in both. The great hardships the people suf-
fered had made them desperate; so that, notwithstanding
the vast expense England had been at, and the complete
victory the protector had gained, the Scottish queen being
escaped into France, and great succours coming from
thence into Scotland, the English were obliged after two
years to make peace, both nations having suffered exceed-
ingly by the war; which proved, however, advantageous
enough to France, who, as usual, made her uses of each,
and performed her agreements with neither. §
1548.
The unnatural quarrel between the protector and his A.D.
brother, the lord-high-admiral, was the chief cause of the
nation's misfortunes; for, while they endeavoured with all
their force to destroy each other, public affairs were
neglected, those who might have prevented these disor-
ders, from the same principle of selfish ambition, studying
* Stowe's Annals, p, 586, 587.
+ Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 995. Leslæus, lib. x. Buchanan, lib. xv.
↑ Hayward, Godwin, Keith.
§ Grafton, p. 1310, 1314. Godwin, p. 220, 240. Thuan. lib. v.
sec. 15.
360
NAVAL HISTORY
1549.
*
that
rather to increase them, with a view to ruin both. What
the crimes of the admiral really were, most of our his-
torians seem to think very uncertain; we only know,
he was charged, among other things, with a design of
seizing the king's person, of marrying the Princess Eliza-
A.D. beth, and forming thereby some title to the crown. On
this accusation, whether well or ill founded, he was at-
tained, without a trial, by act of parliament; † a pro-
ceeding altogether inexcusable, because thereby posterity
stand deprived of seeing the evidence on which public
justice is said to be founded. The protector set an edge
on the sentence passed by this law by signing the warrant,
in conjunction with the rest of the lords of the council,
for the admiral's execution, though his majesty's uncle, and
his own brother; ‡ and this, we are told, he did to gratify
his wife. §
* Hayward, p. 301. Godwin, p. 226. Innumerable instances of
this sort occur in the collection of State Papers published by Dr.
Haynes. No person, how great soever their quality, seems to have
been exempt from the perplexitios attending this unhappy business;
even the king submitted to be examined; and his confession, as it is
styled, with that of the Lady Elizabeth, the marquisses of Dorset and
Northampton, Sir Robert Tyrwhyt and his lady, the earl of Rutland,
and other persons of distinction, are there to be met with, printed
from the originals. The marriage of the lord-admiral with the dowager
queen, and the disgust it gave the protector, or rather the duchess,
his consort, appears to have been the original cause of these disputes:
and, perhaps the reader will incline to my opinion, when he has
perused two letters from that princess to her lord, both without date,
and the confession of Wyghtman, servant to that nobleman, which he
will find in p. 61, 62, 68, 69, of that work. See the king's journal, in
Burnet, p. 4.
+ Grafton, p. 1291. Stowe, p. 596. The charge, containing thirty-
three articles, with the answer of the lord-admiral to the three first,
(for he would answer no more, neither would he sign those,) are
printed in the collection of records in the second volume of Burnet's
History of the Reformation, p. 158–196.
↑ March 20, 1549.
§ Hayward, p. 301, 302. Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 344. a. See the
warrant for the admiral's execution in Burnet, p. 164.
OF EDWARD VI.
361
/
The truth seems to be, that the lord-protector, Somerset,
was an honest but weak man; meant well, yet seldom knew
his own meaning; and, as such men generally are, was
therefore governed, in most cases, by other people's
counsels; whereas the admiral is allowed to have had quick
parts, great courage, and a much better capacity for
governing; but, his turbulent spirit gave the common
enemies of his family, and the nation's quiet, an opportunity
of detaching him from his brother's interest, and thereby
creating those misfortunes which were not only fatal to him
and the protector, but to the kingdom also. * I cannot
forbear remarking, that the events of this short reign
afford the most useful lessons to English ministers; private
views governed all the great men in these times; and, to
this they sacrificed the welfare of the king and kingdom.
For this, one, not out of regard to justice, but for the same
dirty purposes, brought the other to deserved punishment;
and, by degrees, they all became victims to national ven-
geance, though their successors were not at all warned
by their examples, but trod still in the same slippery
paths, till a similarity of conduct brought them also to
similar ends!
1550.
The French, who were now governed by Henry II. a A.D.
young enterprising prince, laid hold of this opportunity,
while the English were engaged in a Scotch war, and
divided by civil dissentions, to deprive them of the few,
but important places, which they still held in France. To
colour their proceedings, they set up the following pre-
tence: that Boulogne was not absolutely yielded to King
Henry VIII. but conditionally only, by way of mortgage
for a certain sum of money, which, they said, had been
tendered him more than once by their late king, Francis I.
and, consequently, they had an equity of redemption,
* Stowe. Holingshed. Speed. Godwin's Annals, p. 225-229.
Burnet, in his History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 99, 100, and, in
general, all our historians who write without bias.
362
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
which they thought might justify them in any measures
that should appear necessary for the making themselves
masters of the place. In saying this, I am not governed
by English authorities, much less by English prejudices,
but follow the accounts given by their best historians, and
who relate the sequel of the matter thus: The French
king, under pretence of adding to the magnificence of his
public entry into Paris, and the queen's coronation, drew
a considerable body of forces into the neighbourhood of
that city, and into Picardy; then, departing suddenly from
his capital, he came to Abbeville, where his forces ren-
dezvoused, and marched from thence with all expedition
to Boulogne, where he attacked and carried some of the
forts, and distressed the place so much, that it was found
impracticable to keep it.* Our writers say, that these
forts were taken by treachery; and, it appears by the
representations made in King Edward's name to the
emperor, that the whole of this transaction was contrary
to the law of nations, there being, at the time it happened,
no war declared. †
1
Another attempt the French likewise made upon the
1550. islands of Jersey and Guernsey, which they invaded with
a strong squadron of men of war, and two thousand land
forces. The English court, having notice of this attempt,
and knowing those islands to be but indifferently provided,
sent thither a small squadron, under the command of Com-
modore Winter, with eight hundred men, as a reinforce-
ment, on board a few transports. At his arrival, he found
the ports blocked up, and himself under the necessity either
of desisting from his enterprise, or attacking the French,
notwithstanding their superiority. He, like a brave man,
* J. de Serres, p. 701. Mezeray, tom. iv. p. 657. Histoire de
France par P. Daniel, tom. viii. p. 20.´
† See the king's journal, p. 6. Grafton, p. 1310. Stowe, p. 597.
See the instructions sent to Sir Philip Hoby by the duke of Somerset,
Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 164.
OF EDWARD VI.
363
chose the latter, and executed this design with such
courage and conduct, that, having killed them near a thou-
sand men, he obliged the enemy to embark the rest on
board some light vessels, in which they fled, abandoning
their ships of force; and all these he caused to be set on
fire. This defeat so nettled that vain nation, that our
authors say, they forbade the speaking of it, with all its
particulars, under pain of death; for which report, one
would imagine there must have been some foundation,
since we find no traces of this story in any of their own
writers. *
"
1550.
The misfortunes attending the English, by taking the A.D.
forts about Boulogne, having served the purpose of the
duke of Somerset's enemies, in fixing a grievous charge
upon him, for which he was sent to the Tower, and
divested of his protectorship; they then thought proper
to make a treaty with France, whereby, the town of
Boulogne, and its dependencies, were sold for four hun-
dred thousand crowns, and the French took possession of
them in the spring of the year 1550. + In this treaty, the
Scots were included; and, for the managing thereof,
Edward, Lord Clinton, who had been governor of the
territory now yielded to France, was made lord-high-
admiral for life, and had large grants made him of lands
from the king. ‡
* Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1055. Godwin's Annals, p. 233. Speed,
p. 811. Fox's Aets and Monuments, vol. ii. p. 671.
† F. Leonard, tom. ii. p. 472. Rymer, tom. xv. p. 211. Thuan,
Hist. lib. vi. sec. 6.
Grafton, p. 1314. Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 230, Leslæus.
lib. x. p. 506. Hayward. King Edward's Journal, p. 13. Among
others, as the King's Journal, p. 11. and Strype, vol. ii. p. 194,
inform us, who were rewarded for accomplishing this business, was
Anthony Guidoti, an Italian merchant, who lived at Southampton.
He had a present of one thousand crowns, a yearly pension of one
thousand crowns, and a pension of two hundred and fifty crowns was
bestowed on John Guidoti, his son. He had the honour of knight-
hood conferred on him, and, about a year after, was appointed the
364
-NAVAL HISTORY
It is not to be wondered, that a treaty so far from being
honourable to the nation, was very ill received at home;
and yet, it must be acknowledged, that it was not near so
inexcusable as some would represent it. We have already
shewn, with what injustice the French made war upon
King Edward; and, it is but reasonable to add, that when
his ambassador applied to the emperor for assistance, and
represented the great things that his father had done for
the house of Austria, the pains he had taken to solicit the
electors to set the imperial crown on the head of Charles V.
and how much the English nation had been impoverished
by the wars against France, purely on his behalf; a very
uncourteous and rude answer was given. The emperor
took notice of the great change that had been made in
religion, which, he pretended, put it out of his power to
yield the aid that was desired; and therefore insisted,
that, as the price of his friendship, all things should be
restored again to their former state. After this, when
matters were come to extremity, it was proposed, on the
part of King Edward, that the emperor should take the
town of Boulogne into his hands, to remain as a deposit
till the king was of age; but, that was likewise rejected,
unless the old religion was restored. * We may from
hence perceive the integrity of those ministers, who chose
rather to sacrifice their interests with the nation, than
injure the protestant religion; and, at the same time we
may discern, how little the friendship of foreign and of
popish powers is to be depended upon, when the interests
of England alone are at stake.
king's merchant, had a licence to export woollen cloths, kersies, lead,
tin, &c. under certain restrictions; and to import velvet, cloth of
gold, wine and oil; paying only the same duties as the merchants of
England. See likewise Rymer's Foedera, tom. xv. p. 227, 228.
* Hayward's Life of Edward VI. in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 310, 311.
Bishop Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 131, 139,
140. Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. b. i. chap. xxiii.
OF EDWARD VI.
365
After this peace, there grew a closer and more consi-
derable intercourse between the French and English courts,
which gave such offence to the emperor, that he suffered
his subjects in Flanders to cruize in the English seas,
which afforded the French a pretence for acting in the same
manner; but, upon complaint that the navigation of the
narrow seas was exceedingly disturbed, the king ordered
Lord Henry Dudley, with four men of war and two light
ships, to put to sea, in order to protect our merchants;
which, however, he performed but indifferently. * On the
22d of May, in the preceding year, the lord marquis of
Northampton, accompanied by the earls of Rutland, Wor-
cester, and Ormond; the lords Lisle, Fitzwater, Bray,
Abergavenny, and many gentlemen of rank; carrying with
him the collar, and other habiliments of the most noble
order of the garter, with which he afterwards invested
Henry II. went over to France as the king's ambassador,
and there concluded a treaty for the marriage of his master
to the Princess Elizabeth, daughter of that monarch; who,
in the month of July following, despatched Monsieur le
Mareschal de St. Andre with a very great retinue into
England, to present the ensigns of the order of St. Michael
to the king, as also to treat of various affairs; though, it
is highly probable, the French were not very sincere in
these negotiations.
!
1553.
Some time after they began to raise jealousies in Eng A.D.
land of the emperor's proceedings, because he had fitted
out a great fleet, without assigning any particular cause
for it; but, the next year, things took a new turn; for the
French continuing their piratical practices, under one pre-
tence or other, seized many English ships, so that loud
+
* King Edward's Diary, March 26, 1552. Hayward's Life of that
Prince, in Kennet. Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. b. ii. chap. x.
+ King Edward's Diary, p. 26, 27, 30. Hayward, p. 318. Strype's
Memorials, vol. ii. p. 266, 267, 289, 290. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 177.
Rymer, tom. xv. p. 293.
VOL. I.
се
$66
NAVAL HISTORY
complaints were made to the king; and, upon examination
it appeared, that the merchants had suffered by their de-
predations, in the space of twenty months, to the full
amount of fifty thousand pounds. Upon this, his minis-
ters at the court of France had orders to make very sharp
representations, which they did, but with little effect; *
so that things remained pretty much in this situation, that
is, tending to a rupture, to the time of the king's death,
which happened on the 6th of July, 1553; but, whether
by poison, † as some have pretended, or by a consump-
tion, as is generally thought, I pretend not to determine.
He had then reigned nearly six years and a half, and
was not quite sixteen. He was certainly, for his years, a
very accomplished prince; of which he has left us many,
and those unquestionable proofs, in his writings.
This reign plainly shews, that the personal character of
a prince, however amiable, as much governed by his minis-
ters as his subjects, is to them of no great importance. The
forms of government were kept up; parliaments were called
and sat ; nothing was heard but the highest pretensions to
purity in religion, and zeal for the public good; while
those who made them, shewed very little regard to either,
in what is the surest test of men's principles, their actions.
Under colour of reformation, several useful charities were
given to the crown, as if they had been superstitious foun-
dations, that the crown might give them away again to such
as, for that very purpose, had branded them with so offen-
sive an appellation. Against this, Archbishop Cranmer
instances in the King's Journal,
Hayward, and other writers.
* The reader will find various
p. 62-66. Strype, vol. ii. p. 332.
† See an extract of a journal kept by one in those times, in Strype,
vol. ii. p. 429. Hayward, p. 326, 327. Burnet, p. 221. Heylin's
History of the Reformation, p. 138, 139.
‡ Grafton, p. 1324. Hollingshed, vol. ii. p. 1083. Godwin, p. 253.
C₁,per, fol. 358, though he says, and he lived in those times, that
many were punished for reporting this prince was poisoned; and that
the rumour thereof was spread throughout the kingdom.
OF EDWARD VI.
$67
struggled, but in vain; those who had their interests in view
prevailed; the crown had the scandal, and they the benefit.
All bishops had not the sanctity, nor the sincerity of
Cranmer. There were amongst them some who accepted
rich sees, in order to grant away their revenues. All this
time the commons were grievously taxed, the exchequer
was like a sieve, which received all, and retained nothing.
Errors in administration at home produced misfortunes
abroad; these created expenses, and, which is worse,
unavailing expenses; so that, by an authentic account pre-
served amongst the Cecil papers, it appeared, that from
the thirtieth of the last, to the close of this reign, which is
not quite fifteen years, there had been spent in foreign
wars, and about foreign concerns, upwards of three mil-
lions sterling. Boulogne was the great prize we got; and
this, watching their opportunity, the true characteristic of
French policy, we were forced to restore for four hundréd
thousand crowns; and, the poor young king, who was not
so much as indulged with the trifles necessary for his
childish occasions, died in debt.
The great power and immense fortunes which these
aspiring courtiers sacrificed the public welfare to secure,
were, as such acquisitions commonly are, of short dura-
tion. The Seymours destroyed each other; those who
assisted the protector to remove the admiral, took advan-
tage of the weakness this occasioned, to depress first, and
then utterly to ruin him, under the specious pretence of
concern for the commonwealth, for which, in truth, they
had far less regard than he. The two great dukes of
Suffolk and Northumberland, who rose upon his fall, as
they built upon the same sandy foundation of mere human
policy, had the same unfortunate ends upon a scaffold;
and, the practices they employed for aggrandizing, became
the cause of the overthrow of their respective families, in
their own times; and, consequently, they had the un-
pleasant spectacle of the subversion of their ambitious
1
CC 2
368
NAVAL HISTORY
ල්
schemes, to embitter their last moments, before their own
eyes. So dangerous and so destructive a thing it is for the
grandees, in any nation, to abuse their elevated rank, and
employ that power with which they are entrusted for the
common good, to serve their private views, at the expense
of a great people, who, with some justice, though, per-
haps, with too indecent a violence, testify a pleasure in
their misfortunes, and behold with satisfaction the desola-
tion of those houses (how noble or ancient soever) that
were cemented with blood, and founded on oppression.
If those whom their own abilities, the favour of their
prince, or the confidence of the people, lift into high
places, would read the history of their own countries, and
reflect seriously on the melancholy catastrophes of such,
who, by an abuse of their talents, presumption on their
power, or abandoning their patriotism when it had raised
them to places, have fallen headlong from the pinnacle
of preferment, without so much as pity attending their
miserable dejections; it would infallibly keep them in
the safe path, and exempt them from sharing the like
fate.
But even in this reign, though they were but short,
there were, however, some gleams of sunshine. In such
affairs as interested no faction, and more especially in such
as came before the king in council, and were of a nature
fit for him to examine, or to be explained to him, things
took another and a better turn; it may be, those refined
politicians who were about him, as towards the close of
his reign he had some who might have read lectures to
Machiavel, there might have been somewhat of art in this.
For if, in things discussed in his hearing, all is thoroughly
canvassed, and the right judgment given, how should a
very young king suspect, that in other cases, even before
the same men, different, and it may be opposite notions,
were adopted? The best minds are easiest deceived.
But let us return to the history, and close it with some
OF EDWARD VI.
369
of those pleasing prospects which may relieve us, after our
late sad, but, at the same time, useful and necessary medi-
tations.
As to his care of trade, we have as many instances of it,
in every kind as can be desired. In 1548, he passed an
act for laying the Newfoundland trade entirely open, and
for removing various obstacles by which it had been
hitherto cramped.* The very same year, the merchants
at Antwerp, complaining of certain hardships under which
they suffered, the king's ambassadors interposed; and,
when the regency of that city suggested to them, that it
was strange the king of England should more regard a
company of merchants, than the friendship of a great
emperor, King Edward's agent, whose name was Smith,
answered roundly, that his master would support the com-
merce of his subjects, at the hazard of any monarch's
friendship upon earth. †
We have a very distinct and particular account of the
advantages derived to the city of Antwerp from the resi-
dence of the English merchants there, which, for the
reader's instruction, as well as satisfaction, we will insert,
from a very scarce and curious piece, addressed to Sir
Robert Cecil, then secretary of state to Queen Elizabeth,
and afterwards earl of Salisbury and lord-high-treasurer
of England.
>
“Philip, surnamed the Good, duke of Burgundy and of
"Brabant, &c. gave privileges to the English nation in
"the Low Countries, which happened in the year 1466,
"which privileges, the town of Antwerp confirmed the 6th
"of August in the same year; giving to them besides, a
"large house, which is now called the Old Burse: and
"afterwards, by exchange, another more goodly, spacious,
"and sumptuous house, called the Court of Lier, which
* See Hakluyt, p. iii. p. 131.
+ Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 108, 109.
370
NAVAL HISTORY
"the company enjoyed, till the said town was yielded up
"to the duke of Parma, in the year 1585.
"At the abovesaid first concordate and conclusion of
"privileges with the town of Antwerp, or not long
"before, there were not, in all the town, above four
❝merchants, and those also no adventurers to the sea;
"the rest of the inhabitants or townsmen were but mean
"people, and neither able, nor skilful to use the feat or
"trade of merchandize; but did let out the best of their
"houses to Englishmen, and other strangers, for cham-
❝bers and pack-houses, contenting themselves with some
corner, for their profits sake; but, within these late
"years, the concourse and resort of foreign merchants to
"that town was so great, that house-room waxed scant,
"rents were raised, tolls, excises, and all other duties to
"the prince and town, wonderfully increased; and the
"Antwerp men themselves, who a few years before were
“but mean artificers, or lived by husbandry and keeping
" of cattle, whereof one gate of that city to this day
"beareth the name, and had but six ships belonging to
“their town, and those for the river only, that never
❝ went to sea, began to grow exceeding rich; so that
"some fell to the trade of merchandize, and others em-
"ployed their substance in building.
"Then their old rotten houses, covered with thatch,
"were pulled down; their waste ground, whereof there
66 was store within the town, was turned into goodly
"building, and fair streets; and their shipping increased
"accordingly. Thus prospered not only those at Ant-
(6 werp, but all other towns and places thereabouts; so
"that in our memory that now live, the said town was
66 grown to such wealth, strength, and beauty, as never
"was known the like in sp short a time; and no marvel,
"for, within the compass of fifty years, an house that
"was worth but forty dollars a year, grew to be worth
"three hundred dollars a year; and an house that was
1
OF EDWARD VI.
$71
"let out for sixty dollars, came afterwards to be let for
"four hundred dollars; yea, some houses in Antwerp
"were let for six hundred, some for eight hundred dollars
66
a year rent, besides their havens for ships to come and
"lade and discharge, within the town. Their public
"stately buildings and edifices, erected partly for orna
"ment, and partly for the ease and accommodating of
"the merchant, were so costly and sumptuous, as he
"that hath not seen and marked them well, would not
"believe."
This shews abundantly how great a right King Edward
had to insist upon all his subjects' privileges in that city,
where their residence was a thing of such prodigious con-
sequence. We must not imagine, however, that so wise
a prince as the Emperor Charles V. was not very well
acquainted with this, of which we have an instance within
the compass of King Edward's reign, A. D. 1550. For
when, after all the supplications of the citizens of Antwerp,
and the intercession of several great princes on their
behalf, he remained fixed in his purpose of introducing
the inquisition into that city; yet, upon the bare mention
that this would infallibly drive the English not only out of
Antwerp, but out of the Low Countries, he very pru▴
dently desisted.*
With like care, the king prosecuted the wrongs done to
his trading subjects by the French, and very graciously
received a memorial, wherein certain methods were laid
down for encouraging and increasing the number of seal
men in his dominions, and for preventing the carrying on a
trade here in foreign bottoms. + Some notice there are
of other projects of a like nature, in his own diary, which
shew, that if he had lived to have had a sufficient expe-
rience, he would have been extremely careful of maritimè
>
* Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 161. Grimston's
History of the Netherlands, p. 286, 287.
+ Barnaby's Information to Secretary Cecil, MS.
372
NAVAL HISTORY, &c.
affairs, and very ready to have contributed to the ease and
advantage of his subjects. * But the disorders which
happened in his short reign, as well as his immature
death, prevented his doing the good which he intended.
We must ascribe to these disorders, and to the boundless
ambition of that great duke, who taking advantage of the
king's minority, directed all things with almost absolute
sway, that such heavy taxes were laid upon the people,
who were far from being in a condition to bear them;
that lands to so great a value were taken from the church,
to the use, as was pretended, of the crown, and then
granted away to favourites; and, above all, that the very
worst part of his father's politics should be pursued, and
the coin still more and more debased; for in the third
year of his reign, under pretence of redressing this evil,
there was a new standard introduced, somewhat better in
appearance than the last coinage in his father's reign, for
now, instead of four ounces, there were six ounces of fine
silver in each pound of metal; but then the number of
pieces was increased from forty-eight to seventy-two, and
consequently, the nominal value of silver was raised from
four shillings to six shillings an ounce; but, in reality,
continued at the same rate as before, that is, at twelve
shillings an ounce, which was incredibly grievous to
the people; yet two years afterwards this method was
changed, and the finishing stroke given to all practices
of this nature, by coining the same number of shillings,
that is, seventy-two out of a pound of metal, in which
there was but three oucces of silver; so that, while the
nominal value remained the same, and those who knew
no better, believed that silver was still at six shillings
an ounce; it was, in fact, so long as the money of this
coinage remained current, at twenty-four shillings an
ounce. Yet, one advantage followed from thence, which
* See the King's Diary, published by Burnet.
1
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, &c.
