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THOUGHTS
ON
CIVIL LIBERTY,
Ο Ν
LICENTIOUS N E S S,
Α Ν D
F A C Τ Ι Ο Ν.
By the AUTHOR of
ESSAYS on the CHARACTERISTICS, &C.
Sed in Vitium Libertas excidit, ei Vim
Dignam Lege regi.
THE SECOND
EDITION.
L 0 N D 0 N:
Printed for L. DAVÍ's and C. REY MERE,
oppoſite Gray's-Inn-Gate, Holborn,
Printers to the ROYAL SOCIETY.
MDCCLXY,
-3 6.3
JC
57)
.88
7t.s
English
Mcheista,
9-23-53
84430
C O N T E N T S.
SECT. I.
The Deſign.
Page 9.
SECT. II.
.
Of the Nature of Civil Liberty.
P. II.
SECT. III.
Of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
p. 146
SECT. IV.
Unafifted Laws no permanent Foundation of
Civil Liberty.
p. 15.
SECT. V.
*
Virtuous Manners and Principles the only
permanent Foundation of Civil Liberty.
P. 26.
SECT.
4
C O N T E N T S.
SECT. VI.
An Objection conſidered.
Page 36
Sect. VII.
A Confirmation of theſe Principles, drawn
from the Hiſtory of free States. If of
Sparta.
p. 42.
SECT. VIII.
Of the Republic of Athens.
p. 61.
SECT. IX.
Of the Commonwealth of Rome.
p. 67.
Sect. X.
How far thefe Faets can properly be ap-
ply'd to the political State of Great Bri-
tain.
p. 78.
SECT. XI.
Of the general State of Manners and Prin-
ciples, about the Time of the Revolution.
P. 88.
SECT.
CONTENT s.
un
SECT.
XII.
Of the Changes in Manners and Principles,
through the ſucceeding Times. Page 94.
SECT. 'XÌII.
Among what Ranks, Licentiouſneſs and Fac-
tion may moſt probably be expected. p. 108.
SECT. XIV.
Of the moſt effe&tual Means of detecting Li-
centiouſneſs and Faction.
p. 115
SECT. XV.
Of the characteriſtic Marks of Liberty.
p. 118
SECT. XVI.
Of the firſt characteriſtic Mark of Licen-
tiouſneſs and Faction.
p. 120.
SECT.
6
CONTENTS.
SECT. XVII.
A ſecond Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Fa£tion.
Page 124
SECT.
XVIII.
A third Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
p. 126.
SECT. XIX.
A fourth Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
p. 126.
SECT. XX.
.
A fifth Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
p. 131.
SECT. XXI.
A fixth Mark of Licentiouſnefs and Faction.
p. 134
SECT. XXII.
Some Objections obviated.
p. 137
SECT.
CONTENT S.
7
SECT. XXIII.
Of the Remedies againſt Licentiouſneſs and
Fa£tion. The firſt Remedy. Page 140.
SECT.
XXIV.
A ſecond Remedy.
p. 142.
SECT. XXV.
Some concomitant Remedies.
p. 149.
SECT.
XXVI,
Of the chief and eſſential Remedy. p. 156.
SECT. XXVII.
The Conclufion.
P. 160,
.
THOUGHTS
THOUGHTS
Ο Ν
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
S E C Τ Ι Ο Ν
I.
The DES I GN.
T
HERE are two Cauſes, eſſentially
diſtinct, though often interwoven,
by which a free State may periſh.
Theſe are, external and internal Violence :
Invaſons from abroad, or Diſſentions at
Home : The Rage of foreign War, or do-
meſtic Faction.
After a dangerous and exhauſting War,
Victory hath at length reſtored Peace to
our bleeding Country. But in vain the
B
Sword
16
THOUGHTS
on
Sword of War is ſheathed, if in Time of
Peace the Poignard of Licentiouſneſs and
Faction is drawn, and madly leveld by
many of our Countrymen, at the Breaſts of
their Fellow-Subjects.
To prevent the fatal Conſequences of
this deluded or deluding Spirit, is the
Purpoſe of this Eſſay: In which the Writer
will endeavour to trace the preſent State of
Things to its general Foundations: By
pointing out the real Baſis and genuine
Character iſtics of true Liberty ; by unmaf-
quing the Pretences, and laying open the
fecret Sources and diſtinctive Marks of
Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
As the political Principles here laid
down and inforced, will be found ſtrictly
connected with Religion and Morals; no
Apology will be made for endeavouring to
eſtabliſh the public Happineſs of Mankind
on the folid Baſis of Virtue, which is the
End of Religion itſelf.-In this point the
Writer confirms himſelf on the Authority
of an excellent and learned Prelate, whoſe
political
CIVIL LIBER TY, &C.
II
1
political Reſearches were of likeTendency.
“ As the Sum of human Happineſs is ſup-
poſed to conſiſt in the Goods of Mind,
Body, and Fortune, I would fain make
my Studies of ſome Uſe to Mankind,
“ with Regard to each of theſe three Par-
“ ticulars; and hope it will not be thought
faulty or indecent in any Man, of what
" Profeffion foever, to offer his Mite to-
“ wards improving the Manners (I will
add, the Religion) Health, and Propea
rity of his Fellow-Creatures*.
SECT.
II.
Of the Nature of Civil Liberty,
To
O ſome it will doubtleſs appear a
ſuperfluous Labour, to fix the true
Idea of civil Liberty, in a Country which
boaſts itſelf free.
* Dr. Berkeley's Miſc. p. 118.
B2
Yet
I 2
THOUGHTS · on
Yet the Writer eſteems it a neceſſary,
though obvious, Taſk: Not only that he
may appeal to his Idea of it, thus eſtab-
liſhed; but alſo, becauſe in the Conduct
(at leaſt) if not in the Writings of his
Countrymen, it ſeems to have been ſome-
times miſtaken.
The natural Liberty of Man, conſidered
merely as a ſolitary and ſavage Individual,
would generally lead him to a full and un-
bounded Proſecution of all his Appetites.
Some Savages there are, though few, who
live nearly, if not altogether, in this brutal
State of Nature,
Theſe laſt Expreſſions, it muſt be con-
feſſed, are inadequate to their Subject :
For ſuch a State of Man is worſe than that
of Brutes, and, in the ſtrict Senſe, is alſo
contrary to Nature. For Brutes are en-
dowed with unerring Inſtincts, which Man
poffefſeth not: Therefore ſuch a ſolitary
and wretched State is ſtrictly unnatural;
becauſe it prevents the Exertion of thoſe
Powers, which his Nature is capable of at-
taining;
CIVIL' LIBERTY, &c. 13
taining: But thoſe Powers Society alone
can call forth into Astion.
Man is therefore formed for Society :
That is, Man is formed for Intercourſe with
Man: Hence, through the natural De-
velopement of the human Powers, a Variety
of new Wants, a Neceſſity for mutual
Aids and diſtinct Properties, muſt ariſe :
From theſe, a new Acceſion, as well as
a frequent Diſagreement and Claſhing of
Defires muſt inevitably enſue. Hence the
Neceſſity of curbing and fixing the Deſires
of Man in the ſocial State ; by ſuch equal
Laws, as may compel the Appetites of each
Individual to yield to the common Good
of all,
From this falutary Reſtraint, civil Li-
berty is derived. Every natural Deſire,
which might in any reſpect be inconſiſt-
ent with the general Weal, is given up as
a voluntary Tax, paid for the higher, more
laſting, and
more important Benefits,
which we reap from ſocial Life.
B 3
SECT.
14
THOUGHTS on
1
SECT
III.
Of Licentiouſneſs and Faction,
ROM the Nature of civil Liberty,
thus delineated, the Nature of Licen-
tiouſneſs will eaſily be fixed : Being indeed
no other than " Every Deſire carry'd into
“ Action, which in any reſpect violates
" thoſe equal Laws, eſtabliſhed for the
s6 common Benefit of the Whole."
Thus, an unlimited Indulgence of Appe-
tite, which in the ſavage State is called na-
tural Liberty, in the ſocial State is filed
Licentiouſneſs.
And Licentiouſneſs, where its immediate
Object is That of - thwarting the Ends
“ of civil Liberty,” is diſtinguiſhed by the
Name of Faction.
SECT.
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
15
S E C T. IV.
Unaſliſted Laws no permanent Foundation
of Civil Liberty.
TH
HESE Remarks are obvious; and
clear to every Man pofſeffed of the
common Degrees of Underſtanding. Let
us now conſider, “ What are the perma-
“ nent Foundations of civil Liberty:" That
is, in other Words, " What are the effec-
“ tual Means by which every Member of
Society may be uniformly ſway'd, im-
pelled, or induced, to facrifice his pri-
o vate Deſires or Appetites, to the Welfare
“ of the Public.”—This is a Subject, which
deſerves a particular Elucidation, becauſe
in our own Country, and our own Times,
it ſeems to have been much and dangerouſly
miſtaken.
It hath been affirmed as a firſt Principle
by certain Writers, and hath been artfully
or weakly ſuggeſted by others, “ that the
( coercive
BĄ
16
THOUGHTS on
56 coercive Power of human Laws is ſuffi,
« cient to ſuſtain itſelf: That the Legiſlator
« or Magiſtrate hath properly no Concern
çc with the private Opinions, Sentiments,
” or Operations of the Mind : And that
“« Actions alone fall under the legal Cogni-
"zance of thoſe in Power."
The Author of the Fable of the Bees hath
boldly laid down this ; which, as a ruling
Principle, 'pervades his whole Work. He
profeſſes himſelf the Friend of Liberty: He
derides private Virtue, as the Offspring of
Flättery, begotten upon Pride: He diſcards
Religion, as a political Fable; he treats the
Principleof Honour, as an empty Chimera ;
he recommends private Vices as public Be-
nefits* ;
; and having thus level'd the whole
Fabric of Manners and Principles; what,
do you think, is the grand Arcanum of
his Policy, for the Prevention of ſuch
Crimes as would indanger the Grandeur
and Stability of the State ? Why;-- ſe-
* Fable of the Bees, paflim,
“ vere
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
17
os vere Laws, rugged Officers, Pillories,
“ Whipping-Poſts, Jails, and Gibbets*.”
This Principle, of the Sufficiency of hu-
man Laws to ſuſtain their own Efficacy
and Power, without Regard to the Opi-
nions of Principles of Men, hath been,
at leaſt, indirectly held forth by other
Writers,
An Author, who although a fincere,
was certainly an imprudent, Friend of
Liberty, ſpeaks in the following ambigu-
ous Stile; which, if not deſigned to im-
preſs the Principle here called in Queſtion,
is at leaſt very liable to be interpreted into
it. “ It is fooliſh to ſay, that Govern-
- ment is concerned to meddle with the
private Thoughts and Actions of Men,
“ while they injure neither the Society, nor
any of its Members. Every Man is, in
« Nature and Reaſon, the Judge and Dif-
poſer of his own domeſtic Affairs ; and,
{{ according to the Rules of Religion and
* Effay on Charity Schoolsa
“ Equity,
18
THOUGHTS on
Equity, every Man muſt carry his own
Conſcience : So that neither has the Magi-
“ ſtrate a Right to direct the private Be-
so haviour of Men; nor has the Magiſtrate,
“ or any Body elſe, any Manner of Power
" to model People's Speculations, no more
" than their Dreams. Government being
“ intended to protect Men from the Injuries
" of one another, and not to direct them
" in their own Affairs, in which no one
" is intereſted but themſelves ; it is plain,
" that their Thoughts and domeſtic Concerns
“ are exempted entirely from its Juriſdic-
« tion: In Truth, Men's Thoughts are
“ not ſubject to their own Juriſdiction.”
“ Let People alone, and they will take
“ Care of themſelves, and do it beſt: And
“ if they do not, a ſufficient Puniſhment
“ will follow their Neglect, without the
Magiſtrate's Interpoſition and Penalties.
“ It is plain, that ſuch buſy Care and offi-
“ cious Intruſion into the perſonal Affairs,
« or private Astions, Thoughts, and Imagi-
“ nations of Men, has in it more Craft than
66 Kind
CIVIL LIBER TY, &c.
19
Kindneſs: To quarrel with any Man for
« his Opinions, Humours, or the faſhion of
s his Cloaths, is an Offence taken without
being given.”_" True and impartial Li-
berty is therefore the Right of every
“ Man, to purſue the natural, reaſonable,
“ and religious Dictates of his own Mind :
" To think what he will, and act as he
“ thinks, provided he acts not to the Pre-
judice of another*.”
Theſe Expreſſions are crude, inaccurate,
and ambiguous ; leaving the thoughtful
Reader at a Loſs for the Author's preciſe
and determined Meaning. For, firſt, they
may poſſibly imply, 66 that the Magiſtrate
“ hath no Right to violate the Laws of
“ what is commonly called Religious Tole-
“ ration or Chriſtian Liberty; but that every
“ Man hath an unalienable Right to wor-
ſhip God in that Manner which accords
65 to the Dictates of his own Conſcience."
In this Senſe they are rational and true :
* Cato's Letters, Nº. 62.
And
20
THOUGHTS on
And to this Truth the Writer hath more
than once born public Teſtimony *.
But, ſecondly, they may imply,
" that
Thoughts, Speculations, Opinions, Prin-
ciples, however received and imbibed by
" the Mind of Man, have no Connexion
" with his Actions; at moſt, no Con-
“ nexion ſo neceſſary and ſtrong as to give
'" the Magiſtrate a Right to regulate them
by any Means whatever. That no Di-
“ rection is to be given either to the
grown or the infant Mind; that, as every
“ Member of Society hath a Right to hold
“ what Opinions and Principles he plea-
« ſeth, ſo he hath the ſame Privilege to
«s communicate them to his Family and
" Children : That they are to think what
they will, becauſe Thoughts and Opi-
" nions are a private and perſonal Affair :
“ That the Magiſtrate is only concerned
“ to regulate their Actions.”
* See Vol, of Serm, IV, V, XII.
This
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
21
This is not only a poſſible Interpretation,
but, in all Appearance, the more natural
of the two. For it is not here once ſug-
geſted by this Author, that Opinions have
any Influence on A&tions; but rather, that
they concern nobody but Him who holds
them. 'Tis true, he ſpeaks of them as
being reaſonable, and religious : But if they
be the mere Reſult of private and fortui-
tous Thought, unaided by the Regulations
of civil Policy, I ſee not why they may not
more probably be unreaſonable and irreli-
gious: Becauſe they are more likely to be
modeld by ruling Appetites than rational
Deduction.
At the ſame time, it is but Juſtice to
this Author to ſay, that he certainly meant
not (like the Author of the Fable of the
Bees) to diſcard all moral Principles as
groundleſs and chimerical; whatever his
Intentions were with Regard to Religion.
But his Expreſſions are ambiguous, and
have been laid hold of by Men of the
moſt libertine Opinions: Therefore in
what-
I
22
THOUGHTS on
whatever Senſe they were written, it is
neceſſary to oppoſe them, in that Senſe
in which they have been received.
And farther, this is certain : That the
Principle implied in this ſecond Interpreta-
tion hath paſſed into a general Maxim in
this Kingdom, among thoſe who pique
themſelves on unlimited Freedom of Thought.
Theſe Men have long and openly derided
every Regulation of Opinion and Principle;
have diſcarded all moral and religious In-
ſtruction, under the deſpiſed Idea of Pre-
judice of Education ; have laid it down as
their fundamental Maxim,
- That you are
" to think what you will : Only to act ho-
neſtly.” Not attending to that eſſential
Connexion which ſubfiſts between Thoughts,
Opinions, Principles, and Actions.
Doubtleſs, any Society of Men, airning
at the Eſtabliſhment of civil Liberty, have
a Right to unite themſelves on what Con-
ditions they pleaſe. But it is the Purpoſe
of this Eſſay, to prove, by Reaſonings
confirmed by Facts, that a free Commu-
nity
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. -23
nity built on the Maxims above delivered,
cannot be of long Duration : That the mere
coercive Power of human Laws is not ſuf-
ficient to ſuſtain itſelf: That there is a
ſtrong and unalterable Counexion between
Opinions and Actions: That a certain Regu-
lation of Principles is neceſſary; to check
the ſelfiſh Paſſions of Man, and prevent
Liberty from degenerating into Licentiouſ-
nefs : And that
" a certain Syſtem of
- Manners and Principles, mutually ſup-
porting each other, and pervading the
“ whole Community, are the only perma-
* nent Foundation on which true civil Li-
berty can ariſe."
The natural Appetites, Paffions, and
Deſires of Man, are the univerſal Foun-
tain of his Actions : Without the Impulſe
which he receives from thoſe, he would be
at once unfeeling and inactive. Conſe-
quently, according to the State and Cha-
racter of his Defires, his Actions will natu-
rally be good or evil; innocent, uſeful, or
deſtructive.
Were
24
THOU G H T Son
Were thefe Defires univerſally coincident
with the Welfare and Happineſs of others,
no coercive Power would be wanting, as
the Means of producing and ſecuring per-
fect Liberty.
But the acknowledged Neceſſity of penal
Laws affords an inconteſtable Proof, that
the unbridled Deſires of Man are utterly in-
conſiſtent with the Welfare and Happi-
neſs of his Fellow Creatures.
Whatever Means, therefore, are moſt
effectual in curbing and ſubduing the ſel-
fiſh Dehres of Man, are the moſt effectual
Means of regulating his Ations, and eſtab-
liſhing civil Liberty on its moſt perma-
nent Foundations.
The mere coercive Power of human
Laws, without an aſſiſtant Regulation of
the Paſſions and Deſires, is utterly inade-
quate to the great Encis either of private
Happineſs or public Liberty.
It cannot produce private Happineſs to
the Individual, becauſe while it leaves his
Mind open to be infeſted by every unruly
Paſſion
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
25
Paffion that may ariſe, it forbids him the
Gratification: Thus it ſets the diſtracted
Soul at Variance with itſelf. The beſt
Conſequence that can be hoped for, is a
continued Conflict of Fear and Appetite;
of a Dread of human Laws, warring with
inordinate and ſelfiſh Paſions.
It cannot be a permanent Foundation of
public Liberty; becauſe while the Paſſions
are thus left without an inward Controul,
they will often be too ſtrong for Fear,
even where a legal Puniſhment is the cer-
tain Conſequence: For as they are ſuffered
to ſubſiſt in their full Vigour, and, when
kindled in the Soul, are blind and head-
ſtrong, they will often carry away the
whole Man; will bear him down in their
Gratification, even to unavoidable Deſtruc-
tion.
Still farther, and chiefly: Human
Power cannot penetrate the ſecret Receſſes
of the Soul, nor reach the dark Intentions
of the Heart of Man, nor always be of
Weight to combat the Strength of Indi-
viduals ;
с
2:6
THOU Ġ HTS on
viduals : Hence Cunning will often evade,
and Force will often defy, the coercive
Power of the beſt-formed Laws. Thus
public Wiſdom muſt give Way to pri-
vate Gratification, the Innocent muſt be-
come a Prey to the Guilty ; that is, in
other Words, Liberty muſt be deſtroyed,
and Licentiouſneſs muſt triumph.
"SECT.
V.
Virtuous Manners and Principles the only
permanent Foundation of civil Liberty.
