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ARTES
LIBRARY
1817
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
पक्
TUEHOR
QUÆER SPLNINGULAR AM
CIRCUMSPICE
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
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THE
یه
۱
HISTORY
Of the
EXECRABLE
Irish Rebellion
Trac'd from many preceding ACTS,
TO THE
Grand Eruption
The 23. of October, 1641.
And thence purſued to the
Act of Settlement.
MDCLXII.
Spartanos (genus eft audax,
Avidumque fera) nodo cautus
Propiore liga. Sen. Hippolytus.
LONDON,
Printed for Robert Clavel, in St. Paul's Churchyard.
M DC LX X X
DA
943
B73
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MVSEVM
BRITANNICVM
འ
TO THE
READER.
N
Reader,
I
Am not ignorant that be expofes himself (as
a publick mark) to many inconveniencies,
who appears in Print; Yet there hath been
So long an expectation of the Proceedings of
the whole War of Ireland, as (by an evil
filence) Some interpretately queſtion, whe- in
ther there was any fuch thing or no? Where-
*
have
nur-
* Peter Walsh
>
to the Reader,.
his Epistle
Fol. 47. as alfo
zealous Nun-
conft, and
Rome, from the
from R. B. the
cioniſt,
firſt Legate to
Confederates,
whoſe obſerva
by thoſe Pamphlets, the Roman Catholicks of Ireland,
difperfed through Europe, get Credit and Reputation; That
his Majefties Proteftant Subjects, firſt fell upon and
ther'd them; which being so openly and frequently afferted and others,
(even on the very Place) where thofe dire Tragedies were tions have been
acted, and that averr'd alfo in a time when many are yet fingular.
living, who have feen and felt thofe miferies in themſelves,
and their Relations, I could not but let that drop from me,
which might flow from others, nicenefs in this Cafe being the
next degree to unfaithfulneſs; Yet I cannot ſay, what I have
perfued here is not to be cavell'd at, no! that were to pre-
Sume my fate were happier than others; but I may aver, that
nothing is impoſed on the Reader, but what I have either
Records, publick Evidences, credible Relations, or my own
knowledge for its Ground; ſearching the best Intelligence I
could reach to, though in clearing fome doubts, I have en-
countred Obftacles, I could not rationally have expected,
which I impute to my own misfortune, no onès Defign; None
(treated with) being fo little affected, as not frequently to
defire the digeftion of a Hiftory, the English Intereft in Ire-
land was not lefs concern'd in, then Humanity it felf: The
A 2
borror
}
累
​1
1
To the Reader.
borror and cruelty (there committed) bidding defiance
to whatſoever before had been acted in the World.
Hinc Terras Cruor
Inficit omnes fufus & rubuit mare.
?
So that after all, if there be any Deficiency in what I fhall
relate, it may well be pardon'd, where there hath been as
much Artifice to parget Truths, as Countenance could reach
to; though as to what may be objected, ( in reference to my
Relation) I have been fo cautious, that in Difputes I have
not let Intereft biafs me: no! where I have found any Hu-
manity, though it may be conjectur'd to proceed from felf-In-
tereft, that it may be return'd in gratitude, I have not de-
fignedly let it o're-flip me; but of this nature there hath been
little: indeed the whole Scene hath been fo barbarous, as I
have ſcarce found any into whofe wound the Traveller bath
pour'd Oyl: and yet willingly (more then what a juſt ac-
count of the Buſineſs requires) I would not fefter the leaft Soar;
However I expect all will not think fo, 'tis natural for the
Wasp to be angry; yet when it shall be weighed on what little
reaſon the Irish more then the English, (equally, if not beyond
them, concern'd in all Levies, Oppreffions, and Grievances,)
had to be enraged, pretending to be held in with a ruder Bit,
I doubt not but the more Intelligent will allow them no common
Sinners.
I am not ignorant what examples (fome fay) they had to
encourage them to their Infurrection; though that encourage-
ment (how confidently foever affirmed to be their Guide) never
commenc'd in Blood, or march'd on in Murthers and Surpri-
fals, of an innocent, naked, and unarm'd People, or (at firſt)
ſeiz'd on thoſe (much leſs murther'd them) who contrary to
their Judgment, lived peaceably amongst them:. However it
is not my intention, to mitigate the flame they light their
Torches by; all Rebellions being deteftable; But certainly the
Copy exceeded the Original, and what they would folely in-
title to their Religion, (as interdicted by the Age) more
justly is to be imputed, to their Deteftation of the English Go-
vernment and Nation, which from the Conqueft to this inftant,
hath been the grounds for all Rebellions, even when both Na-
tions were drunk with the Wine of Romes Fornication; So
that though fome (to mitigate the Refult of fo horrid a Re
bellion)
→
}
7
To the Reader:
The Author
madverfions
upon Fanar'ss.
cilin Page 8
of the Ani-
Fanati-
88.
bellion) place the grounds of it on Religion, which (as my
Lord Bacon obferves) Erects a Monarchy in the minds
of Men, by which they would enforce all to that yoke;
Yet it is evident, they never had fo free an exercife of their
Religion, (under Pretexts of Civil Contracts, and Politick
Agreements,) as when the Troubles began; not fo much then
as the leaft Violence being offer'd to their Diana, nor after-
wards, till they made it one of their principal Demands; fo
that if at any time ( fince or before) they found a check,
That muſt be attributed to the rude and boisterous beha-
viour (as a Statiſt ſeaſonably notes) of fome of them,
who diſturb'd the happy Calm they all enjoy'd, rather then
to any willing ſeverity in the State, whofe bounty and ge-
nerofity towards them, hath (by their ill ufage of the In-
dulgence) been interpreted a Product of the Kings Af-
fection to their Religion, not his charity and compaffion
towards their Perfons; That thence fome have proceeded
to Acts, which have alienated the affections of thoſe, who
defired they ſhould not have been difquieted; Till Recufancy
began over-boldly to look Government in the Face; in as much
as thence fome have fufpected whether Hannibal were not at
the Gates: Elfe could any vaunt at home? as others write to
their Friends abroad, that they hope all will be well, and doubt
not to prevail and win ground upon us; in as much as (meer- bering inthis
ly from this encouragement) a Romanist (well obferv'd by Collection of
the Silver-Mouth Trumpet) not long fince congratulated in obferves of
Print, That the Face of our Church began to alter, and the Sir Benjamin
Language of our Religion to change; (faith Santa Clara) Ing of Reli-
So as if a Synod were held non intermixtis Puritanis, (O
thofe are Peftilent fellows!) our Articles and their Religion
would foon be agreed. Upon which and other Circum-
ſtances, the learned and forefeeing Primate, Archbishop
Usher, once in an Affembly of the whole Nation, averr'd,
That the Magiftrates yielding to meet the Papifts, as far as
they might in their own way, in the first Reformation in
England, had (upon the experience of many years) ra-
ther hardned them in their Errors, then brought them to
a liking of our Religion. This being their ufual faying,
faying, mation at
If our Flesh be not good, why do you drink of our Broth ? Westminster,
The confideration of which, made King James of bleffed the first year of
memory, take notice*, That having after fome time ſpent
in fetling the Politck Affairs of this Realm, of late be-
ftowed
As Edward
Speech, P. 6.)
ard,t
gion, 1641.
In his Procla-
22. of Feb. in
his Reign, af-
terwards re-
printed at Dub-
lin, 1604.
}
1
To the Reader.
1
ſtowed no ſmall labour,in compofing certain differencies we
found amongſt our Clergy, about Rites and Ceremonies,
heretofore Eſtabliſhed in this Church of England, and re-
duc'd the fame to fuch an Order and Form, as we doubt
not, but every Spirit that is led only with Piety, and not
with Humour, fhall be therein fatisfied. It appear'd unto
us in the debating of thofe Matters, that a greater Con-
tagion to our Religion, then could arife from thofe light
differencies, was imminent by Perfons, common Enemies
to them both; namely, the great number of Priests, both
Seminaries and Fefuits, abounding in this Realm, as well
of fuch as were here before our coming to this Crown, as
of fuch as have reforted hither fince; ufing their Functi-
ons and Profeffions with greater liberty, then heretofore
they durft have done, partly upon a vain confidence of
fome Innovation in matter of Religion, to be done by
us, which we never intended, nor gave any man cauſe to
expect, and partly upon the affurance of our general Par-
don, granted according to the cuſtom of our Progenitors,
at our Coronation, for offences paft, in the days
of the late Queen, which Pardons, many of the faid
Priests have procur'd under our great Seal, and holding
themſelves thereby free from the danger of the Laws, do
with great Audacity, exercife all Offices of their Profeffion,
both faying Maffes; perfwading our Subjects from the
Religion Eſtabliſhed, and reconciling them to the Church
of Rome, and by confequence, feducing them from the
true perfwafion, which all Subjects ought to have of their
Duty and Obedience to Us; Of which though I might urge
more, I have no itch to enlarge, their own Scourge may be
their Puniſhment, Sæpe in Magiftrum fcelera redierunt fua:
Certain it was, the Irish hop'd to shake off the Engliſh Go-
vernment by that attempt; but how improbable, a Series of
500 years Succeffion, fufficiently evinces, every defection in
the People having rooted the Prince more intire; that at
length (methinks) they should be wean'd from further Af
fays of that nature; though where there are a People who look
towards Egypt, there will not want fome to cry out for a
Captain to lead them.
But to defcant hereupon, is not my defign, being willing to
believe that Janus's Gates may henceforth be fhut, Allegiance
being the aim, not the pretence of their preſent Submiſſion:
what
To the Reader.
What I here endeavour, is to clear by what Steps the late Re-
bellion arrived at its Height, and how it came (in fo ſhort a
time) to sweep all before it.
In handling of which, I ſhall firſt ſhew the Condition of
the Kingdom fome years before the Rebellion.
Then I fhall Speak of the preliminary Acts thereunto, and
therein detect the vanity of those who would fix the Rebellion
at first, upon a few difcontented inconfiderable Perfons, a
Rable (Authors of all the Civil War that followed) in Ulfter
onely; when the Plot was a long laid Defign, determin'd by
the main Body of the Nation; as Rory-Mac-Guire ingenu-
ously told Colonel Audley Mervin*, That this great under- *
taking, was never the Act of one or 2 giddy fellows: We
have faid he) our Party in England, we have our Party
in Scotland, that will keep fuch (as would oppofe us) bufy
from fending you any Aid: in as much, as I could tell
you, who the Perfons were that were defigned for the
Surprifal of all the Places of Strength; And in the Decla-
ration of the Archbishops, Biſhops, and other Prelates of Ire-
land, at Jamestown, the 12. of Auguft, 1650. It is there
acknowledged, That the Catholick People of Ireland, ( fo
not the Rable) in the year 1641. were forc'd to take up
Arms for the defence of Holy Religion, their Lives and
Liberties, which fome (very induftriously) would fain wipe
off, as being too undeniable an evidence of their inclinations,
before thofe vain pretences they fly to, (as their main Subter-
fuge) drove them into the Net with others; Yet we shall herein
fo clear the folly of what they would have the World believe, as
their Excufe ferves mainly to aggravate their Crime.
Mens Impudicam facere, non cafus, Solet.
1
Afterwards I will fall on the Subject, till the Ceffation, ma-
nag'd by fubtil Inftruments of State; Yet not without great
Difgufts to fome, highly improv'd to the event of what after-
wards enfued.
Then we shall proceed to the Conclufion, which (betwixt
the Ceffation and that) will appear to have many notable.
changes, fuch as though fome Hiftories may lead you through
many varieties, this more.
In clearing of which, I should have been glad of more
Originals than I could meet with, especially fuch as might
have
Col. Audley
Mery. Exam.
Husb. Collect.
5. July, 1643.
Fol. 253.
1
To the Reader.
1
が
​have detected the whole Proceedings at Kilkenny, where the
Deſign was ſo cloſely anvil'd, as all things afterwards were
found there in defiance of his Majefties Authority: There firft
the Clergy compact a General Congregation; which fummon'd
a General Affembly, equivalent (in their Veneration) to a
Parliament; and that Eſtabliſhed a Supream Council of the
Confederate Catholicks, which received from them Sanction
and Laws, by which Coin was ftamped, National and Provin-
cial Courts Eftabliſhed, Eſtates ſetled, their Clergy Re-efta-
blished, the Popes Nuncio receiv'd Ambaſſadors ſent thence,
and others entertain'd from Foraign Princes; all under a So-
veraign Seal of their own, and what else might befpeak them
independent on any, but their own Power: But the Evidence
of theſe and ſome other Records, being the Treasure of fear-
ful men, (whom a fpecious Artifice bad charm'd) eafy Keys
0 Intereft could not freely purchaſe. The Records however
of that prefumptious Affembly, are (notwithstanding the un-
fortunateness of the Age) yet fecur'd in his Library, which
(though before it wanted little to make it venerable) will in
future Ages be reforted to, as a Treasure invaluable, fecuring
thofe Secrets, which the malice of fo potent an Enemy would
have improv'd, to the ruine of an Empire: Yet (as I have al-
ready faid) I ground little, (if any thing) but on Proofs;
Nay! I have fo well fifted Kilkenny it felf, (though no Art
bath been omitted to shuffle up the Proceeding there) as the
Original Progrefs and State of that Conclave, is not without
faithful and notable Remarks, more being under the Vizard,
than appear'd in the Diſguiſe; though the Retirement I have
now betook my ſelf to, (ſuitable to the effects of fo difconfo-
late a Rebellion) deprives me of thofe Councils and Societies,
which (by a free'r Commerce) might have rettified either
my Sence or Stile.
even
For the most part, I have in the Appendix fet down Co-
pies of the weightieft Records, they carrying fo much (e
of the Hiftomy) in them, as they eas'd me in the Story: I
Jhould have been forward to have enlarg'd more, nothing of
that nature being otherwife than important; But in that, his
Majesty's Works, Sir John Temple, of the Irish Rebellion,
Husbands Collections of Orders, Ordinances and Declarati-
ons of both Houſes of Parliament, the Commiffioners of Ire-
land's Remonftrance to the House of Commons in England,
of the condition of the Clergy and Proteftants, the Speeches
of
A
To the Reader.
of feveral Members, Diurnals, Walſhes Loyal Formulary, the
Anſwer to the Irish Remonftrance, prefented at Trim, 1642.
And other Prints being extant, I have rather chofe to refer
the Reader often thither, then engage him in too Voluminous a
Tract; though where any Relation, act, or other Material Inftru-
ment makes up the Story, (not without injury to be abreviated)
we have tied our felves to the Words. It was my happiness
(I must acknowledge) to meet with a Manufcript, whence 1
was fupplied with much of the latter part of this Hiftory,
though a part of it was fo weaved, as if Justice could not
have been done to fome, without mutchthing of others, which
we had reaſon to wave; and if there be any obftinacy in that
Particular, we are ready to clear the truth.
In handling of which, I have infifted on the Proceedings
of the King and Parliament too long, (I ſuſpect) fome will
judge, confidering the diverfity of the Subject; but when it
Shall be weighed, how jointly they were intereffed in the pro-
fecution of the War against the Irish, and that the unfortunate
difference betwixt them, retarded the fuccefs in Ireland; I fear
not that any ingenious Perfon fhould efteem this addition Alien:
However the affections of the King (whom fome have tra-
duced) were fo legible to chastise the Rebels, as without in-
jury to his Sacred Memory, lefs could not be collected for
Pofterity, leaft the Iriſh by their Pamphlets, (plentifully feat-
tered at home and abroad) ſhould entitle the Parliament,
more then his Majefty, to their juft Correction; The bleeding
Iphigenia, being forward to caft more upon a Malignant Part
of the Council, (whom he would have the World believe, mif-
inform'd his Majefty) then his Majesty of himself was really
fenfible of: A Confideration fo important, as he abuſes Po-
fterity, who delivers not the Truth intire. And that we may
yet further affume this Particular, I must affirm, That when
the Confederates Agents infifted paſſionately, why Ordinances of
Parliament should be in force against them? It was moſt ju-
dicially answer'd by the Committee (then managing that
Affair) that the conftitution of our Laws, (indeed) receive
their Effence from the Royal Affent: but yet when they per-
us'd the Act 17. Car. 1. wherein a particular Truft is in an
extraordinary, and unuſual manner, devolv'd unto the Lords
and Commons in Parliament; It is poffible, that fuch Or-
dinance or Ordinances may equitably continue, when others are
justly laid afide; And tis obfervable, that during the time
b
of
To the Reader.
*P.
* P. 312.
of the unhappy and unnatural War betwixt his late
Majefty and his two Houses; That his Majefty was ſo far
from discountenancing any Ordinances or Proceedings of them,
in order to the War of Ireland, that his Majefty (in all his
Condemnation of the Injustice of that War, betwixt himſelf
and them) laid it as an aggravation of their Fault, that
(by fuch Diversion) his Proteftant Subjects of Ireland, (the
care of whom he had intruſted them withall) were expoſed to
the Butchery and Rapine of their merciless Enemies: Nor would
his Majefty have charg'd them, for not affording Protection to
his faid Subjects, if the onely Mediums for effecting it, viz.
Their Ordinances had been unjust, irregular, or unreasonable;
as is evident in his Anſwer, the 5. of May, 1643. to a Bill
brought him to Oxford, by Commiſſioners for the Service of
Ireland, could they have fecur'd the Ends, his Majefty de-
fir'd might be obſerv'd in that Bill.
I had thought (for the fuller Illuſtration of the History)
to have inferted conftantly the Articles on the delivery of each
Place, but finding thofe fometimes many, I rather chofe to exem-
plifie a few, that thence the ſcope of the reft might be conceiv'd,
that (which in the whole) was moft confiderable, was, That none
who Contrived the Rebellion, or had a band in the first years
Murthers, were ever to have any other Conditions, then to be
left to Justice.
It must be confeffed, I have miffed it fome times in the
Synerifis, as in fuch variety and confufion of Matter, it is
imposible to be exact; But then confidering that Relative Af-
fairs are brought fooner under on Head.
The Defcrepancy of the other may be better excuſed.
*
I shall find it a hard task to run the Gantlet, for that fe-
veral have (in their Prints abroad) vented already their
venom, not only as to what may Skreen the Rebellion, but on
the proceedings of the State before; So Carue in his Annals
of Ireland, 1603. infinuates, That when King James had
forgiven Tyrone, he fays, Quidem fub fpecie (obferve the
Rancour of the Author) In Anglia omnia condonavit fed
cum in Hiberniam rediiffet ac Dublinium deveniffet, confe-
ftim omnis rei feriem & Cataſtrophen in fe molita percepit,
Then which, a greater Calumny could not be cast upon a
Prince, impofing on the World a Belief; That though in
England be favour'd Tyrone, yet clandeftinely, be took all
advantages to undo him; Which Tyrone perceiving, Clan-
culò
|
To the Reader.
culo writes this Author) In Ultoniam, deinde defertis
omnibus fuis ditionibus in Galliam, poſt vero in Flan-
driam, & demùm Romam perexit ubi ultimum diem vitæ
exul terminavit, Whereas in truth, going out again into Re-
bellion, (through his deteftation of the Engliſh Government)
he was forced to fly, being abfolutely routed by the Kings
Forces.
If I should plead for what my ſelf apprehends amiſs in
this Work, much more others) Fhould too long fix the
Reader bere: I ſhall therefore fubmit to the fate of Books
liable to the Capacity of the Reader, to whom I must affirm,
that if ſome of theſe Tranſactions had not been (through the
Providence and Integrity of a Reverend and eminent Per-
fon) prevented to have fallen into his hands, who (if be
plead not for it now?) was no mean Inftrument of the Re-
bellion; And that one under the Title of the bleeding Iphi-
genia, a virulent and fcurrilous Piece) had not of late
viz. 23. of December, 1674.) aſperſed the State; I ſhould in
23.of
willingly have excufed my felf. That
Me dulcis faturet Quies
Obfcuro pofitus Loco
Leni perfruar Otio.
But confidering what Gloffes, what Depravations of credible
Witneſſes, and expurgation of their own, what Evafions,
what leavings out, and Infertions would have happen'd, had
this Hiftory (in his hand) proceeded: I rather chofe to
expoſe my Weakness, than leave Truths (of this confequence)
nipt and fullied to Pofterity, not much valuing whofe Teeth
corrode moft, Truth being in its Lenith.
* Nicholas
French, Titular
Ireland, a-
Biſhop of Ferns
bout 80. years
old.
*Full. Col. of
Preface.
And truly when I confider how many are excellently skilled
in Foraign Hiftories, who ſcarce know our common occurren-
ces at home, I think their omiffion hardly pardonable, A man
(as one well obferves) being moft morally edified by
reading fuch Men, and Matters as are his own Contem- Speech. in the
poraries; the Recitement of those things, which come nearest
to our times, being of moft force and efficacy to inftruct and
delight us: A fence of which made a moft Reverend, and
Intelligent Perſon ( ſome months fince) ſo apprehenſive of this
Story, to be neceffarily writ, that (upon Difcourfe) he pro-
felfed his obferving fo little of it before, became his wonder,
b 2
baving
To the Reader.
}
cern
;
having ſatisfied himſelf (as most do, where the
touches the State, not their Perfonal Intereft) with the bare
found of the thing, rather then enquire into the Nature,
Growth, and Virulency thereof, (the Commons crying loud
which throughly confidered, is the import of the Nation
Though when fuch defigns are blasted, as the prefent tremen-
dous Plot against his Sacred Majefty, and the conftituted
Government, fome often undervalue them as foolishly laid,
and weakly attempted, though that was not (as it ſeems) to
determin here, but (as a place more combustible and fit for
fewel) to extend to Ireland, carefully provided against by
* Dubl. 16th. Proclamations, *( if not fince relaxed?)
Octob. 1678.
2d. Novemb.
20. Novemb.
13. Decemb.
*
30. of No-
cvember, 1660.
The Management of which Affairs fell to be very difficult
on thoſe then at the Helm, which I cannot but fay, fome might
have more easily carried on; yet when it shall be impartially
confidered, I believe the caution and prudence of the State,
then will in their Acts to Pofterity, appear more fignificant
and valuable, than Malice or ingratitude can justly fully
them with: Befides, what Exigences? what Miſapprehenfions?
what Straights? did thefe daily encounter in their own, and
the State Affairs, (ſupportable by none that had not been of
an even and great Courage) is not to be paſſed over: Yet
as to the Integrity of their Service, few ever waded through
their Task with greater Acquiefcency, what ever hath been
their misfortune to be cenfur'd at Pleaſure, That being their
aim, which was their Glory, His Majefties Honour, and
the Proteftants Support, how flenderly foever the Merit of
that Service hath been fince looked on, in their Pofterity;
To whom little hath been indulg'd, Præter Nomen & Famam
& ea quoque a multis calcata.
*)
And as then, fo fince, the State bath labour'd under
great Difficulties, (many pangs and throws) to Eftablish the
Settlement of Ireland, witnefs all thoſe Intereſts, which his
Majefty (in his Declaration for the Settlement of Ireland*
crouding one upon another, carefully and with fingula cauti-
on, as well provided for, as could reaſonably be expected
after fo great Troubles and Confufions, and fuch bleſſed
*Act of Settle- Circumftances of his Reftauration: ⋆ Though how obſerved
by the Court of Claims, is not my work to infift on, that ha-
ving been (with fingular Perfpicuity and Judgment) Spoken
at large by the Speaker of the House of Commons in Ire-
land, and fince then, by the Adventurers Cafe Stated, &c.
ment. Fol. 10.
* 1
Feb.1662. to
13. Feb. 1662.
*
*
The
To the Reader.
The fate of the Question arifing chiefly from the diftin&tion
of Nocent and Innocent: In reference whereunto; First,
fome were to be confidered, as fit to be restored to their E-
ftates, who not only gave early evidences of their Crimes,
but alſo perfever'd in their Loyalty; As 2. Others who ſub-
mitted to the Peace without Apoftacy; And 3. fuch as being
transported into Foraign Parts, united and ſerved his Ma-
jefty through many difficulties, and accepted not of other Ja-
tisfaction; As 4. others who in an eſpecial manner merited
the restoring of their Eftates, which Grace and unparalel'd
Favour (whether fufficiently reflected or no by the Confede-
rates) took off many of thoſe, who by the Declaration were
to be Nocent, as all of the Rebels Party before 1643. As
alſo fuch as enjoy'd their Eftates in the Rebels Quarters, ex-
cept the Inhabitants of Cork, and Youghall, or those who
entred into the Roman Catholick Confederacy before the
Peace, 1648. adhering to the Nuncio, oppofing the Kings
Authority, Excommunicating fuch as adhered to the King,
impowering Commiffioners to treat with any Papal Power, or
bringing into Ireland Foraign Forces; As alfo fuch as had
been Wood Kerns, or Tories before the Marquefs of Clanri- Act of Settle-
kards leaving the Government, on whom the Letter of Con-
demnation is writ in their foreheads, as having been not only
eminently Guilty of that horrid and unprovoked Rebellion,
but alſo active in the very Conduct of it, as Generals, Lieute-
nants, and Major Generals, Councellors in the Supream Affem-
bly, &c. though many of these fince enjoy a plentiful E-
ſtate.
ment. Fol. 37.
In this War the Souldiers were forced on many fad
inevitable ftreights; Yet their Gallantry, Courage, and
Patience, carried them on fo unanimoufly, as in all the
Encounters they had with the Rebels, (as far as an ho-
nourable Perfon writ) they never (writes he) receiv'd
any Scorn or Defeat, and (what was more) without any
affiftance either from the meer Irish, or English Irish, that
were Gentlemen of Quality; In as much as one (who*
knew as well the Genius as the Progrefs of the Iriſh) in
his excellent Speech to the Lord Lieutenant, (fince* pub.
lifht in Print thought it no Scandal to affirm, That a
mongst all the Perfons that have been restored, (as Innocent)
we cannot) faith be) understand of one, neither can we say
upon our own knowledge, Cand we come from all parts of the
Kingdom)
Sir Audley
Mervin, Speak-
er of the Houſe
of Commons
in
11
Ireland. P.
and 12.
* Anno Sc.
1662.
To the Reader.
!
{
{
Cath. Hiber.
Lib. 8. Cap.
Fol. 202. Ful.
II.
7.
bic etiam tan-
quam omuino
certum omnes
Hibernos tene-
Humano, Di-
vino & natu-
ralı convenire
inter fe ad He-
Kingdom) that any one of them from the 23. of October,
1641. to September, 1653. ever drew a Sword against the
Iriſh in Rebellion, or ever affified our English Forces in proſe-
cution of them. Nor is it to be thought ſtrange, That none
of the Irish gave any affistance to his Majefties Forces, for
that (befides thofe Decrees of Salamanca, &c. Cited by
* Tom. 3. Hift. Philip Sullevan, * mention'd in our State of Ireland before
the Infurrection? To this Hiftory) Mahony in his Difputatio
Apologetica. Pag. 43. (having fullied much Paper in quot-
ing Bulls againit English Hereticks invading Ireland) there
* Addendum eft infiſts upon it, That it was then alfo to be added, (as al-
together certain) that the Iriſh are engaged by a Divine,
Human, and Natural Precept, unanimoufly to joyn to
Ti ex Præcepto extirpate Hereticks, and to fhun Communion with them,
and much more to be obliged not to affift them with Aid,
Councel, Favour, Arms, or any Accommodation, &c.
against Catholicks; which Principle of Mahony, Walsh Fol.
741. tells us, with his Book was condemned to be burn'd,
illis Commu- by order of the Supream Council of the Confederates at
multo magis Kilkenny; Yet we do not find, whilſt the Irish were them-
præftandum il- felves, that (in Deteftation to Mahony's Principle) they
Auxilium Con- ever affifted the English, nay! Father Nich. Redmond Se-
cretary to the Congregation, (giving Walsh an account of
ant Commea the Acts of that Congregation) tells him, That they were
never formal ones, feriously digefted and couched by felect
Committees, nor were they the Principal Scope of that meet-
ing; whereby it may be conjectured
be conjectured (without violence
to their good Intentions) that their Cenfure (on Maho-
ny's Book) was rather a Fucus caft on their preſent Com-
plexion, than any abhorrency thereof; what at other times
they Solemnly intended, being ever ſeriouſly digefted.
reticos expel
lendos, ade-
vitandam cum
nicationem;
من
obligari ad non
lis aliquod
filium, Favo-
rem, Arma,
tus, &c. contra
Catholicos.
Fo!. 7+2.
*ift. Some (it
must be con-
feft)there were
who (cleaving
inean'd them-
were Denlfons
fo well forg'd
And for thoſe who joyn'd with his Excellency after
a Hair) fo de- the Peace of 1646. (who would be thought to have me-
felves, as they rited thereby, after they had affumed a Contradiftinct
in either Quar- Government; and in defence thereof, maintain'd a War,
ter, an Artifice and (which is worſe) a Ceffation with Detention of his
as they had the Majefties Forts, and the Inheritances of his Subjects ) It
cannot be faid (without the forfeiture of our Reafon)
that their pure Loyalty (but felf-prefervation) engaged
though its be- them thereunto: For feeing how refolute the Parliament
of England was to purfue that War, their fecurity could
lides, was a pre- be no where, but in fiding with the King; And that this
fortune to be
more counte-
nanc'd than
fufpected;
liev'd their Ac-
cefs to both
judice to ours.
( not
To the Reader.
(not affection or fence of what they had done) was the
grounds of that Compliance, appears in their fubfequent A&s,
Shamefully afterwards diferting the Marquefs of Ormond,
fixing upon him incredible Scandals, when he had expoſed
bimfelf (at their request) to all the inconveniencies imagi-
nable, for their Peace and his Majefties Intereft; Firſt, part-
ing with the Engliſh under his Command, (an evidence that
thoſe were they whom they fill endeavoured to root out) and
then ordering their Bishops and Commiffioners of Truſt, to
Share in his Councels, and the management of Affairs; At
laft ejecting him as questionable before his Majefty, for his
injuries to them, and his ill Government; whilst they allumed
the Management of all, in acting, That no Temporal
Government or Jurifdiction, fhould be affumed, kept,
or executed in that Kingdom, or any Province or County
thereof, other then what is approved or inftituted by their
General Affembly or Supream Council, which was indeed
the firft Common-Wealth fet up in his Majefties Empire: And
yet these are thoſe who were receiv'd as Penitents to Mercy,
Strange Penitents! Who after ſo much blood, and ſpoil of
Innocents, fuch fins against Indulgence, and Oaths of Obe-
dience and Submiffion, were fo far from fatisfying their
wrong doings, that they were never brought to profefs them-
felves Guilty, whofe Penitence feems to be only, in that they
fail'd to accomplish their evil in fulness: Twice Confpir'd
they a Peace, the better to accompliſh (to the utmoſt) what
they might not need further Penitence, thereby foolishly Act of Settla
forfeiting all the Grace which they might have expected from
his Majefty; though amongst the General, there were
fome, who upon the Peace made with them, honeftly perform'd
what they had promiſed to him, though with inconve-
niency enough to themſelves, whofe demeanour could
not but be thought very worthy of his Protection, Juſtice,
and Favour, as they find fully enlarg'd in the Act of
Settlement.
And here I cannot but take notice, that though fome
would impute the Irregularity of thefe Proceedings to the
Clergy only, (who indeed were the main ſpoak in the Wheel)
yet fome of the Committee of Trust, and of the Nobility,
(who ever elle were free?) were alſo privy thereunto, (how
cloſe foever they behav'd themselves) as appears in their
cheriſhing privately the ill Humors and Fealousies of the
People,
*
ment, in Fol
IQ.
1
To the Reader.
1
People, and their averfeneſs to punish the greatest exorbitan-
cy, wherein the Clergy were concern'd without the Coopera-
tion of the Bishops, whofe confent they were fure never to have:
Indeed I dare not but ſay, (having it from an excellent Pen
that ſome of the Irish Difcent have in the late Troubles (as
in all Ages) well deferv'd of the Crown, though it may wrack
the Memory of the strictest obſerver to enumerate many, few
having affifted the Proteftants against the Mighty.
However great frugling there hath been, That the Peace
of 1648. fhould be inviolable, whereas befides other im-
portant Reaſons referring to their abominable Reſervation ;
That if thofe Articles of Peace were not in every parti-
cular for their Advantage performed, they would not be
concluded thereby: It must be confidered, that when the
King was neceffitated to comply with the Rebels, he was then
under fad freights; The odious Court (by which his Sa-
cred Life was afterwards taken away) being then erected:
So as no body could wonder, that he defir'd (though
upon difficult Conditions) to get fuch an united Power
of his own Subjects, as might have been able with Gods
bleffing, to have prevented that infamous, and horrible
Parricide; Yet then in that Article of time, the Irish preft
for the conclufion of the Peace: Whereas if they had been
truly Loyal and Unanimous? Generous Souls, would never
have took that opportunity to have enhaunc'd their Price:
But (in fubmiffion to what Grace they might afterwards
find) freely have waded through the difficulties they were
call'd to, having long before promifed a vigorous Affiftance,
which they never attempted: Though many of thefe fince, muft
confefs, that they have been as well provided for, as af
ter fo great Troubles and Confufions, and fuch bleffed
Circumſtances of his Majefties Reſtauration, they could
reaſonably expect; And yet the bleeding Iphigenia (that
piece of Ingratitude and Scandal) will tell you, That the
Body of a noble, antient, Catholick Nation, (Ireland)
clad all in red Robes, is not now to be offer'd up as Vict-
ime, but is already Sacrificed; not to a Prophane Diety,
but to the living God for Holy Religion, As if after all the
Indulgence, (which hath been and is vouchfaf'd, that Na-
tion) nothing attends it but Mifery and Ruine, a Trumpet
certainly to another Infurrection.
1
But
#
:
}
To the Reader.
But to proceed, the fuccefs of our Armies (confidering the
numbers they often oppos'd) exceeds a common Belief; in as
much, as fome have extenuated the Glory of their Service, by
the Cowardlinefs of the Enemy, who feldom made a noble or
brave Defence, fave where an extremity reduced them to
an exigence, or a furprize made them cruel: But on this
fubject Sir Francis Bacon ( in a Letter to the Earl of Effex,
going for Ireland) obferves, That the jufteft Triumphs that
the Romans in their greateſt Greatnefs did obtain, and that
whereof the Emperors in their Stiles took Additions and
Denominations, were of fuch an Enemy, that is,People bar-
barous, and not reduced to Civility; magnifying a kind
of Lawleſs Liberty, Prodigal of Life, hardneſs in Body,
fortified in Woods and Bogs, placing both Juſtice and
Felicity in the ſharpneſs of their Swords: It being a high-
er Point of Honour to reduce fuch to Civility, than to be
enrich'd by a Præditory War.
*
Scrin. Sacr.
ľ. 46.
I am ſenſible that the undertaking of this War bath paſſed
with many, as an opportunity to enrich the Servitour; nor can
it be denied, but that reward is the juft expectation of Merit:
But when it shall be confider'd at what rates Debenters were
paid off, what hardship the Souldiers encountred, how many
in Rebellion fhar'd the mercy of a Gracious Prince, what were
the Difficulties attended all in Government; it cannot be
denied, but more then a Præditory War, even the Eſtabliſh-
ment of a Religion and Nation the Irish would have extir-
pated, the fettling of his Majefties Rights, and the reducing
of a People (loofe in their Principles) to Civility, were the
main Ends of this War, to which his Majefty was forc'd by
the caufelefs and inhuman Infurrection of the Irish: In re-
ference to which, the Rebels (being before prepar'd thereunto)
foon Marshall'd a confiderable Force; But though it was for
their Altars and Inheritance (as they pretended,) never any
Nation fell under greater Pufillanimity, which fome impute
to their want of Warlick Provifions, their ignorance in the
Diſcipline of their Army, the lack of unity amongst themſelves;
and the Supplies of the English ever found of all neceffaries:
But certainly the greatest Defect was in the badnefs of their
Cauſe, which Conor O Mahon in bis Difputatio Apolo-
getica urges from an Ethnick Poet, (led meerly by the light Patrico viru-
of Nature) is moft material:
*
Frangic
* Alias Corne-
Ilus a fancto
lent Jefuit.
To the Reader!
Frangit & attollit vires milite Caufa
Quæ nifi jufta fubeft, excutit Arma Pudor.
For it must be allowed, (not to be denied by the Ingenious)
that the Natives have Courage and Abilities fufficient, few
(in their Imployments abroad) proving better Souldiers,
more temperate, better vers'd in the World, or readier to be
put on the forwardeft Action.
Here I might enlarge much in the Encomiums of
thoſe who ſo vigorously oppos'd them, though at length
the Iriſh got Courage, or rather (from the certainty of what
they were fure to fuffer) grew defperate; extremity forcing
that, no fence of Honour before could Animate;
And yet
then, the Conduct and vigor of the English appear'd fuch,
as the Rebels though in fome skirmishes (affifted by ſurpri-
fals) prevail'd, they could never arrive at a perfect Defeat:
Here though I am fometimes lead to mention eminent
Perfons in their Places, I am yet forced to omit many,
whofe Offices and Names I cannot attain to, which by
their Prowess and Virtue, would have added Date to the
Hiftory; And yet I know fome Perfons are ſo apprehenſive
of their Merits, that not to exprefs them in Terms æqui-
valent, may be worſe than to omit them; willingly I'in-
fift on None, with a Diſreſpect to others.
Here I cannot (without injury to a Reverend Prelate)
but take notice, what I find clearly, and moſt eloquently
expreft by Dr. Loftus, Vicar-General of Ireland, in a Speech
at a Vifitation in the Diocefs of Clogher, touching Dr.
John Lesley, Lord Bishop of Clogher, who (during the
firft fury of the Rebellion in Ireland) vigorously oppos'd
the Rebels; and when Sir Ralph Gore a worthy Servi
tor) at Machrebeg, and many other Britiſh Inhabitants,
were reduced to great extremity by a long Siege, and
neceffity of a fuddain Surrender of themſelves, without
hope of Quarter to the enraged Cruelty of the Irish; Hé
fallied forth amidſft the Flames of the whole Country, and
reliev'd him at that time reduc'd to fuch Streights, as they
were forc'd to caft their diſhes into Ball; And the Laggan
Forces (confifting of three Regiments) refus'd to hazard
them for the Relief of the Befieged, whilft the Biſhop
(with his Company, Tenants and Friends) attempted
their Relief and perfected it, evidencing at that inſtant as
much
1
To the Reader.
much Perfonal Valour, as Regular Conduct, yet mention'd
with much aſtoniſhment.
Si
Affairs thus carried on, its evident how the Royal Throne
(by whom the Army advanc'd) is justly to be vindicated
from thofe Calumnies fome would afperfe it with; as if they had
not proceeded by his Majefties Command; So impudently did
thefe Rebels affront, not his Authority only in his Inftruments
at the Helm, but thereby gave his Proclamation, Speeches,
Ads, and Vows, the Contradiction; And when his Execellency had
made the firft Peace with them, notwithstanding his Majefties
Letter To proceed no further in Treaty with the Rebels,
that Letter as Pernachief well obferves) having been fol-
licited by the Scots (in whofe Power he was then) to make
their War more valuable. The Irish yet fo ill managed that
condefcention, as nothing in Hiftory equals their ingratitude,
.that thence the Integrity of the Prime Minifter of State be-
ing to them, and his Master Signal their Defection, remains a
Blot to Pofterity: Indeed it is feldom seen that where a
People (by Infurrection) obtain their first pretentions, but
they aſpire to greater; Whence it is obferved of Hen. 7. that
be was ever in the Head of his Army, left Rebels prevailing,
(the beginning) they might foon rowl into an Hoaft: Nor
is it found that ever be complied with their requests, how
plaufible foever, leaft they might be thought to purchase that
byutor Infurrection, which they did not dare to impetrate by
bado: Prayers; Upon which Account it may be thought his late
Majefly defired to go for Ireland, Conceiving that the
Rebels were capable of no greater Terrour, than by the
Prefence of their Lawful King in the Head of an Army,
to chaſtize them, though the confequence of it were otherwiſe
apprehended, and his fourney ftay'd thereupon, He not be-
ing fo weary of his Life as to hazard it impertinently,
whereby the Parliament conceiving (by a Commiffion under
the great Seal of England) that they had Power to Adviſe;
*Order, and Difpofe of all things concerning the Government an Order of the
and Defence of Ireland, wholly applied themſelves to that 4th of Febr.
Work, till the unhappy Difference betwixt his Majesty and them there should be
fell fo confiderable, as though they fent (Sometimes) fcatter to manage the
ing Supplies, the wants of the Army grew clamorous; ret in land, whereby
the end, they so far prevail'd, as to declare the Rebels fub- the Parliament
dued: In accomplishing of which, fo many changes, fuch va- in that Parti-
riety of matter, and feveral alterations of Scenes happen'd,
་
C 2
as
*
According to
1641. That
Commiffioners
Affairs for Ire-
might be eas'd
cular.
26.Sep.16533
To the Reader.
1
as a Pen (arm'd with the Rhetorick of the beſt Hiftorian )
is but fufficient to Regifter them to Pofterity Inferior Pens
being probable to leffen fo confiderable a Story; However it
is now fallen to my Lot, (it may be thought voluntarily) in-
deed thus much I must alledge for my felf, that besides a
Strong impulſe, ſo many (and confiderable Perfons) have
drawn me to it, that without a more than ordinary Hardieffe,
I could not well refift their Importunity, which if any judge too
eafie a Flexibility, I fubmit to their Cenfure, fo they think the
Work (bun'd by many) really neceffary, confidering the
affront fome bold Pens have offer'd to the Sincerity of the
State and their Gallantry, who in Honour of the Empire)
have fuftain'd the Infolencies of a fad and unnatural War,
which if I do not expreſs anfwerable to the ſubject, it may
Satisfie the Reader, that my aim is to be intelligible and fig-
nificant, though rude and plain.
Amongst feveral encouragements, I shall here only infert
One from a Perfon better vers'd in the Language he writes
than Engliſh.
Vir Clariffime.
T
去
​00
1.763
Antâ fide & induftriâ, tantoque fucceffu, finemiim-
poſuiſti operi diù expectato, quod texit nobis Hi-
bernica Rebellionis Hiftoriam, quæ cœpit Anno, a repara-
tâ Salute, 1641. Octobris 23. Gratulor tibi hocce calamo,
quo è tenebris cruifti veritatem, & penè obrutamb per
hujus Etatis negligentiam, in apertum protulifti: Non
puto quicquam unquam horridius & funeftius fua origine,
fuo progreffu & eventu excogitatum fuiffe ab orbe condito,
quam quod machinati funt Authores execrabilis in Britan-
nos Proteftantes, quibus fola defenſionis Arma erant in ſua
Innocentia; cedunt huic Immanitati Sicula Vefpera, Ra-
bies Paparum in Convallenfes & Pidemontanos, & Laniena
Parifienfis: Non queo fatis prædicare noftra tempora, quæ
tulerunt te virum, Qui vivis coloribus & graphice depin-
geret, exprimeret, palam faceret Sicariorum coepta in-
cœpta complexus, facinora nefanda, fingulosque actus
horrendæ Lanienæ ; In qua tamen, tanquam in re benè
geſta, triumphant ejus Patroni Mahony & Alii Satanicarum
5
Artium
To the Reader.
A
Artium Confortes & perinde homicidarum & percufforum
Advocati, ut ulterius animos addant contribulibus fuis
perftandi in Incepto, ut Hæreticorum, quos vocant, Jugum
femel excufum non admittant, unquam iterum nec permittant,
fed potius Eligant fibi Regem Catholicum & vernaculum, feu
naturalem Hibernum, Qui Eos Catholicè gubernari poffit,
quemadmodum Loquuntur in fua exhortatione ad Ca-
tholicos, utique Jefuita Hibernus Mac-Mahon (ut recte
obfervat Walb) infinuavit, quod liceat occidere non folum
omnes Proteftantes, fed quofcunque Hibernos de Romanis
Catholicis Qui ftarent à partibus Corone Regis Angliæ &
tuerentur Jura Regia in Hiberniam, Quique interdixerent nè
fibi proprium Regem Eligerent.
T
Profecto circa initia Rebellionis immenfum quantum
obftitit in cœptis & molitionibus Rebellium Illuftriffimus
Parens tuus deftinatus ad id à potentiſſimo Rege, Cui nota
erat virtus fortiffimi viri, pacis & belli artibus clari, Cujus
prudentia par erat animi Robori, & qui hacce virtute res
nutantes & ad ruinam properantes incompofitafque fir-
mavit, adverfus Confiliarios Magna negotia admini-
ftrantes, majori cum Studio-privata quam publice Utilita-
tis; quo in Conatu & per virtutem vitamque piè & in
nocenter actam muneri magis fuo confuluit quam facul-
tatibus parandis, Cujus Veftigiis infiftens Johannes ejus
filius eques auratus frater tuus clariffimus ob res fortiter
geftas, Droghedam, & Roffam, nec pro meritis penfa-
tas non debuit à te præteriri, Quanquam nulla privata ra-
tione fed folo Elatere veritatis proferendæ commovearis
ad imputandum publicò Hiftoriam tuam, Quæ tua eſt Mo-
deftia.
Idus Novembris
1678.
}
Vale.
To this ( as a Refepe&t I muſt ever acknowledge) I cannot
but annex the following Letter, lately receiv'd from the Ho-
nourable and Eminent Lord Bishop of Meath, a conftant Af-
fertor of the English Intereft and the Proteftants Sufferings,
minding, me from whom I had ſeveral Paffages in the enfuing
· Hiftory: A History which must want much of its due Method
and more Eloquence, not having his.
I
Do For
}
}
To the Reader.
I
Doctor.
1
#
f
why not gruožaič
LysT włoch no
Underſtood by Letters from London, and after by Two
from your felf, of your forwardness in the History of
the Irish Rebellion, Anno 1641. that being, I find, now
in the Prefs.
7
How far you have therein proceeded, or what is your
way in that, I know not, that not having been to nie byr
any communicated; To that therefore I can fay no
more, than, that its paffing your hands, affures me of what
may fatisfic.
t
What may fatisfie, I mean not thofe, who shut their
eyes against light, and even Rebel against it.
There are, who contrary to all evidence, confidently
averr, write and openly proclaim to the World, that there
was then no fuch Rebellion of the Irish, neither fuch Maf-
facres of the British and Proteftants in Ireland; but that
they themselves, the Irish and Papists of Ireland, were then
the Sufferers, and that by the Proteftants, (they fay) the
firft aggreffors.
3.
This bold affertion in the face of the Sun; and in that
very age, when things were acted, there having been ma
ny alfo then, and fome yet living, who can fpeak to them
truth in that; This (I fay) might gain on Strangers to
the Kingdom, and hath already on fome, even at honge
eſpecially at this time, about 40 years after
stos dsen
But the contrary appear'd by thofe Collections, which you
had from me, to which herein, as in other particulars,
I refer.
And what do they in this, but what was before, and is
by them done ordinarily? Have they not with like con-
fidence difclaimed that black and hellifh Powder-Plot, Nov.
5. 1605. from being Popifh? do they not give that out
for falfe, and as a forg'd Calumny caft on that Party, of
whom none of theirs they fay) was therein concern'd?
whereas, it is well known, that Hammond, Baldwin, Ge-
rard, and Tefmond, Jefuits, with their Provincial Garnet,
were all in that Confpiracy; Thomſon alfo, a Jefuit boaſt-
ed after at Rome, that his fhirt was often wet with digging.
under the Parliament-Houfe in London, befides others in
that Conſpiracy, who were all Papifts, and many of them
1
Suffering
}
3
1
To the Reader.