.373
was, that the grossness of the imposition made it quickly
discernable; and therefore, the next year's money was
coined pretty near the old standard, before it had been
practised upon by his father; but then there were sixty
shillings in the pound weight, which brought the price of
silver to five shillings an ounce. And this began that
emendation of our coin, which was completed under
Queen Elizabeth, by the advice of the same minister who
procured this last alteration in the time of King Edward.
In this monarch's reign, the Levant trade grew more
extensive; * and that to the coast of Guinea, and other
parts of Africa, was first discovered, and prosecuted with
success, by Mr. Thomas Wyndham. † We may add to
these proofs of the flourishing of naval power under this
young prince, the attempt made for discovering a north-
east passage, which will lead us to speak of the most
accomplished seaman who lived in his time, and whose
memory deserves, for his industry, penetration, and in-
tegrity, to be transmitted to posterity: I mean the cele
brated and justly famous
SEBASTIAN CABOT.
THIS gentleman was the son of that eminent Venetian
pilot, Sir John Cabot, of whom we have given some
account heretofore. He was born at Bristol, about the
year 1477; and, therefore, Mr. Strype is mistaken, when
he tells us he was an Italian; into which he was led by
the name he met with in the MS. from whence he copied
his remarks, viz. Sebastiano Cabato, § an inaccuracy com-
mon enough with our old writers, who affect to vary
* Churchill's Voyages, Introduction.
Eden's History of Travel, p. 224.
↑ Ibid. vol. v. 146.
§ Grafton, p. 1323, says, he was born at Bristol, and that he was
the son of a Genoese, Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 402.
374
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
foreign names strangely, a folly with which the French
are still infected, insomuch, that it is a difficult thing to
understand English proper names, even in their latest
and best historians. Sebastian was educated by his father,
in the study of those parts of the mathematics, which
were then best understood, especially arithmetic, geo-
metry, and cosmography; and by that time he was seven-
teen years old, he had made several trips to sea, in order
to add to his theoretical notions, a competent skill in the
practical part of navigation; and in like manner were
bred the rest of his father's sons, who became also eminent
men, and settled abroad; one in Genoa, the other at
Venice. *
The first voyage of consequence in which Sebastian
Cabot was engaged, seems to have been that made by his
father, for the discovery of the north-west passage, of
which we have given some account before. + This was in
1497, and certainly first taught our seamen a passage to
North America; but, whether Sebastian Cabot did not,
after the decease of his father, prosecute his design, and
make a more perfect discovery of the coasts of the new
found land, is a great doubt with me, because I find such
incongruous relations of this voyage in different authors. ‡
For instance, the celebrated Peter Martyr, who was inti-
mately acquainted with Sebastian, and wrote in a manner
from his own mouth, says, that the voyage wherein he
made his great discovery towards the north, was per-
formed in two ships, fitted out at his own expense; §
which by no means agrees with his father's expedition,
wherein were employed one stout ship of the king's, and
four belonging to the merchants of Bristol. Besides
this, a very intelligent Spanish writer, who is very exact
* Remarks on Hakluyt's MS.
+ In the Life of John Cabot, p. 312.
As appears, by comparing the accounts in Hakluyt with those in
Purchas, and in the History of Travel, by Eden.
§ Decad. iii. cap, 6.
Fabian's MS. Chronicle, A.D. 1497.
OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
375
in his chronology, tells us, that when Cabot sailed at the
expense of King Henry VII. in order to make discoveries
towards the north, he passed beyond Cape Labrador,
somewhat more than fifty-eight degrees of north latitude,
then, turning towards the west, he sailed along the coast
to thirty-eight degrees, which agrees very well with our
accounts of John Cabot's voyage; but Ramusio, the
Italian collector, who had the letter of Sebastian Cabot
before him when he wrote, speaks of a voyage wherein
he sailed north and by west, to sixty-seven degrees and
an half, and would have proceeded farther, if he had not
been hindered by a mutiny among his sailors. †
*
The writers in those days had no precision; they set
down facts very confusedly, without much attending to
circumstances, and were still less solicitous about dates,
which gives those who come after them much trouble, and
yet seldom attaining any certainty; which, I must ac-
knowledge, is the case here. It is, however, probable,
that Sebastian made more than one, perhaps, more than
two voyages into these parts, by virtue of King Henry
VII.'s commission; and if so, he well deserved the cha-
racter Sir William Monson has given of him,‡ and of his
important discoveries, which the reader will be pleased
to see in his own words: the authority of the writer, from
his perfect knowledge of the subject, being of as much
weight as the facts he mentions.
"To come to the particulars, (says he,) of augmenta-
❝tion of our trade, of our plantations, and our disco-
"veries, because every man shall have his due therein,
"I will begin with Newfoundland, lying upon the main
❝ continent of America, which the king of Spain chal-
"lenges as first discoverer; but as we acknowledge the
Lopez de Gomora Hist. des Ind. Occident. lib. ii. cap. iv.
+ In his preface to the third volume of his excellent collection.
In the large collection called Churchill's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 396,
and his character, p. 401.
1
376
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
"king of Spain the first light of the west and south-west
"parts of America, so we, and all the world must confess,
"that we were the first that took possession, for the
"crown of England, of the north part thereof, and not
"above two years difference betwixt the one and the
"other. And as the Spaniards have, from that day and
"year, held their possession in the west, so have we done
"the like in the north; and though there is no respect,
❝in comparison of the wealth betwixt the countries, yet
"England may boast, that the discovery, from the year
"aforesaid to this very day, hath afforded the subject
66 annually, one hundred and twenty thousand pounds,
"and increased the number of many a good ship, and
"mariners, as our western parts can witness, by their
"fishing in Newfoundland. Neither can Spain challenge
❝ a more natural right than we to its discovery; for in
"that case we are both alike.
66
"If we deal truly with others, and not deprive them of
"their right, it is Italy they must assume the discovery
"to itself, as well in the one part of America, as in the
"other. Genoa, and Christopher Columbus by name,
"must carry away the praise of it from Spain; for Spain
"had not that voyage in agitation, or thought of it, till
"Columbus not only proposed, but accomplished it. The
"like may be said of Sebastian Cabot, * a Venetian, who,
"by his earnest intercession to Henry VII. drew him to
"the discovery of Newfoundland, and called it by the
"name of Bacalloa, an Indian name for fish, from the
❝ abundance of fish upon that coast."
This shews plainly the great sagacity and unbiassed im-
partiality, of this ingenious author, who points very justly
* This affords a farther and more direct proof of my conjecture,
that Sebastian Cabot made more than one voyage in the service of
Henry VII. since, from what our author says, it looks as if he had
not only found the country, but established the fishery of Newfound-
land.
1
377
OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
to those advantages (and these not inconsiderable,) which
had, even in his time, accrued to this nation from these
discoveries; and fairly prescribes to Italy, the honour of
producing those incomparable persons by whom they were
made; for, though he is a little mistaken in the name,
ascribing to Sebastian, what was due to Sir John Cabot,
yet he is right as to the fact, for Sir John was a citizen
and native of Venice; which fully justifies his compliment
to ITALY, the MOTHER OF SCIENCE, and the NURSE
OF THE FINE ARTS.
If this worthy man had performed nothing more, his
name ought surely to have been transmitted to future
times with honour, since it clearly appears, that New-
foundland hath been a source of riches and naval power
to this nation, from the time it was discovered, as well as
the first of our plantations; so that, with strict justice,
it may be said of Sebastian Cabot, that he was the author
of our maritime strength, and opened the way to those
improvements which have rendered us so great, so emi-
nent, so flourishing a people. Yet have we no distinct
accounts of what he advised, or what he performed, for
upwards of twenty years together, wherein, certainly, so
able a man could never have been idle. The next news
we hear of him is in the eighth of King Henry VIII. and
our accounts then are none of the clearest. *
It seems that Cabot had entered into a strict corres-
pondence with Sir Thomas Pert, at this time vice-admiral
of England, who had a house at Poplar, and procured.
him a good ship of the king's, in order to make disco-
veries; † but it looks as if he had now changed his route,
and intended to have passed by the south to the East
Indies; for he sailed first to Brazil, and missing there of
his purpose, shaped his course for the islands of Hispaniola
* See Wheeler's Discourse of Trade; and Captain Luke Fox's
Account of the North-West Passage.
+ Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 498.
378
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
and Porto-Rico, where he carried on some traffic, and
then returned, failing absolutely in the design upon which
he went, not through any want either of courage or con-
duct in himself, but from the fear and faint-heartedness of
Sir Thomas Pert, his coadjutor, of which we have abun→
dant testimony from the writings of a person who lived in
those times. *
This disappointment, in all probability, might dispose
Sebastian Cabot to leave England, and to go over to
Spain, where he was treated with very great respect, and
raised as high as his profession would admit; being declared
pilot-major or chief pilot of Spain, and, by his office, in-
trusted with the reviewing all projects for discovery, which,
in those days, were many and important. His great capa-
city, and approved integrity, induced many rich merchants
to treat with him in the year 1524, in relation to a voyage
to be undertaken at their expense, by the new-found pas-
sage of Magellan, to the Moluccos; which, at length, he
accepted, and of which we have a clear account in the
writings of the Spanish historian Herrera. +
He sailed, says he, about the beginning of April, 1525,
first to the Canaries, then to the islands of Cape Verde,
thence to Cape St. Augustine, and the island of Patos or
Geese; and near bahia de Todos los Santos, or the bay of
All Saints, he met a French ship. He was said to have
managed but indiscreetly, as wanting provisions when he
came to the said island; but, there the Indians were very
kind, and supplied him with provisions for all his ships;
but, he requited them very indifferently, carrying away
with him, by force, four sons of the principal men.
Thence he proceeded to the river of Plate, having left
* See the dedication of a piece called, A Treatise of New India,
published in 1555, by Mr. Richard Eden, and addressed to the great
duke of Northumberland. Gonsalvo de Oviedo Hist. Ind. Occid.
lib. xix. cap. 13.
† Decad. iii. lib. iii. cap. 2.
OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
379
ashore, on a desert island, Martin Mendez, his vice-
admiral, Captain Francis de Rojas, and Michael de Rodas,
because they censured his management; and, in conclu-
sion, he went not to the Spice Islands, as well because he
had not provisions, as by reason the men would not sail
under him, fearing his conduct of the vessel in the Straits.
He sailed up the river of Plate, and, about thirty leagues
above the mouth, found an island, which he called St.
Gabriel, about a league in compass, and half a league to
the continent towards Brazil. There he anchored, and,
rowing with the boats three leagues higher, discovered a
river he called San Salvador, or St. Saviour, very deep, and
a safe harbour for the ships on the same side, whither he
brought up his vessels, and unloaded them, because at the
mouth of the river there was not much water. Having
built a fort, and left some men in it, he resolved to proceed
up that river with boats and a flat-bottomed caravel, in
order to make discoveries, thinking that, although he did
not pass through the Straits to the Spice Islands, his
voyage would not be altogether fruitless. Having ad-
vanced thirty leagues, he came to a river called Zarca-
rana ; and, finding the natives thereabouts a good-natured
rational people, he erected another fort, calling it Santi
Spiritus, i. e. of the Holy Ghost; and his followers by
another name, viz. Cabot's Fort.
1
He thence discovered the shores of the river Parana,
which is that of Plate, where he found many islands and
rivers, and, keeping along the greatest stream, at the end
of two hundred leagues came to another river, to which
the Indians gave the name of Paraguay, and left the great
river on the right, thinking it bent towards the coast of
Brazil; and, running up thirty-four leagues, found people
tilling the ground; a thing which, in those parts, he had
not seen before. There he met with so much opposition,
that he advanced no farther, but killed many Indians, and
they slew twenty-five of his Spaniards, and took three that
380
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
were gone to gather palmetos to eat. At the same time
Cabot was thus employed, James Garcia, with the same
view of making discoveries, had entered the river of Plate,
without knowing that the other was there before him. He
entered the said river about the beginning of the year
1527, having sent away his own, which was a large ship,
alledging, that it was of much too great burden for that
discovery, and with the rest came to an anchor in the same
place where Cabot's ship lay, directing his course, with
two brigantines and sixty men, towards the river Parana,
which lies north and north-west, arrived at the fort built
by Cabot.
About one hundred and ten leagues above this fort, he
found Sebastian Cabot himself in the port of St. Anne, so
named by the latter; and, after a short stay there, they
returned together to the fort of the Holy Ghost, and
thence sent messengers into Spain. Those who were
despatched by Sebastian Cabot were Francis Calderon and
George Barlow; who gave a very fair account of the fine
countries bordering on the river La Plata, shewing how
large a tract of land he had not only discovered, but sub-
dued ; and producing gold, silver, and other rich commodi-
ties, as evidences in favour of their general's conduct. The
demands they made were, that a supply should be sent of
provision, ammunition, goods proper to carry on a trade,
and a competent recruit of seamen and soldiers; to this
the merchants, by whom Cabot's squadron was fitted out,
would not agree, but chose to let their rights escheat to
the crown of Castile; the king then took the whole upon
himself, but was so dilatory in his preparations, that
Sebastian Cabot, quite tired out, as having been five years
in America, resolved to return home; which he did,
embarking the remainder of his men, and all his effects, on
board the biggest of his ships, and leaving the rest behind
him. *
* Herrera Decad. iii. lib. v. cap. 3. See also an account of this
expedition in Churchill's Voyages, vol. i. in the introduction.
OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
381
It was the spring of the year 1531, when Cabot arrived
at the Spanish court, and gave an account of his expedi-
tion. It is evident enough, from the manner in which the
Spanish writers speak of him, that he was not well received,
and one may easily account for it. He had raised himself
enemies by treating his Spanish mutineers with so much
severity; and, on the other hand, his owners were dis-
appointed by his not pursuing his voyage to the Moluccos;
he kept his place, however, and remained in the service of
Spain many years after, and at length he was invited
back again to England. * We have no account how this
was brought about in any author now extant, and, there-
fore, I shall offer to the reader's consideration a conjecture
of my own, which he may accept or reject, according as it
seems to him probable or improbable.
Mr. Robert Thorne, an English merchant at Seville,
whom we have mentioned before with commendation,
was intimately acquainted with Cabot, and was actually
one of his owners in his last expedition; † it seems, there-
fore, not at all unlikely, that he, after his return from
Newfoundland, might importune Cabot to think of coming
home; and, what seems to add a greater appearance of
truth to this conjecture, is Cabot's settling at Bristol, when
he did return to England, of which city Mr. Thorne was
an eminent merchant, and once mayor. These transac-
tions fell out towards the twenty-fourth year of the reign
of Henry VIII. about which time, as I suppose, Sebastian
Cabot actually returned, and settled with his family
here.
In the very beginning of King Edward's reign, this
eminent seaman was introduced to the duke of Somerset,
then lord-protector, with whom he was in great favour,
and by whom he was made known to the king, who took a
* Hakluyt's Voyages, p. iii. p. 7. See also the preface to the third
volume of Ramusio.
+ Hakluyt's Voyages, p. 726.
↑ See p. 328.
VOL. I.
DD
382
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
great deal of pleasure in his conversation, being much bet-
ter versed in the studies to which Cabot had applied him-
self than, his tender years considered, could have been
expected; for he knew not only all the ports and havens
in this island and in Ireland, but also those in France,
their shape, method of entering, commodities and incom-
moḍities, and, in short, could answer almost any question
about them that a sailor could ask. * We need not won-
der, therefore, that with such a prince Cabot was in high
esteem, or that in his favour a new office should be erected,
equivalent to that which he had enjoyed in Spain, together
with a pension of one hundred sixty-six pounds, thirteen
shillings, and four-pence, which we find granted to him
by letters-patent, dated January 6, 1549, in the second
year of that king's reign, by a special clause in which
patent this annuity is made to commence from the Michael-
mas preceding. + It was in this year that the emperor's
minister d'Arras, in the name of his master, signified to Sir
Thomas Cheyne and Sir Philip Hoby, the English ambas-
sadors then at the court of Brussels, his imperial majesty's
request, that the king would send over thither our famous
seaman, as he could be of no great service to the English
nation, who had little to do with the Indian seas, and
more especially as he was a very necessary person to the
emperor, was his servant in the capacity of grand pilot of
the Indies, and to whom he had granted a pension, and
that in such a way as the emperor should at some conve-
nient opportunity declare unto the king's council. But
we have no accounts that this application was in any shape
complied with. ‡
He continued thenceforward highly in the king's favour,
and was consulted upon all matters relating to trade, par-
* Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 225.
+ Hakluyt's Voyages, p. iii. p. 10. Rymer's Foedera, tom. xv.
p. 181.
↑ Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 190.
OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
1
383
ticularly in the great case of the merchants of the Steel-
yard in 1551; of which it will be fit to insert a short suc-
cinct account here, since it has escaped the notice of most
of our historians, though it gave, in some measure, a new
turn to the whole state of our commerce.
These merchants are sometimes called of the Hanse, ber
cause they came from the Hanse-towns, or free cities in
Germany; sometimes Almains, from their country; they
settled here in or before the reign of Henry III. and im
ported grain, cordage, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wax, and
steel, whence the place in Dowgate-ward, where they
dwelt, was called the Steel-yard; which name it still
retains. The kings of England encouraged them at first,
and granted them large privileges; amongst others, that
of exporting our woollen cloths; they had likewise an
alderman, who was their chief magistrate; and, in consi-
deration of various grants from the city, they stood
bound to repair Bishopsgate, and were likewise under
other obligations. By degrees, however, the English
coming to trade themselves, and importing many of thẹ
commodities in which these Germans dealt, great contro-
versies grew between them; the foreigners, on all occa-
sions, pleading their charter, which the English mer-
chants treated as a monopoly not well warranted by law.
At last the company of merchant-adventurers, at the
head of which was our Sebastian Cabot, on the 29th of
December, 1551, exhibited to the council an information
against these merchants of the Steel-yard, to which they
were directed to put in their answer. They did so; and
after several hearings, and a reference to the king's soli-
citor-general, his counsel learned in the law, and the
recorder of London, a decree passed on the 24th of Fe-
bruary, whereby these merchants of the Steel-yard were
declared to be no legal corporation; yet licences were
afterwards granted them, from time to time, for the expor-
tation and importation of goods, notwithstanding this
DD 2
384
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
decree, which remained still in full force and virtue.
The great offence objected to them was, that whereas,
by their charter, they were allowed to export goods at
one and a quarter per cent. custom, which gave them a
great advantage; they, not content with this in direct
violation of that charter, covered other foreign merchants,
so that in one year they exported forty-four thousand
cloths, and all other strangers but one thousand one hun-
dred. These merchants of the Steel-yard being immensely
rich, ventured now and then upon such tricks as these, and
then, by paying a round sum, procured a renewal of their
charter.
In the month of May, 1552, the king granted a licence,
together with letters of safe conduct, to such persons as
should embark on board three ships, to be employed for
the discovery of a passage by the north to the East Indies.
Sebastian Cabot was at that time governor of the company
of merchant-adventurers, on whose advice this enterprize
was undertaken, and by whose interest this countenance
from the court was procured. + The accounts we have of
this matter differ widely; but, as I observe, there is a
variation in the dates of a whole year, so I am apt to
believe, that there must have been two distinct under-
takings; one under the immediate protection of the court,
which did not take effect, and the other by a joint stock of
the merchants, which did. Of the first, because it is little
taken notice of, I will speak particularly here; for the
other will come in properly in my account of Sir Hugh
Willoughby. When, therefore, this matter was first pro-
posed, the king lent two ships, the Primrose and the
Moon, to Barnes, lord-mayor of London, Mr. Garret,
* Minutes of these proceedings are to be found in King Edward's
Diary; and the decree at large in Mr. Wheeler's Treatise of Com-
merce, p. 94.
+ Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 504, but Mr. Strype's remark, that
these were the ships which went with Sir Hugh Willoughby, is
wrong.
OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
385
one of the sheriffs, and Mr. York and Mr. Wyndham, two
of the adventurers, giving bond to the king to deliver two
ships of like burden, and in as good condition, at Mid-
summer, 1554. In consideration also of the expense and
trouble of Sebastian Cabot, his majesty made him a pre-
sent of two hundred pounds. *
66
A year afterwards, this grand undertaking was brought
to bear; and thereupon, Sebastian Cabot delivered to the
commander-in-chief those directions, by which he was to
regulate his conduct; the title of which ran thus: "Ordi-
nances, instructions, and advertisements, of and for the
"direction of the intended voyage for Cathay, compiled,
"made, and delivered by the right worshipful Sebastian
"Cabot, Esq. governor of the mystery and company of
"the merchant-adventurers for the discovery of regions,
"dominions, islands, and places unknown, the 9th of May,
"in the year of our Lord God, 1553."+ This shews how
great a trust was reposed in this gentleman by the govern-
ment, and by the merchants of England; and, the instruc-
tions themselves, which we still have entire, ‡ are the
clearest proofs of his sagacity and penetration, and the
fullest justification of such as did repose their trust in
him.
Many have surmised that he was a knight; whence we
often find him styled Sir Sebastian; but, the very title of
those instructions I have cited proves the contrary, as
also the charter granted by King Philip and Queen
Mary, in the first year of their reign, to the merchants of
Russia, since styled the Russia Company; whereby,
Sebastiana Cabota is made governor for life, on account of
his being principally concerned in fitting out the first ships
employed in that trade; § but, so far from being styled
• Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 402.
†These are yet in the hands of the Russia Company.
In Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 226.
3 Ibid. p. 267, where the charter is at large.
386
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
knight, that he is called only, one Sebastian Cabota, with
out any distinction at all. * Indeed, he is styled Sebastian
Cabot, Esq. in the letters-patent bearing date at St.
James's, November 27, 1555, in the second and third
years of Philip and Mary, wherein their majesties are
pleased to grant him an annuity of one hundred and
sixty-six pounds, thirteen shillings, and four-pence, during
his natural life; as he also is in the letters-patent dated at
Westminster, May 29, 1557, the third and fourth of the
same reign, when these princes were pleased to permit
him to surrender the former patent, and, as a reward of
his great merit, to grant him the like annuity as before,
not only during his life, but also to continue the same to
William Worthington, Esq. a friend, no doubt, of Cabot,
for his natural life likewise. + After this we find him very
active in the affairs of the company in the year 1556; and,
in the journal of Mr. Stephen Burroughs, it is observed,
that on the 27th of April, that year, he went down to
Gravesend, and there went on board the Search-thrift, a
small vessel fitted out under the command of the said
Burroughs for Russia, where he gave generously to the
sailors; and, on his return to Gravesend, he extended his
alms very liberally to the poor, desiring them to pray for
the success of this voyage. We find it also remarked,
which shews the cheerful temper of the man, that, upon
his coming back to Gravesend, he caused a gränd enter-
tainment to be made at the sign of the Christopher, where,
says Mr. Burroughs, for the very joy he had to see the
towardness of our intended discovery, he entered into the
dance himself. This, except the renewing his patent, is
*The words in the charter are: 66 And, in consideration, that one
"Sebastian Cabota hath been the chief setter forth of this voyage,
"therefore," &c.; which authentic declaration of his merit does him
more honour than any titles could have done.
† Rymer's Foedera, tom. xv. p. 427, 465.
+ Hakluyt's Voyages, vok i. p. 274, 275.
OF SIR H. WILLOUGHBY.