WH
HAT, then, are the permanent Foun-
dations, on which perfect Liberty
can ariſe ?-I anſwer, it can only ariſe
on the Power of ſuch a Syſtem of Man-
ners and Principles effectually impreſſed
on the human Mind, as may be an in-
ward Curb to every inordinate Deſire; or
rather, ſuch as may ſo frame and model
the human Heart, that its ruling Deſires
may
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
27
may correſpond, coincide, or coaleſce, with
all the great and eſſential Appointments
of public Law:
The Nature of Man admits of this Im-
provement, though not in a perfect, yet
in a 'conſiderable Degree. He is born
with Appetites ſuited to his own Preſer-
vation, and the Continuance of his Spe-
cies : Beyond this, he is by Nature at
once ſelfiſh and ſocial ; compaſſionate and
refentful; docile, either to Good or Evil;
and hence, capable of acquiring nete Ha-
bits, new Paffions, new Deſires, either to
the Welfare or Deſtruction of his Fellow-
Creatures.
Virtuous Manners I call ſuch acquired
Habits of Thought and correſpondent Ac-
tion, as lead to a ſteady Proſecution of the
general Welfare.
Virtuous Principles I call ſuch as tend
to confirm theſe Habits, by ſuperinducing
the Idea of Duty.
Virtuous Manners are a permanent
Foundation for civil Liberty, becauſe they
lead
C 2
28
THOUGHTS on
lead the Paſſions and Defires themſelves
to coincide with the Appointments of
public Law. The infant Mind' is preg-
nant with a Variety of Paſſions : But it
is in the Power of thoſe who are in-
truſted with the Education of Youth, in
a conſiderable Degree, to determine the
Bent of the naſcent Paſſions; to fix them
on ſalutary Objects, or let them looſe to
ſuch as are pernicious or deſtructive.
Here, then, lie the firſt Foundations
of civil Liberty : In forming the Habits
of the youthful Heart, to a Coincidence
with the general Welfare : In checking
every riſing Appetite that is contrary to
This, and in forwarding every Paffion
that may promote the Happineſs of the
Community: In implanting and improv-
ing Benevolence, Self-Controul, Humility,
Integrity, and Truth ; in preventing or
ſuppreſling the contrary Habits of Selfiſh-
neſs, Intemperance, Pride, Diſhoneſty, and
Falſehood: In teaching the young Mind
to delight, as far as is poſſible, in every
Virtue
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
29
Virtue for its own Sake: In a Word, in
ſo forming the Pleaſures and Diſpleaſures
of the opening Heart, that they may
coaleſce and harmonize with the Laws of
public Freedom.
Above all, This will give Stability to
civil Liberty, if the ſocial Paſſions of In-
dividuals can be ſo far extended, as to
include the Welfare of the whole Com-
munity, as their chief and primary Ob-
ject. This Affection is diſtinguiſhed by
the Name of public. Spirit, or the Love
of our Country; the higheſt Paſſion that
can fway the human Heart, conſidered as
a permanent Foundation of true Liberty.
But in fome Minds the ſelfiſh Paſſions
are ſtrong, and the ſocial ones weak or
wanting: And in the beſt formed Heart
incidental Temptations may ariſe, and
overturn its pre-eſtabliſhed Habits : There-
fore it is a neceſſary Meaſure for the Se-
curity of private Virtue and public Free-
dom, that virtuous Principles be likewiſe
implanted in the Heart, Such Principles,
C 3
I mean,
30
THOUGHTS on
)
I mean, as may ftrengthen the good Ha-
bits of Thought and Action already con-
tracted, by ſuperinducing the idea of
Duty,
Of theſe there are but three, which can
ſway the Manners of Men, and confirm
the Foundation of civil Liberty. Theſe
are Religion, Honour, and natural Conſci-
ence. The firſt has the Deity for its Ob-
ject; the ſecond, the Applauſe of Men;
the third, the Approbation of our own
Heart. The Frame and Situation of Man
admits of no other Principle, from whence
the Idea of Duty can ariſe.
The Principle of Religion tends to this
End of confirming civil Liberty, as it in-
duces the Idea of Duty; and urges the Per-
formance of it, on the Belief of a juſt,
omnipotent, and all-ſeeing God; who ap-
proves and condemns, will reward or
puniſh, according as our Thoughts and
Actions are Good or Evil.
But, as the Means of rendering Relie
gìon, a firm Ally and Support of Liberty,
it
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
31
:
it is neceſſary, that their Distates ſhould be
coincident: That is, that the Thoughts and
Actions which Religion preſcribes as Du-
ties, and forbids as Sins, ſhould coincide
with the Dictates and Appointments of
public Law. In free Countries, this is the
natural State of Religion; which com-
monly either bends to the eſtabliſhed Laws
of the Community, or moulds them into
its own Genius and Complexion.
The Principle of Honour affords a con-
comitant Support of civil Liberty, when
properly directed. It works by a power-
ful and univerſal Paſſion, « our Fondneſs
“ for the Applauſe of Men;" But in free
Countries, this Principle is much more
liable to abuſe than that of Religion :
Becauſe it is apt. to be warped by the
faſhionable and ruling Manners of the
Times: For whatever is faſhionable is apt
to draw Reſpect and Applauſe: Whatever
is unfaſhionable is for the preſent intitled
only to Contempt. Hence the Principle
of Honour becomes fluctuating and uncer-
tain
!
32
THOUGHTS on
tain in its Nature, and therefore in its
Effects: A Regulation of this Principle,
therefore, is of the moſt important Con-
ſequence; becauſe, if left to its own fan-
taſtic Dictates, it will often endanger in-
ſtead of ſtrengthening the Foundations of
public Freedom.
The third Principle, that of natural
Conſcience, which tends to confirm the
Eſtabliſhment of Liberty, is founded in
the Approbation of our own Heaſt. This
Principle is in one Reſpect independent
on the other two, but in another Refpeet
ſeems to ſtand intimately related to them.
It is independent of them, as it neither
looks out for the Approbation of God,
not the Applauſe of Men: Įt ſeems inti-
mately related to them, becauſe, on a ſtrict
Examination of the human Frame, as
well as the Hiſtory of Mankind, it ap-
pears generally to be the Reſult of the
one, or other, or both. We tranſplant the
acknowledged Approbation of Heaven and
the Applauſe of Men into our own Heart
and
1
***
CIVIL LIBERTY, C.
33
and from this, through the fertile Power
of Aſociation, ſprings a new Principle
of Self-Approbation and Self-Reproof, as an
additional Regulator of our Thoughts and
Actions,
'Tis true, many Writers have reſolved
the particular Dictates of natural Conſci-
ence into an unchangeable Principle of
Right and Wrong, arifing univerſally in
the human Heart. There is no Doubt,
but the general Principle of Self-Appro-
bation or Self-Rebuke ariſeth in an uni-
verſal Manner, in ſome Degree or other :
but as it appears from the Hiſtory of
human Nature, that the particular Dic-
tates of this Conſcience vary with the
other received Principles of the Mind, it
is not neceſſary to debate or dwell on this
ſpeculative Point : We may take it as
a Truth confirmed by Facts, that the par-
ticular. Dictates of natural Conſcience will
generally be founded on thoſe of Religion
and Honour,
Hence,
34
THOUGHTS
072
..
Hence, then, it appears, that this Prin-
ciple of Conſcience ſtands in Need of a
Guide, in the ſame Degree as thoſe Prin-
ciples on which it is founded. If it be
founded on the Religion of a free State,
it will generally coincide with the Prin-
ciples of Freedom : If its Foundations are
laid in the mere Principle of Honour, its
Dictates will be fantaſtic as thoſe of its
Parent; and will therefore require a par-
allel Regulation.
Each of theſe Principles, fingly taken,
is of Power, in fome Degree or other, to
ſtrengthen the Balis of civil Liberty. On
their united Influence, added to the Force
of pre-eſtabliſhed Habits of Thought and
Manners, public Freedom might ſeem to
ariſe on immoveable and everlaſting Foun-
dations.
But as the Nature of Man, even in his
moſt virtuous State, is imperfe&t and in-
confiftent ; fo, in Spite of the moſt falutary
Inſtitutions, fome Defects will intrude.
Hence, from an unavoidable Alloy of
Vice,
1
CIVIL LIBERTY, &C.
35
1
Vice, civil Liberty muſt ever be imperfect :
A certain Degree of Licentiouſneſs (that
is, of private Will, oppoſing the Public)
will always mix itſelf, and in ſome De-
gree contaminate the Purity of every Com-
monwealth.
Yet, while virtuous Manners and Prin-
ciples clearly predominate in their Effects,
a State may ſtill be juſtly called free.
But in Proportion as theſe Manners and
Principles decay, and their contraries riſe
into Power and Action, public Freedom
muſt neceſſarily decline. For in that Caſe,
the Paſſions and Powers of the human
Mind are all ſet in Conſpiracy againſt the
Dictates of public Law. Hence unbridled
Paſſions will have their Courſe; every
Man's Heart and Hand will be ſet againſt
his Brethren; and the general Cement of
Society, which bound all together, being
thus diſſolved; even without any exter-
nal Violence offered, the Commonwealth
through its internal Corruption muſt fall
in Pieces,
SECT
36
01
THOUGHTS
SECT.
VI.
An Objection conſidered.
N
Doboltblebeen to be held bij e patrons
Oubtleſs, it will be objected (nay, it
hath been objected) by the Patrons
of unlimited Freedom of Thought, that
This is indeed a Syſtem of Slavery ; that
it is building civil Liberty on the Servitude
of the Mind, and ſhackling the infant Soul
with early Prejudice.
In Anſwer to this plauſible Objection,
the Writer replies (what he hath elſe-
where advanced *) “ That a Prejudice doth
“ not imply, as is generally ſuppoſed, the
Falſehood of the Opinion inſtilled, but
only that it is - taken up, and held,
“ without its proper Evidence. Thus the
• infant Mind may be prejudiced in Fa-
« vour of Truth as well as Falſehood; and
- neither can the one or the other, thus
o inſtilled, be properly called more than
to an Opinion."
* Sermons on Education, &c. p. 62, &c.
Farther:
CIVIL LIBERTY, C.
37
ز
Farther : The infant Mind cannot re-
main in a State of Indifference and In-
action, either with regard to Habits of
Conduct, or Principles and Opinions. Ha-
bits, Impreſſions, Beliefs, Principles, of one
Kind or other, the growing Mind will
inevitably contract, from its Communica-
tion with Mankind : If therefore rational
Habits and Principles be not infuſed, in
order to preclude Abſurdities; it is Odds,
but Abſurdities will get the Start, and
preclude all rational Habits and Opini-
The Paſſions and the Reaſon of a
Child will put themſelves in Action, how-
ever wretched and inconſiſtent; in the
ſame Manner, as his Limbs will make an
Effort towards walking, however awk-
ward and abſurd. The fame Objection,
therefore, that lies againſt inſtilling fa-
lutary Habits and Principles, will ariſe
againſt teaching him to walk erect: This
being indeed a Violation of the natural
Freedom of the Body, as the other is of
the natural Liberty of the Paſſions and
the
ons.
I
38
THOUGHTS on
*
the Mind. The Conſequences, too, are of
the ſame Nature : For ſure, a Child left
to the Direction of his own Appetites and
Reaſon would ſtand the fame Chance to
grovel in Abſurdities, as to crawl on
Hands and Knees, and wallow in the
Mire.
Neither is there any Difference, with
Reſpect to the real and internal Freedom
of the Mind, between Opinions inſtilled,
and Opinions caught by Accident. For in
Truth, the Mind cannot be compelled to
receive any Habit of Thought, Principles
or Opinion. Theſe may indeed be offered
to the infant Mind, but the Reception of
them is its own voluntary Act; and is e-
qually ſo, whether they be preſented by
fortuitous Incidents, or deſigned Inſtruc-
tion. All the Difference is, that in the
firſt Caſe ſuch a Syſtem of Habits and
Opinions will certainly ariſe, as tend to
the Deſtruction of Society : In the ſecond,
ſuch a Syſtem of Habits and Opinions
may be infuſed into the free Mind, as
will
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
39
will lay a ſure and laſting Foundation of
public Liberty and Happineſs.
Nay, if any Difference could ariſe, with
Reſpect to the true Freedom of the Mind,
ſurely, That Mind ought, in the Eye of
Reaſon, to be adjudged moſt free, which
adopts a Syſtem of Thought and Action,
founded on the. Wiſdom of the agreeing
Society ; rather than That which is ſuf-
fered to be incurably tainted with the
vague and random Conceptions of untu-
tor'd Infancy.--This, at leaſt, is conſo-
nant with the old Stoic Principle, that
" The wife Man alone is free *."
Much hath been ſaid in our Times,
indeed, concerning the Force of unaſited
human Reafon : The Writer would not
willingly either flatter or degrade its
Powers. But to Him it appears, that
they are ſuperficially informed of the
Frame and Tenor of the human Mind,
who think that mere Reaſon (as it exiſts
in Man) is more than a Power of dif-
* Solus Sapiens liber.
cerning
40
TH O U Ġ HTS 091
cerning and chuſing the propereſt Means
for obtaining his deſired Ends, whether
theſe Ends be Good or Evil. The Paſ-
ſions, pre-eſtabliſhed Habits, and infuſed
Principles of the Soul are the univerſal
Motives to human Action. Where theſe
point not to an End defired, Reaſon may
indolently exerciſe its Eye; but can never
find nor create an Object, of Force ſuf-
ficient to put the Powers of the Soul and
Body in Motion. Hence, human Reaſon
muſt always receive its particular Caſt and
Colour from the pre-eſtabliſhed Paſſions,
Habits, and Principles : will ever form its
ruling Ideas of Good and Evil, Right and
Wrong, Juſt and Unjuſt, from theſe
great
Fountains of human Action.
The Hiſtory of human Nature con-
firms this Truth: Hence it is, that
this boaſted human Reaſon is indeed ſo
poor and unprofitable a Poſſeſſion; being
warped and moulded into that particular
Form, which the varying Accidents of Cli-
mate, Soil, eſtabliſhed Manners, Religion,
Policy,
CIVIL LIBERTY; &c.
41
Policy, bodily Frame, or prevailing Paſ-
ſions and Principles, chance to give it.
Hence, then, it appears, that the private
Freedom of the infant Mind is not vio-
lated, but only directed to its beſt End,
by early and falutary Inſtruction. Hence
it appears to be the proper Deſtination of
Man, that he ſhall not be left to the Fol-
lies of his own weak Underſtanding and
naſcent Paſſions ; that he ſhall not be left
fortuitouſly to imbibe the Maxims of cor-
rupt Times and Manners; Maxims which,
ſetting aſide all Regard to their ſpecula-
tive Truth or Falſehood, do lead to the
Diffolution of Law and Freedom : But
that he ſhall be conducted voluntarily to
adopt thoſe Habits and Principles, which
have been conſecrated by the Approba-
tion of the beſt and wifeſt Men, in every
Age and Nation; ſuch, in particular, as
are 'ſuitable to the Laws, the Cuſtoms, the
Genius, of his own free Country; ſuch,
in a Word, as aře a ſecure Foundation of
public Liberty.
D
SECT.
و
1
42
THOUGHTS on
S E C T.
VII.
.
A Confirmation of theſe Principles, drawn
from the Hiſtory of free States.
ift. Of Sparta.
HESE Reaſonings, founded on the
Nature and Conſtitution of Man, will
receive a ſtrong and unanſwerable Con-
firmation from the Hiſtory of free States.
Hence we ſhall obtain the cleareſt Evi-
dences of Fact, that while virtuous Man-
ners and Principles retained their Efficacy
and Power, civil Liberty remained un-
Thaken: That as theſe decayed, Liberty
declined: That as ſoon as theſe were loſt,
Liberty was no more ; Licentiouſneſs crept
in ; Faction triumphed ; and overwhelmed
theſe degenerate States in one common
Ruin.
To this Purpoſe I ſhall briefly analyze
the Genius of the three moft eminent
Re-
CIVIỊ LIBERTY, C.
43
Republics that are recorded in Story: Thoſe
of SPARTA, ATHENS, and Rome. The
Events are ſufficiently known to thoſe
who are converſant in ancient Hiſtory :
But the fundamental and leading Cauſes
of theſe Events deſerve a particular Inveſ-
tigation : They will form a concurrent
Proof of the Principles here given.
The Republic of SPARTA claims the firſt
Place ; both on Account of its Antiquity,
and Perfection. By its Perfection is meant,
not the moral Perfection of its particular
Inſtitutions, but of the Means and Principles
by which Theſe Inſtitutions were ſecured.
The leading Inſtitutions which LYCUR-
GUS fixed as the Effence of his Common-
wealth, were theſe which follow.
1.He eſtabliſhed a Senate of twenty-eight,
as an intermediate Power between that of
Prince and People... 2. He made an equal
Partition of Lands and Goods, among the
free Members of the Community... 3. He
introduced the Uſe of Iron Money, inſtead
of Gold and Silver... 4. He baniſhed or
preo
D 2
THOUGHTS on
44
prevented all the Arts of Commerce, Ele-
gance, and Luxury... 5. He ordained,
that all the Members of the Society
ſhould eat together, and partake alike of
the ſame coarſe Fare... 6. He eſtabliſhed
an occaſional Community of Wives : So
that a Wife was not ſo much the Pro-
perty of her Huſband, as of the Repub-
lic, to the End of Population... 7. With
a parallel View, he ordained a Kind of
Community of Children: By This, no
Father had the Care of his own Child ;
which, on its Birth, was immediately de-
livered over to the Officers of the State ;
and was either preſerved or deſtroyed ac-
cording to their Decree... 8. A conti-
nued Attention to the Preſervation of the
State, and an unremitted Preparation and
Readineſs for defenſive War, formed the
chief Employment of the Spartan State.
9. He committed the Cultivation of
their Lands to a large Body of Slaves,
who dwelt in the ſurrounding Country,
were deprived of all the natural Rights
of
>
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 45
of Men, and were often laid in Wait for,
and butchered in cold Blood, by the young
Men of SPARTA*.
Theſe were the public and eſſential In-
ftitutions of the Spartan Republic : Many
of them ſtrange in their Nature ; yet form-
ed for long Duration, through the Means
and Principles on which they were eſtab-
liſhed; which we ſhall find to be con-
ſiſtent with, and corroborative of, the Prin-
ciples of civil Liberty above laid down.
The firſt and beſt Security of civil Li-
berty hath been ſhewn to confift
impreſſing the infant Mind with ſuch
“ Habits of Thought and Action, as may
correſpond with and promote the Ap-
pointments of public Law.”—This Se-
curity was laid by Lycurgus, in the
66 in
* This Enormity, practiſed with Impunity by the
young
Men of Sparta, hath been held unaccountable:
But ſeems to have been allowed on the fame warlike
Principle with That other Allowance “ of ſtealing Vic-
tuals.” Both were probably eſtabliſhed as the Mcans of
preparing them for the Exerciſe of Stratagem in War.
deepeſt
D3
46
THOUGHTS on
deepeſt and moſt effectual Manner, hy
the Mode of Education which he preſcrib-
ed to the Spartan Youth.
No Father had a Right to educate his.
Children according to the Caprice of his
own Fancy. They were delivered to pub-
lịc Officers, who initiated them early in
the Manners, the Maxims, the Exerciſes,
the Toils, in a Word, in all the mental
and bodily Acquirements and Habits,
which correſponded with the Genius of the
State. Family Connexions had no Place :
The firſt and leading Object of their Af-
fection, was the general Welfare. This
Tuition was carefully continued, till they
were enrolled in the Liſt of Men: To
ſecure the Manners thus acquired, they
were prohibited from travelling into other
Countries, leſt they ſhould catch Infection
from ill Example: On the ſame Founda-
tion, all Viſits from Strangers were for-
bidden*. Thus were they ſtrongly and
* Plutarch. in Lycurgo.
unal
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
47
unalterably poſſeſſed with the Love of their
Country.