Suffering for their fo practicing; the publick proceedings
on thofe Tryals remaining extant on Record.
And do They not now, even now, cry down what our
eyes behold of their horrid and bloody Deſign, and helliſh
Treaſon againſt theRoyal Perfon of our Gracious Sovereign
King Charles II. and againſt his Proteſtant Subjects: and for
total extirpation of the Proteftant Religion out of the Three
Kingdoms? The truth of which is every day, even as by
miracle, more and more evidenc'd, to the Glory of Gods
watchful Providence over this his Church and People.
Among which, I find our felves threatned with a yet
other like demonftration of zeal, for the promoting of the Ca-
tholick Religion, and Interest in Ireland, (Dr. Oates Nar. §.
50.) fo they term thofe Maffacres, and Blood, for root-
ing out the Proteftant Religion, and cafting off the Eng-
lih Government in Ireland; which their other demonftra-
tion of Zeal, (as they term it) fhews the former actings
in that kind to have bin theirs, and how fuch their Actings
are by them efteemed; a demonftration of Zeal for pro-
moting the Catholick Religion.
But He that fits in Heaven laughs them to fcorn, and bath
them in deriſion, ſpeaking to them in his wrath, and vexing them
in bis fore difpleaſure, faying; yet (or notwithſtanding all
fuch their Deſigns) have I fet up my King; preferving our
Gracious Soveraign, the breath of our Noftrils, by the care
and vigilance of thofe our worthy Patriots whom God
hath raiſed up happy inftruments in it.
As to Ireland. To evidence the reſtlefs Spirits of fuch
there for miſchief: I fhall mind here in brief, what in the
mentioned Collections, had bin given you more at large,
fo to lay all open at one view; thereby not to wonder at
Rebellions here, than which, comparing times, nothing
will appear fo ordinary.
In which, paffing what occurs of that kind in elder
ages, and fixing only on fuch as had Religion for a pre-
tence, and was by Rome influenc'd, and by its Emiffaries
fomented: Therefore I begin with the Reign of that
Queen of famous memory, Queen Eliz. of whoſe
Troubles in England from that Party, I fpeak not, as not
of prefent confideration, but recounting what work they
found Her in this her Kingdom of Ireland only.
1. Anno
To the Reader.
1 -
I. Anno 1567. There was a Rebellion in the Province
of Ulfter of Shane O-Neal, who for the fuppreffing of the
Title of O-Neal, had bin by King Hen. 8. created Earl of
Tyrone, His Forces were broken by Sir Henry Sidney, then
Lord Deputy, and he himſelf fleeing for fuccour to
Alexander Mac Donnel, then in the Clandeboyes, with 600.
Highlander-Scots: He was by them there flain, in revenge
of one of theirs by him formerly killed; his Head was
(June 20. 1567.) fent to the Deputy by Captain William
Piers, then eminent for Service and Command at Carrick-
fergus and thereabout, that Arch-rebels head was pitch't on
the Caftle of Dublin.
II. Since after, Anno 1569. followed in the Province of
Munſter the Rebellion of James Fitz Mauris Fitz Gerald,
and John Fitz Gerald, brothers to Gerald Earl of Def
mond, in which the Earl himſelf after declared, Anno 1578.
His Parties were confiderable in Leimfter, to whom joyned
the Viſcount Baltinglas, with the Pools, Birns, and Cave-.
naughs, having alfo Foraign affiftance, the defign being
pretended for Religion, the Pope, and his giving therefore.
Aid and Countenance; but Defmond being defeated, he
was after by his own murthered.
III. About 6. years after, Anno 1595. brake out in 2-
fter alfo for Religion) another Rebellion, that of Hugh
0-Neal, commonly called Tyrones Rebellion, whoſe Forces
together with the Spanish affiftances were overthrown by
Mountjoy Lord Deputy at Kinfale, Dec. 24. 1601. he him
ſelf fubmitting March 1602. Thefe were during the Reign
of Queen Eliz
IV. After whofe death King James fucceeded, and with-
in one Month after Anno 1603. the Cities of Waterford,
Cork, and Limerick, ſtood out, and oppofed the Proclaim-
ing the Kng, he not being (they faid) a Catholick, theſe
acted Hoftility, inviting all other Cities to a conjunction,
to which Kilkenny, and Wexford were inclining, but by.
the Deputy Mountjoys marching againſt them with an Ar-
my, they were forced to Submiffion.
t
V. After, Anno 1607. was a Providential diſcovery of
another Rebellion in Ireland, the Lord Chichifter being
Deputy, the Diſcoverer not being willing to appear, a Let-
ter from him not fubfcribed, was fuperfcribed to Sir Wil
liam Uſher, Clerk of the Council, and dropt in the Council
Chamber
增
​To the Reader.
Loc.
Chamber then in the Caftle of Dublin, in which was
mention'd a Defign for feizing that Caftle, murthering
the Deputy with a general revolt, and dependance
on Spanish Forces, G. and this alfo for Religion; for
particulars whereof, I refer to that Letter, dated March
19. 1607. which you have.
VI. The very next year Anno 1608. was the breaking
out of Sir Cabie O Dogberty's Rebellion in Ulfter, by whom
Derry was taken and burnt, the Governor Sir George Paulet
murther'd, and Culmore Caftle, fome miles diftant, fur-
priz'd, that being the Magazine for Arins and Ammuni-
tion for thofe parts: His Confederates were confiderable,
his Forces increafing, and expecting Tyrone, and Tyrcon-
nil's return with Forces from Flanders. Againit him was
the Marshal Sir Richard Wingfield, fent with a ſtrong
Party, the Deputy following with more Forces from Dub-
lin: But this fhort, yet fmart Rebellion, ended with the
death of the Arch rebel, and the difperfing his fol-
lowers.
VII. Seven years after Anno 1615. was a Providential
difcovery made by one Teige 0 Lenan, to Sir Thomas Phi-
lips of Lemovadey in Ulfter, of a Defign of Alexander mac
Donel, Bryan Croffe O-Neal, and other the principal of the
Irish in Tyrone, and Tyrconnil, with large Confederacies for
Religion; They first defigned the taking Charlemount, com-
manded by Sir Toby Caulfield, where was then Priſoner
Conne Greg O-Neal, Tyrones Son, and about the ſame time
by feverally appointed Parties, was order'd the taking in
the principal Forts and Towns in Ulfter: and murthering
the Proteftants in that Province and elſewhere. They
had promiſes of Foreign affiſtance from Spain, France, and
Rome, the particulars you have: During the Reign of
King James were thefe 4 lait mentioned.
X
VIII. After Anno 1634. under the Government of the
Lord Viscount Wentworth Lord Deputy, Ever, or Emerus
mac Mahon, a Popish Prieft, privately difcover'd to Sir George
Radcliffe, principal in truft with the Lord Deputy, that
there was a Defign for a general rifing in Ireland, to be
feconded and affifted from abroad: The Diſcoverer having
affurance of Pardon, acknowledging himſelf engaged
in that Confpiracy, having been employed fome years
on that account in Foraign Courts, foliciting fupplies for
d
carrying
}
5
To the Reader.
$
carrying on that work for Religion. This Difcoverer was
after the Popish Bishop of Down, and after of Clogher:
Hereof the Lord Deputy inform'd his Majesty King
Charles I. who thereupon by his Ambaſſadors, watching
practices in Courts abroad, there were at length, general
and dark hints given of fomething tending to a Rebellion
in Ireland, but how, or when, or by whom, was not then
fo appearing.
Hereof his Majefty by his Royal Letters, Signed by Sir
Henry Vane, one of his principal Secretaries, dated March 16.
1640. and directed to the then Lords Juftices, Sir William
Parfons, and Sir John Borlafe, did charge them with the
care of that danger imminent, of which his Majefties
Letter you have likewife a Copy.
And this brings to that Rebellion Anno 1641. which on
the 23d. of October, did break out unexpectedly, notwith-
ſtanding all cautions concerning it, this, like a violent
Hurricane, bearing all down before it, which gives you
your work at prefent.
The refult and defign of all which, thus here briefly
collected, fhews.
1. That from Shane O-Neals Rebellion, Anno 1566. un-
til that in 1641. there paffed about 75 years, a space of
time within the ordinary age of a man.
2. That within thofe but 75. years, there had been in
Ireland, Five open Rebellions, one as it were in the neck of
another, (viz.) Shane O-Neals, Anno 1566. Defmonds
Anno 1569. Hugh O-Neal, called Tyrones Rebellion, Anno
1595. O Dogbertyes, Anno 1608. and this Grand Rebellion
1641. this furpaffing all before, I know not why that
Rebellion of the Cities of Waterford, Cork, and Limerick,
may not add to that number, this being as open as any,
and dangerous, and requiring the prefence of the prin-
cipal Commander, and the marching of the Forces of
the Kingdom to fupprefs it. Add to thefe, thofe 2 Difco-
veries mentioned, Anno 1607. and 1615. (not to mention
apart that Anno 1634. falling into that of 1641.) which
2 former had been difinal to the Kingdom, if not by Gods
providence, feaſonably, and wonderfully difcovered, and
happily prevented.
Therefore have we herein not to wonder at Rebellions in
Ireland, than which, nothing there more common, from
generation
Ex
To the Reader.
yet
generation to generation, and may not the like be
expected, when opportunity fhall be for it, the fame
Spirit and Caufes remaining.
This is not (Sir) to foreſtal your work, but ferves as
an Index directing to what follows of yours: giving alfo
an edge to this defire of finding the breviat as by you en-
larged, if you have thought fit to make uſe of it.
Ifhall now end your trouble herein, giving you the
deferved praife of your labours, and zeal to that neceffary
undertaking. I reft
Dublin, May
27. 1679.
Sir,
Your very affectionate Friend
and Servant,
Henry Midenfis.
Since I reduced the Hiftory to what it is, I reflected on
feveral, to whom I might have adreft it, fome who (having
run through the Hazzard of that War, and the Councils of
that Age) might well have own'd it, it being (in the main) an
Epitome of their Illuftrious Actions: Others being defign'd
to the Government, but not aiming at the Work, (as too fen-
fible of the English Intereft to betray it) justly challenges a
refpect and Title thereunto: And not a few (through whoſe
Proviſion the Iriſh were fubdued) might well have conte-
nanc'd the Event; But confidering how infignificant a great
Title is, where Truth must be the main fupport, (elated De-
dications befpeaking Authors more ambitious than known) I
could not delude my Reafon with a Conceipt that a Mecanas,
as the Laurel, exempts from Thunder, and therefore countent
with the Integrity of the Story, (having no ends to oblige me
to a single refpect) I bere comit it naked to the Decifion
of the Age.
It may be fome (whofe Excellency confifts in Detraction)
will think (by this) I had a particular Defign (befides the
bare Hiſtory) to preferve the Memory of fome, who (other-
wife) in tract of time might be loft in the common Rubbiſh :
And I dare not difown thofe Conjectures, the Deferving being
d 2
to
To the Reader.
Printed at
1642.
to be in everlasting Remembrance; Nor bath it in all
Ages, and amongst the worthieft Perfons, been efteem'd Pride,
but Justice, to erect Memorials and Altars to Meriting He-
roes; Though herein (I conceive) none could be ſo much
concern'd who would have lefs infifted thereon, then my felf,
refolving to be ſparing, in what I might have been prodi-
gal; How contrary foever it may be Conjectur'd by fome, who
pleas'd with the publick breath) dare blafpheme thofe whom
they could never wean from their Countries Intereft, or Re-
ligion; though as to an utter extirpation, which was strongly
infifted on by many) I may affirm that they (whom the Ma-
lice of fome would traduce) were ever ſo far from that, ( a-
bominating the thought) as the Rebels Reformation not their
Ruine, was their Principal care, well diftinguishing betwixt the
Head and the Train, which a moft eminent and noble Per-
fon (juft to his Honour) ever avouch'd.
Somethings (it may be) were not always fuited to the juſt
Standard of the Law, which in fuch Exigences have ever
been indulged, though not commanded; The prefervation of a
State being more than the fecurity of a Perfon; And thence
Prudence as well as Justice, hath been a neceffary Attendant
on Magiftrates: No State being fo fecur'd by her Laws, as
that Jomething emergent may not require a speedier Help,
the effect of which if fevere? (being out of the common
Road) is the Offenders, not the States Fault.
And hereupon a known Inftrument of State perfectly ex-
perienc'd in that Road, excellently well Cautions, Not to
weigh and meaſure Statefmen's Proceedings, by grains
and fcruples, left the publick Affairs of a Kingdom lie
waft, whilft men of Honour and Fortune in medling
with them are fure to looſe.
*
The Rebels (by their Pamphlets) affirm that fem Mur-
thers (if any?) were done, till fome examples of that na-
ture were acted by the English; whereas the contrary plainly
Londoned 242 appears by thofe Examinations in, the Remonftrance of di-
verſe remarkable Pallages concerning the Church and Kingdom
of Ireland, which cannot be waded, whatever R. S. in his
Collections of Murthers would infinuate, as if that was
only framed to win Compaffion and Succour from England,
or fcandalize Authority, whereas it is clear the Remonftrance
was paſſed on fuch undeniable Evidences, that the Circum-
ſtances be takes notice off, (to juſtifie his own) of Time,
* 1662.
P. 6,
Place,
1
To the Reader.
Place, and Perſons, (as if they were not confidered in the
Remonftrance) are generally obferved and that on Oath,
Not encouraged (as he would infer) from the hurry of
the Times, and the Examinants Frights, but before his Ma-
jefties Commiffioners, a Circumftance this Detractor dare not
pretend to, what Favour foever he thinks to draw from
Cromwel's proceedings (Summo Jure) in Ireland, which Pag. 10.
was on another Score than we shall here infift on, and were
promiscuously cruel; yet thofe leffen nothing of the Irish Bar-
barifm at First, or indeed of their Mercy at Lait, in ftripping
the English in fo miferable a Seafon, driving them from their
Habitations, and expofing them to the Woods and Deferts for
their Rest and Sustenance, fuch as remain'd ( being deluded
by the Rebels promifes, and wedded to their own Habitations)
were generally Maffacred: Certainly the lingring and fail
Deaths which attended many, are justly to be accounted
the highest Barbarism, worse than whatever determin'd in a
jhort time, how cruel foever: Though fome (who would be
thought Civil and Compaſſionate) think they merit much, in
not having (as they write, not others) their hands actually
imbrued in the Blood of any of the British Proteftants: of
which its believ'd there are but few if any) that may be juftly
intituled to that Clemency. However are they not to be ac-
counted equally Guilty, who mov'd by the fame Councils?
Subfifted by the fame maintenance? Whofe Victory was their
Victory, and the Blood fhed by One, was the confent of the
Other.
Qui non vetat peccare, cum poffit, jubet, Efpecially when
they knew of the Villanies that had paffed, and yet fided
with the Party fo imbrued and fleshed in Blood; No Check
being given to that Career, when Leinster, and Ulfter, Va-
lence, and Brabant agreed: However we have contexed in
this Hiftory few examples of Murthers and Cruelties, in re-
ference to the Luxury of the Rebels took in the Scene: The
effect of whofe Malice and Animofity, being (in truth) the
Burthen of the whole, is not omitted, (as not abounding in
Proofs) but becauſe the Martyrology of the Clergy and the
Proteftants, deferve an account a-part. Befides though there
be fome Gleanings of Murthers in Ulfter, Connaght, and
Leinfter, yet the care which was took to regifter thofe in Mun-
fter, bath been obftructed, as the others if they had not been
early)
To the Reader.
* Al. 32.
early) might have been ſo too, However they are not loft,
though at prefent confin'd.
Some Remarks on the Rebels Pamphlets and Pretentions,
we have courforarily anſwer'd; Not holding our felves obliged
to reply to each Particular, elfe the Volume would fwell too
big; Beſides there are many things which (in reading) an
Intelligent Perfon cannot but blow over with an eafie Breath;
Some are fo ridiculous, others improbable, moft without their
Circumftances: what is fairer Varnish'd we have (from their
own Principles, or their Parties Confeffion) clear'd, therein
not ſo much veiling Truths, (whether for or against us) as
diſcloſing their nakedneſs, a deformed Face needs a Fucus.
The Favourers of that Party infift much on the Parliaments
being Prorogued, which should have met foon after the In-
furrection; whereby what they would have prefented to
the King, (by way of Accommodation) was (fay they) there-
by prevented, and that the Lords and old English of the
Pale, who had been conftant to the Crown in other Re-
bellions, were (by the ufage of the State) forced to
take part with the Ulfter Rebels; The firft of thefe is in
the main diſcourſed of, to which we muſt add, ( as being an
undeniable confequence of their Defires then) That their en-
deavours (to meet at that time in Parliament) was to no other
end, but that the Plot having been diſcover'd, (whereby they
could not strike bands at first with the Northern Rebels, with-
out apparent Rebellion, which they were willing to fcreen under
fairer pretences) They might in Parliament the more fo-
lemnly conteft with the King, for their Religion and Liberty;
which neither the juft Jealousies of the State, or the Diftra-
Etions then, could rationally admit of, left meeting in fuch
numbers (as a Parliament would colourably bring to Town)
they might take new Councils, the former (feeming in fome
part) to be diſappointed. And as to the Latter, the truth
thereof is already cleared from Fol. 39. to 42. nor indeed
needs there any thing more to be faid, but what his Majefty
(C. I.) on this fubject verified to the Proteftant's Agents at
Oxford, 1644. That what the Rebels pleaded as to this
Particular, was not his Belief but an Affertion of the Irish;
And when the Proteftant Agents would further have cleared
this Point, (Some at Court being apt to blow up thoſe Cindars)
the King ſaid, That needed not, for to what purpoſe is it
to prove the Sun fhines this day, when we all fee it? And
from
To the Reader
A
*
* 25th. of Of.
from the Proceedings of the State expreft in their Letter to the
Lord Lieutenant, it is evident that all the hopes they had, 1641.
was of the old English of the Pale, and fome other Parts,
that they would continue conftant to the King, as they
did in former times, Then which, what could be a clearer
demonftration of their Confidence in them, ftrengthening af-
terwards their Belief in affording them Arms and Trusting
them with Commiffions Civil and Martial? And wheras
theſe men will have it, that they offer'd Propofitions to the
State, charging them with the neglect thereof, it is justified
in the Lords Fuftices Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, That *14th of Dec.
not one of them (to that hour) offer'd to the State any
Advice or real Affiftance, towards the Pacification of thefe
Troubles: Or when they were invited, (by all the engage-
ments Honour or Loyalty could enforce) would they ever
comply with any; Nay, let the Infolency They uſed to the
Orders of Parliament, and the Invitation and Condefcention
of the State, tearing the First, and vilifying the Latter, re-
main a perpetual Witness of their Arrogance and Ingrati-
tude, that the State would have fecur'd their Allegiance, and
they would not.
*
*
*
*
,
16+1.
*
* Fol. 35.
Fol. 40.
* Col. Craf
ford's Remon-
When I first enter'd' on this Hiftory, I propos'd to my ſelf
a Series of the whole, but preft with my own Affairs, and
Matter encreaſing plentfully upon me
I held it rational to
fum up the whole after I had brought it to the Ceffation, which
Some had an apprehenfion was not a lefs Plot to deliver the
Remainder of his Majefties true Subjects, into the Rebels france Pag. 5.
bands, and to root out the Proteftant Religion, then what was
commenc'd the 23. of October 1641. But the Articles of
that Ceffation Speak otherwife, neceffity being the Ground
thereof, legible in his Majefties Motives to a Ceffation the
19th. of October 1643. which afterwards was highly contro-
verted, and in the end ſo enfeebled, as the War (according
to the first intent) was (after the long Parliament grafp'd
all) purfued with Vigour and Succefs: Which bere (induced
to it by many Reaſons) we have at last (according to our
first thoughts) brought to a Period under his Majefties Teft,
in the Voice of his Parliament in Ireland 1662. though with
omiffion of many Circumftances, left in fuch variety, we might
fall short of thoſe confiderable Actions, which frequently in-
terven'd, fit indeed for none lefs Privy to the Rebels, than the
State: However we have not omitted fufficient to clear the
Rife
t
:
}
To the Reader.
Rife as well as the Conclufion of this War, not fo much dread-
ing Cenfures, as caring to inform Right: Yet I Question not,
but there will be ſome who will find if not fufficient) enough
to carp at; No Hiftory was fo round as to pass a General
Acceptance: Happily Reader.
Non facit ad Stomachum noftra Lagena tuum.
Thy Appetite reliſhes not truth too near the Quick, another
thinks the time ill chofen, and fome have other Prejudice;
Whether one or other raiſes an Exception, the Story is Tragical;
And those who have trod the Theater, find fuch Tracts as are
Horrible to repeat, never to be forgot.
>
A RE-
f
Though the Errata's feem many, they are more in Accents and
Literal Defects, then confiderable miſtakes; Such as an Ingenious Reader
may as foon rectifie as view: The running Title from Fol. 24. to 32.
(instead of what is there) must be this, The Difinal Effects of the
Irish Infurrection, and fome numbers in Battles are carefully to be
Corrected, as Fol. 73. 8000. Foot for 3000. and Fol. 112. 13000.
Foot for 1300. The rest are generally eafie.
Fol
Errata's in the History.
Ol. 9. Line 13. read An, Fol. 10. Line 35. read Ghoſtly Confeffor, Fol. 13. Line 45. read Peis-
ley, Fol. 15. Line 24. read Momonia, Fel. 16. Line 31. read formed, Fol. 18. Line 2. read
Courts, Fol. 19. Line 28. read would, Fol. 19. Line 33. that for our Sins, that is omitted,
Fol. 21.
Line 22. prevent it, it is left out, Fol. 22. Line 34. read Majeſty, Fol. 25. Line 45. read
purfue, Fol. 38. Line 52. read alfo, Fol. 39. Line 26. read Kilbrew, Fol. 43. Line 9. read Fishing-
boats, Fol. 44. Line 29. read diſpatch, Fol. 49. Line 29. read Westmeath, Fol. 52. Line 13. read
1641. Fol. 64# Line 32. and killed, leave out and, Fol. 7 3. Line 43. read 3000. Fol. 76. Line. 35. read Ba-
linaflo, Fol. 82. Line 18. read a Gigantick, Fol. 83. Line 11. read from Court, Fol. 86. Line 5.
read Hafle, Fol. 86. Line 43. leave out take or, Fol. 91. Margın. read Subfcrib'd, Fol. 102. Line
45. from whence, is to be blotted out, Fol. 103. Line 39. read themſelves, Fol. 94. Line 27. read in-
tent, Fol. 105. Line 9. read approach, Fol. 106. Line 6. read Straights, Fol. 106. Line 13. read
for, Fol. 112. Line 15. read 1300. Fol. 118. read 115. and F. 115. read 118. Fol. 120. Line 8. read
Befiegers, Fol. ibid. Line 15. read Carrickdrumroof, Fol. ibid. Line 25. read skirmiſh'd, Fol. 129. Line
2. Apprehenfion left out, Fol. 132. Margin. read the sth. Fol. 134. Line 18. our obedience, blot
out our, as alfo the Superfcription, it being to be as the former Letter was Superſcribed, Fol. 292.
Line 36. But that, but is left out, 141. Line 46. immediately after Sreights, preft on him is omitted,
Fol. ibid. in the Marg. read Teag O Bryan, Fol. 181. Line 52. his, is left out, Fol. 185. Line 35.
read reſtrain, Fol. 187. Line 36. read Kilkitto, Fol. 200. Line 4. read defiſt, Fol. 218. Line 16.
read Marquefs of Ormonds, Fol. 225. Line 4. Lieutenant is to be left out, Fol. 226. Line 6. which was,
was blot out, Fol. 252. Line 35. the Earl, the blot out, Fol. 282. Line 21. read 20. of August, Fol. 287.
Line 26. read unfound, Fol. 316. Line 16. read 27. Fol. 326. Line 32. read blanch'd.
FOL
Errata's in the Appendix.
Ol. 10. Line 27. I is to be omitted, Fol. ibid. Line 28. read Torilagh, Fol. 12. Line 12. read Tool
O Conly, Fol. 12. Line 45. read Ever mac Mahon, Fol. 15. Line 23. read Torilagh, Fol. 19. Line
41. from is omitted before, read Loghrofs, Fol. 25. Line 4. read Coftilough, Fol. 66. Line 18. read
refent, Fol. 66. Line. 44. do continue, is twice printed, Fol. 94 Line 9. read Sword, Fol. 98. in
the Margin read Car. 342. and lower 344. Car. An. Hib. 344. Fol. 101. Line 18. after Commillion,
would have been violated, is left out, Fol. 101. Line 23. and after the Parenthefis, And he, is omitted,
Fol. 102. in the Marg. read put in, Fol 114. Line 26. read Lifgool, Fol. 124. Line 32. read fence.
F Fol. 9. Lin323
Errata's in the Epiftle.
as
Ol. 6. Line 3. read form'd, Fol. 7. Line 11. read reflections on, Fol. 9. Line 28. read impt,
Fol. 9. Line 29. read Zenith, Fol. 13. Line 27. Penitence for, for is left out, as alfo violating it
as often, Fol. 11. Line 11. read Reflected on, Fol. 17. Line 12. read Perinchief, Fol. 17. Line 30.
read Confequences, Fol. 18. Line 29. read Execrabiles.
}
I
A
REFLECTION
Upon the State of
IRELAND;
With occurrent Accidents before the break-
ing forth of the Rebellion 23ª of O&ob. 1641.
T
Hough we date the Conqueſt of Ireland from
the ſubmiſſion of the Kings and Natives there
to Henry the Second, 1172. yet on a truer
eſtimate, we muſt conclude, that Ireland was
never really fubjugated to the Crown of Eng-
land, till our Laws became as communicable
to the Natives, as the English, whereby each
Party, without diftinction, grew up together
into one Nation; which was never effectual-
ly vouchfafed, till after Tir-Oen's laft fub-
miffion at Mellifont, to the Lord Mountjoy, 1603. by which, the minds
of the People were broken to the obedience of the Law, and after that
became fo pliable, as near fourty years there feemed no material diftin-
ction betwixt the Natives and other Inhabitants, each concentring in
fubjection to the Laws, making up but one Jury, living in mutual amity
and friendship; till Indulgence fo far became a miſchief, as thence Con-
Spiracies hatch'd our ruine; not difcernable, ere the Monſter arriv'd at its
Birth; a Prodigy fcarce credible in fo vigilant a State: Though when
it's confider'd how tenderly the great concerns of Religion (the principal
wheels of all Commotion in a State) were handled, the aftonifhment
(that things afpir'd to fo much Villany) may eaſily be unridľ'd.
Towards the end of the Lord Falkland's Government (there being
great need of Money for fupport of the ftanding Any in Ireland, and
maintaining of 500 Horfe, and 5000 Foot; much by extraordinary
means having been otherwiſe difpofed) the Catholicks of Ireland (glad
of the occafion) feem'd very forward to fupply the State, in hopes of a
Connivance (if not a Toleration) of their Religion, though therein they
were onely to bear their fhare (or rather offered their Mite) with the
Proteftants; which they improved to fo great an infolence, as the Lord
Falkland (with the Council) was forced to take notice in a Proclama-
tion, dated the ft. of April 1629. That the late Intermiffion of Legal Pro-
ceedings against Popilh pretended Titulary Arch-bifhops, Bishops, Abbots,
Deans, Vicars General, Jefuits, Friers, and others of that fort, that derive
B
their
2
The State of Ireland
*In his Letter
to the LordDe-
puty Went-
worth. the s. of
Novemb. 1633.
as formerly in a
Letter to Bi-
fhop Laud of
the 1ft. of 4-
pril, 1630.
their pretended Authority and Orders from the See of Rome, (in contempt
of his Majefties Royal Power and Authority) had bred fuch an extraordi-
nary infolence and prefumption in them, as he was neceffitated to charge and
command them, in his Majesties name, to forbear the exercife of their Popish
Rites and Ceremonies.
Notwithſtanding which, their Infolencies afterwards fo increaſed,
as that the power of the High Commiffion (rais'd in refpect of them)
being withdrawn, they erected a new University at Dublin, to confront
his Majefties Colledge there, continuing their Nunneries and Monafte-
ries; that thence many things were objected againſt the Lord Falkland's
Government: to clear which, the Council of Ireland (in his defence to
the King the 28th. of April, 1629.) declared, That towards the infolencies
of the Papists, and the late outragious prefumption of the unſetled Iriſh; in
Some parts your Deputy and Council of late us'd particular Abftinence,
holding themselves fomewhat limited concerning them by late Infinuations,
Letters, and Directions from England. And yet afterwards fo mindful
too were the Lords of the Council in England of what had been (by the
State of Ireland ) happily ſuppreſt, that the 31 of January, 1629. they
return'd their acknowledgment, and put the State of Ireland in mind,
How much it concern'd the good Government of Ireland, to prevent in time
the first growing of fuch evils; for that where fuch People are permitted
to fwarm, they will foon grow licentious, and endure no Government but their
own, which cannot otherwise be restored, than by a due and feaſonable execu-
tion of the Law, and of fuch Directions as from time to time have been fent
from his Majesty and Council, &c. further encouraging them to carry a
foft or harder hand according to their difcretions. Which I do not find but
they prudently obferv'd; though all was too little to root out the Leven
that had ſeaſon'd the Batch, during the Government of the then Lords
Juſtices. (As Dr. Bedel (the Reverend Biſhop of Kilmore) takes notice
of at large, with a deep and hearty refentment, worthy his Piety, Cou-
rage, and Learning) till the arrival of Thomas Lord Viscount Wentworth,
who by his fingular Wiſdom, Courage,and quick Intelligence, fo managed
affairs there, (though fome thought they were carried on too feverely) as
doubtleſs the Nation, in general, was never more ſeemingly in obedi-
ence; what ever afterwards was aggravated againſt that Noble Perfon,
whoſe behaviour was leſs pleafing to fome men (interefs'd in the detecti-
on of their moroſe and ſiniſter dealings) than to the Nation, which flou-
riſh'd under his Aufpicious Government. Reverence is that wherewith
Princes are girt from God: Yet then the contrivance of fome Spirits was
fo reſtleſs, as Anno 1634. (being the 10th. of King Charls the Firft) they
defign'd to have engag'd the Nation in a War, which one Ever Mac-
Mahon (an eminent Popish Prieft) privately diſcovered to fome of the
Privy Council at Dublin, at whofe feet he proftrated himſelf for mercy,
having, with others been employ'd abroad to Foreign Princes (viz. the
Pope, the Kings of France, Spain, and other Princes) on that fervice, as
(in the Relation writ by the Lord Macquire in the Tower) is apparent, the
Deſign having been of as ancient a Date, as the Iſle of Rhee's Enterpriſe,
1628. About which time the Earl of Tyrone and Cardinal Richlieu held
an intimate correſpondence; though the King of France's Wars then in
Italy fruftrated, for that time, the Infurrection and Invafion. Upon the
diſcovery of which, Ever Mac-Mahon feeming penitent, had his Pardon :
So that the thing being onely treated of in general, the prudence of the
*
Governour
t
before the Infurrection.
Governour (giving the People no fufpicion that he feared it, and yet
watched against it) blafted their defign: The fame Providence we may
alfo believe this Noble Perfon had in the antecedent warnings, which
the Reverend Dean of Kilmore particularly mentions*, though he (in
reference to the Intregues of State) mov'd not fo vifibly as to make
every one capable of his forefight. Prime Miniſters are not to level their
proceedings to the capacities of all, who pretend vigilancy of the State:
yet thence (during his Government) all things in the Publick proceeded
with a ferene countenance, fo as the Lord Deputy Wentworth came for
England, and return'd into Ireland feveral times, with his Majeſties great-
eſt Approbation, and the Peace of the Nation.
1.
*
Anno 1634. a Parliament was fummon'd in Ireland, by his motion;
1. For that the Contribution from the Countrey, towards the mainte-
nance of the Army, ended that December. 2. For that the Revenues there
fell fhort of his Majefties Charges 20000 l. yearly. 3. That there was
a Debt of 80000 /. upon the Crown. 4. For that there had been no Sub-
fidies but one ſince the beginning of King James's Reign; and the Peo-
ple were now grown wealthy, being continued in their Eſtates, who ever
had enjoy'd them twenty years. By the Supply of which Parliament,
the Lord Deputy paid the 80000l. Debt due from the Crown, than
which, nothing was more to his Majeſties Honour, and his Servants In-
tegrity; in teftimony of which, his Majefty faith, That they can-
not but witness who know that Kingdom) that during the Government there
by Lieutenants of his choice, that Kingdom enjoyed more Plenty and Peace
than ever it had ſince it was under the subjection of the Crown of England;
Traffick by Sea, and Trade by Land increas'd, Values of Land improv'd,
Shipping multipli'd beyond belief, never was the Proteftant Religion more
advanc'd, nor the Protestants protected in greater fecurity against the Papists;
Inasmuch as we must remember you (the Parliament capitulating with him
to nominate a Governour for Ireland) that the prefent Rebellion was be-
gun when there was no Lieutenant there, and when the Power (which had
been formerly us'd in that Kingdom) was question'd and difgrac'd; when
thofe in the Parliament there (by whom that Rebellion was hatch'd) were
countenanc'd in their Complaints and Profecution.
*
*
en
In his Depo-
fitions annexed
trance of the
ftate of the Re-
to the Remon-
bellion of Ire-
on 24.
* In his Antwer
to the two lalt
Papers of Ux-
bridge, con-
land, fol. 569.
cerning Ire-
And as to the Progrefs of Religion there, receive from the Biſhop of
Derry this account, in his Difcourfe of the Sabbath; where having * Fol. 934
occafion to mention the incomparable and pious Primate, Archbishop
Uſher) he takes notice, That having liv'd fundry years a Bishop in the
Province of Ulſter, whilst the Political part of the care of that Church lay
heavy upon his ſhoulders, he prais'd God, they were like Candles in the Le-
vitical Temple, looking one towards another, and all towards the Stem; no
contention ariſing amongst them, but who ſhould hate contention most, and pur-
Sue the Peace of the Church with Swifteft paces; inasmuch as if the high-
Soaring Counfels of fome fhort-wing' d Chriftians, whofe eyes regarded nothing
but the prefent Prey, with the Rebellious practises of the Irish Enemy, tied
together like Samfon's Foxes, with Firebrands at their tails, had not thruſt
them away from the Stern, and chas'd them from their Sees with Bellona's
bloody Whip: They might before this time, without either perfecution or
noise, have given a more welcome and comfortable account of the Irish Church,
than our Age is likely to produce.
The last time this Noble Perfon (the Earl of Strafford) enter'd Ire-
land, was the 18th. of March, 1639. when he arriv'd at Dublin Lord
Lieutenant
B 2
1
4.
The State of Ireland
Lieutenant a little before, having (in an extraordinary Solemnity and
conflux of Ambaffadors and Peers been made Earl of Strafford; at
which time he appear'd in Parliament (begun the 16th. of March, in the
14th. of King Charles the I.) expreffing his Majefties Neceffities in fuch
terms, as immediately Four entire Subfidies (without further expoftula-
tion) were unanimoufly confented unto; the freedom of which added
much to the largeneſs of the gift, with which he rais'd 8000 Foot, and
1000 Horſe, additional to the Veterain Forces, which (at the breaking
forth of the Rebellion) confifted but of 2297 Foot, and 943 Horſe. And
fo having fetled his Majeſties affairs in Ireland, he went for England to
the Parliament at Westminster, fummon'd by his Mediation the 13th. of
April, 1640. being attended from Ireland with the acclamations of the
whole Houſe of Parliament, yet legible, in a very remarkable manner, in
the Preamble of their Act of Subfidies, Anno 16 Car. 1. yet afterwards we
know his fate. Never (writes Perinfhief) fufficiently bewail'd by the
King, till the iſſue of his blood dri'd up thofe of his tears. All the actions of
his Government were narrowly fifted, and though no one thing (after the
mercenary Tongues of the Lawyers had endeavour'd to render him a
Monſter of men) could be found Treafon, many accumulated were fo
voted. That him (whom even now the Parliament of Ireland extolled
as an excellent Governour, and one for whofe due and fincere Adminiftra-
tion of Juſtice, they had principally confented to fo great a Subfidy) they
afterwards purſued as the cauſe of all their miſchiefs, and fo by their
Agents (even thoſe who afterwards complotted the Rebellion) incens'd
the Parliament at Westminster againſt him, as they denied all that they
had attributed to his Worth, fixing on him what-ever might contribute to
a prævious Government, or the Kingdom's impoverishment; the state of
which cannot be better clear'd, than by what his Majefty, in a full
Council at White-hall the 27th. of Jan. 1640. feem'd clearly to acquiefce
in, upon the Earl of Strafford's avowing of the Anſwer to the Irish Re-
monſtrance againſt him, ordering, that a Copy thereof fhould be forth-
with given, by the Clerk of the Council, to the Committee of Ireland
then attending upon him; fince Regiftred among the publick Records.
Thus was this great Man accufed, thus juftifi'd; yet all was not fuffi-
cient to exempt him from the destructive Bill of Attainder, ſuggeſting,
His tyrannous and exorbitant Power over the Liberties and Estates of his
Majesties Subjects in Ireland, laying and aſſeſſing of Soldiers by his own au-
thority upon the Subject, against their confent; faying alfo, that he had an
Army in Ireland, which his Majesty might make use of to reduce this King-
dom, meaning England, as appears by the Act which paſſed the roth. of
May, 1641. His Majefty having Sign'd a Commiffion to the Earl of
Arundel, the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord High Chamberlain, and others,
to that intent; which had an after Act, vacating the authority of the pre-
"EIKON BA- cedent for future imitation; fufficiently thereby (faith his Majefty) tel-
ling the World, that fome remorse touched even his most implacable Enemies,
as knowing he had very hard measure, and fuch as they would be loth fhould
be repeated to themſelves.
P. 10.
And that it might remain to Potefterity (to whom the Age is accom-
ptable for her Actions) what he ſuffered in his Trial, and by what arti-
fices he was brought to it, the Act for the reverfal of the Earl of Straffords
Attainder, Anno xiv. Car. II. fully fhows; to which it may feem imperti-
nent to add more, Hiftories, and the Occurrences of thofe times, having
preſented
1
:
"
before the Infurrection.
preſented his Actions at his Trial more fignificant than I dare pretend to,
fuch a Scene of Juftice (attended with that Magnificence in its Structure,
fuch Seats for their Majeſties, for Ambaſſadors, and the moſt diſcerning
Audience of England) not being to be parallel'd. Therefore I fhall con-
clude ( as to Him) with what his Majeſty ſpeaks in his "Eino Basinszú,
That his great abilities were prone to create in him great confidence of un-
dertakings, and this was like enough to betray him to great Errors, and
many Enemies, whereof he could not but contract good ſtore, while moving
in fo high a Sphere, and with ſo vigorous a Lustre, he must needs (as the
Sun) raiſe many envious Exhalations, which, condens'd by a Popular Odium,
were capable to caft a Cloud upon the brightest Merit and Integrity, Sc.
Tet faith this Excellent King) I could never be convinc'd of any fuch crimi-
nouſneſs in him (having heard all the particulars of his great Caufe from
one end to the other) as willingly to expofe his life to the stroke of Justice,
and the malice of his Enemies. However, He fuffered on Tower-hill the
12th. of May, 1641. taking his death with as much Chriftianity as Cou-
rage; though fome account nothing Chriftian that is not Effeminate, of
whom we ſhould ſay more, but mult refer the reft to what is extant in
Print.
5
that Excellent
and Noble Per-
fon, who had,at
times, been
Governour of
eleven years
Ireland.
Rudyard's
28.1641.
Speech in Par-
liament, Aug.
The 19th. of May following, Robert Earl of Leiceſter * was defigned *Grandſon of
by his Majefty Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, newly return'd from his Em- Sir Hen. Sidney,
bally in France, where he had diſcharg'd his Truſt with fingular Pru-
dence and Courage, as he had done before in Denmark, and elſewhere:
The choice of whom exceedingly endear'd his Majefties Wifdom to the
moſt knowing and intelligent Party of the Nation; the Earl having been
one never engag❜d in Monopolies (one of the Grievances of the Times
or the publick Complaints of the Kingdom; but being long experienc'd
in State-affairs, promifed nothing fave his Majefties Honour, and the
Kingdoms fecurity; *Being thought by his knowledge in Martial Affairs, * Sir Benjamin
and other his great Abilities, to be, no doubt, abundantly capable to reduce
the Irish to a due obedience. Yet after all, having attended his Majeſty at
Tork, and other Places, as the Court mov'd, for his Difpatch, he came in
Novem.to Cheſter, in expectation of an eafie remove thence into Ireland;
but falling indifpos'd at Chefter,was commanded back to Oxford about the
beginning of Jan.1642. fo as in conclufion,he,ever going,never went. His
ſtay was at firſt reſented by the King, then the Parliament; to evidence the
truth, he writes a Letter from Tork to the Earl of Northumberland, (which,
by Order of Parliament the 26th. of Septemb. 1642. was printed) where-
in he writes, That he befought his Majefty, that he might not be ftaid at
Court, for that the Affairs of Ireland requir'd his speedy repair thither;
or at least that fome Governour (if he were not thought worthy of it should
be preſently fent into that Kingdom. And upon the 21 of Septemb. he ap-
pear'd in Parliament, informing the Houſes, That he could never ( fince
his firit going to his Majefty) get his Commiffion Seal'd till the 18th. of
Septemb. referring himself to the pleaſure of the Houſes, whether they
would diſpatch him for Ireland or no. Whereupon the ft. of October fol-
lowing, his Cafe was again debated, and it was Voted (for the future)
That the faid Earl fhould not put in execution any Inftructions from his
Majefty (concerning the Affairs in Ireland) until fuch time as they
fhould be made known and approved by them. After which, many
things (in his Inſtructions) were debated; and it being mov'd the 4th.
of
H
6.
The State of Ireland
1414
The Lords.
Lord Viſcount
Gormanſton,
Kilmalloc,
Caftiloe,
Balt inglafs.
The Commons.
Leimfer.
Nich. Plunket,
}
of Novemb. (in a Conference of the Houſes) that he was ready to ſet for-
ward for that Service, he had his Difmifs. So as (I have ſaid he came to
Cheſter, and was remanded back to Oxford; the important Affairs of
Ireland being in another Channel than as yet they appear'd vifibly to run
in. Though it was a good while after before he had his diſcharge from
that Employment, being kept in fufpence, till others had pertected their
Defign, by which there accrued to him a great Arrear, fomewhat con-
fider'd in the Act of Settlement, though fhort of what he was prejudic'd
thereby.
Upon the Earl of Straffords quitting Ireland, Chriftopher Wendesford
Efq; Maſter of the Rolls, the 3d. of April, 1640. was fworn Lord Depu-
ty: He managed the Government with much Policy, advantage to his
Majeſty, and faithfulneſs to his intimate Friend and Ally, the Earl of
Strafford; adjourning the Parliament in November following, fomewhat
to the dis-fatisfaction of the Members, who (before their Diffolution
made ſhift to form a Remonftrance againſt the Earl of Strafford, which
he would have prevented to have been ſent for England, could he, as he
endeavour'd, have ſtaid the Committee * of the Parliament in Ireland
from going over, the greateſt part of which were Papifts, which the Irish
took as a good Omen: But he being not able to hinder them, (they
finding conveniences from every Port) grew thereupon much difcon-
tented; and having quick intelligence how affairs were carried againſt
the Earl of Strafford: He died the 3d. of December following, betwixt
whom even from their Youth) there had been an efpecial intimacy, nor
Mac-Cartie. did it afterwards grow cooler (but more ſtrengthned) in Judgment.
Digby,
Richard Fitz-
Garret,
Nich. Barnwell,
Efquires.
Munster.
Sir Hardrefs
Waller,
Jo. Welsh,
Sir Donnogh
Connaght.
Robert Linch.
Geffry Brown.
Thomas Bourk.
Ulfter.
After his deceaſe, Robert Lord Dillon, of Kilkenny-Weft, and Sir Wil-
liam Parfons, Knight and Baronet, Maſter of the Court of Wards, Decemb.
30. were fworn Lords Juftices: But it was not long before the Committee
of Ireland (then at Court) fo prevail'd, as that his Majefty difplac'd the
Sir JamesMont- Lord Dillon, a Perfon of notable Parts, and one (by his Son's Marriage
with the Earl of Strafford's Sifter) paffionately concern'd in the Earl's
Cafe.
Sir Wil. Cole.
gomery.
Yet left the Execution of his Majefties Graces to his Subjects of Ire-
land (obtain❜d by their late Committee's follicitation) fhould be deferr'd
till those who were defign'd to fucceed the Lord Dillon) were in Office,
his Majeſty was pleas'd to direct a Letter, dated the 4th. of January, in
the 16th. year of his Reign, to his Privy Council of Ireland, and Sir Wil-
liam Parfons and Sir John Borlafe (then defign'd Juftices) to grant
(amongſt other things) that his Subfidies there fhould be reduced to a
leffer rate than formerly; and that all Letters directed to the Lord De-
puty, Juſtices, Chief Governour or Governours, or to any other Officers
or Minifters of that Realm, either concerning the publick Affairs, or pri-
vate Intereſts of any Subject there, might be entred into his Signet-Office
in England, to the end that they might be (upon occafion) found to take
Copies of, for the Subjects better information in fuch publick things as
may concern them; as alſo that all Diſpatches from Ireland ſhould fafely
be kept apart, that like recourfe may be had to them for the better fa-
tisfaction of the Subject, who ſhall be concern'd therein. And whereas in
the former Governour's time, there were endeavours to hinder fome
Agents of Parliament to have recourfe into England, his Majeſty taking
notice, That forafmuch as the Committee of the Parliament of Ireland,
John
before the Infurrection.