387
the last circumstance relating to Cabot that I can meet
with any where; and, as it is certain, that a person of his
temper could not have been idle, or his actions remain în
obscurity, so I look upon it as certain, that he died some
time in the next year, when, if not fourscore, he was, at
least much upwards of seventy.
He was unquestionably one of the most extraordinary
men of the age in which he lived, and who by his capa-
city and industry, contributed not a little to the service
of mankind in general, as well as of this kingdom; for; he
it was who first took notice of the variation of the compass,
which is of such mighty consequence in navigation, and
concerning which the learned have busied themselves in
their inquiries ever since. * An Italian writer, famous for
making the most judicious collection of voyages which has
hitherto appeared, celebrates Sebastian Cabot as his coun-
tryman; yet, as he was, if we believe himself, ours
both by nature and affection; and, as we owe so much
to his skill and labours, I thought it but just to give his
memoirs a place here amongst those of the most eminent
British seamen; the rather, because he has been hitherto
strangely neglected by our biographers as well as by our
general historians. §
It is likewise fit to say somewhat of Sir HUGH WIL-
LOUGHBY, admiral of that expedition into the northern
seas, which produced the important discovery of the
trade to Archangel. I have before observed, that the
original of this undertaking sprung from Sebastian
Cabot, whose settled opinion it had always been, that
there were straits near the north pole, answerable
to those of Magellan. It was by him proposed to
* Stowe's Annals, p. 811. Varenius's Geography, p. 837.
↑ Gio. Battista Ramusio, in the preface to his third volume.
+ Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 319.
§ One might have wondered at his being omitted in the General
Dictionary, if there had been an article of Drake.
388
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
King Edward VI. so early as in the year 1551; in the
month of February, the next year, he obtained two ships
from the king, the Primrose and the Moon; and, the
terms on which he was to have these leading him to
confer with some principal merchants, the result of their
conferences was, the changing his scheme; insomuch, that
it was agreed to build three new ships, and to fit these
out by a joint stock, to which such as had a good opinion
of the voyage might contribute, at twenty-five pounds a
share. This once settled, the ships were built with won-
derful celerity; and that which was called the Admiral,
was sheathed with lead, to preserve her from the worms.
The whole of this joint stock amounted but to six thou-
sand pounds; and yet this money was so well employed,
that, by the beginning of May, 1553, they were ready to
sail. *
The Admiral was called the Bona Esperanza, of the
burden of one hundred and twenty tons, commanded by
Sir Hugh Willoughby, Knight; the Edward Bonaventure,
of one hundred and sixty tons, commanded by Captain
Richard Chancellor; the third, the Bona Confidentia, of
ninety tons, Cornelius Durfurth, master. May 10, 1553,
they sailed from Ratcliffe, and on the 18th of the same
month, cleared from Gravesend. The Admiral Sir Hugh
Willoughby, had all the qualities that could be desired in
a commander; he was descended of an honourable family,
was a man of great parts, much experience, and uncon-
querable courage, yet unfortunate in this undertaking.
In the beginning of the month of August, he lost the
company of Captain Chancellor, and about the same time
first discovered Greenland, though the Dutch endeavour
to deprive us of that honour. His utmost progress was to
seventy-two degrees of north latitude; and then finding
the weather intolerably cold, the year far spent, and his
* See the account of this voyage in Latin, by Clement Adams.
Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 243.
OF SIR H. WILLOUGHBY.
989
ships unable to bear the sea, he put into the haven of
Arzina in Lapland, on the 18th of September, and there
provided the best he could to have passed the winter.
It appears by a will, which was found in his ship, that Sir
Hugh, and most of his company, were alive in January,
1554, but soon after they were all frozen to death; their
bodies being found the next summer, by Russian fisher-
men, who repaired to that coast; as also the original
journal of Sir Hugh, from whence these particulars are
taken. * As for Captain Chancellor, he was so fortunate
as to enter the river of St. Nicholas, where he was well
received, and had, soon after, access to John Basilowitz,
then great duke of Muscovy, which gave us an entrance
into that country.
Hakluyt, p. 232.
890
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
CHAP. XI.
The Naval History of England during the Reign of Queen Mary;
together with such Transactions as relate to Foreign Commerce, of
Remarkable Discoveries.
THOSE who were about, and in the confidence of, King
1553. Edward, at the time of his decease, prevailed upon him
to set aside his sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, and to call to
the possession of his throne, his cousin, the Lady Jane
Grey, who was married a little before to the Lord Guild-
ford Dudley, son to the great duke of Northumberland;
but notwithstanding the time they had during the king's
sickness, to concert their project, and to provide for the
support of their designs, they were so much at a loss, that
they did not immediately publish his death; but on the
8th of July, 1553, they sent for the lord mayor of London,
and directed him to bring with him six aldermen, six
merchants of the staple, and as many of the merchant-
adventurers, whom they acquainted with the king's death,
and the manner in which he had disposed of the crown,
requiring them to keep it secret; which they did for two
days, and then proclaimd Lady Jane* queen of England,
&c. I mention this circumstance, to shew in what esti-
mation traders then were.
Among the rest of the precautions taken by the duke of
Northumberland and his party, one of the principal was,
his sending a squadron of six ships, with orders to lie
Life of Queen Mary, written by George Ferrars, Esq. in Grafton's
Chronicle, p. 1324, 1325. Stowe, p. 609, 610. Speed, p. 812, 815.
See the proclamation as drawn by the curious pen of the learned Sir
John Throckmorton, that service having been declined by Sir William
Cecil, afterwards the great lord treasurer Burleigh, in the collection
of records to Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 239.
OF QUEEN MARY.
391
Before the port of Yarmouth, to prevent the Lady Mary,
as he styled her, from making her escape beyond the seas;
which, however, proved the ruin of his design; for these
ships were no sooner seen before the town of Yarmouth,
than Sir Harry Jernegan went off in an open boat, and
exhorted the seamen to declaré themselves for Queen
Mary, which they immediately did. This, with the lord
warden of the cinque ports proclaiming the queen in Kent,
contributed chiefly to put an end to the struggle; so that
on the 19th, she was proclaimed in London; and the
unfortunate Lady Jane became a prisoner, in the very
same place where a little before she had kept her court. *
In the beginning of her reign Queen Mary acted with
great temper and moderation, releasing the duke of Nor-
folk, who had remained a prisoner all this time in thẻ
tower, from his confinement; imprisoning, indeed, such as
had taken arms against her, but proceeding to no greater
severities till after Wyat's rebellion; when, falling into
the hands of Hispaniolized counsellors, she began to act
with that cruelty which is so deservedly esteemed the
blemish of her reign. That she was naturally a woman
of better temper, appears by remitting part of a tax
granted to her brother King Edward, by his last parlia
ment; and that she had a just respect to the honour of the
English nation is clear, from the great pains she took tỏ
rectify all the disorders which had crept into the govern-
ment during the duke of Northumberland's despotic ad-
ministration. But all her good qualities were blasted
* Stowe, p. 611, 612. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1087. Speed, p. 817.
Godwin, p. 268, 271. See also the journal of the privy council of this
queen's reign, in Haynes's Collection, p. 156; in which, among other
things, that princess is said to have published a proclamation of
defiance against the duke of Northumberland, with the promise of
one thousand pounds a year, in land, to any nobleman who should
apprehend him; and lesser rewards, in proportion to the quality of
the person who performed that service.
+ Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 31, 32, 33.
392
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1554.
by her persisting obstinately in her resolution to marry
Philip, prince of Spain, contrary to the general inclina-
tion of her people.
In pursuance of this unhappy measure, the consequence
also of her bigotry, Commodore Winter was sent with a
strong squadron to fetch the ambassadors sent by Charles
V. to conclude the match. * On the arrival of Mr. Winter
at Ostend, the emperor sent him a very fine gold chain,
which, at his return to England, he shewed to Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton, who, after looking at it for some time,
said, "For this gold chain, you have sold your country ;
which expression had like to have cost them their lives. †
It was the coming of these ambassadors, which induced Sir
Thomas Wyat to take up arms, and begin that rebellion
which first endangered the queen's safety, and at last
brought him to the block. Notwithstanding this, she
caused a fleet of twenty-eight sail to be equipped, the
command of which she gave to the Lord William Howard,
created baron of Effingham, in the first year of her reign, §
and lord high admiral, who was now by special commis-
sion | constituted lieutenant-general, and commander-in
chief of her royal army. He was sent to sea under pre-
tence of guarding the coast, but in reality his squadron was
designed to escort Prince Philip, which was, however, a
needless care, since his own fleet consisted of one hundred
and sixty sail; with this naval force he entered the narrow
seas, his admiral carrying the Spanish flag in his main
top, a thing which gave such offence to the gallant admiral
of England, that he saluted him with a shot, and obliged
him to take in his colours, before he would make his com-
pliments to the prince; a circumstance worthy of im-
Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1106. Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 59.
Burnet, vol. ii.
+ See his trial, preserved in Holingshed.
↑ Stowe. Burnet. Strype.
| Rymer's Foedera, tom. xv. p. 382.
§ Pat. i. M. p. 7.
OF QUEEN MARY
393
mortal REMEMBRANCE, and, one would think too, of
IMITATION. *
The queen was, at this time, about thirty-eight years
old, entirely at her own disposal, and, if we may judge
from her conduct, somewhat in a hurry for a husband,
which will appear the more excusable, if we consider
that she had been disappointed nine or ten times, if not
more. † She seems, besides, to have had a natural in-
clination towards this marriage, as being herself a Spaniard,
by her mother's side, and always remarkably affected to
that nation; and yet, by the care of her council, very
reasonable articles were drawn, for preventing the evils
apprehended there from this match. ‡ Prince Philip landed
at Southampton the 19th of July, and, passing on to Win-
chester, there espoused the queen, on the 25th of the same
month, being the feast of the Spanish patron St. James. §
As the nation was displeased, at the celebration of their
nuptials, so their discontents grew higher and higher,
insomuch, that the queen never had a pleasant hour, or
her subjects a quiet minute, from her wedding-day, though
many projects were set on foot to pacify them. To this
end, the Spanish artisans were forbid to open shops here,
severe justice was done on several, who, in resentment
of insults, had killed some of the English; and a great
many carts, laden, as it was said, with gold and silver,
were driven through the streets to the Tower. ||
* Sir W. Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 243. Holingshed, vol. ii.
p. 1118. Speed, p. 824.
↑ Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 129.
↑ These are but imperfectly published in Holingshed; but the
original was copied by a careful hand, and is in the Cotton library,
Julius, f. vi. and are likewise published in Rymer's Fœdera, tom. xv.
p. 377.
§ Grafton, p. 1343. Holing. vol. ii. p. 1118. Cooper, fol. 366.
Ferrara's Hist. de Espan. p. 13. sec. 16. M. Turquet, liv. xxviii. p.
1340, 1341.
|| Stowe's Annals, p. 625. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 286.
!
A.D.
1554.
394
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1556.
A.D.
1557.
All these arts, however, could not dissipate the jealousies
which the English had conceived, nor were they or their
queen at all satisfied, when the Emperor Charles V.
resigned the crown of Spain to King Philip. They easily
foresaw that this would occasion his remaining almost
constantly abroad, which would be attended with the most
fatal consequences to their affairs, since, without com-
municating and receiving direction from him, the council
could, or at least would, do little or nothing here at home. *
After the emperor's resignation, in his passage from
Flanders to Spain, he put into an English port, where he
was received, with great respect, by the lord-high-admiral,
who could not, however, prevail upon him to visit the
queen, his daughter; but to excuse it, he wrote her a
very long letter, perplexed and ambiguous, very evidently
speaking that disorder of mind under which he laboured.
This letter is dated the 20th of September, 1556, and seems
to have been chiefly intended to palliate the absence of
his son. +
About this time, the court had information of some
treacherous designs in respect to the queen's dominions in
France. These places were equally objects of the atten-
tion of both nations. The government of Calais, and its
dependencies, was the most profitable employment the
crown had to give. It was of great utility as a staple to
which foreign merchants resorted to purchase English
commodities, which were there vended annually to a very
large amount. It was held of still greater consequence,
as one of the keys of the Channel, Dover being the other. ‡
The French again considered this fortress, and the forts
* See this grievance strongly stated in the minute of an order made
by Queen Elizabeth in council, on her accession, in the Diary of Sir
W. Cecil, (Lord Burleigh,) Cotton library, Titus, c. 10.
+ Strype's Memorials, vol iii. p. 307.
↑ Calais, while in our hands, was entirely inhabited by English ;
had a mayor and aldermen, with other franchises; a mayor of the
staple. Children born there were not reputed aliens. Its inhabitants
OF QUEEN MARY.
905
belonging to it, as a bridle in their mouths, an inlet into
their kingdom, by which the English could enter their
country at pleasure, and as a standing monument of their
being once masters of the realm. On all these accounts
they were, in peace as well as war, plotting how Calais
and its district might be recovered. For this reason,
every overture on that subject, was well received, come
from whom it would.
*
The principal instrument in this business, and who
wrought for them most effectually, has escaped the notice
of all our writers. His name was John de Fontenay,
sieur de Briteville, a gentleman of Normandy, who having,
in 1545, murdered the king's advocate, took refuge in
Çalais: this man, as a proper return for the protection
shewn to such a criminal, began quickly to contrive a plan
for surprising the place, He communicated this to, and
received encouragement from, Francis 1. and upon his
memoir, and the subsequent informations he gave, the
French took their measures, till it fell into their hands;
when Henry II. rewarded this John de Fontenay with
letters of abolition, and gave him also three thousand
crowns, to pay the interét civil, which is, in the nature
of our appeal, brought by the children of the person
whom he assassinated. The truth of this fact stands
therefore upon indisputable testimony. †
But the court of France did not solely rely on him; they, A.D.
on the contrary, listened also, as has been before remarked, 1557.
grew so rich as to excite envy at home, though, being English, all the
wealth they acquired there of course centered here. See Cotton's
Records, n. 140, 172, 309, &c.
* I du Tillet, Chronique abregée des Rois de France, p. 106, 107.
A. du Chesne, antiquites des Villes de tout la France, p. 467. Scipio
Dupleix, Histoire de France, tom. iii. p. 577.
+ Antiquitez de Caen, p. 95. The project of recovering this place
was concerted by the constable Montmorency, but he being taken at
the battle of St. Quintin, it was executed, as will appear hereafter,
by his rival the duke of Guise.
396
NAVAL HISTORY
to the informations, and gladly received the propositions of
English traitors, and amongst these, to one for betraying
this place. King Philip made this known to his queen
and her ministers, offering at the same time, any assistance
that might be requisite for their defence, it being too well
known, that the garrisons in Calais and the forts were
but weak.* The council acted very unluckily upon this
tender point. They refused the king's succours, from an
apprehension they might seize these places for him, and
considering these treacherous negotiations in a time of
full peace, as so injurious and so insulting to the nation,
that they advised the queen to make war upon France.
Accordingly an herald was sent to Henry, as the custom
was then, to defy him in the queen's name, which was
most solemnly performed at Rheims. The reasons pub-
lickly assigned for this, that it might appear entirely an
English quarrel, were these, that he had assisted the late
duke of Northumberland and his adherents; that Dudley
and Ashton, traitors, had been by him received, and were
gratified with pensions; and that Stafford had been coun-
tenanced by him in attacking the castle of Scarborough. †
But, notwithstanding all these points were notoriously
true, it was believed, that the queen would not have
declared war, but, from the solicitations of her consort
Philip, which made it exceedingly disagreeable to the
common people, and the parliament discovered a back-
wardness in supporting it.
It was stipulated by the articles of marriage, that the
queen's dominions should not be engaged in any war,
particularly with the crown of France, on account of any
disputes that might arise between the French and King
Philip; and yet, when the Spaniards thought it adviseable
to break with the French king, Henry II. the queen and
* Grafton's Chronicle, p. 1352.
+ Godwin's Annals, p. 326. Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. chap. xliv.
p. 358.
OF QUEEN MARY.
397
her council were prevailed upon to forget that article and
the interests of England, and to enter into a war, both
with Scotland and France. To bring this to pass, King
Philip himself came over, and remained the best part of
the spring in England, where he concerted such measures
as he thought would infallibly ruin the French. On his
return into Flanders, and drawing his forces to the frontiers,
the Earl of Pembroke passed from hence with a gallant
body of troops, consisting of between ten and eleven
thousand men, and had the honour to contribute greatly
to the total defeat of the French forces before the town
of St. Quintin, in the famous battle fought there on
the 7th of July, 1557, and assisted soon after in taking of
the town by storm. *
But while these brave men gained honour abroad, their
country suffered severely at home; for the Scots not only
harassed the borders, but also, by the advice and assistance
of the French, fitted out abundance of privateers, which
disturbed the commerce, and particularly alarmed all such
as were concerned in the Iceland trade, then of very great
consequence. To quiet the apprehension of the merchants,
Sir John Clere, vice-admiral of England, was sent with a
fleet of twelve sail to annoy the Scots, and to preserve
the Iceland fleet: with this view, he made a descent on
the island of Pomona, one of the Orkneys, on the 12th of
August, 1557; but the next day, the Scots, to the number
of three thousand men, fell upon him; defeated the forces
he had landed; killed three of his captains; took all his
artillery; and to complete the misfortune, the boat in which
he fled overset, so that himself, with several others, were
drowned. The rest of the fleet, discouraged by this
unlucky accident, abandoned their design, and returned
home, which encouraged the Scots to raise a great army,
Grafton, p. 1352, 1353. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1134. Speed,
p. 829. Thuan. hist. lib. 19. sec. 4. Mezeray, tom. iv. p. 705. P. Daniel,
tom. viii. p. 198.
VOL. I.
EF
1
398
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1558.
and to threaten a dangerous invasion; but their own
domestic dissensions, as was commonly the case with that
people, rendered their projects abortive, and preserved
the nation from receiving any further damage on that
side. *
The succeeding winter proved fatal to the English
possessions in France, those small remains of the great
conquests which her Henrys and Edwards had made. The
duke of Guise, at this time, governed all in France; who,
being well informed of the strange policy of the English,
trusting in the winter, the defence of Calais, rather to its
situation than to its garrison, resolved to make use of that
season to surprise it. The war with Spain gave a colour
for his drawing together a great army on the frontiers;
and, under pretence of disturbing the English navigation,
he directed abundance of ships to be fitted out from all the
ports of France, with secret directions to join before Calais,
in the beginning of the month of January. On the 1st
of that month, he threw himself, with a choice body of
troops, before the place, or rather behind it, towards the
sea; where, attacking the forts of Nieulay and the Rysbank,
he, after a vigorous defence, made himself master of them ;
after which, he assaulted the town, and, in a week's time,
forced it to capitulate; the Lord Wentworth, who com-
manded therein, having no stronger garrison than five
hundred men. +
Thus, in eight days, the English lost a place which
they had held two hundred and ten years, and which had
cost Edward III. eleven months siege before he became
master of it. Some of our historians, and especially the
* Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 429. Leslæus, lib. x. Buchanan,
lib. xvi.
† Grafton, p. 1854, 1355. Stowe, p. 631, 632. Godwin, p. 380,
331. Lord Burleigh's Diary in Murdin's collection of State Papers,
p. 747. Thuan. hist. lib. xx. sec. 3. Duplcix. tom. iii. p. 576, 577.
P. Daniel, tom. viii. p. 210.
OF QUEEN MARY,
399
memoir-writers of those times, attribute this misfortune to
treachery, and stab several noble characters with imputa-
tions of this sort, according as their prejudices led them ;
but there does not appear the least ground for these re-
ports, any more than for suggesting that the Lord Grey,
who was governor of the castle of Guisnes, betrayed it:*
since the French writers very candidly acknowledge, that
he made not only a good, but a desperate defence, so that
if he had either commanded a numerous garrison, or had
entertained any hopes of relief, he would have infallibly
preserved the place. As it was, he surrendered upon
honourable terms, † which is more than can be said for
the Governor of the fortress of Hames, who, seized with a
sudden panic, yielded it up before the French had attacked
it. The news of these disasters struck the queen with
despair, which is not wonderful; but, that they should so
dispirit the nation, as to engage the council to write in
such a dejected strain as they did to King Philip, on his
moving them to attempt the retaking the place, is really
strange; and I think it can be accounted for no other way
than by supposing, that, on the one hand, they were
weary of the mighty expense which these possessions
annually cost England; and where, on the other, willing
to lay hold of so favourable an opportunity, to demon-
strate to the king, the mischief this war had done them,
and how utterly incapable they were, of prosecuting his
projects any longer. §
In order to shew the probability of what I have sug-
gested, and to give my readers the clearest idea of the
real importance of this place, it may not be amiss to
observe, that at such time as the French King Francis I.
Grafton, p. 1357-1359. Stowe, p, 632. Godwin, p. 331, 332.
+ Thuan. hist. lib. xx. sec. iii. Dupleix, tom. iii. p. 577, 578. P.Da-
niel, Histoire de France, tom. viii. p. 216.
↑ Grafton, p. 1360. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1140.
§ See the copy of the council's letter, dated February 1, 1557.
Cotton library, Titus, b. 2.
1
EE 2
400
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1558.
was prisoner in Spain, there wanted not some who advised
King Henry VIII. to lay hold of this opportunity of parting
with this fortress, and all he held in France, supposing
that by such a step he might add to his profit, without
diminishing his honour; but, upon a debate in his privy
council, it wat resolved to keep it. This is certain, that
the expense of preserving Calais was very great, not
amounting to less, during the time we held it, than three
millions. How to compute the advantage we derived
from it, I confess, is not easy to say; but surely the in-
difference with which Queen Elizabeth and her ministers
treated it, and the little inclination we have since shewn
to get it into our own possession, may render what I have
advanced credible. † Add to this, that in those days the
house of Austria was almost as formidable as the house
of Bourbon is now; which made the greatest part of
Europe afraid of it, and of it only. How well this ap
prehension was conducted, and with what address the
English ministry managed this general inclination, so as
to render the weakness of other states the cause of weak-
ening Spain to such a degree as she has never recovered,
I shall hereafter have occasion to shew. In the mean
time, let us return to the last, indeed the only, naval
expedition in this reign.
The war still continued between the French and Spa-
niards, with the utmost animosity; and the former, being
*This fact is taken from a letter of the archbishop of Canterbury
to Cardinal Wolsey.
+ See Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 26. The French made an offer of
Calais to Queen Elizabeth, by their ambassadors at London, in 1560,
prior to the treaty of Edinburgh, after having first tried how far threats
would operate, in case she would recall her forces out of Scotland,
which she had sent to the assistance of those of the reformed religion,
in that kingdom: but her majesty, as we are told, which shews in
what estimation she held it, shrewdly replied, that for the sake of a
paltry fishing-town, she would never desert those she had taken under
her protection. Camdeni Annal. Elizabethæ edit. T. Hearne, vol. i.
p. 64.
OF QUEEN MARY.