Theſe fevere Manners were confirmed
by all the Principles that could ſtrengthen
them in the Mind of Man.
The Principle of Religion laid at the very
Foundation of the State: For LYCURGUS
expreſsly modeled his Common-wealth
on the Pretence of a divine Authority. He
declared to the People, that its eſſential In-
ftitutions were given him by the Ora-
cle of DELPHI, which he went on Pur-
poſe to conſult*. Again, after he had mo-
deled his Republic, he repaired once more
to the ſacred Tripod ; and enquired,
66 whether the God approved of the Laws
" he had eſtabliſhed." The Anſwer was
in the Affirmative : And this Reply Ly-
Cursus ſent to SPARTA.
This Principle was ſo intimately blend-
ed with that of the State, that their
Kings were at the ſame Time the High
Prieſts of the Community I.-The Reli-
* Plutarch. in Lycurgo.
gion
+ Ib.
I Ib.
1
D4
48
THOUGHTS
012
}
gion and Power of an Oath was ſo ſtrongly
impreſſed on their Minds, that LYCURGUS
truſted the future Execution of his Laws,
to That Oath which the People took, on
his laſt Departure from the City * :- An
Oath, which proves, that the Religion of
the Country was not at Variance with
the Appointments of the State ; becauſe it
obliged them never to depart from the In-
ftitutions of LYCURGUS.
The Principle of Honour was not at
Variance, but co-operated with and suf-
tained That of Religion. PLUTARCH is
very particular, on their early and con-
tinued Encouragement of this Principle.
Their Songs (which made a Part of their
Education) tended to inflame their Minds
with honeft Ambition.
- Their Subject
“ was generally the Praiſe of ſuch Men
as had dy'd in Defence of their Coun-
try; or in Deriſion of Thoſe who had
66 ſhrunk from the public Service. The
or old Men talked high of what they had
* Plutarch, in Lycurgo.
66 done :
!
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 49
“ done: The younger Part echo'd back
“ their Song; declaring their Reſolution,
« not to diſgrace the Valour of their Fore-
of fathers *."
The Principle of natural Conſcience was
ſo intimately, interwoven with thoſe of
their Religion and Honour, that it affords
a ſtriking Proof how far natural Con-
ſcience depends on theſe other Principles.
If natural Conſcience were in itſelf a well-
regulated and ſufficient Guide ; could any
Thing have been more odious to its Dic-
tates, than Proſtitution, Adultery, Thieving,
and Aſaſination? Yet all theſe did the
ſevere Spartans practiſe, not only without
Remorſe, but with Self-Approbation ; the
infant Mind being before-hand modeled
to this prepoſterous Syſtem of imagined
Duty. For, on the very ruling Principles
of the State, their Daughters were de-
bauched, their Wives were common, their
Victuals were ſtolen, their Slaves were
murdered t.
1
* Plutarchi in Lycurgo.
of Ibid.
Thus
50
THOUGHTS on
)
Thus was the famed Republic of Sparta
ſtrongly fortify'd, by the united and con-
current Power of Manners and Principles,
all pointing to the ſame End, the Strength
and Duration of the State: Of Manners
and Principles, which, in their particular
Application, ſeemed to ſacrifice the Hap-
pineſs of Individuals to the Preſervation of
the Whole: And while they were moſt
abhorrent from the Maxims of improved
human Nature, ſecured the Inſtitutions of
a favage Policy.
From this View of the Spartan Com-
monwealth, theſe farther Remarks may
naturally ariſe.
1. It hath been Matter of Surprize to
thoſe who have written on this famed
Republic, « by what Means LYCURGUS
“ ſhould be able to perſwade the Spar-
“ tons, not only to change the Form of
" their Government, but to quit their pri-
os vate Poſſeſſions, their Manner of Life,
" the Uſe of Money, the Advantages of
56 Commerce, the Property of their Wives,
4
¢ the
civil LIBERTY, &c.
51
ci'the Care of their Children ; and adopt
« a contrary Syſtem, ſo abhorrent from
" the Deſires of civilized Man.” And in-
deed, ſuppoſing the Fact, it ſhould ſeem
a Paradox utterly unaccountable. The
true Solution ſeems of a quite different
Nature.--PLUTARCH leads me to it.
- There is ſo much Uncertainty (faith he)
¢ in the Accounts which Hiſtorians have
56 left us of LYCURGUS, that ſcarce any
Thing is aſſerted by one, which is not
“ contradicted by others. Their Senti-
" ments are quite different as to the Fa,
mily he came of, the Voyages he un-
- dertook, the Place and Manner of his
- Death: But moſt of all, when they ſpeak
şr of the Laws he made, and the Com-
“ mon-wealth he founded. They cannot
• be brought to agree, as to the very Age
- when he lived.-TIMÆUS conjectures,
" that there were two of his Name, and in
o different Times ; but that the one being
“ more famous than the other, Men gave
** to Him the Glory of both their Ex-
ploits."
52
THOUGHTS
on
*
ploits -Hence it appears, that the
true Hiſtory of this Lawgiver was loſt
in the Darkneſs of fabulous and obſcure
Ages : And that, as to the Beginnings of
this Commonwealth, we have nothing to
depend on, but the traditionary Rumours
of a barbarous and lying Period. Now
this ſeems to be fairly weighed down by
the internal Evidence ariſing from the Na-
ture of the Eſtabliſhment itſelf. For it
was indeed " the Eſtabliſhment of bar-
" barous Manners, carried into Perma-
nency by political Inſtitutions.” That
Mankind ſhould be carry'd back to This,
from a State of Humanity and Civiliza-
tion ;—that they ſhould quit private Pro-
perty, Money, Commerce, Decency, do-
meſtic Comforts, Wives and Children, and
give them up to the Poſſeſſion of the
Public, is a Contradiction to all the known
Powers and Paſlions of the human Mind.
To effect a Change of Government only,
is a Work fufficient for the Abilities of
* Plutarch. in Lycurgo,
the
CIVIL LIBERTY, &C.
153
the greateſt Legiſlator : But to overturn
all the pre-eſtabliſhed Habits of the Head
and Heart, to deſtroy or reverſe all the
fixed Aſſociations, Maxims, Manners, and
Principles, of a whole civilized Commu-
nity; were a Labour, which might well
be ranked among the moſt extravagant Le-
gends of fabulous GREECE.
On the other Hand, to bring forward
a Tribe of untaught Savages one Degree
towards Civilization, and there to fix them;
to aflign equal Portions of Land to
thoſe among whom Lands lay in Com-
mon ;--to introduce Iron Money, where
no Money had been in Uſe ;-to prohibit
Commerce, where Commerce was almoſt
unknown; to make the Girls dance
naked in Public, where they had never
known the decent Uſe of Cloaths
;-to
allow of Theft and Homicide under cer-
tain Limitations, where Both had been
practiſed without Limitation ;- to make
Wives at Times a public Property, where
promiſcuous Concubinage had prevailed ;
to
54
THOU G H IŠ
0n
to give Children a public Education, where
no Education had taken Place ;- Theſe
might all ſeem the natural and practicable
Efforts of a Pagan Legiſlator.
Thus, the Formation of the Spartan
Republic ſeems clearly accounted for. A
Tribe of untaught Savages were brought
forward by LYCURGUS one Degree to-
wards Civilization and Humanity, and
There fixed by ſevere Inſtitutions.
The Fate of Agis, their patriot King,
confirms this. Solution. He, with a De-
gree of public Virtue ſeldom ſeen in any
Station, attempted to bring back the cor-
rupt State to its firſt rigorous Inſtituti-
But that which LYCURGUS could
eſtabliſh among untaught Savages, AGIS
found impracticable, among a corrupted
People. He was ſeized, impriſoned, and
murdered by a Faction, in his Attempt
to reſtore Freedom to a degenerate Rea
public.
2. If the Argument here alledged be
juſt, concerning the firſt Inſtitution of this
Re-
ons.
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
55
Republic; it follows (what, indeed, ſeems
probable in its own Nature) that the
ſtrongeſt political Inſtitutions may be
formed on the ſavage State of Man. In
this Period the Legiſlator hath few or no
prior Inſtitutions to contend with ; and
therefore can form a Syſtem of Legiſlation
conſiſtent with itſelf in all its Parts. While
the Lawgiver who reforms a State already
modeled and corrupted, muſt content him-
ſelf with ſuch partial Regulations, as the
Force of prior Eſtabliſhments and public
Habits will admit.
3. The long united State of this Re-
public affords a Proof againſt a political
Maxim commonly received, “ That Divi-
“ fions are neceflary to a free State;. and
" that inward Tranquillity is a certain
" Symptom of its approaching Ruin.”
For, from the Hiſtory of SPARTA, it
appears, that during the Space of at leaſt
five hundred Years, inteſtine Diviſions
were unknown. This common and mil-
taken Maxim (adopted by almoſt all poli-
tical
56 THOUGHTS
оп
tical Writers*) hath been founded on a
Suppoſition, that where Opinion is free,
it muſt ever be divided. The Spartan
Commonwealth preſents a clear Proof of
the Reverſe: That Opinion may be free,
yet ſtill united. But this free Union can
only be the happy Effect of an early and
rigorous Education; by which the
grow-
ing Minds of the Community are volun-
tarily led, by public İnſtitutions, into one
common Channel of Habit, Principle, and
Astion... PLUTARCH tells us, that the
A
Effect of this entire Union was ſo conſpi-
cuous in SPARTA, that “ the Common-
66 wealth reſembled one great and power-
« ful Perfon, actuated by one Soul, rather
" than a State compoſed of many Indivi-
“ dualst."
4. It appears, that the Inſtitutions of
the Spartan Republic were admirably cal-
culated for each other's Support, while
*
Among others, by MACHIAVEL and Montes-
QUIEU. + In Lycurgo.
their
CIVIL LIBERTY; &C. 57
their perfect Union was maintained: And
further, that when an Inroad was made
into any one of them, the Ruin of the
Whole was inevitable.
“ Its Inſtitutions were admirably cal-
• culated for each other's Support, while
“ their perfect Union was maintained.”
Becauſe they tended ſtrongly to prevent
the firſt Inroads of Temptation to the Mind,
the very firſt Impulſes of ſelfiſh Paſſion.
The equal Partition of Lands and Goods
took away all Hope of Superiority in
Wealth : The Introduction of Iron Money
rendered Wealth cumberſome and untrac-
table : The Prohibition of Commerce
pre-
vented the Materials of Luxury: The Ba-
niſhment of elegant Arts prevented the
firſt Conception of them. Their public
Meals, eaten in common, cut off the Hope,
nay, prevented the Deſire, of all private In-
dulgence of the Palate, the Diſorders of
Intemperance. To ſecure theſe rigid In-
ſtitutions, the public Education of their
Children was ordained, leſt private Paf-
E
fion
38
THOU Ġ HT § oï
fion ſhould mix its Alloy, with the rigo-
rous Appointments of the State. Thus
the Republic was fo round and compact
in all its Parts, that it might ſeem to
defy the Attacks of the moſt powerful
Enemy.
“ But ſuppoſing an Inroad made into
any one of its capital Inſtitutions, the
" Ruin of the Whole was inevitable.” For
its ſeveral Parts receiving their Strength
from each other, were therefore mutually
dependant; and the Whole being an au-
ftere Contradiction to the natural Appe-
tites of Man, the leaſt Inroad of Indul-
gence naturally led on to more forcible
Temptations. Thus, Inequality of Poffef-
ſions brought in Wealth and Poverty.
Wealth brought in Luxury : Poverty gave
Birth to Envy and Avarice. Licentiouſ-
neſs and Faction thus crept in; and the
Fall of SPARTA was inevitable.
Yet even amidſt the Decays of this Re-
public, the Force of a rigorous Education
eſſentially mixed with the Principles of
the
ވެ
civil LIBERTY, &c.
59
the State, was ſtill conſpicuous. The
Power of Manners and Maxims thus im-
bibed was ſo untractable, even in the
declining Periods of the Spartan Common-
wealth, that PhiloPOEMEN, after many
fruitleſs Attempts to annihilate its Influ-
ence, declared, “ that the only effectual
ós Method of deſtroying SPARTA, muſt
är be in diffolving the Education of their
or Youth *
This Analyſis is clearly confirmed by
PLUTARCH in the following Paſſages.
óc Since we may blame the Legiſlators of
common Rank, who, through Want of
és Power or Wiſdom, commit Miſtakes in
is the Formation of fundamental Laws;
how much more may we cenſure the
• Conduct of NUMA, who, for the Repu-
ár tation of his Wiſdom only, being called
by the general Voice of an unſettled
is People to be their King, did not in the
« firſt Place conſtitute Laws for the Edu.
« cation of Children, and Diſcipline of
* Plutarch, in Philopcem.
56 Youth?
1
1
E 2
60.
THOUGHTS on
66 Youth? For want of which, Men be
o come ſeditious and turbulent, and live
“ not peaceable in their Families and
" Tribes : But when they are inured from
“ their Cradle to good Principles, and im-
“ bibe from their Infancy the Rules of
Morality, they receive ſuch Impreſſions
56 of Virtue, as convinces them of that
Advantage which mutual Concord brings
“ to a Commonwealth. This, with many
“ others, was one of the Policies of Ly-
“ CURGUS: And was of ſingular Force
" in the Confirmation and Eſtabliſhment
" of his Laws :"-" Hence the Spartans,
having fucked in theſe Principles with
" their Milk, were pofſeffed with a moſt
« reverend Eſteem of all his Inſtitutions :
" So that the Fundamentals of his Laws
« continued in Force for above five hun-
66 dred Years, without any Violation *
Such then was the Force of concurrent
Manners and Principles, all centering in
one Point, impreſſed on the infant Mind,
* Compariſon of NUMA and LYCURGUS.
and
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 61
and continued by a Variety of rigorous
Inſtitutions. Thus, the Strength of the
Spartan Republic, like the firm-compacted
Weight of the Macedonian Phalanx, bore
down every oppoſing Power.
S E C T.
VIII.
Of the Republic of Athens.
W
E have ſeen the Force of Manners
and Principles in the ſtrong Forma-
tion, the Unanimity, and Continuance of the
Spartan State. We ſhall now ſee the Ef-
fects of the Want of Manners and Prin-
ciples, in the weak Eſtabliſhment, the un-
cealing Factions, and early Diſſolution, of the
Commonwealth of ATHENS.
It appears above, that LycURGUS, pro-
bably forming his People in the firſt and
earlieſt Period of Civilization, was thus
enabled to eſtabliſh a perfect Republic.
Solon, on the contrary, having a cor-
E
3
rupted
E 3
62
THOV G HTS 012
rupted People to reform, could only inſti-
tute ſuch a kind of Government, as their
pre-eſtabliſhed Habits, Vices, and Forms of
Polity could admit.
Here we diſcover the Foundation of that
ſtriking Remark of Solon himſelf: « Thai
“ he gave not the Athenians the beſt Laws
6 that could be given, but the beſt they
" were capable of receiving
The firſt and ruling" Defect in the In-
ſtitution of this Republic ſeems to have
been “ the total Want of an eſtabliſhed
“ Education, ſuited to the Genius of the
“ State.” There appears not to have been
any public, regular, or preſcribed Ap-
pointment of this Kind, beyond whať
Cuſtom had accidentally introduced. 'Tis
true, that the Parents often had Mar-
ters to inſtruct their Children in the
gym-
naftic Arts, and in Muſic. Which laſt,
in the ancient Acceptation of the Word,
included Poem a6 well as Melody : 'Tis
farther true, that the-Poems thus taught
* Plut. in Solon.
their
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 63
their Children, included often the great
Actions, but withal, the Vices of Gods
and, ancient Heroes *. Yet in this firſt
and ruling Circumſtance, in the Inſtitu-
tion of a free State, the Parents were
much at Liberty, to do as ſeemed good
to them. Hence, a diffimilar and diſcor-
dant Syſtem of Manners and Principles
took Place; while ſome youthful Minds
were imbued with proper and virtuous
Principles, ſome with na Principles, and
ſome with vicious Principles ; with ſuch
as muſt, therefore, on the Whole tend
to ſhake the Foundation of true Freedom.
The ſecond ruling Defect in the Con-
ſtitution of this Republic, was the Eſtab-
liſhment of an unmixed and abſolute
Democracy. This naturally aroſe from
the licentious State of Manners and Princi-
ples, which Soçon found already preva-
ļent among the People. A virtuous Peo-
ple would have been content to have
* See Differtation on Muſic and Poetry, Sect. v.
Mared
E 4
64 THOUGHTS
ON
A
Mared the legiſlative Power with the
higher Ranks of the Commonwealth. But
a licentious People naturally graſped the
Whole, as the likelieſt Means (in their de-
luded Eye) of gratifying their own un-
bridled Paſſions. From this partial Dif-
tribution of Power, the State was blindly
ruled by the Dregs of the Community.
For All who were of Ability to maintain
a Horſe, were admitted. to the Rank of
Magiftracy *. And all who were admitted
to the Rank of Magiſtracy' were excluded
from any Share in the legiſlative Power of
Hence it followed, that “ All they who
pofleſſed the Legiſlative Power, were
" ſuch as were not of Ability to maintain
a Horfz.”—“ Do not you deſpiſe (ſaid
$6 SOCRATES to his Pupil ALCIBIADES,
Ⓡr who was afraid to ſpeak in Preſence of
65 the Athenian People) do not you deſpiſe
“ That Cobler ? I do, reply'd the Youth.
“ Do not you (rejoyned the Philoſopher)
se equally contemn that Cryer, and yon
66
* Plut. in Solon,
t Ib.
Tent-
1
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 65
Tent-Maker ? ALCIBIADES confefſing
65 that he did; then ſaid SOCRATES,
Is
"s not the Body of the Athenian People
compoſed of Men like theſe? And there-
« fore, when you deſpiſe the Individuals,
why ſhould you fear the Whole *?!-A
hopeful Tribe of Legiſlators ! and ſuch as
might naturally be ſuppoſed to give Riſe to
that Licentiouſneſs, Diſcord, and Ruin, in
which they were ſoon ſwallowed up!
From this weak and imperfect Eftab-
liſhment, founded on the Çaprices of an
ignorant, unprincipled, and licentious Po-
pulace, all the ſubſequent Fations, which
ended in the Ruin of this Republic, are clear-
ly derived.
Even Solon, the original Legiſlator,
putlived the Commonwealth he had form-
ed. On his Departure from ATHENS,
Factions immediately aroſe. PISISTRA-
Tus; the firſt ruling Demagogue, led the
People ; obtained a Guard ; ſeized the
Caſtle ; and eſtabliſhed a Tyranny t..
* Æliani Var. Hift. l. ii. c. i. + Plut, in Schon.
4
We
66
THOUGHTS 017
We need go no farther into the Hiſtory
of this Republic, for a Diſcovery of the
Cauſes of its final Ruin. It is true, that
an imperfect Semblance of Liberty often
appeared, amidſt the Factions of ſucceed-
ing Times: It is true, that Wealth and
Luxury contributed to haſten the Fall of
ATHENS : It is true, that PERICLES and
ALCIBIADES, in their Turn, while they
ſeemed to poliſh the Manners, inflamed the
Vices of the Populace; and led them on
to the certain Deſtruction of the State.