7
John Bellew Efq; and Oliver Caffel, with others employ'd thence, have re-
pair'd into his Kingdom of England, to reprefent their Grievances: He
hath manifested his gracious condefcenfions to them, admitting them into his
Royal Prefence, forbidding his Counsellors in Ireland, or any other Officers
or Minifters of that State, to proceed any ways against them, or any of them,
for the fame. And that his Subjects fhall have Copies of Records, Certifi
cates, Orders of Council, Publick Letters, or other Entries for the Declara-
tion of their Griences made. In grateful acknowledgment of which,
the Parliament then fitting the 10th. of Febr. 1640. order'd, That the faid
Letter ſhould be forthwith Entr'd amongst the Ordinances and Records of
that Houfe. So that if there had not been a general defection, long an-
vil'd in the minds of that People, the event of ſo unnatural and horrid a
Rebellion (as few months after happen'd) could not have been the iffue
of fuch remarkable Condefcenfions,
tife of the Irish
A
*Sir Jolm Tem-
ple,in his Trea-
Rebellion,p.13
Piece of that
Integrity few
exceed: He hav-
ing (as a Pri-
vy Counsellor)
view and con-
can equal, none
opportunity to
fider all Dif-
patches, rarely
obvious to o-
thers; and be
ture and Inge-
nous, adven-
tur'd then into
fome dar'd
fcarce think on
ing fingular In-
The 10th. of Febr. 1640. his Majeſty inſtituted Sir William Parfons,
Maſter of the Court of Wards, (before mention'd) long experienc'd in
the Affairs of Ireland, and Sir John Borlafe Knight, Mafter of the
Ordnance, Lords Juftices, One well known to his Majefty by the
Eminency of his Imployments abroad, and the opinion He had of
his integrity and skill in Military Affairs, the Difcipline of the Army
having been ever under his Charge fince his arrival there: Thefe (writes
an Honourable Perfon*) appli'd themselves with all manner of gentle Le-
nitives, to mollifie the fharp humours rais'd by the rigid paffages of the for-
mer Government; They declar'd themſelves againſt all fuch proceedings, as
they found any way varying from the Common Law; They gave all due en-
couragement to the Parliament then fitting, endeavouring the reafonable
eafe and contentment of the People, freely affenting to all fuch Acts as re-
ally tended to the Legal Reformation; They betook themfelves wholly to the
advice of the Council, and caus'd all matters, as well of the Crown as Po-
pular Interests, to be handled in his Majefties Courts of Justice; no ways
admitting the late exorbitances (fo bitterly decried in Parliament of Paper
Petitions or Bills in Civil Caufes, to be brought before them at the Council-
board, or before any other by their Authority; reducing (by his Majefties ap-
probation the Subfidies from 40000 1. a Subfidy,to 12000 1. a Piece. Bring-
ing all things to that compliance, as beft fuited with his Majefties Intereft,
and the quiet of the Nation, that (ifit were poffible) there might not be
the leaſt diſcontent or jealoufie rais'd' amongst the People; and, for
ſeaſon, all things feem'd fo peaceable, as never any Government was lefs
excepted against. Yet then, in the end of the year 1640. his Majesty ( be-
ing inform'd of an intention to raife Troubles in Ireland) commanded of the Rebel-
Sir Henry Vane, his Principal Secretary, to write unto thefe Lords Ju-
ftices this Letter.
Right Honourable,
H'S
a
Is Majeſty hath commanded me to acquaint your Lordships with an
advice given him from abroad, and confirm'd by his Minifters in
Spain and elsewhere, which in this distemper'd time, and conjuncture of
affairs, deferves to be ſeriouſly confider'd, and an especial care and watch-
fulness to be had therein; which is, That of late there have paffed from Spain
(and the like may well have been from other Parts) an unspeakable number
of Irish Church-men for England and Ireland, and fome good old Soldiers,
under
the Lift, when
the Attempt:
A Confiderati-
on (in reference
fered) very
confiderable;
though more,
day (what ever
hath been
to what he fuf-
in that to this
bark'd againit
other accounts
lion) never
any thing was
objected against
his.
8
The State of Ireland
}
under pretext of asking leave to raiſe men for the King of Spain; whereas
it is obferv'd (among the Irish Friers there) a whisper runs, as if they
expected a Rebellion in Ireland, and particularly in Connaght. Wherefore
his Majesty thought fit to give your Lordships this notice, that in your wif
doms you might manage the fame with that dexterity and fecrefie, as to dif
cover and prevent fo pernicious a Deſign, if any fuch there should be, and to
have a watchful eye on the proceedings and actions of those who come thither
from abroad, on what pretext foever. And fo berewith rest.
White-hall, March
16. 1640.
Tour Lordships moſt humble Servant,
Henry Vane.
Which was delivered to the Lord Juſtice Parfons, and fince his death
found in his Study, and by Sir James Barry, Lord Baron of Santry, (a
right Honourable and worthy Perfon) prefented to his prefent Majefty;
who look'd upon it as a precious Jewel, diſcovering his Father's Royal
thoughts towards the prefervation of his Proteftant Subjects and People.
But how far it was at firſt communicated, is uncertain, though being of
fo great a Truſt, it may very well be believed to have been often refle-
&ted on with caution and prudence: Certain it is, that notwithſtanding
that there was an Item, that there ſhould be an eſpecial care againſt le-
vying of Soldiers for Spain, yet Colonel John Barry, Colonel Taaff, Co-
lonel Garret Barry, and Colonel Porter, had all Warrants to tranſport
4000 Men thither, which feveral of the Houſe of Commons in Ireland,
and England too, with much artifice (though with divers ends) endea-
vour'd to prevent on plaufible terms; As that, from the experience of
what they might learn abroad, they afterwards might prove ill Inſtru-
ments at home; whereas it was more neceffary, that they fhould be em-
ploy'd on Husbandry, whereof that Kingdom had great need. And many
of the active men of the Houſe of Commons in Ireland, as Darcy the
Lawyer, Plunket, Chevers, Martin, and others, urg'd their ſtay, with at
paffion feemingly much concern'd, for that, amongst many Reaſons,
which I will not undertake (at ſo long a diſtance) pofitively to remem-
ber, (though I had the honour to be a Member of that Houſe) yet I can-
not forget, that their chief Argument was drawn from the Spaniards
having long born an ill will to England and her Empire: And therefore
they did not know (mark the infinuation) how foon thofe very Regiments
(acquainted with every Creek of the Kingdom) might be return'd on their
own Bowels, having naturally a love to their Religion, which fuch an In-
cendiary (as the King of Spain) might foon inflame to the highest prejudice.
Which I the longer infift on, for that the Collection of Murthers commit-
ted on the Irish (publiſhed by R.S. 1662.) would infinuate (the better
to invalidate the Abſtract of Murthers committed by the Irish) that
the Catholick Members of the Houſe of Commons in Ireland never hin-
dred (as that Abſtract affirms) the Tranſportation of the Earl of Straf-
fords disbanded Soldiers into Spain, purpofely to advance the Rebellion,
which is clear they did: Inafmuch as upon thefe and other Arguments,
their Tranſportation was deferr'd; though if the difcontented Irish Ar
my had been difpofed of beyond-Sea (according to the Contracts with
the French and Spanish Ambaffadors) it was very clear, as is judicially
affirmed, that there could have been no Rebellion in Ireland, the Pretence
1
and
before the Infurrection.
9
and Means thereof having been thereby taken away; though ſome were
of opinion, that where-ever theſe Forces had been, they could yet eafily
have been brought over again, (as others have been fince) the principal
Heads of the Rebels Army being led by old experienc'd Soldiers, who
at the breaking out of the Rebellion) were generally beyond-Sea, as the
Leimfter Forces by Colonel Preston, a branch out of the Houfe of Gor-
manſton; the Ulster Forces by Owen Roe O-Neal, (both bred in Flanders)
Munſter Forces by Garret Barry, and the Connaght Forces by one Burck;
animated with their Cauſe and the Pope's encouragement. And it cannot
be denied, that the promifcuous compleating of the Army ( lately rais´d of
8000 Foot and 1000 Horfe) in Ireland, taught many of the Common
Soldiers the ufe of Arms, who otherwife would have been ignorant
thereof: And evil in Perrot's and Fitzwilliam's Government, much took
notice of, and by Camden in his Eliz. Anno 1593. towards the end, ob-
ferv'd in the like cafe to be moſt improvidently done, as afterwards
was found, the Iriſh being always difloyal to the English. Upon which
624.
I cannot but reflect on what Antalcidas ( in Plutarch*) tells Agefilaus, The life of A-
of being forely hurt by the Thebans, That they had paid him his deferved gefilaus, fol.
hire, for teaching them against their wills to be Soldiers, who before had
neither will nor skill to fight. Certain it is, that moſt of theſe Soldiers (thus
rais'd) betook themſelves to the Rebels Party; although very few of their
Officers (if we may credit a late Hiſtorian) were polluted with the
crime.
Yet notwithſtanding the Letter fore-cited, and many troubleſome
paffages in Parliament, wherewith the Lords Juftices and Council were
not feldom alarm'd, (fufficient to waken their confidence) no Cloud,
not the breadth of a hand, appear'd; but the Lords Juftices kept a fair
correſpondence with the Parliament, giving all the furtherance they
could to the going of their Committee into England, hoping that what
his Majeſty ſhould be pleaſed to grant, (at their requeſts) might redound
to the common benefit of the Nation. Neither did the Lords Justices or
Council tranſmit unto his Majesty, or any of the State of England, any
mis-reprehenfions of the proceedings and actions of that Parliament,
as fome maliciouſly infinuated; in as much as a Noble Perfon, a Peer in
the Lords Houſe, faid, That the Lords Juftices had always cheerfully re-
ceiv'd their Requests and Meſſages, and were ready to comply with them;
defiring that this their compliance might be entred in the Journal, to the
end that it might remain to Pofterity. Having by his Majefties Com-
miſſion, dated the 4th. of January, 1640. authority to Continue, Pro-
rogue, or Determine the Parliament, as they thought fit; which liberty
they indulg'd much to the freedom of the Parliament. However (being
refolv'd, as the fequel prov'd, to pretend any thing, rather than not to
have fome exceptions againſt the Government) the Irish Parliament fent
to his Majefty a Declaration, therein magnifying the Six entire Subfi-
dies they had given in the 10th. year of his Majefties Reign, and the
Four Subfidies in the 15th. year of his Reign; pretending moreover,
that they had been ill prefented to his Majefty, which was clearly evinc'd
to the contrary, and ſeveral Graces vouchfaf'd them thereupon.
Amongſt other things, the State (at that time) found difficult to do,
the Disbanding of the new rais'd Army was not the leaft, which the
Parliament of England had great jealoufies of, and befought his Majeſty
that it ſhould be diffolv'd. In anſwer whereof, his Majefty repli'd, That
C
the
1
10
The State of Ireland
"
** Appendix 1.
the thing was already upon confultation, but he found many difficulties in it,
and therefore told the Parliament, He held it not onely fit to wifh it, but
to show the way how it might conveniently be done. However, in August,
1641. it was effectually perform'd, for which afterwards the Lords Ju-
tices had his Majefties gracious approbation; and the Arms and Ammu-
nition were carefully brought into his Majefties Stores, by the vigilance
of the Maſter of the Ordnance, (the Lord Juftice Borlafe) elfe, certainly,
moſt of thoſe Arms (as well as the Men) had been undoubtedly lifted
in the Confederates Army; which many of their Party (in the Houſe
of Commons in Ireland) having an eye to, made them fo averfe to have
them Disbanded. And the Plot proceeded, being fo cunningly manag'd
by ſome of the Members of Parliament, (fubtil in their infinuations) that
many of the Proteftants, and well-meaning people of the Houſe, (blind-
ed with an apprehenfion of Eafe and Redress, lying under the fame pre-
tended Yoak with the reft) were innocently decoi'd into their acting
violently with them. Hence Sir Richard Bolton, Lord Chancellor of
Ireland, was impeach'd of High Treafon, and others of the prime Officers
and Miniſters of State, were Articled againft; yea, fome of the Bishops
were not ſpar'd, contrary to all prefidents of that nature, as was certifi'd
by the Lords Justices to the Principal Secretary, on fearch made, upon his
Majefties commands, for that purpose. So as (befides) fome of the active
men of the Houfe, Lawyers, Darcy, Martin, Plunket, Cufack, Brown,
Linch, Bodkin, Evers, and others, took upon them with much confi-
dence to declare the Law, to make new Expofitions of their own upon the
Text, as,That killing in Rebellion was no forfeiture of Lands *; and to frame
21 Queries: Which in a folemn Committee of the Houſe, Adjourn'd
from time to time, they difcufs'd at their own freedom in the Dining-
Room at the Cattle, difdaining the moderate Qualifications of the
Judges, (who gave them modeit Anſwers, fuch as the Law and Duty to
their Sovereign, would admit) and in ftead of them, vented their own
fenſe, as if the State were then in its Infancy, and from them meerly
to receive its Conſtitution; as Sir John Temple obferves, refolving upon
an alteration in the Government, and drawing of it wholly into the
hands of the Natives: Sir Phelim Oneal making it plain, in his Letters
of Triumph to his Holy Confeffor, That his purposes were Conqueft, and
not defence of Religion, his Majefties Prerogative, or their Liberty. No!
No King of England (writes Mahony a Jefuit) nor Crown, nor People, nor
State of that Kingdom,having at any time, any kind of Right to the Kingdom
of Ireland, or any part thereof; that the Engliſh Title to it was but meer
Vfurpation and Violence, and that therefore the old Natives (i.e. the meer
Irish) might chuſe and make themselves a King of one of their own Iriſh;
and in the then Circumstances of Charles the First of England's, being a He-
retick,ought (i. e.) were bound in Confcience, to do so, and throw off together
the Toak both of Hereticks and Foreigners. Which Tenents, being rough-
ly drawn, the Confederate Irish feem'd afterward to condemn (forfooth)
in a Council of their own at Kilkenny: Yet it is very obfervable (and
that from Walſh himſelf) who ſays, He can never forget it (having ex-
traordinary great admiration thereat) That there was not one in the Na-
tional Congregation (met by an extraordinary favour the 11th. of June, at
Dublin, 1666.) that open'd once his mouth for confeffion of any Villanies com-
mitted against the King, at any time in the late Rebellion, or Civil War
or even to ſpeak a word for fo much as a general Petition to be exhibited
to
before the Infurrection.
II
1
し
​to his Majesty, imploring his Majefties gracious Pardon. Notwithstanding
the first Rebellion 1641. and what follow'd upon the Nuncio's accefs, and
the violation of the first Peace 1646. and the Nuncio's Cenfures against thẻ
Ceflation with the Lord Inchequin, and the Peace 1648. And the Decla-
ration and Excommunication of the Biſhops at James-Town 1650, againſt
the Lord Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormond, and thoſe who obey'd him.
Emphatically enough expreft by P. W. No. 1. (He enforces this Argument
further) There was no crime writes he) at all committed by All or any
of the Roman Catholick Clergy of Ireland, nor even at any time, nor in any
occafion or matter hapen'd fince the 23d. of October, 1641. that needed Pe-
titioning for Pardon, either for themselves, or any other of the Irish Clergy;
if we must believe the Bishop of Ardagh, Patrick Plunket, pleading for
them in fo express terms, and the tacit approbation of his words by the uni-
verfal filence of that Affembly. In purfuance of which, the Proteftant Com-
miffioners of Ireland (in their Anſwer to the Objections the Rebels
Agents put in againſt the Preamble of the Bill of Settlement) took no-
tice, that
in the whole Volume of Papers which were put in by the
Catholicks about that Affair) there was not one grateful Acknowledg-
ment, or ſo much as one civil mention of his Majeſties fingular Con-
deſcention. They having the favour to infpect that Act of Settlement,
and object as they pleas'd, as if all his Majefty could do for them were
no more than he ought. And further it is theſe Commiffioners obſerva-
tion, That in all the Irish Papers, they do not own the flaughter of ſo
many thouſands to be a Rebellion, or once give the Title of Rebels to
thoſe who were the first Agents in that horrid and bloody Maffacre;
which being not acknowledged by them, more eaſily abfolves the rude-
neſs of their Ingratitude for his Majeities favours. And a Perfon of Ho-
nour in his Animadverfions on Fanaticiſm *, who deferves much for his
excellencies in the cafe) takes notice, That no Catholick ever made any pro-
feffion against the Rebellion, or manifefted his deteftation or dislike of it
by any publick Writing, that the Defign feem'd a Birth acceptable to the Ca-
tholick Community. And the Pope, by his Nuncio afterwards (to whom
the general part of the Clergy and Natives adhear'd) in effect maintain'd
what Mahony had deliver'd for wholefome Doctrine, accounting the
Popes Bulls, and Interdictions, and Abſolutions, (how long foever fince
publiſh'd) ſtill in the fame force and vigour, as they were the firſt day
of their publication. And it is very few years fince (writes this Honou-
rable Perſon*) that (upon the meeting of the Secular and Regular Clergy
Ireland, before-mention'd, to frame an Addrefs to the King in teftimony
of their obedience, difclaiming any Temporal Authority in the Popes) the
Court of Rome was fo alarm'd by it, that Cardinal Barbarin writ to them,
to defift from any fuch Declaration, putting them in mind, that the King-
dom of England was still under Excommunication. And Walsh acquaints us
at large of Mac-Mahon, the Irish Jefuits printed Book of the lawfulness of
killing, not onely all the Proteftants, but even all fuch of the Roman Catho
lick Iriſh, who ſhould ſtand for the Crown of England, and the Rights of the
King to Ireland. A Tenent agreeable to Salamanca's approbation of Oneal's
Rebellion, 1602. inftigated by Pope Clement the 8th. whereby it's de-
clared, That all Catholicks who followed the English Standard against
Prince Oneal, mortally finned. And Ofulevan the Prieft, in King James's
Reign, faid, It was a Doctrine fetch'd from Hell, that Catholicks in Ire-
land should joyn with the Queens Forces, which were Proteftants, against
>
C 2
the
*p. 72.
P.
* p. 74%
12
The State of Ireland
the Rebels, Catholicks, in Ireland, and that fuch English ought to be no
leß ſet upon than the Turks. So that whatsoever delufive Tenents have
been broach'd of late, as to perfwade us the Adder is without fting, the con-
trary hath been written in letters of blood, not in his Majesty's Kingdoms
only, but wherefome-ever the Papal Power was exalted, That perfons pro-
felling the Reformed Religion, are but Tenants at Will for their Lives and
Fortunes, and through Centuries of Ages it appears, that as their Fleeces
grow, they are ſhorn, till a time of flaughter be appointed. That hence we
may fee, at what we fhould have arriv'd, had the Irish been fortunate in
their attempt; for though the loyal Formulary or Remonftrance (highly
magnified by fome) may feem a Bond of Iron, it may eaſily (by the
Pope) become weaker than a Rope of Straw.
During the Summer Seffions of Parliament (already fpoke of) where-
in the Heads of the Rebellion were clofely complotting, fome under a
fufpicion, that the Earl of Strafford's Servants (in revenge of their Lord's
death) intended a Miſchief to the Parliament, mov'd the Houſe, and
accordingly had Orders, that the Lords Juftices would let his Majefty's
Stores (for Powder and Arms) be ſearch'd, which (by a Committee
they fo curiouſly perform'd, as they turn'd over ſeveral improbable Cheſts
to find it out; and when they had ſeen that there was none, according
to what the Officers of the Ordnance had before affur'd them, yet they
feem'd unſatisfied, and repair'd (on a new Order) to the Lords Jufti-
ces, to be admitted to fee the Stores of Powder and Arms, plac'd in other
Parts in and about the Caftle: To whom the Lord Justice Borlafe (Ma-
fter of the Ordnance,principally interefs'd in fecuring his Majefties Stores)
anfwer'd, That thofe were the King's precious Jewels, not to be (with-
out Special Cauſe) thewed, affuring them further, that they needed not
to be afraid, for that, upon his Honour, there was no Powder under-
neath either of the Houſes of Parliament, as at the Trial of the Lord Mac
Quire, at the King's Bench in Westminster, was openly in Court teftified
by the Lord Blaney, a great fufferer, a worthy and gallant Perfon, the
faid Lord Juſtice Borlafe, having at that time fuch a motion in his blood,
(upon the importunity of that enquiry) as he would afterwards often
mention that action of theirs, as aiming (how flightly foever then look-
ed on by others) at fome further mark, than was then difcernable: So
that at that inftant he denied them, whereat they feem'd difcontented, as
being left in uncertainty, in what ſtate his Majesty's Stores ſtood, which
they defired particularly to know (the late new Army being disbanded
then, and their Arms brought in) that if the Powder and Arms were not
there, they might find them elſewhere; or if there, then (by the in-
tended furprize) to be ſure of them, and to know where (on the fudden)
to find them: In which fearch, the Lord Mac Quire was a chicf actor,
and very inquifitive.
Thus, in order to their Defign, they made ready for the Busineß, paf-
fing that Seffion of Parliament (began the xi. of May 1641.) for the
moſt part away in Proteftations, Declarations, Votes upon the Queries,
the ſtay of Souldiers from going over Seas, and private Petitions, little to
the good of the Common-wealth, or advancement of his Majefty's Ser-
vice, whereof the Lords Juftices and Councel having notice, finding with-
al, that the Popish Party in both Houſes grew to fo great a height, as
was fcarce compatible to the prefent Government, they imparted by a
Meſſage to both Houſes the 14th of July following) their intention to
give
し
​before the Infurrection.
13
素
​give a recefs for fome months, the harveſt coming on, and both Houſes
growing thin: Which intimation of a recefs both Houſes readily affented
to; fo that the 7th. of August, the Lords Juftices adjourn'd the Houſes to
the 9th. of November following, which afterwards the Members of Par-
liament aggravated as a great unkindneſs, the Committee of Parliament
being expected from England, and arriv'd at Dublin near the end of Au-
gust: Whereas, when the Parliament was adjourn'd, (and before
there was no certainty of their Committee's return, the Earl of Rofcom-
mon, who (few days before) coming from England, expreffing in plain
terms, that the Bills defired were not likely (in any fhort time) to be
difpatch'd, as the Letters from the Irish Committee at London, (which
this Lord brought over) inform'd too; and, That they were daily about
their dispatch, but could not gueß when they might have it. Yet (as I
have took notice) in Auguft, beyond expectation, the Committee re-
turn'd, upon whofe arrival, the Lords Justices and Councel (defirous to
give them all fatisfaction imaginable) fate daily compofing of Acts, to
be paffed the next Seffions of Parliament, for the benefit of his Majeſty,
and the good of his Subjects, on which the Members of Parliament then
at Dublin, and their Committee (newly arriv'd) feem'd with great
contentment to retire into the Countrey, the Lords Juſtices forthwith
fending Briefs to all the Ports in the Kingdom of the Graces concerning
Cuſtoms, commanding the Officers punctually to obey thoſe his Maje-
fty's Directions, particularly what-ever concern'd Wool, Tobacco, as all
other things of that nature, wherein his Majeſty had been pleas'd to gra-
tifie the Committee. They gave Order alfo for drawing a Bill, for re-
peal of the Preamble of the Act of Subfidies. They alſo deſired Sir Willi-
am Cole and Sir James Montgomery (two of the Committee) if they
could ever take the Affizes in the County of Ulfter, to give publick no-
tice to all the Undertakers, of what his Majefty had graciouſly granted
and intended to them; which accordingly they undertook to do, the
Lords Juftices leaving (as they thought) nothing omitted, which might
evidence their compliance with his Majefty's gracious Intentions, acting
(during this recefs of Parliament) fo vigilantly, and with that vigor, in
relation to all the Committee's Tranfactions in England, and his Maje-
fly's Service, that they had little time (if any) to fpare for their other
occafions; that if we reflect on their unwearied and faithful Endeavours,
it cannot but be imputed as the greateſt act of ingratitude (that ever a
Nation was guilty of) to calumniate fuch a Government,which had been
mainly inftrumental to accomplish thoſe Graces, that Favour, fuch Indul-
gence, as never any of his Majefty's Predeceffors would vouchſafe.
(
Yet then in the midft of this Condefcention) many of thofe (even
the major part which were Papiſts) who had been thus graciouſly heard
by his Majefty, countenanc'd in England,caraffed at Court, moſt treache-
rouſly confpired againſt his Crown and Dignity, the original of this Re-
bellion being brought over (depofeth Prifley of Mac-Mahon) by the Irish
Committee, who were imployed by the Parliament to his Majefty, for
the redreſs of their Grievances in that Kingdom, complotting thereby
the moſt execrable and bloody Rebellion Hiftory can parallel, improving
their Neighbourhood (at that time) to a mighty acceſs of Vifits and
Freedom, eſpecially in Vlter, where the Irish feem'd to mind nothing
elfe but Entertainment, lodging (under colour of friendship) the night
before themſelves, with thofe whom they intended to kill the next morn-
ing.
1
14
The State of Ireland
>
* In Annal.
*
ing. That with his Majefty (in his Solitude) I may fay that; That Sea
of Blood, which thefe Men have cruelly and barbarously shed, is enough to
drown any Man in eternal both infamy and mifery, whom God fhall find the
malicious Author or Inftigator of this effufion. And all this perpetrated,
not for Religion, (as with great induftry they endeavour to make foreign
Princes believe) No! It was their inbred malice and hatred to the Eng
lifh, which (from the first Conqueft to this prefent) may (by very
fad Examples) be clearly demonftrated, all Rebellions to Hen. 8. his
time (that the Reformation in Religion feem'd more favourable) being
wholly to extirpate the English, then with them all of one Religion, as
may be eaſily fliewed in a conftant Series of Affairs, were not every Hi-
ftory (concerning Ireland) full of this Truth, with horrible Preſidents
of Treachery and Barbarifm. And fince Hen. 8th's time (that the Pro-
teſtant Religion hath had greater freedom) it is evident too, as Cambden
notes, That their Rebellions fprung from their zeal to the Romish Reli-
Eliz. fol. 311. gion, and their malice to the New English, not to leave one alive. So
that Giraldus Cambrenfis his Character of them in his Typography *, is
fufpected to remain yet too great a Truth, to which we fhall refer you,
concluding this with what a late Hiſtorian * in fewer words obferves:
Hiberni magna ex parte fallaces, fanguinarii, fædifragi, diverfis micantes
inter fe factionibus, alter in alterius vifcera ferrum immittere, quam cum
hofte communi congredi, paratiores. To which we may add that of the
Orator*, not more pathetical than truely, That Ex omnibus Gentibus
vix ullam reperias cui peccare & flere magis naturale eft. But as to my own
Inclinations, I truely reverence what the judicious and learn'd Biſhop of
Meath, in his Epiftle to his Excellency the Earl of Effex, Lord Lieute-
nant, in his Sermon of Antichrift, obſerves, That the Iriſh of themselves
were a People peaceable,harmleẞs,and affable to ftrangers, and in themſelves,
and to all, pious and good, whilst they retain'd the Religion of their Fore-
fathers.
Anno 580.
*Fol.743.
* Dr. Bates
Elench. Mot.
par.2. p.19.
*Cefar Willi-
amfon in his
Epift. to his
Oration in fuf-
cept diadema
tis diem.Car.2.
Yet that we may come more clofely to the Buſineſs, it will not be im-
pertinent to recount what Rebellions enfued upon Queen Elizabeth's
Reign, and fince to the fatal year 1641. That the practice of the Irish
formerly being fumm'd up, it may appear what feeds of Rebellion were
ever fown in their hearts and foil, ripen'd conftantly as opportunity and
feafon gave them hopes of a harveft, all their fubmiffions (as Sir John
Davies obferves) being meer mockery and impofture. Nor are we now
without jealoufies of what may yet be, were there opportunity for it, writes
that excellent Biſhop before cited, in the faid Epiftle.
Soon after this glorious Queen (whom the Bishop of Rhodes calls one
of the moſt Heroick and Illuftrious Princes of her Age) came to the
Crown, all the Intereſts and Powers of Rome were animated againſt her,
fhe having clear'd the light of the Gofpel,by diffipating the fogs and mifts
of Superftition, fo as thence the Spirits of Darkneſs rag'd every where,the
Confederates of the Beaft exalting their Power.
1. Anno 1557. Shane O-Neal rais'd a notable Rebellion in Ulfter, meer-
ly in hatred to the English, erecting a Caftle upon Lac-Eaugh, which he
nam'd Feognegall, (i.e. The hatred of the English) and prevail'd much,
till Sir Henry Sidney routed his Forces.
2. The Fitz-Geralds in Munster, 1569. (to whom the Birns, Tools, and
Cavenaghs joyn'drag'd in Rebellion, till they were fubdu'd by Sir Wil
liam Drury. All Attainted by Parliament 27,28 Eliz. Of the Juftice of
which
before the Infurrection.
15
1
which War, an Edict was fhortly after divulg'd, which in refpect of thoſe
Tenents, yet maintain'd in the bleeding Iphigenia,and is indeed the ſum of
all their Infelicity and Malice, we have thought good to infert immedi-
ately betwixt the firſt and ſecond Appendix.
3. Hugh O-Neal, Anno 1595. fucceeded in his Villanies, (the War being
call'd Tyrone's, Rebellion) till 1603. the War determining with that
Glorious Queen. Of which three Rebellions, the Analecta de rebus Ca-
tholicorum in Hibernia, publiſh’d Anno 1617. has fumm'd up theſe nota-
ble and juſt Remarks.
1. Præcefferat Spiritus grandis & fortis fubvertens montes & conterens
petras, id factum eft in famofo illo Dynafta Johanne Nealo initio Regni
Eliz. inftar fævientis procellæ omnia provadente, & populante, qui nec mon-
tibus pepercit, nec collibus aut petris divina pariter & humana mifçens----
Poft multas ftrages quas fecit, accitis etiam è Conaçia Momonia Primi-
pilaribus quos fui Confilii participes fecit, deinde poft probra & opprobria
quæ contraxit plurima cum vellet haberi reftitutor Patria Libertatis
&avitæ Religionis, quia non erat de Numero eorum per quos falas facta eſt
in Ifrael. Qui feminavit ventos, non meſſuit nifi Turbinem, Fatus ipfe turbo
impellens in parietem in vindictam Cadis antea per eum perpetratæ filio
Paterni Sanguinis ultore Scoto in Rixa Scotorum & Hibernorum interiit,
itaque non in Spiritu tam præcipiti & præpoftero Dominus.
2. Poft hunc Spiritum fequuta eft gravis Commotio, quam fufcitavit in
Monronia Jacobus Geraldinus Mauritii filius cui acceffit Johanne Geraldi
Defmonia Comitis Germanus frater, & ipfe poftmodum Comes Geraldus in-
Sequutus eft cum multis fequalibus; in Lagenia vero fe adjunxerant Jacobus
Vice-Comes de Baltinglafs cum Kavanachiis, Briniis & aliis Nobilibus illius
Provinciæ, vifa eft magnis & piis Principibus Caufa Dei tractari & quia
pro fide bellum fufceptum intellexerunt. Ĉopias etiam auxiliares, tranfmife-
runt fed propter Delicta feculi irritus fuit Conatus Deo tunc non decernente
Speratum Bellatoribus effectum tribuere, quem in aliud tempus, pro alia
Generatione, aliis Inftrumentis & modis parandum refervavit, atque ita dif-
flatum eft Confilium illud, diffiluit in partes, opus & cæptum ipfum infeliciter
diffolutum eft, neque enim in illa Commotione tranfire ad refrigerium noftrum
voluit Dominus.
3. Illa vero Geraldinorum commotione fic prætervecta fucceffit ignis omni
late devaftans, dum flamma ferroque omnia populatur Comes Tyronenfis pluf
quam decennali bello intercipiens hujus Infulæ quietem, multa vifus prof-
pere aggredi multis etiam congreffibus victor, fed nonnullis victoriis info-
lefcens exercitus tametfi Cohortium antefignari & ipfe Gubernator & Ductor
exercitus caufam prætulerit honorificam reftituendæ Religionis nec ullam
vellet capitulationem admittere,cum Anglis in qua Primario non ageretur De
fide Orthodoxa publicè ftabilanda per univerfum regnum, quia Tamen via
& violentia tunc exercita non erat fecundum propofitum Dei efficax, hinc
peccatis Hominum irato Numine fruftra fe exerebant vires Hominum.
4. At King James's acceſs to the Crown, Waterford, Cork, and Lime-
rick in Munster, Kilkenny, and Wexford in Lemfter, openly oppos'd the
King's Title, as not being a Catholick; but were foon brought into obe-
dience by the Lord Deputy Mountjoy.
5. Within four years after, the Lord Chichester Deputy, Tyrone and
O Donnel confpiring with Mac-guire, Cormack O Neal, O Cahan, the Lord
Delvin,
16
The State of Ireland
Delvin, and others, defign'd a notable Rebellion, but were prevented in
May, 1607. and an Act of Attainder paſt, Anno 11, 12, 13 Jacobi,
Cap. 4..
6. The year following Anno fcil. 1608. Sir Cahir O Doghertie's War
fucceeded, ſharp, though fhort, determining in five months, encourag'd
by the Priests, That all who died in that Service, went. forthwith into
Heaven.
Afterwards the State of Ireland feemed very happy, both as to Im-
provement of Land, Plenty, and Peace, till the year 1634. that Ever
Mac-Mahon (before mention'd) diſcover'd an intended Plot, which by
the prudence of the Governour (the Lord Wentworth) never arriv'd at
its defign, nor afterwards was any thing further fufpected, till Sir Henry
Vane, by his Majeſties command (K. C. 1.) gave the Lords Juftices, the
16th. of March, notice of a fufpected Rebellion; of which (with its cir-
cumſtances) we have already infifted. Though we muft fay, that the re-
fult of the former Confpiracies, which by the bleffedneſs of the Times,
prudence of Governours, or other accidents, were delayed, in this (Anno
Jc. 1641.) met the accompliſhment of them all. Yet nothing was here
attempted, which the bleeding Iphigenia (the great Incendiary of that
Nation) doth not paffionately juftifie, it being, in his Divinity and Lo-
gick, rational, That the Irish (though not then vifibly affaulted) miglit
however affume Arms in defence of their Religion and Property, both
threatned; it being (writes he) a common Doctrine of Divines, That it
is lawful to prevent an evil, that cannot be otherwife avoided than by pre-
venting it; nor need the authority of the Prince (in that cafe) be required.
A Doctrine fo hellifh, as none certainly is fo befotted, but he may eafily
read therein the ruine of States and Kingdoms; excellently anſwered
by the Learned and accurate late Profelyte, Dr. Andrew Sal, to whom in
this point we muſt refer you: And as to matter of Fact, bequeath you to
the enfuing Hiſtory, clearly evidencing, That before the Irish affumed
Arms, no Inftrument was ever thought on, much lefs found againſt
them.
Formerly indeed it hath been ſtrongly imputed to the State of Eng-
land, that (conquering Ireland) they did not alfo endeavour to make them
one People; holding them Enemies, not taking care to fettle Civility
and a Property amongst them; the cauſe (as fome thought) of frequent
Rebellions. But though theſe and fome other defects in the Civil Policy
(fome think) are inexcufable, it may clearly be demonſtrated, they were
not of fo large a fize as they are mark'd. And it may appear (by antient
Records) that the Laws of England were at firft communicated to the
meer Irish, as far as their Barbariſm and Cruelties exercis❜d (on occaſions)
upon the English would well admit. But (to let theſe times pafs, whereof
we cannot ſpeak much with any certainty) let us now ſee what fruits we
have of all the Royal endeavours of his Gracious Majeſty, and his two
Glorious Predeceffors, what return for all their Care, for all their Charge,
and for all the English Blood which hath (within the compaſs of the laſt
Age) been ſpilt for purchafing of Peace, and introducing of the true Re-
ligion and common Civility into Ireland.
It cannot be denied, that fince the happy Reign of Queen Elizabeth, all
the former defects in the Government, and Civil Policy, have been
abundantly ſupplied, and all thoſe Means us'd, thofe Acts perform'd,
thoſe Deſigns fully accomplish'd, and all things elfe perfectly brought
to
before the Infurrection.
1 7
to paſs, which (in the judgement of all wife Men) were conceiv'd,
would undoubtedly effect the full fettlement and reduction of that King-
dom. As firſt, The barbarous Cuſtoms continually us'd by the Iriſh,
have been quite aboliſhed; all forts of People (even the moſt wicked
amongſt them) have been allowed the benefit of the Law, and liv'd un-
der the King's immediate Protection; all the Laws of England (found
uſeful for that Kingdom) have been made currant by Act of Parliament,
in Ireland; many other good Laws enacted, and the execution of them
hath had free courſe through all parts of the Kingdom; the Courts of Ju-
ſtice have been open, and the Judges (for the more free diſtribution of
Juſtice to the People) have conftantly (twice every year) gone their
Circuits, through the feveral Counties of the whole Land; the Church-
Government hath been fully fetled, many preaching Minifters (general-
ly plac'd throughout the feveral Pariſhes as likewife Free-Schools, to-
gether with fufficient Maintenance for them, have been eſtabliſht; the
Lands (belonging to the Natives) have been always duely fetled ac-
cording to Law in the Proprietor; and what noiſe foever was rais'd, en-
tituling the Crown to Rofcommon, Mayo, Slego, Galloway, Clare, befides
fome parts of Limerick and Tipperary (as one of the Mafter-pieces of
the Earl of Strafford's Service in Ireland) nothing was ever effected
thereupon, though it had coft his Majefty 10000 7. upon the enquiry,
and had they had patience till the next Seffions of Parliament, there was
an Act for Limitations, pafs'd by his Majefty, to bar all Titles, Claims,
and Challenges of the Crown, before 60 years laft paft, to have cut off all
expectations upon the ancient Title, and have firengthned (by new
Grants and Patents) all Titles from the Crown. Multitudes of Britiſh
were brought in, and planted in great numbers, even in the moſt barba-
rous Places of the Kingdom; many corporate Towns have been erected;
fome wall'd Towns have been alfo lately built; Caftles, Stone-houſes,
and Villages, daily made in every part in great abundance; Trade and
Traffick fo well fetled, as (the obftructions therein being remov'd) the
native Commodities were fo freely exported, as they did (to the great
advantage of the Kingdom) by far exceed the foreign Importation; and
all other neceffary Provifions were made for the Publick, which might be
thought any ways to conduce to the Peace, Plenty, and flouriſhing Eſtate
of a growing Kingdom.
And for the Iriſh themſelves (though they have ever been obferv❜d to
be a whining Generation, a People always given unjustly to complain of
their Governours) yet (in theſe later times) there hath been a moſt ſpe-
cial care taken, to preferve them free from all manner of Preffures. They
have had liberty (beyond the examples of former Ages) to redreſs their
Grievances in their own Parliament, being elected Knights, Citizens, and
Burgeffes, according to the Affections of the Commons; they had too
(of their Communion) Lawyers bred up in England, frequent at their
Bar; alfo upon their Bench Juftices of the Peace; in their Counties She-
riffs, and Mayors and other Officers in their Corporations, Favours not
afpir'd to by the Catholicks of England, or ever granted. And in Cafes
where they thought fit to prefent their Complaints unto his Majefty,they
were graciouſly receiv'd, and fitting Remedies applied. They were ad-
mitted to enjoy the free and full exercife of the Roman Religion without
controul; to entertain Prieſts, Friers, Jefuits, and all forts of their Ecclefi-
aſtical Orders, without number, whilft the Proteftants diffenting from
D
the
!
}
18
*Thom. Rivii
Fur. Confult.
Regiminis An-
glici in Hiber-
nia Defenfio in
Analecten, lib.s
p.1.
The State of Ireland,&c.
the Regimen of the Church of England, were frequently fummon'd to the
Bishop's Court. Juftice was equally adminiftred to the Britiſh and Iriſh
without any manner of difference; the Countrey Duties and other Taxes
were levied upon all without diftinction of Perfons; all private Animofi-
ties fupprefs'd; all ancient Grudges remov'd; and in all outward appear-
ance, they liv'd fo affectionately intermixt together, as they could not be
eſteem'd two Nations in one Kingdom, but that they did Coalefcere in
unam Gentem. And it is without all contradiction not to be denied, That
never any Conquer'd Nation enjoy'd more fully the Liberties and Priviledg
es of Free Subjects, and (through the great Indulgence of his Majefty)
liv'd with greater contentment, Eafe, Peace, Plenty, and freedom from
all manner of extraordinary Taxations, other than fuch as they were
pleas'd to impofe upon themſelves in Parliament, than the Natives of Ire-
land have lately done. Inafmuch as an Excellent Lawyer * clearly evi-
dences from 1601. to the year that he writ in, That Ex illo tempore quan-
tum creverunt Hibernorum Res, defertiffimæ follitudines in vicos & oppida
Converfæ, Itinera olim claufa Exercitibus, nunc patent Viatoribus, Portus
Navibus, Urbes Mercatoribus, Agri Colonis, fora Judiciis frequentantur,
nec fiquid inter Cives controverfia inciderit, ferro nunc ut olim, fed lege &
Judicis Arbitrio deciditur: Ipfæ vero Gentes Anglicanæ & Hibernica quæ
non folum ftudiis fed etiam Caftris olim diffidebant, nec ullo fædere teneban-
tur, fed alteri alterum utcunque occidere jus erat, fublatis nuper Hoftilitatis
legibus in unum populum coaluerunt, nec Commercia nunc & Convivia verum
Conjugia inter ipfos celebrantur,. adeoque æquo Jure, pari lege, & eadem
Conditione, abfque omni Gentis difcrimine, fub juftiffimo Rege vivitur, ut
nec Angli ſe viciffe, nec Hiberni victos fe effe, fentiant. That hence enfued
the calmeft and moſt univerſal Peace, that ever was ſeen in Ireland, it be-
ing not to be produc'd, that after the Irish were receiv'd into the Condi-
tion of Subjects, without difference and diftinction, (which was in the
Parliament begun at Dublin, under the Lord Chichester, the 18th.of May,
Anno Regni Jacob. 11.) that ever the English in Ireland offer'd the leaſt
violence to any of the Natives, eo Nomine, Papifts or Irish; yet nothing
could keep them from Rebelling, the Corn being then full ear'd. And
fo we are arriv'd at the Rebellion, which (as you have read) hath had
many ſteps to its Rife, which we fhall now purfue in its Progreſs and
Success.
The
+
哼
​T
the Irith Infurrection.
The Irish Rebellion, 23. Octob. 1641.
19
1641.
Sir William
Cole gave the
first light of
the Rebellion.
1
H firſt dark Light, of which Sir William Cole (the 11th. of
October, 1641:) gave the Lords Justices and Council notice of:
As that there was a great Refort made to Sir Phelim O Neals, in
the County of Tyrone, as alfo to the Houſe of the Lord Mac-Guire, in the
County of Fermanagh, and that by several ſuſpected Perfons ( fit Inſtru-
ments for Miſchief.) As also that the faid Lord Mac-Guire had of late made
Several Fourneys within the Pale, and other Places, and had spent his time
much in writing Letters, and fending Dispatches abroad. Upon the receipt
of which Intelligence, the Lords Juftices and Council writ to Sir William
Cole, requiring him to be very vigilant and induſtrious, to find out what
fhould be the occafion of thoſe ſeveral Meetings, and speedily to advertise
them thereof, or any other particular that he conceiv'd might tend to the
publick Service of the State. And more than this (rationally) could not
have been done; for that what Sir William Cole inform'd the State of;
was but conjectural; and had any notice been took publickly of it,where-
by Sir Phelim O Neal, or the Lord Mac-Guire had been feiz'd on, the
fame would certainly have been a pretended caufe for the Irish (ready
Touch-wood) to have rifen in Arms, being fufpected, before they ma-
nifeſted any dif-fatisfaction. Befides, there was fome fo unwilling to re-
ceive the leaſt mif-conceit of the Irish, (believing Time had worn out
all Animofities, and the State had fecur'd each Intereſts) as they us'd
the utmoſt artifice imaginable to fupprefs thofe thoughts in others: That
thence more than a circumfpect eye was not to be advis'd. Some fay, one
John Cormack reveal'd to Sir William Cole, the 21. of October, That the
Irish refolv'd to feize upon his Majefties Caſtle and City of Dublin, to
murder his Lords Juftices and Council there, and to feize upon all the Ca-
ftles and Forts of the Kingdom, &c. Which Sir William Cole the fame day
fent the Lords Juftices notice of. As others from an Ultogh would infer,
That they had inform'd the State thereof, and that Sir Lucas Dillon there-
upon had been fummon'd before them, and told, that they had heard
fomething of him and others in Connaght, that made their fidelity fufpect-
ed; which with a fober countenance, and folemn proteftation, ( Arts he
had been long bred to) he foon wiped off. So (faith my Author) that
for our fins our Counsellors were infatuated, and our Watch-men flumber'd:
But Sir John Temple (whofe Integrity over-weighs all Affertions to the
contrary) testifies *, That thofe Letters and Informations never came to In his Let-
*
their knowledge, and that indeed they had never any certain notice of this ter, 18.of May,
general Conspiracy of the Irish, until the 22d. of October, late in the even
ing*, that Owen O Conally a meer Irish-man, Servant to Sir John * Sir 7.Tin his
Clotworthy, train' d up in the Proteftant Religion) imparted the fame to Hit. p.17.1.12.
the Lord Justice Parfons, as a fenfe of his Duty, and Loyalty to his Majefty,
and an effect of that Religion he was trained up in.
At first, the Lord Parsons gave little belief to the Relation, in regard it
came from an obfcure Perfon, and one, as he conceiv'd, fomewhat diftem-
per'd (at that time) with drink, delivering his ſtory beſides in fo broken
à manner, that it fcarce feem'd credible; whereupon his Lordship let
him go,ſtrictly charging him to return back the fame evening,with what
D 2
further
1677.
20
The difmal Effects of
1641. further difcoveries he could make. Yet in the interim, the Lord Parfons
(being touch'd with the Relation) repair'd (about Ten of the Clock at
'night to the Lord Borlafe, at Chichester-houfe, without the Town, and
difclos'd to him what Owen O Conally had imparted; which made fo fen-
fible an impreſſion on his Colleague, as (the Diſcoverer being let go)
He grew infinitely concern'd thereat, having none to puniſh, if the ſtory
fhould prove falſe; or means to learn more, were it true. In the diftur-
bance of which perplexity, Owen O Conally comes (or, as others write,
was brought) where the Lords Juftices were then met, fenfible that his
diſcovery was not thorowly believed, profeffing, that what-ever he had
acquainted the Lord Parfons with, (touching the Confpiracy) was true
and could be but repofe himself; (the effects of drink being ftill upon him)
he fhould discover more. Whereupon he had the conveniency of a Bed.
In the interim, the Lords Juftices fummon'd as many of the Council, as
they could give notice to, to their affiftance that night, at Chichester-
houfe. Sir Thomas Rotheram, and Sir Robert Meredith, Chancellor of
the Exchequer, came immediately to them. They then with all diligence
fecur'd the Gates of the City, with fuch as they could molt confide in,
and ftrengthen'd the Warders of the Caſtle, (which were a few in-conf-
derable men with their Foot-Guard, ufually attending their Perfons,
charging the Mayor and his Brethren to be watchful of all perfons, that
fhould walk the ſtreets that night. However, many of the Confpirators
efcaped over the River, or at leaft lay conceal'd in Citizens houfes, (a
Receptacle too ready for moſt of them) and ſome of thoſe who were
brought before the Lords Juftices and Council, as James Warren, (Sir
Phelim O Neal's Servant) and Paul O Neal, ( an active Prieft) though
neither of them then were diſcover'd to be fucli,found means to get away;
of which Sir Phelim bragge of afterwards; Paul O Neal having been a
prime Inſtrument in the contrivance of the Rebellion: Whilft Hugh Oge,
Mac-Mahon Efq; (Grandſon by his Mother to the Traitor Tir-Oen) a
Gentleman of good Fortune in the County of Monaghon, who had ferv'd
as a Lieutenant Colonel in the King of Spain's Quarters, was, after fome
little refiftance, apprehended before day in his own Lodging over the
Water near the Inns, and brought to Chichester-house, where, upon Ex-
àmination, he did, without much difficulty, confefs the Plot, refolutely
Examination telling them, That on that very day (it was now about 5 in the morning,
the 23. of Octob. 1641.) that all the Forts and Strong Places in Ireland
would be taken; That he with the Lord Mac-Guire, Hugh Birn, Captain
Brian O Neal, and ſeveral other Irish Gentlemen', were come up exprefly to
furprize the Castle of Dublin, and that twenty men out of each County of the
Kingdom were to be here to joyn with them. That all the Lords and Gentle-
men in the Kingdom (that were Papiſts) were engag'd in this Plot; That
what was that day to be done in other parts of the Countrey, was so far ad-
vanc'd by that time, as it was impoffible for the wit of Man to prevent it.
And withal told them, That it was true, they had him in their power, and
might use him how they pleased; but he was fure he should be reveng'd.