401
earlier in the field, in 1558 began to gain great advantages
in the Low Countries; but growing upon this too warm,
as is common with the French, they attacked Count
Egmont, near Gravelin, whose army made a gallant
resistance, till such time as the English squadron, then
cruising in the narrow seas, hearing the incessant noise
of their artillery, and having the advantage of the wind,
approached the field of battle, which was close to the sea
side, and bringing their guns to bear upon the left wing
of the French, they did such terrible execution, as quickly
decided the fate of the day, and forced two hundred of
the enemy to fly to the English ships for quarter. This
battle was fought on the 3d of July, and was of infinite
consequence to King Philip. In the mean time, the queen
caused a considerable navy to be drawn together, in order
to make a descent upon France. The ships were not
fewer than two hundred and forty sail; but there were
great uncertainties about the time, place, and manner of
acting, occasioned by the king's feeding Queen Mary with
hopes of his coming over to England, which it is more
than probable he never intended.
At length, the Lord Clinton, then lord high admiral,
put to sea with a stout fleet, in the month of July, and
landed seven thousand men in Lower Bretagne, where
they took the town of Conquet, and soon after re-em-
barked. Before they reached the English coast, they were
joined by a squadron of thirty sail of Spanish ships, which
induced the admiral to think of taking Brest; but, arriving
on the coast of Bretagne a second time, they found the
whole country in arms, so that they were constrained to
abandon their enterprize, and to lay aside all thoughts of
action for this year.
* Grafton, p. 1363, 1364.
Hist. lib. xx. sec. 9, 10.
tom. viii. p. 232.
Stowe, p. 633. Godwin, p. 334. Thuan.
Dupleix, tom. iii. p. 583, 584. P. Daniel,
402
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1558.
This disappointment, joined to the coldness of her hus-
band, the calamities which the war had brought upon her
native country, and the general discontent of her subjects,
greatly affected the queen's tender constitution, now in a
manner worn out by a dropsy; yet this distemper was not
the immediate cause of her death; but rather a kind of
infectious fever, which raged excessively in the autumn of
this year, especially among the better sort. According to
the accounts in some of our old chronicles, it differed
little from a plague. While she laboured under her last
sickness, King Philip entered into a treaty with the French
king, wherein at first he pretended to insist strenuously
on the restitution of Calais; but, it afterwards appeared,
that this was only for form's sake, and in order to obtain
better terms for himself; the poor queen was wont to say
in her languishing condition, that as yet they knew not her
distemper, but that, if after she was dead they opened her,
they would find Calais written in her heart. + Worn with
her disease, and excruciated by her griefs, she expired the
17th of November, 1558, the parliament then sitting.
We have said somewhat as to her character before; but,
it may not be amiss to observe, that, in the latter part of
her reign, and especially after the death of Stephen
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, lord-chancellor, and her
prime-minister, things went but indifferently in parlia-
ment; where, but a few weeks before her death, one of the
members for the city of London made a long speech in the
House of Commons, wherein he fully and freely laid open
all their grievances, and entered into a particular detail
of the state of the nation; affirming amongst other things,
that the city of London was then worth less by three
* Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 377. Stowe's Annals, p. 684. Dr. Had-
don's Answer Apologetical to Hierome Osorius, (who alledged the
queen was poisoned,) fol. 28.
† Grafton, p. 1365, 1366. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1162. Speed,
p. 830. Godwin's Annals, p. 340, 341. Lord Burleigh's Diary, in
Murdin's Collection, p. 747.
OF QUEEN MARY.
403
hundred thousand pounds than at the death of King
Edward.* We need not wonder, therefore, that this prin-
cess was very little regretted; especially, if we consider,
that, throughout her whole reign, she put herself at the
head of a party both in church and state, and thereby
exceedingly provoked the body of her people.
It may not be amiss to observe here, that by the hard-
ships the nation underwent, in consequence of the queen's
foreign marriage, they were for that reason cured of their
unreasonable attachment to the house of Burgundy, which,
from the time that Maximilian married the heiress of the
last duke, to the death of Queen Mary, cost England, in
the bare expense of wars and subsidies entered into, or
granted on their behalf, six millions of our money, exclu-
sive of the inexpressible advantages derived to them from
our trade, of which enough has been said in the former
reign. To this we must justly ascribe, in a great measure,
the putting our commerce upon a right foot, by which I
mean, taking it out of the hands of foreigners in the Steel-
yard, and out of the hands of an exclusive company here
at home, which had been impracticable, or, which comes
to the same thing, never had been thought practicable, if,
through the distresses brought upon us by Queen Mary's
administration, our political system had not been changed;
and the bringing this to pass, ought in justice to be ascribed
to Sir William Cecil, who, being little employed, though
much regarded by that princess, spent most of his leisure
time in making himself entirely master of the practical as
well as speculative knowledge relative to coin and com-
merce, which, with so much credit to himself and glory to
his sovereign, he exerted in the next reign. For, as it
was the bane of Queen Mary's government, that she was
* Sir Thomas Smith reports this in his oration on the question,
whether it would be more expedient for the nation, that Queen
Elizabeth should marry a native or a foreigner? which the reader may
meet with at large in the Appendix to his Life, by John Strype, N. iii.
p. 7.
404
NAVAL HISTORY
entirely guided by foreign councils, so it was the principal
source of her sister's fame and felicity, that her views were
entirely English, as were those of her minister before men-
tioned, whose maxim it was, that his mistress could not be
great, and himself secure, from any other means than by
consulting for, and procuring the common benefit of the
nation. *
Some things, however, were done under the reign of
King Philip and Queen Mary for the benefit of trade.
King Edward's decree against the merchants of the Steel-
yard was enforced by an act passed in the parliament of the
24th of October, in the first year of the queen's reign; and
the privileges this company pretended to were entirely
taken away for this just and wise reason; because, that
though they were said to be for the benefit and advance-
ment of commerce, yet they were found in effect to be
prejudicial thereto, by maintaining in these merchants a
monopoly; by secreting the mystery of traffic from the
natives of this realm; and, by establishing a kind of foreign
republic in the metropolis of this kingdom. Notwithstand-
ing which, this princess was prevailed upon, some say
consequence of her alliance with the emperor, to suspend
the execution of this act for three years, and to discharge
the German merchants from paying any other duties than
those they were accustomed to pay in the time of Henry
VIII. and Edward VI. +
in
The Russia Company, or, as it was then called, the
Muscovy Company, was established by the charter which
has been mentioned before, with a particular view to the
discovery of new trades, and in this respect, the wisest
See his character drawn by the inimitable pen of the learned
Camden, vol. iii. p. 773–775. Sir Robert Naunton's Fragmenta
Regalia. Life of William, Lord Burleigh. Lloyd's State Worthies,
p. 473.
+ The letters patent for this purpose bear date at Westminster,
January 15th, 1554. Rymer's Foedera, tom. xv. p. 364. A Treatise
of Commerce, &c. by Jolin Wheeler, London, 1601, quarto.
OF QUEEN MARY.
405
1
and most useful establishment that was ever founded. It
was, therefore, farther encouraged by an act in the eighth
of the next reign; and, so lately as in the time of William
III. another act passed, whereby the company are obliged
to admit as a member, and to a joint participation of all
their privileges, any subject of this realm who requests
the same, paying for such admission five pounds; so
that this society stands on a broad bottom, and cannot be
charged with any of those inconveniences which may be
justly imputed to other companies.* The first Russian
ambassador sent hither was in this reign, and was received
with great respect, having his first public audience of King
Philip and Queen Mary on the 25th of March, 1557. †
We find also, that several letters were written to
princes and states, in favour of our merchants, by the
direction of their majesties; and, by the favour of King
Philip, there was a considerable intercourse with Spain,
and with all the provinces subject to his Catholic Majesty
throughout Europe; which, though it might possibly be
the effects of his policy, in order to gain the affections of
the English, yet it was certainly of great advantage to pri-
vate persons, quickened the spirit of trade, and added
somewhat to the public stock. It must, however, be
allowed, that these favours did by no means balance the
inconveniences which arose from the influence of foreign
councils, much less would they have made us amends, if
the intrigues of this enterprising prince had taken effect;
for, that he had thoughts of adding England and Ireland
to his other hereditary dominions, and of awing them by
* See their case on their petition in 1741.
+ Stowe's Annals, p. 630. Godwin, p. 324, 325. Strype's Memo-
rials, vol. iii. p. 373. The letters of these princes to the emperor
of Russia, with a copy of the first privileges granted by that monarch
to the English merchants, their charter, and a discourse at large of the
extraordinary reception the Russian minister met with in England,
the reader will find in Hakluyt's noble collection, vol. i. p. 258, 265,
267, 285.
S
406
NAVAL HISTORY
Spanish garrisons, is very certain; though the war with
France, and the queen's early death, prevented such
schemes from being carried into execution.* This, as it
was very fortunate for us, so it was such a heavy disap-
pointment to him, that, as we shall see in the succeeding
part of this work, he exerted all his address, and employed
his utmost power, to atchieve by force what he had failed
of obtaining by fraud; and thereby ruined his own mari-
time strength, and increased ours much beyond what
could otherwise have been by our utmost industry
effected.
As to discoveries, there were not many attempted in
this short term. Stephen Burroughs, as we before ob-
served, was fitted out to prosecute Sir Hugh Willoughby's
attempt, to find a passage by the north to the East Indies;
but he failed, though he passed as far as the straits of
Weygatz. + Captain Richard Chancellor, who had so
happily begun an intercourse between us and Russia, and
procured such ample privileges for our merchants from the
Czar, made two other voyages into his dominions, which
were very successful; but, in returning from the last, he
was unfortunately lost on the coast of Scotland, in the
latter end of the year 1556. The next year, the Russia
company sent Captain Anthony Jenkinson into Muscovy,
who the year following passed, with infinite labour and
incredible danger, into Bucharia; having traversed the
countries bordering on the Caspian sea, and so was
actually the first discoverer of the Persian trade, by the
way of Muscovy. §
* See Lord Keeper Bacon's speech, in d'Ewes's Journal, An. 1 Elis.
+ Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 282.
Stowe, p. 629. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1132. Godwin, p. 324.
§ Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 324, 336.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
407
CHAP. XII.
Containing the Naval History of England, under the auspicious Reign
of Queen Elizabeth; an account of the many Discoveries made,
and Plantations settled, during that space of time, with the measures
pursued for the advancement of Trade; including also Memoirs of
the famous Admirals, and eminent Seamen, who flourished in that
glorious Period.
N
1558
On the demise of Queen Mary, one would have thought A.D.
there needed no mighty consideration in order to settle the
succession, since, according to the will of King Henry,
which had been hitherto obeyed, as well as the laws of
nature and of the land, the Lady Elizabeth became im-
mediately queen. The ministry in the late reign, how-
ever, seem to have been in some doubt about taking this
step; and, very probably, if the parliament had not been
sitting, they might have made some attempt to have
secured their own power at the expense of the public
peace; but, it fell out more happily for the nation; so
that, after a short consultation, they resolved to give notice
to the House of Lords of their mistress's demise; and,
upon this, orders were immediately given for proclaiming
Queen Elizabeth. *
There never was, perhaps, a kingdom in a more distressed
condition than England at the accession of this princess.
It was engaged in a war abroad for the interest of a foreign
prince; at home, the people were divided and distracted
about their religious and civil concerns. Those of the
reformed religion had been lately exposed to the flames;
* Additions to Fabian, p. 566. Grafton, p. 1367. Cooper's Chro-
nicle, fol. 377. The celebrated Lord Burleigh's Diary of the reign of
this princess, in Murdin's collection, p. 747. Stowe. Holingshed,
vol. ii. Speed, and other historians,
408
NAVAL HISTORY
and those of the Roman communion found themselves
now in a declining state. On the continent, we had no
allies; in this very island, the Scots were enemies, and
their queen claimed the English crown. The exchequer
was exhausted; most of the forts and castles throughout
the kingdom mouldering into ruins; at sea we had lost
much of our ancient reputation; and, a too sharp sense of
their misfortunes, had dejected the whole nation to the
last degree. *
Elizabeth was about twenty-five years of age, had quick
parts, an excellent education, much prudence, and withal,
what she inherited from her father, a high and haughty
spirit, qualified by a warm and tender affection for her
people, and an absolute contempt of those pleasures, by
the indulging which princes are too commonly misled.
Her wisdom consisted in good sense, rather than refined
maxims; and her policy seems to have risen no higher than
to this plain rule, of steadily minding her business. From
the moment she became a queen, she never suffered herself
to forget the station in which God had placed her. She
received the compliments on her accession with majesty;
and she supported her dignity even in her dying moments.
The subsequent part of this history will shew, that this
character is drawn from her actions; and that I have been
no more inclined to flatter her, than to asperse some of her
royal predecessors; though, if authorities could support
scandal, I might have cited not a few to countenance
both.
But let us see by what steps this great queen and her
able ministers extricated their country from the misery in
which it was involved; and restored this realm not only to
a settled and flourishing condition, but raised her glory
higher than in her most happy times she ever stood;
* Gul. Camden, Annal. vol. i. p. 27. Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 2, 3,
and the Speech of Lord-keeper Bacon, in Sir Simonds d'Ewes's
Journal, p. 11.
I
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
409
laying the foundation of that extensive power which she
has since enjoyed; and which she may always enjoy, if
there be not wanting honest men at the helm, or if the
spirit of the nation co-operate constantly with that of her
rulers.
1558.
The first act of the queen's government was asserting A.D.
her independency. She made an order in council, in the
preamble of which it was recited, that the distresses of
the kingdom were chiefly owing to the influence of foreign
counsels in the late reign; and, therefore, the queen
thought fit to declare, that she was a free princess, and
meant so to act, without any further applications to Spain,
than the concerns of her people absolutely required.
On the 21st of November, when she had worn the crown
but three days, she sent orders to Vice-admiral Malyn, to
draw together as many ships as he could for the defence
of the narrow seas, and for preventing likewise all persons
from entering into, or passing out of the kingdom, without
licence; which he performed so strictly, that in a short
time the council were forced to relax their orders, and to
signify to the warden of the cinque ports, that the queen
meant not to imprison her subjects, but that persons might
pass and repass about their lawful concerns. t
so that
With like diligence, provision was made for the security
of Dover, Portsmouth, and the Isle of Wight;
by the end of the year, the kingdom was out of all danger
from any sudden insult, and the queen at leisure to con-
sider how she might further strengthen it, so as to render
all the projects of her enemies abortive. Her entrance on
government had the same appearance of wisdom, as if she
had been years upon the throne; and the hopes raised by
* Cotton library, Titus, cap. 10. See the queen's instructions to
Guido Cavalcanti, dated the 29th of January, 1558-9, in Dr. Forbes's
Collection of State Papers, vol. i. p. 34.
+ Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 6.
See Sir William Cecil (Lord Burleigh's) Diary, in the Cotton
library, Titus, cap. 10.
410
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
her first actions, were supported and even exceeded by
the steadiness of her conduct; so that, by a firm and
uniform behaviour, she secured the reverence and affection
of her subjects at home, and established a character abroad
that prevented any immediate enterprizes upon her domi
nions, in that feeble and fluctuating condition in which
she found them.
In the month of April, 1559, peace was concluded with
1559. France, and therein, amongst other things, it was pro-
vided, that, after the term of eight years, the French
should render to the queen the town of Calais, or pay her
fifty thousand crowns by way of penalty. In this treaty,
the dauphin, and the queen of Scots were also included;
but this was very indifferently performed; for the French
immediately began to send over great forces into Scotland,
where they intended first to root out the Protestant reli-
gion, and then to have made themselves entirely masters
of the kingdom. * This proceeding so alarmed the nobi-
lity of Scotland, that many of them had immediate recourse
to arms; and, not finding their own strength sufficient,
applied themselves for protection to Queen Elizabeth,
who, foreseeing the consequence of suffering the French
to fix themselves, and establish an interest in Scotland,
determined to send thither the assistance that was desired,
both by land and sea.
* Corps Diplomatique du Droit des Gens, tom. v. p. i. p. 28. Bu-
chanan, lib. xvi. xvii. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1184. Camden, vol. i.
p. 42. Mezeray, tom. v. p. 15, 16; and the rest of the French his-
torians, who all own this project of their King Francis II. But the
best account of the treaty of Chateau Cambresis, is in Dr. Forbes's
Collection of State Papers, vol. i. to which we refer the reader.
+ See the queen's letter to the duke of Norfolk, dated December
30, 1559, in Haynes's Collection of State Papers, p. 217, 218; the
articles agreed to on the part of that princess, by the duke of Norfolk
with Lord James Stuart, and others of the nobility, when she con-
descended to take the realm of Scotland and the confederate lords
under her protection, dated February 27, 1559; Lord Grey's instruc-
tions on his entering that kingdom, and other papers relating to this im-
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
411
In the mean time, a strict but legal inquiry was made
into the loss of Calais, in the late reign. The Lord
Wentworth, on whom many aspersions had fallen, was
fairly tried, and honourably acquitted by his peers; but
the Captains Chamberlain and Harleston were condemned,
though the queen thought fit to pardon them. As for
Lord Grey, his gallant defence of the fortress, wherein
he was governor, exempted him from any prosecution;
instead of which he was appointed commander-in-chief
of the forces that were to march into Scotland. The fleet
was commanded by Admiral Winter, which sailed up the
Frith of Forth, blocked up Leith by sea, while the army
of the Scots lords, and the English auxiliaries, under Lord
Grey, besieged it by land; and in a very short time, forced
the French garrison to capitulate, whereby all the designs
of France on that side were entirely broken, † and the
queen left to look to her own concerns; which she
did with such diligence, that in two years religion was
restored; the principal grievances felt under the former
government, redressed; base money taken away; the forts
throughout the kingdom repaired; and trade brought into
a flourishing condition.
But, above all, the navy was the queen's peculiar care ;
she directed a most exact survey of it to be made; a very
strict inquiry into the causes of its decay; and the surest
means by which it might be recovered. She issued orders
for preserving timber fit for building; directed many
pieces of brass cannon to be cast; and encouraged the
making gun-powder here at home, which had been hitherto
brought from abroad, at a vast expense. For the security
portant business. Keith's History of the Church and State of Scot-
land, vol. i. p. 113. Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 28, 29. Stowe,
p. 641. Speed, p. 834.
* Stowe, p. 639. Camden, vol. i. p. 43. Strype, vol. i. p. 20.
† Buchanan, lib. xvii. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1187. Thuan. Hist.
lib. xxiv. sec. iv. Lord Burleigh's Diary, in Murdin's Collection, p. 750.
A.D.
1561.
412
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1562.
of her fleet, which generally lay in the river Medway, she
built a strong fortress called Upnore castle. The wages
of the seamen she raised; enlarged the number, and
augmented the salaries of her naval officers; drew over
foreigners, skilled in the arts relating to navigation, to
instruct her people; and, by the pains she took in these
affairs, excited a spirit of emulation among her subjects,
who began every where to exert themselves in like man-
ner, by repairing of ports, and building vessels of all sizes,
especially large and stout ships, fit for war as well as
commerce. From all which, as Mr. Camden tells us, the
queen justly acquired the glorious title of the RESTORER
OF NAVAL POWER, and SOVEREIGN OF THE NORTHERN
SEAS; insomuch, that foreign nations were struck with
awe at the queen's proceedings, and were now willing
respectfully to court a power, which had been so lately
the object of their contempt. *
The civil dissensions in the kingdom of France, which
gave the court a pretence for oppressing those of the
reformed religion, whom they called Huguenots, produced
in the year 1562, very destructive consequences to their
neighbours. A general spirit of rapine and confusion
having spread itself through the inhabitants of that exten-
sive kingdom, and the greatest crimes meeting with impu-
nity, such as dwelt on the sea coast, and who were mostly
Huguenots, fitted out ships to annoy their enemies; upon
which the court-party did the like; so that, at last piracies
were frequent, and the English trade suffered thereby so
intolerably, that, at length, the queen resolved to inter-
pose. * The French protestants had long sued to her for
• Camdeni Annales, vol. i. p. 86, where he somewhat exceeds the
truth when he says the queen, with the assistance of her subjects,
might fit out a fleet that would require twenty thousand seamen, since,
in 1582, all the sea-faring people in her realm did not exceed fourteen
thousand two hundred and ninety-five. Sir William Monson's
Tracts, p. 279. Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 375.
† See her manifesto, still extant in Stowe's Annals.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
413
ر
protection, and offered to put the port of Havre de Grace,
then called Newhaven, into her hands; which she at
length accepted, and sent over Ambrose Dudley, earl of
Warwick, in the month of September, 1562, with a con-
siderable fleet, and a good body of troops on board, who
entered into the town, and kept possession of it till the
29th of July following. *
The taking into our hands this place proved of infinite
detriment to the French: for, the court having declared
all English ships good prize, so long as the queen held that
port, she found herself obliged to issue a like proclama-
tion; whereupon, such numbers of privateers were fitted
out from English ports, and from Newhaven, that the
spoil they made is almost incredible. + For example, we
are told, that one Francis Clarke equipped, at his own
expense, three frigates; and, after a cruise of six weeks,
brought into Newhaven no less than eighteen prizes,
which were valued at upwards of fifty thousand pounds. ‡
The main motive to this conduct was, to revive a naval
enterprising spirit amongst the subjects, the promoting
ship-building, and preventing her neighbours from gain-
ing an ascendancy at sea, as they would certainly have
done, if, in order to redress the nation's wrongs, she had
had recourse to negociation. A maritime power injured,
instead of expostulating, immediately makes reprisals, and
thereby extorts apologies from the aggressors made sen-
sible of their past mistake.
But, by degrees, this spirit of privateering grew to such
an height, that the queen, for her own safety, and the
* F. Leonard, tom. ii. p. 571. Davila, lib. iii. Thuan. lib. xxiii.
sec. 4. Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 367. Forbes's State Papers,
vol. ii. Lord Burleigh's Diary, in Murdin's Collection, p. 753,
754.
† Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1196. Camden, vol. i. p. 94. Speed
p. 835.
Stowe's Annals, p. 653.
TOL. I.
FF
414
NAVAL HISTORY
honour of the nation, was obliged to restrain it; * those
who had fitted out ships of force, from a disposition natural
enough to privateers, plundering indiscriminately, all
vessels that came in their way. In the month of July, also
in this year, the queen directed a small squadron of ships
to be fitted out, viz. the Lion, the Hoope, the Hart, Swal-
low, and a bark, named the Hare, of which, Sir William
Woodhous, knight, was appointed vice-admiral, under a
pretence of guarding the narrow seas, which were then
said to be greatly infested with pirates; but, in reality,
as appears from his instructions, to lend what assistance
he possibly could to the malecontents in France; which
none of our historians, at least that we can discover, have
remarked. Some of these vessels were, in the November
following, such as the Hart, Swallow, Hare, &c. judged
requisite, by the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Pembroke,
and the Lord Admiral Clinton, to remain at Portsmouth,
not only for the security of the coast, and keeping the
channel clear during the winter; but, for the conveniency
of transporting troops, money, provisions, and ammu-
nition, as also for the conveying to, and receiving letters
from, Newhaven. † And, as we are told, the Hare, hav-
ing on board Sir John Portinarie, a famous engineer, in
hér passage to the last-mentioned place, was attacked by
a French ship of ninety tons and upwards, which, they
notwithstanding took, and which proved to be laden with
wine, and carried her in with them, on the twenty-fifth
of the same month. ‡
* She was under the necessity of sending an extraordinary ambas-
sador to his Catholic majesty, to excuse these piracies, and to restrain
them for the future, by a proclamation. Camdeni Annales Eliz. vol. i.
p. 98.