But for the Ruin of this Commonwealth,
we need not have Recourſe to the Inroads
of Wealth or Luxury, as the Cauſes of its
Diffolution. It reſembled a beautiful Edi-
fice founded in Sand and Rubbiſh; Where
an uneducated, an unprincipled, a licentious
Populace, ruled the State: That State was
deſtined to the convulſive Struggles of Fac-
tion while it lived, and then to a ſpeedy
Death
SECT,
CIVIL LIBERTY1
67
, &c.
S E C T.
IX
Of the Commonwealth of Rome.
L
!
ET us now paſs to a Review of thự
Commonwealth of ROME: In the
Hiſtory and Fate of which, we ſhall find
moſt abundant Proof of the Truths here
laid down, concerning the Power of Man-
ners and Principles, in the Preſervation or
the Diffolution of publick Freedom.
MONTESQUIEU remarks finely, in his
Diſcourſe on this Republic, that “ more
• States have periſhed, thro' a Violation
6 of Manners, than thro' a Violation of
“ Laws *.” The Reaſon (though he does
not aſſign it) appears evident on the Prin-
ciples here given. He who violates eſtab-
liſhed Manners, ſtrikes at the general Foun-
dation; he who violates Law, ſtrikes only
at a particular Part of the Superſtruçture of
the State,
t.
* Grandeur, &c.
In
68
THOUGHTS
012
.
In the Republic of SPARTA, we have
ſeen the original State of Manners and
Principles conſpiring ſtrongly to the Pre-
ſervation. of the Republic: In that of
ATHENS, we have ſeen the original State
of Manners and Principles tending no leſs
clearly to its Diſolution,
In analyſing the original State of Man-
ners and Principles in the Roman Com-
monwealth, we ſhall find a different and
intermediate State of Things; mixing the
Strength of the Spartan, with the Weakneſs
of the Athenien Inſtitutions; tending firſt to
enlarge and aggrandize the Republic, and in
the End to corrupt and deſtroy it.
The Manners and Principles of early
ROME, which tended to enlarge and aggran-
dize the Republic, were 1. A Love of their
Country inſtilled into their riſing Youth:
Formed chiefly on the Power of Cuſtom
and more particularly on the warlikeGenius,
of the State. Their Annals abound with
fo
many Inſtances of this grand Paffion, that
preſent Times ſtand amazed, and with Dif-
ficulty credit their Story.
2. This
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
69
2. This Paſſion, founded on an early,
though not a preſcribed, Education, was ſo
ſtrengthened by their religious Syſtem, that
till the fatal Entrance of the Doctrine of
EPICURUS, no Roman was ever known to
have violated his Oath *.
3. Their Principle of Honour coincided
with that of their Religion. It was ſo ſtrong,
at the Time of the firſt Formation of the
Republic, that the Puniſhment of Diſgrace
was judged ſufficient to deter the People
from a Violation of the Laws, 66 When
“ a Delinquent was cited before the People
(faith Livy) the Valerian Law ordained
only, that he ſhould be branded as in-
famous to."
4. „From the Truths laid down above,
it appears, that the Principle of natural
Conſcience muft of Courſe co-operate with
theſe, for the Confirmation of civil Free-
dom. The Force of this Principle is no
leſs conſpicuous in the early Periods of
* See Monteſq. Grand. des Rom. C. x. Polyb. l. vi.
of Liv. Hift. l. x.
Roman
20 THOUGHTS on
Roman Liberty : It aroſe even into a fero-
cious Pride of Virtue, independent of all
outward Teſtimoniy, which hath diſtin-
guiſhed the great Names of ancient Rome,
from Thoſe of every other People uponi
Earth:
5.
To theſe we muſt add the Equality
of Property, the Mediocrity of Poffefſion,
the Simplicity of Life, which prevailed in
early Rome, all theſe were the Outworks
that guarded the internal Strength of Man-
hers and Principles; and ſeemed; like the
İnſtitutions of SPARTA, to promiſe an E-
ternity of Freedom.
But in Spite of all theſe Foundations of
civil Liberty, there were three fatal Cir-
cumſtances, admitted into the very Eſſence
of the Republic, which contained the Seeds
bf certain Ruin: While the Tree ſeemed
to flouriſh in its full Growth and Vigour;
Theſe, like Canker-Worms, lay eating at
the Root.
The firſt of theſe was the Neglect of
inſtituting public Laws; by which the
Edu-
ز
CIV IL LIBERTY, C.
71
Education of their Children might have
been aſcertained. This is juſtly charged
by PLUTARCH, às a capital Defect in
NUMA's Legiſlation *: This Defect, when
once adrnitted into the Effence of the
State, could not eaſily be rectify'd in
ſucceeding Times : The principle could
only have been effectually infuſed, at the
general Formation of the whole Maſs.
In Conſequence of this Error in the firſt
Concoction, the ſupporting Principles of
Freedom were vague and fluctuating :
For Want of this preventing Power, the
incidental Vices of a Parent were natu-
rally tranſmitted to his Children, and
thence to future Ages. The rigorous
Education of SPARTA a ſtrong
Check to the Proneneſs of human Nature
towards Degeneracy and Corruption :
Through This, every incidental Vice dy'd
with its firſt Poffeffor: While the more
lax Inſtitution of the Roman Republic ſuf-
fered every original Taint in Manners and
* See above, Sect. vii.
Principles
was
I
72
THOUGHTS oit
Principles to be transfuſed into, and to
contaminate, ſucceeding Times,
The ſecond of theſe was " Their Prin-
ciple of unlimited Conqueſt.” Their early
Paſſion for War aroſe from their Neceſſi-
ties. On their firſt Eſtabliſhment, they
had neither Territory nor Commerce: They
lived by Plunder : Hence, the ruling Ge-
nius of the State was warlike : Their war-
like Genius was unchecked by any other
Principle: Hence, unremitted Exerciſes,
unceaſing Improvements in Diſcipline, in-
creaſing Valour and Ferocity aroſe. Thus
they atteinpted to ſubdue, and thus they
ſubdued the World.
But ſuch an Empire is utterly untena-
ble: Valqur may acquire, but cannot main-
tain it. The Body of ſuch a State is too
enormous to be effectually animated by
the Soul. This is a Cauſe of Ruin fo
clear, that it hath met every Writer's
Obfervation; and therefore needs no far-
ther Proof.
The
Clý tì LI BỂ R TỲ, sc. 73
The third Principle of inevitable De-
ſtruction, which ſeems to have been ina
wrought into the very Eſſence of the Roi
man Republic, was the fatal Principle of
Change : This is a Cauſe not ſo obvious
and therefore may requite a farther Inveſ-
tigation.
MONTESQUIEU hath juſtly obſerved,
that one Cauſe of the Roman Greatneſs was
ri their adopting any Inſtitution or Cuſtom
o of other Nations whom they conquer’d,
o provided it was better than their own*.
It ſeems to have eſcaped the Obſervation
of this great Writer, that the fame Princi-
ple of Adoption, carried through every Pea
riod of the Republic; led the Way to its
final Ruin.
For altho' in the early Periods; when
Manners were ſimples and concurrent Prin-
ciples were ſtrong, this Spirit of Adoption
was confined to Cuſtoms that were betters
than their own; yet in the ſucceeding Pe-
»
* Grandeur &c. C.i. ii.
F
riods,
74
THOUGHTS
on
riods, when Manners grew more relaxed,
and Principles were weakened, the ſame
Spirit of Adoption opened a Door for the
Admiſſion of Cuſtoms that were pernicious.
Thus the Admiſſion of Change, which in
the virtuous Ages led to the Greatneſs, in
ſucceeding Times brought on the Deftruc-
tion of the Republic.
The ſagacious Romans foon found the
Conſequences of this Defect: They ſaw,
that through a Want of original, prevent-
ive, and falutary Inſtitutions, bad Man-
ners were creeping inſenſibly on the State.
Hence the Creation of the Cenfors had its
Riſe: An Office, which immediately took
Cognizance of the Manners of the Ci-
tizens.
But this high Office was ineffectual in
its End; becauſe it had not Power univer-
ſally to prevent, but only in Part to remedy
the Evil. Hence, while particular and
detected Offences only could be puniſhed
by the Cenfor, the Hearts and Manners of
the People were laid open to a general Cor-
ruption;
CIVIL LIBERTY, C.
75
ruption, from the fatal Principle of No-
velty and Adoption.
The Danger ariſing from this Principle
manifeſtly increaſed with the increaſing
Empire : That Identity and Integrity of
Manners and Principles, which is the Soul
and Security of every free State, gave Way
to Manners and Principles wholly diſimi-
lar. New Maxims of Life, new Principles
of Religion and Irreligion, of Honour and
Diſhonour, of Right and Wrong, picked
up indiſcriminately among the Nations
which they conquered, by Degrees infuſed
themſelves into the Heads and Hearts of
the Roman Citizens.
Here, then, we ſee the original Founda-
tion of all the Miſery and Ruin which
enſued.
On the Conqueſt of the luxu-
rious, immoral, and unprincipled Tribes of
GREECE, the Romans, having no prevent-
ive Remedy in the Effence of their State,
of Courſe adopted the Luxury, the Immora-
lities, the Irreligion, of the conquered,
People.
6 It
F 2
6
26 THOUGHTS
oh
“ It ſeems to me (ſays the excellent
“ MONTESQUIEU) that the Epicureart
Sect; which made its way into ROME
“ towards the Cloſe of the Republic, con-
tributed much to corrupt the Hearts of
" the Romans. The Greeks had been in-
“ fatuated with it before them ; accord-
ingly, they were ſooner corrupt. Po-
" LYBIUS tells us, that in His Time, no
és Greek could be truſted, on the Security
cs of his Oath; whereas; a Roman was in-
ii evitably bound by it*."He adds;
“ CYNE AS having diſcourſed on the Epi-
“ curean Syſtem at the Table of PYRRHUS,
" FABRICIUS wiſhed that all the Enemies
“ of Rome might hold the Principles of
s ſuch a Seat 4."
Thus, as in the early Periods of the
Commonwealth they had adopted the
Virtues, in the latter Times they aſſumed
the Vices, of the conquered Nations. Thus,
by unperceived Gradations, the ſame Prin-
ciple, " The Admiſſion of Change, firſt led
és
* Grandeur &c: C. X.
+ Ib.
te
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
177
Fs to the Greatneſs, and then to the Ruin
ço of the Republic.”
All the particular Conſequences that
followed, were occaſional and inevitable,
The Rapacity, the Factions, the civil
Wars, the enormous Profligacy of Indi-
viduals, the horrible Calamities of the
State ;=All theſe are finely purſued by
MONTESQUIEU į and were no more than
the natural and incidental Effects of this
general Cauſe, « The Loſs of Manners
as and Principles.”
Hence, the Progreſs and Retreat of the
Roman Power reſembled the Flow and the
Ebb of a vaſt Ocean; which, rowzed from
its Bed by central Concuſſions, overwhelmed
and forſook the Earth.
1
F3.
SECT.
78
012
THOUGHTS
t
SE CT.
X.
How far thefe Facts can properly be ap-
ply'd to the political State of Great-Britain.
TH
HOUGH the Study of Hiſtory bę
often inſtructive and uſeful, yet, in
one Reſpect, it becomes the Source of fre-
quent Error, even when it is written with
Impartiality and Truth. This ariſeth from
a miſtaken Application of hiſtorical Facts.
Errors of this kind are apt to creep in-
to all Reaſonings, on every Subject, where
Men and Manners are concerned : But
they are liable to infect political Reaſonings,
above all others.
As the political Intereſts of Men form
the principal Subject of Hiſtory, the Rea-
foner on this Subject hath Recourſe to
Facts, as the beſt Support of his Ar-
gument. Yet, the Politician ſeems, of
all others, moſt liable to be miſtaken in
the Application of Hiſtory to his own
Purpoſe;
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
79
!
Purpoſe; becauſe the political Connex-
ions and Intereſts of Men are, above all
others, complicated and various.
Hence, as no two political Conſtitutions
were ever the ſame in all their Circum-
ſtances, though fimilar in many ; ſo, all
Arguments drawn from a partial Reſem-
blance, muſt be inadequate and inconclu-
five; unleſs when it appears, that no other
Circumſtances took Place, by which That
partial Reſemblance might be counteracted,
and its Effects deſtroyed.
Yet, it hath been a Practice too common
among political Reaſoners, from a partial
Reſemblance between two States, to infer
and becauſe they have been
like in ſome Reſpects, to draw Concluſions,
as if they had been like in all.
Much Caution, therefore, is neceſſary,
in the Application of hiſtorical Facts;
Without This, we ſhall ſun into perpe-
tual Error. Let us, then, remark ſome
of the moſt effential Circumſtances, in
which the Conſtitution of the Britiſh State
F 4
differs
a total one;
80 THOUGHT 072
differs from thoſe of SPARTA, ATHENS,
and Rome; and then draw ſuch Con-
cluſions, as may be conſiſtent with theſe
Diſtinctions.
1. We may lay it down as a funda-
mental Truth generally acknowledged, that
the political Conſtitution of GREAT BRI-
TAIN, in its main Outline, is better modeled.
than thoſe of SPARTA, ATHENS, or
ROME. The legiſlative and executive
Powers are more equally balanced, and
more clearly diſtinguiſhed. Now, if Laws
could ſupport themſelves, it would follow,
that this political State muſt therefore bę
of longer Duration. But as it hath been
made appear, that the Duration of free
States depends not ſo much on their mere
Forms, as on the Manners and Principles
whịch ſupport them; fo, nothing can be
decided concerning the Duration of the
Britiſh State, from its mere: external
Model.
2. The Chriſtian Religion, eſtabliſhed
in BRITAIN, is, in its own Nature, far
ſupea
CIVIL LIBER TY, &c. 81
ز
t
ſuperior to that of theſe ancient Common-
wealths. The abſolute Perfection and
glorious Attributes of the Deity; the great
Principle of univerſal Charity; the parti-
cular Duties of Man to Man, thence re-
ſulting; the Sanctions of future Reward
and Punilhment; all theſe tend to purify
and exalt the Soul, far beyond the Rites
of ancient Paganiſm: For This, even in
its beſt Forms, was ever built on the Hif-
.fory and Examples of deify'd Men, whoſe
Lives had often been blotted with the
moſt flagrant Crimes; and therefore could
never exalt the Heart of Man, beyond
this weak Principle of Elevation.-But
as the power of a Religion depends not
only on its excellent Genius, but on its be-
ing effectually impreſſed on the Mind; fo,
no Conſequence can be juſtly drawn, from
the mere un-apply'd Excellence of its Na-
ture,
3. That Self-Conſiſtence, and perfect Unity
of Parts which diſtinguiſhed the Repub-
lic of SPARTA, cannot be expected nor
found
1.
:
.
82
THOUGHTS on
found in that of Britain. For the firſt
was the entire Work of a ſingle Legiſla-
tor, ſtruck out at one Heat; all its In-
ftitutions conſpiring to one End, and cen-
tering (like the Radii of a Circle) in one
fingle Point: To This, the outward Form
of Government, the internal State of Edu-
cation, of Religion, Manners and Princi-
ples, were uniformly ſubordinate. But
at the Time of the Revolution, which was
the firſt Æra of BRITAIN's Freedom,
many prior Inſtitutions and Eſtabliſh-
ments, both in Religion and Policy, Man-
ners and Principles, had taken Place: Theſe
had been formed on the fortuitous Events
of Time ; and had reſulted from a Varie-
ty of contending Parties; of Power fluc-
tuating at different Periods, between the
Kings, the Nobles, the Prieſthood, and the
People. All theſe it was impoſſible for
human Art to remove and new-model,
without ſhaking the State to its Founda-
tions : Hence, though the form of the Bri-
tiſ Conſtitution, civil and religious, be of
unria
1
CIVIL LIBERTY, &C. 83
very Birth
unrivaled Excellence; yet in its
it came attended with unalterable Weak-
neſs. It wanted that general Self-Confiſt-
ence, that entire Unity of Parts, as well as
of eſtabliſhed Habits, Manners, and Prin-
ciples, ſuited to the Genius of the State,
which was the very Spirit and Support of
the Spartan Commonwealth. In this Cir-
cumſtance, it appears likewiſe inferior to
the Roman Commonwealth; yet, perhaps,
ſuperior to that of Athens.
4. The Britiſh Syſtem of Polity and
Religion, perfect in its leading Parts, but
imperfectly united and ſupported, is not
upheld in its native Power (like that of
SPARTA) by correſpondent and effectual
Rules of Education. The Fundamental
Laws of our Country, the Principles and
Duties of Chriſtianity, are indeed occaſi-
onally explained and taught, in a certain
Manner and Degree; But it is in the
Power of every Private Man to educate
his Child, not only without a Reverence
for Theſe, but in an abſolute Contempt
of
84 THOUGHTS
On
of them. It is much in every Parent's
Option, whether he will impreſs his Chil,
drens Hearts with ſuch Habits and Princi
ples as accord to the Genius of the State,
or with Impunity ſuffer them to contract
fuch Manners and Opinions as tend to its
Diffolution.
A Circumſtance pregnant
with Danger to this free State: For
hence, Manners and Principles, its chief
Support, are liable to be incurably per-
verted in the Heart, at that Time of Life,
in which alone they can be effectually im
preſſed.
In the important Circumſtance of
" the Admiſſion of Change,” or the “ Prin-
ciple of Adoption,” the Britiſh Conſtitu,
tion is contrary to That of SPARTA;
and nearly on a Level with Thoſe of
Athens and Rome.-Foreign Commerce,
foreign Travel, new Manners, new Prin-
ciples, new Modes of Dreſs, of Amuſe-
ment, of Luxury, are here adopted with
a Degree of Avidity almoſt unbounded,
Happy would the Writer eſteem his
Labours,
5.
CIVIL LIBERTY, SÍCE
8:5
رز
Labours, if this Principle, which in fome:
Refpeéts hath tended ſo much to the Ima
provement of his Country, could in any
Degree bé checked by his weak Admoni-
tions, from degenerating into a Cauſe of its
Deſtruction.
6. The laſt Circumſtance of Note, here
to be remarked, is - The Difference of Chaa
"i racter among the ſeveral Ranks of the
* Community in theſe ancient free States;
rs and That of Britain.”
In Point of Knowledge and Ability, the
Difference was great between the Nobles
and the People, in theſe ancient States: In
BRITAIN, the Nobles and the People (in
their legiſlative Capacity) are fairly on a
Level. When ALCIBIADES addreſſed the
legiſlative Body of the Athenian People,
he addreſſed Coblers, Brafiers, Tannersy
Tent-Makers. When the People of ROME
retired in Diſcontent to the ſacred Moun:
tain, they were appeaſed by the Fable of
the Belly; Head, and Hands. A Lord of
Parliament would make but a ſorry Figure;
who
I
86 THOUGHTS
on
who ſhould come armed with ſuch an
Apologue, for the Conviction of a Britiſh
Houſe of Commons.
Again : In each of theſe ancient Re-
publics, the collective Body of the People
were much of one uniform Character; be-
ing Inhabitants of the ſame City, and
nearly on a Level with Reſpect to Em-
ployment and Property.
.
In ATHENS,
they were all Artiſans or Tradeſmen : In
SPARTA and Rome, they were all Soldiers.
A low Degree of Knowledge was their ge-
neral Lot: For much Knowledge can only
be acquired by much Leiſure : which their
Occupations did not allow. The People of
SPARTA were intentionally virtuous: Thoſe
of Athens were corrupt: Thoſe of Rome
were of a mixed Character. As theſe free
States voted not by Repreſentatives, the
Preſence of the People was neceſſary, in
all Deciſions of a public Nature : Hence,
ſuch a People, from their Ignorance,
Wants, collective Preſence, and Pride
of Power, muſt ever and ſuddenly be
ſwayed
1
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
87
;
ſwayed by the Eloquence of public De-
magogues.