Mac-Mahon's
abbreviated.
O Conally's Ex-
amination.
Before Mac-Mahon was apprehended, Owen O Conally having (on his
repoſe) recovered himſelf, had his Examination taken in theſe words.
Who being duly fworn and examined, faith, That he being at Monimore,
in the County of London-derry, on Tuesday laft, he received a Letter from
Colonel Hugh Oge-Mac-Mahon, defiring him to come to Connaght in the
County
M
པ
the Irish Infurrection.
呼
​County of Monaghan, and to be with him on Wedneſday or Thurſday Last.
Whereupon be this Examinant came to Connaght on Wedneſday night last,
and finding the faid Hugh come to Dublin, followed him thither; he came
hither about fix of the Clock this evening, and forthwith went to the Lodg
ing of the faid Hugh, to the house near the Boat in Oxmantown, and there
he found the faid Hugh, and came with the faid Hugh into the Town, near
the Pillory, to the Lodging of the Lord Mac-Guire, where they found not
the Lord within there they drank a cup of Beer, and then went back again
to the faid
Lodging, t
night, great
all parts of
to take the Came
ring
He faith, That at the Lord Mac-Guire's
ld him, That there were, and would be this
lemen and Gentlemen of the Irish Papists, from
in this Town, who, with himself, had determin'd
in, and to poffeß themselves of all his Majefties
Ammunition the tomorrow morning, being Saturday: And that they in-
tended first to batter the Chimneys of the faid Town; and if the Citizens
would yield, then to batter down the Houſes, and fo to cut off all the
Protestants that would not joyn with them. He further faith, That he the
faid Hugh told him, That the Irish had prepared men in all parts of the
Kingdom, to destroy all the English inhabiting there to morrow morning by
Ten of the Clock; and that in all the Sea-Ports, and other Towns in the
Kingdom, all the Proteftants fhould be killed that night, and that all the
Poſts that could be could not prevent it. And further faith,That he moved the
faid Hugh to forbear executing of that business, and to difcover it to the
State, for faving of his own Estate; who faid, He could not help it: But
faid, That they did owe their Allegiance to the King, and would pay him all
his Rights; but that they did this for the Tyrannical Government that was
over them, and to imitate Scotland, who had got a Priviledge by that courſe.
And he further faith, That when he was with the faid Hugh in his Lodging,
the faid Hugh ſwore, That he should not go out of his Lodging that night, but
told him, he should go with him the next morning to the Castle; and faid, if
this matter were discovered, fome body should die for it. Whereupon this
Examinant feign'd fome neceffity for his Eafment,went down out of the Cham-
ber, and left his Sword in pawn, and the faid Hugh fent his Man down with
him; and why this Examinant came down into the Tard, and finding an op-
portunity, he, this Examinant, leaped over a Wall,and two Pales, and fo came
to the Lord Justice Parſons.
Octob. 22.
1641.
William Parfons.
Thomas Rotheram.
Robert Meredith.
Owen O Conally.
How it came to pafs that the other Lord Juftice atteſted not the Exa-
mination, it being took in his houſe, he prefent) hath begot fome
doubts, evidencing how (fince) Counfels fevered into Cabals.
In the interim, whilſt Owen O Conally was examining) Mac-Mahon
(walking in Chichester-ball) drew (with Chalk) feveral Poftures, fome on
Gibbets,others groveling on the ground; intimating how his fancy run on
what was then acting. So little did he dread the event.
The night being thus pafs'd over, the Lords Juftices remov'd themfelves
(for their better fecurity into the Caftle, where the body of the Coun-
cil attended them; and having fecur'd the Lord MacGuire (taken, after
feveral removes, in an obfcure Cock-loft in Cook-street) they joyn'd in this
Proclamation.
By
21
1641.
22
The difmal Effects of
1641.
1
By the Lords Juftices and Council:
W. Parfons, John Borlafe.
Heſe are to make known and publiſh to all his Majeſties good Subjects
in this Kingdom of Ireland, That there is a difcome
Lords Fuftices and Council, of a most disloyal an
made by us the
Spiracy, in-
the Lords
bjects, unis
of his Maje-
tended by fome evil-affected Irish Papifts, again
Juftices and Council, and many other of his Ma
verfally throughout this Kingdom, and for the ſe
fty's Castle of Dublin, ( his Majeſties principal Fort
fo of all the
other Fortifications in the Kingdom. And feeing by the
the great goodneß and
abundant mercy of Almighty God to his Majefty, and this State and King
dom, thofe wicked Confpiracies are brought to light, and fome of the Confpira
tors committed to the Castle of Dublin by us, by his Majefties Authority, fo
as thoſe wicked and damnable Plots are now diſappointed in the chief Parts
thereof: We therefore have thought fit hereby not onely to make it publickly
known, for the comfort of his Majefties good and loyal Subjects in all parts of
the Kingdom, but also hereby to require them, That they do with all confi-
dence and chearfulness betake themſelves to their own defence, and ſtand upon
their Guard, fo to render the more fafety to themselves and all the Kingdom
befides; and that they advertise us with all poffible Speed of all Occurrents,
which may concern the peace and fafety of the Kingdom, and now to fhew fully
that Loyalty and Faith, which they had always fhown for the publick Ser-
vices of the Crown and Kingdom, which we will value to his Majesty accor-
dingly, and a ſpecial memory thereof will be retain❜d for their advantage in
due time; and we require, that great care be taken,that no Levies of Men be
made for Foreign Service, nor any Men fuffer'd to March upon any pretence.
Given at his Majeſty's Caſtle at Dublin,
23. October, 1641.
R.Dillon, Ro. Digby, Ad. Loftus, J. Temple, Tho. Rotheram,
Franc. Willoughby, Ja. Ware, Ro. Meredith.
Which being immediately printed, was difperfed to as many Places as
they could convey it to: Againſt which, fome of the Lords of the Pale
(though at firſt they had offer'd their ſervice at the Council-board, with
great proteftations and affections to his Majeſty) few days after appear'd
with a Petition to their Lordships, wherein they utter'd the deep fenfe
they had of an expreffion in that Proclamation, as if by the words, Irifh
Papifts, there being no distinction, they might doubt themselves in-
volv'd. Upon which the Lords Juftices and Council, being tender, left
they (in whoſe fidelity, from the example of their Anceſtors, their Lord-
fhips then reſted confident) fhould take umbrage at any of their expreffi-
ons, condeſcended, by their Printed Declaration, dated the 29th. of the
fame October, to publiſh and proclaim, That by the words, Irish Papifts,
they intended onely fuch of the old meer Iriſh in the Province of Ulfter, as
had plotted, contriv'd, and been actors in that Treason, and others that ad-
hered to them, and none of the old Engliſh of the Pale, and other Parts, en-
joyn-
t
X
1
The difmal Effects of the Irish Infurrection.
joyning all his Majesty's Subjects, whether Proteftants or Papifts, to forbear
upbraiding matter of Religion. So that this Cavil being remov'd, the
Lords Fuftices and Councel (with all imaginable amity and confidence)
animated the Lords of the Pale, and their adherents, to joyn with them,
as one Body, for the fuppreffion of the prefent Rebellion, and the main-
tenance of his Majeſty's juft Right and Prerogative. To which end they
parted with 1700 Arms, and proportionable Ammunition, as well to the
Roman Catholicks, as Proteftant Subjects, for the defence of their Hou-
fes in feveral parts. As to the Lord of Gormanston, there were delivered
Arms for 500 Men, for the County of Meath; there were alfo delivered
Arms for 300. for the County of Kildare; Arms for 300. for the Coun-
ty of Lowth; Arms for 300. for the County of Weft-Meath; Arms for
300. for the County of Dublin; and about the fame time, there were
fent down 400 Muskets to the Lords of the Ardes and Clandeboys, for the
Arming of the Scots, in the County of Downe; alfo the State furniſh'd
Wexford, Waterford, Trim and Dundalk, with Arms, and licence to im-
port Arms and Powder, a condefcenfion never indulg'd without great
confidence and favour, that nothing ſhould be wanting to teftifie their
confidence of all, but fuch as were in actual Rebellion.
And now having heard Mac-Mahon's, and Owen O Conally's Examinati-
ons, and the proceedings thereupon, it will be time to give you the Lord
Mac-Guire's, though at firft (when he was brought before the Councel
Board) nothing could be wrung from him, till the 26th. of March,
1642. that his Examination was taken before Charles Lord Lambert, and
Sir Robert Meredith Kt. Chancellor of his Majefty's Court of Exchequer,
by direction of the Lords Juftices and Councel, in theſe words:
Who being examined, faith, That about the time when Mr. John Bellew
came out of England, with the Commiſſion for the continuance of the prefent
Parliament, Roger Moore, in the faid Moore's Chamber, in the House of
One Peter de Coltres, of this City, acquainted him this Examinant, That
if the Irish would rife, they might make their own Conditions, for the
regaining of their own Lands, and freedom of their Religion. At which
time the faid Moore alſo acquainted him this Examinant, that he had ſpo-
ken with fundry in Leimfter, who would be ready for that purpose; and
withal told him this Examinant, that he was affured a good part of Con-
naght would do the like; and thereupon mov'd this Examinant to joyn like-
wife with them, with all he could make; unto which motion he this Exami-
nant yielded. And the next day following, there was a Meeting in bis the
Jaid Moore's Chamber aforesaid, where were Col.Mac-Bryan, Mac-Mahon,
Tirelagh ONeal, Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, this Examinant, and Roger
Moore, where Difcourfe was had about that Buſineſs, yet nothing concluded
on, fave that Roger Moore and the rest fhould go and prepare their Parties.
And this Examinant further faith,That about May last, he this Examinant,
Roger Moore, Philip O Relie, and Roger Mac-Guire (this Examinant's
Brother) dispatched a Priest (one Toole O Conley) who lived in Leim-
fter, unto Owen ONeal, into Flanders, to acquaint him with the Buſineſs,
concerning the General Rebellion then in preparation; which faid Priest re-
turn'd about a month before the time appointed for execution thereof: And
the Anſwer which the faid Priest brought from the faid Owen ONeal, was,
That he would (within 15 days after the People were up) be with them,with
his beſt Aſſiſtance and Arms: And it being demanded, 'Why he the faid Ow-
en would bring Arms, confidering the Caffle of Dublin was to be taken, and
23
1641.
the
A
24
The Effects of the Iriſh Maſſacre; or,
1641. the Arms therein; this Examinant anfwer'd, That they fo provided for
Arms, that they might not want any in cafe they could not take the ſaid Ca-
stle, whereof they doubted. And this Examinant acknowledgeth, That the
Castle of Dublin was to have been furpriz'd by himſelf, Capt.Bryan O Neal,
Capt. Con ONeal, Capt. Mac-Mahon, one Owen O Relie, Roger Moore,
Hugh Mac-Mahon, Col. Plunkett, and Capt. Fox; and likewife further
acknowledgeth, That Hugh Mac-Phelim, Capt. Con ONeal, and Bryan
ONeal, brought from Owen O Neal, out of Flanders, the very fame Mef-
fage which the Priest brought. And this Examinant further faith, That
he was told by Roger Moor, that a Great Man was in the Plot, but he might
not name him for the prefent: And at another time, and during the fitting
of the Parliament the last Summer, be this Examinant was inform'd by one
John Barnewell, a Francifcan Frier, then refident in this City, That thofe
of the Pale were alfo privy to the Plot (meaning the prefent Rebellion.)
And laftly faith, That of thofe Perfons who came to attend him this Exami-
nant, for the furprize of the Castle of Dublin, only Cohonough Mac-Guire
was privy to the Buſineſs in hand; and that the last Meeting ( when the
day appointed for the execution thereof. was refolv'd on) was at Loghroſs,
where were preſent only Ever Mac-Mahon, Vicar-General of the Dioceß of
Clogher, Thomas Mac-Kearnan, a Frier of Dundalk, Sir Phelim Ŏ
Neal, Roger Moor, and Bryan ONeal.
Appendix 2.
Charles Lambert, Robert Meredith. Concordat cum originali. Ex.
per Paul Harris.
Which Examination he alfo acknowledged before Judge Bramfton, Lord
Chief Juſtice of England, and Juftice Mallet, the 22. of June, 1642. in
the preſence of Jo. Conyers, W. Ayloffe, Nath.Finch. And being Prifoner
in the Tower of London, he delivered to Sir John Conyers (then Lieute-
nant thereof) a Relation of the whole Scene, to be prefented to the Lords
in Parliament, which being ftor'd with many remarkable Circumſtances,
fufficiently evidencing the dif-fatisfaction, long contrivance, and general
combination of the Natives, I fhall commit to pofterity in his own words,
* that it may be ſeen (what Fucus foever is now endeavour'd to be caſt
on the horrid Confpiracy) it was not any ill miſcarriage of the State (at
that time) or any real fufpicions that the Irish had of any violence to be
obtruded on their Religion, or Perfons, which drove the Natives into a
general revolt, but the deliberate complotted Counfels of many years,
that anvil'd out the Rebellion in deteftation of the English; that was
the Sore (however skin'd) which they endeavour'd again to exulcerate;
to which end, O Neal's Regiment in Flanders (confifting moſt of Irish
Papiſts) was purpoſely rais'd, to train up the Irish in Arms, againſt a
• Pryn's Ab- fitting opportunity, as by Henry Mac-Art's Examination* is moſt evi-
brev.of Archbi. dent.
Laud, fol. 301.
Thus was this inhumane and treacherous Rebellion unanimouſly com-
plotted, which brake forth the 23. of October, 1641. St. Ignatius his day,
that less than fuch a Patron might not be entituled to ſo cloſe and bloody
a Confpiracy, fourty years before fore-warn'd by the incomparable and
pious Archbishop her, preaching (foon after the overthrow of the
Spaniards at Kinfale, 1601.) on the Viſion of Ezek. Chap. 4. Verf. 6.
whence (in reference to a connivance of Popery following) he drew
this Application, From this year (a day being for a year) I will reckon
the
}
The difmal Effects of the Irish Infurrection.
25
1641.
Dr. Bernard
in his Funeral
the fin of Ireland, that those whom you now embrace fhall be your ruine, and
you shall bear this iniquity. A little before which time, this Reverend
Primate went for England; I cannot ſay his reflecting on this Prophefie
was the cauſe of his repair thither,no! many things were thought to be in
difpute, which his moderation might probably have compos'd. How- Oration on the
ever, writes Armachanus Redivivus, towards the end, Monitu proculdubio Primate,p. ?§
divino tempeftivus ab Hibernia receſſit, priufquam funefta calamitates eru-
piſſent,& illi lupi bipedes, belluæque deprædatrices difperfas oves horribi-
li Laniena jugulaffent. The Caftle of Dublin (aş you have read) was the
chief Place they aim'd at, as in the Lord Grey's Government, 1580.
it was then the deſign of the Rebels to have kill'd * him, and his Family,
and to have furpris'd the Caſtle of Dublin, wherein was all the Provi-
fion of War. The like was intended by the Confpirators about the be-
ginning of the Reign of King James, Sir Arthur Chichester Lord
Deputy.
The full determination of the Confpiracy we now ſpeak of, was (as
Dr. Jones, in his clear and excellent account he gives thereof, in his De-
pofitions took the 3d. of March, 1641.) defign'd at the Abbey of Mul-
tifernan; (notwithſtanding that Tyroen's Son, who had long confulted
it in Flanders, was fuddenly ftrangled about that time in Bruxels, and
the Earl of Tirconnel drown'd near the time of the Earl of Strafford's
death; prime Inſtruments in anvilling the Deſign abroad, and great hopes
of countenancing it at home) where there was a Covent of Francifcans,
(conven'd, it ſeems, on a pious intent) in the County of Weft-Meath,
after the laſt Seffions of Parliament; where, amongst many other things
there debated, the queſtion was, What course should be taken with the
English, and all others, that were found in the whole Kingdom, to be Pro-
testants? Some were onely for their Baniſhment, as the King of Spain dif-
mis'd the Mores out of Granado, with fome of their Goods. Others were
urgent, that all the Proteftants fhould be univerfally cut off; the King
of Spain's lenity being his and his Queen's act, not the advice of his
Council, which (fay they) afterwards coft Christendom dear, the Mores
furviving to return with Swords in their hands and infeſt them, as Al-
giers and Sally doth at prefent. Thoſe Diſputes held long; at laſt, ſome
lean'd a middle way, neither to difmifs or kill. And we find by the event,
each of theſe thoughts had fome execution; in fome places All being
generally put to the Sword, or a more deplorable end; in other places,
Impriſonment accompanied with the utmoſt extremity of that condi-
tion) was the lot of many; and others (who being difmifs'd with their
Goods) were afterwards ftript of all, expos'd to Cold and Famine, worſe
than Sword or Halter.
Thus having determin'd what to do with the Proteftants, which (in
general, too fadly fucceeded to their wishes) they (according to the
prefumption of the event) confulted (in the next place) what courſe they
would perufe in reference to their Government of the State.
First, they agreed) That their Loyalty to his Majefty fhould be ſtill
reſerv'd, ſay they of the modeft fort; but both his Revenues and Govern-
ment muſt be reduc'd to certain bounds: His Rents none other than the
antient Reſervations before the Plantations; and the Cuſtoms ſo order'd,
as to them ſhould be thought fitting.
Secondly, For the Government, fuch as would be eſteem'd Loyal,
would have it committed into the hands of two Lords Juſtices, one
of the
Confpirare
caperunt ad
familia oppi
mendum, Ca-
Proregem cant
from Dubli-
nenfe (ubi om-
is apparatus
bellicas) ex
improviso in-
tercipiendum.
Camd. Eliz.
fol. 311.
P.27.
E
antient
"
26
The Effects of the Iriſh Maffacre; or,
antient Irish Race, the other of the antient Britiſh Inhabitants in the
Kingdom, provided that they be of the Romish Profeffion.
Thirdly, That a Parliament be forthwith call'd, confiſting of whom
they ſhall think fit to be admitted, wherein their own Religious Men
fhall be Affiftants.
Fourthly, That Poining's Act muſt be repeal'd, and Ireland declar'd to
be a Kingdom independent on England, and without any reference to it
in any cafe whatſoever.
Fifthly, All Acts prejudicial to the Romish Religion ſhall be abokſh'd,
and it to be Enacted, That there be none other Profeffion in the King-
dom but the Romifh.
Sixthly, That onely the antient Nobility of the Kingdom ſhall ſtand;
and of them, fuch as fhall refufe to conform to the Romish Religion, to be
remov'd, and others put in their room. Howfoever, the prefent Earl
of Kildare muſt be put out, and another put in his place.
Seventhly, All Plantation Lands to be recall'd, and the antient Pro-
prietors to be inveſted into their former Eftates, with the Limitations in
their Covenant exprefs'd, That they had not formerly fold their Intereſts
on valuable Confiderations.
Eighthly, That the refpective Counties of the Kingdom be ſubdivided,
and certain Bounds or Baronies affign'd to the Chief Septs, and other of
the Nobility, who are to be anfwerable for the Government thereof:
and that a ſtanding Army may be ftill in being, the refpective Governours
are to keep a certain number of men to be ready at all Rifings out (as they
term it) they alfo being to build and maintain certain Fortreffes, in
places moft convenient within their Precincts: And that thefe Gover-
nours be of abfolute Power, onely refponfible to the Parliament.
Laſtly, For maintaining a Correſpondency with other Nations, and
for fecuring the Coaſts, that alſo they may be render'd confiderable to
others, a Navy of a certain number of Ships is to be maintain'd; that to
this end, five Houſes are to be appointed, one in each Province, (ac-
counting Meath for one of them that to thefe Houfes fhall be allotted an
Annual Penfion of certain thouſands of Pounds, to be made up of part of
the Lands appropriate to Abbeys; and a further Contribution to be
rais'd in the reſpective Provinces to that end: That theſe Houſes are to
be affign'd to a certain order of Knights, anſwerable to that of Malta,
who are to be Sea-men. And to maintain this Fleet, that all Prizes are to
be apportion'd, fome part for a Common Bank,the reft to be divided; to
which purpoſe, the felling of Woods ferviceable for this ufe is forbidden.
The Houfe for this purpoſe to be affign'd to the Province of Leimfter,is
Kilmainham, or rather Howth, (the Lord of Howth being otherwife to be
accommodated, provided he joyn with them) that place being eſteem'd
moſt convenient in refpect of fituation, which they have ſmall grounds
to hope for.
For the effecting of which, they confider'd, that the Forces of the King-
dom would eaſily amount to two hundred thouſand able men, wanting
onely Commanders; which (as I have already took notice of) might be
fupplied from O-Neals Regiment in Flanders, and other places, breed-
ing up the Iriſh in Arms and Rebellion. And for Money, (the other Si-
new of War) they were refolv'd not to want it, if it could be rais'd either
from Tenant, or the Farmers of the Cuſtoms, who (having it then rea-
dy) were to bring it to their reſpective Banks. So as nothing was
omitted,
The difmal Effects of the Iriſh Infurrection.
27
1641.
omitted, which rationally might further their defign: Which, after the
State, by Proclamation, had made known, and many (on fufpicion)
were daily feiz'd on, Certainties of its fuccefs were hourly brought to
the State: That night the Lord Blany brought the ill news, of the Rebels
feifing upon Castle Blany in the County of Monaghan, and his Wife, and
Children, and Servants; as alfo of the furprifal of Carrick Mac-roß, a
Houſe of the Earl of Eſſex's, and Sir Henry Spotswood's in the fame Coun-
ty, burning divers Villages, robbing and ſpoiling many English, none but
Proteftants. On Sunday, Sir Arthur Tirringham gave intelligence, that
the Irish in Newry had broken up the King's Store of Arms, and had
feiz'd upon them and the Ammunition there, lifting themſelves under
the command of Sir Con Mac-Gennis Knight, and one Creely a Monk.
Thus almoſt every hour fome (like Job's Meffengers) hafted to the State,
as preferv'd onely to acquaint them of the difafters of their Relations, and
the fufferings of the Proteftants: of which, with all circumftances to it,
the Lords Juſtices and Council gave his Majeſty an account by Sir Henry
Spotswood, (being then in Scotland) and fent Owen O Conally with Letters,
dated the 25th. of October, to the Earl of Leicester, Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland*, the effect of which Letter you may fee in its proper place. In *Sir John Tem-
the interim, the State being from all parts terrifi'd with the infolencies ple's Hiltory
of the Rebels, they ſcarce knew how to fteer their courſe, no Money be-
ing in the Treaſury, and the main part of the Citizens being juftly fuf-
pected, for that being mov'd to advance Money on the occafion, ( will
Poſterity believe it) their whole Community would not reach 50l. And
fuch as had eſcaped the violence of the Rebels, having nothing but their
Perſons for a prey, could contribute little, many of which were fo fright-
ed with what they had feen and fuffered, that, like inanimate Bodies, they
appear'd fenfleſs and ftupid. However, the Lords Juftices and Council
having fecur'd the Caftle by a Company of Foot, under the command of
Sir Francis Willoughby, (one of the Privy Council) a known and experi-
enc'd Soldier, and fetled Sir Charles Coote (alfo of the Privy Council) in
the Government of the City, wherein (as in other Services) he proved
afterwards fignally eminent and noble. They advertis'd the Earl of Or-
mond, (whom the Rebels boaſted they had made of their Party) then at
his Houſe at Carrick, of what had hitherto happen'd, defiring him to
repair to Dublin with his Troop, which he accordingly obſerv'd about
the beginning of November.
About the 27th. of October, the Lords Juftices and Council fent Com-
miſſions to the Lords Viſcounts of Clandeboys, and of the Ardes, to raiſe
the Scots in the Northern Parts; they alfo writ to Sir William and Sir
Robert Stewart, with other Gentlemen of Quality in the North, Giving
them power to profecute the Rebels with Fire and Sword; yet fo, as to ref-
cue fuch as fhould ſubmit to his Majefties Grace and Mercy; fignifying with-
all, That although by the faid Commiſion they gave them full power there-
unto, yet they did then let them know, that for those who were chief among
the Rebels, and Ring-Leaders of the rest to disobedience, that they ad-
judged them less worthy of favour than the others whom they had mif
guided: And therefore for thoſe principal Perfons, they required them to
take care not to be too forward (without first confulting the Counfel-board)
in proffering or promifing mercy to thofe, unless they the faid Commiffioners
Saw it of great and unavoidable neceſſity. They likewife writ to the Lords
Preſidents of Munster and Connaght, adviſing them to be upon their
E 2
Guards,
of the Rebelli -
on, p. 28.
28
1641.
As in Sir 7.
Temp.p.57. and
in the Anfwer
at Trym, p.22.
to the Remonſt.
Commiffions
of Martial-Law
veral of the
prime Irish.
The Effects of the Iriſh Maſſacre; or,
Guards: And that feveral of the Catholick Communion might not fay,
but that they alſo were confided in, the Lords Juftices (who were wil-
ling to continue all proofs imaginable of their confidence in them) gave
in November feveral Commiffions of Government to the Lord Gormanston
in Meath, the Lord Mountgarret in Kilkenny, Nicholas Barnewell in Dub-
lin, Walter Bagnall in Caterlagh, the Lord Lowth in Lowth, Sir Thomas
Nugent in Westmeath, Sir Robert Talbot in Wickloe, the two Sir James
Dillon's in Longford, and feveral others, as well in Munster as Connaght
and Ulfter; who contrary to the truſt repoſed in them, not forbore to
protect, or endeavour'd to reduce any, but foon after joyn'd with the Re-
bels, and prov'd as violent, if not worſe, againit the Proteftants, as thoſe
who first appear'd in the Rebellion. And becauſe the Times required
fomething extraordinary,beyond the courſe of Common-Law, the Lords
Juſtices and Councel gave feveral Commiffions of Martial-Law, to the
granted to fe- prime Gentlemen of the Pale (all Roman Catholicks) as to Henry Tal-
bot, in the County of Dublin, John Bellew Efq; in the County of Lowth,
Richard Dalton, and James Tuit Efq; in the County of Westmeath, Vale-
rian Wefley, in the County of Meath, James Talbot, in the County of
Cavan. And underſtanding of Sir Phelim O-Neal's proceedings in Ul-
fter, (the only perfon remaining of neareſt alliance to the Earl of Tyrone)
how that he had furprized Charlemont, where the Lord Caufield lay with
his Foot-Company, (afterwards bafely butcher'd by him) the Lords
Juftices endeavour'd to reduce many to their obedience: But the root of
their Deſign being deeplier laid, than on threats or encouragements to
fruftrate their hopes, the Lords Juſtices hourly endeavour'd to fortifie his
Majeſty's Interefts, wih the moſt powerful Forces they could raiſe. But
in the interim the Magiftrates of the City of Dublin, perceiving great
numbers of Strangers to come to Town from feveral Parts, (lingring
in the Suburbs and Fields, to the terror of the Inhabitants) they repair'd
to the Councel Board with much fear and aſtoniſhment, befeeching the
Lords Juſtices and Councel to inhibit the fame, left the concourfe of peo-
hited (by Pro- ple (promifcuouſly gathering in fuch a crowd) might threaten the fecu-
rity of the City. Whereupon their Lordships (confidering fomewhat
more than ordinary muft neceffarily be done in fuch an exigence) caus'd
ſome to be apprehended, and immediately publiſht a Proclamation in his
Majeſty's Name, commanding all Perfons not Dwellers in the City and
Suburbs to depart within an hour after publication thereof, upon pain of
death; in the interim, and afterwards, receiving all
who applied
themſelves to the Lords Juftices) with fingular friendſhip and integrity.
But the Magiſtrates growing ftill jealous of the concourfe of people, ap-
plied themſelves again to their former refuge. Whereupon the State that
the Inhabitants might receive no dif-encouragement, who were like to
bear the brunt of all Taxes, Levies, and Supplies) the 28th. of October,
publiſht a Proclamation to the fame intent with the former, with the
nalty of death to fuch as wilfully harbour'd them.
Strangers in-
clamation) the
City.
pe-
However, the Infolencies of the Rebels threatning even Dublin it ſelf,
moſt of the prime Gentry of the County (Juftices of Peace) looking on
in all places, and giving way to thofe hateful actions; the State having
intelligence from Dr. Jones (a Service very remarkable) that during
his impriſonment amongſt the Rebels at Cavan, which ripen'd his inte-
grity, highly improv'd to the Service of the State) they intended to be-
fiege Tredath, the Lords Juftices the better to divert them from Dublin,
appoint
A
*
}
}
The difmal Effects of the Irish Infurrection.
29
1641.
appointed Sir Henry Tichborn, Col. and Governour of that Town, Sir
Faithfull Fortescue (the former Governour) finding Supplies not hait-
ned with that ſpeed he defir'd, having refign'd up his Commiflion, not
being willing to loſe his Reputation, though he was forward enough to
hazard his Perfon. So the Lords Juftices defigning the faid Sir Hen. A Garrifon fert
Tichborn a Company of Foot, and to compleat his Regiment, order'd
Sir John Borlafe Junior Capt.
Lt. Col. Byron Capt.
L'. Col. Wenmond Capt.
Who though they had been all in for-
mer Employments) Field-Officers, yet
out of their zeal to the preſent Service,
came as private Captains.
Jacob Lovell Serjeant Major, who died in the Siege,
Capt. Chichester Fortefcue, Capt. William Willoughby,
Capt. Edward Billinglley, Capt. Lewis Owens,
Capt. John Morris to affociate him. Theſe they fent from Dublin the
3d. of November, who happily arriv'd at Tredath the 4th. having been
enabled thereunto by 3000 7. moft opportunely in the hands of the Vice-
Treaſurer, intended before the Rebellion, for the fatisfaction of a publick
Engagement in England. Befides thefe, there was fent Troops under
Capt. John Slaughter, Lt. to Sir Thomas Lucas, Commiffary-General,
Thomas Greimes, Lt. to Sir Adam Loftus; befides others, which in their
due time may be taken notice of. Thefe being gone to Tredath, Sir
Charles Coote had a Commiſſion for a Regiment of the poor ftripped Eng-
lifh; fo likewife had the Ld. Lambert. A little while after arriv'd from
England, Sir Thomas Lucas, who commanded a Troop compleated with
fuch Men as he found there; alfo Capt. Armstrong rais'd a Troop; Capt.
Tardner foon after landed, Lt. to the Ld. Lieutenant's Troop, all very con-
fiderable; not long after Col. Crafford came over alfo, and bringing with
him Letters from the Prince Elector, then attending his Majefty in Scot-
land, alfo rais'd a Regiment of the Townfmen, and the poor difpoil'd
English.
The State at that time had ſtore of Arts and Ammunition, by which
theſe Souldiers and the reft were ſeaſonably furniſht, though (as I have
took notice) what (in confidence of the Loyalty of the Pale) the Lords'
Juſtices had furnish'd many of the Lords and Gentlemen of Quality with,
were either flenderly (if ever) reſtor❜d, or made ferviceable againſt
his Majeſty.
Yet for all this, the Outrages of the Rebels ftill increafing, adding to
their Cruelties, a pretended Commiffion under the Great Seal of Scotland,
from the King, bearing date at Edinburgh, the firft of October, 1641.
though in his Majefty's Declaration to the Parliament's Refolution, of no
further Addreſſes, *it appears, That the Scot's Great Seal ( which is faid
thus to be made ufe of had for many months before and after that date never
feal'd any thing; of which notwithſtanding Sir Phelim O Neal, and Rorie
Mac-Guire (from the Camp at Newry, the 4th. of November following)
gave notice to their Confederates, within the Kingdom of Ireland, inclofe-
ing in their Letters a Copy of the Commiffion, a Copy of which is extant,
but fo improbable, as it needs an expiation to mention it ; the Lord
Mac-Guire (equally privy to all Tranfactions) denying it to the last, with
more fenfe of conscience faith his Majefty in his Anfwer to the Parliament's
two laft Papers concerning Ireland) than they who examined him, expected :
However, (one Plunket having taken an old Broad Seal from an abfolete
Patent out of Farnham-Abbey, and fixed it to a forged Commiffion) it
ferv'd
to Tredath.
The Rebels
pretend aCom-
the King's
Broad Seal.
million under
* Fol. 289.
1
هنین
*
30
1641.
Walſh, 121.
The Effects of the Irish Maffacre; or,
ferv'd to feduce the Vulgar into an opinion of their Loyalty, when they
had firſt incited them to a Rebellion, as in a parallel Cafe his Excellency
takes notice of, in his Anſwer to their Declaration at James-town *. And,
faith his Majefty, in his Declaration to the Parliament's Anſwer at New-
market, the 9th. of March, 1641. We must think our ſelf highly and cauf-
lefly injured in our Reputation, if any Declaration, Action or Expreſſion of
the Irish Rebels, any Letter from Count Rofettie to the Papifts, for Fast-
ing and Prayer, or from Triftram Whitcombe, of Strange Speeches utter'd
in Ireland, fhall beget any jealoufie or mis-apprehenfion in our Subjects, of our
Justice, Piety and Affection; it being evident to all underſtandings, that
thofe mifchievous and wicked Rebels are not fo capable of great advantage, as
by having their falſe Diſcourſes ſo far believed, as to raife fears and jealou-
hies, to the distraction of this Kingdom, the only way to their fecurity.
Wherefore the Lords Juſtices and Councel, detefting fuch Umbrages,
the 30th. of October publifht a Proclamation, to take off the people,
from being feduced by feditious and fcandalous reports father'd on the
Appendix 3. Crown*.
And that none ignorantly involv'd in fo deteftable a Guilt (as the
publick Confpiracy) might fuffer, the State yet further to manifeft their
defire, of reducing all into a general obedience, (having never drawn
his Majeſty's Sword upon jealoufies or prefumptions, till the higheſt Ex-
tremities and unparallel'd Outrages compell'd them thereunto) publifht,
the firſt of November, a Proclamation, declaring, That all in the Coun-
ties of Meath, Westmeath, Lowth, and Longford, being no Free-holders,
nor now in priſon, who had taken any Goods from his Majeſty's faithful
Subjects, not having fhed blood in the Action, and came in within ten
days after this Proclamation, fhould be receiv'd to his Majeſty's mercy,
and no further profecuted.
Which (as others of the like nature) little prevail'd to un-deceive the
Rebels, they being before link'd in an un-diffolvible tye of Animofity and
Superftition. Thus every day (notwithstanding that the Confpiracy
was diſcovered, and all endeavours uſed to reclaim them) the Irish pro-
ceeded in their Maſſacres and Rebellion, though they did not (after the
knowledge of the detection of their Plot) execute fo generally their Vil-
lany with fuch open flaughters and cruelties, as they did at firft; but
ftripping, wounding, and turning the English and Proteftants out of their
Houſes, they fent them naked and defolate (in miferable weather) to
Dublin, where their numbers (at length) grew fo burdenfom, as though
Thouſands were ſhip'd away foon after they arriv'd there, and ſuch as
could ſerve in the Army were daily in-lifted, yet they brought fo great an
extremity, and want of all provifions to Dublin, as the Inhabitants were
reduced to great exigencies, inafmuch as the mercies of the Rebels were
extream cruelty, Thouſands of the difpoiled English dying afterwards by
lingring Diſeaſes, contracted by the inhumane and cruel ufage of their
Enemies.
Miſeries ſtill increafing, the Lords Juftices and Councel ſent a ſecond
Diſpatch to the King, the 5th. of November, then in Scotland, directing
alſo their Letters to his Privy Councel in England, there being an abfo-
lute neceffity to invoke all Powers, that might ſtand with his Majeſty's
Honour. They then (and not before) directed Letters to the Speakers
of both Houſes of Parliament, (inclofing in thoſe they writ to his Maje-
fty) what they had fignified by Letters to the Lords of the Councel, or
to the Speakers of both Houſes of Parliament.
About
The difmal Effects of the Irish Infurrection.
31
>
1641.
*Dr. Jones s
Relation of Ca
van,
p. 17
About the 6th. of November, 1641. the Rebels of Cavan, commanded
by Philip Mac-Hugh, Mac-Shane O Relie, Knight of the Shire for that
County, and others ofthe Sept of O Relies, proffer'd an humble Remon- The Rebels of
ftrance (fo they entituled their prefumptuous Paper) to the Lords Juftices Crvan's Re-
and Council, to be recommended by them to his Majefty; which Dr. Jones montrance.
and Mr. Waldrone then delivered to their Lordships, the Doctor being
obliged to that ſervice, He, his Wife and Children lying at the Rebels
mercy: To which their Lordships anfwered, with all the moderation
and fatisfaction that could ftand with their Duty, and the weak
conditions of affairs in Dublin, the fafety whereof wholly depended on
the gaining of time; and (faith my Author*) he affur'd himſelf, the
Remonftrants expected not any other Anfwer, the Remonftrance being
tendred rather to win upon the People, (whofe caufe they pleaded) then
to give any reaſonable account or fatisfaction to the Lords concerning
their proceedings; which yet their Lordſhips forthwith certifi'd, with
their Anfwer, to the Lord Lieutenant, to whom his Majefty had ex-
prefly commanded all Affairs of Ireland ſhould be addrefs'd. However,
they (during the preſenting of this Remonftrance) muſtered their Forces,
fummoning all from 16 to 60 years of Age to appear the Munday fol-
lowing at Virginia, (a Place diftant from Cavan twelve miles) and in
the way to Dublin; notwithſtanding that they had impower'd Dr. Jones
to affure their Lordships, That their ſhould be a ceffation of all things,
until the return of their Lordships Anfwer. Thus no faith or confidence
could ever be repofed in them. And afterwards it fell out, that none were
more treacherous and fierce than they, as great inhumanity and cruelty
being acted by them of Cavan, as of any other Place; that County, by
the 11th. of December, being wholly reduc'd into the hands of the Re-
bels, excepting the two Caftles of Keilagh and Crohan, belonging to Sir
Keilagh and
Francis Hamilton, Knight and Baronet, and Sir James Craig Knight, who Crohn Cattle:
fo nobly defended each their own, and alternatively fuccoured one notably de-
another, that they perpetually furnish'd the Rebels with work fufficient,
notwithſtanding whatſoever Mulmore O Relie the Sheriff*, or Edmond *Who having
O Relie his Father, or Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, their chief Commander, fhaken off his
could poffibly do with all their Horſemen, whom thefe gallant men the Englife Go-
often beat, though encounter'd with much difadvantage; Sir Francis vernment,quits
Hamilton not lofing in the whole Service, from the 23d. of October, Miles, found-
1641. to the 15th. of June, 1642. (fetting afide fuch as were cut off in
ftragling more than five men belonging to this Caſtle, one of them
being a Serjeant, who being taken at an advantage, was barbaroufly
mangled with thirty fix wounds: fo that all that the Rebels could do,
effected no Conqueft on thefe Places, till the 8th. of April, 1642. that
Sir James Craig, (a Gentleman of fingular and the beſt abilities) died, *Since (Annis
and the Store in both Caſtles fell fhort, Water growing ſcarce, a mortal J 1671 &
1672.) one of
infectious fickneſs increafing, the Rebels having tainted their Well with the Lords Ju-
dead Carcafes. And now the care of both Caſtles fell unto Sir Francis ftices, as now
Hamilton's Charge, which being impoffible to be relieved from Dublin, nard, who then
or to hold out longer, their ftraits daily increaſing, both thefe Caftles not above 17
were delivered up the 4th. of July, 1642. to Philip Mac-Hugh, Mac-Shane
O Relie, and others, on honourable Conditions, Sir Francis Hamilton, the
Lady Craig, Sir Arthur Forbes Baronet, and others, march'd thence
with credible Articles, faithfully fet down by Dr. Jones, in his. Relation
of the Rebellion in Cavan *, worthy perufal. Thofe, with others that
*
came
fended.
obedience to
ing English,and
takes Mulmore
Viſcount Gra
years of age,
Services.
had been on ali
Printed at
1.1643
London, Aug.
.
32
1641.
The States Pro-
clamation
againſt unne-
ceffary Perfons
flocking to the
City,
Appendix 4.
The Parlia-
ment meet.
The Effects of the Iriſh Maſſacre; or,
哈
​came from theſe Cattles, were 1340 in number, who being convey'd to-
wards Tredath, were all received by Sir Henry Tichbourn, eight miles
from Tredath, and afterwards difpos'd of as was most convenient. One
of the Places moſt conſiderable in this County, firſt ſurpriz'd, was Clough-
outer, whereof Arthur Culme Efq; was his Majefties Captain; a Fort
certainly of great ftrength, environ'd with a deep Water, and diftant
from ſhore more than Musket-fhot, in which the Lord Biſhop of Kilmore
Dr. Bedel was imprifon'd, though afterwards Exchang'd by Sir James
Craigh, and, contrary to Articles, feiz'd on again, who died near Kilmore
about the midſt of March, 1641, and was buried in the Cathedral Church-
yard; a worthy Perfon, as formerly we had occafion to take notice of)
し
​One of the brightest Lights of that Church, both for Learning and a fhin-
ing Conversation, and (in his conftant diligence in the Work of the Mini-
Stery a Pattern to others. In the beginning of the Troubles in this Coun-
ty, Captain Richard Rives (Commander in Chief of Sir John Borlafe
(Lord Juftice) his Troop) Garrifon'd at Belturbet, acted very cloſe and
gallantly, attending the English with much faithfulneſs, till by the com-
mand of the State, (who fufpected his furprizal) he was recall'd to
Dublin, marching thither (through the Enemy) over many dead Bodies
that with Famine had perifh'd in the way; performing afterwards (be-
ing Sir John Borlafe's Junior's Lieutenant Colonel) verymany honourable
fervices, (as at Athboy near Trim with the Lord Lifle, where they noto-
riouſly beat up the Rebels Quarters, as elfe-where, viz. Kells, Carick-
macros, the Earl of Effex's Cattle in Monaghan, which they took from
the Rebels, with a confiderable advantage, in October, 1642.) highly
deferving the publick notice; though fince he was unfortunately put
away, heading Colonel Fenruddock's and Sir Jofeph Wagstaff's Party in
the West of England, about the 14th. of March, 1654.
And now by reaſon that more People flock'd to the City, and that the
Lords Juftices and Council had frequent intelligence from feveral parts,
of the infolent proceedings of the Rebels againſt the Britiſh and Prote-
ſtants in the Borders of the Pale, as well as the adjacent Counties, they
(the xi. of November) prohibited the acceſs of unneceffary Perfons, not
any way reftraining fuch, as by their Quality, or Bufineſs, gave no
grounds of Exceptions, as by the Act it felf is evident, which you will
find in the Appendix.
However there were fome (venom'd with the vigilancy of the State)
who endeavour'd to caſt a blemiſh on this Proclamation, though after-
wards it appear'd to be his Majefties fenfe in his Letters to the Lords Ju-
ftices in December following. Yet the 16th. of November the Parliament
freely met according to the Adjournment, Mr. Darcy, Mr. Burk, and
other active Members of the Houſe of Commons having exccedingly im-
portun'd the fame; the deferring thereof being (as they urg'd it an in-
jury to the whole Nation, as hindring them from expreffing their Loyal
affections to his Majefty, and fhewing their defires to quell this dange-
rous Rebellion; withall engaging, that there fhould be on their meet-
ing) a clear Proteftation againſt the Rebels; elfe,for fear there fhould have
been ſome prejudice to the State, (by the concourſe of People at that time)
the State was once refolved (having power from his Majefty fo to do
by a Proclamation of the 27th. of October, to have deferr'd the Parliament
to the 24th. of February next enfuing, for feveral caufes therein men-
tion'd, but eſpecially, for that his Majefty defir'd the Lord Lieutenant
fhould
the Irish Infurrection.
33
fhould be there. As by another Proclamation the fame 27th. of October,
the Lords Justices and Council had adjourn'd Michaelmafs-Term, To avoid,
in that exigency, thofe great and manifold perils and dangers, that might
have enfu'd to the State by fuch concourfe of People,out of all the parts of the
Kingdom, unto the City of Dublin, as the holding of the Term would ne-
ceffarily require, by reafon of the late moft difloyal and deteftable Confpira-
cy, plotted by a multitude of evil-affected meer Irish Papifts. But however,
the Parliament met. And here it was vifible, that more were tainted
with the Infection, than appear'd in Rebellion. Lord! what artifice?
what cunning? what varnish was put upon all the Rebels actions and
cruelties? Thoſe who ſeem'd to be moſt affected with the Inſurrection,
cover'd it with ſuch a vail, treated of it fo nicely, with fuch tenderneſs,
as if they themſelves (being all indeed of the Confpiracy) had been to par-
ticipate immediately of the Punishment,as well as they were clandeftinely
involved in the Plot; By always contefting, that they might not be called
Traitors and Rebels, being privy to what themselves had formerly (with
thefe Rebels) contrived to be done. And fearing it might move the Rebels
to recriminate,writes a moft judicious Inftrument of State*,That the Ap-
pellation of diſcontented Gentlemen was the worſt that could be wrung
from them till One, heartily detefting the leaves thrown over this
F
nakedneſs, told the Speaker, That though he had not arriv'd at that con-
fiftency of years, as that his words might challenge there an audience; Days
ſhould ſpeak, and multitude of years fhould teach wisdom; yet he could
not but obferve many passages in that Affembly, too like Catilines in the
Senate; and therefore moved, that it might not be told in that House, or
publish'd at Askelon, that fo general a Revolt (accompani'd with ſuch hor-
rid and barbarous circumstances) should be took notice of with a more fa-
vourable expreffion than Treafon and Rebellion. He added further, That
he did not know, but that that was the feafon wherein they were caft on their
trial, whether Allegiance or Rebellion, God or the Pope were to be own'd.
And that as to any thing that might foften the Rebels, he conceiv'd they
were harden'd with fo much villany, that they esteem'd all things juftifiable
that were attainable. İram atque animos à crimine fumunt. And there-
fore it was fit that that Houſe ſhould act as fenfible of the Rebels cruelties,
and truft God to vindicate his and his Peoples Caufe. Upon which, and
other Arguments, (too ſhameful for them to palliate) the Parliament dif-
covered their Reſentment in theſe words.
1641.
*The Irish Re-
wer'd. 2. 65.
monftrance an
p.
The Proteftation and Declaration of the
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com-
mons in Parliament affembled.
W
Hereas the happy and Peaceable Estate of this Realm hath been
of late, and is still interrupted by fundry Perfons, ill affected to
the Peace and Tranquility thereof; who, contrary to their Duty
and Loyalty to his Majesty, and against the Laws of God, and the funda
mental Laws of this Realm, have traiterously and rebelliously rais'd Arms,
feiz'd upon his Majefties Forts and Castles, and difpoffeß'd many of his
faithful Subjects of their Houfes, Lands, and Goods, and have flain many
F
of
1
34
The difmal Effects of
}
1641.
of them, and committed other cruel and inhumane outrages and acts of Ho-
tility within this Realm.
The faid Lords and Commons in Parliament aſſembled, being juſtly mov’d
with a right fenfe of the faid difloyal rebellious proceedings and actions of the
Perfons aforefaid, do hereby protest and declare, That the faid Lords and
Commons from their hearts, do deteft and abhor the ſaid abominable actions,
and that they ſhall and will, to their uttermost power, maintain the Rights
of his Majefties Crown, and Government of this Realm, and the
peace and
Safety thereof, as well against the perfons aforesaid, their Abettors, Ad-
herents; as alſo against all Foreign Princes, Potentates, and other Perfons
and attempts whatsoever. And in cafe the Perfons aforefaid do not repent
of their aforesaid Actions, and lay down Arms, and become humble Suitors
to his Majefty for Grace and Mercy, in fuch convenient time, and in ſuch
manner and form, as by his Majesty, or the Chief Governour or Governours,
and the Council of this Realm fhall be fet down. The faid Lords and Commons
do further protest and declare, That they will take up Arms, and will with
their Lives and Fortunes fupprefs them and their attempts, in fuch a way,
as by the Authority of the Parliament of this Kingdom, with the approba-
tion of his Excellent Majefty, or of his Majesties Chief Governour or Go-
vernours of this Kingdom, all be thought most effectual.