+ Haynes's State Papers, p. 394. Forbes's State Papers, vol. ii.
p. 171.
↑ Stowe's Annals, p. 652. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1197. Strype's
Annals, vol. i. p. 367.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
415
1567.
Philip II. of Spain, from the time of Queen Elizabeth's
accession to the throne, had dealt with her very deceitfully;
sometimes pretending to be her firm friend, at others,
seeking every occasion to injure and molest her subjects;
which he had more frequent opportunities of doing, from
the great commerce they carried on in Flanders. * What A.D.
served also to heighten the people's hatred against the
Spaniards, was, the cruelty and treachery with which they
had treated Captain Hawkins and his crew in the West
Indies; an insult the queen could but very ill bear,
though, as things were circumstanced, she could not well
resent it, all trade to the Spanish West Indies being in
some respect, repugnant to treaties. + Yet, while these
things disturbed the nation's tranquillity, in a certain
degree, France and the Low Countries were much more
grievously torn through religious disputes, which, by
degrees, kindled a civil war. ‡ The Protestants being the
weakest, and withal, the most injured party, the queen
was inclined to favour them, and to afford them some
assistance, though she was not willing absolutely to
break either with the most Christian or with the Catholic
king.
The latter had sent the duke of Alva to govern the
Netherlands, who was a fierce and a cruel man, but-withal,
a person of great courage, an able captain, and a con-
summate statesman. This duke, as he was a bitter enemy
to the Protestants, so he had conceived, probably on that
account, as keen a hatred against Queen Elizabeth, which
he soon found occasion to discover. Towards the end of
the year 1568, some merchants of Genoa, intending to
have set up a bank in the Low Countries, procured a
* Camden, Burnet, Rapin.
↑ Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 1177.
↑ Memoires de Castelnau, liv. i. Commentaires de Montluc, tom. ii.
liv. v. Dupleix, tom. iii. Le Clerc's Histoire des Provinces Unies
tom, i. liv. i.
A.D.
1568.
F F 2
416
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1573.
licenced from the king of Spain, to transport thither, a
very large sum in ready money, on board certain ships
belonging to the province of Biscay. These ships were
chased in their passage by some French privateers, and
were forced to take shelter in the ports of Plymouth, Fal-
mouth, and Southampton; where, by the queen's order,
their vessels were protected, and those on board them
well treated, till, at the request of the Spanish ambassador,
the money was brought ashore.
1
Cardinal de Chatillon, who was at the same time here
as a refugee, informed the queen that this money did not
belong, as was pretended, to the king of Spain, but to
private merchants; and that in case she gave leave for
transporting it into the Netherlands, the duke of Alva
would certainly seize it, in order to carry on some of his
dark designs. The queen, by the advice of her very wise
and able minister Cecil, resolved to defeat this scheme,
by taking the money to her own use, promising to re-pay
it immediately, if it should appear to be the king of Spain's
treasure, and to compensate the Genoese merchants for
the time she kept it, with just interest, if it was theirs. *
This was highly resented by King Philip and the duke of
Alva; the former, by his ambassador, endeavoured to get
secretary Cecil assassinated, tampering also with the duke
of Norfolk, and the earl of Ormond, to raise disturbances,
both in England and Ireland; in which, however, he
failed: but the duke of Alva, according to the violence of
his temper, seized all the English effects in Flanders, and
permitted his frigates and privateers to cruize on the
English coast. The queen made reprisals in her turn,
and allowing her subjects to fit out ships, they pursued
this trade of privateering with so much eagerness and
* Stowe, p, 662. Camden, vol. i. p. 175. Bentivoglio, part i. lib. v.
Thuan. lib. xliv. sec. xi. M. Turquet, tom. ii. p. 1432.
+ Lord Burleigh's Diary in Murdin's Collection, p. 766, 767. Bcn-
tivoglio, p. 1. lib. v.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
417
success, that at length they began not to distinguish friends
from foes;* upon which, her majesty was compelled to
issue a proclamation, forbidding the purchase of any ship,
or effects taken by these privateers. Soon after which,
these disputes were compromised, and peace restored,
though it did not last long, both the Spaniards and the
English being generally inclined to break it. +
In the midst of all these difficulties, the queen took
every opportunity to encourage her people in prosecuting
new schemes of trade abroad, or pursuing what might be
an improvement of their lands at home. With this view,
she sometimes contributed ships, sometimes gave money,
at others, entered into partnership; in short, she neglected
nothing which might shew her maternal tenderness for
all her subjects. She likewise afforded, in a very delicate
conjuncture, a shining proof of her generosity, in directing
a strong squadron of her ships to escort Anne of Austria,
in her voyage from Flanders into Spain, notwithstanding
the bad terms whereupon she then stood with King Philip.
Her treaties with France, which seemed to exclude all
fear of danger, did not hinder her from fortifying Ports-
mouth thoroughly, in which it quickly appeared, that her
precaution was far from being the effects of a needless
timidity; for the French soon fitted out a considerable
fleet, pretending to take some offence at the supplies she
had sent the Huguenots, as if it was contrary to the
treaties between them; but when it appeared, that her
majesty had provided effectually, against any attempts
they were able to make, they were glad to desist, and even
to make greater profession of friendship than before;
which disposed the queen to send over the earl of
* Murdin's State Papers, p. 257, 274.
+ Meteren, Histoire des Pays Bas. liv. iii. F. Strada, lib. vii.
Grimston's History of the Netherlands, b. ix. p. 460.
‡ Camdeni Annales, vol. ii. p. 220, 221. Ferreras Hist. de Espana,
p. 15. sec. xvi. Sir Richard Hawkins's Observations, p. 22.
418
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1576.
Worcester to the christening of the French king's
daughter.
This proved unlucky for the Huguenots, who having
fitted out abundance of rovers from Rochelle, they stopt
and visited vessels of all nations approaching the French
coast; amongst the rest, they seized a bark with part of
the earl of Worcester's baggage, which they took, and
killed three or four people. * This being reported to the
queen, she issued her orders by the lord-high-admiral, to
scour the narrow seas; who appointed William Holstock,
Esq. comptroller of the navy, with three light frigates,
and three hundred and sixty men on board, to perform
this service; which he did with such industry and effect,
that between the Northforeland and Falmouth, he took
twenty privateers of several nations, with nine hundred
men on board them, and sent them as they were taken,
to Sandwich, Dover, Newport, and Portsmouth.
likewise retook, and set at liberty, fifteen merchant-men,
by them made prize; and all this, within so short a time
as six weeks, returning into Portsmouth in the middle
of the month of March. Among these prisoners, were
three persons who were known and proved to be of the
crew of that vessel which had plundered the earl of
Worcester's baggage, and therefore they were immediately
tried and hanged as pirates; but the rest were ransomed. †
A few years after, the nation found itself under the like
difficulties, though from another quarter.
He
The provinces of Zealand and Holland had now
delivered themselves from the Spanish bondage, and
were growing considerable in the world by their maritime
power. This, however, had a bad effect on the dis-
position of the common people, who became insufferably
* Stowe, p. 674. Camden, vol. ii. p. 270, 275. P. Daniel, tom.
viii. p. 750.
+ Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1257. Strype's Annals, vol. ii. p. 171, 172.
Thuan. lib. iv. sec. viii.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
419
insolent to all their neighbours, and particularly to us,
who had been their principal benefactors. Their pre-
tence for this was, our corresponding with the inhabitants
of Dunkirk, who were their enemies. At first, therefore,
they took only such ships as were bound to that port;
but by degrees they went farther, and committed such
notorious piracies, that the queen was again forced to
send the comptroller of the navy, Mr. Holstock, with a
small squadron to sea, who quickly drove the Dutch
frigates into their harbours, and sent two hundred of
their seamen to prison. The queen, not satisfied with
this punishment, sent Sir William Winter, and Robert
Beale, Esq. to demand restitution of the goods taken
from her subjects, which, however, they did not obtain;
and, on this account, the Dutch factors here suffered
severely. *
But as for such refugees of all nations, as fled hither
for the sake of religion, she not only received them
kindly, but granted them various privileges, in order
to induce them to stay, and fix here the manufactures
in which they had laboured in their own countries. This
policy succeeded so well, that Colchester, Norwich,
Yarmouth, Canterbury, and many other places were
filled with those industrious foreigners; who taught us
to weave variety of silks and worsted stuffs, while many
also from Germany were sent into the north, where they
employed themselves in mining, making salt-petre, forging
all sorts of tools made of iron, which were arts absolutely
unknown to us before their arrival; and which, for ages
to come, might have continued so, but for the wisdom
and public spirit of the queen and her ministers. The
French and Spaniards, who were sensible of the advan-
tages we gained, and the losses they suffered, by the
* Stowe, p. 681. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1262. Camdeni Annales,
vol. ii. p. 303, 304. Grimstone's History of the Netherlands, b. x. p.
592.
420
NAVAL HISTORY
retiring of their artificers into this island, had recourse
to severe laws in order to prevent it, which were so far
from answering the end, that they drove people over
faster than they came before; so that we may truly say,
our extensive trade was a blessing bestowed by God,
for the countenance we afforded in those their dismal
days of distress, to the afflicted Protestants in France
and Flanders. *
The growth of this kingdom's power and commerce
being so conspicuous, left King Philip of Spain, the most
penetrating prince of his time, no room to doubt, that
his projects for assuming the supreme dominion of Europe,
or at least the absolute direction of it, would be rendered
entirely abortive, unless some method could be con-
trived for ruining England at once. While he meditated
this design, and took various steps towards it, he found
himself daily more and more irritated, by the pains the
queen took to frustrate his schemes, and to diminish the
power' which had been derived to him from his father
the Emperor Charles V. We have shewn how, during
the administration of the duke of Alva in the Netherlands,
differences had arisen between the court of England and
the king of Spain's subjects there; and how, after much
warmth shewn on both sides, these matters were, in some
measure, accommodated in 1573. That accommodation
was so far from being the effect of any cordial disposition
in either of these powers, that it was a mere act of policy
on both sides; neither having as yet brought those things
so far to bear, as were requisite for accomplishing their
respective designs. ‡
* Mezeray, Strada, Camden, Strype, Stowe, Holingshed, Speed,
and, in general, all the writers of those times, particularly such as
have made the progress of the reformation the subject of their
writings; though, after all, the point has never been so thoroughly
and particularly discussed as it deserves.
† Camden, Strype, Rapin.
↑ Hugo Grotius in Hist. Belg
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
421
*
The Catholic king had three points in view, not for
distressing only, but for destroying Queen Elizabeth,
and utterly subverting the English state. The first of
these was, uniting against her, under colour of religion,
most of the princes and states abroad, which by the
assistance of the pope, joined to his own extensive in-
fluence, he in a good measure effected; carrying (as we
shall hereafter see) his dictate so far, as to practice even
with the little republics in Germany, to disturb our
commerce, and to affront our government. His second
point was, perplexing the queen at home, by countenan-
cing the popish faction; and by maintaining, at a vast
expense, such fugitives as fled from hence; t in which he
was likewise for some time successful; the peace of the
kingdom being broken, its strength enervated, the go-
vernment, nay, the queen's life, often in danger by
those restless spirits, who were as assiduous in the blackest
cause, as if their industry had been prompted by the
most honourable motives. The last thing King Philip
had at heart, was the providing, as secretly as might be
such a force, as, with the assistance of his other schemes,
might enable him to make himself entirely master of
England at once; to which end he with great diligence
sought to increase his maritime power; and, upon the
pretence of his wars in the Netherlands, to keep under
the command of the prince of Parma, one of the ablest
generals that, or perhaps any age, ever produced, such
an army in constant readiness there, as might be sufficient
to atchieve this conquest, when he should have a fleet
strong enough to protect them in their passage. In the
The reader may find a more copious detail of the political motives
to the invasion in 1588, in Strype's Annals, vol. iii. p. 512.
There are in the collections published by Strype, Haynes, and
Murdin, lists of the names of persons of quality and others, to whom
the king of Spain assigned pensions on that account. See p. 242, 244,
in the latter. Dr. Birch's memoirs of the reign of Elizabeth, vol. i.
p. 203.
1
422
NAVAL HISTORY
1
prosecution of these deep laid projects, Philip met with
many favourable circumstances, which might, and very
probably did, strongly flatter his hopes, particularly the
death of the queen of Scots, that deeply stained the cha-
racter of Elizabeth in foreign courts, and his own ac-
quisition of the kingdom of Portugal, by which he gained
a vast accession of naval strength.
*
Queen Elizabeth and her ministers were too pene-
trating, and had too quick as well as certain intelligence,
to be at all in the dark as to the purpose of the king of
Spain; and their prudence was such, that by every
method
possible, they worked to disappoint him, without dis-
closing their apprehensions to the world. With this
intent they laboured to convince foreign states that
King Philip was a common enemy, and that he aimed
alike at subduing all his neighbours; which being a thing
strictly true, and, at the same time, nearly concerning
themselves, had undoubtedly a proper weight. † In
the next place, pains were taken to cultivate a closer
correspondence with his discontented subjects in the
Netherlands, and to furnish them with money, and
secretly with other aids; whereby they were enabled to
give some check to his power both by sea and land. Our
own privateers were allowed to pass into the West-Indies,
where they carried on an illicit trade, not more to their
own profit than the public benefit; for by this means they
gained a perfect acquaintance with the ports, rivers, and
fortresses in the West Indies, with the nature of the
commerce transacted there, the method of sharing it by
fair means, or of destroying it by force. Thus, not-
withstanding their immense wealth and extensive domi-
* Camden, Stowe, Speed, Strype, Bentivoglio, p. xi. lib. 4. Grim-
stone's Hist. of the Netherlands, lib. xiii. M. Faria y Sousa, lib. v.
cap. 3.
+ Strype's Annals vol. iii. p. 424; as also such letters in the Cabala
as relate to the years 1587 and 1588.
Stowe, Holingshed, Speed, Hakluyt, Purchas.
B
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
423
nions, the English were, in some measure, a match for
the Spaniards in all places, and at all points.
But still the great secret, by which the queen defeated
all King Philip's political inventions, seems to have been
scarcely known to most of the writers who have undertaken
to acquaint us with the transactions of her reign. It was
in reality this: she discovered the principal instruments
he intended to make use of for her destruction: but,
instead of exposing or destroying them, she contrived so
to manage them by her creatures, as to make them actually
fulfil her purposes, though they remained all the time
tools and pensioners to Spain. Thus, she caused the am-
bassador Mendoza, whose arts might have been otherwise
dangerous, had he remained here, to be so wrought on as
to forfeit his character, by suborning persons to murder
Secretary Cecil, and to spread libels in the night through
the streets, reflecting on herself. The Spanish emis-
saries, employed to seduce her people, in order to form a
strong party on any invasion, she took care to engage in
plots against her person; whereby they became speedily
obnoxious to a legal conviction, and so were brought to
an ignominious death, equally terrible and shameful to
the popish faction. This appears clearly from the case of
Parry, and other conspirators, with whom her secretaries
played till their treasons were ripe, and then seized and
convicted them; and thus, at last, after all the pains the
king had taken, she escaped an invasion, by procuring
such notions to be infused into the prince of Parma's head,
*
* Camden, Stowe, Speed: and more particularly, in the Life of
Lord Burleigh, written by one of his servants, and published by the
Rev. Mr. Peck, in the first volume of his Desiderata Curiosa. Bishop
Carleton's Remembrances, chap. vii. p. 73. Strype's Annals, vol. iii.
book i. chap. 14. The queen's declaration, upon sending him away,
is in the Appendix, No. xxiv. p. 43. Mendoza is said to have fallen
into extreme disgrace, after his return to Spain, living retired like an
hermit, abandoned by all the world. Dr. Birch's Memoirs of the
Reign of Queen Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 128.
424
NAVAL HISTORY
as inclined him rather to seek his own, than his master's
advantage; by which she reaped a double benefit, that
prince being soon after poisoned; and so his particular
schemes were likewise cut short.* But it is time to
return to our more immediate subject; the pains and pre-
cautions taken by the queen and her ministers to put the
nation into such a state of defence, both by land and sea,
as might give the people courage, and strike the enemy
with a strong sense of danger; the rather, because these
facts seem hitherto not to have been extremely well
understood.
The queen's apprehensions of the Spaniard's designs,
were certainly conceived much earlier than most of our
historians imagine, as appears from the State Papers in her
reign; among which, from the year 1574, we meet with
nothing more frequent than instructions for viewing for-
tifications; examining the condition of our forts; enquiring
into the strength and posture of our militia; taking fre-
quent musters; and, in fine, forming from all these en-
quiries, a brief state of the military and naval power of
her dominions, of which I have seen many in ancient
MSS.; amongst them one in 1575, whereby it appears,
that the able men throughout England, were computed
to be one hundred and eighty-two thousand nine hundred
and twenty-nine, by which were intended serviceable
men; and of such as were armed, and in a continual
capacity of acting, there were sixty-two thousand four
hundred and sixty-two; and of light horse, two thousand
five hundred and sixty-six. I have likewise an account
of the royal navy, in 1548, by which it appears, that it
consisted of no more than twenty-four ships, of all sizes.+
The largest was called the Triumph, of the burden of
* Carleton's Remembrances, chap. viii. p. 90. Stowe's Annals,
p. 746. Holingshed. Speed. Grimstone's History of the Netherlands,
lib. xiii. p. 1020, 1061.
† E. Codice Antiq. MS. penes Sam. Knight, S. T. P.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH,
425
a thousand tons; the smallest was the George, which
was under sixty tons. At the same time, all the ships
throughout England, of an hundred tons and upwards,
were but one hundred and thirty-five; and all under an
hundred, and upwards of forty tons, were six hundred
and fifty-six.
It is, therefore, singularly strange to find a late writer,
who ought certainly to be as well acquainted with the state
of the navy as any man, give us the following list,* under
so amazing a title as,
WHAT OUR NAVY WAS IN 1573.
Of
Guns.
100
No.
From
From
From
From
58 to 40
49
80 to 60
1) 59 of the line of battle, as
they might be reckoned
in those days.
38 to 20
58
18 to 6 29
146
Though nothing is easier than to discern at first sight,
that this account is absurd and improbable, yet another
writer has copied it implicitly; and, no doubt, by degrees,
it would gain credit, though I dare say there is an error of
an hundred years, at least, in the title of this state of the
navy. That it is absolutely false, may appear from hence;
that, in an estimate in the office of ordnance, the guns on
board the queen's ships, in 1578, are computed to be five
hundred and four; † whereas, according to the foregoing
state, they must have been five years before as we see, no
less than five thousand ninety-nine, which, if we compare
with the number of cannon in the Spanish armada, being
but two thousand six hundred and thirty, as appears by a
list printed by authority of the Spanish court, we shall
* Mr. Burchet, in his preface to his Naval History. See also
Lediard's Naval History, vol. i. p. 160. `
† E codice antiq. ante citat.
426
NAVAL HISTORY
have a proper idea of the accuracy of this computation;
which I have been forced to treat in this manner, to pre-
vent so strange a fact from being longer imposed even on
the most inattentive peruser. *
As I find authority has so great weight with some people,
that they will not be brought to believe that the naval
strength of England was so inconsiderable at this time, I
have thought it necessary to insert verbatim, the list before
mentioned in this edition, and to add some remarks, which
will, I think, put the matter beyond all dispute.
THE NAMES OF HER MAJESTY'S SHIPS, WITH THE
NUMBER OF MEN AND FURNITURE REQUISITE FOR
THE SETTING FORTH OF THE SAME, A. D. 1578.
I. TRIUMPH.
1. Men, 780, whereof
Mariners..
Gunners
Soldiers
2. Furniture
Bills
Mariners
450 3. Burden
50
200
. 170
. 200
900
III. WHITE Bear.
Men, Furniture, and Burden, as
Harquebus
Bows
250,
50
Arrows, sheaves of
100
the last.
IV. VICTORY.
Pikes
Corslets
200 1. Men, 500, whereof
100
Mariners
•
S30
Mariners.
200
Gunners
40
3. Burden
1000
Soldiers
160
2. Harquebus
200
II. ELIZABEth.
Bows
40
1. Men, 600, whereof
Arrows, sheaves of
80
Mariners
Gunners
Soldiers
2. Furniture
Harquebus
Bows
Arrows, sheaves of
100
Pikes
280
300
Corslets
80
50
Mariners
160
200 3. Burden
. 803
200
V. PRIMROSe.
50 Men, Furniture, and Burden, as
the last.
Strype's Annals, vol. iii. p. 221 in the Appendix,
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
427
VI. MARY ROSE.
Soldiers
110
1. Men, 350, whereof
Mariners
Gunners
Soldiers
2. Furniture
Harquebus
Bows
Arrows, sheaves of
Pikes
Bills
Corslets
Mariners
3. Burden
•
•
•
2. Furniture and Burden as the
two last.
XI. DREADNOUGHT.
200
50
1. Men, 250, whereof
120
Mariners
Gunners
Soldiers
125
30 2. Furniture
140
20
80
60
Harquebus
100
Bows
888888
80
80
120
Arrows, sheaves of....
50
50
Pikes ...
50
160
Bills....
60
600
Corslets
40
Mariners.
80
3. Burden
400
VII. HOPE.
Men, Furniture, and Burden, as
the last.
VIII. BONAventure.
1. Men, 300, whereof
XII. SWIFTSUre.
Men, Furniture, and Burden, as
the last.
Mariners...
Gunners
Soldiers
2. Furniture
160
XIII. SWALLOW.
30 1. Men, 200, whereof
110
Mariners..
Gunners
120
20
60
Harquebus
Bows
110
Soldiers
30 2. Furniture
Arrows, sheaves of
60
Harquebus
75
Pikes
90
Bows
25
Bills
100
Arrows, sheaves of
50
Corslets
50
Bills
60
Mariners
100
Corslets
30
600
Mariners
70
3. Burden
350
3. Burden
IX. MARY AND PHILIP.
Men, Furniture, and Burden, as
the last.
X. LYON.
1. Men, 290, whereof
Mariners..
Gunners
XIV. ANTElope.
Men, Furniture, and Burden, as
the last.
XV. JENNET.
150 Men, Furniture, and Burden, as
30
the two last.
428€
NAVAL HISTORY
XVI. FORESight.
Gunners
16
Men and Furniture as the three
Soldiers
20
1
last.
2. Furniture
Burden
300
XVII. AID.
Harquebus...
Bows
Arrows, sheaves of
24
10
1. Men, 160, whereof
28208
Mariners
Gunners
Soldiers
2.. Furniture
Harquebus
Bows
Arrows, sheaves of
Pikes
Bills
Corslets
Mariners
3. Burden
XVIII. BULL.
1. Mẹn, 120, whereof
Mariners
Gunners
Soldiers
2. Furniture
Harquebus
Bows
Arrows, sheaves of
Pikes
Bills
Corslets
Mariners
3. Burden
•
Pikes
90
Bills....
20
Corslets
50
Mariners
3. Burden.
20
500
50
XXI. AIBATES.
30
12
24
监​告
​40
1. Men, 60, whereof
40
Mariners
50
Gunners
20
Soldiers
30
10
10
50 2. Furniture
240
Harquebus
Bows
16
10
Arrows, sheaves of
20
Pikes
10
Bills..