But the colle&tive Body of the People
of BRITAIN are of a Nature and Cha-
racter leſs uniform, and eſſentially differ-
ent. They may properly be divided
into two Claſſes “ The People of the
Kingdom ;” and “ the populace of its
66 Cities,”
The Populace of its Cities reſemble Thoſe
of Athens in moſt Things; except only,
that they are not poſſeſſed of the legiſla-
tive Power. For the populace of ATHENS
were “a Body of Labourers and Mechanics,
or who earned their Bread with the Sweat
" of their Brows; too generally ignorant
o and ill-educated; too generally profligate
" in Manners, and void of Principle.”
But the People of this Kingdom, in their
collective Body, are upon the Whole, of a
quite different Character. For under this
Title are properly comprehended - all
« Thoſe who fend Repreſentatives for the
t6 Counties to Parliament.” This Catalogue
will
1
88
Í HO Ú G HTS on
will include the landed Gentry, the bene-
ficed Country Clergy, many of the more
conſiderable Merchants and Men in Trade;
the ſubſtantial and induſtrious Freeholders
or Yeomen: A collective Body of Men, with
all their incidental Failings, as different in
Character from the populace of any great
City, as the Air of RICHMOND Hill from
that of BILLINGSGATE or WAPPING:
S E C T. XI:
Of the general State of Manners and Prinə
ciples, about the Time of the Revolution:
A
T this famed Period; it is evident;
that the Manners and Principles of
the Nation did; upon the Whole; tend to
the Eſtabliſhment of Liberty; otherwiſe;
Liberty had not been eſtabliſhed. This
Revolution was perhaps the nobleſt public
Reform that ever was made in any State :
And ſuch a Reform, nothing but the Pre-
valence
CIVIL LIBERTY, C.
89
valence of upright Manners and Principles
could have effeEted.
The religious Principle of Proteſtant Chri-
ſtianity ſeems to have taken the Lead, even
of the Love of civil Freedom. The Dread
of Popery was at leaſt, equal to That of ar-
bitrary Power : The national Honour and
Conſcience (on the whole) co-incided with,
and confirmed the Chriſtian Principle :
Theſe three united Powers raiſed Liberty
to the brighteſt Throne ſhe ever ſat on :
A Throne which nothing but their Contra-
ries can ſhake.
Yet notwithſtanding the unrivaled Ex-
cellence of this civil and religious Eftab-
liſhment, there could be little Hope of
its immediate and perfect Efficacy. De-
claimers may expreſs their Wonder, that
å Syſtem ſo perfect ſhould not at once
attain its End : But they who take a nearer
View of the Manners and Principles of
thoſe Times, will rather ſay, that the Tu-
mult and Diffentions which inſtantly aroſe,
were in their own Nature inevitable.
G
The
go
THOUGHTS ON
The Manners of the Times, tho' in the
Main favourable to Liberty, were mixed
with a groſs Alloy of private Licentiouſ-
nefs : And hence, factious Meaſures of
Courſe aroſe, from the Proſpect of Power
or Gain *. The preceding Age had caught
a ſtrong Tincture of Vice, from the
pre-
valent Example of a debauched Court.
The Education of Children was ſtill left
in an imperfeet State : This great Revo-
lution having confined itſelf to the Re-
form of public Inſtitutions; without af-
cending to the firſt great Fountain of
po-
litical Security, “ the private and effectual
" Formation of the infant Mind.”
The religious Principle, though chiefly
confonant with the new Conſtitution, and
indeed its leading Support, was in Part
at Variance with it. A numerous Body
of Papiſts held a whole Syſtem of Prin-
ciples diametrically oppoſite to its moſt
effential Dictates. --- Another Body of Pro-
* Ser Eflimaie, Vol.i. Part 2.
teſtant
CIVIL LIBERTY; &c.
91
teſtant Jacobites were at War with the
Principles of the State : For they held
an hereditary and unalienable Right of
Kings, founded on certain miſtaken Paſ-
ſages of the ſacred Scriptures.
A third,
Body of Men, though they allowed the
Necefſity and Juſtice of the Revolution,
on the · Principle of an Abdication, yet
ſtill retained an Opinion at Variance with
the State : They aſſerted an independent
Hierarchy,' vindicated a religious Intole-
rance, and on ſome miſconſtrued Paſſages
of Scripture, affirmed the Duty of a pafa
five Obedience without Limitation. A
fourth Body was That of ſome bigoted
Diſfenters, who not content with a reli-
gious Toleration which had been juſtly
granted them, aimed, on a miſtaken Prin-
ciple of Religion, to erect their own Syf-
tem upon the Ruins of the eſtabliſhed
Church. All theſe Parties held religious
Principles at Variance with the Laws of
Freedom.
.
G 2
The
92
THOUGHTS on
tho' in many.
ز
The Principle of Honour, tho' in
and great Inſtances, co-operating with that
of Religion ; yet when not founded on it,
was often at Variance with it. This Prin-
ciple, as it hath appeared in modern Times,
was in its Origin chiefly Military. Hence
if hath generally taken Cognizance of
Actions, not as they are juf or unjuſt,
but merely as they are ſplendid or meang
brave or cowardly : Thus, it overlooks all
Laws, both human and divine : Hence
unbounded Contempt of Enemies, furious
Party-Rage, unlimited Reſentment and Re-
venge, were and ftill are its favourite Dic-
Thus it hath come to paſs, that
Honour often forbids what Religion ap-
proves; and approves what Religion for
bids. This uncontrouled and dangerous
Principle mixed itſelf with the licentious
Manners of the Times : Hence, Attachar
ments, Reſentments, and Party-Rage, aroſe
and were perſiſted in, eſſentially contradictory
to the Principles of Freedom.
tates.
Con-
CIVIL LIBERTY, &C.
93
Conſonant with what hath been above
delivered, the Principle of Conſcience did
not corre&t, but followed one or other of
theſe various Principles, according to their
Predominance and Power. And Theſe be-
ing incurably diſcordant among themſelves,
the national Ideas of Right and Wrong,
Juſt and Unjuſt, which were formed on
Theſe, could not but
prove themſelves
of the like motley and diſagreeable Com-
plexion.
Here, then, we behold the natural and
unavoidable Source of all the Diffentions
that diſgraced the Reigns of King WIL-
LIAM and Queen ANNE, And while
{ome affect to wonder, how ſo generous
a Syſtem of Religion and Polity, ſo no-
ble a Conſtitution in Church and State,
could fail to produce private Virtue and
public ;
Happineſs; we now obtain an
additional Proof of the irreſiſtable Power
of pre-eſtabliſhed Manners and Principles,
when at Variance with the Laws of Free-
dom: We may ſee, even to Demonſtration,
that
G 3
94
THOUGHTS on
that the Animofities of Thoſe Times were not
incidental; but inevitable,
S E C T.
XII.
of the Changes in Manners and Principles
through the ſucceeding Times.
TH
HE Acceffion of GEORGE the Firſt
ſeemed the Æra of perfect Freedom.
And if an excellent King, at the Head
of an unrivaled Conſtitution, could have
ſecured Liberty ; it had now been fixed on.
immoveable Foundations.
The Alloy of licentious Manners and con-
tradictory Principles which had tarniſhed
the preceding Reign, ſtill maintained their
Influence : But the declared and zealous
Advocates for Liberty now aſſumed the
Reins of Power, and began more effectually
£o combat thoſe falſe Principles which were
at Enmity with the State.
Would
CIVIL LIBERT Y., &C. 95
Would to God, theſe intentional Friends
of public Liberty had been as much the
Friends of private Virtue and Religion !
They would not, then, have underinined
the Foundations, while they were building
the Superſtructure of civil Freedem.
The Seeds of Irreligion had for ſome
Time been privately fermenting. But they
did not break forth into open Growth till
about this Period. --- 'Tis remarkable, that
BURNET *, enumerating the Dangers by
which the State was threatened in the Year
1708, makes no Mention of Irreligion, as
an Evil worth being obviated. But foon
after, this Peſtilence came on with a terri-
ble Swiftneſs and Malignity,
The ſlaviſh Principle of abſolute Non-
Reſiſtance, and an independent Hierarchy,
were ſtill prevalent in Part, eſpecially a-
mong the Clergy. To combat theſe, and
expoſe them to the public Contempt, cer-
gain Writers were encouraged by Thoſe
* Concluſion of his Hiſtory,
G 4
in
96
THOUGHTS on
in Power. A vigorous and effectual Attack
was made on the Advocates for Deſpotiſm.
But in their Zeal againſt Tyranny, theſe
Writers ſupplanted Freedom.
They affailed Superſtition with ſuch Wea-
pons as deſtroyed Religion : They oppoſed
Intolerance by Arguments and Ridicule
which tended to fweep away all public
Eſtabliſhments: While they only aimed (pers
haps) to contend for Freedom of Thought,
they unwarily fapped the Foundation of all
ſalutary Principles *
Caro's Letters, and the Independent
Whig, among many other Tracts of leſs
Note, feem palpable Inſtances of thịs
Truth: The one was written in Defence
of civil, the other of religious Liberty:
Yet both tended, in their general Tour,
to relax thoſe Principles by which alone
Freedom, either civil or religious, can be
ſuſtained : By their intemperate Inſults on
religious Inſtitutions s by their public and
* See the Diy, Leg. of Moſes. Dedication, Vol. ii.
P: 6, &c.
avowed
1
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
97
avowed Contempt of all Opinions, Princi-
ples, (or, if you pleaſe) Prejudices inſtilled
into the infant Mind, as the neceffary Rex
gulators of human Conduct : By exalting
unaided human Reafon far beyond the
Rank ſhe holds in Nature : By debaſing
all thoſe Aſſiſtances which the Wiſdom of
Ages had preſcribed and conſecrated, as the
neceſſary Means of correcting her vague
and wandring Dictatęs.
While Theſe Authors made this ill-judg-
ed, and perhaps undefigned Attack, on the
Foundations of civil Liberty ; others made
a ſtill bolder and more fatal Inroad; and
opened a wider Door for Licentiouſneſs, by
an Attack on Chriſtianity itſelf.
In this Lift of Enemies to their Coun-
try, it muſt be a Mortification to every
Friend of Virtue and Liberty, to find the
noble Author of the Characteriſtics. His
Morals were unblemiſhed, his Love of
Virtue and Freedom indiſputable: But by
confounding two Things, which he ſaw
faccidently united, though in their Nature
ellen-
98
THOUGHTS on
eſſentially diſtinguiſhed, he polluted his Ar-
guments againſt Intolerance, with the groffeſt
Buffoonries on Chriſtianity.
There is no Doubt, but that the cur-
rent Reaſonings of the Times had brought
him to a Habit of Belief, that all This
was harmleſs Paftime. To this Purpoſe
he ſeems to ſpeak himſelf. " 'Tis certain,
“ that in Matters of Learning and Philo-
ſophy, the Practice of pulling down is
pleaſanter, and affords more Entertain-
“ ment, than that of building and ſetting
up. In the literate warring World, the
Springing of Mines, the blowing up of
“ Towers, Baſtions, and Ramparts of Phi-
• loſophy, with Syſtems, Hypotheſes, Opi-
nions, and Doctrines into the Air, is a
Spectacle of all other the moſt naturally
“ rejoicing *.?
Theſe intemperate Sallies of Gaiety may
ſerve as a Comment on the Paſſage already
cited from CATO's Letters. They are a
clear and concurrent Indication of the
66
CC
* Miſcell, iii, Chap. I,
ruling
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
99
ruling Principle of the Times ; when Opi-
:
nions and Do&trines began to be derided
as Things indifferent. The noble Writer
was naturally led to embrace this growing
Error of the Times, by a too flattering 0-
pinion which he had imbibed concerning
unaffiſted human Nature ; as being ſuffi-
cient of itſelf to eſtabliſh the unerring Prac-
tice of Virtue, unleſs beforehand ſophiſti-
cated by ſervile Inſtitutions.
The noble Writer, indeed, attempts a
Vindication of this licentious Conduct, by
an Appeal to the Practice of ancient
GREECE and ROME. There, he tells us,
Philofophy had a free Courſe, and was
permitted as a Balance againſt Super-
ſtition. And while fome Sects, ſuch as
“ the Pythagorean and latter Platonic,
joined in with the Superſtition and
66 Enthuſiaſm of the Times ; the EPICU-
"REAN, the Academic, and others, were
rs allowed to uſe all the Force of Wit and
s Raillery againſt it *.”---This hath a plau-
* Letter on Enthufiaſm.
ſible
100
THOUGHTS on
fible Appearance: Yet I am perſwaded,
the noble Author would have looked
grave,
had he been put in Mind of the Remark
which FABRICIUS made on the Epicurean
Sect, - that he wiſhed ſuch Principles to
" all the Enemies of ROME*" Or had
he recollected, that when the irreligious
Syſtem of EPICURUS prevailed in GREECE
and Rome, theſe unprincipled and profligate
States were on the Eve of their Deſtruc=
tion.
Soon after the Author of the Charac-
teriſtics, another more diffolute Writer ap-
peared on the public Stage. I mean, the
Author of “ The Fable of the Bees.” This
Gentleman, as hath been obſerved above,
leveled his Artillery on the whole Fabric
of Morals and Religion. His Syſtem was
diametrically oppoſite
oppoſite to that of Lord
SHAFTESBURY: The one was founded
on the unaided Excellence, the other on
the incurable Depravity of human Nature.
But now the vagrant Spirit of Irreligion
* See above, p. 76.
was
CIVIL LIBER TY, &c.
TOT
was. Abroad ; and the moſt inconſiſtent Pro-
ductions were greedily ſwallowed, provided
only they diſgraced CHRISTIANITY.
The Avidity with which theſe Compo-
fitions were received, ſoon emboldened a
fucceeding Writer, to make a formal At-
tack on the Religion of his Country:
Chriſtianity as old as the Creation now ap-
peared : In which the Goſpel was grofly
miſrepreſentéd, inſulted, and diſgraced ;
and in Compliance with the ruling Malady
of the Times, that poor and fickly Creature,
“ unaffifted Human Reafon," was vainly
exalted to the Throne of ETERNAL
TR-UTH!
Other inferior Workmen in this patriot
Amuſement of blowing up the Religion of
their Country, fuch as Woolston, and
MORGAN, I paſs unnoticed.
In a ſucceeding Period, and down to
the preſent Time, the Evil hath increaſed,
and been compleated.
not
only revealed but natural Religion hath
been publicly attacked, in the Writings
of
For now,
102
THOUGHTS 012
of Lord BOLINGBROKE : An Author who
ſtands convicted of deſigned Profligacy,
even on his own Confeſſion. " Some
“ Men there are, the Peſts of Society I
“ think them, who pretend a great Regard
“ to Religion in general, but who take
every Opportunity of declaiming pub-
licly againſt that Syſtem of Religion,
or at leaſt that Church Eſtabliſhment,
“ which is received in BRITAIN *.”---You
See, this patriot Writer proclaims his Ab-
horrence even of Thoſe who affault the
Out-Works of Religion : And then, with
Modeſty unparalled, proceeds to blow up
the Citadel.
The laſt of theſe patriot Worthies, by
which the preſent Age ſtands diſtinguiſh-
ed, is the Author of " Eſſays philoſo-
phical and moral :" Who, diſdaining the
vulgar Practice of a particular Attack,
undermines all the Foundations of Reli-
gion, revealed and natural ; and with a
Pen truly Epicurean, diſſolves at once all
* Diſiert, on Parties, Let. xii.
the
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 103
the Fears of the Guilty, the Comforts of
the Affiifted, and the Hopes of the Virtuous.
Such, then, hath been the Progreſs of
this public Evil ; which hath proceeded
almoſt without Cognizance from the Magi-
ſtrate : Inſtead of That, it is well known,
that ſome of theſe public Enemies of their
Country and Mankind were formerly pen-
fioned, and others privately encouraged
by Thoſe in Power. How This came to
paſs, and aggravated the growing Evil, it is
now neceſſary to point out.
We have ſeen above, that a Foundation
was laid for this, in an ill-conducted Op-
poſition to the Enemies of Freedom. They
who were employed to ſweep away falſe
Principles, imprudently ſtruck at all Prin-
ciples.
But beyond This, a famous Miniſter af-
ſumed, and long held the Reins of Power.
•There ſeems not the leaſt Foundation for
the Charge laid againſt him by his Ene-
mies, “ That his Deſign was to inſlave
o his Country.”
Neither had he any
natural
104
THOUGHTS ON
natural Inclination to corrupt Practices :-
Yet he rather chofe to rule by Theſe,
than to reſign his Power. Nay, perhaps
he thought this corrupt Syſtem the only
one, which, under the Circumſtances of
Thoſe Times, could ſupport that illu-
ftrious Family, which was brought in,
as the happy Support of Liberty. Far-
ther, perhaps, he judged This the only
poffible Expedient for prolonging a Peace,
which He thought neceſſary, till Time
ſhould wear out the falſe Principles, oni
which the expelled Family ſtill held their
Influence in the Minds of the People.---
From fome or all of theſe Motives, He
not only gave Way to Corruption, but
encouraged it.
To this End, Religion
was diſcountenanced: And Chriſtian Prin-
ciple, which would have been the firmeſt
Friend of Liberty, was diſcarded, as the
Enemy of Corruption.
In the mean Time, Trade, Wealth, and
Luxury increaſed: Theſe, in their Ex-
treme, having an unalterable Tendency
to
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
105
to a Diſſolution of Manners and Principles,
went Hand in Hand with the Progreſs of
Corruption; which, in its moſt improved
State, this miſtaken Miniſter left, as a laſt-
ing Legacy to his Country.*
The Effects of this eſtabliſhed Syſtem
of Corruption did not immediately appear :
But about the Year fifty-ſeven, they came
to their Criſis ; advancing with the Ap-
pearances even of public Ruin.
That powerful Correctreſs, NecessITY,
gave a temporary Union to all parties, and
a temporary Reſtoration to the State. f But
from the Deduction of Cauſes here given,
it was natural to expect, that as ſoon as
Danger ceaſed, Faction would ariſe.
It follows alſo, that it muſt ariſe on
Foundations widely different from Thoſe
in the Reigns of WILLIAM and Anne.
For the Diffentions of theſe paſt Times
were chiefly founded in falſe Principles :
* See the Eſtimate, &c. Vol. ii. p. 2047. &c.
# See ib, Vol. i. p. the laſt.
H
Thoſe
1o6
THOUGHTS on
Thoſe of the preſent Age, on a Want of
Principle..
For the falſe Principles which diſgraced
the Proteſtants of the laſt Age, are vaniſh-
ed. The miſtaken Interpretations of
Scripture, on which the Jacobite, the Tory,
the bigoted Dilſenter, founded their various
Pretenfions and Attempts, are now held in
general Deriſion : A Preacher, of what-
ever religious Congregation, who ſhould
now advance theſe obſolete State-Hetero-
doxies, would be the Contempt of his wiſer
Audierice.
Nay, what is more, theſe falſe Principles
tending to Deſpotiſm, are generally ba-
nished, even from the Breaſts of the Clergy,
except only a very few of the moſt aged.
For the Biſhops being appointed by the
Patrons of Liberty, have been ſuch as held
Principles conſiſtent with the Freedom of
the State : And much Caution having been
required of them, and uſed by them, in
the Appointinents of their Clergy, the
general Complexion of this Body hath
changed
+
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
107
ز
changed from That of being the Enemies,
to That of being the Friends of Freedom.