Copia vera exam. per Phil. Percivall,
Cleric. Parliament.
+
And after that the Parliament had fate two days, to whom the Lords
Juftices had imparted his Majefties gracious intentions, not to depart
from any his former favours promiſed to them for fetling their Eftates,
who ſhould remain faithful and Loyal; and that the Lords Juftices had
fhorten'd the Prorogation to the 11th. of January, the Lord Viſcount
Coftelough, impower'd by the Lords, went for England, not long before
having been fworn a Privy Counſellor in Ireland, even fince the Rebel-
lion; with whom the Lord Taaff alſo embarck'd, having before pre-
fented to the Lords Justices and Council, from many of the Gentry and
Inhabitants of the County of Longford (in Rebellion) a rebellious and
The Contents fcandalous Letter, in the nature of a Remonstrance, full of pretended Grie-
vances, and unreaſonable Demands, ás namely, to have freedom of Re-
ligion, a Repeal of all Laws made to the contrary, and the like.
of the Long-
ford Letter.
Upon the information of which, efpecially that there fhould be a tole-
ration of the Popish Religion in Ireland, it was refolv'd on the 8th. of
December, 1641. upon folemn Debate by the Lords and Commons in the
Parliament of England, That they would never give consent to any To-
leration of the Popish Religion in Ireland, or in any other his Majefties
Dominions. Which Vote hath been fince adjudged a main motive
for making the War a' cauſe of Religion, confequently of calling in
Foreign Princes to their aid and affiftance; which before ever this Vote
paft, to ground the leaft pretence thereupon, the Irish made Religion
the principal end of their Infurrection; and this Propofition was (as
you
fee) one
of the first to be demanded, which gave the Parliament a
caufe for the Vote fore-mention'd. In purfuance of which, Sir Benjamin
Rudyard (whom the caufe ever made eloquent) thus delivered his fenfe.
Mr.
會
​Į
P
the Irish Infurrection.
Mr. Speaker.
Eradventure I could have wifh'd, that Toleration of Religion had not
at this time come in question; but now it is brought on the Stage, I
am brought to the Stake. When Religion is fo nearly concern'd, I love
not to take any Civil or Politick reſpects into confideration: Reaſon of State
hath almost eaten up all the Laws and Religion of Christendom.
I have often heard it difcours'd, whether we ſhould make Religion an Ar-
gument of any of our undertakings abroad, wherein the wifer fort have been
very nice and tender, believing, that the over-number of Papists would over-
whelm us; yet I have been long of opinion, that our Attempts and Affiftances
have ſo often miſcarri'd, because we have not boldly and publickly avowed
our Religion. It may be, God thinks we are too many, who can conquer as well
with few as with many. Shall the Iriſh now make their Religion the cauſe of
their Rebellion, and ſhall we be aſham'd or afraid to maintain our Religion,
in reducing them to their Duty and Obedience? God will not honour them
who do not honour him. Let us remember that expoftulation in the Chroni-
cles, Why tranfgrefs ye the commandments of God, ſo that
profper? This is a great tranfgreffion, to fhrink from God in his truth.
ye cannot
When we deny the Irish a Toleration, we do not withdraw the eafes and
favours they have heretofore enjoy'd; Greater, I am fure, than they would
afford us, if we were in their power. Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, let us uphold
our Religion, and trust God with the ſucceſs.
35
1641.
Sir Ben. Rud-
yard's Speech
in defence of
Religion.
Upon which, and other motions thereupon, the Vote mention'd pro-
ceeded without difpute; and that the cauſe thereof might appear, we fhall Appendix s
refer you to the Longford Letter it felf.
What reception it had at the Council-board may eaſily be conceiv'd,
by theſe Lords ſpeedy repair into England; who afterwards centred in
that, which in time brought on a Ceffation of Arms with the Rebels, in its
own place to be ſpoke of. The Lord Dillon (upon his coming into Eng-
land) was feiz'd on by the Parliament, and his Papers rifled, according
to a Vote in Parliament the 3d. of November) which (by the Confede-
rates) was look'd upon as a heinous crime, though the difcovery of the
Concerns in Ireland as well as the management of the War) were en-
truſted to the English Parliament, (fo no crime in them.) But he efcaped
from them at laft, and went to the King; having in his private Inftru-
ctions orders to move, that no Forces might be fent over out of England,
but that the whole work might be left to the Remonitrants, and that
they would then undertake to fupprefs the Rebels themſelves.
し
​In the interim, we muſt not omit, that fome of both Houſes of Parlia-
ment in Ireland, lately met, but now Prorogu'd, were appointed to treat
with the Rebels; So they receiv'd their Instructions from the Lords Ju-
Stices, who were to impower them under the great Seal thereunto. But in-
ftead of
any happy effects thereon, the Rebels were fo puffed up with
their Victories over the poor, furpriz'd, unrefifting, innocent English, as
they barbarously tore the Order of Parliament, together with the Letter
fent unto them, promifing themſelves fuccefs and Dominion in all their
Attempts.
F 2
By
The Parliament
Prorogued.
}
1
}
36
1641.
* The Lord
Keeper.
vy Seal.
The Lord High
The difmal Effects of
By this time the State had receiv'd an Anſwer from the Lord Lieute-
nant, of the Account they had given him of the Rebellion, wherein he
certified the Lords Juftices, that he underſtood his Majeſty had receiv'd
The Lord Pri- fome Advertiſements out of the North of Ireland, of the preſent Rebelli-
on; and that the Buſineß of Ireland might not ſuffer by his Jtay in Scotland,
Chamberlain." (which was fomewhat longer than he expected) his Majesty had refer'd the
Lord Admiral. whole Bufinefs of Ireland, to the Parliament of England, who (after a
Lord Marshal. moſt ſerious and folemn information of this horrid Plot, by a felect Com-
mittee of the Lords feated in the Houſe of Commons, in an extraordina-
ry manner) undertook the charge and management thereof, ordering
at that time 500 l. in prefent for Owen O-Conally, and 2001. per annum,
till Lands of greater value could be order'd for him, defigning for the
Earl of War- preſent Supplies of Ireland, the fum of 50000 l. and had taken order for
all Proviſions neceſſary thereunto, as by the Order of Parliament it ap-
Lord Chamber-
lain.
Earl of Bath.
Earl of Dorfet.
Earl of Lei-
cefter.
wick.
Earl of Hol-
Land.
Earl of Berks.
Earl of Bristol.
Lord Vife. Say.
E. Mandevile.
Lord Wilmot.
All of his Ma-
pears.
*
1.
Lord Goring. An Order of the Lords and Commons in this
preſent Parliament in England, concerning
Ireland.
jeſty's moſt
Honourable
Privy Council.
6
TH
HE Lords and Commons in this prefent Parliament,being advertis'd
of the dangerous Conspiracy and Rebellion in Ireland, by the treache-
rous and wicked Inftigations of Romish Priests and Jefuits, for the bloody
maſſacre and deftruction of all Proteftants living there, and other his Maje-
fty's loyal Subjects of Engliſh blood, though of the Romish Religion, being
ancient Inhabitants within feveral Counties, and Parts of that Realm, who
have always in former Rebellions, given testimony of their fidelity to this
Crown. And for the utter depriving of his Royal Majefty, and the Crown
of England, from the Government of that Kingdom, (under pretence of fet-
ting up the Popish Religion) have thereupon taken into their ferious Confi-
derations, how thofe mischievous Attempts might be most speedily and effe-
Etually prevented, wherein the Honour, Safety and Intereft of this King-
dom, are most nearly and fully concern'd. Wherefore they do hereby declare,
That they do intend to ferve his Majefty with their Lives and Fortunes, for
the Suppreffing of this wicked Rebellion, in fuch way as fhall be thought most
effectual by the Wiſdom and Authority of the Parliament: And thereupon
have order'd and provided for a prefent Supply of Money, and raising the
number of 6000 Foot and 2000 Horfe, to be fent from England, being the
full proportion defired by the Lords Juftices, and his Majesty's Council ref-
dent in that Kingdom, with a refolution to add fuch further Succours, as
the neceffity of thofe Affairs fhall require. They have alfo refolv'd for pro-
viding Arms and Ammunition, not only for thofe Men, but likewife for his
Majesty's faithful Subjects of that Kingdom, with store of Victuals, and other
Neceffaries, as there fhall be occafion. And that thefe Provifions may more
conveniently be transported thither, they have appointed three feveral Ports
of this Kingdom, that is to ſay,Briſtol,Weft-Cheſter, and another in Cum-
berland, where the Magazines and Store-houſes ſhall be kept, for the Supply
of the feveral Parts of Ireland. They have likewife refolv'd to be humble
Mediators to his moſt Excellent Majesty, for the encouragement of the Eng-
lifh
the Iriſh Infurrection.
37
liſh or Iriſh, who ſhall upon their own charges raife any number of Horfe or
Foot, for his Service against the Rebels, that they shall be honourably re-
warded with Lands of Inheritance in Ireland, according to their merit. And
for the better inducing of the Rebels to repent of their wicked Attempts,
they do hereby commend it to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his ab-
Sence, to the Deputy, or Lords Juftices there, according to the power of the
Commiffion granted to them in that behalf, to bestow his Majesty's gracious
Pardon to all fuch, as within a convenient time (to be declar'd by the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his abſence, by the Lord Deputy, or Lords Fu-
ftices there, according to the power of the Commiſſion) fhall return to their
due obedience, the greatest part whereof they conceive to have been feduced
on falſe grounds, by the cunning and fubtil practices of ſome of the most ma
lignant Rebels, enemies to this State, and to the Reformed Religion; and
likewiſe to bestow fuch rewards as ſhall be thought fit, and publifht by the
faid Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy, or Lords Juftices and Council there,
upon all those who fhall arreft the Perfons, or bring in the heads of fuch Trai-
tors, as fhall be perfonally nam'd in any Proclamation publifht by the Stute
there. And they do hereby exhort and require all his Majefiy's loving Sub-
jects, both in this and in that Kingdom, to remember their duty and confci-
ence to God and his Religion, and the great and eminent danger which will
befal this whole Kingdom in general, and themselves in particular, if this
abominable Treafon be not timely fuppreft, and therefore with all readineß,
bounty, and chearfulneß, to confer their affistance in their Perfons,or Estates,
to this fo important and neceffary Service, for the common Good of all.
Jo. Browne, Cleric. Parliament.
And that the Army might be led by an honourable and promifing Per-
fon, the Lord Lieutenant (being not permitted to come over fpeedily
himſelf) made the Earl of Ormond Lieutenant-General of the Army, ap-
proved of afterwards by the King, as one who (by his Relation, Integri-
ty and Quality) was pitch'd on as the fittest Perfon for that imployment,
of whofe affection to the Proteftant Religion, and his Majesty's Service,
his Majeſty had great cauſe to be affured *.
Soon after his ſettlement in that Place, he had notice from Sir Hen.
Tichborn, that the Rebels with 1300 Foot had fate down before Melli-
font, the 24th. of November, intending to furprize it; but the Lord
Moor (whofe Houſe it was) having plac'd 24 Musketeers and 15
Horſemen therein, defended it with much refolution, (as long as their
Powder lafted) and at laſt the Foot yielded on Quarter the fame day, (ne-
ver obferv'd by the Rebels) but the Horfe charged vigorously through
the Enemy, and came fafe to Tredath.
1641.
*As in his Ma-
jelly's Reply
to the Houſe
of Commons
Anfwer,concer-
ning Licences
to Perfons to
into Ireland,
go
is
at large ex-
Mr. Pym's
preffed upon
Speech, at a
Conference
the 25th. of
with the Lords,
Jan. 1641.
therein affirm-
ing, That fince
the ftop upon
the Ports, a-
Papults, by both
Houfes, many
gainst all Iriſh
of the chief
Commanders
(then in the
Head of the
Rebels) had
been fuffer'd to
pafs,by his Ma-
jefty's immedi-
fufficiently de-
refted in his
ate Warrant,
This Siege of Mellifont ſomewhat retarded the Rebels unanimous ap-
proach to Tredath; upon which the Lords Juftices forthwith defign'd
600 Foot and a Troop of Horfe, for the further ftrengthning of that Gar-
rifon. They march'd from Dublin the 27th. of November, but under
fuch a Conduct, (being newly rais'd and unexperienc'd) that moſt un-
fortunately (the Lord Gormanston's Groom giving intelligence of their
approach to the Rebels, not without his Lord's privity) they were de-
feated the 29th. of November, near Julians-Towns, at Gellington-Bridge,
not above an hundred of the Men (befides the Major that led them, and Rebels.
two
Anfwer.
The Party fent
to re-mforce
Tredath, be-
trayed to the
38
The difmal Effects of
1
which fome ac-
to fay worfe.
Hickloe Fort.
my there.
With the two Foot-Captains, eſcaping to Tredath *. This unhappy Defeat put fuch a
Troop of Horfe, difheartning on the State, as it begat fad Sufpicions; who being fur-
cufe of much rounded with Rebels, Sir Charles Coote the fame day was commanded
negligence, not into Wickloe, with fuch Forces as the State could then raife, to relieve
Sir Char. Coote the Caftle of Wickloe, then befieged by the Rebels, who (fome days be-
fent to relieve fore) had (with miſerable flaughter and cruelty) furpriz'd his Maje-
Beats the Enc-ty's Forts of Cairis Fort, Arkloe Fort, Chichester Fort, and all the Hou-
ſes of the Engliſh in that County, the Lord Efmond's Houſe, and the ad-
jacent Parts of Wexford, threatning to affault Dublin, approaching with-
in twomiles thereof in actual Hoftility. Upon which Service Sir Charles
Coote vigorously advanced, and fought with the Rebels, under the Com-
mand of Luke Toole, conceiv'd to be a thoufand ftrong, himſelf not being
many hundreds; yet defeated them ſo ſhamefully, as the terrour thereof
rais'd a fear in the Rebels ever after of Sir Charles Coote, who thence-
forwards fo well attended his Commands, as to the Government of the
City, and other Charges, his particular Vigilance prov'd a good Guard;
and that Dublin might be fortified, the 22. of November, 1641. the
Lords Juſtices and Council by their Proclamation enjoyn'd the fame.
His Majesty
fends Money,
Arms and Am-
munition, into
Ireland out of
Scotland.
* Fol.290.
Now the State finding the Storm to increaſe, and that (though they
had fome glimmerings of comfort by the fuccefs of their Forces in Wick-
loe, under Sir Charles Coote) the Rebellion grew general, the Lords Ju-
ftices and Council publifh'd a Proclamation the 27th. of November, for a
Weekly Faſt every Friday, to be devoutly and piously obferved and folemnized,
in and through the whole City of Dublin, and the Suburbs thereof; that be-
ing humbled for their fins, the affliction might be remov'd.
The 28th. of November, the State had an Account of Sir Phelim O-
Neal's and Sir Con. Mac-Gennis his approach to Lifnegarvey, with about
4000 Men; who being fearful of the Garrifon's Field-Peeces, drew out
two confiderable Divifions of Men, to fall on the Town on both ſides at
once: The ſtrength of the Town exceeded not 400 Foot, befides the Lord
Conway's Troop, and part of Capt. St. John's, who made up about 380.
generally mounted on fmall Nags; yet fo well maintain'd they the Place,
as having skirmish'd with the Rebels without the Town on one fide, the
reft charg❜d others in the Street, and in a fhort time drove them to the Bo-
dy of their Army, fac'd by Sir Phil. O-Neal and Sir Con. who play'd up-
on them with their Field-Peeces, but were fo pelted with Muskets, as
they gave ground, the main Body of the English ftill fecuring the Market
place. We took 6 Colours, killed many, without any confiderable lofs
on our fide, more than that Capt. Boid and Capt. St. John were killed,
Mr. Rawden and Capt. Burly hurt, Sir Arth. Tirringham managing the
whole with excellent Conduct.
By this time, his Majeſty (then in Scotland) having (as is before
mention'd) recommended the Affairs of Ireland to his Parliament of
England, immediately (on the firſt intelligence of that Rebellion) fent
over ſeveral Commiſſions to Sir Robert Stewart, and other Perfons of Ho-
nour and Truſt in the North; and (affifted by the Duke of Richmond)
caus'd fome proportions of Arms and Ammunition to be conveyed thi-
ther out of Scotland (with what Money he could fpare) a care and pro-
vidence worthy fo fenfible a Prince, which though it were little, will be
found to have done much ſervice, teftified in his Majeſty's Anſwer to a
Pamphlet, entituled, A Declaration of the Commons, touching no further
Addreffes*. At the fame time he mov'd all the Parliament in Scotland,
(as
the Irish Infurrection.
39
(as being neareſt) to a ſpeedy help; but they excus'd their Aids, becaufe
Ireland was dependent upon the Crown of England, intending rather, as
it feem'd (by the fequel to afford their fervice upon Hire, than Com-
paffion or Confcience.
Yet notwithſtanding his Majesty,the State, and Parliament of England's
appearing thus incens'd againſt the Rebellion, (all fair means of excepti-
ons being remov'd, and a defire of its fuppreffion endeavour'd) the Iriſh
finding as yet no confiderable relief fent to the English, (and being ex-
ceedingly flufh'd with the defeat of thoſe commanded to re-enforce the
Garriſon of Tredath) they unanimouſly drew down their Northern For-
ces to infeſt that Town. And that you may fee with what union even
the Lords of the Pale (formerly faithful to the Crown) confpired in
this Rebellion, though by their humble Apology (fraught with many
vain pretences) they would evade the Confpiracy, we muſt here render
you an Account of the Truth, given in upon Oath, March 1641. before
Sir Robert Meredith, Kt. Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the Examinati-
on of Edward Dowdall Efq; a Perſon of great efteem amongſt them.
*
1641.
Dowdall.
He depofeth, That fome 3 or 4 days after the defeat of the English Soul-
diers, at the Bridge of Gellingftone, there iſſued aWarrant from the Lord
of Gormanſton, to the Sheriff of the County, for a general Meeting of all * Nicholas
the County at Dulick; but the place of Meeting was afterwards chang'd to
the Hill of Crofty, where all the Lords and Gentry of the County met, viz.
The Earl of Fingal, the Lord Viscount Gormanſton, the Lord Slane, the
Lord Lowth, the Lord Dunfany, the Lord Trimbleſtone, the Lord Net-
tervile: And of the Gentry, Sir Patrick Barnewall, Sir Chriftopher Bel-
low, Patrick Barnwall of Kiltrew, Nicholas Darcy of Plattin, James
Bath of Acharn, Garret Ailmer the Lawyer, Cufack of Gormanfton, Wil-
liam Malone of Lefmullin, Sedgrave of Kileglan, Linch of the Knos, Ly-
nam of Adams-Town, Lawrence Dowdall of Athlumney, Nicholas Dow-
dall of Browns-Town, this Examinate's Brother, and him this Examinate,
with a multitude of others, to the number of a thousand Perfons at least,
whofe Names he this Examinate cannot for the prefent call to mind. And
after about two or three hours spent upon the faid Hill of Crofty, (by the
Lords and Gentry aforefaid) there came unto them Col. Mahone, Philip O-
Relie, Hugh boy-Relie, Roger Moore, Hugh Birne, and Capt. Fox, at-
tended on with a Guard of Musketeers: And this Examinate faith, That as
Soon as the Parties drew near unto the faid Hill, the Lords and Gentry of
the Pale rode towards them, and the Lord Gormanfton, being one of the
first, Spake unto them, and demanded of them, why, and for what reafon,
they came arm'd into the Pale; unto whom Roger Moore made prefent An-
fwer, That the ground of their coming thither, and taking up Arms, was
for the freedom and liberty of their Confciences, the maintenance of his
Majeſty's Prerogative, in which they underſtood he was abridg'd, and
the making the Subjects of this Kingdom as free as thofe in England were.
Whereupon the faid Lord Gormantton, defired to understand from them
truely and faithfully, whether these were not pretences, and not indeed the
true grounds of their ſo doing; and likewife, whether they had not ſome other
private end of their own : Which being all denied, upon profeffion of their
fincerity to his Lordship, (the Lord of Gormanston) then told them; See-
ing theſe be your true ends, we will likewife joyn with you therein, unto
which courfe all agreed: And thereupon it was publickly and generally de-
clared,
+
22
#
40
The difmal Effects of
1641.
* The Author
and Scotch
Presbytery,
p. 222.
clared, That whosoever shall deny to joyn with them, or refuſe to aſſiſt
them therein, they would account him as an enemy, and to the utmost of
their power labour his deftruction. And this Elaminate faith, That after
the Agreement made as aforefaid, there iſſued another Warrant to the She-
riff of the County of Meath, to be at the Hill of Taragh, about a week after;
and accordingly there met at the fame place the Earl of Fingal, the Lord
Gormanſton, and the rest of the Lords and Gentry aforenam'd, together with
Sir Thomas Nugent, and Nicholas Plunket the Lawyer, Birford the
Lawyer, and a multitude of others. And the work of that day was first, to
make Anſwer to a Summons made by the State, for the calling of the Lords of
the Pale to Dublin; which Anfwer was brought ready drawn by the Lord
Gormanſton, and prefented by his Lordſhip; and being peruſed by the faid
Council at Law, was figned by the Lords.
*
To which we will add (paffing by many other teftimonies of their
Conjunctions) that which is confirm'd by a very credible Perfon, of
Colonel Richard Plunket of Dunfaghly, in the County of Dublin, within
the Pale, (one deftin'd for the taking of the Caftle of Dublin) who af-
firm'd openly, That he had a Contract under the hands of all the Lords of
Ireland (that were Catholicks) to stand firm in this Infurrection; moſt of
their actions confirming his words. And Philip O Relie's Wife, told
James Talbot, a Perſon of eminent note amongst them, That if thofe of
the Pale would have let them alone, and not fet them on work, they were fo
well at eafe, as they would never have begun that troubleſome task.
Upon which it is evident, (though Some * would infinuate the contra-
of the English r) that both the old Irish and old English (what ends they would feve
rally pretend to have) centred in the deftruction of the Proteſtants; and
that the old English Papiſts were a little backwarder than the Irish, was,
in that they had ſomething more to looſe than the other, and fo would
put them firſt upon the work, wherein themſelves were equally engag'd:
Which the Lords Juftices, and Councel perceiving, writ, the 3d. of De-
cemb. to the Earl of Fingal, the Lord Viſcount Gormanſton, and the reſt
of the Lords of the Pale, To come to Dublin, and confult for the fafety of
the Kingdom. Luke Nettervile and others having caus'd Proclamation to
be made at Lusk, (twelve miles from Dublin) that all the Gentry of the
County fhould (upon pain of death) meet within three or four days at
Swoards, (within fix miles of Dublin) which accordingly they did, con-
ftituting Captains, Richard Golding, Thomas Ruffel, Francis Ruffel, Robert
Travers, Chriftopher Hollywood, and other Commanders; their Militia
amounting on that fhort warning) to 1200. which would have
been impoffible to have rais'd, had they not before been Armed, and
inftigated to that Caufe. Upon which, thefe Lords of the Pale (Confpi-
rators with the firſt) return'd to the Lords Juftices, the 7th. of Decemb.
this Anſwer, receiv'd the 11th.
May it pleaſe your Lordſhips,
W
E have received your Letters of the 3d. inftant, intimating, that
you had prefent occafions to confer with us concerning the prefent
State of the Kingdom, and the fafety thereof in thefe times of dan-
ger, and requiring us to be with you there on the 8th. of this inftant. We
give your Lordships to underſtand, that we have heretofore prefented our
Selves
the Irish Infurrection.
41
felves before your Lordships, and freely offered our advice and furtherance
towards the particulars aforesaid, which was by you neglected, which gave
us cauſe to conceive that our Loyalty was fufpected by you. We give your
Lordships further to understand, that we have receiv'd certain advertiſe-
ment, that Sir Charles Coote Knight, at the Council-board, hath offered
Some Speeches, tending to a purpoſe and refolution, to execute upon those of
our Religion a general Maſſacre, by which we are all deterr'd to wait on
are to on
your Lordships, not having any fecurity for our fafety from thofe threatned
evils, or the fafety of our lives, but do rather think it fit to stand upon our
best guard, until we hear from your Lordships how we shall be fecur'd from
thofe perils. Nevertheless we all proteft, that we are and will continue
faithful adviſers, and refolute furtherers of his Majefties Service, concern-
ing the prefent state of this Kingdom, and the fafety thereof, to our beſt abi-
lities. And fo with the faid tender of our humble fervice, we remain,
Your Lordships humble Servants,
Fingall Gormanston, Slane
Dunfany Nettervile, Oliver
Lowth, Trimblestone:
1641.
And Luke Nettervile Efq; George Blackney of Rickenhore, Efq; George
King of Clantarfe, Gent. and others, met at Swoards, being charged on
their Allegiance, the 9th. of Decemb. immediately on fight of the Lords
Juſtices Warrant to feparate, and not to unite any more in that manner
without direction from the State. They, inſtead of obedience to the States
command, return'd this anfwer, That they were constrain'd to meet there
together for the safety of their lives; That they were put into fo great a ter-
ror, by the rifing out of fome Horfe-Troops and Foot-Companies at Dublin,
who kill'd four Catholicks, for no other reaſon than that they bore the name
of that Religion, as they durft not (as they pretended) stay in their houſes,
and therefore refolved to continue together, till they were affured by their
Lordships of the fafety of their Lives, before they ran the hazard thereof;
by manifesting their obedience due unto their Lordships. Upon which the
Lords Juftices and Council publifh'd a Proclamation the 13th. of Decemb. nifeſt, in An-
to ſatisfie the world of the innocency of the State from the guilt of any fwer to Netter-
mans blood; and concerning the four they alledg'd were kill'd as Pa- Accomplices
piſts, they were fuch as were found faulty in rebellious actions, of which, fears.
one was a Proteſtant: Commanding them furthermore, on the alle-
giance to his Majefty, to feparate upon the fight of their Warrant; and
that Luke Nettervile and his Accomplices fhould appear before the State
on the eighteenth of the faid month, to the end they may be fully heard
by the State; To which end the Lords Juftices and Council thereby
gave them, and every of them, the word of the State, that they might then
Securely and fafely repair thither, without danger of any trouble or ſtay what-
foever.
The States Ma-
vile and his
ftices Vindica-
And that the Lords of the Pale might not be lefs fatisfi'd in what they
objected, the fame day alfo the Lords Juftices and Council publish'd a
Proclmation, and fent it to thofe Noblemen, pofitively affirming, That the The Lords Ja-
Lords Justices and Council did never hear Sir Charles Coote, or any other, tion of Sir
utter at the Council-board, or elfe-where, any Speeches tending to a purpoſe Charles Geore,
or refolution, to execute on thoſe of their Profeffion, or any other, a sphere,
42
The difmal Effects of
1641.
See Sir 7.Tem-
ple, part 2.p.30.
to the 9th. Ar-
ticle of the Re-
as the Anſwer
bels Remon-
ftrance at Trym,
P. 78.
Mallacre; nor was it ever in their thoughts to dishonour his Majefty, or the
State, by fo odious, impious, and detestable a thing; giving them affurance
of their safety, if they would repair thither the 17th. of that Month.
Yet notwithſtanding thefe Condefcenfions, or whatſoever elſe the State
could do, whereby the doubts of thoſe men might be remov'd, and
their ſecurity aſcertain'd) ftill the Torrent of the Pale ran to make up the
intended Deluge, defpifing whatſoever fecurity or faith the State was
pleaſed to promiſe them. Whereupon the Lords Juftices and Council
were enforc'd to fend this Warrant to the Earl of Ormond and Offory, to
ſend out a Party of Soldiers, Horfe and Foot, against thofe that dar'd fo
impudently to affront them.
By the Lords Juftices and Council.
William Parfons, John Borlaſe.
F
Orafmuch as divers of the Inhabitants of Clantarfe, Rhaheny, and
Kilbarrock, have declared themselves Rebels, and having robb'd and
Spoil'd fome of his Majefties good Subjects,are now aſſembled thereabouts
in Arms in great numbers, mustering and training of their rebellious Mul-
titudes to the terrour and danger of his Majefties good Subjects, as well
at Land as at Sea; which their boldness is acted in fuch manner, as to put
Scorn and affronts upon this State and Government; they acting fuch depre-
dations even before our faces, and in our view, as it were in defpight of us.
It is therefore order'd, That our very good Lord, the Earl of Ormond and
Offory, Lieutenant General of the Army, do forthwith ſend out a Party of
Soldiers, of Horfe and Foot, to fall upon thofe Rebels at Clantarfe, and
thereabouts, who, in fuch disdainful manner, ftand to outface and dare us,
and to endeavour to cut them off, as well for punishment as terrour to others,
and to burn and ſpoil the Rebels Houſes and Goods. And to prevent their
farther annoying any Shipping going out, and coming in, and lying in harbour,
thofe Souldiers are to bring up, or cauſe to be brought up to the new Crane at
Dublin, fuch of the Boats and Veffels now lying there, as they can upon
the fudden, and to burn, Spoil, fink, and make unferviceable the reft. Given
at his Majefties Caſtle of Dublin, December the 14th. 1641.
Ormond Offory, Rob. Dillon, Char. Lambert,
Ad. Loftus, John Temple, Char. Coote,
Francis Willoughby.
The Lords of the Pale however effectually endeavour'd to ſtrengthen
the Northern Rebels, and thereupon declared the Lord Viſcount Gor-
manſton General of the Forces to be rais'd in the Pale, Hugh Birn Lieu-
tenant General, the Earl of Fingall General of the Horfe; who in feveral
Baronies rais'd Captains accordingly, and Provifions fuitable, to every
hundred men in a Company for their daily allowance, one Beef, and half
a Barrel of Corn, during the Siege of Iredath.
And that nothing might be wanting to ftraighten the State, Netter-
vile and his Party (being increas'd by their confederacy with Wickloe
and Kildare) the 15th. of December, fent two ftrong Parties to Santry
and
the Irish Infurrection.
43
and Finglaß, where they continu'd till the 22d. of the faid December,
when they were beaten by Colonel Crafford from Finglaſs, (two miles
from Dublin) after they had like to have put us to a fhameful retreat.
Thoſe at Santry hearing of Sir Charls Coot's approach, faved themſelves
by a cowardly quitting of their Quarters, leaving their beſt Equipage
and Proviſions behind them; whilft near 300 men fhew'd themfelves at
Clantarf, a Village on the Sea-fide, about a mile and half from Dublin:
The Inhabitants itrengthning the Rebels confidence with ftore of ftrong
Fiſhing-boat, having the day before fpoil'd two English Barcks lying at
Anchor near Clantarf, in the Road of Dublin, much to the difquiet of the
Lords Juſtices and Council, fufpecting thereby, that the Port to Dublin
might have been blocked up: Robberies alfo of that nature having been
committed at Skirries, twelve miles from Dublin, and the Prey of thofe
Barks carried to Barnewell of Brimore, a prime Man, as the Priſoners to
the Lord Gormanston's, who fent them to Balrothry, fufficient to prove
the Robberies, Murthers, and other Outrages committed on the Britiſh
Proteftants, were by the allowance and privity of the principal Gentle-
men of the Pale, if not their command; how fpeciouſly foever, in their
humble Proteſtation (a piece of as much vanity as falfhood) againſt the
States Proclamation, the 8th. of Febr. 1641. they would infinuate, That
none of the better fort had robb'd or pillaged any of them, nor difpoffeß'd
them of their Eftates. Whereas by the example of what is here produc'd,
the falfity of all they affert is clearly prov'd, though further particulars
(without much fifting may eaſily be expos'd, were not the ftory like to
be tedious. And the truth of theſe affertions may be fully read in the end
of the Anſwer to the Eighth Article of the Rebels Remonftrance of Grie-
vances, at Trym, 1642.
Whereupon the Lords Juftices found it abfolutely neceffary, that fome
Forces fhould be fent against them at Clantarf; which Forces were com-
manded by Sir Charles Coote, the 15th. of Decemb. who burnt the Village,
deſtroy'd their Boats, and excellently well quitted the fervice injoy n'd
him, clearing that place of Piracy and Rebels: Though in the interim,
Nettervile being frighted from Santry lay with near 2000 men at
Swoards, and poffefs'd himſelf of the Caſtle of Artain, and fome other
places, within two miles of Dublin. On the Weft fide of which, at Taſſa-
gard, Rath-Coole, Caftle-Lyons, and other Villages, there lay 2000 more
of the Rebels out of the Counties of Katerlagh, Kings County, and Kil-
dare, under the command of Roger Moore, and Sutton Eustace of Castle-
Martin, and others. The Clandonells, Birns, and Tooles from Wickloe, to-
wards the Sea, three or four miles on the South of Dublin, came alfo
down, blocking up on all fides) Paffages thereunto; their Forces in
Lemfter amounting to 20000 men. So as the State being now put in
eminent danger, few hopes furvived of her recovery. The Naas and Kil-
dare, as Trim and Afhboy in the County of Meath, being taken by
the Rebels: Which in a Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, dated the 14th.
of December, the Lords Juſtices and Council very emphatically exprefs'd;
adding in the cloſe, That if notwithstanding all this, fo often and truly made
known by us to your Lordship, we shall perish for want of Supplies, we fhal
carry this comfort with us to our graves, (or any other burial we shall have)
That your Lordship can witness for us to his Royal Majesty, and all the
world, that we have difcharg'd our duties to God, to his Majesty, and to
that Nation, and to this, in humbly reprefenting to his Majesty, by your
Lordſhip,
G 2
1641.
44
The dismal Effects of
His Majeſty's
Works, fol. 393
Lordſhip, ( the chief Governour of the Kingdom) the extremities and dan-
gers, wherein his Kingdom and People ftand, and the neceffities of hastning
Supplies hither by all poſſible means, for prefervation of Both; fo as what-
ever become of our Perfons,our Memory cannot be justly stain'd with fo wretch-
ed a breach of Faith and Loyalty to the King our Mafter, as to forbear repre-
Senting thither the extremities wherein we are, whether we have receiv'd
credit to be believ'd or no; and that we write truth, and most needful truth,
will be found true, when perhaps we shall perish, and which is more con-
fiderable, the Kingdom alfo, for want of being believ'd and fuccour'd in
time.
The Confideration of which (long before prefented to his Majeſty)
wrought fo fenfibly on Him, that being then newly return'd out of Scot-
land, before the Letter mention'd arriv'd at the Parliament) He took
the first opportunity (which was the 2d. of December, 1641.) to tell
the Lords and Commons in Parliament, (other things being rehearſed)
That He had one Particular more to recommend unto Them, which was Ire-
land, for which (faith He) I doubt not your Care, yet methinks the
pre-
parations for it go on but flowly.
And being touch'd with the truth of what He had obferv'd in this Bufi-
neſs, he came to the Parliament the 14th. of December, and thus expreſt
his refentment.
1
My Lords and Gentlemen,
TH
HE last time I was in this Place, and the last thing that
I recommended unto you, was the Bufinefs of Ireland,
whereby I was in good hope, that I ſhould not have needed again
to have put you in mind of that Bufinefs: But ftill feeing the
flow proceedings therein, and the daily diſpatches that I have
out of Ireland, of the lamentable Eftate of my Proteftants Sub-
jects there, I cannot but again earnestly commend the difpack
of that Expedition unto you, for it is the chief Bufinefs that at
this time I take to heart, and there cannot almoſt be any Bufi-
neſs that I can have more care of.
I might now take up fome of your time, in expreffing my De-
teftation of Rebellions in general, and of this in particular: But
knowing that Deeds and not Declarations must fupprefs this great
Infolency, I do here in Word offer you, whatsoever my Power,
Pains or Industry, can contribute to this good and neceffary Work,
of reducing the Irish Nation to their true and wonted Obedi-
ence.
And that nothing may be omitted on my Part, I muſt here
take notice of the Bill for preffing of Souldiers, now depending
among you, my Lords, concerning which I declare, that in cafe
it
the Irish Infurrection.
45
it comes fo to me, as it may not infringe or diminish my Preroga-
tive, I will pass it. And farther, ſeeing there is a Difpute rais'd
( I being little beholding to him whosoever at this time began it)
concerning the bounds of this ancient and undoubted Preroga-
tive, to avoid further Debate at this time. I offer that the Bill
may paſs with a Salvo Jure, both for King and People, leaving
fuch Debates to a time that may better bear them. If this be not
accepted, the fault is not mine that this Bill pass not, but theirs
that refuſe ſo fair an offer.
To conclude, I conjure you by all that is or can be dear to you
or me, that laying away all Difputes, you go on chearfully and
Speedily for the reducing of Ireland.
A Charm (one ſhould think) fufficiently powerful: Yet the Lords
and Commons in Parliament, from his Majefty's Speech took great ex-
ceptions, fuffering the Supplies of Ireland to be retarded, demanding of
the King the Names of those, who had counfell'd Him to take notice of any
Debate in the Houfe, before it was form'd into a Bill; whence began the
Cry againſt evil Counſellors, afterwards the pretext of the Mifery that
enfued. Some Forces indeed the Parliament had ſent to the Sea-fide, and
others were on their March, yet Winds and Tides, Votes and Councels,
did not equally agree, fo as the Exigences (by this means) that the
State of Ireland was caft upon,almoft fplit them. Whereupon the Lords
Juſtices and Council publifht a Proclamation, dated the 28th. of Decem-
ber, 1641. Requiring all Perfons, other than fuch as had neceſſary Cauſes
to Dublin, fuch as the Lords Juftices, the Lieutenant-General of the Army,
or the Governour of his Majesty's Forces in the City of Dublin, should ap-
prove, or other than ſuch as ſhould bring Provifion to the City to be fold,
fhould forbear coming to the City or Suburbs thereof, upon pain of Death.
Which was done in time of high neceffity, Provifion being ſcarce, and
few repairing to the City but what were Spies and Traitors.
And becauſe what his Majesty had propos'd (before-mention'd) for
the ſervice of Ireland, feem'd to have little effect, he again fends a Mef-
fage to the Lords Houfe by the Lord Chamberlain, the 28th. of December:
That being fenfible of the Miseries of Ireland (the Succours for which went
on flowly) he offer'd to raiſe 10000 Voluntiers, if the Commons would un-
dertake to pay them: A Propofition rather heard than confented to.
About this time Sir Thomas Carey and Dr. Cale (a Sorboniſt) offer'd
from the Rebels thefe Propofitions, to the Council Board, for a Trea-
ty.
First, That there fhould be a Toleration of Religion.
Secondly, That Popifh Officers, as well as Proteftant, fhould be admitted
to all Employments.
}
Thirdly, That the Wrongs of Plantations ſhould be repair'd, fince
1610.
Fourthly, That there should be a Proclamation to take off the File, the
Title of Rebels and Traitors.
1641.
All
:
46
The difmal Effects of
1641.
All which pafs'd fomewhat currantly, till One (then being abfent
through Lickneſs) hearing thereof, repair'd to the Council Board,though
at that time much indifpos'd, and upon ftrong Arguments (Arguments
that would admit of no Sophiftry) ftop'd the proceeding of ſo diſhonour-
able a Motion; fo early did fome endeavour to force on the State, a ne-
ceffity of complying with the infolent Demands of the Rebels, by this
faithful Miniſter of State confidently rejected. And here that you may
fee, what the Rebels afterwards thought the only means to reduce Ireland
into Peace and Quietnefs, we fhall here prefent you with their Propofiti-
ons, methodically digeſted.
The Means to reduce Ireland unto Peace and
Quietness.
I.
T
Hat a general and free Pardon, without any exception, be grant-
ed to all his Majesty's Subjects of this Kingdom, and that in pur-
fuance thereof, and for strengthning the fame, an Act of Abolition may paß
in the Parliament here.
2. That all marks of National diſtinction between English and Iriſh, may
be aboliſhed and taken away by Act of Parliament.
3. That by feveral Acts of Parliament to be respectively paſſed here and in
England, it may be declared, that the Parliament of Ireland hath no fubor-
dination with the Parliament of England, but that the fame hath in it felf
Supream Jurifdiction in this Kingdom, as abfolute as the Parliament of Eng-
land there hath.
4. That the Act of the 12th. of H. 7th. commonly called Poining's Act,
and all other Acts expounding or explaining the fame, may be repeal-
ed.
5. That as in England there paß'd an Act for a Triennial Parliament, fo
there may paſs in Ireland another for a Sexennial Parliament.
6. That it may be enacted by Parliament, that the Act of the 2d. of Q
Eliz. in Ireland, and all other Acts made against Catholicks, or the Catho-
lick Religion, fince the 20th. year of H. 8th. may be repeal'd.
7. That the Bishopricks, Deanaries, and all other ſpiritual Promotions
in this Kingdom, and all Frieries and Nunneries, may be restored to the Ca-
tholick Owners, and likewife all Impropriations of Tythes, and that the
Scits, Ambits, and Precincts, of the Religious Houfes of the Monks, may
be restored to them; but as to the rest of their temporal Poffeffions, it is not
defign'd to be taken from the prefent Proprietors, but to be left unto them,
till God fhall otherwife incline their own hearts.
8. That fuch as are now entituled Catholick Archbishops, Biſhops, Ab-
bots, or other Dignitaries in this Kingdom, by donation of the Pope, may,
during their lives, enjoy their Spiritual Promotions, with Proteftation ne-
vertheless, and other fit Claufes to be laid down, for preſervation of his Ma-
jesty's Patronages, First-fruits, and twentieth Parts, in Manner and Quan-
tity, as now his Highness receives benefit thereby.
9. That all Inquifitions taken fince the year 1634. to entitle his Majesty
to Connaght, Thomond, Ormond, Eliogartie, Kilnemanagh, Duheara,
Wickloe,
the Irish Infurrection.
47
Wickloe, and Idvagh may be vacated, and their Eftates fecured, according
to his Majefties late Graces.
10. That an Act of Parliament may paß here, for fecuring the Subjects
Title to their ſeveral Eſtates against the Crown, upon any Title accrued un-
to it before fixty years, or under colour or pretext of the preſent Com-
motions.
#
II. That all Plantations made fince the year 1610 may be avoided by
Parliament, if the Parliament shall hold it just, and their Poffeffions re-
Stored to them or their Heirs, from whom the fame were taken; they never-
theless answering to the Crown the Rents and Services proportionable, re-
Serv'd upon the Undertakers.
12. That the Tranſportation of all Native Commodities to all Places of
the World in Peace with his Majesty, may be free and lawfull, his Customs
first paid; and that the Statutes of 10, 11, and 13 of Queen Elizabeth, for
reftraining the Exportation of Native Commodities, be repealed.
13. That all Preferments Ecclefiaftical, Civil, and Martial in this King-
dom, that lye in his Majefties Gift, may be conferr'd on the Natives of this
Kingdom onely, fuch as his Majefty fhall think meet, without any diftin-
Etion for Religion: Provided always, that upon the Princes of his Blood of
England, he may bestow what Places he fhall think meet.
14. That a Martial and Admiral of this Kingdom may be elected in it,
to have perpetual fucceffion therein, with the fame Preheminency, Authority,
and Furifdiction, as they respectively have in England; and that the faid
Places be ever conferr'd upon Noblemen, Natives of this Kingdom.
15. That there may be Train' d-bands in all Cities, Towns Corporate, and
Counties of this Kingdom, arm'd and provided for at the charge of the feve-
ral Counties, Cities, and Towns, and commanded by the Natives of the fame,
who shall be nam'd by the Counties, Cities, and Towns refpectively.
16. That his Majefty may release all Tenures in Capite, and by Knights
Service; in confideration whereof, he shall receive a fetled Revenue of
12000l. per annum, being double the fum which he cafually receives by
them; Reliefs, Seifmes, Licenfes for Alienations; Efcuage and Aids never-
theless to remain.
17. That all Monopolies may be for ever taken away by Act of Par-
liament.
18. That fuch new Corporations, that have not the face of Corporate
Towns, and were erected to give Voices in Parliament, may be diffolved,
and their Votes taken away, and hereafter none fuck to be admitted to
Voices in Parliament.
Lastly, That there may be Agents chofen in Parliament, or otherwife,
as thought meet to attend continually his Majefty, to reprefent the Grievances
of this Nation, that they may be removable by fuch as did elect them; and
in cafe of death or removance, others may be for ever fucceffively fubftituted
in that Place.
Propofitions fo deftructive to the Crown of England, the English In-
tereſt, and Proteftant Religion, as I conceive none are fo hardy as to
maintain their rationality, as long as the Crown of England is able to
improve the Power of her Conqueft. More I might add, but each Pro-
pofition carrieth in it felf its infolency and vanity; which (by the Re-
bels fuccefs on the British, through their Treacheries and Surprifals)
they were encouraged to propofe with fuch audacity.
However
1641.
£
48
The difmal Effects of
1
However, the State, in hope to gain time, (till Supplies might come)
liftned to an offer made by fome Popish Priests to treat with the Rebels:
Whereupon Dr. Cale (pretending how far he could prevail with the Re-
bels) was admitted thereunto by a Warrant from the State, in confidence
that he could obtain better terms than the former. But Sir Phelim O-Neal
would yield to no Treaty, unleſs the Lord Mac-Guire, Mac-Mahone, and
the reſt in the Caſtle might be freed: Which the State refufing with in-
dignation, that deſign ended.
And that the City of Dublin might be ſupplied with Corn, (the Mar-
ket growing very thin, through the Confederates feizing on the Prote-
ſtants Corn in the Haggard) the Lords Juftices and Council (having
that example) publish'd a Proclamation the 28th. of Decemb. 1641.
That all Corn-Maſters within fifteen miles of Dublin, fhould be careful
to fend their Corn to the City, to be fold at the Rates following, viz.
Wheat, Peaſe, and Beans, at 20 s. a Dublin Peck, and Oats at 6 s. 8 d. a
Barrel. Whereupon the Market was fomewhat (though not confidera-
ble to their urgent occafions) reliev'd; rather than the Irish would fuf-
fer their Corn to be thrashed out by Warrants from the Lord Gormanston,
for the uſe of the Irish Army then lying before Tredath, or burnt by the
State to prevent that inconvenience.
And that nothing irregular might justly be imputed to the State, who
ſtudied the preſervation of his Majefties Subjects; or thofe indeed who
but pretended (without appearance to the contrary) a ſubmiſſion to his
Miniſters, the 14th. of January, 1641. they publish'd a fevere Proclama-
tion againſt Pillagers, and Voluntiers not lifted under fome Colonel or
Commander: So early was the vigilancy of the State in what might pre-
ſerve their Integrity and Repute: Which fome finding contrary to their
envious Licentiouſneſs, wanted not boldneſs to encourage the Soldiers to a
return for England. Which the Lords Juſtices and Council having notice
of, publiſh'd this Proclamation.
By the Lords Juftices and Council.
William Parfons, John Borlafe.