38308
20
10
Corslets
40
Mariners
3. Burden
12
24
80
35
15
•
•
•
.
XIX. TYGER.
XXII. HANDMAID.
30 Men, Furniture, and Burden, as
30
40
the last.
XXII. BARK OF BULLen.
20
40
1. Men, 50, whereof
160
Mariners
30
Gunners
10
Soldiers, none
Men, Furniture, and Burden, as 2. Furniture
the last.
Harquebus
Bows
~
10
XX. FAULcon.
Arrows, sheaves of
20
1. Men, 80, whereof
Pikes
15
+
Mariners..
60
Bills..
29
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
4.29
Mariners.
...30
The sum of all other, as well mer-
Burden
.60
XXIV. GEorge.
1. Men, 50, whereof
Mariners ....
.40
Gunners
.10
Soldiers, none
2. Furniture
Harquebus
Bows
Arrows, sheaves of....
Pikes
Bills.....
Mariners
12
10
.20
15
20
not be less than 600, besides
London.
.30
chant ships as others in all
places of England, of 100 tons
and upwards
..135
The sum of all barks and ships of
40 tons and upwards, to 100
tons
...656
There are besides, by estima-
tion, 100 sail of hoyes; also of
small barks and fishermen an
infinite number; So as the
number through the realm, can-
There cannot be fuller evidence expected for the authen-
ticity of this list, than the visible conformity between it
and all the lists of the queen's ships of war, published in
the relations by authority during that reign, and by Sir
William Monson, in his naval memoirs; with one of which,
containing the state of the navy at the queen's demise, the
reader will find an opportunity of comparing it hereafter.
On the other hand, that there could be no such fleet at the
time the before mentioned abstract is dated, will still
farther appear from the following considerations: That
the building and maintaining it was utterly inconsistent
with the state of the public revenue at that time; that
there is not the least mention of any such force in any of
the histories of those times; that all the lists of ships pub-
lished by authority directly contradict it; so that, unless
we can believe the wisest and most active men in that age
were totally ignorant of what it most imported them to
know, we must conclude that this abstract certainly
belongs to another period, or that it is a downright
chimera; but, the former appears to me infinitely more
probable than the latter.
VOL. I.
G G
1
430
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1587.
It must give every candid and attentive reader a very
high idea of the wisdom and fortitude of Queen Elizabeth
and her ministers, when he is told, that, during the whole
time Spain was providing so formidable an invasion, they
were assiduously employed in cherishing the commerce
and naval power of England, without suffering themselves
to be at all intimidated, either by the enemy's boasts, or
by the intelligence they had of his great strength and
vast preparations. * To distress King Philip in bringing
home his treasures from the West Indies, many adven-
turers were licensed to cruise in those seas, and the queen
herself lent some ships for this purpose. + To delay the
invasion as much as possible, or, if it had been practicable,
to defeat it, the queen sent a stout fleet under Sir Francis
Drake, in 1587, to Cadiz, where that admiral performed
rather more than could be expected; for, he forced six
gallies, which were designed to have guarded the port, to
shelter themselves under the cannon of their castles; and
then burnt a hundred ships and upwards in the bay, all of
which were laden with ammunition and provisions. From
thence he sailed to Cape St. Vincent, where he surprised
some forts, and entirely destroyed the fishing craft in the
neighbourhood.
Arriving at the mouth of the Tayo, and understanding
that the Marquis de Santa Cruz lay hard by with a squa-
dron of good ships, he challenged him to come out and
fight; but, the marquis, who was one of the best seamen in
Spain, adhering closely to his master's orders, chose rather
to let Drake burn and destroy every thing on the coast,
than hazard an engagement. Sir Francis having done
beth.
Stowe, Speed, Bohun, Lord Bacon's character of Queen Eliza-
+ Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 169, 170. Sir Francis
Drake Revived, London, 1643, 4to. p. 2. Prince's Worthies of
Devon, p. 239.. Hakluyt. Purchas. Camden. Lord Burleigh's
Diary of this reign, in Murdin's Collection of State Papers, p. 782, 783.
}
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
431
this, steered for the Azores, where he took a large ship,
homeward bound, from the East Indies, which added as
much to his profit, as his former glorious exploits had
done to his reputation; and, so returned home in triumph.*
This expedition delayed the Spaniards for some months;
but, in the spring of the next year, this enormous fleet
being almost ready, King Philip gave orders that it
should rendezvous at Lisbon, in order to pass from thence
to England.
1588.'
His Catholic majesty presumed so much on the force of A.D.
this extraordinary fleet, superior certainly to any thing
that had been fitted out for ages before, that instead of
concealing its strength, he caused a very accurate account
of it to be published in Latin, and most of the languages
spoken in Europe, except English. This piece was
+
dated May 20, 1588, and, according to it, the most happy
Armada (for so it was styled therein) consisted of one
hundred and thirty ships, making in all fifty-seven
thousand, eight hundred, and sixty-eight ton; on board
of which there were nineteen thousand, two hundred, and
ninety-five soldiers; eight thousand, four hundred, and
fifty mariners; two thousand and eighty-eight slaves; with
two thousand, six hundred, and thirty pieces of cannon.
Besides, there was a large fleet of tenders, with a pro-
digious quantity of arms on board, intended for such
as should join them. There were also on board this
fleet, one hundred and twenty-four volunteers of qua-
lity, and about one hundred and eighty monks of several
orders.
* Stowe, p. 808. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 170.
M. Turquet, Histoire d'Espagne, liv. xxxiii. p. 113, 114. Lord Bur-
leigh's Journal of the reign of Elizabeth, in Murdin's Collection of
State Papers, p. 785.
66
+ The title in Spanish runs thus: "La felicessima Armada que el
Rey Felipe neustro senior mando Junlaren el puerto de la Civedad
“de Lisboa en el Reyno de Portugal: en anno de mille quinientos y
"ocenta y ocha. Hecha per Pedro de Pas Salas.”
G G 2
432
NAVAL HISTORY
2
The command of the whole was originally designed to
have been vested in the above mentioned marquis de
Santa Cruz, a nobleman of known valour and great expe-
rience, of which he had given high proofs in the famous
battle of Lepanto; but he dying, the duke of Medina
Sidonia, Don Alphonso de Gusman, was appointed in his
stead, rather on account of his superior quality than his
distinguished merit; under whom served Don Martinez de
Ricalde, an old experienced Biscayneer, who had the
direction of all things, and by whose advice the general
was entirely led. These great officers repaired to Lisbon
in the latter end of the month of May, and, in a few days
after, their navy was in a condition to sail.* But it is
now time to return to the dispositions made in England
for warding off so dangerous a blow.
In the first place, the queen took care to give proper
information to all foreign states, of the nature and intent
of this project of the king of Spain; pointing out to them,
not her own, but their danger, in case that monarch should
prevail; which method being as prudently carried into
practice, as it was wisely contrived, the king of Denmark,
at the request of her ambassador, laid an embargo on a
very strong squadron of ships, hired for the use of King
Philip, in his dominions. † The Hanse towns, deter-
mined enemies at that time to England, retarded, how-
ever, the ships they were to have sent to Spain; which,
though a very seasonable act of prudence then, proved
fatal to them afterwards. King James VI. of Scotland,
buried all his resentments for his mother's death, and
steadily adhered to his own, by following the queen's in-
terests. The French were too wise to afford the Spaniards
any help; and the Dutch fitted out a considerable navy,
* Stowe, p. 745. Camden, vol. ii. p. 571. Speed, p. 858. Ferrara's
Historia de Espana, p. 15. sec. xvi. M. Faria y Sousa, lib. v. cap. vii.
Dupleix, tom. iv. p. 173. Bentivoglio, p. 2. lib. iv.
Camden, vol. ii. p. 586.
Strype's Annals, vol. iii. 524, Stowe.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
433
for the service of the queen, under the command of Count
Justin of Nassau. *
1558.
The English fleet was commanded by Charles Lord A.D.
Howard, of Effingham, then high-admiral, who had under
him for his vice-admiral, Sir Francis Drake; for his rear-
admiral, Sir John Hawkins, and abundance of experienced
officers, who had signalized their courage and conduct;
their orders were to lie on the west coast, that they might
be ready to receive the enemy. Lord Henry Seymour,
in conjunction with Count Nassau, cruized on the coast
of Flanders, the better to prevent the prince of Parma
from making any descent, as it was expected he would
attempt to do, with the army under his command.
In regard to a land force, the queen had three armies;
the first consisted of twenty thousand men, cantoned
along the south coast; another of two and twenty thou-
sand foot, and a thousand horse, which was encamped
near Tilbury, under the command of the earl of Leicester;
the third, which was made up of thirty-four thousand
foot, and two thousand horse, all chosen men, was for the
guard of the queen's person, their commander being the
Lord Hunsdon, a brave, active, and resolute nobleman,
the queen's near relation. +
The Spanish fleet sailed from the river of Lisbon, on
the 1st of June, N. S. with as great pomp, and as sanguine
hopes, as any fleet ever did. The king's instructions to
the duke of Medina Sidonia were, to repair to the road of
* Camden, vol. ii. p. 586. See an original letter from that prince to
the queen, dated Edinburgh, August the 4th, 1588, full of the warmest
expressions of friendship, respect, and esteem, offering to march at
the head of all the forces of his kingdom, to her assistance, against
the enemies of her country, in Rymer's Foedera, tom. xvi. p. 18. It
is also to be met with in Dr. Birch's Memoirs of that Princess, vol. i.
p. 55. Mezeray, tom. v. p. 320. P. Daniel, tom. ix. p. 297. Le
Clerc, Histoire des Provinces Unies, tom. i. p. 140.
+ Stowe, p. 744. Speed, p. 859.
voglio, p. 11. lib, iv.
Camden, vol. ii. p. 564. Benti-
434
NAVAL HISTORY
Calais, in order to be joined there by the prince of Parma ;
and then to pursue such further orders as he should find
in a sealed letter, delivered to the general, with his in-
structions. It was further recommended to him, to keep
as close as possible to the French shore, in order to pre-
vent the English from having any intelligence of his
approach; and, in case he met our fleet, he was to avoid
fighting, to the utmost of his power, and to endeavour
only to defend himself. But, in doubling the North Cape,
the fleet was separated by foul weather, which obliged
the general to sail to the Groyne, where he re-assembled
his ships, and had intelligence that the English fleet,
believing their expedition laid aside, was put into Ply-
mouth.
Upon this he held a council of war, to consider whether
they should adhere strictly to the king's order, or embrace
this favourable opportunity of burning the English fleet
in their harbour. After a long debate, wherein many
were of a contrary opinion, it was resolved to attempt the
English fleet; and this chiefly at the instigation of Don
Diego Flores de Valdez, admiral of the Andalusian squa-
dron. The pretence, indeed, was very plausible; and,
but for an unforeseen accident, they had certainly carried
their point. The first land they fell in with was the
Lizard, which they mistook for the Ram's-Head, near
Plymouth; and, being towards night, stood off to sea,
till the next morning. In this space of time, they were
descried by a Scots pirate, one Captain Fleming, who
bore away immediately for Plymouth, and gave the lord
admiral notice; which proved the utter ruin of their
design, as well as the sole cause of the preservation of
the English fleet. *
The season was so far advanced, and the English had so
little intelligence of the departure of the Spaniards, that
* Stowe, p. 747. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 172.
Speed, p. 860.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
4.35
their fleet was not only returned into port, but several of
their ships also were already laid up, and their seamen dis-
charged. The admiral, however, sailed on the first notice;
and, though the wind blew hard into Plymouth sound,
got out to sea, but not without great difficulty. * The
next day, being the 20th of July, they saw the Spanish
navy drawn up in a half-moon, sailing slowly through the
channel, its wings being nearly seven miles asunder. The
admiral suffered them to pass by quietly, that, having the
advantage of the wind, he might the better attack them
in the rear; which he performed with equal courage and
success; and though Don Martinez de Ricalde did all
that it was possible for a brave officer to do, yet they were
put into the utmost disorder, and many of them received
considerable damage. More had been done, but that a
great part of the English fleet lay at too great a distance,
so that the admiral was forced to wait for them.
The night following, a Dutch gunner, who had been
ill-treated by some Spanish officers, set fire to the ship,
on board which was their treasure; nor was it without
great difficulty that the flames were extinguished. The
greatest part of the money was put on board a galleon,
commanded by Don Pedro de Valdez, which soon after
sprung her foremast; and, being thus disabled, and the
night very dark, fell into the hands of Sir Francis Drake,
who sent her captain to Dartmouth, and left the money
on board, to be plundered by his men. † The next day
was spent by the Spanish general in disposing his fleet,
issuing orders to his officers, and despatching an advice-
boat to hasten the duke of Parma, by giving him an
account of the great loss he had already suffered, and the
* Camden, vol. ii. p. 571. Phoenix Britannicus, 4to. 1731, p. 346.
Strype, vol. iii. Meteren, lib. xv. fol. 302. Grotii Histor. Belg. lib. i.
p. 118.
† Stowe's Annals, and Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts. Grim-
stone's History of the Netherlands, book xiii. p. 1002. Bentivoglio,
p. 11. lib. iv.
436
NAVAL HISTORY
}
A.D.
extreme danger he was in. On the 23d they fought again,
with variety of success; which, however, demonstrated to
the Spaniards, that the mighty bulk of their ships was a
disadvantage to them, their shot flying over the heads of
the English, while every bullet of theirs took place.
On the 24th, the English were able to do little, for
want of ammunition; but a supply arriving in the evening,
the admiral made all necessary dispositions for attacking
the Spaniards, in the midst of the night, dividing his fleet
into four squadrons; the first, commanded by himself;
the second, by Sir Francis Drake; the third, by Admiral
Hawkins; and the fourth, by Captain Martin Forbisher;
but, a dead calm prevented the execution of this design.
On the 25th, one of the Spanish ships was taken; and,
on the 26th, the admiral resolved to make no further
attempts upon them, till they should enter the straits of
Dover, where he knew Lord Henry Seymour, and Sir
William Winter, waited for them, with a fresh squadron.
He also took this opportunity of knighting Lord Thomas
Howard, Lord Sheffield, Roger Townsend, Admiral
Hawkins, and Captain Forbisher, for their gallant be-
haviour throughout the engagement. *
The wind favouring the Spanish fleet, they continued
1588. their course up the channel, with the English ships close
in their rear. The strength of the Spaniards had not only
alarmed, but excited the courage of the whole nation; in-
somuch, that every man of quality and fortune was ambi-
tious of distinguishing himself, by appearing upon this
occasion against the common enemy. With this public-
spirited view, the earls of Oxford, Northumberland, and
Cumberland, Sir Thomas Cecil, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir
Walter Raleigh, Sir Thomas Vavasor, and many others,
fitted out ships at their own expense, and went most of
them in person, to attend the admiral. Men of lower
* Camden, vol. ii. p. 576. Stowe, p. 744. Speed, p. 861. Reidanus,
1. viii. p. 173. Memoirs of the earl of Monmouth, p. 51.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
437
rank, shewed their zeal and loyalty, by sending ammu-
nition and provisions; and so unanimous were all men
against these foreigners, that even the papists, whom the
Spaniards expected to have found in arms, were glad to
wipe away the aspersions which had been thrown upon
them, by serving as common soldiers.
When, therefore, the Spanish fleet anchored on the
twenty-seventh of July before Calais, the English admiral
had with him near a hundred and forty ships, which
enabled him to gall the enemy extremely. But per-
ceiving, on the twenty-eighth, that the Spaniards had so
disposed their large ships, that it would be a very difficult
matter to put them again into disorder; he resolved to
practice an expedient long before in contemplation, in
case the enemy should have come up the river Thames,
which was converting some of their worst vessels into
fire-ships. This method he accordingly pursued, filling
eight large barks with all sorts of combustible matter,
and sending them under the command of the Captains
Young and Prowse, about midnight, into the thickest
part of the Spanish fleet, where they speedily began to
blaze; and, as the admiral had foreseen, obliged the
navy to separate, and each ship by steering a separate
course to seek its own safety.
The next day a large galeass ran ashore on the sands
of Calais, where she was plundered by the English.
Desirous, however, of attempting somewhat, the Spaniards
again rendezvoused near Graveline, where they waited
some time, in hopes the prince of Parma would have
come out; but in this they were disappointed, whether
through the want of power or of will in that great
general, is uncertain. At last, finding themselves hard
pressed by the English fleet, which continued to make
a terrible fire upon them, they made a bold attempt to
have retreated through the Streights of Dover; but the
wind coming about, with hard gales at north-west, drove
438
NAVAL HISTORY
them on the coast of Zealand, but soon after veering
to the south-west, they tacked and got out of danger.
The duke de Medina Sidonia took this opportunity of
calling a council of war, wherein, after mature delibe-
ration, it was resolved, that there were now no hopes
left of succeeding, and therefore the most prudent thing
they could do was to drop their design, and to save as
many ships as possible. *
This resolution being once fixed, was immediately
carried into execution; and the whole Spanish navy
made all the sail they could for their own coast, going
north about, which exposed them to a variety of unfore-
seen dangers. The English admiral very prudently sent
Lord Henry Seymour, with a strong squadron, to cruise
on the coast of Zealand, to prevent any danger from
their joining with the prince of Parma, and afterwards
Teft them to pursue their course. When the Spanish
fleet arrived on the Scots coast, and found that care was
every where taken they should meet with no supply;
they threw their horses and mules overboard, and such
of them as had a proper store of water, bore away di-
rectly for the bay of Biscay, with the duke of Medina
Sidonia, making in all about twenty-five ships. The
rest, about forty sail, under the command of the vice-
admiral, stood over for the coast of Ireland, intending
to have watered at Cape Clear. On the second of Sep-
tember, however, a tempest arose, and drove most of
them ashore, so that upwards of thirty ships, and many
thousand men, perished on the Irish coast.
Some likewise were forced a second time into the
English channel, where they were taken, some by the
English, and some by the Rochellers. Several very
* Camden, Stowe, Monson, Strype, Speed, p. 862. Discourse con-
cerning the Spanish fleet invading England in the year 1588, &c.
originally written in Italian, by Petruccio Vbaldino of Florence, Lon-
don, 1690, quarto, p. 15.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
489
large vessels were lost among the western isles, and
upon the coast of Argyleshire. Out of these about five
hundred persons were saved, who came into Edinburgh
in a manner naked; and, out of mere charity, were
cloathed by the inhabitants of that city, who also
attempted to send them home to Spain: but, as if mis-
fortunes were always to attend them, they were forced
in their passage upon the coast of Norfolk, and obliged
to put into Yarmouth, where they staid till advice was
given to the queen and council, who, considering the
miseries they had already felt, and not willing to appear
less compassionate than the Scots, suffered them to con-
tinue their voyage
*
Thus, in the short space of a month, this mighty fleet,
which had been no less than three years preparing, was
destroyed and brought to nothing. Of one hundred and
thirty ships there returned but fifty-three or four, and
of the people embarked there perished twenty thousand
men at least. We may best form an idea of their loss,
from the precaution taken by King Philip to hide it,
which was, publishing a proclamation to prohibit mourn-
ing. As to the courage and constancy he expressed upon
this occasion, I should be loth to contradict many great
authorities; yet this is certain, that the Lord-treasurer
Burleigh received intelligence of another kind, viz. that
the king should say after mass, "That he would spend
"the wealth of Spain, to one of those candlesticks upon
"the altar, rather than not revenge himself upon the
66 English.”+ His future conduct agreed so exactly with
* Stowe's annals, p. 749. Strype's annals, vol. iii. p. 226 in the
appendix. Meteren, liv. xv. fol. 305, 306. Bentivoglio, p. xi. lib. iv.
Certain advertisements out of Ireland, concerning the losses and dis-
tresses which happened to the Spanish navy, London, 1588, quarto.
Lord Burleigh's journal of the reign of Elizabeth, in Murdin's col-
lection of state papers, 788.
+ Strype's annals, vol. iii. p. 525. Camdeni annal. vol. ii. p. 580.
Speed, p. 862.
/
+
1
1
440
NÁVAL HISTORY
this threatening, that we may well conclude, if he did
not say, he thought so, and was therefore far from being
so unmoved at this disaster as is commonly reported.
What might in some measure justify his resentment,
was the falling out of this mischief through the breach
of his orders, which is well remarked by a writer
of our own; for, if the king's instructions had been
pursued, it is more than probable that Queen Elizabeth's
government had run the utmost hazard of being over-
turned. ·
The duke of Medina Sidonia escaped punishment
through the interest of his wife; but as for Don Diego
Flores de Valdes, whose persuasions induced the general
to take that rash step; he was arrested as soon as he
set foot on shore, and conducted to the castle of St.
Andero, after which he was never heard of more. The
same writer, from whom we have this particular, re-
marks also an error in the conduct of the English, viz.
that they did not attack the Spanish fleet after it arrived
before Graveline; which, however, he assures us, was
not through any fault in the admiral, but was occasioned
through the negligence of some under-officers, who had
the direction of the military stores, and had been too
sparing of powder and ammunition; otherwise, he tells
us, it was thought the duke de Medina Sidonia, at the
persuasion of his confessor, would have yielded both
himself and his ships, which, it seems, were in that
particular not at all better provided. This would
have been a conquest indeed, a conquest equally glo-
rious and important, the loss of which ought to teach
posterity not to be too hasty in censuring great officers,
or too remiss in punishing little ones.
In the present
case, this mischance seems to have been covered by
the many favours bestowed by Providence, and the
offenders to have escaped through that general joy which
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
441
their deliverance from so great an evil diffused through
the whole nation. *
It seems to be injurious to the reputation of those brave
men, who on this occasion atchieved such great things,
to give no account of the force of the English fleet, which,
however, I find not in any of our general historians; a
deficiency which I shall endeavour to supply, by adding a
list collected at that time, and which, for any thing I
know, has not hitherto been published. †
A LIST of the ENGLISH FLEET in the year 1588.
Men of war belonging to her majesty
Other ships hired by her majesty for this service
Tenders and store-ships
Furnished by the city of London, being double the number the
queen demanded, all well manned, and thoroughly provided
with ammunition and provision
Tenders and store-ships
Furnished by the city of Bristol, large and strong ships, and
which did excellent service
17
12
16
4
3
A tender...
1
From Barnstaple, merchant ships converted into frigates
3
From Exeter
2
A stout pinnace
1
From Plymouth, stout ships every way, equal to the queen's men
of war
7
A fly boat
1
Under the command of Lord Henry Seymour, in the narrow seas,
of the queen's ships and vessels in her service
16
Ships fitted out at the expense of the nobility, gentry, and com-
mons of England
43
By the merchant-adventurers, prime ships, and excellently well
furnished
10
Sir William Winter's pinnace
1
In all 143
* Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 172, 173. Stowe, p. 748.
Çamden, vol. ii. Meteron, lib. xv. fol. 308. Bentivoglio, p. xi. lib.
iv. p. 115-118.
+ Communicated to me by the Rev. D. Knipe, canon of Christ
Church, Oxon.
442
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1589.