Much it were to be wiſhed, that along
with the Tares, the Wheat had not alſo
periſhed. But the general Syſtem of Man-
ners being relaxed though refined ; * and
Education ſtill left more and more imper-
fe&t; the Principle of Religion being unhap-
pily deſtroyed among certain Ranks, and
weakened among others; f---That of Ho-
nour being thus left to its own falſe and
fantaſtic Dictates ; I---and Conſcience natu-
rally following the Whims of its untutored
Parent ;
Licentiouſneſs and Faction,
founded on a Want of Principle, cannot but
ariſe, and ſtand among the “ leading Cha-
“racters of the preſent Times.”
* See the Eſtimate, Part i. † Ib.
+ Ib. I Ib.
H 2
SECT.
108
THOUGHT $ on
S E C T. XIII.
Among what Ranks, Licentiouſneſs and Fac-
tion may moſt probably be expected.
TH
HOUGH this Want of Principle
muſt naturally infect every Rank of
Men, in a certain Degree; yet fome Ranks
ſtand more expoſed to it than others.
And, that we may give as little Offence
as poſſible, while we ſpeak the Truth, let it
be obſerved, that all Orders of Men being
born with an equal Tendency to Virtue of
Vice; their adopting the one, or falling
into the Other, depends chiefly on the
Temptations to which their Rank expoſes
them.
Let us conſider the Temptations to Li-
centiouſneſs and Faction, to which the
leading Ranks ſtand expoſed.
Wealth and Power give Opportunities
of Indulgence; Indulgence naturally in-
flames Appetite.---Flattery awakens Con-
tempt; and Contempt weakens the Fear
of
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 109
of Offence or Shame.---Laws which bind
little Men, are often too weak for Great
ones.---Leiſure, when not dignified by
ſuitable Accompliſhments, ends in Idle-
neſs; and Idleneſs is the Parent and the
Nurſe of licentious Folly. To ſuch Temp-
tations do the Great ſtand expoſed, in the
important Article of Manners.
With Reſpect to the Principle of Reli-
gion, their preſent Situation is no leſs unfa-
vourable. Diffolute Opinions flatter their
diſordered Paſſions : Nor will they ever
want Sycophants, to preſent this alluring
Bait to their Deſires. ---The Maxims of
Irreligion are now ſo generally eſtabliſhed
among Thoſe with whom the young Men of
Faſhion converſe, that they muſt be pecu-
liarly fortunate, if they eſcape the Infec-
tion. Wherever This Taint is given, the
Principles of Honour and Conſcience be-
come vague and ineffectual, if conſidered
as the Supports of Liberty. Certain
Delicacies of perfonal Conduct they may
produce; but can never riſe to an un-
Н
biaſled
III
THOUGHTS on
biaſſed and ſteady Proſecution of the public
Welfare.
Another Circumſtance unfavourable to
the public Virtue of the higher Ranks
preſents itſelf. Their Situation leads them
to expect, and to claim, the great and lu-
crative Offices of the State. I need not
bere point out, how ſtrongly This tends
to betray them into the Extremes of fel-
fiſh Views, Ambition, Party-Rage, Li-
centiouſneſs, and Faction.*
Add to all theſe Conſiderations, their
frequent and long-continued Meetings in
the Capital : A Circumſtance which, from
the powerful Effects of free Communication,
cannot but inflamę aļl theſe Cauſes of
po-
litical Diſfention,
If we next examine the State of the
Populace of the great Cities, we ſhall find
that Their Situation naturally expoſes them
to ſuch Temptations as lead to facțious
Conduct, when not early fortified by a
virtuous Education. They are often urged
* Şee the Eſtimate, &c. Vol. 1. Part 2.
by
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
II
by Want; of which, Diſcontent and Envy
are the inevitable Effects. They are let
looſe to every Impulſe of Appetite, by fre-
quent Opportunity and Secrecy of Action :
They are tempted by wicked Examples ;
inflamed by evil Communication and in-
toxicating Liquors : And though the in-
duſtrious Mechanic may ſometimes eſcape
the Infection ; yet the Life of the un-
inſtructed Poor in great Cities, is too com-
monly a horrid Compound of Riot and
Diſtreſs, Rapacity and Thieving, Proſtitu-
tion and Robbery, Wickedneſs and Deſpair.
Now if this Body of Men be indeed,
what Candour itſelf cannot deny, « too
generally ignorant and ill-educated ; too
generally profligate in Manners, and
“c void of Principle ;” it follows, “ that
* like the Atherian Populace of old, they
66 muſt be liable to the Seduction of artful
“ Men;" the ready Tools of every unprin-
cipled Leader, who may chooſe to miſguide
them, to the Ends of Licentioufneſs and
Faciion.
But
H4
I 12
THOUGHTS ON
.
But “ The PEOPLE of GREAT BRI-
56 TAIN, as above diſtinguiſhed,* are of
"a Character eſſentially different from
(6 both Theſe. The landed Gentry, the
Country Clergy, the more conſiderable
« Merchants and Men in Trade, the ſub-
“ ftantial and induſtrious Freeholders and
“ Yeomen," poſſeſs a middle State of Life,
which guards them from many of thoſe
Temptations that ſurround the higher and
the lower Ranks. Their imaginary Wants
are fewer than thoſe of the Great : Their
real Wants are fewer than thoſe of the
Poor: Hence Their Appetites are leſs in-
flamed to Evil.---Their Education gene-
rally ſeconds this happy Situation, in a
certain Degree: Though imperfect, it is
commonly more conſiſtent with the main
Outlines of public Law, than that of the
ſuperior or inferior Ranks.---Their Prin-
ciples of Religion confirm this Educa-
tion: They ſtand not generally expoſed
to the Infection of diffolute Opinions.
* See p, 87, 88.
Their
CIVIL LIBER TY, &c.
113
ence
Their Sentiments of Honour and Conſci-
are moſt commonly built on the
Doctrines of Chriſtianity. ---Their Numbers
and their Station conſpire to exclude them
from a general Claim to the lucrative Of-
fices of the State. Their collective Know-
ledge is of ſufficient Reach to prevent
their 'general Seduction to the Purpoſes of
Licentioufnefs: Their Diſperſion, and rural
Life, prevent thoſe continued and unre-
ſtrained Communications, which are alike
fatal to private and public Virtue.
Let not the Writer be miſunderſtood.
There are Examples of Integrity and Dif-
honour, of Virtue and Vice, among
all
Degrees of Men. He only points out the
Circumſtances which naturally tend, upon
the Whole, to form the ſeveral Ranks
into theſe diſtinct Characters.
From this View of the ſeveral Ranks,
it follows, that although - The People of
“ this Kingdom” muſt inevitably partake
of the various Manners and Principles of
the Great and the Populáce, with whom
they
114
THOUGHTS on
they at Times communicate ; though they
be ſubject to the common Failings of
Men, and to the incidental Inroads of
Licentiouſneſs, from higher and lower
Life ;---yet upon the whole, and confi-
dered as one collective Body, they ſtand
comparatively clear of many Temptations
to Vice; and therefore muſt naturally be
leaſt expoſed to the Influence of Licentiouf-
neſs and Faction.
One Conſequence, ariſing from their
Diſperhon, muſt not paſs unnoticed. It
not only prevents the general Depravation
of their Manners and Principles, but like-
wiſe prevents their uniting in large Bodies,
upon all fight Occaſions. . Hence, though
they are apt to doubt, nay to be alarmed,
on the factious Clamours of the Capital ; yet
they are not rowzed into A&tion, but on
fingular and important Emergencies.
To conclude: They are a great, but
quiefcent Power ; on whoſe collective Know-
bedge and Integrity, the Freedom and Fate
of this Nation muſt finally depend. In
the
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
115
the laſt Age, through the Influence of falſe
Principles, pre-eſtabliſhed or infuſed, they
had well-nigh fhaken the Foundations of
Liberty * : In the preſent, theſe miſtaken
Principles being no more, They are now
$. the firmeſt Bulwark of BRITAIN'S
&c Freedom.”
S E C T.
XIV,
Of the moſt effetual Means of detecting
Licentiouſneſs and -Faction,
W "Principles i ens e faydelen, de
HERE Faction is founded on falſe
Principles, it is eaſily detected, be-
cauſe it is generally avowed. It implies no
moral Depravity, but only an Error of
the Mind : And he who holds this Error,
is not naturally aſhamed of it, becauſe he
holds it as a Truth.
But where Faction is founded on Li-
centiouſneſs and Want of Principle, it
* See above, p. 91.
cannot
116
THOUGHTS ON
vern.
cannot be ſo eaſily detected : For as it
implies a moral Depravity, it will naturally
attempt to veil itſelf; and to this End,
will aſſume the Garb and Appearance of
Freedom.
The favourite Subject of its Clamours
will be the Miſconduct of Thoſe who go-
And in a Country where Liberty
is juſtly ranked among the greateſt na-
tional Bleſſings, the moſt plauſible Pre-
tence of Faction will be, “ to load the
“ executive Power with the Charge of
Deſpotiſm.”
In every free State there will frequently-
occur certain Subjects and Meaſures, “ of
doubtful Expediency.” Theſe, in the wide
Field of political Contention, may juſtly'
be ſtiled " the debateable Grounds." On
theſe doubtful Points, even the Friends
of Liberty may ſometimes differ : There-
fore the Patrons of Faction will naturally
lay hold on theſe, as the moſt ſucceſsful
and effectual Means of State Diſtraction :
Becauſe Thus, they may hope to mingle
with,
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
117
with, and to paſs for the Friends of Free-
dom.
When therefore ſuch doubtful Meaſures
become the Subject of political Conten-
tion ; it may be difficult to determine, from
the mere Circumſtance of Opinion, who are
the Friends of Liberty, and who the Abet-
tors of Faction : Becauſe, in theſe Points,
there may be an incidental Difference of
Opinion, even among the Friends of Li-
berty themſelves.
A much furer Determination may be
formed on the Manner and Conduct of the
diſenting Party : For the Friend of Liber-
ty, having no ſelfiſh Views, will be rational,
honeſt, equitable, in the Proſecution of his
Wiſhes. He who is actuated by the Spirit
of Licentiouſneſs and Faction, will be irra-
tional, diſhoneſt, iniquitous.
Let us, then, endeavour to particula-
rize theſe diſtinctive Marks or Characters
Thus ſhall we beſt be able to determine,
“ who are the Friends of Liberty, and who
“ the Abettorsof Licentiouſneſs and Faction.”
SECT.
118
THOUGHTS ôn
S E C T.. XV.
Of the Characteriſtic Marks of Liberty.
T
HESE which follow, are perhaps
ſome of the cleareſt Characteriſtics
of the Spirit of Liberty : By which the
Friends of public Freedom, though diffen-
tient from any Meaſure of Government,
will be evidently diſtinguiſhed. Each of
theſe Marks may ſeem deciſive, even when
ſeparately viewed: But to do Juſtice to this
Argument, it will be neceſſary to conſider
and weigh them in Union ; becauſe as they in
Part depend on each other, they will illuſtrate
each other, and at once receive and give ad-
ditional Confirmation,
1. “ The Friend of Liberty will endea-
“ vour to preſerve that juſt Balance of
“ divided Power, eſtabliſhed by Law, for
“ the Security of Freedom.”---Becauſe the
public Welfare is the leading Object of
his Wiſhes; and can only be effectually
obtained
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
119
obtained by the Preſervation of ſuch a
Balance.
This will be the general Aim and End
of the true Friend of Liberty : This End
will be proſecuted by ſuitable Means ; and
its Reality will be confirmed and illuſtrated
by theſe which follow.
2. “ He will be attached to Meafures,
“ without reſpecting Men.”---Becauſe the
Paſſions and Intereſts of Individuals ought
to yield to the public Weal.
3. “ He will be generally ſelf-conſiſtent,
“ both in Speech and Action.”---Becauſe,
the public Welfare being the uniform
Object of his Purſuits.
This can only
be ſteadily and effectually promoted, on
clear and uniform Principles.
4. “ He will not attempt to inflame an
ignorant Populace againſt their legal Go-
“ vernors.”---Becauſe an ignorant Populace
are, in all Caſes, unqualified to decide on
the Meaſures of Government.
5.
“ His Debates, either in the Senate,
or from the Preſs, will be void of un-
diſtinguiſhing
1
.
120
THOUGHTS on
diſtinguiſhing and injurious Imputations
" on any whole Bodies of Men, who
may
“ differ from him in Opinion.”---Becauſe,
Truth and the public Welfare being his de-
fired End, he will clearly fee, that others
have the ſame Right of approving, as Him-
ſelf hath, of diſapproving, the Meaſures of
Government.
6. “ He will not induſtriouſly and indif-
criminately defame the private Characters
< of the Individuals who differ from him in
Opinion."---Becauſe Calumny thrown on
Individuals is, a ſtill more aggravated Crime,
than that which is promiſcuouſly aimed at
Bodies of Men,
S E C T. XVI.
Of the firſt characteriſtic Mark of Licentiouf-
nefs and Faction.
T!
HOUGH we have ſeen, that the
Patrons of Faction will attempt to
mix and confound themſelves with the
Friends
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. .
I 21
Friends of Liberty; yet, in Spite of their
Pretences, they will be detected by the
following characteriſtic
characteriſtic Marks,
Marks, which
will ſtand in clear Oppoſition to Thoſe of
Freedom.
Theſe, like the former, may ſeem ſuf-
ficiently deciſive, even when ſeparately
viewed : But to do Juſtice to this Argu-
ment, it will in the fame Manner be ne-
ceſſary to conſider and weigh them in Union :
Becauſe, as they in Part depend on each other,
they will illuſtrate each other, and at
once receive and give additional Confirma-
tion.
• The Leaders of Faction (being na-
turally of the higher Ranks*) would
“ aim to eſtabliſh an ariſtocratic Power ;
“ and inflave both Prince and People to their
own Avarice and Ambition.'
Thus, if any Set of Men had in for-
mer Times been in Power; and while in
Power, had oppreſſed embarraſſed Ma-
I.
* See above, Sect. xiii,
I
jeſty;
1 22
T HOUGHTS on
jeſty; had threatened the Prince with a
general Reſignation; had thus intimidated
him to their own Purpoſes ; had by theſe
Means uſurped the legal Prerogatives of
the Crown; and applyed them rather to
the Support of their own Influence, than
to the public Welfare :---
If the legal Privileges of the People
had fared no better in their Hands :---If
Theſe, too, had been ſwallowed up, in the
great Gulph of ariſtocratic Power :---If the
Members of the lower Houſe, while they
ſeemed to be the free Repreſentatives of the
People, had been in Truth, a great Part
of them, no more than the commiſſioned
Deputies of their reſpective Chiefs, whoſe
Sentiments they declared, and whoſe In-
tereſts they purſued.---
If ſuch a Set of Men, as ſoon as they
had loſt their Influence, ſhould now rail
at the Privileges of the Crown, as the En-
gines of Defpotiſm, though they had been
formerly allowed by the Wiſdom of the
State, as the occafional Securities of Freedom.
If
.
CIVIL LIBERTY; c.
I 2:3
If they ſhould now abſurdly magnify
and exalt the Privileges of the lower
Houſe, beyond the Limits preſcribed by
a free Conſtitution :----If their Pretence
ſhould be the Vindication of the People's
Rights; while their real Motive was
is the Reſtoration of their own exorbitant.
“ Power, founded on an expected Majority
" of their own Dependents :---
If this Conduct was purſued by any
Set of Men, they would ſtand convicted of
a clear Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
Such would be their main End or Pur-
poſe : And this End would be purſued by
ſuitable Means : Theſe Means, conſidered
in Union, would ſtill farther confirm and
illuſtrate the End they aimed at : And
theſe Means would be ſuch as follow.
I 2
SECT,
124
THOUGHTS ont
S E C T.
XVII
A ſecond Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
«T
HE Patrons of Faction would be
attached to Men, to the Neglect
“ of Meaſures."
If the fame Men, when formerly in
Power, ſhould have obſtinately adhered
to each other in every public Debate and
Opinion ; ſhould have execrated every
Man, as the Enemy of his Country, who
diſſented even in the ſlighteſt Article of
political Belief:
If on any ſudden Change in the Foun-
tain of Power, a more generous Syſtem
of Government ſhould have taken Place:
---If the Sovereign had aimed to unite all
honeſt Men of all parties, and had invited
them to co-operate for the Welfare of their
Country :---
If theſe Men, determined ſtill to en-
groſs all public Power, ſhould threaten
the Sovereign (as they had effectually
threatened
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
125
threatened his royal Predeceſſor) with a
general Relignation :-
If their Leaders ſhould be taken at their
Word, and unexpectedly ſtripped of all
Power and Influence :---
If on this, the Clamours of their atten-
dant Populace ſhould ariſe ; * and for the
Sake of the public Tranquillity, Overtures
ſhould be made by the Prince to the Dif-
contented :----If the fame Principle ſhould
ſtill predominate, and Demands in Favour
of Men ſhould be the leading Objection of
Accommodation :
If theſe Demands ſhould be not only ir-
rational in their Kind, but exorbitant and
oppreſſive in their Degree ; requiring a
general Reſtoration of All the Diſcontented,
and a general Diſmiſſion of all who were in
Power, tho’ of known Fidelity to their
King and Country :---
If ſuch ſhould be the Conduct of any
Set of Men, they would ſtand evidently
convicted of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
1
* See Sect, xix.
I 3
SECT.
I 26
THOUGHTS om
SECT. XVIII.
!
A third Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Faction,
1
HE Patrons of Faction would be
felf-contradictoryand inconſiſtent, not
only on different, but on parallel Oc-
“ cafions."
Thus, if the Exerciſe of a Privilege ſhould
be quietly, allowed to one Officer of State,
and by the ſame Perfons ſhould be clamoured
againſt in his Succeſor : The Perſons thus
acquieſcing and clamouring by Turns, would
ftand convicted of a ſelf-contradictory and
inconſiſtent Conduct: And without deciding
on the Propriety or Impropriety of the
Privilege in Queſtion, would carry upon
them a clear Mark of Licentiouſneſs and
Faction,
Again, if a certain Mode of political
Influence on Dependents was generally ex-
erciſed among all the Ranks of a free
Country:
If the ſame Perſons already
characteriſed
CIVIL LIBER TY, 3c.
127
- 1
characteriſed, ſhould now condemn This
as a deſpotic Meaſure in the Servants of
the Crown, which They themſelves for-
merly exerciſed when in Power, and ſtill
continue to exerciſe towards their private
Dependents:--- Theſe Gentlemen would be-
tray a very notable Inconſiſtence in their
Conduct : And therefore, without any De-
ciſion on the Rectitude of ſuch a general
Practice, would ſtand convicted of
undeniable Mark of Licentiouſneſs and
Faction.
SECT. XIX.
A fourth Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Fa&ticni.
HE Patrons of Faction would en-
deavour to delude and inflame an
ignorant and licențious Populace againſt
their legal Governors.