W
E do hereby in his Majefties Name charge and command all
his Majefties Soldiers of this Army, that upon pain of death
none of them presume to depart hence for England, without
expreß licenſe in that behalf from the Lieutenant General of the Army. And
we command all Owners and Masters of Ships,Barques,and other Veffels,that
upon pain of death none of them do permit or fuffer any of the faid Soldiers
to go aboard them, or to be carried from hence into England. And we re-
quire the Searcher, and all other Officers and Waiters of the Customs, that
they, and every of them, do take Special care to prevent the Shipping or
Importing of any of the faid Soldiers, as aforefaid; whereof they may not
fail. Given at his Majefties Castle of Dublin, 18th. Jan. 1641.
}
Ormond Offory, R. Dillon, Ad. Loftus, J.Temple,
Charles Coote, Fran. Willoughby, Rob. Meredith.
And
the Irish Infurrection.
49
1
1641.
midst of De-
fter.
And now the Flame having march'd through Ulfter and Leimfter, it
diſcovers its fury about the beginning of December, 1641. in Munster,
which Province till that time (by the moderation of the State) had ftifled About the
its rage, then expreffing its confent with the other Provinces; The Rc- cember the Re-
bels of Wexford, Kilkenny, and Caterlaugh coming over the River to bellion breal.s
prey and ſpoil the County of Waterford: To refift which, the Lord Pre- forth in Mun-
fident of Munſter (Sir William Sellenger) who to that time had behav'd
himſelf with much Prudence, Vigilance, and Honour, haitned to encoun-
ter them, whom (though he was far inferiour to in number he then
diſcomfited, and restored to the Owners what Prey he recovered; in
which action he found many of his Provincials, yet fuffer'd none of them
to be hurt, fuppofing they came to fave their Goods, not being intereſs'd
in the Confpiracy, which afterwards he found general, Mr. Purcell
called the Baron of Loghmo) exciting, about the 9th. of December in
Tipperary) the Irish to rob and ſpoil the British and Proteſtants, acting
(with many others) daily villanies, being armed by a long Provifion un-
derhand, and furniſh'd with the Wealth of the British and Proteftants
in that Province, which was very great and confiderable.
تا
Connaght.
And that Connaght might not be faid to be quiet, the Lord Prefident The Rebellion
of that Province (the Lord Ranne laugh) coming thither from Dublin, appears in
about the beginning of November, (after the Rebellion brake forth found
there many of the inferiour Irish, and fome of the Gentry in Rebellion,
in the County of Rofcommon and Sligo, with whom he dealt mildly, pre-
fuming his former intimate Friendship, and fome Alliance, might
work on them: but nothing prevail'd, they were otherwife harden'd;
nor had he Force fufficient which they well knew) to compel them,
their Swarms were fo numerous, their Cruelties fo outragious; ſo that
at the laft, they block'd him up in the Caftle of Athlone by the help of
the Confpirators of Weß-Meath, notwithstanding the Commiffions of
Government, the Lords Juftices and Council that nothing ftill might
be wanting on the States fide, to evidence the confidence and truft they
were willing to repofe in the Prime Natives) entruſted the Earl of Clan-
rickard, the Lord Mayo, the Lord of Coftiloe, and others with; in which
condition he remain'd, till the Earl of Ormond Lieutenant General of his
Majeſties Army) carried down two thouſand Foot, and fome Troops of
Horſe to his Relief, the Spring following. Notwithſtanding the Com-
miſſion the Lord Rannelaugh had from thole, whom his Majeſty entruſted
of the Parliament in England,to raiſe five hundred Proteftants neareft ad-
joyning, for the defence of the faid Province, and to name the Officers,
his Son Arthur Jones Efq; being at the fame time made Conftable of the
Caſtle of Roscommon, in the County of Rofcommon, and allowed thirty one
Proteftant Warders to guard the Town and Caftle: As Sir Robert King
(at the fame time) was appointed in the like Command for the Caſtle of
Abbey-boyle: Yet the Rebels (in the interim) burnt the Town of Rof-
common, and the Bishops Town of Elphin, befides many other English-
men's Habitations; furprizing alfo feveral Caſtles of the Earl of Clan-
rickards in the County of Galloway. However, Sir Charles Coote Junior,
(vigilant in all concerns fo mann'd and guarded Caftle-Coot, as that be-
ing in January, 1641. befieg'd by Con O-Rourk with 1200 men, he fo no-
tably encountred him, as within a week le rais'd the Siege; as he did
Hugh O Connor, Son of O Connor Dun of Balintober, Titular Prince of
Connaght; lineally as he would have it) defcended from Rødderick
し
​O Connor,
H
50
1
The difmal Effects of
1
}
#
1641.
The Reafons,
why each Pro-
vince burſt not
(at once) into
a fame.
The Author
and Scotch
Presbytery,
P. 222.
O-Connor, King of Connaght, and Monarch of Ireland, never afterwards
durft make any formal approach againſt that Caitle; in as much as Sir
Charles Coote fetch'd in Corn and Cattle at liberty: Yet the fecond of
March following, O-Rourk came with all his Forces to fetch away the
Prey of Roscommon, before day, hurrying them almoft to Molinterim, be-
fore our Forces could come up to him, endeavouring to make good a Paſs
againſt our men, who foon break their ftouteft Ranks, and (killing moſt
of the Rebels) recovered the Prey, took many Priſoners, and amongſt
the rest Con O-Rourk.
Thus each Province was in a flame, and that it burft not forth all at
once, was partly out of the backwardness of fome, who would firſt (in
the proceedings of the others) fee how far, and with what fecurity,
they might put themſelves on the Work: A horrid Work! that had no
promifing, or good Afpect: And then others in the Counties of Dub-
lin, Meath, Lowth, who (by the aforefaid compact, fhould have fur-
nish'd themſelves with Arms from the State, under pretence of ſervice
againit Ulfter) miffing of their Deſign in full, halted a. time: and
many declared not themſelves at first, by reafon the furprifing of the
Caſtle of Dublin was prevented; Nor did the noble and folemn Refent-
ment of the Parliament in England a little ſtartle others, though after
that the Winter came cloſe upon them, and that the English were almoſt
every where harraſt; And the fuccours from England came not ſo ſoon
as they were expected, the Irish every where gathered that heat as in all
Places, to express their virulency.
Some * will have it that the Gentlemen at Weſtminſter, inſtead of ſup-
of the English preffing the Irish Speedily by Arms, made an Ordinance wholly to extirpate
them, whereby the Irish extirpated most part of the Proteftant Colonies,
killing Man, Woman, and Child, with most horrible Barbaroufnefs: Where-
as it is apparent that the greateſt, and moſt horrid Maffacres, were acted
before the Parliament could poffibly know there was a Rebellion, for
after that the plot was detected, the Rebels fomewhat flackned their firft
Cruelties though then they proclaim'd, That if any Irifh fhould har-
bour, or relieve, any English fuffer'd to escape, them with their lives, that
it should be penal, even to death, to fuch Irish; So that though they
put not thofe English actually to the Sword, yet by that Defign, they
cut them off more cruelly: It being a certain truth (not fubject to
the evaſion of the Sophifter) that in all the four Provinces, the horrid
cruelties uſed towards the British, either in their bloody Maſſacres, or
mercileſs difpoiling, ftripping, and extirpation of them, were generally
acted in moſt parts of the Kingdom, before they could gather themſelves
together, to make any confiderable refiſtance against their fury, and be-
fore the State had aſſembled their Forces, or were enabled by the power
of his Majeſties Arms, to make any inroads into the Countreys poffeffed
by the Rebels: A circumſtance, which totally deſtroyeth all thoſe vain
pretences, and fond recriminations, which they have fince moſt falfly
taken up to palliate this their moſt abominable Rebellion, or actings
thereupon; Befides, in the firſt Order of the Lords Commons, in Par-
liament of England, touching this Concern, for the better inducing of the
Rebels to repent of their wicked Attempts, they did thereby commend it
to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his abfence to the Lord Deputy,
or Lords Juftices there, according to the power of the Commiffion
granted them in that behalf, To bestow his Majefties gracious Pardon to
alt
the Irish Infurrection.
51
all fuch as within a convenient time (to be declared by any of the faid
Magiftrates should return to their due obedience: Which rule the Lords
Juftices in all Commiffions, either to Officers, or Marſhals, they had
alſo before obſerved, that if (amongst them) there had been any relent-
ing, they might have experienc'd the mercy of the State.
1641.
And thus much may be faid even for the Parliament, that after the
expence of much blood and treafure, for fuppreffion of the horrid Re-
bellion in Ireland, when they had brought that Affair to fuch an iſſue,
as that a total Reducement, and fettlement of the Nation was effected,
whereby they came to divide the Rebels Eftates; They manifefted, that
it was not the Parliaments intentions, to extirpate that whole Nation, but Scobels Acts
they ordered Mercy and Pardon, both as to Life and Fftate, fhould be fol. 197.
extended to all Husband-Men, Labourers, Artificers, yea to higher
rank and Quality, according to the refpective Demerits, and Confiderati-
ons, under which they fell, and that all should enjoy the benefit of their
Articles.
It is indeed Enacted, in the Acts of ſubſcriptions for Ireland, that
every Perfon who shall make, enter into, or take any Compact, Bond, Co-
venant, Oath, promife, or agreement, to introduce, or bring into the faid
Realm of Ireland, the authority of the See of Rome, in any cafe what fo-
ever, or to maintain, or defend the fame, fhall forfeit his Lands, and Goods,
as in cafe of Rebellion: Before which there was no pretence (ſome
thought to make the War a matter of Religion, Whereas, I do not
conceive, that that Clauſe is any more then what was in feveral Acts pro-
vided, as Anno 28. H. 8. Capite 13. Anno 2. Eliz. Cap. 1. as elſewhere:
And by his Majeſtics Letter to the Marquifs of Ormond,the 15th. of Decem.
1644. is there fpecified, That many Acts in favour of the Irish should
be repeal'd, but thofe against Appeals to Rome, and Præmunire, ſhould
Stand. That had not the Rebels firſt intended what afterwards they
purſued) that Claufe could not have made them more obftinate Rebels,
nothing being in it, but what was before in force.
し
​Now befides other miferies (which aggravated the unhappineſs of the
State at that time) there flocked to the City (from all Parts ſuch as
having eſcaped the fury of the Rebels, fheltered themſelves there, of
which by reafon of the diſeaſes they had contracted by their journey,
and ill ufage there died many, elſe prov'd a burthen to the City;
Which the Confederates of the Pale would have the World believe, was
mercy and Signal Humanity in them, not to have imbrued their hands
in the blood of any British Proteftants, When as the lingring deaths, and
Exigences theſe were put to, exceeded any death which at once might
have been inflicted: though after the Siege of Tredath, that the old
English Papifts of the Pale, were driven into Ulfter, they (as a meri-
torious act vaunted that they had killed more English and Proteftants
in Fingall, then were killed in many other Counties; for the difcove-
ries of whofe miferies, and what befides others had fuffered by the Rebels,
the Lords Juftices authoriſed feveral Commiffioners to state their Cafe,
and the ſtate of the deplorable English, by two Commiffions, the one
bearing date the 23d. of December, the other the 18th. of January, both
in the 17th. year of his Majefties Reign, whereby the Murders, Loffes,
and Cruelties, committed upon the English and Proteftants, were diſco-
vered on Oath, and prefented in a Remonftrance by the Difpoil'd Clergy
of Ireland, to the Honourable Houſe of Commons in England; And left
}
H 2
the
52
The difmal Effects of
1641.
Sir Simon Har-
court arriv'd
out of England
with the firft
Forces.
Sir Charles
Coote goes to
Swoards.
Five Regi-
ments more
arriv'd out
of England.
the Remonſtrance fhould feem the act of a few Perfons (highly inte
reſſed in their own Concerns) it was accompanied with a Letter from
the Lords Juſtices, and Council, dated at Dublin the 7th. of March, 1641.
to the Speaker of the faid Houfe of Commons; the Remonftrance fhew-
ing fuch depredations of Goods, fuch cruelties exercis'd on the Perfons and
Lives of the loyal Subjects, fuch waſting, and defacing of all monuments of Ci-
vility, with fuch Prophanation of Holy Places, and Religion, that by the most
barbarous, and heathenish Nations,the like could not in any Age be found to be
perpetrated of which I might fay more, having not yet forgot the cruel-
ties legible in moſt Noble, and antient Families; But the day would fail
us, fhould we fum up what is in the Clergies Remonftrance, Printed at
London, 1642. briefly mention'd, to which, and the Hiftory of the Irish
Rebellion, 1646. from p. 84. to 136, we muſt refer you, that the
Proofs of all may be before your eyes; May they be writ on our Pofts of
our houſes, and our Gates? that they may be looked upon, and remembred
for ever; what Amalek did, when we were faint, and weary, and he feared
not God!
•
Thus the State having (to their power) fupported his Majeſties Au-
thority, and the English Intereft, fearching out whatſomever might
fathom the bottom of this Confpiracy, they being driven to great ne-
ceffities, trampled on by the Enemy, not further able to fupport their
own miferies. When the laft of December 1641. arriv'd at Dublin
(from the Parliament of England) Sir Simon Harcourt, with a Regi-
ment of 1200 Foot, a Gentleman of Good Extraction, long bred in the
Low-Countreys (the School of War) under Sir Horatio, the Lord Vere,
that renown'd, and Excellent Perfon, one of the most noted, and eminent
Commanders of the late Age: He was defign'd Governour of Dublin,
much to the comfort of the Proteftants, and terrour of the Rebels; foon
after whoſe arrival (the City being fecur'd thereby the Lords Juſtices
commanded forth Sir Charles Coote, with fuch Forces as could be fpared
to Swoards, about the 10th. of January following, the better to let them
know how far the State refented their Infolencies, whom no affurance,
fair, or open Refolves, or any free courfe could fatisfie; Sir Charles
Coote found the acceſs to the Village ftraightly block'd up, yet fo ma-
naged the attempt, as he foon forc'd them to a flight, beating them out
of their Fortifications, and killed 200 of their men, without any con-
fiderable loſs on his fide, more then Sir Laurenzo Carey, fecond Son of
the Lord Falkland (late Lord Deputy) a Gentleman of excellent and
ingenious Parts, well principled, and one whofe vertues and refolution,
promiſed much happineſs to the State: After fetling of which Place,
Sir Charles Coote return'd to Dublin, and ere long, there arrived from
England, by Order of the Parliament, three Regiments of Foot, the
Lord-Lieutenants Regiment, under the Conduct of Lieutenant-Colonel
Monk (fince Duke of Albemarle ) the fecond under the Command of
Sir Michael Earnely, and the other under the Command of Colonel
Cromwell; and two Regiments of Horſe, one belonging to Philip Lord
Lifle, General of the Horfe, and the other under the Command of Sir
Richard Greenvile. That now the English Intereſt began to revive, the
Iriſh being much difheartned thereby, yet grew confident in their
Allies and Confederacy, they had made through the whole Nation, to
weaken which, and vindicate his Majefties Honour, the State received
the 20th. of January a Proclamation from his Majefty, dated the firſt
of
}
}
the Irish Infurrection.
of the fame month, declaring them Rebels and Traitors: and that it
might want no folemnity, to imprefs the greater Character of obedience,
His Majefty was pleaſed to Sign all the Proclamations with his Royal
Hand, affixing alſo thereto his Privy Signet (a circumſtance ſcarce
prefidenc'd) The Original of which I have in my Cuſtody.
Charles R.
Wh
Hereas diverfe lewd and wicked Perfons, have (of
late) riſen in Rebellion in our Kingdom of Ireland,
furprizd diverfe of our Forts and Castles, poffeffed them-
felves thereof, furpriz'd fome of our Garrisons, poffeft them-
felves of fome of our Magazeen of Arms and Ammunition,
difpoffeft many of our good and loyal Subjects of the Britifh
Nation,.and Proteftants, of their Houſes, and Lands, rob'd
and ſpoil'd many thouſands of our good Subjects of the Britiſh
Nation, and Proteftants, of their Goods, to great values, Maf
facred multitudes of them, imprifon'd many others, and fome
who have the Honour to ferve us as Privy Counsellors of that our
Kingdom; We therefore having taken the fame into our Royal
confideration, and abborring the wicked disloyalty, and hor-
rible acts committed by thofe Perfons, do hereby not onely de-
clare our juft Indignation thereof, but alfo do declare them, and
their Adherents, and Abettors, and all those who shall here-
after joyn with them, or commit the like acts on any of our good
Subjects in that Kingdom, to be Rebels, and Traitors against
our Royal Perfon, and Enemies to our Royal Crown of Eng-
land, and Ireland.
And we do hereby ftrictly Charge, and Command all thofe
Perfons, who have fo prefumed to rife in Arms against us,
and our Royal Authority (which we cannot otherwife interpret
than acts of high Rebellion, and deteftable Difloyalty, when
therein they spoil, and deftroy our good and loyal Subjects of
the British Nation, and Proteftants) that they immediately
lay down their Arms, and forbear any further acts of Hoftility,
Wherein if they fail, we do let them know, that we have au-
thorifed our Fuftices of Ireland, and other our Chief Gover-
nour, or Governours, and General, or Lieutenant-General
of our Army there, and do hereby accordingly require, and
authoriſe them, and every of them, to profecute the faid Re-
bels, and Traitors with Fire, and Sword, as Perfons who (by
their high Disloyalty against us their lawful, and undoubted
King, and Soveraign) have made themſelves unworthy of any
Mercy,
53
1641.
His Majefties
against the Re-
bels, the first
Proclamation
of January.
54
The dismal Effects of
1641. Mercy, or Favour; Wherein our faid Justices, or other chief
Governour, or Governours, and General, or Lieutenant-General
of our faid Army, Shall be countenanc'd, and ſupported by us,
and by our powerful Succours of our good Subjects of Eng-
land, and Scotland, that fo they may reduce to obedience,
thoſe wicked difturbers of that Peace, which by the bleſſing of
God, that Kingdom bath fo long, and fo happily enjoy'd, un-
der the Government of our Royal Father, and us. And this
our Royal pleaſure, we do hereby require our Juſtices, or other
chief Governour, or Governours, of that our Kingdom of
Ireland, to cauſe to be published, and proclaim'd, in and
throughout our faid Kingdom of Ireland.
His Majeſties
his Proclama-
tion came out
fo late.
Given under our Signet, at our Palace at
Westminster, the ift. of January, in the 17th.
year of our Reign, 1641.
Which coming forth fo late, and but 40 of them onely ordered to be
Reaſons, why Printed, was by the Parliament in their Declaration of the 19th. of
May, 1642. interpreted as a countenance to that Rebellion, in anſwer
whereunto, his Majeſty in his reply to that Declaration, ſhews, That the
Proclamation not iffuing out fooner, was because the Lords Justices of that
Kingdom defired them no fooner, and when they did, the number they de-
fired was but twenty, which they advised might be Signed by us, which
we for the expedition of that ſervice, commanded to be Printed (a Cir-
cumftance not required by them) thereupon we Sign'd more of them then
our Fuftices defired.
And that it might further appear how deep a fenſe his Majeſty had
of the Rebellion, which called upon Him, and his People of England, for
a general Humiliation of all Eftates before Almighty God, in Prayer and
Fafting, for drawing down his Mercy and Blessing upon Ireland: His Ma-
jeſty was pleaſed by a Proclamation, dated at Whitehall the 8th. of Ja-
nuary, 1641. Straightly to Charge and Command, That the last Wedneſday
of every Month during the troubles in Ireland, a Solemn Fast should be
obferv'd through his Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales, fhew-
ing in his own Perfon and the Court, an example thereof; which accord-
ingly (for fome years) was obferv'd, and confiderable Collections
were gathered (at moſt Churches) that day, for the miſerable People
of Ireland: Several, but efpecially Sir Benjamin Rudyard, excellently
ſpeaking on that Subject, which being much in a little, accept of, in his
own Words.
Mr.
the Irish Infurrection.
55
:
1641.
Mr. Speaker.
TH
His Day is appointed for a charitable Work, a Work of Bowels and
Compaſſion; I pray God,we may never have the like occafion to move,
to ſtir up, our Charity.
Thefe miferable People are made fo, because of their Religion: He that
will not fuffer for his Religion, is anworthy to be faved by it and he is un-
worthy to enjoy it, that will not relieve thoſe that ſuffer for it.
;
I did know but the last year here in England, fome (and they no Papifts)
who were refolv'd to make Ireland their Retreat, as the fafer Kingdom of
the two.
We do now fee a great, a difmal Change, God knows, whofe Turn fhall be
next, it is wrapp'd up in his Providence; that which happens to one Country,
may happen to any; Time and Chance comes upon all, though guided by a
certain Hand.
The right way to make a Man truely fenfible of another's Calamity, is to
think himſelf in the fame cafe and condition, and then to do as he would be
done unto.
Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, let our Gift be a matter of Bounty, not of Co-
vetousneß, that it may abound to our Account in the Day of Reckoning: He
that fowes plentifully, shall reap plentifully; I am fure, he that lends to the
Lord, hath the best Security, and cannot be a lofer.
The firſt Preſident of the Fast before-mention'd, which ufher'd in the
Charity that fucceeded, was (before it came to be Monthly by the
Lords Houſe, kept in the Abbey of Westminster, where the Archbishop of.
Tork, and the Lord Primate of Ireland, preach'd to the Lords, as in St.
Margrets Westminster, Mr. Calamy and Mr. Marshall, to the Houſe of
Commons. Though when his Majefty afterwards found by the ill uſe
made thereof, that the Lecturers in their Sermons and Prayers ftir'd
and continued the War rais'd againſt Him in England, the great Promo-
ters too thereof deferting the Čare of Ireland, He, the 6th. of October,
1643. forbad it to be kept, and inſtead thereof exprefly commanded a
folemn Faſt to be obferv'd, every fecond Friday of the Month, through
England and Wales.
up,
But to return to the King's Proclamation againſt the Rebels, which
the bleeding Iphigenia, and others of that lying Spirit, would have to be
grounded on the information of a malignant Part of the Council, informing
his Majesty, that the Catholicks of Ireland without difcrimination, bad
enter'd into a Rebellion; whereas there was never any fuch general Infor-
mation: Nay, in all the Accounts they gave to his Majefty, they ftill in-
timated, that they hoped the Pale and other Parts would continue their
Loyalty, affording the Lords of the Pale, as other Towns, ( which after-
wards fhamefully revolted) Arms, Ammunition, Commands, informing
his Majefty only of what they had diſcovered in the North, with the ful-
picions that they had learnt on Examinations from others, which would
have been Treachery in them to have conceal'd, and grand Difloyalty.
Nor doth his Majeſty take notice in his Proclamation of any other, than
that divers lewd and wicked Perfons had of late rifen in Rebellion in his
King-
56
The difmal Effects of
*
'
+
1641.
Kingdom of Ireland, not fo much therein as naming Papiſts or Catholicks,
that thence any of that profeffion fhould take Umbrage: Nay, ſo circum-
fpect were the Lords Juftices and Council at that time, that they avoided
all expreffions, which might any ways encourage the Irish to apprehend,
the English intended to make it a War of Religion.
However, the Rebels were fo far from paying obedience to his Maje-
ſty's Proclamation afore-mention'd, faying, it was counterfeit, or done
by Coertion, as they acted now, not as before apart, but united in one
Body, under the ſtyle of the Confederate Roman Catholicks of Ireland,bind-
ing themſelves alfo in that Confederacy, by the following Oath of Affo-
ciation.
I A. B. do,in the preſence of Almighty God, and all the Saints and Angels
in Heaven, promife, vow, fwear and proteft, to maintain and defend as far
as Imay with my Life, Power, and Eftate, the publick and free exercife of
the true and Roman Catholick Religion, against all Perfons that ſhall oppoje
the fame. Ifurther fwear, that I will bear Faith and Allegiance to our So-
veraign Lord King Charles, his Heirs and Succeffors, and that I will defend
Him and Them, as far as I may, with my Life, Power and Estate, againſt
all fuch Perfons as fhall attempt any thing against their Royal Perfons, Ho-
nours, Eftates, and Dignities, and against all fuch as fhall directly or indi-
rectly endeavour to fupprefs their Royal Prerogatives, or do any Act or Acts
contrary to Regal Government; as alfo the Power and Priviledges of Parlia-
ment, the lawful Rights and Priviledges of the Subjects, and every Perfon
that makes this low, Oath and Proteftation, in whatfoever he fhall do, in
the lawful pursuance of the fame. And to my Power, as far as I may, I will
oppofe, and by all means and ways endeavour to bring to condign punishment,
even to the loss of Life, Liberty,and Estate, all fuch as fhall,either by Force,
Practice, Counfels, Plots, Confpiracies, or otherwife, do or attempt any thing
to the contrary of any Article, Claufe, or any thing in this prefent Vow, Oath,
or Proteftation, contain'd.
So God help me.
This is the Oath the Confederates thought fo loyal, fo worthy their
owning; whereas never any thing was more pernicious, more deftru-
ctive to his Majefty, and his Proteftant Subjects, the cloſe of it (after
all their infinuating and fair pretenfions of Faith and Allegiance to their
Soveraign, his Heirs and lawful Succeffors) vowing to bring to condign
punishment, all that should attempt any thing to the contrary of any Article
therein; whereas the first thing (they infift on in this Vow is the
free exerciſe of the Catholick Roman Religion, which if the King ſhall not
admit of, He is (by the iffue of this Vow and Proteftation) to be op-
pos'd, all being to be oppos'd, that shall be against, do, or attempt any thing
to the contrary of any Article, Claufe, or any thing in this prefent Vow, Oath,
or Proteftation, contain'd. And if in a more favourable fence this were
not as to his Majefty) to be fo interpreted, yet his Proteftant Sub-
jects were doubtleſs to be fallen upon with fire and fword, refifting the
Ends the Rebels propos'd to themſelves by this Qath, and without which
no Peace was to be accepted. How loyal and acceptable this could be to
a Proteſtant Prince (who in teftimony of his Faith laid down his life) is
legible without Spectacles: fo that in conclufion, this Oath could really
deceive
1
*
the Irish Infurrection.
deceive none, but thofe, who feeing will not fee, and hearing will not
underſtand.
*.
Thus their ftrength (notwithſtanding whatſoever his Majefty had pro-
pos'd in his Proclamation) by endeavouring to break it, was united;
their Armies were now formed, the moſt confiderable Perfons amongft
them had openly declared themſelves, and the meanest of their Souldiers
were fleſht in the flaughter of the English; they had likewiſe almoſt all
their Goods in their poffeffion, and the ſtrongeſt Places of the Kingdom
with the whole Countrey at their Devotion; fo as they now counted
themſelves powerful enough to go through with the Work, and refolv'd
to expel all the British and Proteftants out of the Kingdom,to make them-
felves abfolute Maſters, or there to die ingloriouſly as Traitors and Mur-
therers; which is fallen to their lot; for few of thofe inhumane Butchers
have come with dry throats to their Graves, there being no more ordina-
ry difpenfation to be obferv'd in the Revolutions of things here below,
than returns of blood for blood, their blood being violently to be poured
forth, who have maliciously contrived, or wantonly delighted, in the
flaughter of others, which will appear by the fequel of the Story.
Though the Polititian's Catechifm (a Piece of as much Venom as
Art or Malice can connect) would infinuate, that the Murthers and
Maſſacres done in Ireland by Proteftants, far exceeded without compari-
fon thoſe committed by Catholicks, as well in reſpect of brutiſhneſs as
numerouſneſs; I. may admit, that many things (contrary to the Law
of Arms and Chriſtianity) during the Rebellion, were feverely commit-
ted by the Engliſh: But then it muſt be confidered, That whatſoever was
rafhly done by them, was either acted in open Hoftility, or had the an-
guiſh and memory of former Villanies firft commenc'd on their Relations,
Friends, or Countreymen, without the leaft provocation for their ground,
inſtigating them thereunto. Inafmuch as Mulmore O-Relie, O-Sule-van,
and others, being at a Meeting at London, immediately after the King's
happy Restauration, a Colonel, (a Perfon of great Ingenuity and exem-
plary Vertue, who had ferv'd faithfully againſt the Irish) coming into
their company, was acquainted by them, that they were met together,
to draw up a Remonftrance of the Cruelties, the English Army had offer'd
to the Irish, which (fay they) indeed nothing concern'd him, he ha-
ving been a noble and generous Enemy. Upon which he advis'd them
to defift, in that they might be certain to have an Anſwer much to their.
dif-advantage, confidering, that if any Violencies or Irregularities were
offer'd, they might thank themſelves, in respect that after Caftles, or
any Places, were delivered up upon Compofition, it was a uſual Cuſtom
with them to ſpoil the Meal and Food, which they fhould have left entire,
and to have wet the Powder, as alfo to have made the Guns un-ſervice-
able; all which were violations of Articles no ways juftifiable, and
might require a fevere return: Upon which, they being confounded,
this worthy Perfon heard no more of their Defign. And for what the
Polititian's Catechifm would infer from a Daughter of O-Hara, an Irish
Lord, being barbarouſly murther'd, as a Prefident for what fucceeded;
it is evident, that the Rebellion commenc'd in blood, Rowry Mac-Guire
that day in which the Rebellion began) hanging not lefs than 18
Perfons in the Church of Clownish, and afterwards burnt it; feveral other
Examples may be produc'd of the fame nature. And for what this info-
lent Affertor braves the World with, from the Irish Remonſtance, offer'd
F
I
by
57
1641.
The Rebels,
notwithſtand-
ing his Maje-
fty's Proclama-
tion,grew more
united.
The Infolen-
cies of the Poli-
briefly reflect-
ed on,and what
the English are
titian's Catech.
charged with.
7
58
The difmal Effects of
7
1641. by Viſcount Prefton, and Sir Robert Talbot, the 17th. of March, 1642.
That they defired the Murtherers on both fides fhould be punished, is men-
tion'd but for a flouriſh; thoſe Teſtimones of their Cruelties being given
in upon Oath,in ſeveral Remonftrances,which must remain an evidence to
pofterity of their Villany; what-ever R. S. in his Collections of Murthers,
would by way of Recrimination) charge the English with: Inafmuch
as what Cruelties he affirms to be acted after protection had been given,
and Articles (at this or that Place) allowed, will be found upon due
enquiry, (which they durit never ftand to) to be raiſed on breach of
Faith, and under colour of protection to act the greateſt Villanies imagi-
nable, ſome of which being found out, the Authors were puniſhed, and
it may be others (upon the fame reafon only fufpected) were partners
in equal fufferings. Nor could the State in fuch a confufed, diftracted
time, be juſtly blamed, that fome Irregularities (how cautiouſly foever
look'd after) were not in each particular prevented, ſeeing the
rage of
the Souldier had exceeded the juftice and providence of the State. Be-
fides, can it be reaſonable, that thoſe who began and purſued fo bloody a
Confpiracy, with fuch un-heard of aggravations, fhould be put in bal-
lance with fuch, as (only to vindicate his Majefty and his People's Right)
fometimes proceeded beyond their own Temper? Nor is it here to be
omitted, That thoſe whom they pretend ſhould be fingled out, and parti-
cularized for barbarous and inhumane, fhould by vertue of their 18th.
Article, be tryed by the Lord Lieutenant, and feveral Commiffioners,
ſome of which were chargeable with the fame barbarous and inhumane
Crimes, and all of them nearly interefs'd in fuch as may be fo charged,
ifto abett, aid, or countenance thofe, be in the eye of the Law accounted
equally involv'd; fo that from fuch, what juftice could be expected,
were eaſie to be conceiv'd, (how entire foever the Lord Lieutenant were
in his Principles.) And whereas this R. S. would free Kilkenny, and other
Places, from the horrid actions which were committed there, the teſti-
mony of fuch as avows them, makes whatſoever he would extenuate as
to them, and aggravate as to others, meer fabulous and vain; though to
make up his Fardle, he takes in whatſomever Cromwel and his Party af-
terwards committed in Ireland. Thus confounding Actions with Times,
an Artifice fo fhap'd to his Humour, as who is he that cannot fee, but
that thoſe actions of Cromwel's no whit concern'd the British, or could
,be any encouragement for what the Irish did long before; Cromwel's
ceedings being on a ground well known, extending to the English as well
as the Irish; fuch as if the Rebellion of Ireland had not been, no Sect
had been able to have done any harm in England. Indeed his whole Piece
is ſuch a Web, as unravled, would be found meer Fictions and Impoſture,
after what is accounted for breach of Protection, forfeiture of Articles,
Treachery, and the like. That which he writes of the Scotch Forces in
Knockfergus, murthering (if you will believe him) in the Iſle of Mac-
Gee, 3000 innocent Perfons, in the beginning of November, to be the
firſt Maſſacre in Ireland on either fide, it feems he heard nothing then
of O-Hara's Daughter) is fo falſe, as he that will read John Carmick's
Teſtimony, at the Tryal of Hugh Oge Mac-Mahon, the 18th. of Novem
ber, 1644. atteſted by Sir William Cole, Sir William Hamilton, Sir Ar-
thur Loftus, Sir Charles Coot, and others, upon Oath, (befides what the
Clergy's Remonftrance clears) will plainly perceive the vanity and falſe-
nefs of that Affertion, as (amongſt others) appears by John Kerdiff,
pro-
Rector
1
ļ
the Irish Infurrection.
Rector of the Pariſh of Diferteraugh in Tyrone,a Perfon of known Integri-
ty, who depofeth, That the very first day Mr. Mader, Miniſter of the
Parish of Donnoghmore, was murther'd by the Donnelies: and within a
while after, Mr. New, Curate to Mr. Bradley, of the Church of Ardira,
as Mr. Blyth, with eight more; not to fay any thing of Rowry Mac-
Guire's dealing with Mr. Middleton, the 24th. of October, at Castle-
Skeagh, alias Ballibalfure, where (after he had by treachery got into
the Caſtle, feiz'd on his Mony, burnt the publick Records, and compell'd
him to acknowledge the Maß) he caus'd him, his Wife and Children, to
be hang'd, beſides a hundred to be murder'd at leaſt in that Town: And
thence daily proceeded in fuch outrages.
Thus for the prefent all things feem'd (in their ſenſe) to profper under
their hands; for they had in this ſhort time made themſelves Mafters of
the whole Province of Ulfter, except the Cities of London-derry and Cole-
raigne, the Town and Caſtle of Eniskillin, and ſome other Places and
Caſtles, which were at first gallantly defended by the British Underta-
kers, though afterwards, for want of relief, furrendred into the Rebels
hands.
59
1641.
deavour prin-
fter.
The Fire thus kindled, fhortly after fpread its fury in the Provinces of The Rebels en-
Munſter and Connaght, (of which we have given you a touch) where the cipally to make
English were quickly diſpoil'd of all their Subſtance, and either driven themfelves Ma-
naked out of their Habitations, or moſt barbarouſly murder'd or ftarv'd fters of Leim-
in them. But their main deſign at preſent was, to make themſelves Ma-
ſters of the Province of Leimfter, which was the chiefeſt and moſt flouriſh-
ing part of the Kingdom; and having advanc'd their work, they fo far
prevail'd therein, as they had in a manner gain'd it wholely, except the
Cities of Dublin and Tredath, againſt which they appli'd their whole
ftrength: For Dublin, it being the Seat of the State, (by the great care
of the Lords Juftices) had the belt Provifions made for the ftrengthning
of it, that thoſe crazy Walls, and their want of Forces would admit. The
Rebels contented themſelves to block it up at a diſtance with their
Forces, and to make fome attempt to hinder Shipping from coming in-
to the Harbour; but for Tredath, (having over-run the County of Meath,
and furpriz'd the Towns of Trym, Kells, Navan, Ardbracan, Afhboy, &c.)
the Rebels fate down on both fides that Town, the last of November, or The Rebels be-
the firſt of December, drawing very near the Walls, blocking up the Paf girt Tredath.
fage of the River which runs into the Sea, that no fuccour could be
brought in to them either by Sea or Land, no, nor Intelligence be gotten
out of Town; fo as Sir Henry Tichborn (as we have before mention'd)
with the Proviſions he had there, and the Forces he carried with him,
which were not above a thouſand men, remain'd cloſe befieg'd, without
any hopes of Succours, or further Supplies.
Tredath is an ancient City, of great Circuit, the River of Boyne paffeth The Situation
through the midſt of the Town; it is encompaffed about with an old of Tredath.
Stone-Wall, without Bulwarks or any kind of Rampiers, or other Forti-
fications than an ordinary Ditch; it lies about three miles from the Sea,
the Harbour is but ill, yet fuch as would admit Veffels of good bur-
then, and fuch as exceed not 60 Tuns, may come up to the very Bridge in
the Town: It is fituated in a plain open Countrey, plentiful for all man-
ner of Proviſions, no Bogs or Marſh-ground near it; fo as the Rebels had
all the opportunities and advantages they could defire, for making their
approaches to the Place: But fo unhappy were they in their under-
I 2.
takings,
60
The difmal Effects of
1641. takings, and fo unprofperous in their executions, as notwithſtanding the
weakneſs of the Place, and the fmall numbers of men that kept it, they
lay before it (after they had thus cloſely begirt the Town almoft three
months) without doing any thing of moment, being refolv'd (either
in regard of their want of great Guns to batter the Walls, skill to un-
dermine them, or courage to ſcale them) to fit ftill, till Famine within
had made them an entrance.
The Siege of
Tredath, and its
ftrength.
The State being very fenfible of what this poor Place fuffered, con-
fulted in the firſt place, after the Landing of Sir Simon Harcourt, which
way was moſt likely to weaken the Rebels ftrength, the main of which
Tredath had long felt; therefore they refolv'd now with their new
Forces to relieve that Town. But before we come to the refult of that
Determination, it will not be unpleaſant to fhew, againſt how many trou-
bles that Place incredibly extricated it felf. And here we are obliged firft
to take notice what Forces Tredath had.
The 26th. of Octob. 1641.
Henry Lord Viſcount Moor of Tredath, with his Troop of Horſe, confiſt-
ing of fixty fix, entred the Town in its defence: As did
Sir John Nettervile, Capt. 2
Rockley, Capt.
with their two half ſtanding Companies.
Seafoul Gibson, Capt. whofe Company of the Engliſh Inhabitants, and
other Proteſtants, to the number of 120.
November the 4th. following.
Sir Henry Tichborn, Col. and Governour of the Town, with the Regi-
ment and two Troops of Horſe (formerly mention'd) came in.
Captain Henry Bryan, Captain
Chriſtopher Roper, Serj. Major;
Capt. William Cadougan,
Capt. Charles Sounfley.
Novemb. 10.
Patrick Trevor, Captain Foulk Martin.
Novemb.22.
Theſe eſcap'd from the defeat of Geſling-
Stone.
Fifty Horſe under the Command of Sir Patrick Weams, Captain Lieute-
nant to the Earl of Ormond.
All theſe, with three Companies more which came in with the ſecond
Relief, were under the Lord Moor; thofe excepted which Sir Henry
Tichborn brought in.
The Lord Moor, upon the firſt diſcovery of the Plot, (having notice of
his Sifter the Lady Blany's and her Childrens impriſonment, with fur-
prizal of her Caſtle, Castle Blany, the Town and Caſtle of Newry, Carrick
Mac-rofs, Charlemont, Town and Caſtle of Monaghan, Tonrages, Mount-
joy, Cloughoter, Dunganon, and multitudes of Cattles and Houfes of
Strength, Towns and Villages in the North) repair'd in the midſt of
the night from Mellifont to Tredath, and knocking up the Mayor and Al-
dermen, invited them to a ſpeedy defence; who at firſt promis'd him
fair, but proceeded flowly, producing few Arms, who (on a Mufter-day
before) could appear with fome hundreds. His Lordship (conceiving his
prefence neceffary) drew his whole Family thither; and having regain'd
fome old Pieces of Ordnance, caſt into a Dungeon, he fitted them (and
four took out of a Merchants Ship) for fervice; and placing ſome at
one
the Irish Infurrection.
61
•
*
one Gate, fome at another; making up the North-Port, and ſtrength-
ning the Walls, which he effected with fingular diligence and ſpeed;
one of the two half-Companies in the Town proving afterwards falfe,
the Citizens themſelves (Papiſts) being no way real; which put his
Lordſhip on a perpetual watch, there being little relief; fo that he was
with his Troop conſtantly ſcouring the ſtreets, the Inhabitants being no
ways affifting: Yet fo managed he his affairs, as he kept all paflages
free for Sir Henry Tichborn's admittance, who, entring Governour there
the 4th. of November with his Forces, was coldly received by the Citi-
zens, not admitted into any Quarters, till himſelf after many hours be-
(
ing in the ſtreets found one. Having firſt drawn out feveral Companies
to continue the Watch that night, never excufing his own vigilance or
pains: The next day after he enter'd. He endeavour'd to make the
Town as defenfible as might be, wherein he and his Officers order'd
much to its ſecurity, though many things confpired to make it in fo
fhort a time) not artificially tenable; which yet they afterwards made
good with their Bodies and Valour. He expell'd many of the Popish Inha-
bitants, which held intelligence with the Rebels without,and got in all the
Proviſions he could, ordering them with the greateſt parfimony imagin-
able. He and the Lord Moor (who accompani'd him in all fervices ) al-
ternately walk'd the Rounds, performing all Duties fo induſtriouſly, as
they diſappointed all the frequent little Plots which the Rebels had upon
them; and fo careful were they to encourage and provide for their Sol-
diers, as they rais'd them up to a far greater confidence of their Abilities
to defend the Place, againſt fo numerous an Enemy than there was
juſt reaſon for. That which difcourag'd the Soldiers moft, was, the con-
îtant Duty which they perform'd in their Night-Watches; the circuit of
the Will was very large, the Weather (being the depth of Winter) was
very sharp, and the numbers of the Soldiers who were to watch were
but ſmall, and thoſe very ill cloth'd, ſo as it came oftner to their turns
than ufual, which bred fickneſs and diſeaſes, and fome even fell down and
died upon the Walls.
し
​The third of December (there being a want of Corn) there iffued forth
a Party at St. Lawrence and the Weft-gate, of 350 Foot, and two Troops
of Horſe, to fecure fome Carriages fent out for Corn at the Green-hills,
about half a mile off; where unexpectedly (the Citizens having been
treacherous in their intelligence there appear'd in view 3000 men:
whereupon fome Officers advis'd to retreat, and many of the Horfe (Pa-
pifts) in the Reer running back, with a confus'd cry exceedingly difturb'd
thoſe that were at the Gates drawing out. To remedy which, Sir Henry
Tichborn preſently lights off his Horfe, and in the Front (to the hazard
of his Perſon` march'd before the Foot, commanding the Musketeers up
the Hill, and his Pikes in that narrow Paffage to open for the Horfe, and
fo with all expedition made ready to charge the Enemy, giving the Re-
bels fo home a Charge, as they betook themfelves to their heels, with the
lofs of above 200 of them, but not one of ours, though before we charg'd
them they had fet twice on us: The Victory exceedingly animated our
Soldiers, notwithſtanding afterwards many Soldiers (Papifts) daily re-
volted from us; and we receiv'd frequent Alarms, which we finding fri-
volous, afterwards neglected. Then the Confederates fent to Parley;
upon which, one Darcy, a Frier, and a Captain of his Name, demanded
the abſolute ſurrender of the Town for his Majefties uſe and ſervice, in
1641.
*Sir John Neti
terviles.
Sir Hen. Tich-
born enters the
4th. of Novemb.
Governour of
Tredath.
the
62
The difmal Effects of
1641.
the name of the Commanders of the Catholick Army, expreffing how im-
poffible it would be to keep it againſt their Forces. The Governour with
the Captains return'd an Anſwer as ſhort, That they had a Commiſſion
from his Majeſty for the defence of the Town, and without his Majefties
Command, or the Lords Juftices, to the contrary, they would keep it;
if the Rebels attempted it by the Sword, they would defend it; if by Fa-
mine, they ſhould hear they eat their Horfes Hides. In profecution of
which, the Governour and Captains of that City, made this unanimous
Proteftation in its defence, for his Majeſties uſe and ſervice.
W
Hereas we are befet with fuch, who pretend their Attempts (in
taking of this Town) to be for the advancement of his Majeſtics
Service, (which notwithstanding we believe is but a pretext to
delude the Vulgar We the Governour and Captains of the faid Town, for
the further manifeftation and approbation of our Loyalty, and thankfulneß
to his Majesty, by whofe immediate Command we are charg'd for the de-
fence of his juft and Royal Title in it; do likewife hereby unanimouſly make
this following Proteftation and Oath, and do enjoyn it to be taken by every
Soldier and Inhabitant of this Town, as the evidence of their Faith and
Truth to the Kings Crown and Dignity, which we shall maintain with
our Lives and Eſtates; and that fuch as shall refufe it, be put out of the
Gates.
I
The Oath.
Shall, to my uttermoft, endeavour the defence of this Town against all
outward and inward Attempts whatsoever, for his Majefties Service.
I shall forthwith difcover any Plot, Confpiracy, or Combination, which
may or shall come to my knowledge, from without or within, which may any
ways be intended to the prejudice of the whole Town, or to the Perfon of the
Mayor, Governour, Aldermen, or any of the Captains or Officers Garrison'd
in it.
I ſhall not attempt or confent, that the Town fhall be given, upon any
pretence or cauſe whatsoever, without confent of the Governour, Mayor,
and greater part of the Captains and Aldermen in it, or without fpecial
Command from his Majesty, or Chief Governour or Governours of the
Kingdom.
All which I do hereby fwear truly and faithfully to obſerve and keep,
without any fraud, deceit, or mental refervation whatsoever.
Notwithſtanding which, fome (who took it) were afterwards per-
jur'd, not without example; and the Mayor and Aldermen refus'd it.
On St. Thomas Eve, the Rebels (being encourag'd from the Popish In-
habitants within) about one of the Clock at night (after a Watch-word)
approach'd theWalls with a terrible ſhout; which the Governour anſwer'd
from the Mount with a Canon, continuing the fame for fome hours; the
Towns-men (in the interim) being upon pain of death commanded to
keep within doors. Towards morning,theRebels fled,being purſued by our
Bullets,
the Irish Infurrection.
63
C
1641.
* This Captain
Strafford, one
the whole War,
in
the Countess of
of fingular cou
rage through
and a Colonel
England, and
Governour of
file, for which
Service (hav-
ing paft many
was Condemn'd
Fortunes) he
at York, the
The firft Relief
Bullets, (from all Quarters) fo that many dropt; the numbers of their
flain is not certam certainly many fell by that attempt, of ours, not
one; notwithſtanding at St. John's Gate (which was moſt naked, and
where Captain Morris* excellently well perform'd his Command) was John Morris
the hottest work. This deliverance was no fooner over, but new Con- was Page to
fpiracies were hatch'd in the Town, a clandeftine Oath being impos'd on
fome to feize on the Soldiers Arms as they were aſleep, and kill others
in their beds; happily diſcovered by a Prieſt, not ſo bloody as the reſt:
Yet neceffities of all forts (as well for Beafts as Men) grew fo urgent,
that within few days no Enemy but thoſe need to do execution: In
which extremity, God was particularly flown to, and even in the midſt
of their Devotion, the 11th. of January, there came in from the State
(vigilant in whatſomever might concern them) a Pinnace, aFrigat, a Gab-
bard, with two Shalloops, and a Veffel loaden with Bisket, Powder, and
Ammunition; whereby the Garrifon was feaſonably reliev'd in the midſt
of great extremities; which at the firſt appearance, the Towns-men and Executed
(well-wishers to the Rebels) would needs have perfwaded the Soldiers, eight of Au-
that they had been Ships from Spain in favour of the Rebels, and appear'd guft, 1649.
chearful. But the mercy proving otherwife, the Soldiers grew hearty, of Tredath, the
which (without an eſpecial providence) might have prov'd their ruine; xi. of January.
for, contrary to the Command of the Governour, and his vigilance,
(which was never more remarkable than then) the Soldiers carous'd it
too liberally, being (by the Friers themſelves) made to drink, inaſmuch
as Sentinels (from their Guards) were drawn in: So as the Rebels, Jan.