1
THE queen having intelligence that the Spaniards,
which was an evident mark of resentment, meditated a
second attempt upon her dominions, resolved, like a
wise princess, to find them work at home; in order to
which, in the spring of the year 1589, she expressed her
royal intention of assisting Don Antonio to recover his
kingdom of Portugal.* The expedition was undertaken
partly at the queen's charge, and partly at the expense
of private persons. Her majesty furnished six men of
war, and sixty thousand pounds: Sir Francis Drake and
Sir John Norris were joint commanders, who with their
friends adventured fifty thousand pounds: the rest was
defrayed by London, the Cinque Ports, Ipswich, Harwich,
Newcastle, &c. and the whole navy consisted of one
hundred and forty-six sail : † to which also the Dutch,
as much interested as we, joined a small squadron. ‡
The first exploit this armament performed was landing
near Corunna, commonly called the Groyne; which place
they attacked, burnt the adjacent country, together with
many magazines of naval stores, defeated a great body
of Spaniards, and then re-embarked their forces, and
sailed, as they had at first designed, for the river of
Lisbon. §. On their arrival before Peniche, the troops
were landed, the place quickly surrendered to Don
Antonio, and from thence Sir John Norris with the earl
of Essex, and the whole army, marched immediately by
land towards Lisbon, where they expected to have met
the fleet under the command of Sir Francis Drake; but
he, finding it impossible to proceed up the river with
safety to her majesty's ships, staid at the castle of Cascais;
* Stowe, p. 752. Camden, vol. iii. p. 600, 601. M. Faria y Sousa,
lib. v. cap. 3.
† Stowe, Speed, p. 863.
‡ Camden, vol. iii. p. 601.
Strype, vol. iii. p. 538.
Le Clerk, tom. i. liv. iv.
§ Sir William Monson's naval tracts, p. 174. Birch's memoirs of
Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 58.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
448
1
which place he took, and also seized sixty sail of ships
belonging to the Hanse-towns, laden with corn and
ammunition, which, with about one hundred and fifty
pieces of cannon, were the principal fruits of this voyage.
It was indeed intended to have gone to the Canaries;
but by this time the soldiers and sailors were so weakened
with sickness, that it was thought more expedient to
return. In their passage home they landed at Vigo,
took and plundered it, and, having made some addition
to their booty; reached England; Sir Francis Drake
arriving at Plymouth on the 21st of June, and Sir John´
Norris with the rest of the fleet, on the third of July,
after having been about ten weeks abroad. +
This expedition was inexpressibly destructive to the
Spaniards, disappointed all their designs, weakened their
naval force, and spread a mighty terror of the English
arms through their whole dominions. But, as to any
advantages which the proprietors reaped, they were but
very inconsiderable, and the generals met with a cold
reception in England; Sir John Norris charged Sir
Francis Drake with breach of his promise; and Sir Francis
accused him of expecting from a fleet services that were
impracticable. The chief grounds of 'their miscarriage
were in those days, when men could best judge, held to
be these: First, they were but indifferently manned and
victualled, of which misfortune they were very sensible
before they were out of the Channel. Secondly, their
landing at the Groyne was contrary to their instructions;
gave the men an opportunity of drinking new wines, and
* See all the before-cited authors, who write copiously of this affair,
and yet memoir-writers ascribe this miscarriage to the variance
between our generals. See also Sir Francis Drake's letter to the
Lord-treasurer Burleigh, dated the 2d of June, 1589, in Strype's
annals, vol. iv. p. 8.
+ Stowe's annals, p. 757. Speed, Camden. Birch's memoirs, vol.
i. p. 60, 61. Ferrara's hist. de Espana, p. xv. sec. 16,
1
444
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
exposed them to a great and unnecessary loss. Thirdly,
the disagreement of the generals before Lisbon, defeated
the remaining part of their design, and obliged them to
think of coming home sooner than they intended, or
was necessary; whereas, if, in pursuance of their in-
structions, they had sailed directly to the coast of
Portugal, and landed their forces there; it is more than
probable they had effectually placed Don Antonio upon
the throne of Portugal; which would have given a
deadly stroke to the power of Spain, and must have
greatly promoted the interest, and extended the commerce
of England. *
The disappointments which happened in this voyage,
1589. did not discourage either the queen or her subjects from
pursuing the war by sea; and endeavouring, as much as
possible, to ruin the maritime force of Spain, and augment
their own. In order to this, her majesty settled a part of
her revenue for the ordinary supply of the navy, amounting
to about nine thousand pounds a-year; and, by expressing
a very high esteem for such young lords and other persons
of distinction as had shewn an inclination to the sea-service,
she encouraged others to undertake yet greater things. †
Amongst these, the earl of Cumberland particularly dis-
tinguished himself, by fitting out a stout squadron in the
summer of the year 1589, with which, he sailed to the
Tereera islands, where he did the Spaniards incredible
mischief, and obtained considerable advantages for himself
and for his friends. The island of Fayal he reduced; took
the city and castle thereon; from whence he carried forty-
five pieces of cannon; forced the island of Graciosa to a
* Sir W. Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 174, 175. Stowe's Annals,
p. 757; in which we find that, on their return, the soldiers and sailors
thought of making themselves amends for their disappointments by
plundering Bartholomew fair.
+ Camden. Sir R. Naunton in his fragmenta regalia. Lord Bacon
in his character of Queen Elizabeth.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
445
composition, and seized several rich ships; among the
rest one, the cargo of which, was valued at upwards of an
hundred thousand pounds, which, in his return, however,
was lost in Mount's-bay, on the coast of Cornwall.
*
A.D.
In 1590, Sir John Hawkins and Sir Martin Forbisher were
at sea with two squadrons, and by impeding the return of 1590.
the Spanish Plate-fleets from America, and other services,
kept King Philip entirely employed at home, though his
thoughts were still busy in contriving another expedition
against England. The succeeding year, Lord Thomas A.D.
Howard, second son to the duke of Norfolk, sailed with 1591.
a squadron to the islands, in hopes of intercepting the
Spanish fleet from the West Indies, which now was forced
to return home. In this, he had probably succeeded, if his
force had been greater; but having no more than seven
of the queen's ships, and about as many fitted out by
private adventurers, he very narrowly escaped being totally
destroyed by the Spaniards: for King Philip, knowing the
dismal consequences that must have followed, in case his
Plate-fleet was intercepted, resolved to employ that force
which was intended against England for its relief; and,
accordingly, sent Don Antonio Bassan, an experienced
seaman and an excellent officer, with a fleet of forty-five
sail, to attack Lord Thomas Howard, who very narrowly
escaped them. His vice-admiral, Sir Richard Grenville,
in the Revenge, was taken through his own obstinacy;
for, when the enemy was in sight, he would not be per-
suaded, that it was the armada, but insisted that it was
the American fleet, and so was surrounded. He sold his
life and his ship, which was the only one of the queen's
taken in the war, dearly; for a man of war, called the
Ascension, of Seville, and a double fly-boat, full of men,
sunk by his side. The Revenge was so battered, that she
could not be carried to Spain, but foundered at sea, with
*Hakluyt's Voyages vol. ii. p. 2. p. 157. Purchas's Pilgrims,
vol. iv. p. 1142. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 176.
VOL. I.
H H
446
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1591
two hundred Spaniards on board; and as for Sir Richard
Grenville, he died two days after of his wounds. The
next day after the fight, the Plate-fleet arrived, which shews
the uncertainty of expeditions of this kind; for had it
come but one day sooner, or had the armada been one
day later, the English had possessed themselves of an
immense treasure. The Spaniards, however, gained very
little by their dear-bought success; for, in their return
home, near one hundred vessels were wrecked, and the
greatest part of the wealth on board them was lost, while
Lord Thomas Howard, with his little fleet, still kept the
sea, and by picking up stragglers, saved a great part of
the expenses of his expedition. *
In 1591, the earl of Cumberland made another expedi-
tion; and in 1592, Sir Martin Forbisher, and Sir John
1594. Burroughs infested the Spanish coast, and did much mis-
to
chief. In 1594, the queen sent a small squadron to sea,
under the command of Sir Martin Forbisher, to reduce
the port of Brest in Bretagne, which the king of Spain
had taken, by the assistance of the leaguers in France,
from King Henry IV. A place that, if it had been long
kept, must have been very troublesome to that monarch,
and would have given the Spaniards great advantages
against us. It was strong, as well by situation as by the
art and expense employed in fortifying it, and had
besides, a numerous garrison of Spanish troops. Sir John
Norris, with a small English army, formed the siege by
land; Sir Martin Forbisher, with only four men of war,
forced an entrance into the harbour, and having thus
blocked up the place by sea, landed his sailors, and, in
conjunction with Sir John Norris, stormed the fort, which,
though gallantly defended, was taken, but with the loss
* Camden, vol. iii. p. 637, 638. Sir William Monson, p. 178, 179.
Carew's Survey of Cornwall, fol. 62. Sir Walter Raleigh's true Report
in Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 169. Linschotten's Voyages, book i. chap. 99.
Sir Richard Hawkins's Observations, p. 10.
n
་
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
447
of abundance of brave men, and amongst them may be
reckoned Sir Martin himself, who died of the wounds he
received in that service. The same year, Sir Francis
Drake and Sir John Hawkins sailed on their last expedition
into the West Indies.
*
1595.
The Spaniards, who seldom abandon any design they A.D.
once undertake, were all this time employed in assembling
and equipping another fleet for England; and, as an earnest
of their intentions, in the year 1595, Don Diego Brochero,
with four gallies, arrived in Mount's-bay in Cornwall, and,
landing with all his men, burnt three little places, viz.
Mouse-hole, Newlin, and Penzance, with a neighbouring
church, but without killing or taking so much as a single
man. † This, however, alarmed the nation, and engaged
the queen to undertake an invasion of the Spanish
dominions, to prevent any such future visits to her own;
in order to which, a stout fleet and a numerous army
were provided, under the most experienced officers of those
times.
The true design of this expedition was, to destroy the
Spanish fleet in the port of Cadiz, and to make themselves
masters of that rich city. The force employed was very
great, not less in all than one hundred and fifty sail, of
which, one hundred and twenty-six were men of war;
but of these, only seventeen were the queen's ships, the
rest were hired from traders, and fitted for this voyage.
On board this mighty fleet were embarked upwards of
seven thousand men. The joint commanders of the
expedition were, the earl of Essex and the lord high-
admiral (Howard,) assisted by a council of war, composed
* Camden, vol. iii. Stowe, p. 809. Hakluyt, vol. iii. Fuller's
Worthies in Yorkshire, p. 233. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts.
† Camden, vol. iii. p. 697. Carew's Survey of Cornwall, fol. 115.
Stowe, p. 771. Speed, p. 868. Sir William Monson's Account
of the Wars with Spain, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, p. 28. Vere's
Commentaries, p. 24.
•
A.D.
1596.
HH 2
448
NAVAL HISTORY
of the following honourable persons, viz. Lord Thomas
Howard, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Francis Vere, Sir George
Carew, and Sir Conyers Clifford. There was, besides, a
Dutch squadron, under the command of Admiral Van
Duvenvoord, consisting of twenty-four ships, well manned
and victualled. This navy lay for some time at Plymouth,
till all things could be got ready, and then, on the first of
June, 1596, sailed for the coast of Spain, with a fair
wind, and the good wishes of all their countrymen.
*
In their passage they were divided into five squadrons;
and, whereas in former expeditions, great inconveniences
had happened by the enemy's having early intelligence :
in this they were so happy as to arrive in sight of Cadiz
on the twentieth of the same month, before they were
either looked for, or so much as apprehended. They
found the town indifferently well fortified, and defended
by a strong castle. In the port were fifty-nine Spanish
ships, amongst them many laden with treasure, and nine-
teen or twenty gallies. It was resolved the same day, in
a council of war, to have landed all their forces at
St. Sebastian's; but, when they came to attempt it, that
was found impracticable. After this, some time was
lost before their coming to another resolution, which was
owing to the joint command; for the earl of Essex, who
was young and warm, affected to dictate; and, on the
other hand, the admiral, who had as much courage, and
a great deal more experience, could not brook being
treated in such a manner.
At last it was determined to attack the ships in the
haven, before any attempt was made upon the town;
whereupon a new difficulty arose, which was, who should
command this attack; first demanded by the earl of
Essex, then given to Sir Walter Raleigh, lastly chal-
* Camden, vol. iii. p. 720, 721. Sir William Monson's Naval
Tracts, p. 184. Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 607. Meteren, liv. xviii. fol. 390.
Bentivoglio, p. iii. liv. iii.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
449
lenged and enjoyed by the vice-admiral Lord Thomas
Howard. In the execution of it some errors were commit-
ted by the English, through the too great heat and emula-
tion of their commanders; but others much more gross
and fatal by the Spaniards, who, when they found
themselves compelled to fly, did it without any of those
precautions whereby they might have provided for their
safety; for, instead of running their ships ashore under
the town, where they would have been covered by their
own artillery, and where at least their men might have
gone ashore in safety; they ran them up the bay as far
from the enemy as possible, by which means part fell
into the hands of the English, and the rest were burnt. *
In the mean time, the earl of Essex landed his men
quietly, the enemy deserting a strong fort, from which
they might have done him much mischief; three regi-
ments also were sent to make themselves masters of the
causeway, which unites the island to the main. This
they performed with very small loss, but afterwards
quitted it again, which gave the gallies an opportunity
of escaping; another oversight for which no account
can be given. The lord-admiral, hearing the earl was
landed, länded also with the remainder of the forces,
doubting much whether his lordship could have kept the
place; and, while the two generals were employed in
reducing the city, Sir Walter Raleigh was sent to seize
the ships in the harbour of Port-real, to prevent which
the duke of Medina Sidonia caused them to be set on
* See the relation at the end of the first volume of Hakluyt's Voyages,
said to be written by a person who was in the expedition; as also a
better copy of the same relation in Stowe's Annals, p. 771. See like-
wise Sir William Monson's account and observation on this voyage
in his Tracts, p. 184 Ferrera's Hist. de Espana, p. xv. sec. l6
Mayerne. Turquet, Hist. d'Espagne, liv. xxxvi. p. 281.
450
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1596.
1
1
fire and burnt, whereby twenty millions were buried
in the sea. *
The city and its forts they possessed for a fortnight,
and the earl of Essex was very desirous of being left
there with a garrison, however small; which was, not-
withstanding over-ruled by the council of war, and then
it was agreed to sail to Faro, in the kingdom of Algarve,
where they found the place deserted by its inhabitants,
and void of any thing that could be made plunder. To
repair this disappointment, the earl of Essex was for
sailing to the Azores, and there waiting for the East-
India ships; but in this too he was over-ruled, because
there was a great complaint of the want of provision
and ammunition on board their fleet. In their return,
they looked into the ports of the Groyne, St. Andero,
and St. Sebastian's, where they expected to find ships,
but met with none; and after this nothing remarkable
happened till their arrival in England, which was on the
eighth of August the same year. They brought with
them two galleons, one hundred brass guns, and an im-
mense booty, the desire of keeping which is conceived
to have hindered them from performing more. But with
respect to the damage done the Spaniards, it is not easy
to form any computation. However, this we know,
that they burnt eleven men-of-war, forty ships from the
Indies, four large merchant-men, and many magazines,
of ammunition and provision; so that, notwithstanding
the people might murmur here at home, about the mis-
carriage of this voyage, as from the writings in those
times it manifestly appears they did, yet, taking all things
* Camden, vol. iii. p. 725. Stowe, p. 774. Speed, p. 870. Sir
Walter Raleigh's relation of the action at Cadiz, in his genuine re-
mains, published by his grandson, p. 25. Vere's Commentaries,
p. 42.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
451
together, it answered very well, and distressed the enemy
excessively. *
1597.
In the spring of the year 1597, the king of Spain fitted A.D.
out a fresh armada from Lisbon, composed not only of
his own ships and gallies, but also of all that he could
take up and hire in Italy or elsewhere. On board of
these he embarked a great body of troops, especially of
the Irish, intending to have invaded both England and
Ireland; but the winds disappointed him, scattered his
fleet, and thirty-six sail were cast away. In the mean
time the queen resolved to fit out another fleet under
the command of the earl of Essex, with an intent to
intercept the Plate fleet near the Azores, after burning
such vessels as were in the harbours of the Groyne and
Ferrol. This fleet consisted of forty men of war, and
seventy other ships, to which the Dutch added ten men
of war, under Sir John Van Duvenvoord, who was
knighted in the former expedition. †
They sailed from Plymouth the ninth of July; but a
storm arising, they were forced back thither again, and
did not sail a second time till the seventh of August.
They used their best endeavours to perform the first
part of their instructions, but finding it impracticable,
they thought it expedient to steer for the islands,
which accordingly they did. In this voyage, Sir Walter
* Compare Sir William Monson's Remarks, with the apology of the
earl of Essex, as also with the account given of this business by Mr.
Oldys, in his excellent Life of Sir Walter Raleigh. See likewise the
different relations of this expedition by the earl of Essex, Sir Anthony
Standen, Sir Christopher Blunt, and the Lord Admiral Howard, in
Dr. Birch's Memoirs of Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 45-55. Letters of
thanks were written to the Lord Admiral, on his arrival at Plymouth,
and to the earl of Essex, and Mynheer Van Duvenvoord at Ports-
mouth, by order of the queen, for their great services on this occasion.
See Lord Burleigh's Diary, in Murdin's Collection, p. 809.
† Ferrera's Hist. de Espana, p. 15. sec. 16. Meteren, liv. 19. fol.
403. Camden, vol. iii, p. 737, 738.
452
NAVAL HISTORY
}
Raleigh's ship sprung her mast, which however did not
hinder him, when he had repaired his loss, from pro-
ceeding to the place of rendezvous, which was in the
island of Flores. He had scarcely begun to wood and
water there, before the earl of Essex sent him orders to
follow him to Fayal, which island the general himself
intended to attempt. Raleigh obeyed him; but not
finding Essex on his arrival, and perceiving that the
people were securing their goods, throwing up retrench-
ments, and making every other preparation necessary for
their defence; he, with the advice of his officers, resolved,
in case Essex did not arrive in four days, to attempt the
reduction of the island, which accordingly he performed;
but, though he got reputation by this exploit, yet he lost
the general's friendship; so that a coldness thenceforward
prevailed, which afterwards increased to open opposition
and the most rancorous hatred.
*
After Essex's arrival, they sailed together to Graciosa,
which immediately submitted. Here the general intended
to have staid; and if he had done so, undoubtedly it had
answered his purpose, and he had taken the whole Spanish
fleet; but, being too easily brought to alter his purposes,
he took another method, which gave the Spaniards, who
arrived next day, an opportunity of proceeding for Ter-
cera, with the loss of no more than three ships, which were
taken by Sir Willian Monson. † The rest of the fleet,
consisting of about thirty-seven sail, arrived safely in the
port of Angra, which was well defended by several forts;
so that, on mature deliberation, it was judged impracti-
cable to attempt any thing there with reasonable hopes of
success.
* See Sir William Monson's Reflections upon this Expedition; the
Life of Sir Walter Raleigh before cited; and Stowe's Annals, p. 783.
↑ Stowe, p. 783. Speed, p. 870. Vere's Commentaries, p. 45—67.
See the relation of this voyage by the earl of Essex, Lord Thomas
Howard, Lord Montjoy, Sir Walter Raleigh, &c. in Purchas, vol. iv.
p. 1985.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
453
The earl of Essex, vexed at this disappointment, resolved
to do somewhat of consequence before he returned, and,
therefore, landing, surprised the town of Villa Franca,
and plundered it; after which he re-embarked his forces,
and prepared for his return home. In his passage, he
had the good luck to take a very rich Spanish ship, which
fell into his fleet, mistaking it for their own, and had taken
another in the same manner, but for the imprudence of a
Dutch captain, who firing hastily upon her, frightened her
away. In the mean time, the Spaniards were meditating
great designs. The absence of the English fleet gave
them an opportunity of sending out their squadrons from
the Groyne and Ferrol. With these they intended to have
made a descent in Cornwall, and to have possessed them-
selves of the port of Falmouth; in which, leaving a strong
garrison, they thought next of intercepting the English
fleet in their return, when they knew it must be weakened
by so rough and troublesome an expedition, in which so
long a period of time had been spent, and their ships were
to return so late in the year.
This design, as it was wisely laid, so it was well con-
ducted; the Spanish admiral joined his squadrons as hẹ
intended, and proceeded with them to the islands of Scilly,
almost within sight of our shore. There he thought fit to
call a council of war, in order to give his officers necessary
instructions as to the intended descent. But it so hap-
pened, that while his captains were on board, a very high
storm arose, which hindered them for a long time from
getting back to their respective ships; and afterwards
entirely separated their fleet, tossing them to and fro,
sometimes towards our coast, sometimes on their own, In
this storm, eighteen capital ships were lost; several forced
into English ports were taken; and the Spanish admiral's
* See a copious account of this expedition written by Sir Arthur
Gorges, who was employed therein, in the fourth volume of Purchas's
Pilgrims, p. 1938.
454
NAVAL HISTORY
schemes thereby entirely disconcerted. Nor did our fleet
escape the fury of this tempest, but were terribly beaten;
however, their ships being light and strong, and manned
by able seamen, they, with much difficulty, reached our
western coast, in the latter end of the month of
October. *
The compass of this work, I confess, ought to deter me
from digressions; but, as the principal intention of it is to
give the reader a just and impartial notion of the conduct
of our naval affairs, under every reign; so I think myself
obliged to make a few short reflections on the facts before
set down, in order to shew how little we stood indebted
for safety to the management of our own commanders, or
to the faults of our enemies; and how much we owe to
the care of Divine Providence, which a heathen would
have called the fortune of Queen Elizabeth.
.. This expedition to the Azores might have proved, if
well managed by us, the ruin of the Spanish power, and,
as it was managed, had very nearly been fatal to our own;
so much depends on the conduct of commanders, and so
little regard ought there to be had to high titles and great
quality, where the safety of a nation is at stake! The earl
of Essex was chosen for this command from court motives,
such as his birth, interest, and personal accomplishments,
though he wanted almost all the qualities requisite for
a commander in chief. His courage was hot and fierce,
but not resolute or lasting; his wit was quick, but his
judgment slow and unsettled; and besides all this, he was
deficient in experience. Sir William Monson, who went
the voyage with him, and who appears enough inclined to
favour him, owns that their miscarriage was entirely owing
to his lordship's incapacity; who was unable to form any
right resolution himself, or to pursue steadily any measures
recommended to him by those who were more knowing
* Camden, Stowe, Speed, Rapin,
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
455
than himself. * Sir Walter Raleigh fell into disgrace
with him; and, as Sir William Monson says, had smarted
severely, if the earl had not been afraid of being called to
an account for it in England; and all this for doing his
duty, for performing the only important service done in
the whole expedition. This demonstrates that the earl
had no view but to his own particular glory; and, that the
public service was to be postponed, whenever it came in
competition therewith. By this management, that Plate
fleet escaped, which, if it had been taken, would have
ruined the Spaniards, and made us.
His subsequent attempts to repair his own honour, and
to make a shew of that resolution which he really had not,
delayed the return of the fleet, and gave the Spanish
admiral an opportunity of invading England, which an
accidental storm prevented. So much is due to truth, and
to the interest of the nation; nor would I have this looked
on as flowing from any pique to the memory of the earl
of Essex, who was certainly a popular nobleman, endowed
with many virtues; but where the public suffers, an his-
torian ought to spare no man, however supported by the
favour of his prince, or magnified by the folly of the
people. +
A.D.