A blind and unprincipled Populace havę
ever been the moſt effectual Engines of
Sedițion: And above all, Thoſe of the
Capital,
I 4
128
THOUGHTS on
Capital, being near to the grand Scene
of political Contention, muſt ever be a
ready and dangerous Engine in the Hands
of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
But in a Nation like this, to make the
Populace of the Capital a more ſucceſsful
Inſtrument of Sedition, a Degree of Art
would be neceſſary. For it appears above,
that the People of this Kingdom, and the
Populace of its Cities, are of a Character
eſſentially oppoſite to each other : That the
one is collectively knowing and upright;
the other, collectively ignorant and immo-
ral.*---The firſt Step, therefore, that Fac-
tion would take, as the 'ſureſt Method for
Succeſs, would be to confound the one with
the other; and dignify 66 the Glamour of
“ the Populace,” by ſtiling it “ the Voice
of the People
The Fury of ſuch a Populace, thus
awakened by Vanity, Vice, and Igno-
rançe, would arife in a Variety of Shapes.
9)
* See above, Sect, xiii,
If
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
129
If an Order of the Senate ſhould be
given for the Burning of a Paper legally
declared ſeditious; ſuch a Populace would
be incited to reſcue it from the Fire: And
they who had thus incited them would
boaſt, that it was reſcued by the Hands of
56 the PEOPLE."
Every talking Demagogue, who ſhould
oppoſe the Meaſures of Government, would
be artfully and indiſcriminately obtruded
on ſuch an ignorant Populace, as a Patriot
or a Heroe. And they who had thus ob-
truded him would boaſt, that he was the
Favourite of “the PEOPLE."
Every diſtinguiſhed Friend to the Mea-
fures of Government would be artfully ob-
truded on ſuch a Populace, as the Enemy
of his Country: And They who had thus
obtruded him would boaſt, that he was the
Deteſtation of " the People."
Every Act of the Legiſlature, which
contradicted the Paſſions or partial Inte-
reſts of ſuch a Populace or their Leaders,
would be branded by them, as arbitrary
and
130
THOUGHTS 012
A
and oppreſſive : And they would boaſt,
that it was branded by the Voice of “ the
6 PEOPLE.”
If daily or periodical Papers of Intel-
ligence were circulated from the Capital
through the Nation, and Theſe were open
to the Admiſſion of every Thing which
private Pique, Paſſion, or Intereſt, might
ſuggeſt; they would of Courſe become
the general Repoſitories of popular Slan-
der : And as Malice is always more eager
to accuſe, than injured Innocence to defend,
theſe Slanders would often ſeem to pre-
ponderate in the public Ear: And hence,
would be boaſted by Thoſe who raiſed
them, as the prevailing Voice of “ the
66 PEOPLE.”
Thus, hatched by Licentiouſneſs, FAC-
TION would attain to its enormous Growth :
The unprincipled among the Great would
form the Head, the unprincipled among the
Populace would form the Body, of this
rapacious Monſter.
SEÇT,
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
131
S E C T.
XX.
A fifth Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Faction.
T:
HE Abettors 'of Faction would
throw injurious and undiſtinguiſh-
ing Imputations on every Body of Men
who differed from them in Opinion.”
Having thus gained an ignorant and
licentious Populace, as the Trumpets of
Sedition; the Patrons of Faction would
leave no Means untry'd to load their
Adverſaries with the moſt envenomed
Calumny.
Thus if any miſtaken Principle had
formerly been maintained, but was now
generally forſaken and derided; a Fac-
tion could not be detected by any clearer
Mark, than by its Attempt to conjure
up the Ghoſt of this departed Principle,
in order to alarm and terrify not only the
Populaçe, but the People,
If
4
- 132
THOUGHTS on
If on This Pretence, any Men ſhould
attempt to revive Animoſities which Time
had bury'd;
--- ſhould attempt to divide
and diſtract the Subjects of an united King-
dom, whoſe common Welfare depended on
their Union; ſhould revile all Men with-
out Diſtinction, who were born in a cer-
tain Diſtrict; and indiſcriminately endea-
vour to exclude them from a Participation
of thoſe public Truſts, Honours, and Emo-
luments, to which, with the reſt of their
Fellow-Subjects, they might ſtand intitled
by their Capacity or Virtue : ---Who would
not diſcover, in this unequal Conduct, a clear
and diſtinctive Mark of Licentiouſneſs and
Faction ?
Again : If ever there had been a Time,
when All who preſumed to diſſent in any
Degree from thoſe in Power, were in-
diſcriminately and unjuſtly branded with
the Name of Jacobite or Tory ; --- and if
Theſe very Men who had beſtowed ſuch
Appellations ſhould now deal them as
freely round, on All who affent to Thoſe
in
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
133
in Power :--- This were ſurely a clear In-
dication, that the Spirit of Faction were
abroad.
But if, in the Courſe of political Revolu-
tions, ſome of theſe Men's former Adherents
ſhould now be their Adverſaries; and ſome
former Adverſaries ſhould now be their
Adherents; another characteriſtic Circum-
ſtance would ariſe: For, Thoſe whom
they had once reviled, they would now
applaud, as being the Friends of Liberty ;
and Thoſe whom they had formerly ap-
plauded, they would now revile, as hav-
ing become Jacobites or Tories.---Such ą
Conduct, and ſuch Names thus arbitrarily
impoſed, however ſpeciouſly coloured over
by the Pretence and Cry of Liberty, might
ſeem to ſtand, with all impartial Judges,
as a clear Mark of Licentiouſneſs and
Faction.
The Views of ſuch Men would be ſtill
more apparent, lhould they inſinuate, that
the Prince received Thoſe very Men as his
Miniſters and Favourites, whoſe Principles
tended
134
THOUGHTS on
tended to the Subverſion of his Throne and
Family. This Infinuation, indeed, would
not ſo much merit Deteſtation, as Contempt
and Ridicule.
SE CT.
XXI.
A fixth Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Fastion.
:T
HE Abettors and Inſtruments of
Faction would promiſcuouſly ca-
“ lumniate the private Characters of the
principal Individuals of the oppoſing
Party."
It was the juſt Obſervation of an an-
cient Writer, that “ the Wicked is an
“ Abomination to the Righteous, and the
Righteous an Abomination to the Wick-
“ ed.”---Yet the Meaſures which theſe two
Parties take, in their Treatment of each
other, are effentially different.---The good
Man never maliciouſly ftabs the Reputa-
tion of his Neighbour : The wicked Man,
on
CIVIL LIBER TY, &c. 135
on the contrary, delights in this moſt
practicable, but moſt atrocious of all Mif-
chiefs.---Invenomed Hints, ambiguous Im-
putations, private Crimes darkly alledged,
but void of all Foundation : --- Theſe are
the deadly Weapons of the abandoned but
cunning Defamer.
Here then is a ſecure and ample Field
for every profligate Miniſter of Faction :
Here " he tofleth about Arrows, Fire-
“ brands, and Death; and cries, am I
“ not in Sport ?”
If a Prince, whoſe Words and Actions
might juſtly be given, as an Example of
Integrity to all his Subjects, ſhould be
ambiguouſly accuſed of ſuch Things as his
Honour would abhor : ---
If ſuch a Prince ſhould be indirectly
charged with Ignorance, for not diſtin-
guiſhing in a Point of Law, which even
ſome of the ableſt Lawyers in his King-
dom had not attended to: ---
If neither the Virtues nor the Conder-
cenſion of a Queen could protect her
from
!
136
THOUGHTS on
from the Inſults of Thoſe whom ſhe had
never injured :
If any other Branch of a royal Family
ſhould be baſely traduced, by the groſſeſt
and moſt audacious Calumnies, ſtudiouſly
contrived to inflame an ignorant and un-
bridled Populace :
If the Servants of the Crown, and Mem-
bers of the Legiſlature, who had legally
exerted themſelves in Defence of their in-
jured Sovereign, ſhould in their private
Character be impudently vilify'd, miſre-
preſented, and abuſed ; and even their un-
offending Families traduced with ſtudy'd
and unexampled Virulence :
If neither Age nor Virtue ſhould be a
Security againſt the Arrows of public Ca-
lumny : If a Man of the moſt diftin-
guiſhed' Worth in private Life, a known
and zealous Friend of public Liberty, one
of the Ornaments of his Age and Coun-
try, ſhould be overwhelmed by a Load of
the moſt unprovoked and malicious Slan-
der; merely becauſe he had dared to aſ-
ſert
CIVIL LIBËR TY, &c.
137
Or
affert his own Right of private Judgment,
in Oppoſition to the Opinion of another :---
If theſe, Outrages ſhould be publicly
committed by ſome; and winked at,
countenanced, or patronized by others ;----
ſurely, all honeſt Men ought to join, in .
declaring their Abhorrence of ſuch atro-
ciouş Acts of Licentiouſneſs and Faction,
perpetrated in Defiance of All Laws, both
buman and divine,
SECT. XXII.
Some Objections obviated.
SHOP
HOULD it be objected to the Writer,
that while he blames the Practice in
others, He indiſcriminately characterizeth
whole Bodies of Men who diſſent from
public Meaſures; he would reply, that the
Accuſation is groundleſs : For he hath ex-
preſsly diſtinguiſhed Thoſe who diſent
on Principles of Liberty, from ſuch as
K
diſſent
138 THOUGHTS on
diſent on Motives of Licentiouſneſs and
Faction.
Should it be objected, that he hath
attacked even private Characters, in the
Way of indirect Deſcription : This Accu-
ſation would be equally ill-founded. For all
perſonal Peculiarities are avoided, fave only
the ſingle Facts alluded to, as the Proofs of
his Allegations : Theſe were eſſentially ne-
ceſſary for the Support of the Argument ;
and relate not to private Life, but to public
and political Conduct.
Should it be objected, that he hath
indirectly cenſured Thoſe, whoſe Conduct
he had formerly applauded : He replies,
that he never was attached to Men but
Meaſures.
Should it be objected, that ſome of theſe
characteriſtic Marks may ſeem to involve
Men of good Morals in private Life: He
would reply, that the Affections of good
Men in private Life may not always extend
to the Public.
Should
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
139
1
Should it be objected, that ſome of
theſe characteriſtic Marks may ſeem to
involve Men, who have been eminently
ſerviceable to their Country in public Sta-
tions. He would reply, that he ever hath
been, and ever will be proud to do Juſtice
to Merit, when exerciſed in any public
Station.
Should it be objected, that he queſtions
the Conduct of Thoſe only who are now
out of Power : He would reply, that he
formerly queſtioned their Conduct with the
ſame Freedom, when in the Fulneſs of
their Power : And that his Reaſons in both
Inſtances were the ſame; becauſe in both
Inſtances he judged their general Conduct
to be eſſentially ill-founded, narrow, ſelfiſh,
reprehenſible.
K 2
SECT.
140
THOUGHTS on
SEC T. XXIII.
Of the moſt effe&tual Means of checking the
Growth of Licentiouſneſs and Facţion.
The way toge Weiber hen endeavoare
HUS the Writer hath endeavoured
to lay open the Foundations and
Characters of Licentiouſneſs and Faction :
He now proceeds to conſider the moſt
effectual Means of checking them in their
Progreſs ; of reſtoring internal Unanimity;
and ſecuring public Freedom
In every national Malady of this Nature,
there are two kinds of Remedies eſſentially
diſtinct : the one is palliative, and tem-
porary; the other is radical, and laſting.
The palliative Remedies ought to be firſt
applied ; becauſe it will appear, that they
are the only Means by which we can come
at Thoſe which are radical.
'Tis evident, then, that the firſt Ad-
yance towards a Cure of this national
Evil
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
14:1
1
Evil muſt ariſe from the ſteady Conduct
of the Prince. For Faction, unoppoſed,
and led on by the higher Ranks, will
never ceaſe in its Demands, till it termi-
nates in the Poffeffion of an unbounded
ariſtocratic Power: This is a Power, which
nothing but the Courage and Steadineſs of
the Prince can poſſibly contend with : Be-
cauſe the final Object of ſuch a Faction
will always be, “ Thoſe high and lucra-
ci tive Offices of State, which are in His
« fole Diſpoſal."
If a Sovereign once gives Way to the
Storms in which ſuch a Faction will in-
volve him, his Peace and Freedom, toge-
ther with Thoſe of his people, are inevita-
bly deſtroyed. On the contrary, if amidſt
all the Tumults of Sedition, he diſcovers
an unalterable Firmneſs and Fortitude,
founded in upright Intentions and real
Virtue; the Rage of hopeleſs Faction will
by Degrees ſubfide ; and a Proſpect of
better Times will open upon Him and
This general Truth might
be
his people.
142
THOUGHTS on
be commented on: But, at preſent, the
Writer can with Satisfaction leave it to
the impartial Public, to find a more inſtruc-
tive and LIVING COMMENT,
SECT.
XXIV,
1
TH
Of a ſecond Remedy.
HE next Remedy, which can effec-
tually aid the Firmneſs of the Prince,
muſt be the Steadineſs of the Miniſter, in
diſcouraging, as far as in him lies, the In-
roads of Venality and Corruption.
This is a large Topic, and fitter for a
Book than a Section : However, what is
moſt eſſential to the preſent Subject may be
briefly touched on:
A plauſible Objection, then, is here to
be obviated : For a late Writer hath very
calmly and ſyſtematically attempted to prove
the univerſal and unconditional Neceſſity of
political Corruption, in allfree Governments.*
* See a free Enquiry into the Nature and Origin
of Evil, Let. v.
What
CIVIL LIBER TY, &c. 143
What follows is the Foundation of his
Argument. - All human Government is
* the Offspring of Violence and Corrup-
5« tion; and muſt inherit the Imperfection
" of both its Parents." * “ All Govern-
ments muſt be adminiſtered by the ſame
“ Violence and Corruption, to which they
s are indebted for their Origin.p”
" Cor-
ruption (therefore) muſt always increaſe
« in due Proportion to the Decreaſe of ar-
“ bitrary Power ; ſince where there is leſs
“ Power to command Obedience, there
“ muſt be more Bribery to purchaſe it;
“ or there can be no Government carry'd
on at all. I"
Such is the Sum of this Gentleman's
Argument: To which, the following Ob-
fervations are offered, as a Reply.
There have been two different Pictures
given of Man, by different Writers, dia-
metrically oppoſite to each other.
Ву
ſome, the human Species hath been re-
+ Ib. p. 129.
* Origin of Evil, p. 128.
Ib. p. 135.
preſented
144
THOUGHTS 01
preſented as a natural Society of Angels :
by others, as a Crew of Devils. Both
theſe Repreſentations have ariſen from a
partial View of Mankind : One Party re-
garding his ſocial Qualities only; the other
overlooking Theſe, and fixing on the Ap-
petites which are commonly called the
Selfish.
Were Mankind of the firſt of theſe
Characters, they would need no Law
Were they of the latter, no Law could
unite of bind them. The Truth is, they
are a Mixture of Both. As they have
the ſeveral Modes of Self-Love, for the
Preſervation of the Individual; ſo, by
proper Culture, they gain Habits of Bene-
volence, Religion, ſocial Prudence, the
Love of honeſt Reputation, and ſometimes
even a Regard for the general Welfare
of the Society to which they belong.
As theſe focial Paffions and Regards are
ſtrong or weak, frequent or uncommon ;
the Character of a Nation is good or bad,
honeſt or corrupt, upright or profligate,
A
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
145
A Variety of Proofs hath been given of
theſe different Degrees of moral Character,
in the preceding Parts of this Effay *
But that we may not ſeem to build on a
Principle which this Author admits not,
we hear him virtually declaring all This
himſelf in another Part of his Book.
“ Here He (Man) has an Opportunity
given him of improving or debaſing his
Nature, in ſuch a Manner as to render
* himſelf fit for a Rank of higher Perfection
" and Happineſs ;. or to degrade himſelf to
“ a State of greater Imperfection and Miſe-
“ ry of.” Again, he ſpeaks of a Reformation
of Manners, as a Thing practicable : And
recommends it, as the only Remedy for
political Evil 1.
But while he treats of the abſolute Necef-
ſity of political Corruption, all the better
Part of Man is hid; his Imperfections and
Vices alone are ſet in View. During the Pro-
greſs of this Argument, if it deſerves that
* See above, Sect. vii, &c.
+ Origin of Evil, p. 93,
# Ib. 149.
Name,
J
146
THOUGHTS on
;
Name, we hear of nothing but “ ſuch
imperfect and vicious Creatures as Men,
tyrannizing over others as imperfect and
“ vicious as themſelves * :" We have no-
“ thing preſented to us, but “ Pride, Ava-
“ rice, and Cruelty on one Side ; Envy,
“ Ignorance, and Obſtinacy on the other
Injuſtice and Self-Intereſt on both f."
In a Word, Mankind are repreſented as
an abandoned and incurable Race, utterly
void of all good Qualities; and ſuch as
“ muſt be always bribed or beat into Obe,
“ dience I.”
Here, then, this Maxim of the abſolute
and unconditional Neceſſity of Political
Corruption appears in all its Nakedneſs
and Deformity: For it is founded on
“ the ſuppoſed incurable Wickedneſs of
“ Man :" An Error too glaring to need a
Confutation ; and which there is ſtill the
leſs Occafion to confute, becauſe this Au-
thor himſelf admits the contrary.
ز
* Origin of Evil, p. 126.
† Ib.
| Ib. p. 130.
It
1
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
147
1
It follows then, that his leading Propofi-
tion is as falſe in itſelf, as it is pernicious
to Society, that " Corruption muſt always
“ increaſe in due Proportion to the De-
“ creaſe of arbitrary Power :" Becauſe Vir-
'tue and Religion, upright Manners and
Principles, properly inſtilled, may much
better ſupply Corruption's Place *
On this Foundation, therefore, it ap-
pears, that every upright Miniſter ought,
as far as poſſible, to check the Pro-
greſs of Corruption : And tho’ at Times
he may be embaraſſed, and under a po-
* Were it neceſſary to purſue this Gentleman through
all the Windings of his political Labyrinth, and trace
him to the End of this courſe, where he ſuddenly ſtarts
up in the Form of a ſevere Moraliſt; there could not,
perhaps, be exhibited a more ſtriking Inſtance of Self-
Contradiction, in the whole Compaſs of literary Debate.
At preſent I ſhall only remark, that this Efſay was
publiſhed in the Year 1757, at a Time when the
Syſtem of political Corruption-much needed ſome kind
of Apology, becauſe its fatal Effects began to glare
too ſtrongly upon the Nation to be longer doubted.
Hence, though we ſhould not inquire “ who the Au-
thor is,” we may give a ſhrewd Gueſs, ef what political
It School he was bred in,”.
litical
i
148 THOUGHTS on
litical Neceſity of yielding'; 'tis clearly
both his Duty and his Intereſt to oppofe
this dangerous and encroaching Spirit, in
the leading Outlines of his public Conduct.
It is his Duty ; both becauſe Corrup-
tion can only flouriſh on the Ruins of
Virtue and Religion, good Morals and
Principles, without which public Liberty
is effentially deſtroy'd; and becauſe Cor-
ruption tends inevitably and invariably
to weaken the public Adminiſtration of
Government, by filling every high Depart-
ment with the Venal, the Ignorant, the
Selfiſh, the Diſhoneſt *.
It is both his Duty and Intereſt; be-
cauſe Licentiouſneſs, and its Attendants,
Venality and Faction, are of an inſatiable
Appetite. The more the Venal are fed,
they grow more importunate : If you
gorge one of Theſe to the full, and thus
lay him to ſleep; ten will riſe in his
Place, every one more clamorous than
the firſt.
* See Eſtimate, Part ii.
The
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
149
The Miniſter, therefore, both in Con-
fideration of his own Peace, and the public.
Welfare, ought as far as poſſible, to ob-
viate this Evil in its Beginnings; fortify
Himſelf, as well as the State, with the
Honeft, the Firm, and the Capable ; refift,
to the utmoſt, the exorbitant Demands
of Venality : Thus Faction will either bark
itſelf afleep; or die deſpairing.