12. (by the help and treacherous intimation of their own within) made
a breach in the Wall about four in the morning, at which, many of their
beſt Soldiers and Chief Commanders, to the number of
500, enter'd
unheard, till having march'd as far as the Key, they gave a fhout;
which the Governour hearing, inftantly ran down, unarm'd, onely with
his Piſtols in his hands, and was the firft that caus'd a Drum to beat,
at which all was foon alarm'd; and finding their Pikes to be fhort of ours
by a yard, we charg'd home, and forc'd them to a retreat, though they
had o'r-turn'd a Drake of ours (that lay there) off its Carriage. Soon
came in my Lord Moor with 15 Horfe, (all that could of a fudden be
got ready) with which, and the reft, (that were now got together) they
quickly repuls'd them. Sir John Borlafe hafting fo fpeedily, undreſt, and
with that courage to the Breach made by the Nunnery, that his fervice
there in falling upon the Enemy (who fought it ftoutly) was very re-
markable. Here the Befieg'd kill'd many of the Rebels, as well thoſe as
came near the Walls for the fuccour of thoſe that firſt entred, as they that
Invaded it: and great was the deliverance, the Rebels Party within (ve-
ry confiderable) having their Doors mark'd with Chalk, as a token to the
Rebels, ſhould they have prevail'd: The Befieged loft few, if any. Though
the Pinnace, on its return, ran aground; upon which, the Rebels plaid
thick upon her from both fides the River, defperately approaching her
very Stern with Pick-axes and Crows of Iron; at which, Captain Stut-
field (Comptroler of the Ordnance, an excellent Engineer, a ftout and
daring Perfon) prefently threw fome Granado's amongſt them, which
did fuch execution, as throughly frighted them; yet chas'd them not
away till the feventh was flung; after which they parted, but were fo
purſued by our Musket and Canon, that many were flain.
After
¡
64
The difmal Effects of
.
1641.
14th.
*
After this Relief, (for fome time) Tredath enjoy'd reaſonable Peace,
though at diftance they had often alarms, and within a fortnight, what
quantity of Bisket and Meal was brought to the Garriſon, was eafily
ſpent, Famine Fluxes, with other' difeafes return again, in as much as di-
verfe of the English Inhabitants (eſpecially fuch as had flown thither
for relief) died daily, and now the Town was narrowly ſearch'd for
Provifions, in which fcrutiny the Friars ( againſt their vow of Poverty)
were found full of Trunks of Plate, Money, and other Treaſure, which
they not owning (being the Goods of the Rebels) were equally diftri-
buted amongſt the Garrifon, but could not fupply the want of food,
which rais'd Mutinies (fpeedily allayed by the Vigilance of the Gover-
nour.) However many English as well as Irish, fled to the Rebels out
of meer neceffity. In as much as Sir Phelim O-Neal writ into the North,
and gave it out amongſt his Souldiers, that he was certain of the fudden
furrender of Tredath: fo as the Town being now driven to great ftreights,
the beſt expedient that could be thought of, was to Man out a Boat for
Dublin, that the State might be rightly inform'd of its Condition, in
endeavouring which, the Aldermen and Mariners of the Town feem'd
very backwards, till the Governour threatned to make ſome of the Al-
dermen themſelves prove Mariners in that fervice; whereupon at laſt
men were found, and Commiffioners fent to the Lords Juftices, to in-
form them of the mifery of the Town, in which fervice Sir John
Borlafe, Junior, and others were imployed, who having obtained
fome men, and two Peeces of Battery, return'd with a very fatisfactory
fupply.
The fame day they weighed Anchor for Dublin, a part of the Garriſon
made a fally on the Rebels, Northward, who encountred them ſharply,
but were ſoon affronted by ours; many of the Enemy were flain, but of
ours none, onely by the breaking of a little braſs Peece, a Gunner was
hurt, which yet gave them fo rugged a Salute, that they took leave of
us, and we recovered fome Provifions: Sir Henry Tichborn that night
with fome Musketiers, falling on their Court of Guard, and killed
ſome of their Sentinels; As the 11th. of February, Lieutenant Greenham,
with a Party of Horfe and Foot, routed 60 of the Enemy, taking a
Lieutenant, Enfign, and ſeveral other, Priſoners; Sallying alfo forth the
next day, with the like fuccefs, getting in fome Grain, and burning the
Countrey.
By theſe Sallies though fome were relieved, the Souldiers (in general)
fell into great extremity, Horſe-flesh, Dogs, and Cats, being greedy food,
The fecond Re- yet (having but an intention to feek God) February the 14th. a booty
lief Febr. the of 80 Cows, and 200 Sheep being offer'd, they were (though with
much hazard) foon recovered of the Enemy: And from the worst of
Winds, a Northweſt, it instantly turn'd to the beft, a S. E. and fo con-
tinued, till in the Evening, that Sabbath, (having all that day crav'd the
bleffing from God) tidings came in that our Relief was come within
the Bar: viz. two Pinnaces, 6 Gabbards, 3 Frigots, with one Shallop,
with a plentiful Relief for three months, a large Fisher-Boat of the Re-
bels, loaden with Herring (going to the Confederates) being alfo
brought in, notwithſtanding what Cables, Mafts of Ships, and other
things they had chain'd over the River, to prevent their arrival: fo faith-
ful and fortunate was Captain Stutfield, whofe happy Conduct, Tredath
had now twice experienc'd in the height of mifery, a mercy not to be
forgot
!
}
the Irish Infurrection.
forgot no more then that, that Sunday morning about four of the Clock,
Sir Phelim O-Neale (marching filently with all the ftrength he could
make) made fo bold an Attempt, as to apply fcaling Ladders to the Walls,
eſpecially near St. Laurence Gate, where (fometimes) a Sentinel had
been omitted, two of which they had prefently fixed, and on each one
mounted, the Sentinel (miffing fire) the Affailants prefumed higher,
till the Sentinel knocked them down with the Butt of his Musket, and cried
out to the Guard, who inftantly plyed the reft with their fill of fhot, fo
that they left thirteen of their Ladders, and many of their dead behind
them: nor could all that the Rebels Officers could fay, encourage their
Souldiers to return.
65
1641.
With the laſt Relief, there came a Proclamation, dated the 8th. of
February, 1641. from the State, prizing Sir Phelim O-Neals head at
1000l.O-Relie's, and others at 6col, and the reſt of the Principal at 400%
if they were brought in before the 25th. of March next, which made
the Souldiers ready to be abfoad; the Proclamation may be found at
large in the Appendix. After that the Lords Juftices, and Council had Appendix, oth.
thus particularly named thofe then in Rebellion, and fate a Price on their
heads, few (if any) were ever brought in, fo intire were the Con-
federates; though in former Rebellions this Policy produced good effect:
whereupon the Commons in Parliament, Ordered all rotten Members fit
to be cut off, and new to fupply their Places, publickly affixing in their
Orders, their Names whom they knew engaged in the Rebellion, which
Sir Audley Mervin * brings in as just evidence of their Conviction, from *In his Speech
undeniable Presidents of Parliament, how many Nocent Perfons foever the 13th. of
have fince paffed in Triumphant innocency, whilst thofe ftand by, whose
evidence (if admitted) would write the Letter of Condemnation on their
foreheads. However the Catholick Lords of the Pale (could words
make them innocent) fram'd a Proteftation against the Proclamation of
the eight of February, but fo falfe, fcandalous, and infinuating, that
no anſwer (further then every intelligent mans abhorrency thereof)
is requifite or expedient.
Since the laft Relief, the Rebels (as to their Menaces) were fome-
what milder; and relief and hope, having now animated the Souldiers,
the 26 of February, the Governour iffued out with 220 Foot, and 120
Horfe to Beaubeck, fecuring thereby fome Corn and Hay for the fer-
vice of the Town, and then advanc'd to Smithstown, where they met
a Party of the Rebels, fought them, and flew 300. Serjeant Major
Fortescue took two Colours, Captain Bryan a Drum, and eightfcore
Cows near Gellington, where not long before they had defeated our men ;
Colonel Preston was there hard put to it: The Victory (that it might
tend to the raiſing of the Siege) was purfued by 600 Foot,and 120 Horfe,
under the Conduct of my Lord Moore, with Carriages and two Field
Pieces, who affaied Stanime, which they found fo unexpectedly Fortified,
as having onely flain fome of their men, (abundance of rain falling)
the great Guns did ſmall execution, that thence the Party return'd that
night, and called in upon Colp, a little Village, where they loaded them-
felves with Corn, and return'd without any oppofition. Thofe of Sta-
nime hearing of our Supplies, and refolution to come on, quitted the
Caftle few days after, which without further work fell into our hands;
fcarce a day now paffed, without fome attempt upon the Enemy.
K
The
Febr. 1662.
P. 17. 38.
66
The difmal Effects of
164г.
1
Tredath being
freed, feveral
of the Lords
of the Pale
offer (upon
Conditions)
to come in.
The first of March, Sir John Borlafe Jun. Lieutenant Colonel, had
the Command of four Companies, with which he fac'd the Enemy, and
beat them with much difadvantage, fecuring at that time 200l. worth
of Corn, burning withall, fuch of their Lodgings as remain'd of the
former days work at Colp, and return'd with great fatisfaction: Whilſt
the fame day, the Lord Moore, and the Governour marched further,
and the Rebels having lin'd Hedges and Ditches, Captain Billingsley very
refolutely ſcour'd thofe places with 80 Musketiers, foon routing them,
a Lieutenant with 13 Souldiers were flain, and a Captain of the O-Neals
taken Priſoner: The Caftle of Colp (after much hazard) was taken,
and all therein (viz. 26) were flain, fave the Captain, who was taken
Prifoner.
The third of March fome Forces marched out, under the Command
of Colonel Waineman to Marlington (three miles off Tredath) with
whom all Perfons were permitted to pillage, and return'd home with
all forts of Grain, having burnt Draicor's houfe, and fome other places
confiderable: at which time the Rebels forfook many of their Houſes,
and we began to be at pretty eaſe.
The firſt of March, the Lord Moore commanded out a Party of 400
Foot, and 80 Horfe on the Northfide, amongſt his Traiterous Tenants,
to Talagh-hallon, where Sir Phelim O-Neal, with Colonel Mac-Bryan,
had that night confederated together, eight Colours inftantly appear'd,
being intrench'd much to their advantage, but our men (Lieutenant
Colonel Byron commanding the Foot) drew up boldly, and gave fuch
fure fire, as they foon betook themſelves to their laſt refuge (their heels )
near 400. with 7 Captains, were flain, and one took Priſoner (viz.
Rory-mac-Art-mac-Cross-mac-Mahon, and one Colour; 100 Muskets were
taken, and Pikes covered the ground, others fecuring themſelves by
a bog near at hand, were fo roughly admonished by a Drake from
that they foon removed their ſtanding: This hot skirmish was in fight
of our Walls, the Lord Moore in this encounter behaving himſelf moſt
gallantly, indeed no man braver ; for after he was known by the Rebels,
they endeavoured to have ſeized on him; yet though he had but 7 in his
Company (being then at a distance from the main Body) charged
them home, killed many, fcattered the reft, and got off clear.
us,
After that Tredath had relieved it felf, and his Majefties Forces
became full Maſters of the field, feveral (as the Lord Nettervile, Lord
Slane, and others) writ Letters to the State to excufe themſelves, as
did thoſe with the Lord Gormanston, about the 21ft. of March, to the
Earl of Castlehaven, under the name of the United Lords, that he
would move the State for a Ceffation of Arms, and to know upon
what Conditions they might come in and fubmit; which the Lords
Fuftices and Council thought a demand full of Infolency, they having
(till then) acted with the forwardeft of the Rebels, notwithſtanding
whatever dehortations or encouragements, the State gave them to the
contrary, fo that then the State had no power to mitigate their Crimes;
Nor did the Lords Juſtices and Councel then think fit to proſtitute his
Majeſties Royal Grace, to men fo ungrateful and unnatural: Befides,
the State in their Commiſſion and Inftructions, found no exprefs Warrant
to pardon fuch pernicious Traitors, as (before they inclined to come
in hoped to carry all before them, by furprizal or open force.
•
In
the Irish Infurrection.
67
1641.
n
The Earl of
Ormond vilits
Tredath with
3000 Foot and
soo Horie.
In the laſt Service of my Lord Moore's, Barnewell of Rahasket (one
of dangerous Parts) was taken, with fome Priefts and Friers; Darcy of
Platten in Meath, about two miles from Tredath, was foon after fum-
mon'd, who denied the furrender of his Houſe to the Earl of Ormond,
yet after hearing of two Peeces of Battery, furrendred it. However, at
Atherdee, the Rebels killed all the Proteftants, whilft the Earl of Ormond
Lieutenant General, leaving Dublin the 7th. of March, (profecuting the
Deſign formerly mention'd, upon the arrival of the Forces out of Eng-
land, that they might not be idle in the City) was not far from Tredath,
with 3000 Foot, and 500 Horfe, burning the County of Meath, and fe-
veral of the Lords of the Pale's Houſes in their March, who came to Fre-
dath the 11th. of March, exceedingly admiring that fuch weak Walls
fhould be able to refift ſo potent an Enemy. His Lordship, with the Go-
vernour, the Lord Moore, Sir Thomas Lucas, Sir Simon Harcourt, Sir
Robert Ferrall, and others, in a Councel of War, determin'd to profecute.
the Rebels: But the Earl of Ormond, with the reſt of his Forces, being
fummon'd to Dublin, on Bufinefs of great importance, (beneath the ca-
pacity of thoſe who would have had it otherwife) the Work fell wholly
on the Lord Moore and the Governour, who. were by the Earl of Ormond
recruited with four Companies of Foot, and two Troops of Horſe, and
two Peeces of Battery; and upon the 21. of March, with 1000 Foot,and
200 Horſe, they march'd forward, finiſhing what they had left unburnt
at Slane, and other Villages in the way. And the 23. of March, they
advanc'd with Fire and Smoak towards Atherdee; about a mile from
Town, the Enemy was defcried to be drawn up into two Divifions, re-
ported to be 1100 or 1500. upon which Sir Henry Tichborn drew his
Souldiers into Battalia, fending up a forlorn Hope before to fcour the
Ditches, which they fo effectually did, asftumbling upon an Ambufcado
of the Enemy's Musketiers, they beat them out of their Holes, drawing
fo nimbly upon them, as they killed about 400 of them in a miles fpace.
At the foot of the Bridge our Foot found fome refiftance, by Musketiers
plac'd in a Tower; upon which Sir Henry Tichborn (finding a paffage
over the River) galled them fo on the other fide, that they foon aban-
don'd it. The paffage thus open'd, the Horfe enter'd, and with a full ca-
reer chas'd them through the Town, where one Lieutenant Colonel,and
five Captains of the Rebels, were flain, the Lord Moore doing much exe-
cution with his own hands. Now the paffage being clear, our Forces Dundalk if-
made an aſſault on Dundalk, fortified by the Rebels, with a double Wall, faulted and
double Ditch, Marth-ground on one fide, and Sea on the other, fo that
our difficulty was great. Yet we approach'd the Town the 26th. of
March, about Nine in the Morning, planted our Ordnance on a little
Hill near the Gate, which 500 of them defended a while againſt a forlorn
Hope of ours, till they purfued their Work fo cloſe, as they made many
of the Rebels fall, at which they retired; which our Men perceiving, in-
creas'd their fears by fhouting, that at length a Divifion, under the Com-
mand of Lieutenant Colonel Waineman,of about 300,refolutely approach'd
the Gate with Pick-axes, and after a ftrong encounter enter'd with the
Horſe, who purſued the Enemy with a full Gallop, killing many; but
(upon the turning towards the next Gate, feeing 2 or 3 brafs Peeces
planted, and 500 of the Rebels ready to receive us) we fairly retreated,
whilft a Caſtle, plac'd at the head of that Street, (man'd with their beft
Musketiers) in our return played very hot upon us, whereby 10 of our
K 2
Men
gain'd.
68
The difmal Effects of
1641.
Men were flain, and Enfign Fortefcue (afprightly Gentleman) one Ser-
jeant, and one that carried the Colours for another; Lieutenant Francis
Moore was there alfo fhot upon the fhoulder-piece of his Armour, without
much hurt, (a Gentleman that merits much for his fervice through the
whole Buſineſs.) At this (we being not fubject to loſe any Men) the
Governour and the Lord Moore were fo enraged, that they fet the Houſes
near the Caſtle (the only Remora) on fire, through which (the Wind
blowing the fmoak on the Caſtle, and the Souldiers making bundles of
dried Bean-ſtalks, intermixt with Tow and Gunpowder, and carrying
theſe on their heads) they got themſelves un-defcried to the Caſtle-
door, where they laid down their bundles, and giving fire by a train of
Powder, blew up the Door, and fome other Boards, thofe within (be-
ing almoſt choaked, and fully frighted) leapt out at a Window, and a
Serjeant of Captain Owen's, with 5 Men (upon condition that they might
have the pillage of the Place) enter'd it, and ſpeedily fhewed (by their
naked fwords on the top of the Caftle) that they were Mafters of it.
At which the Governour and the Lord Moore were reviv'd, and immedi-
ately quench'd the Fires, and man'd the Caftle with 30 good Musketiers,
who, playing thick into the Town, hindred the Rebels from walking the
Streets. Afterwards we drew up two Peeces of Ordnance againſt the in-
ner Gate, and with 10 Wool-packs (found in the Caſtle very opportune-
ly) a kind of Bulwark was made for the Musketiers, which the Rebels
perceiving, left their Peeces there loaden. Whereupon the Governour
took a Divifion of a Party of Horſe, and drew by the back of the Town,
(towards the North-Gate) killing 40 in his way, and enter'd at a by-
Gate, found the Town deferted. The Lord Moore, in the interim, alſo
beating open the Gates, took poffeffion of the two brafs Peeces, and ano-
ther in the Market-place, and fo at Seven a Clock the fame Night we
were Maſters of all. About 100 of theirs were killed, and fome 14 of
ours, 120 Proteſtants were thereby reliev'd, and much good Pillage of
all fort taken therein: Our Forces upon Muſter next Morning were found
to be but 750 Foot, and 200 Horfe, theirs near 3000 within the Town,
beſides in Artillery and brafs Peeces they much exceeded us.
Thus Tredath, which not long fince was in the opinion of moſt)
given up as an irrecoverable prey to the Rebels,now furviv'd their ſcorns;
and that meerly through God's Mercy, on the courage and valour of the
befieged, bearing out againſt the utmoſt of Extremity and Treachery,
faithfully fet down by Dean Bernard, in his fiege of Tredath, 1642. de-
fcrib'd with the Follies of feveral fuperftitions and vanities, no ways pre-
valent to the practifer; and had not the providence of the State (at that
time) been fingular, no doubt but Dublin would foon have been the tri-
umph of their malice and cruelties. And now the County of Lowth
(which lay on the other fide of the Boine) being clear'd, Ardes and
Dundalk alſo being taken in, Sir Phelim O-Neal, who (on all occafions)
made a moſt inconfiderable refiftance, ran with the firft, being referv'd
for a further miſchief; he got to the Newry, and thence paffed down into
Sir Phelim o- the Counties of Tyrone and Ardmagh, where (in revenge of his loffes
neal being dif- before Tredath) he exercis'd the uttermoft of his Cruelties on Men, Wo-
appointed at
Tredath,reven- men, and Children, whom he had to that time fuffer'd to live amongſt
ges himself on the Irish, moſt barbaroufly killing the Lord Cawfield, when he leaſt ſuf-
the British in pected it, and caus'd Mr. Blany (a Gentleman of good Quality) to be
hanged for refufing to hear Mafs. About the fame time, Mulmore O-Re-
other Parts.
lie
}
ed
the Irish Infurrection.
lie being likewiſe driven from the fiege of Tredath, retiring to Belturbet,
(in the County of Cavan) there commanded the poor British, who
thitherto i. e. after the great flaughter) had ſurviv'd to the number of
60. to be forced off the Bridge into the Water, where they were fwallow-
up: As did Sir Phelim O-Neal, who miffing the taking in of the Ca-
ftle of Augher, in the County of Ardmagh, in revenge gave directions to
Mulmore-Mac-Donnel, (a moſt cruel and mercileſs Rebel) to kill all the
English and Scotch within the Pariſhes of Mullebrack, Loghgilly, and Kil-
cluneny, deſtroying there not less than 1500 Proteftants, fince the 23. of
October, 1641. He exercis'd alfo his cruelty in the fame manner, for his
lofs before Lifnagarvy, Newry, and other Places, upon the poor Prote-
ftants, as if by offering fo many innocent Souls to death, he should have
expiated the guilt of his Cowardlineſs and Treacheries.
up
on;
69
1641.
old Mifcarria-
Thus the English Forces enduring no refiftance where they came,either
poffeft themſelves of the Caftles tenable, or demolifht the reft, and ha-
ving clear'd all paffages 'twixt Dublin and Tredath, part of them retir'd
to Dublin; whilſt Sir Phelim O-Neal gave but cold entertainment to the
Inhabitants of the Pale, that had for their fafety (after their Confederacy
.with him) retir'd into his Quarters; he and his Confederates renewing
their ancient Animofities against them, (the old English) as thofe who The Iriff taunt
formerly purſued the Irish in the defence of themfelves, telling them, That the Lords of
the time was not yet paft memory, when they had done, as now, ftir'd the Pale with
the meer Irish to rebel, making thoſe in the North declare themſelves, ges.
and when they found them not likely to profper, deferted them, expofing
them to the fury of the English, and their Countrey to ruine and defolati-
but now they were even, their Countrey being firft ruined. This
harſh ſcornful ufage of the old English, by the Northern Irish, after fo
folemn a conjunction between them, and under fuch a publick calamity
fallen upon them, bred in them a great confternation and trouble; and
it made fo fad an impreffion upon the Lord Viſcount Gormanston, who
し
​was the chief inftrument to bring the Northern Irish into the Pale, and
there to work out that folemn conjunction between them) as it broke his
heart, and he foon after died, lamenting his Treachery and Infidelity, that
he had not been only the ruine of himſelf and his pofterity, but the great fire-
brand of his Countrey, out of vain ambitious ends, or for the fetting up of
fond fuperftitious Inventions,entertaining fuch Defigns, as had already caus'd
huge streams of blood to be shed, and were now likely to determine in nothing,
but the extirpation of the old English Families, out of thofe plentiful Parts
of the Countrey, wherein they had most happily feated themselves, and which
they had most pleafantly enjoy'd, ever fince the first Conquest of Ireland.
Others had the fame Apprehenfions; but being now involv'd with the
Vifter Forces, and having withſtood the date of his Majefty's Favour,
the next courſe was to colour their Proceedings by pretence of Grievan-
ces, that by Forgeries and Calumnies, which they never pare to vent
and publiſh, when they would withdraw the Subjects from their obedi-
ence, they might the more colourably palliate their foul Contempts,con-
founding Times, that the rife of their Infurrection might feem to have
fome ground and encouragement thence: And to that end, they of the
Pale made an Apology to his Majesty, fraught with fo many vain, imperti-
nent, and malicious Stories, as (in the judgement of the knowing and
moderate Stateſ-man ferve only to increaſe their guilt; the main of
whatſoever is there alledged, being fully anfwer'd, in the Reply to the
Remonstrance given in at Trym,the 17th.of March, 1642.
About
70
The difmal Effects of
1
1642.
The King of
fers to go for
Ireland.
;
A
About this time the King (confidering how flowly the Supplies for
Ireland went on offer'd by a Meffage the 8th. of April, 1642..) in Per-
fon to go thither, (as before he had done the 14th. and 24th. of Febru
ary, as alfo the 9th. of March, 1641.) intending to raiſe his Guard of
2000 Foot, and 200 Horſe, out of the Counties near Chefter, and to en-
gage his Crown-Lands for the relief of his miferable Subjects there: Well
knowing, (as in one of his Declarations to the Parliament he expreſſes
That as he was (in his Intereſt ) more concern'd than any of his Subjects, so
he was to make a stricter account to Almighty God for any neglect of his duty,
or his Peoples prefervation. But the Parliament Voted, That for his Ma-
jeſty to go thither in Perfon, He would be fubject to the cafualty of War,
and the ſecret Practifes and Confpiracies of the Rebels; it would be an in-
couragement to the Rebels; it would impair the means to fubdue the Re-
bels, and increase the Charge; and withall dishearten the Adventurers to
Subscribe and pay in their Money: It would alfo interrupt the proceedings
of the Parliament, increaſe the jealoufies and fears of the People, and be-
reave the Parliament of that advantage, whereby they were induc'd to un-
dertake the War, upon promife that it should be manag'd by their advice
So as the Fourney would be against the Law. And that whosoever should af-·
ſiſt him in it, ſhould be an Enemy to the Common-wealth; and that the She-
riffs of Counties ſhould raiſe Power to ſuppreẞ any Levies he should make to
that purpoſe: Being loath faith his Majeſty in his Solitudes) to ſhoot at any
mark here leẞ than himself; or that any fhould have the glory of his de-
ſtruction but themselves. Whilft at the fame time, his Majefties Subjects
of Scotland, in an Act of Council at Edinburgh the 22d. of April follow-
ing, upon this occafion takes notice, That there could be no greater de-
monstration of Care and Princely Courage, than this his Majeflies intention
to go in Perfon into Ireland against the Rebels. Upon the fignification of
which Royal Intent to the State there, the Lords Justices and Council, in
a Letter to his Majesty the 23d.of April, 1642.taking notice of his Princely
Purpoſe, to take juft vengeance on the perfidious Rebels, humbly befought
him to come fo provided, as to appear in that Kingdom fuitable to the Great-
ness and Wisdom of fo mighty a King. Which Letter, how finely foever
it was covered, went not (in fome mens opinion) without a difcourage-
ment; foraſmuch as that though fome (at Court) might conceive (by
his Majefties coming over) a Peace might be made with the Irish when
his Majefty pleas'd; yet by taking in fo bafe, perfidious, and barbarous
a People, who in fo execrable a manner had cut off fuch multitudes of
the English, the event (as was privately fignifi'd by fome) could not re-
dound to his Majefties Honour. Beſides, the Soldiers were then grown fo
implacable to the Irish, as they would fcarce endure any ordinary Papiſt,
much leſs fuffer a Rebel to be admitted amongſt them. After all, his Ma-
jeſties reſolutions for Ireland were prevented, not without feveral con-
ſtructions, as each Party apprehended the Scene: Though his Majeſty
exprefs'd, that he would never refufe or be unwilling to venture his Per-
fon for the good and fafety of his People, yet he was not fo weary of his
life as to hazard it impertinently, and therefore at preſent ſhould defift.
However as yet, the Proteftant Army in Ireland being competently ſup-
plied, the Rebels were frequently chaftized.
To ſay truth, after the raifing of the Siege of Tredath, and the confe
quences thereupon, his Majefties Forces fo enlarged their Quarters, as
no confiderable Enemy (fave fome Caftles) lay nearer Dublin than twen-
ty
the Irish Infurrection.
71
ty miles on any fide, that now the Lords Juftices thought it high time
to provide for the fafety of ſuch places as lay more remote in the Coun-
trey, the English having in many Places (upon the firſt rifing of the Irish)
poffefs'd themſelves of fome Forces, Strong Holds, Towns and Caſtles,
which (though very ill provided) they did for many months (yea, fome
for years, after the firft breaking out of the Rebellion) defend, notwith-
ſtanding long Sieges, multitudes of Rebels encompaffing them, and all
means by Treachery, Force or Famine, experienc'd to draw them into
their poffeffion.
)
It will here take up too large a ſpace in this Story (where many con-
fiderable things may fall befides the Pen) to recite the gallant actions
perform'd by feveral private Perſons in fome inconfiderable (in reſpect
of Strength) Places; many Women fhewing more courage, conftancy,
and refolution in the defence of what they were neceffitated to, than the
Men without did in their undertakings against them. Great were the
Straits many of them were put unto, enduring all manner of extremities,
fubjecting themſelves to all kind of dangers, not daunted with the mul-
titudes of Rebels that lay about them, they in many places iffued out, and
lived onely on the Spoils they took from them, fighting continually for
their daily bread, which they never wanted as long as their Enemies had
it. The Rebels were fo undextrous in the management of their Sieges,
as they took very few Places by force; in all their Attempts, whether by
Mine, Battery, Affault, they feldom profper'd: The great Engine where-
by they maſter'd any Fort of the English, was Treachery; Offers of fafe
Conduct, and other Conditions of Honour and Advantage, which might
induce the Befieged (fometimes reduc'd to the utmoſt extremities to
furrender their Places into their hand; which (though folemnly fworn
and fign'd they yet feldom or never kept, but left feveral Places as Mo-
numents of their Treachery and Infidelity, ufing thoſe (who furrender'd
them) as they did the poor Proteftants in the Town andCaſtle of Longford,
whom they having befieged, and drawn to yield up into their hands
upon
condition of Quarters,and fafety for their Perfons) they (as foon as they
iffued out) fell upon with their Skenes, their Prieft (as a fignal for the
reſt to fall on) firſt ripping open the belly of the Miniſter amongſt the
English; then his followers foon kill'd and hang'd the reft. After this
manner uſed they the 150 Proteftants, who yielded up (upon fair Quar-
ter) the Caſtle of Tullagh, and the Church of Newtown, in the County of
Fermanagh. And the 1400 or 1500 at Belturbet, and the Inhabitants of
Ardmagh and Loughgell, and thofe under the conduct of the Lord Mayo;
and thoſe 120 murther'd by the Mac-Swynes; as thoſe who yielded the
Itrong Caſtle of Cloghleigh fituate upon the Manningwater) to Richard
Condon, who promifed Quarter and a fafe Convoy to Caftelions, con-
trary to which, they were all of them either hang'd, kill'd, wounded, or
kept Priſoners by him and his Company. In the fame manner alfo he
uſed a Party of the Earl of Barrimore's Troop, who (having bravely
maintain❜d themſelves in a Houſe in Coole againit his Forces) were by his
Promife on the Faith of a Soldier and a Chriſtian) of a ſafe Conveyance
to Caftelions, contented to yield it up; but were immediately (upon their
coming forth) murther'd: As fome English Families, and the Garriſon
Soldiers at Sligo were uſed by O Connor Slygah, who (upon the quitting
of their Holds promis'd them Quarter, and to convey them over the
Curlew Mountains in fafety to Abbeyboyle or Roscommon; but he firſt im-
prifon'd
1642.
72
The difmal Effects of
*
1642. prifon'd them in a moft nafty Goal, allowing them onely Grains for their
food, and afterwards (when the Rebels were merry with Company, that
came to congratulate their Victory over theſe poor Creatures) thofe
which furvived were brought forth (by a Frier, O Connor's Brother, and
others) and kill'd, or precipitated over the Bridge into a ſwift Water,
where they were prefently deſtroy'd. And at Teagh-Temple, after the
English and Scots (who retired thither, were not able longer to reſiſt the
Enemy) had yielded the Place, on Conditions to be brought in fafe Con-
duct to Abbeyboil, were murther'd, hang'd, or buri'd alive: At which ter-
rible fight, Mrs. Olyfant (a Minifters Wife) being great with Child, fell
in Labour, but was ftill beat forward, till at laft the Child flipt from her,
and, what was horrible, fhe was forced to draw that poor Infant (and
the Concomitants of fuch an accident) after her, till fhe died, with fport
to them. The Story would be too long, fhould we mention thoſe 140
taken forth to be fent for England, and drown'd at Portadown or thofe
numbers drawn to Florence Fitz-Patricks houfe, and there flain: Orthoſe
60 and odd perfons gathered together, on pretence of fending them to
Clanhughboyes, drown'd by them: Or their perfidious breach of Quarter,
as that of Captain Sanders, which we rather remit to future Story, not
touching what they do in open War, but their putting the blood of War
in their Girdles in the time of Peace. Though we muſt ſay, that when the
Inſtructions for the Proteftant Agents of Ireland came afterwards to be
confider'd, great artifice there was, that the cruelties committed againſt
the Proteftants, after Quarter given, Promiſes and Oaths for fecurity or
fafe Convoy, fhould be ftruck out. But no more of this.
Sir Simon Har-
low.
The State confidering theſe fad truths, and that none but a confidera-
ble Army was to appear abroad, they provided 4000 Foot, and 1500
Horſe, to be ſent out under the Command of the Earl of Ormond, Lieute
nant General of the Army.
While Preparations were making for this Expedition, Sir Simon Har-
court's Expedi- court who loved always to be in action) the 26th. of March,1642. took a
tion into Wick- fmall Party of men, and went out towards the County of Wickloe, where
he found the Rebels had poffeffed themſelves of a Caſtle, called Carrick-
main, within four miles of Dublin; and feeing him draw near to it with
thoſe ſmall Forces, and finding him to have no Artillery, fo as their Walls
were of fufficient ſtrength to bear them out againſt any attempts he could
make, they began to brave him from within, and to uſe reproachful figns
from the top of the Caftle, thereby to express their contempt and fcorn
of him. This his fpirit was not well able to brook; and confidering the
Caſtle was not invincible, and that it would be very great advantage to
the City of Dublin to remove fo ill a Neighbour; and that with two
Pieces of Battery he could take it (in fome few hours) he ſent preſently
away to the Lords Juftices to acquaint them with his Defign, and to de-
fire them to fend unto him the two Great Guns for the effecting of it.
They very well approv'd his Defign, and gave preſent order for the car-
rying them out, together with all neceffaries and provifions fitting for the
fervice. In the mean time, he took ſpecial care for the furrounding of the
Caftle, and difpofing of his Men fo, as they might prevent the Rebels if
fuing out: In which Service, Serjeant Major Berry with 200 Fire-locks,
viewing the Caſtle) was ſhot in his fide, though he died not till eight
days after of a Feaver. All things being put in order,whilft they attended
the coming of the Great Peeces, (now on their way) Sir Simon Harcourt,
し
​with
the Irish Infurrection.
73
1642.
Lieutenant
Colonel G bfon
purfues the
Defign, and
took Carrick-
with fome of the Commanders, laid themſelves down under the fide of
a little thatch'd houſe, ſtanding near the Caſtle, (which they took as a
fhelter to keep off the Enemies bullets) from whence he ſuddainly roſe
up to call to the Souldiers, to ftand carefully to their Arms, and to their
Duties, in their ſeveral Stations; Which one of the Rebels (from within)
perceiving, diſcharged his Piece at him, and fhot him into his right
breaſt, under the neck bone; and being fo wounded, he was carried off,
expreffing his fubmiffion to the good hand of God, and much joy'd to
pour out his laſt blood in that Caufe; The pain of his Wound was fo
great, as they could not bring him to Dublin, but carried him to Mirian,
a houſe of the Lord Fitz-Williams where the next day he died, to the
great grief of the English, and the prejudice of the Service. His
Lieutenant Colonel Gibjon took the Command of that Party, and the
great Guns being come, within the ſpace of very few hours, made a
breach fufficient for the Souldiers to enter, who, being mightily enra-
ged with the lofs of their moſt beloved Colonel, entred with great fury
putting all to the Sword, fparing neither Man, Woman, or Child. The
firſt Officer that led them on in the breach, was Robert Hammond,
(Brother to Doctor Hammond, that famous and excellent Divine) En-
fign to Sir Simon Harcourt, who carried himſelf very gallantly in this
Service, and from thence return'd into England, where in the enfuing
War, by the feveral exploits he perform'd in the Reduction of the Weit
of England, under the Command of the Parliament) he attain'd unto
a very great Reputation, and one of the chief Commanders in
their Army; And at the King's coming to the Ifle of Wight, was Gover-
nour of Carisbrook Caftle, and of the Ifle, and (upon his notice to the
Parliament that the King was arriv'd there) had Command to attend
his Majesty with Refpect and Honour, with a promiſe that nothing s. p. 17+
fhould be wanting to defray the Kings expences, in which fervice (a
tickliſh task at that time.) I do not find that he forfeited his truft, or
otherwiſe demean'd himſelf, then was well accepted.
At the time that Sir Simon Harcourt went forth, the Lords Juſtices
and Council, finding what ill Inftruments the Prieſts continued to be,
in kindling and fomenting the Rebellion, caufed as many of them as were
in Town to be feized on, who being put into French bottoms, were
ſhipt into France.
m.717.
May in his Hift.
8.
+
By this time the intended preparations to march forth, under the
Lieutenant General (the Earl of Ormond) were ready; The Deſign
was to relieve feveral Places of ftrength, fome befieged, others much
diſtreſſed by their wants and neceffities, but which way the Army was The Marquifs
to march, or what Place they were firft to go to, was kept as a fecret; of Ormonds
However the Army, Saturday the fecond of April, 1642. marched from Expedition.
Dublin towards the Naas, with 8000 Foot, and 500 Horſe, arriving
at Athy, the 5th. being 27 miles from Dublin; from whence they fent
out feveral Parties to relieve Carlow, Marryburrough, Balinokill, the Durr,
Caterlagh, Clogh-grevan, Ballylivan, and feveral other Caftles and
Towns then in diftrefs, which they did without much oppofition, re-
leafing many Women, Children, and other unprofitable People, much
incommoding thofe Places; Sir Patrick Weams, Captain of the Lieute-
nant Generals Troop, Captain Armstrong, Captain Tarner, Captain
Harman, Captain Schout, Colonel Crafford, Sir Richard Greenvile,
Sir Thomas Lucas, and Sir Charles Coote, in their feveral Commands,
L
doing
74
The difmal Effects of
1642.
Kilruſh.
doing excellent fervice in their Relief of theſe Caſtles, and ſtrong Holds;
The laft paffing with no little danger through Mountrath Woods (whence
Sir Charles Coote's Heir had his title worthy his, and his Fathers merits)
to Marryburrough, a Place of great confequence, feated amongst ill
Neighbours.
Whilſt theſe things were acting, the Rebels having gathered their
Forces from Wickloe, Wexford, Caterlagh, Kildare, Queen's County,
Kilkenny, Tipperary, and Weft-Meath, on Eafter Sunday, the 10th. of
April, they difplayed 40 Colours, within two miles of Athy, near the
Barrow, of which Colonel Crafford gave fpeedy intelligence) under
the Command of the Lord Viſcount Mountgarret, the Lieutenant Ge-
neral's great Unkle, making of the old English and Irish near 10000 men,
Horſe and Foot; which the Lieutenant General perceiving, on the other
fide of the River of the Barrow,to have ſent out fome Horſe near Tankards-
town, over againſt Grangemellain; His Lordfhip return'd to Athy, giving
out he would fight them the next day; but their numbers vaftly exceed-
ing his, and he, having done the fervice he went out for, thought it as
honourable to retire to Dublin, in the face of them, with Sir John Bowen,
Fitz-Girrald of Timoga, Richard Grace of Marryburrough, and Captain
Crosby, Prifoners. But when they came to Black-hale-heath, between
The Battle of Kilrush and Rathmore, about 20 miles from Dublin, the Army of the
Rebels drew up in a place of advantage, to hinder the paffage of the
English Army, having two great Ditches on each Wing, fo high that we
could fee no more then the heads of their Pikes, and with fuch a hill
before, (betwixt them and us) that we could ſcarce fee their Colours,
the wind alfo on their backs, and a great Bog a mile behind them.
However the Lieutenant General called a Councel under a thorn hedge,
(being loath to venture fo gallant an Army on fuch difadvantages) but
the English Commanders were all of opinion, they fhould be fought
with, numbers making no difference, where the Caufe was fo good: in
as much as Sir Charles Coote told them in few words, that he difcern'd
fear in the Rebels faces, as well as Guilt in their Perfons, and that he
thought they would hardly ſtay, till his Lordſhip had put his men in or-
der for the battle, and therefore defired they might have preſently Com-
mand to fall on, which indeed he was ever ready to obey before the
Word was given, neither the matter nor the time now admitting of de-
bate. Whereupon, Friday the 15th. of April, about 7 in the morning,
the English Army marching, as if they would force their way to Dublin,
leaving in and about Athy, Captain Erafmus Burrows, Captain Grimes,
Captain Thomas Welden, and the two Captain Piggots, with their Com-
panies, 300 whereof was part of our Army, which made ever now and
then as the Enemy halted) an halt, and refolving to fight the Enemy,
drew up in that fort as did beft agree with the Ground; Sir Charles Coote
who commanded in chief under his Lordship) had the ordering of
the Foot; Sir Thomas Lucas of the right Wing of Horſe, and Sir Richard
Greenvile of the left; The Lieutenant-General having many Gentlemen
with him, (who voluntarily followed him in that expedition) put them
all in a Troop, under the Command of Major Ogle, a Reformade, (a
worthy Perfon) and himſelf in the midſt of the firſt rank of them, and
fo attended the Encounter; the Ordnance firſt began to play, but without
much effect; The Rebels Army led by Mountgarret, Purcel Baron of
Loghmo, Hugh-mac Phelim Birn, Lieutenant of the Leimfter Forces,
Colonel
W
the Irish Infurrection.
Colonel Toole, Sir Morgan Cavenagh, Colonel Morris Cavenagh, Arthur
Caanaugh, Colonel Bagnall, the Lord Dunboyne, Colonel Roger Moore,
was drawn up (as I have faid) in a place of great advantage, upon
the top
of a hill, where there were but too narrow paffages to come at
them; yet our forlorn Hope (commanded by Captain Rochford) con-
fifting of 150 Musketiers, making up the hill fiercely, difcharged upon
the Rebels, and was feconded by Captain Sandford, with his Fire-locks,
Sir Charles Coote leading up the reft of the Foot with great celerity;
Colonel Crafford in the Van, and Serjeant Major Pigot, excellently well
diſcharging their Commands. But before theſe could come near them,
our Horſe both under Sir Thomas Lucas, and Sir Richard Greenvile, (one
charging at one of the paffages, the other at the other) fell in upon
them, who would not itand the firft fhock, but fled prefently, taking
their flight to a great Bog not far from them, (a Sanctuary which the
Irish in all their flights, chufe commonly to provide for themſelves, and
feldom fail to make uſe of it) and fo the English gain'd this Victory
without any confiderable loſs, or much hazard; whilft a body of 2000
Rebels, led by the Lord Viſcount Mountgarret, and General Hugh Birn,
wheeling about, thought to poffefs themſelves of our Ordnance, Carriage,
and Ammunition, which my Lord of Ormond perceiving, drew out one
of his Divifions to attend that great Body, and with them and fome
Voluntier Horfe, to the number of 30. which were then with his Lord-
ſhip, (the reft following the execution) he faced that Body, and within
a fhort time put them to rout: there were not above 600. fome write 300,
of the Irish flain, amongſt which, there was the Lord of Dan-
boyn's Brothers, the Lord of Ikernis Sons, and Colonel Cavenagh's
Heads, brought by the Souldiers to the Lieutenant General. The Ene-
my loſt twenty Colours, many Drums, all their Powder and Ammuni-
tion, the Lord Mountgarrets Wain, drawn by 8 Oxen, where all his Pro-
vifion was, his Sumpture, and the Lord of Ikernis Sumpture. Colonel
Monk, who (by the quick flight of the Irish) was prevented from doing
that fervice in the field he intended, followed with a Party of his Regi-
ment, to the Bog which the Rebels had taken, which looked even black,
(for their Apparel was generally black) being all cover'd over with
them, and there began to fall upon them, as refolving upon a fevere
execution; But he was commanded to retire, having got Honour enough
that day, and fo the Army marched off the field confufedly, whereas that
Victory (how juft foever) is ill gloried in, which is the lofs of Sub-
jects. The Van of our Army lay that night at old Connel, the reft on
the Corrough of Kildare, all in open field; arriving at Dublin the 17th.
of April, where they were receiv'd by the Lords Juftices and Council,
with all imaginable demonſtrations of Joy and Honour; The Lieute-
nant-General's behaviour being preſented to the King and Parliament,
with the greateſt advantage to his Perfon, as the buſineſs would afford :
in as much as the Parliament voted 500 1. to be bestowed in a Jewel, and
to be fent him, as an honourable mark of the high cftcem they had of
him, for that days fervice, which was accordingly done, and brought to
his Lordſhip, with a Letter of thanks from them, though I do not hear
that he did ever place the Jewel or Letter in his Archive; Notwith-
ſtanding we find his Majefty takes notice, that he was the Perfon very
well approv'd of by the two Houſes of Parliament, fo as the War of
Ireland was ſtill managed by his Care, and the future Concerns thereof
L 2
intrufted
75
1642.
}
7
A
76
1642.
Some Tranfa-
naght.
The difmal Effects of
intruſted to his vigilance, as the condition of his Majeſties Affairs there,
fhould be thought important: though it was not long before the Parlia
ment entertain'd fome jealoufies, to the prejudice of his fervice against the
Rebels, which (in reference to what was committed to his charge)
never alter'd his Principles or Integrity.
;
In Connaght generally, the English Garriſons excellently well beſtirr'd
tions in Con- themſelves, to the relief of their own, and neighbours ftreights; wherein
Sir Charles Coot Junior, mov'd with much vigour and Integrity, often in-
feſting the Rebels from Castle-Coot; he had frequent intelligence from the
Marquifs of Clanrickard's own hand (not daring to trust another, leſt
he might be betrayed) who being Governour of the County of Galloway,
had Loghreogh and Portumna, his proper Inheritance to refide in, to
which the English reforted with much fecurity, and were indeed by him
reliev'd with great Hofpitality, to an incredible charge of his own Purfe,
hanging many (though of his own kindred) whom he found imbrued
in Blood, greatly refenting the Barbariſm and Inhumanity of the Irish;
In as much as Hubert Boy Bourk, and Sir Vlick Bourk, his near Relations,
preying on the English, he often fruſtrated by diſcovering, their Defigns,
and furniſhing Sir Charles Coot from time to time, with fupplies of Arms
and Ammunition, to oppofe them, and impoverish their Country: So
that at laſt by the advice of Colonel Walſh and others, they erected a
ſtanding Camp near the Kreggs, to moleft and pen up our Garrifon of
Caftle-Coot, which being almoſt compleated, the Garrifon iffued out
upon them, who receiv'd us with a good volly of Shot, which ours
anfwer'd not, (according to command) till we came cloſe to them
which being done with great refolution, their hearts fail'd them, and
they betook themſelves to the next Bog, which being at ſome diſtance,
gave our Horſe and Foot a fair opportunity to hew them down, before
they could reach it ; in which ſervice Major Walsh behav'd himſelf well,
with Courage and Rhetorick, endeavouring to make the Rebels ftand,
but in vain, he at length being forc'd to take the Bog for his own refuge,
leaving in the Camp, Bread, Arms, Powder, Corn, Meal, &c. in great
quantity, which being more then we could carry away, we were forced
to burn. In the Spring following, Sir Charles Coot being inform'd of a
good Prey of Cattle in the Barony of Athlone, towards Balniaflo, in the
O Mores Country, he (with his Forces) adventur'd thither, got fome
Cattle, great quantity of Cloth, and other neceffaries, killing many
of their Souldiers in their beds; though in his return he was fought with
by the Rebels, fculking in in-acceffible Places, from whence he at laſt
got free, with no ſmall hazard to his Perſon, and loſs to the Enemy;
Major Sumner in this (as in the whole Siege of Caftle-Coot, and other
places in Connaght) doing excellent fervice, as Councellor, Engineer,
and Souldier, worthily keeping his promife with one Kelly, a Gentleman
of good Quality, and a kin to the Earl of Clanrikard, whom, begging
his life, he faved, ranfoming himſelf afterwards for 10 l. in money, ten
barrels of Wheat, and as much Salt, which at the following Siege of
Caſtle-Coot, proved of great value, being fold then at 2s. a Quart. After
which in Easter week 1642. Sir Charles Coot attempted to relieve Ath-
lone, and (after fome ſmall difpute) did it, though the acceſs to the
Place was fuch, as a few men might have been able to have ſtop'd 1000.
he found his greateſt difficulty was to fill up the trenches that the Enemy
had made, as his Horfe might have free accefs, which at laft he compafs'd,
relieving
}
the Irish Infurrection.
relieving the Place with what Cattle and other Provifions he
got in his
Expedition, not being a little startled, that by fuch a Troop as the Prefi-
dent there had, and other Conveniencies, no more fhould have been be-
fore attempted. Nor had Rofeommon, Tulsk, Elphin, Knockvicar, Abbey-
boyle, Belanfad, Perfons lefs active in their defence, even from the firft
furprizals of the Rebels, acting to amazement, when nothing but their
own courage fecur'd their Forts; though the laft, for want of Water, was
compell'd (after a long fiege) to yield to the Rebels, after that the Go-
vernour's two Brothers, (the Kings from Boyle) with Sir Charles Coot,
had refolv'd to have reliev'd him; but at Carickdrumroosk, Sir Charles
Coot having intelligence that his own Caftle was affaulted, he was forced
to retire back, and very happily prevented that Defign in the nick of exe-
cution, though thereby the other Defign was fruftrated.