1598.
In 1598, the earl of Cumberland fitted out a squadron A.D.
of eleven sail at his own expense, with which he first 1598.-
attempted to intercept the Lisbon fleet, in its passage to
the East Indies. Being disappointed in that, he sailed to
the Canaries, where he made a descent on the island of
Lancerota; plundered it, and then proceeded to America,
where he promised himself great things. The place he
* Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 191.
+ The reader may be convinced of the truth of what is above as-
serted, by comparing the relation of Sir Arthur Gorges, before cited,
with Sir William Monson's account in his Naval Tracts; and what is
said on the same subject by Mr. Oldys, in his Life of Sir Walter
Raleigh.
456
NAVAL HISTORY
A.D.
1599.
fixed upon was the island of Puerto Rico, where he landed
and took the capital, with small loss. The city he deter-
mined to keep; therefore, he refused a very large ransom
offered him by the inhabitants, whom he turned out, and
then thought of fortifying the place, with an intent to
have eruized from thence upon the Spanish coasts; but he
was quickly convinced that the design was impracticable;
diseases spreading amongst his soldiers and seamen, to
such a degree, that he was obliged to abandon his con-
quest, and to return home with very great reputation,
rather than any considerable reward. *
In 1599, there was a great fleet fitted out by the queen's
command; but it seems rather with an intent to watch the
Spaniards, than to undertake any other enterprize of im-
portance; since after remaining about three weeks in the
Downs, it was again laid up. Yet the equipping this
fleet, had a great effect upon Spain, and all the powers of
Europe; for it was drawn together in twelve days time,
well victualled, and thoroughly manned, which shewed
the strength of our maritime power, and how much it was
A.D. improved since 1588+ The next year, being 1600, Sir
1600. Richard Levison was sent to intercept the Plate fleet;
which design, though it was well contrived, and wisely
A.D. executed, yet failed. ‡ In 1601, the same admiral was
employed in Ireland, where he did good service, in
obliging the Spaniards, who had landed a considerable
body of forces, to relinquish their design, and withdraw
out of that i̇sland. §
1601.
A.D.
1602.
In 1602, the same admiral, in conjunction with Sir
William Monson, was employed in an expedition for inter-
* Camden, vol. iii. p. 778. Stowe, p. 788.
vol. iv. p. 1150-1157.
Speed. p. 877.
Purchas's Pilgrims,
† Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 195. Stowe, p. 788
† Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 196.
Itinerary of Fynes Moryson, b. ii. p. 134. Camden,
§ Stowe, p. 798.
p. 887.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
457
cepting the galleons, which had infallibly taken effect, if
the Dutch had sent their squadron, agreeably to their
engagements with the queen. * Notwithstanding this dis-
appointment, they continued on the coast of Portugal,
and at length resolved to attack a galleon, which lay with
eleven gallies, in the road of Cerimbra; which, as it was
one of the most gallant exploits performed in the whole
war, deserves to be circumstantially related. The town
of Cerimbra was large, and well built with free-stone,
defended by a good citadel, well furnished with artillery.
Above the town, on the top of a mountain, stood an abbey,
so fortified as to command the place, the citadel, and the
road. The galleon was moored close to the shore, so as to
defend by its fire, part of the citadel and part of the town;
the gallies had so flanked and fortified themselves, that they
were able to make a great fire upon the English fleet, with-
out receiving any damage themselves, till such time as our
ships were just before the town. Yet, in spite of these and
many other advantages, the English admirals resolved to
attack them, which they did on the 3d of June. A gale of
wind blowing fresh about two in the morning, the admiral
weighed, and made the signal for an attack. The vice-
admiral did the like, and soon after they fell upon the
enemy with great fury; and though the Spaniards de-
fended themselves with much resolution, yet in the end
several of the gallies were burnt, the garrison driven from
the castle, and the rich galleon, for which all this struggle
was made, taken, with about a million of pieces of eight
on board. † On the 4th, taking the benefit of a fair wind,
they returned to England.
Frederic Spinola, in the St. Lewis, sailed from Cerim-
bra, with the rest of the gallies that had escaped, viz. the,
St. John Baptist, the Lucera, the Padilla, the Philip, and
* Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 198. Camden, p. 893.
↑ Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 199-201. Camden, p.
898–895. Fuller's Worthies of Lincolnshire, p. 163.
458
NAVAL HISTORY
the St. John, for the coast of Flanders, and on the 23d of
September, entered the British channel. * Sir Robert
Mansel was cruizing there, with two or three men of war,
and four Dutch ships, to intercept them. The enemy first
discovered two of the Dutch ships, and resolved to engage
them. But, before they could put this design in execution,
perceiving one of the queen's, they stood off the remainder
of the day, hoping, by advantage of the night to gain
their intended port. The admiral, and the other ships,
with the two Dutch men of war, chased them from eight
in the morning till sun-set, when the gallies altered their
course for the English shore, and came so near it, that
some of the slaves got off their chains, leaped overboard,
and swam to land. They then very unhappily, ran into
the place where one of her majesty's ships, and the Hol-
landers, lay at anchor. Sir Robert foreseeing that the
gallies must fall in with those ships, in order to make
them still keep that course, steered a little out of the way,
to get between them and the coast of Flanders. The ship
which they thus fell in with, was the Answer, Captain
Broadgate, who fired upon them very briskly, as the
Dutch did likewise. The enemy, however, did not fire
so`much as a single gun, but made the best use they
could of their oars; and, steering at random, one of them
in the night, came directly upon the admiral; who, dis-
charging all his guns, brought down her main-mast;
when, hearing a most lamentable cry, he offered those
who were in her, quarter. The other five gallies came to
her assistance, at whom he discharged a broadside, but
what execution it did, could not be discovered. One of
the Dutch ships falling foul of the galley called the
Lucera, carried away her rudder, and so disabled her,
that she sunk immediately, with all that were on board.
* Johnstoni, rerum Britannicarum Hist. lib. ix. p. 309. Winwood's
Memorials, vol. i. p. 401, 412, 413, 435, 436, 438, 439. Sir William
Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 203.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
459
By a like accident, the Padilla split in pieces; and the
Dutch vessel, who was the occasion of the disaster, nar-
rowly escaped sharing the same fate. A third was cast
away through carelessness of the sailors, in her endea-
vouring to reach Calais. Two put into Newport. Spinola,
in the Admiral, with a very valuable cargo, got safe,
though with difficulty, into Dunkirk; and after refitting
the three gallies, carried them to Sluys. The year
following, he was killed in an engagement with the
Dutch, leaving behind him the character of a very brave
and gallant commander. †
*
1603.
This was the last great exploit performed by sea, in A.D.
this reign; for the queen, now far in years, and worn out
with the cares and fatigues of government, died on the
24th of March following, in the forty-fifth year of her
reign, and in the seventieth of her life; when she had
settled the Protestant religion throughout her kingdom;
had restored the crown to its ancient reputation; sup-
ported her allies with the greatest firmness; and humbled
her enemies, so as to compel them to think of soliciting
for peace. ‡
* Camdeni Annal. Eliz. p. 895. Hugon. Grotii Hist. Belgic. sub
Anno 1602. He gives all the honour to his countrymen, but with how
little reason will appear hereafter, from a very curious and authentic
paper written by Sir Robert Mansel.
† Card. Bentivoglio Guerra de Flandra, p. 531. H. Grotii Annal. &
Hist. A. D. 1603. Meteren Nederland. Hist. fol. 500.
Camden. Lord Bacon, in his Character of Queen Elizabeth, and
in his Discourse of Peace and War. Stowe. Speed. See also a
very curious letter of Mr. afterwards Sir Ralph Winwood, and Se-
cretary of State to the duke de Tremouille, acquainting him with the
demise, and some other extraordinary particulars of this illustrious
princess, in Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 460, 461. Dr. Birch's
Memoirs of that Reign, vol. ii. p. 508. Moyser's Memoirs of the
Affairs of Scotland, p. 309. See a very particular and accurate rela-
tion of the last sickness and death of this great queen, left us by her
near relation, Sir Robert Cary, afterwards earl of Monmouth, in his
Memoirs, p. 172.
460
NAVAL HISTORY
THE NAMES OF SUCH SHIPS AS HER MAJESTY LEFT
AT HER DEATH.
NAMES OF SHIPS.
Elizabeth Jonas
Triumph
White Bear
Victory
Mer-Honeur
Ark Royal
Saint Matthew
Saint Andrew
Due Repulse
Garland
Warspight
Mary Rose
The Hope
Bonaventure
The Lyon
Nonpareil
Defiance
Rainbow
Dreadnought
Antelope
Swiftsure..
Swallow
Foresight
The Tide
The Crane
Adventure
Quittance
Answer
Advantage
Tyger
Tramontain
The Scout
The Catis
The Charles
The Moon
The Advice
The Spy ....
•
The Merlin
The Sun..
Synnet...
George Hoy
Pennyrose Hoy
•
•
·
•
·
·
·
•
•
·
•
·
•
·
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
·
•
•
•
•
·
·
•
•
•
Men Men
Gun-
Ton- in at sea Mari-Gun- Sol-
nage. har-where ners. ners. diers.
bour of
900 30 500 340 40 120
1000 30 500 340 40 120
900 30 500 340 40 120
800 17 400 268 32 100
800 50 400 268 32 100
800 17 400 268 32 100
1000 30 500 340 40 120
900 17 400 268 32 100
700 16 350 230 30
90
700 16 300 190 30
80
600 12 300 190 30
80
600 12 250 150 30
70
600 12 250 150 30
70
600 12 250 150 30
500 12 250| 150| 30
500 12 250 150 30
500 12 250 150 30
70
70
70
70
500 12 250 150 30
400 10 200 130 20
350|10| 160| 114 16
400 10 200 130 20
330 10 160 114 16
300 10 160 114 16
70
50
30
50
30
30
250
7 120
88 12
20
200
7 100
70 10
20
250 7 120
88 12
20
200
7 100
70 10
20
200
7 100
70 10
20
200 7 100
70 10
20
200
7100
6
70 10
20
70
120
6 66 48 8
100
5
60 42
70 5 45
32
60
5
40
30
50
5.40
30
40
5
20 2
50 5 40 30 5
45 5 35 26 5
30 24 A
NINNAAA
52
8
10
10
8
10
6
7
LO LO LO HÒ
2
5
5
100 10
80
8
IT
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
461
{
Her attention to trade appears in many instances; of
some of which it may not be amiss to treat more particu-
larly. The merchants of the Hanse Towns complained
loudly, in the beginning of her reign, of the ill treatment
they had received in the days of Edward and Queen
Mary; to which she very prudently answered, “That as
"she would not innovate any thing, so she would protect
"them still in the immunities and condition she found
"them;" which not contenting them, their commerce was
soon after suspended for a time, to the great advantage of
the English merchants; for, they trying what they could
do themselves therein, their adventures and returns
proving successful, they took the whole trade into their
hands; and so divided themselves into staplers and mer-
chant-adventurers; the one residing constantly at some one
place, the other keeping their course, and adventuring to
other towns and states abroad, with cloth and other manu-
factures. This so nettled the Hanse, that they devised all
the ways that a discontented people could, to draw upon
our new staplers or adventurers the ill opinion of other
nations and states; but that proving of too small force to
stop the current of so strong a trade as they were now run
into, they resorted to some other practices.
They applied themselves to the emperor, as being a
society incorporated into the empire; and, upon complaint,
obtained ambassadors to the queen to mediate the busi-
ness; but these returned re infecta. Hereupon the queen
caused a proclamation to be published, that the merchants
of the Hanse should be treated and used as all other
strangers in her dominions, in point of commerce, without
any mark of distinction. At last, the Hanse Towns pre-
vailed so far in virtue of their German connections, as to
gain an imperial edict, whereby the English merchants
were prohibited all commerce in the empire; this was
answered by a proclamation,* in consequence of which,
* The imperial edict of the Emperor Rodolph II. bears date the 1st
of August, 1597, which, together with her majesty's proclamation of
VOL. I.
I I
462
NAVAL HISTORY
}
sixty sail of ships were taken in the river of Lisbon, lader
with contraband goods for the use of the Spaniards. These
ships the queen intended to have restored, as sincerely
desiring to have compromised all differences with those
trading cities; but, when she was informed that a general
assembly was held at the city of Lubeck, in order to con-
cert measures for distressing the English trade, she caused
the ships and their cargoes to be confiscated; only two of
them were released to carry home the news, and that the
queen had the greatest contempt imaginable for all their
proceedings. *
After this, Sigismond, king of Poland, interposed in their
behalf, sending hither an ambassador, who, talking in a
very high style, the queen, in her answer, told him plainly,
that the king, his master, made no right estimate of his
own power, and that himself was very little fit for the
employment in which she found him. † Thus were we
ridden for ever of these incorporated foreign factors; and
our own merchants established in the right of managing
our commerce. In the latter end of her reign, some dis-
putes happening with the king of Denmark, and he most
unadvisedly seizing the English ships that were in his
ports; the queen sent one Dr. Parkins to demand an imme-
diate and adequate satisfaction; which he did in so
peremptory a style, that the Dane was glad to compound
the matter for forty thousand dollars, which he paid her
majesty, and which she caused to be proportionably
divided among the merchants who were injured. ‡
These are instances of her noble spirit in obtaining
redress of grievances in foreign countries, even in the
the 13th of January following, may be met with at large in Wheeler's
Treatise of Commerce, p. 80, 93.
* Camden, vol. iii. p. 604, 606, 748, and the other historians of her
reign. Wheeler's Treatise on Commerce. Molloy de Jure Maritimo,
book ii. chap. xii.
+ See the memorable reply of that princess upon this occasion, at
large, in Speed, p. 871.
Stowe, p. 787. Lord Burleigh's Diary, in Murdin's Collection.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
463
most perilous times, and when her affairs were in the
utmost embarrassment. As to her care of trade and navi-
gation within her own dominions, we have already men-
tioned many particulars; however, it may not be amiss to
observe, that, in 1563, an act was made for the better
regulation, maintenance, and increase of the navy;* and,
in 1566, there was a law to enable the master, wardens,
and the assistants of the Trinity-house, to set up beacons
and sea-marks. + The same year, there passed an act for
incorporating, and more effectually establishing, the com-
pany of merchant-adventurers. In 1571, there likewise
passed an act for the increase of mariners, and for the
maintenance of navigation, and more especially for reco-
vering the trade to Iceland, which began then to decay,
and in which there had been employed annually upwards
of two hundred sail of stout ships. § In 1585, the queen
erected, by her letters-patent, a new company, for the
management of the trade to Barbary; || and, in the year
1600, she incorporated a society of merchants trading to
the East Indies, I whence the present East India Company
is derived, as will be hereafter shewn.
Besides these numerous marks of her royal favour, and
strict attention to the commerce of her subjects, the queen
afforded others continually; by sending envoys and agents
to the Czar, to the Shah of Persia, to several great princes
in the East Indies; and, in short, wherever her interposi-
tion could be of any use to open, to promote, or to recover
any branch of traffic, as appears by all the histories that
are extant of her reign. ** It may be said, and, which is
* See the Statute, anno 1, Eliz. cap. v.
↑ Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 369.
Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. ii. p. 114.
Anno 8, Eliz. cap. xiii.
§ Anno 22, Eliz. cap. vii.
¶ Dated at Westminster, December 31, A. R. 43. and recited at
large in Purchas, vol. i. lib. iii. p. 144.
** Camden, Bacon, Osborne, Stowe, Holingshed, Speed, Rapin.
See the letters addressed to those princes by the queen, on that head,
I' I 2.
464
NAVAL HISTORY
more, may be said with truth and justice, that, in the
midst of these great things done for industry and trade, the
prerogative was carried very high; many monopolies
erected, and several exclusive privileges granted, which
have been found injurious to trade. But the discussing
these points belongs to general history. The queen levied
taxes sparingly, and helped out her revenues by what
were then styled rights of the crown. Monopolies were
the invention, at least had the countenance, and turned to
the profit of her ministers, who, for a time, deceived their
mistress into the support of them; but, when she under-
stood the nature and extent of them, she gave them up.
As to the statutes prejudicial to trade, there were some
founded in popular error, from which no age is exempt;
things themselves have changed their circumstances, if not
their nature, that what was or might be judged right then,
may be plainly wrong now.
But the peculiar glory of Queen Elizabeth's reign in
this respect, was the great care she took of the coin, which,
as we have shewn, was shamefully debased in the reigns
of Henry VIII. and Edward VI.; and, though her sister
had put an entire stop to this bad practice, yet the circum-
stances of her affairs were very far from being such as to
admit her taking any measures towards an effectual amend-
ment, the base coin continuing to have a currency, though
it began to sink in its value; which, however, did not
hinder foreigners from pouring in vast quantities of that
mixed money, to the great detriment of the nation, and
this, notwithstanding that princess expostulated with her
neighbours upon that subject, and her doing all she could
to hinder it. But, immediately, after the accession of
at length, in Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 338, 339, 375, 418, vol. ii. p. 138, 203.
vol. iii. p. 852.
*
Camden. Annal. Eliz. vol. i. p. 75, 76.
Strype's Annals, vol. i. chap. xxii. p. 264, 265.
Diary, in Murdin's Collection, p. 751.
Stowe, p. 646, 647•
Lord Burleigh'*.
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
465
Queen Elizabeth, the Lord Burleigh and Sir Thomas
Smith, whose papers upon that head are yet extant, inter-
posed with the queen, and shewed her clearly the bad con-
sequences of a debased coinage; and shewed her farther,
that it was not the short ends of wit, or some slight and
temporary devices, that could sustain the expense of a great
monarchy, but sound and solid courses. I make use of
their expressions, which, though not elegant, are verý
emphatic. They, therefore, exhorted her to pursue the
steps of her great-grandfather Edward IV. and rejecting
all expedients as ineffectual in themselves, and unworthy
of her, to strike at the root of the evil. Admirable and
solid counsels!
She took their advice, and, by a proclamation in the
second year of her reign, called in all the debased money,
directing it to be marked with a greyhound, portcullice,
fion, harp, rose, or fleur-de-lys, to distinguish the several
intrinsic value of the pieces, it being her design to refine
the coin, not according to the legal, but natural estimation
of money; and, therefore, she directed, that foreign coin
and money should be brought to her mint, as there was
from eight thousand to twenty-two thousand pounds every
week, and the like quantity of gold in Spanish pistoles, for
the space of about six months; when she repaid her sub-
jects the full value of the silver in new money of that
standard, which has since continued, and which was fixed
after mature deliberation, and, with a just regard to the
value silver and gold had obtained in foreign countries ať
that time. In the very next year, the majority of her
council' were for undoing all again, by introducing a fresh
debasement; but the Lord Burleigh, then Sir William
Cecil, and secretary of state, withstood' this, as he did
every other project of that kind so long as he lived, with
such vehemence of speech, and with such strength of
argument, as kept the queen steady to her first measure.
466
NAVAL HISTORY
When this great undertaking was thoroughly perfected,
the queen took occasion to tell her people, in a proclama-
tion, that she had now conquered that monster which had
so long devoured them; and, it is very wisely recited in
the preamble of an act of parliament, in the fifth year of
her reign, "That, by her great goodness, new money had
"been coined of the same fineness as in the time of her
❝ noble progenitors." Neither was this famous act, as she
herself called it upon another occasion, forgotten in the
inscription placed upon her monument; where, after men-
tion being made of restoring religion to its primitive sin-
cerity, and establishing a lasting tranquillity, it follows,
that she reduced the coin to its just value. Hence we may
perceive how great an action this was, and of what lasting
benefit to the kingdom.
It may, however, contribute not a little to our satisfac-
tion, if we inquire what quantity of coin, both gold and
silver, there might be in the nation towards the close of her
reign, that is, at the beginning of the last century; because
it is of very great consequence to have a just notion of
what was the nation's stock in ready money at that period,
when our great foreign commerce began. We have,
indeed, an authentic account of her entire coinage in silver,
amounting to above four millions and a half; but then,
if we consider that she re-coined almost all the silver
specie of the kingdom, and that there was a small altera-
tion in the standard in the latter end of her reign, which
raised silver from five shillings to five and two-pence an
ounce, which occasioned a new fabrication, so that much
of the former coin came into the mint again as bullion; we
may, with the judicious Dr. Davenant, estimate the silver
coin at that time in this kingdom at two millions and a
half; to which, if we add the gold of her own and her pre-
decessor's coin, and estimate this at a million and a half,
we may be pretty sure that we are not much wide of the
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 07333 5310
OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
truth;
and that, one hundred and fifty years ago, the
current coin of England amounted in the whole to four
millions or thereabouts.
As the restoring the coin was, in effect, putting the first
wheel in motion, so, this being thus early set right, all
the subordinate parts of general commerce began quickly
to resume their respective forces; and, the willingness
which the queen shewed upon every occasion to facilitate
whatever designs were formed for improving her dominions,
employing her subjects, and venting the produce of their
industry, had such effects, that by degrees, one thing open-
ing a way to another, the face of affairs totally changed.
All the complaints that were formerly made, gave place to
a general approbation of the queen's government amongst
the better part of her subjects; that is, amongst those who
were willing to help themselves by their honest and
cheerful endeavours to enlarge their properties, and to
turn to the utmost advantage the laudable desire, which
their sovereign expressed, of encouraging whatever could
be invented for the promoting their welfare, and augment-
ing the public stock.
This disposition in the queen excited a like spirit
throughout the whole nation. Not only persons bred to
trade, and some of the middle gentry of the kingdom,
launched out into expeditions for discoveries, and planting,
new-found countries; but, even persons of the first dis-
tinction became encouragers and adventurers in those
designs; such as the lord-treasurer Burleigh, the earl of
Warwick, the earl of Leicester, &c. and some of them
actually engaged in the execution of such projects, amongst
whom were the earls of Cumberland, Essex, and South-
ampton, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Richard Grenville, Sir
Humphry Gilbert, Sir Robert Dudley, &c. * And there-
fore we need not wonder at the surprising increase of our
* Hakluyt's, Monson's, and Purchas's Collections consist chiefly of
instances of this sort.
467
468
NAVAL HISTORY, &c.
maritime power, or the number of remarkable under-
takings of this sort, within so short a period of time. Let
us mention only a few. In 1575, Sir Humphry Gilbert
attempted the discovery of a north-west passage. In 1577,
Sir Martin Forbisher sought one the same way.* Pet and
Jackman sailed on a like design, in 1580, by the direction
of the governor and company of merchant-adventurers. +
An expedition was undertaken, at a great expense, by Sir
Humphry Gilbert, in order to settle Florida; nor did it
miscarry through any error of the undertaker. The great
Sir Walter Raleigh would have settled Virginia in 1584,
if prudence, industry, and public spirit could have effected
it; but, though he failed in the extent, yet he was not
totally defeated in his hopes, since he laid the foundation
of that settlement, which hath since so happily suc-
ceeded.
*
Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 32.
+ Camden, vol. ii. p. 360, 361.
↑ See a full account of this matter, in Sir George Fecham's relation,
who was concerned therein.
END OF VOL I.
W. SMITH AND CO.
Printers,
KING STREET, SEVEN DIALS.
UNÍV. OF MICAH,
JUM 12 1908
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B 389881