S E C T.
XXV.
Of ſome concomitant Remedies.
L
ET us now conſider, what might be
in the Power of the Legiſlature and
the Magiſtrate immediately to effect.
'
1. 'Tis generally acknowledged, that
Power naturally follows Property. There-
fore exorbitant Property in Individuals
muſt always be unfavourable to civil Li-
berty; muſt always tend to produce Licen-
tiouſneſs and Faction; becauſe it throws
exorbitant
150
THOUGHTS on
exorbitant Power into the Hands of In:
dividuals : And the greater the Inequality
between the Poor and Rich, the more
the one will ever be under the Influence of
the other.
It ſhould ſeem, then, to be the particular
Intereſt even of the moſt Wealthy, if they
be the real Friends of Liberty, 'tis. cer-
tainly the general Intereſt of a free. Com-
munity; that ſome legal Limitation of Pro-
perty ſhould take Place. I ſpeak not of
the Probability, but the Expediency of
ſuch a Meaſure.
2. It follows, that ſome Regulation in
Reſpect to Boroughs would be of great
Importance. For in Boroughs, contrary
to all found Policy, “ Power is lodged
“ without annexed Property." The na-
tural Conſequence is, that “this ill-placed
“ Power will be ſeized by Thoſe who are
“ poſſeſſed of exorbitant Property.” Thus
Power ſettles on its natural Foundation :
But a Foundation, in this Inſtance moſt
dangerous to Freedom; as it leads to the
Eſtabliſhment
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
151
Eſtabliſhment of an Ariſtocracy. In This,
Inſtance, too, I ſpeak not of the Probabi-
lity, but the Expediency of the Meaſure.
3. The Limitation of extended Conqueſt
and Empire might ſeem an Object worthy
the attention of the higheſt Powers.-
Rome periſhed by its Avidity of un-
bounded Empire. Colonies, when peopłed
beyond a certain Degree, become a Bur-
then to the Mother Country: They exhauſt
her Numbers; they diſtract her Attention ;
they divide her compacted Strength. Such
Extent of Colonies, as may be neceſſary to
maintain the Empire of the Seas, will al-
ways be a juft Object of Britiſh Regard.
More than this, found Policy perhaps could
hardly dictate.
4. This Limitation is of more Impor-
tance, as it would naturally ſet Bounds to
another Exceſs; I mean, That of Trade
and Wealth. This, the Writer knows, is
of all other Topics, the moſt unpopular :
Notwithſtanding which, he preſumes to
perſiſt in what appears to Him a demon-
ſtrative
!
150 THOUGHTS oñt
ftrative Truth, that “exorbitant Trade and
“ Wealth are moſt dangerous to private
Virtue, and therefore to public Free-
“ dom.” The Topic is too large, to be
here inſiſted on. He therefore refers to
what he hath already written on his Sub-
ject ;* which hath been much clamoured
againſt, indeed; but never confuted.+
x
* See Eftimate, Part iji. paffim,
# For the Conviction of Thoſe who chuſe rather to
attend to preſent than future Confequences, the follow-
ing Circumſtance may deſerve notice. Much hath
been ſaid " on the Cauſe of the preſent exorbitant
« Price of Proviſions, and general Diſtreſs of the Poor:”
Every Caufe hath been affigned except the true one,
which ſeems to be the ſinking Value of Money, ariſing
“ neceſſarily from theexorbitant Increaſe of Trade and
“ Wealth.” If this be fo, it follows, that the Evil is
incurable, excepting only by a general augmentation
of the Wages of the Poor.---Now This, which is the
neceſſary Effect of the Exorbitancy of Commerce, na-
turally tends (by the increaſed Price of Manufactures)
to the Deſtruction of Commerce. If the Exorbitancy
of Trade ſhould ſtill run higher, this Evil will be aggra-
vated in Proportion. The Conſequences which muſt
follow, are ſuch as the Writer chuſeth not to enlarge
becauſe he knows, the Spirit of the Times would
not bear it.
on;
5. The
CIVIL LIBERTY, 3c.
153
5:
The immediate Care of upright
Manners and Principles might ſeem an
Object worthy the ſtricteſt Attention both
of the Legiſlature and Magiſtrate.
To this End, if the growing Spirit of
Novelty and Adoption could by any Means
be checked, it would be a Work attended
with the moſt falutary Conſequences. The
Writer would not willingly be thought
chimerically to adopt all the Rigours of the
Spartan State : But could wiſh to ſee a Law
enacted, parallel to That of LACEDÆMON,
by which their raw and unexperienced
Youth were prohibited from bringing Home
the new Follies and Vices of foreign Coun-
tries, picked up in a premature and too early
Travel. *
He would by no Means diſcourage the
Freedom of the Preſs: Yet, ſure, its Licen-
tiouſneſs might ſeem an Object of the Ma-
giſtrate's Regard. The Search of Truth
is good : But to ſearch for This in the
* See Eſtimate, Vol. ii. Parti. Sect. 1o.
L
Hoards
154
THOUGHTS 01
Hoards of Irreligion, is like ſearching for
Hope in PANDORA's Box; where the ſole
Reward of Induſtry can only be Peſtilence,
Deſpair and Death. National Virtue never
was' maintained, but by national Reli-
gion: He, therefore, who ſhakes the ef-
ſential Principles of Religion, undermines
the Virtue of his Fellow-Subjects ; and
therefore deſerves to feel the Rigour of the
Law, as a determined Enemy of his Country-
---This may ſeem a practicable Remedy:
But how to deſtroy thoſe irreligious Wri-
tings, which already lie expoſed on Stalls
and Counters, or depoſited in private Li-
braries, like fo many Heaps of Poiſon, for
thre Gratification of Vice, and the Deſtruc-
tion of Virtue :---Or how to pluck froin
the Minds of Men thoſe poiſoned Arrows,
which theſe Authors have already planted
there !---That were a Taſ indeed !---The
Shaft is already flown; and cannot be re-
called : And this Nation, thro' ſucceeding
Times will have Cauſe to ſay,----· Hæret
Latari lethalis Arundo."
Immoral
i
1
CIVIL LIBERTY, 3c.
155
Immoral Writings ſhould ſeem no leſs the
Object of the Magiſtrate's Attention. Tho'
Theſe may not ſhake the Principles, yet
they inevitably corrupt the Manners of a
Nation.
Perſonal Defamation, or Calumny thrown
on private Characters, is another Evil, which
ſeems riſing at preſent with unheard-of
Aggravations. Two flagrant Inſtances of
This Enormity the Writer will paſs unno-
ticed, left he ſhould ſeem to inſult over the
Exiled or the Dead. *
}
* In theſe two kinds of modern Profligacy, immoral
Writings, and perſonal Calumny, there are two Authors
now ſaid to be living in thefe Kingdoms with Impu-
nity; who, in a better policed State; would ere this
have felt the full Weight of that public Puniſhment
and Infamy, which is due to the Enemies of Mankind.
One of theſe writ a Volume of execrable Memoirs, for
the Corruption of Youth and Innocence: The other,
a Reverie, or Dream, which Hunger and Malevolence pro-
bably conſpired to ſuggeſt, replete with the moſt im-
pudent Falſehoods, and injurious Calumnies on Indivi.
duals, for the Entertainment of baſe and envious Minds.
L 2
SECT,
156
THOUGHTS on
S E C T.
XXVI.
Of the chief and eſential Remedy.
A
LL theſe may be regarded as tempo-
rary and concomitant Supports of
Freedom : but the chief and effential Re-
medy to Licentiouſneſs and Faction, the
fundamental Mearts of the laſting and ſe-
cure Eſtabliſhment of civil Liberty, can
only “ lie in a general and preſcribed Im-
provement of the Laws of Education."
We have ſeen above, that upright Man-
ners and Principles are the only Baſis of
true Liberty ; that the infant Mind, if left
to its own untutored Dictates, inevitably
wanders into fuch Follies and Vices, as
tend to the Deſtruction of itſelf and others..
We have ſeen, that the early and continued
Culture of the Heart can alone produce
ſuch upright Manners and Principles, as
are neceſſary to check and ſubdue the
ſelfiſh Paſſions of the Soul; and that Li-
berty
CIVIL LIBERTY, '&c. 157.
1
berty can only ariſe from a general Subor-
dination of Theſe, to the public Welfare.,
We have ſeen theſe Truths confirmed, by
an Appeal to the State of three famed Re-
publics, which by Turns aroſe and fell, on
the very Principles here delivered. We
kave ſeen the Defects, as well as Excellen-
cies, of our own public Conſtitution, both
civil and religious : That its Form is excel-
lent and unrivaled; but that the practical
Application of this unrivaled Excellence is
attended with Defects incurable: That it
hath all along been inevitably counterworked
by Manners and Principles dîſcordant with,
its Genius, and diſcordant with each other :
That for. Want of a preſcribed Code of
Education, to which all the Members of
the Community ſhould legally ſubmit, the
Manners and Principles on which alone
the State can reſt, are ineffectually inſtilled,
are vague, fluctuating, and ſelf-contra-
dictory.
Nothing, then, is more evident, than
that ſome Reform in this great Point, iş
neceſſary,
13
158
THOUGHTS on
neceſſary, for the Security of public Free-
dom. Till this be effected, in Spite of
all temporary Remedies, Licentiouſneſs
and Faction, tho' checked for a Time, will
ever be gathering new Strength, and return;
ing to the Charge with redoubled Fury.
This Reform, to ſome, may appear
eaſy to effect : By others it will be derided,
as wholly impracticable. Perhaps the Truth
may lię between theſe two Opinions : To
throw the Manners and Principles of a
Nation into any new Channel, is certainly
a Work of no ſmall Difficulty:---On the
other Hand, we ſeem to have many Mate-
rials lying round us, ready to be converted
into the Means of this great Work. A pure
and rational Religion ; a generous Syſtem
of Policy, founded on that Religion ;
Manners, tho' apparently degenerating,
yet by no Means generally profligate s much
true Religion, Integrity, and Honour a-
mong the middle Ranks; many Inſtances
of domeſtic Worth among the higher ; and
in Spite of the Temptations that fur,
pound
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 159
round the Great, true Piety, and the
moral Virtues adorning the moſt exalted
Station.
Therefore, without dreaming of the
perfect Republic of PLATO ;----and fairly
acknowledging the incurable Defect of
our political State, in not having a cor-
reſpondent and adequate Code of Educa-
tion inwrought into its firſt Effence ;----
we may yet hope, that in a ſecondary
and inferior Degree, ſomething of this
Kind may be ſtill inlaid: It cannot have
that perfect Efficacy, as if it had been
originally of the Piece: Yet, if well con-
ducted, it may ſtrengthen the weak Parts ;
and alleviate Defects, though not com-
pleatly remove them.
Among what Ranks, in the Writer's
Opinion, theſe Defects in Education chiefly
lie, may be ſufficiently collected from ſome
of the preceding Sections. But as to the
moſt effectual Methods of relieving theſe De-
feets, he pretends not at preſent to attempt
So great a Subje&.
This,
160
THOUGHTS 01
This, however, he is well perſwaded
of; that till ſomething of the Kind be
attempted and performed ; all the laboured
Harangues that can be given from the Bench,
the Pulpit, or the Preſs, will be of little
Avail : They may tend occaſionally to ob-
viate ſome of the Evils of Licentiouſneſs ;
but never can radically cure them.
S E C T.
XXVII.
The Concluſion,
TH
HESE Remedies, however juſt in
their Nature, can only be effettual
through a proper Application ; And this
can only lie " in a zealous and unfeigned
• Union of the Honeſt among all Ranks
$6 and Parties, for the Accompliſhment of
theſe Ends, againſt the Patrons and
$¢ Inſtruments of Licentiquſneſs and Face
« tion,"
$0
This
CIVIL LIBE'R TY, &c. 161
This Union, at firſt View, ſeems of
ſuch a Nature as could hardly need to
be inforced : Yet it is frequently retarded
by ſeveral Circumſtances.
Among the Great, this rational Union
is often counteracted by the Ties of falſe
Honour; a dangerous Principle, which
we have already noted, as being produc-
tive of Party-Rage and Faction.*
This
Principle, even in honeſt. Minds, will
ſometimes prevail over the Dictates of Re-
ligion and private Virtue. On this falfe
Foundation, political Connections are often
maintained, in Defiance of a juſt Senſe
of public Utility: While the unhappy
Man who acts on this miſtaken Motive, is
inwardly rent by two contrary and con-
tending Powers. Severe Moraliſts may
perhaps diſcard ſuch a Character from
the Liſt of the Honeſt : But it ſhould
ſeem, that he is rather an Object of
Clemency than Indignation. Remove
but the unhappy Prejudice from his Breaſt;
* See above, p. 92.
And
162
THOUGHT
THOUGHTS on
er
And ſuch a Character would preſs for-
ward among the firſt; towards the Goal
of public Virtue.
Again: This rational and falutary Union
may be retarded by Connections of Friend-
ſhip, Gratitude, or Blood This Cauſe
tends to confirm and extend the Influence
of the former. Fathers, powerful Friends,
and Patrons, connect themſelves with Par-
ties, and cleave to them on a miſtaken
Principle : Sons, obliged Friends, and De-
pendents, are naturally inliſted in their
Party; and are rivetted in it, not only
by falſe Honour, but Education, Gratitude
Affection. How peculiarly unfortunate is
this Circumſtance; that the generous Paf-
fions ſhould ever become the Adverſaries
of public Virtue.
The ſame falſe Attachment to friends,
Patrons, and Relations, naturally prevails;
in a certain Proportion, among the mid-
dle Ranks of the Kingdom. Their In-
terefts, Paffions, and Prejudices, are not
ſo immediately concerned as Thoſe of the
higher Ranks : and therefore 'tis natural
to
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 163
to ſuppoſe, that their mutual Attachments
of miſtaken Honour or private Affection,
will upon the Whole be more moderate
and leſs culpable. Yet ſtill, while theſe
falſe Attachments are prevalent among
the Great, the People muſt in fome De-
gree catch the Infection, from the various
Relations which they bear to their Supe-
riors. Hence untractable Prejudices ariſe,
and are maintained : While Meaſures are
leſs regarded, than the Party which adopts
them.
But beſides This, another Circumſtance
ariſeth, which inevitably tends to difunite,
and diſtract the Horeſt among the People ;
even when their perſonal Attachments are
conquered by their Integrity, Their Dif
perſion in the Country hath already been
ſemarked, as a Circumſtance worthy of At-
tention. Here it meets us again, as a Cauſe
of their frequent Diſunion. We have ſeen
how naturally (under the preſent State of
Things) every factious Clamour that ri-
feth in the Capital, is tranſmitted with
aggravated Circumſtances, through the
wholo
164
THOUGHTS on
a
whole Kingdom.* And the People of the
Villages being eaſy of Belief, becauſe not
fuſpecting the abandoned Profligacy of
theſe Town-defamers, are apt to receive
every inſinuated perſonal Slander, as
Truth. Theſe Calumnies being ſeldom
contradicted by the injured Party, take
Root in the Minds of the leſs knowing,
Hence doubts ariſe; Surmiſes and Dif-
likes are ſpread; Facts, though void of
all Foundation, are alledged and perſiſted
in; the more credulous Part are miſled ;.
Thus an honeſt People are divided ; and
not only a Province or a Village, but
even an Houſe often ſet at Variance with-
in itſelf.
Theſe Contentions fometimes ariſe to a
Degree which is ridiculous : And have for-
merly been ſo deſcribed without Exception,
by the Tools of Faction. Notwithſtanding
This, every Friend of Liberty ought to
grieve, if a free, an honeſt, and a ſenſible
PEOPLE ſhould ever deſiſt (were it poſſi-
2
* See above, Sect. xix. p. 130.
ble)
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.
165
**
ble) to debate on Affairs of Government;
Tho' they may be occafionally alarmed
and miſled on flight Occaſions, yet their
mature and collective Judgment on im-
portant Subjects, will feldom be erroneous.
On this Foundation, MoNTESQUIEU's Re-
mark is folid : “ Tell me not, that ſuch
“ a People will ſometimes reaſon ill :” 'Tis
ſufficient, “ that they reaſon.
The Guilt and ill Conſequences then
ariſe from the malevolent Clamours of
the Capital, tranſmitted thence to the
Provinces. Theſe Clamours, though not
of Power to ſeduce an honeſt PEOPLE
into actual Sedition, are yet often ſuffi-
cient to alarm and divide them. +
: Much Caution, therefore, ought to be
uſed by the Inhabitants of the Country,
how they give Credit to the political Ru-
mours of the Town; which are ſeldom
ſpread without Deſign; and are in ge-
neral ſpread moſt induſtriouſly by the
Malevolent. They who act on good Prin-
* L'Eſprit des Loix.
+ See above, Sect. xiii. p. 114.
ciples,
.
166
THOUGHTS on
ciples, are apt to truſt to the native
Force of Truth: The Patrons of Falſe-
hood are conſcious of a
conſcious of a Defect here;
and therefore endeavour to ſupply it by
a miſapply'd Diligence and Cunning.
One Mark of Licentiouſneſs and Fac-
tion is peculiarly applicable to theſe Cla-
mours from the Metropolis: If they are
fraught with perſonal Calumny, and at-
tack private Characters, they aſſuredly
come from the Enemies of Virtue and
Freedom.
All Theſe, therefore, a ſenſible and how
neft PEOPLE will learn to ſuſpect and de-
ride. This Foundation once laid, they
will not be far from a general Union
againſt the hidden Deſigns of Licentiouſ-
neſs and Faction.
In Concluſion, therefore, let the Honeſt
among every Rank and Party recollect ; that
their firſt and higheſt Obligations are to
God, their King, and Country, That every
ſubordinate Connection ought to yield to
Theſe: That true Honour can
never be
at Variance with the Laws of Religion and
Virtue :
CIVIL LIBERTY, &c. 167
Virtue : That if any Defertion be ſhameful
it is the Defertion from Truth and the
Welfare of their Country:
If any At-
tachment be honourable, it is an impartial
Attachment to the public Weal, unbiaſſed by
private Affections and Regards. If any
Acknowledgment be the certain Mark of a
great and ingenuous Mind, it is the Ac-
knowledgment of its own Errors, or thoſe
of a Patron, Friend, or Anceſtor.
Theſe Remarks the Writer fubmits to
the Impartiality and Candor of his Coun-
trymen ; defiring that they may be regard-
ed as his Mite, thrown in towards the Ac-
compliſhment of the Sovereign's Wiſh, on
his Acceſſion to the Throne; that of
founding the Liberty and Happineſs of
“this Kingdom on the ſolid Baſis of Re-
ligion, and Virtue, and uniting ALL Ho-
“ NEST Men in the ſteady Proſecution of
“ this great. Purpoſe.
THE END.
( 168 )
By the fame AUTHOR,
With all Convenient SPEED, will be publiſhed,
PRINCIPLES of CHRISTIAN
LEGISLATION.
Lately Publiſhed.
I. ISSAYS on the CHARACTERISTICS of
the EARL of SHAFTSBURY. A new
Edition, being the Fifth.
1.ES
II. Twelve Sermons on various Subjects.
III. A DISSERTATION on the Rise UNI-
ON, &c. 'of POETRY and Music.
IV. The HISTORY of the Rise and PRO-
GRESS of POETRY, through its ſeveral SPE-
CIES.
1
V. An ESTIMATE of the MANNERS and
PRINCIPLES of the TIMES, 2 vol. ſeventh
Edition
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
GRADUATE LIBRARY
DATE DUE
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