The 30th of April, the Lords Justices and Council appointed a Faft
to be observed monthly upon each Friday before the Sacrament, to continue
until Declaration were made to the contrary, for the wonderful difcovery of
the late Plot against the State and true Religion, as for the happy and
profperous fuccefs which God in his mercy had given his Majefties Forces
against the Rebels, and for the avoiding Gods just indignation for the
future.
Upon the return of our Forces from the Battle of Kilrush, within few
days, Philip Sidney, Lord Viſcount Lifle, eldeſt Son to the Earl of Lei-
cefter, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, landed at Dublin, (his Regiment
having arriv'd before.) He was a Member of the House of Commons
in England, and by them recommended to his Father, to be made Lieu-
tenant-General of the Horfe in Ireland, though very young. Affoon as
he landed being defirous to put himſelf upon action,) he undertook
the relieving of the Lady of Offalia*; (Relict of Sir Robert Digby)
who (upon the moſt infolent Menaces of the Rebels,) had return'd
a noble anſwer, feconding that (though then very aged) with an un-
parallel'd and gallant defence, befieged in her Caſtle of Ghefhell in the
Kings-County, by a numerous company of Rebels, in a place of moft
difficult access, by reafon of the Bogs and Woods which encompaſſed it
on every fide.
The Rebels Letter to the Lady Offalia, at
Ghefbel.
Honourable,
WE
E his Majefties loyal Subjects, being at prefent imployed in his
Highneſſes Service, for the taking of this your Castle, you are
therefore to deliver unto us free poffeffion of your faid Castle, promifing
faithfully, that your Ladyship, together with the rest in the faid Caſtle
reftant, shall have a reasonable Compofition; otherwife upon the not yield-
ing of the Castle, we do affure you, that we will burn the whole Town, kill
all the Proteftants, and Spare neither Man, Woman, nor Child, upon ta-
king the Caftle: Confider (Madam) of this our offer, and impute not the
blame of your own folly unto us, think not that here we brag; lour Lady-
Ship upon fubmifiion shall have a fafe Convoy to fecure you from the
hands
77
1642.
The Lord Lie
lands at Dub-
Lin.
This Lady
Offalia was the
of Gerald, eld-
eft Son of Ge-
rald, Earl of
died before his
only Daughter
Kildare, (who
Father, Brother
of Thomas, be-
headed the 28.
of H. 8.) She
was Entituled
Lady Off-
an Award be-
lid, by the fpe-
cial Favour of
King James, in
twixt her and
George, late
dare, elfe the
could not have
had that Title,
longing to the
eldest Son of
Earl of Kil-
the Earls of
Kildare.
78
The difmal Effects of
1642.
hands of your
hands of your Enemies, and to lead you where you please: A Speedy
Reply is defired with all expedition, and thus we furceafe.
Superfcrib'd,
Henry Dempfy.
Con. Dempfy.
Charles Dempfy.
Andr. Fitz. Patrick.
2 John Vicars.
Phelim Dempfy.
25 James
Donnel.
Mac
The Lord Lifle
and Sir Charles
the Lady Offa-
Coot relieve
lia.
To the Honou-
rable and thrice
Vertuous Lady,
the Lady Digby:
These Give.
The Lady Offalia her Anfwer to the Rebels.
Superfcrib'd,
For her Coufin Henry Dempfy, and the Reſt.
Receiv'd your Letter, wherein you threaten to fack this my Caftle, by
his Majesty's Authority. I am and ever have been a loyal Subject, and
a good Neighbour amongst you, and therefore cannot but wonder at fuch an
Alfault. Ithank you for your offer of a Convoy, wherein I hold little fafety;
and therefore my refolution is, that being free from offending his Majesty,
or doing wrong to any of you, I will live and die innocently, and will do
best to defend my own, leaving the iſſue to God; and though I have been,
and ſtill am defirous to avoid the shedding of Chriftian Blood, yet being
provoked, your threats fhall no whit difmay me.
my
Lettice Offalia.
Sir Charles Coot accompanied the Lord Lifle in this Action, which,
with 120 Foot and 300 Horfe, was perform'd without much difficulty,
the Rebels not daring to attend their Approaches to the Caſtle in a Body,
but made little skirmishes from the Bogs as they paffed along. In their
way they took in the ſtrong Fort of Phillipf-Town in Kings-County, which
was built upon a Pafs in a Countrey, almoft inacceffible in the former
Wars, and kept always by the English againſt the Irish; but the Rebels,
having by Treachery furprized this, (as they had done moſt of the other
Places of Ireland) it was now taken from them by this ſmall Party under
the Lord Lifle,with their Piſtols and Muskets,the ſwiftneſs of their March,
and the illneſs of the Way, not admitting any other Artillery, fuch an
Enemy not much needing it.
Being now upon their return to Dublin, underſtanding that the Lord
Gormanston, and other Lords and Gentlemen of the Pale, had gather'd a
They take in confiderable Force together about Trym, the Lord Lifle (by the advice
of Sir Charles Coote) turn'd his March that way with that ſmall compa-
ny. When they came near the Town, they faw thofe Lords at no great
Trym.
distance
the Iriſh Infurrection.
}
79
diſtance from them, but in ſuch a poſture as fhewed they intended not to
fight; and fo facing about, they marched directly into the Town of
Trym, which was a Place of very inconfiderable strength, but pleaſantly
fituated upon the River of the Boyne,in an open Champion Countrey, and
incompaſſed with a ſtone-Wall fo old and ruinous, as afforded (in fome
places of it) entrance to Horfe, over the heaps of rubbiſh, that lay in-
ftead of the Wall. The Lord Lifle approach'd with thofe Forces to the
Town, and Sir Charles Coote finding a place where he could get in fome
of his Horſe, brought them on, and got them in without oppofition, the
Lords of the Pale refolving, of their dif-ability, to keep that Town,
(though they had treble the number of the Affailants) quitted it, and
march'd out in fome haft, while the Lord Lifle's Horſe enter'd in: fo as
they became Maſters of the Town without the lofs of one Man, and find-
ing it a Place of great advantage, fituated in the moſt plentiful part of the
Rebel's Quarters, they refolv'd to make a Garrison of it. And for this
Reafon Sir Charles Coote got the Lord Lifle to go to the Lords Juftices at
Dublin, and acquaint them with the fuccefs they had had, and the great
benefit which might redound to the fervice of the State, if they would
think fit to fend them down Moneys to fortifie that Place, and a Regi-
ment of Foot to keep it.
the
1642.
The Lord Lifle willing to improve all Arguments that might fecure
し
​the prefent Affair) took fome of his Horſe to guard him to Dublin, and
foon acquainted their Lordships with the Concern, prefling the Buſineſs
with all advantages imaginable, whilft the Rebels having notice し
​day following of his repair to Dublin, (no Buſineſs being carried fo
private, as they had not foon intelligence thereof) gathered all their For-
ces together, and having near 3000 Men, they came in the dead of the The Rebels re-
Night) to the very Walls of Trym, before they were difcerned, thinking folve to fur-
to furprize it. But the Sentinels gave the Alarm, and Sir Charles Coote Charles Coot in
(who never us'd to go to Bed when he was abroad) was the firft that Trym.
took it, and having his Horfe ready, prefently mounted, but could not
(at the inftant) get above 17 Horfe with him; with thefe, however, he
goes to the Gates, knowing that expedition was not only the life of Acti-
on, but muſt (at that time) be the only means of their prefervation.
He iflued out, and fac'd the Enemy, very numerous, making their ap-
proaches towards them, fome few more Horfe re-inforcing his ftrength:
He charged the firſt Troop of the Rebels that came towards him, routing
them immediately, and following on, (upon their diſorder) charg'd
their main Body, which preſently began to grow loofe, which he per-
ceiving, fo vigorously charg'd in amongſt them, as they all betook them-
felves to flight, and he having now more Men come out of the Town)
し
​purſued them with great alacrity, doing fingular execution with his own
hands. And as he was encouraging his Men, bravely to purſue their
flying Enemy) he was unfortunately fhot in the Body (as it was thought) Coor flain at
by one of his own Troopers, whether by defign or accident was never Tym.
known, it being for many months after his death) generally report-
ed, and as generally believed, that He was accidentally flain by one of
the flying Rebels, who in defpair turn'd about and diſcharg'd his Musket
at him. And this end had this gallant Gentleman,who began to be fo ter-
rible to the Enemy, as his very Name was formidable to them: His Bo-
dy was brought to Dublin, and there inter'd with great folemnity, floods
of English tears accompanying him to his Grave: After whofe death, and
Sir
Sir Charles
80
The difmal Effects of
1642.
!
Sir Simon Harcourt's, the Fate of the English Intereſt in Ireland ſeem'd
eclips'd, if not buried; the great Artifice being then (under ſeveral
pre-
tences) to keep the Souldiers within their Garriſons, to confume the
Proviſions and Stores they had, or elſe to lead them forth without any
confiderable ſervice till the Battle of Roß.
About the beginning of June, 1642. came over fome Regiments, un-
der the Conduct of Sir Foulk Hunks, and Lieutenant Colonel Kirk, who
brought over the Regiment defign'd for the Lord Rannelagh; whereupon
two Regiments were immediately difpatch'd for Connaght, and accompa-
nied thither by the Lord Lieutenant, who in that Expedition, took by
ftorm, Knocklinch, a ſtrong Caſtle of Mr. Linches, the befieged, except
Women, (not accepting of Quarter) were put to the fword; and Trim-
bleston, a Caſtle of the Lord Trimblefton's, quitted on the former's fuccefs,
as Kymkelf, a fair Caſtle of the Lord Nettervile's, and divers other Ca-
ftles And upon his approach towards Athlone, Sir James Dillon (who
had befieged it ever fince Christmaß) ran away; fo that the Lord Pre-
fident, with about 50 Horſe, and fome 200 Foot, met the Lieutenant
General 5 miles from Athlone; and after an hour or two's ftay in the
Field, the Earl of Ormond took leave of the Lord Prefident, leaving at his
departure a Regiment for the Prefident himſelf, and another under Sir
Michael Earnly, Sir Abraham Shipman, and Sir Bernard Afhley, and two
Troops of Horſe, with which Forces the Lord Prefident might have fub-
dued all Connaght, except Galloway. But he, inftead of imploying fuch
brave Men abroad, while the Summer lafted, kept them at home on
ſhort and rotten Commons, whereby moft of them were famifl'd, or
contracted mortal Diſeaſes, and were prefently fo enfeebled, that the
tenth Man was hardly able to march. In the mean time, all almoſt that
had fought againſt him of his Neighbours, were receiv'd under Contribu-
tion, which was never paid,nor Victuals brought in for his Men, though
the Countrey yet abounded in Corn and Cattle; ſo that the Garriſon of
Caftle-Coot, for meer pity, baked Bread, and fent them
many Cart-fulls
thereof, bringing away in their empty Carts many of their fick Men,
that they might not perifh. And yet at laft the General (the Lord Pre-
fident) was perfwaded to draw out his Men to fervice, befieging Ballagh
Caftle, in the mid-way between Roscommon and Athlone, wherein he
made a breach, and commanded a Party to ſtorm it. The Rebels killed
many of our Men that day by fhot, befides what perifh'd by Stones, and
other Materials thrown from the top of the Caitle; the Night afterwards
the Rebels ſtole to a Bog, not far diftant, through the negligence of our
Guards, and left us the Caſtle. The next Exploit of my Lord Preſident,
was (with the remnant of the two English Regiments, and what could
be fpared out of our Garrisons thereabouts) a March towards Balintober,
to which he was provoked by the Enemy, and ſtimulated on by his own
Party, impatient of further delays. O'Conner Dun of Balintober, ever
fince his Son was taken, till now, (that is the middle of July, 1642.)
had acted nothing, though the tacit Votes of the Province did feem to
own him as their King,Prince,Roy telel, or what Name of Supremacy in
that Province could be greateft; who feeing that thofe Forces which were
fent from England,to the Lord Prefident,to fubdue that Province, (which
at firſt much frighted the Rebels) had done nothing of moment,through
a fupine negligence, if not worſe, and were much lefs confiderable than
thofe Forces which we had before, he began to awake out of his Ale and
Aqua-
1
the Irish Infurrection.
Aqua-vitæ, and to call in Subjects to help him, out of all the Parts of
Connaght; but above all that came to joyn with him, none were more
forward, or came in greater numbers, than the County of Maio-Men,
and the rather, becauſe in all the Conflicts of Connaght with the English,
few of that great County came to fight with us. They drew together
1800 or 2000 Foot, and 160 Horfe, and more had joyn'd with them, if
we had defer'd to vifit them. It was therefore adjudged neceffary by the
Lord Prefident, Sir Charles Coot, Sir Mich. Earnly, Sir Abraham Ship-
man, Sir Edw. Povey, Sir Bernard Ashley, and others of the Council of
War, That we ſhould draw out all the Men, fick or found, that were able
to march, and march to Balintober. It was a wonder to fee with what
alacrity and courage, our new-come English put themſelves on this fer-
vice, even they that were ready to die, as divers of them did on the
way) rejoycing that they might expire, doing their Countrey the beſt
fervice they could, as Souldiers, and not as Dogs on a Dunghil. Our
March that day was from Rofcommon, through Molinterim, and over the
Hill of Oran, near Clalby, which is little more than 2 miles from Balin-
tober; from thence we might fee the Enemy coming with all ſpeed to
meet us. The Lord Prefident was of opinion that our Forces fhould re-
treat,and commanded it; but the reſt were otherwiſe refolv'd, and with-
out his Orders drew on towards the Rebels, whilft he waſhed his hands
from what evil might accrew. Our Commanders as they march'd,agreed
how to order their Men, and on what piece of Ground; but the Enemy
came on ſo faſt, that they could not gain the Ground deſired, which made
the Work on our part more difficult, for all the way on that Hill, till we
come near Balintober, is boggy, with great long Heath in all places, very
unfit for Horſe-ſervice. However, when the Rebels came near us, Cap-
tain Rob. King with his Troop (well mounted, and well arm'd with Back
and Breft, and as well difciplin'd as any in Ireland) was commanded to
paſs by their Front to their left Flank, as Sir Charles Coot, and Sir Edw.
Povey, with the reft of their Troops, being before, nearer to the top of
that ridge of Ground, were almoft paft, that they might make way for
our forlorn Hope of Musketiers, to play in the Front of their great Body
of Pikes coming on. Captain Rob. King (an old Souldier) in executing
of this, faw (by the badneſs of the Ground he march'd on, and by the
Rebels hafte to come up) that he ſhould not, without diſorder, get by the
left Point of this Battalía, gave order to his Men to fire in flank all at
once, when they fhould be cloſe up with the Point of the Battalia, over
one another's Horfes Manes, which was a thing feldoin heard of or pra-
ctifed, yet was no new thing either to him or his, for he had taught them
this, amongſt other Points of War he had long nurtur'd them in, which
they exactly perform'd, when he was come within two Pikes lengths of
the Enemy,with their Carbines. At which time our forlorn Hope of Foot
being come up, fired with excellent fuccefs on that part of the Front that
lay to the right hand; ſo that by this unexpected way of firing by the
Horſe, (timely affifted by the Foot) the Enemy was foon put into difor-
der, with the lofs of many Men; which breach Captain King foon appre-
hending, and finding the Pikes of the fall'n Men to have intangled and gal-
led others, he rufh'd in with his Horſe, and breaking the left corner of
the Battalia, fo amazed the Rebels, as they fell into diforder, who quit-
ting their Pikes all at once) made a great noife, and began to run; but
before their running, (that was almoſt as foon as Captain King was got
M
into
8 I
1642.
The Battle of
fought at a
Place called
now Na Nart,
betwixt Oran
and Balintober.
Balinrober,
the mid-way
82
The difmal Effects of
1642. into their Front) Sir Charles Coot and Sir Edward Povey charg'd them in
the Flank with their Troops, with which they had kept the upper
Ground, on purpoſe to encounter with the 160 Horfe of the Rebels;
and to them was Captain Robert King drawing to fecond them, or to fall
into the Flank of this Battalia, (which he had new broken) but the Rebels
Horſe fled before they were able to come near, and therefore they had
leiſure to fall into the Flank of the Foot. This Battalia of Pikes was fup-
poſed to be 1200. They had 1000 Musketeers, which either by bad
way, or ſtaying longer than the other, for to receive Ammunition, were
not come up to begin the Battel, but were within Musket-fhot, who alſo
ran for company. Our men purfued, and killed moſt of them, but were
commanded not to come too near Balintober, where the Credulous were
to believe, fome had feen beyond the Caſtle another great Body of Men;
fo as not purſuing this Victory, we loft the benefit of it. In this Battel
there was a young Gentleman on the Irish fide, who very gallantly be-
hav'd himſelf, after that his Party was fled, getting to the corner of a
Ditch, where with his Pike he withſtood the encounter of five Horfe that
had ſpent their ſhot, till an Agantick Soldier of the English getting with-
in him, flew him. And amongſt the dead, one pulling a Mountero from
the head of one, there fell down long Treffes of flaxen hair, who being
further fearch'd, was found a Woman. After this,the Prefident confider'd
what was to be attempted; and it was refolv'd to go into the County of
Galloway. But as in all other Deſigns, many Objections were alledg'd, and
the Lord Preſident with a few, accompani'd with the Marquis of Clan-
rickard, went to Galloway, before which the Lord Forbes Lieutenant
General under the Lord Brook) was come (the 9th. of August, 1642.)
to beſiege the Town with a Fleet; and having taken poffeffion of the
Abbey near adjoyning, landed many of his Battering Guns. But before
he attempted any thing (according to his Commiffion) he firſt adviſed
with the prefent Governour, (the Lord of Clanrickard) affectionate to his
Majeſties Service. As the Town feem'd to be placing his Majefties Co-
lours on the top of their Tower, charging Captain Willoughby (Gover-
nour of the Fort) with the breach of Pacification, (an Agreement, it
feems, affented to by the State) though in vindication of himſelf, he and
Captain Aſhley alledg'd much: Great ftraits he had been put to, though
at length happily reliev'd by the Earl of Clanrickard, when he was
clofely Beleaguer'd, together with the Archbiſhop of Tuam ( Richard
Boyle) and his Family, befides 36 Miniſters, 26 of which ferv❜d as Sol-
diers, and did their Duty. After all, the Lord Forbes being by the Town,
the Earl of Clanrickard, and the Prefident of Connaght (with whom he
had had ſeveral ineffectual Conferences) daily delay'd in what he en-
deavour'd to give Captain Willoughby fatisfaction in, prepar'd to make
his approach to the Town; but not being ftrengthen'd by any fupply
he could get from the Lord Prefident, or Sir Charles Coot, and difhear-
ten'd by Captain Willoughby, in that every Houſe in the Town was a
Fort, he drew off, being perfwaded to a Compofition to be paid in Money
within two months, which he never got. And at the Lord Preſidents re-
turn to Athlone, the Soldiers Mutini'd, both Officers and Soldiers offer-
ing to go to Dublin; but the Common Soldiers being very weak,
not able to draw into a confiderable Body, (the Iriſh Kerns killing all fick
and fainty perſons, that could not accompany the Body of the Army)
that intent for the prefent was deferr'd; though not long after they re-
turn'd
the Irish Infurrection.
83
turn'd with Sir Richard Greenvile, whoſe ſeaſonable relief, and the Bat-
tel of Raconnel, will be mention'd in its due place. Whilft the Lord Forbes
fail'd up
Limerick River, relieving fome Places, and without much oppo-
fition took in Fits-Geralds (the Knight ofthe Valley, or Glyn) Cattle,
furniſh'd with all Utenfils and Proviſions for a Family.
About the 20th. of June, 700 Foot, and two Troops of Horſe, under
the Command of Colonel Gibson, went into Wickloe, where the Rebels
not daring to face them, they got much Prey, burnt many Villages, and
return'd with ſucceſs.
The Kings affairs now growing every day more ftraitned in Eng-
land than other, Sir Lewis Kirk at Court withdrew Sir Henry Stradling
and Kettleby from guarding the Irish Coaft, whereby preſently after
there came in both Arms and Ammunition in great quantities to ex-
ford; as alfo feveral Irish Commanders, as Prefton, Cullen, Plunket, and
others, who having been Colonels in France, were readily entertain'd
there, much to the heartning of the Rebels.
However, in Ulfter, the 28th. of June, Sir Robert Stewart and Sir Wil-
liam Stewart Perfons deferving excellently well of the State) near Ra-
(
phoe, got a conſiderable Victory over the Rebels under Sir Phelim O-Neal,
flaying near 2000 of them, though much inferiour in number, Arms, and
Ammunition; whilft Monroe fought them towards the Newry, but had
not ſo good luck to encounter them, as he had the 23d. of May pre-
ceding, when he gave the Irish Committee of the Parliament of England
this account, That with 2000 Foot and 300 Horfe, he beat Owen Mac-Art
O-Neal, Sir Phelim O-Neal, and Owen Mac-Art the General's Son, being
all joyn'd together with their Forces, and forced them to return upon
Charlemont: after quitting the Generals houfe to be ſpoil'd and burnt by
them, with the whole Houſes in Louhgall, being the beſt Plantation in
Ulfter, and ſtraighteft for defence of the Rebels.
!
Thus in fome places whilft we find the War fucceeded, the Lords Ju-
ftices in the midst of August, fufpecting Preston's Forces thould increaſe,
and (according to the refolution of the Parliament at Kelkenny) fhould
firſt gain the Out-Garriſons, and then befiege Dublin, were forced to re-
quire the Lord Conway to come unto their aid with 3000 Foot, and all
the Horſe he could procure, to profecute the War in Leinster: Who re-
turn'd an Anſwer, That their Companies were fo weak, they could not
draw them together; and that the Rebels (having then receiv'd new
Supplies) were ſtrong, and that he was engag'd to meet the Earl of Leven
(theScots General) to encounter Owen O-Neal,with all the Forces he could
get. Thus that Province referved to it felf its own ftrength, not coming
in, as by the Tenth Article with the Parliament of England the Scots
were engaged to.
1642.
The account of
fume Affairs in
the North.
See the Article
6.
of Aug.
1642. Kings
Works, fol.5 34
In Munster the Scene was hot; for the Parliament of England having The Affairs in
fent over (as into Leimfter) feveral Regiments of Foot, and fome Troops Munfer.
of Horfe unto Sir William St. Leger, Knight, who (having long ferv'd
in the Low-Countreys with fingular reputation) was, fome years before
the Rebellion, made Lord Prefident of Munster; a Command he dif
charg❜d with much vigilance and courage, in as much as the Enemy now
fear'd no man more: What he did upon the first breaking out of the Re-
bellion, (in hope to have opt its current in that Provinco) we have al-
ready mention'd, and ſhould have told you, that the State (to impower
him thereunto) admitted him to raiſe a Regiment of Foot, confifting of
M 2
1000
84
The difmal Effects of
W
1642.
1000 men, and two Troops of Horfe, 60 to each Troop; which after-
wards (befides the fupplies mention'd) were lifted in his Majefties Mu-
fters, with Pay accordingly. But the Deſign being general, Munster (at
length) was as well difturb'd as the reſt of the Kingdom; Cafhel, Clon-
mel, Dungarvan, and Featherd, with other Places, were, all (on an eaſie
fummons) foon yielded to the Rebels, raging through the Countrey;
which the Lord Prefident endeavour'd to fupprefs, as far as thofe fmall
Forces he had with him would admit, refolving near Redfheard to have
given them Battle, having (at that time) in his company the Earl of Bar-
rymore, the Lord Dungarvan, the Lord Broghil, Sir Hardreß Waller, Sir
Edward Denny, Serjeant Major Searl, Sir John Brown, Captain William
Kingsmil, with 600 Foot, and 300 Horfe. But the Rebels on the other
fide the Mountain privately avoided them,, though four to one; and
getting to Caſhel, held there a general Rendezvous; from whence Mount-
garret went with his Forces to Kilmallock, a Town treacherouſly furren-
dred to the Rebels (a little before) on demand, fituated on the Frontiers
of the County of Limmerick towards Cork, environ'd with a ftrong Wall,
which held out Loyally for the Crown all Tyrone's Wars, though fome-
times ſtrongly befieged, and highly diftreffed. And the 9th. of February,
1641. he went to Butavant, where the Gentry from all parts appear'd.
It is an antient Town, belonging to the Earl of Barrimore, in the Barony
of Orrory, an old Neft of Abbots, Friers, and Prieſts. There the General
Mountgarret exercis'd his greatneſs with referv'd gravity and diſtance,
fo as none, except Serjeant Major Purcel (who had now joyn'd himſelf
with the Confederates, contrary to the expectation the Lord Preſident
had of him) were admitted to any Command in the Army, more then
they had over the Men they brought with them. However, Mount-
garrets Forces infinitely increas'd, fo as the Lord Prefident (to fecure
Cork) thought it moſt convenient to retreat thither, whilft Mountgarret,
the 11th. of February, lodges his Forces in Moyallo, (brought thither by
lodges at Moy- Serjeant Major Walſh) the Inheritance of Captain William Fephfon, a
Town containing one Street of near 200 English Houſes, thirty whereof
were ftrongly built and Slated, having at the South-end thereof a very
fair and pleaſant Houfe, called, The great Caftle, committed to the charge
of Arthur Betefworth, with 200 Men, Arms, and Ammunition conveni-
ent, and one Iron Piece of Ordnance, with two Curriers, whereof they
made good uſe and advantage. And at the North-end of the Town ftood
another ſtrong Caſtle, called, The Short Castle, excellently well afterwards
defended by Lieutenant Richard Williamfon, who, after many Breaches
in the Wall, the beſt Affaults Serjeant Major Purcel could make, and
the lofs of many Men, was given over, though at length yielded out of
neceffity, on terms never perform'd; though the remarkable ftoutnefs of
Lieutenant Williamſon was fuch, as he (finding the Rebels to faulter in
what they had promiſed) refolutely getting up a Sword, vowed to be the
death of thoſe who ſhould hinder his and his Parties repair to the other
Caſtle, never yielded by Betefworth; which (being refolutely and on a
fudden done) ſtruck fuch a fear in the Rebels, as Williamfon and his Party
The Lord Muf- were all admitted to go to the Great Castle with what they had, which
kery (contrary was not irreparably rifled from them by the Rebels. And ſhortly after,
to his promi- the Rebels having fome aiery rumors of the Lord Prefidents Forces to
with the Re- fall upon them, Mountgarret mårch'd thence with his Army, the Lord
Muskery (notwithſtanding all his fair pretences to the Prefident) being
Mountgarret
allo.
fes) takes part
bels.
now
ما
1
the Irish Infurrection.
85
1642.
A contest (up-
on Mount-
who should be
Barry chofen
General; Muf
ed, The Coun-
kery,&c. ftyl-
cil
of War.
Bealing's vain
Summons of
the Caitle of
Lifmors.
fident's ad-
now come to the Rebels, which was a great ftrengthning to that Party,
he having a confiderable Eſtate, and much Money left him by a miferable
Father; whilft it may be thought, the Lord Rock, Mac-Donnogh, and
others, (being brought to great straits) could not worſen, but might ad-
vance their Eſtates by the Rebellion. Many were much concern'd, that
the Lord Mountgarret would go from Moyallo, leaving the Countrey to be
govern'd by themſelves; a great conteſt arifing amongst them who gret's leav-
Thould be Chief, Serjeant Major Purcel (Baron of Loghmo) challenging ing loyalio)
the Generalſhip of that Province: But the Heads of the Confederacy Chief.
meeting at the Lord Muskery's Houſe, (to avoid contention about Supe-
riority) there refolved, that none of the Gentry of the County fhould
bear any Office in the Army; but that one Garret Barry (who had long
ferv'd under the King of Spain, and was reputed a good Soldier) fhould be
General, and the Lord Muskery, and fome other prime and felect Men,
fhould be call'd, The Council of War; fo that that difference at the prefent
was compofed. And this doughty General muſtering up his Forces, ho-
ver'd about Cork, without any Attempt worth notice; whilſt other parts
of the Irish Army vifited Lifmore, the Cattle in and about that Place be-
ing driven away by Colonel Richard Butler. The 23d. of February, Mr.
Richard Bealing fummon'd the Caſtle, but the Lord Broghil, whom nei-
ther Promiſes nor Threats could work any thing upon, told them, That
he knew not what Quarter meant, daring him to the Affault as foon as he
would; which He threatned within half an hour after: But intelligence
being brought, that Sir Charls Vavafor was landed at Toughal with 1000
Men, the Enemy fled to Dungarvan; and the Lord Prefident determining
to look abroad, advanced with that Regiment, and the Lord Broghil's, The Lord Pie-
and Captain Courtney's Troop of Horfe, towards Talloe, hoping to fur-
prize Colonel Richard Butler; but being diſappointed (Intelligence fly-
ing ſwifter than our March) he fet forward towards Dungarvan, burning
the Countrey as he went, being in all 2000 Horfe and Foot, taking or-
der, that a Peece of Artillery thould be brought him from Cork by Sea;
and, having flain many of the Enemy in Talloe, he burnt the Town, and
fo went forward to Dungarvan; and coming to it the 3d. of March, Dungarvan
1641. fent a Summons; but they refufing, (and fetting out a Flag of De- Lord Prefident.
fiance) he with his Men violently entred the Town, and upon the 5th.
of March took the Caftle, giving the Enemy Quarter. He put a Ward of
40 Musketeers into the Caftle, under the Command of Lieutenant Rofing-
ton, from whom the Enemy not long after furpriz'd it. The Lord Broghil,
the Lord Barrymore, marching each of them afterwards on ſeveral Expe-
ditions, happily fucceeded, taking in divers Caftles, as Tourin the 8th. of
March, which the Lord Brogbil burnt; and Bally-Mac-Patrick, ftanding
upon the Black-water, which the Earl of Barrimore fhortly after burnt
meeting now and then with the Enemy, on whom they did good exe
cution: As did Captain Jephfon in the relief of Rathgogan, and taking
in of Balliha; as alfo in the Encounter, he and Lieutenant Downing had
with the Enemy at his return, where he flew 1.50 of them: The like
fuccefs he had in taking in Ballynageragh, Sir Philip Purcival's Caſtle.
Not long after, Captain Sherlock, Head of the Waterford Rebels, amount-
ing to 700, endeavouring to take Cappaquin, guarded by Captain Hugh
Crocker with a hundred men, was in the ftreets killed, and his Forces
routed. The 3d. of July, 1642. the Lord Broghil,with 60 Horfe, and 140
Foot, went to fetch off Sir Richard Osborn from his Caſtle of Knockmone,
;
in
vance to Tilloe.
taken by the
86
The difmal Effects of
1642.
The Battel near
Cappaquin, the
firft in Mufter
well fought and
managed.
The Earl of
Barrymore
took in Clogh-
leagh.
taken in.
in the County of Waterford, fix miles from Lifmore, who in his advance
thither, burnt and deſtroy'd the Rebels Quarters, though in his return to-
wards Lifmore, he fent his Scouts to defcrie the Enemy, fufpecting they
fhould way-lay them, as indeed they did, fetting themſelves in Battalia
in a Field near unto Cappaquia, having a little half-Grove at their backs;
upon which the English perceiv'd, that there was no way to fecure them-
felves, but by making their way with the Sword, and therefore put their
Men in the beſt poſture they could, the Enemy playing very hard upon
them: upon which the Lord Broghil refolutely encountred them with
his Horfe, whilft Captain Stephen Brodrip led on his Foot in an orderly
and well-compacted Body, galling them on all fides fo effectually with his
Musketeers, that the Enemies Horfe and Foot were foon put to flight,
with the lofs of one onely man of ours, and at leaſt 200 of theirs, be-
fides two of their beſt Captains, who died the next day, though their
Horſe carried them off then. This was the firſt pitcht Battel fince the
Rebellion in Munfter; and had the Enemy fucceeded, Cappaquin, Lifmore,
and fome other Places would have been an eafie Prey. Not long after,
the Earl of Barrymore took in, upon Quarter, the ftrong Caftle of Clogh-
leagh in the County of Cork, the Inheritance of Sir Richard Fleetwood,
who admitted Sir Arthur Hide to keep it, but most treacherously he left
it to be furprized by Condon, whofe Anceſtors had been formerly the Pro-
prietors of it; an infolent Rebel, as his Predeceffors were before him.)
Afterwards the Lord Dungarvan, and the Lord Broghil, fummoning the
Ardmore Caftle Caille of Ardmore,in the County of Waterford, belonging to the Bishop of
Waterford, after fome petty boafts to withſtand the utmoſt hazard, it was
yielded the 21 of August, 1642. on Mercy, Women and Children being
ſpared, but 140 Men were put to the Sword: into which Caſtle they af
terwards put a Ward. And here I might give you a Diary of Paffages
concerning his Majeſties Fort of Dunganon, the Lord Efmond (an old ex-
perienc'd Soldier, being Governour thereof, to its furrender the 4th. of
August, 1642. to the Rebels, at which time it was yielded up upon Quar-
ter for Life and Goods: Serjeant Major Flin, accompanied with Captain
Cronyne, entering thereupon; Flin proteſting, that he had a Commiffi-
on for that end, and in taking of it, refolv'd to keep it againſt the Puri-
tans, his Majeſties Enemies; otherwiſe he and the reft loved the English,
and thereupon fetled the Lord Roch in the poffeffion of the fame, and the
reft of Mr.Courtney's Eftate. To which I might add the Siege of the Caftle
of Limerick,Captain George Courtney Conſtable,from the 15th.of January,
1641. to its furrender to the Rebels the 23 of June, 1642. in which time
many
memorable accidents happen'd, worthy the befieged. As of Bonrat-
tie, under the Earl of Thomond; Rofmanagher,poffefs'd by Christian Powel;
as of Cappagh,defended by Francis Morton; as of Dromline, kept by Ed-
ward Fenner; or fhould we particularly take or give you a Diary of the
Paſſages of the Ward of Michaels-town to the Ceflation, and of the Ser-
vices of Knockmone, Sir Richard Osborn's Caſtle. But we are ſcanted in
time, as we ſhould be more, fhould we take notice of the Siege of the
C. Archerftown. Caſtle of Archerftown, in the County of Tipperary, commanded by Hen-
ry Peifly Efq;, from the ft. of December, 1641. to its furrender to Purcell,
Baron of Loghmo. As alfo fhould we infift on the Siege of Rathbarry-
Caſtle, in the County of Cork, Arthur Freek Owner thereof, and Com-
mander in Chief, from the 14th. of February, 1641, to the 18th. of October
following, when Sir Charles Vavafor Baronet, and Captain Jephson,
The Fort of
Dunganon.
Limerick.
Rathbarry Ca-
fle.
fetch'd
the Irish Infurrection.
87
$
ftle.
1642.
fetch'd them off fafe to Bandon, firing the Caftle and its Appurtenances.
As alfo the Rebels taking in of the Caſtle Dundede, the 14th. ot
February, 1641. as alfo Dunowen fhortly after. As alfo of their taking in Dundede and
of the Caſtles of Traley, Clare Caftle, Clonelowane, and 26 others in the Dunowen Ca-
County of Clare, whoſe name, with their Governours, would be too tedi-
ous to rehearſe. Not to particularize the Siege of the Caftle of Asketon, Asketon.
in the Barony of Conello, in the County of Limrick, William Eams Se-
nefchal, from the midst of November, 1641. to the 14th. of Augufi, 1642.
when it was furrendred (upon Conditions) to Patrick Purcel of
Croe, Lieutenant General of the Rebels. To which we might add the
Siege of Castle Matrix, in the Pariſh of Raceele, in the Barony and Coun- Cafle Marrix.
ty foremention'd, beginning the laſt of April, 1642. by Morrice Herbert
the Younger, and was yielded up to the Rebels in October following. As
alfo the Caſtle Loegar, William Weekes and Richard Hart Conftables, fo Cafle of Loe-
appointed by the Lord Prefident St. Leger, the 18th. of March, 1641.to gar.
its furrender. And amongſt the reſt, (omitting many whom we have not
time to inſiſt on) we might particularize the paffages of the Siege of the
Caſtle of Kilfinny, in the County of Limrick, the Lady Dowdall Coin-
mandreſs, and Owner of the Caſtle, which after forty weeks refiftance, Cattle Kilfinny.
(in that time behaving her felf, in feveral Encounters, with more than
Amazon courage, and exemplary conduct) was delivered up to the Re-
bels, ſhe being reduc'd to the uttermoft extremities: which particularly
to infift upon, would extend this to a Volume beyond my leifure,
though I will not fay, the Readers content, which they (as well as per-
fons intereſſed in the excellent management of thoſe and other affairs)
muſt favourably paſs over,it being fater (in general) to name them, than
(not particularly to exprefs their actions, deferving a Hiftory; which
the imperfect information (I could hitherto reach to rather wounds
than illuſtrates. Yet that from Hercules his Foot, the fuccefs and cou-
rage of the English may be drawn, accept of an Abbreviate of Sir William
Cole's Services with his Regiment, confifting of 500 Foot, and one of Sir William
Troop of Horſe, out of his Garriſon of Eniskillin, perform'd in the Coun-
ties of Fermanagh, Tyrone, Monaghan, Cavan, Leytrim, Sligoe, and Done- Eniskillin.
gall, fince the 23d. of October, 1641.
Swordmen of the Rebels, kill'd in ſeveral Fights and Skirmiſhes,
that account hath been taken of
Starv'd and Famiſh'd of the Vulgar fort, whoſe Goods were feiz'd
on by this Regiment
}2417
၁၀
$7000
Engliſh and Scotch Proteftants reſcued from bondage, and reliev❜d }5467
by this Regiment
Colours taken from the Rebels in thofe Fights
Drums (with fome Arms) taken from them
Boats taken from them in Loghearn and Loghmelvie
Cotts broken and funk there
Iſlands taken and clear'd in Loghearn
in Loghmelvie
Leather Boats or Curaghs taken from them by Sea-ſervice at Tel-
linhead and Loghearn
Boats gain'd there by Sea from them by this Regiment
0013
ΟΟΙΙ
-0027
0109
0365
0006
}0010
-0005
Castles taken from the Rebels-
000+
Viz. The Caftle of Newportown, Caſtle Atkinſon, Caſtle Knock-
ballymore, Caſtle Haffet, alias Crewmiſh.
After
An Abbreviate
Cole's Services,
in his Fort of
1
1
14
88
1642.
Sir Frederick
The difmal Effects of
After this rate the English (in all parts) fought, fo as indeed the Re-
bels (by the War they had commenc'd) loft in the general many Men,
and much of their fubftance, as a Judgment upon their Deſign and
Treachery.
And here we cannot but mention Sir Frederick Hamilton, who had
Hamilton's En-.a Garrifon of Horfe and Foot at Mannor Hamilton, in the County of Ley-
terpriſes.
trim in Connaght, by which he perform'd frequently excellent fervice
againſt the Rebels, never attempting them or their Quarters but with
fingular fuccefs; as at Sligoe, about the 1ft. of July, he enter'd and burnt
the Town, freed many Proteftants, flew in the streets 300 of the Irish,
and in his return encounter'd Owen O-Rork from Cavan, who befieged
his Caſtle (in the interim) with 1000 men, which he clear'd of the Re-
bels without any confiderable lofs to himſelf, but much to the Enemy:
a Diary of which, even from the 23d. of October, 1641. to the end of the
enfuing year, I have read with much fatisfaction. And had not fome dif-
ferences happen'd betwixt Sir William Cole and him (the one not liking a
Superiour, the other an Equal) their concurrence might have been more
fatal to the Enemy; though, apart, they did what became worthy men.
The Rebels un-
der Garret Bar-
ry beaten before
Cork.
We have declared how the excellent management of Affairs in Mun-
fter. (by the Lord Prefident and his Affiftants) kept all things in fome
reaſonable temper, (though the English were much defpoil'd, and driven
out of their habitations in feveral Places, by their Irish Neighbours)
until the Battel of Kilrush before mention'd: When the Lord Mount-
garret, and others of the Rebels Commanders (having had ill ſucceſs
there fell back with all the Forces they could make into Munſter, and
there waſted the Countrey with Fire and Sword, making that Province
a feat of the War, coming down even to the very Walls of Cork with great
Forces; not far from whence the Confederates, promifing General Garret
Barry, with the confent of his Council of War, (the Lord Muskery and
others planted his Camp at Rochforts Town, holding thereby Cork (in
a manner) befieg'd on the North-fide; whilft my Lord Roch, the Lord
of Ikern, Dunboin, the Baron of Loghmo, Mr. Richard Butler, with the
Tipperary Forces, were drawing down on the South, till by the valour
of thoſe few English then in Town, (viz. the Lord Inchiquin,Col.Vavafor,
and 400 Musketeers, and go Horfe) they were beaten off, with the lofs
of 200 of their Men,their Tents,and whole Bag and Baggage being taken.
In the whole Service, Sir William St. Leger (as long as he had health)
was active with the meanest Officers of the Army, doing many times a
private Soldiers duty, as well as a careful Generals. But finding at length
the Rebels multitudes to increaſe, and his Men to decay, (even in being
victorious) and the Supplies of Men and Money with Provifions (which
he expected out of England) to come over very flowly, and far fhort of
what the neceſſities of that Province required; well underſtanding too
the difference then in England betwixt his Majefty and the Parliament,
and what were the defigns of fome, putting fair Glofles on the Rebellion
of Ireland, which his Soul apprehended as one of the moſt deteftable In-
furrections of the World: Theſe things fo troubled his Spirit, as being
diſcouraged in the defperate undertakings, neceffity, and the honour of
his Nation put him daily upon, fo deep an impreffion fixed in his mind, as
the distemper of his body increafing, he wafted away, and died at his
fident of Mun- houfe at Downrallie, four miles from Cork, in the County of Córk, 1642.
and was there buried; a little before whoſe death, he writ (the ſecond
Sir William
St. Leger, Lord
Prefident of
Munſter, vigi-
lant and faith-
ful.
The Lord Pre-
fter dies.
of
1
the Irish Infurrection.
of April, 1642.) a moſt fignificant Letter to the Lord Lieutenant touch-
ing the Affairs of that Province, and his utter deteftation of the Rebels
Remonftrance fent him after a motion made for a Ceffation) which he
would have feconded with further teſtimony of his averfion to their in-
folency, as would have tended much to their dis-encouragement, had he
been enabled with any reaſonable ſtrength fo to have done.
89
1642.
The Lord In-
chequin chofen
in his Place.
cellent fervice
The Command of the Forces in this Province was, after the death of
Sir William St. Leger, for the prefent (by the Lords Juftices and Council)
committed to the Lord Inchequin, who had married his Daughter, and
(during his Father in Law's life) had fhewed himſelf very forward in
feveral Services againſt the Rebels: He was a meer Irish-man, of the an-
tient Family of O-Brian's, but bred up a Proteftant, and one that had
given good teftimony of the truth of his Profeffion, as his hatred and de-
teftation of his Countrey-mens Rebellion; and having match'd into the
Lord Preſident's Family, was held the fitteſt Perſon to caft the Com-
mand upon, till there were another Lord Prefident made by the King,
or he confirm'd by his Majeſty in that Province. In the mean time, the
Lord Inchequin takes fome opportunity, and having beaten the Rebels The Lord In-
Forces at the Battel of Lifcarrol in the County of Cork, got great reputa- chequi's ex-
tion by that action. The Battel was fought on Saturday the 3d. of Sep- at the Battel of
tember, 1642. in which, on the English Party, was kill'd Lewis Boyle,
Lord Viſcount Kynalmeaky, fecond Son to the late Earl, and Brother to
this of Cork, who behav'd himſelf moît nobly in that Expedition, and was
buried at Toughall in his Fathers Tomb. And on the Irish fide was flain
Captain Oliver Stephenfon, Grandfon of him, who in the Reign of Queen
Elizabeth had done eminent ſervice in the Wars againſt the Earl of Def-
mond. And afterwards the Divifion increaſing in England, the fending
over a new Lord Prefident was neglected; fo as the Lord Inchequin con-
tinu'd in the Government, managing affairs there, fometimes for the
King againſt the Parliament, fometimes for the Parliament againſt the
King, as he conceiv'd might bring on the abfolute fettlement of that Go-
vernment upon himſelf, of whom we ſhall ſpeak more hereafter.
And now having fhewed you the effects of the English Courage ftrange-
ly reviv'd, and managed againſt the Rebels; it will be feaſonable to ac-
quaint you by what means the Forces there have been animated to ſo
eminent a Service.
Lifcarrol
You have already read the generous refolutions of the Parliament in
England, upon the firſt diſcovery of the Rebellion, as the encouragement
his Majefty gave them upon his first and fecond appearance in the Houſe
of Lords, after his return from Scotland. And you have read (if it would
have been admitted) how he would have adventured his Royal Perfon
thither, and have rais'd 10000 English Volunteers fpeedily for that Ser-
vice, if fo the Houſe of Commons would have declared that they would
pay them; which would not be accepted, but inſtead thereof, the 24th.
of January following, the Town and Caſtle of Carickfergus were adviſed Carickfergus
(by the two Houſes) to be given in Command and Keeping to the Scots, delivered to the
2500 of which were to be tranfported thither, and paid by England; fo
as to be accountable (according to their Order the 22. of Jan.) to the
King and Parliament, and the Lord General in his Place, for all their
actions in that Service. Which his Majefty was loath to grant, as pre-
judicial to the Crown of England, and employing too great trust for Auxi-
liary Forces. Though at the importunity of the Parliament, it was fo
N
fetled
Scots.
1
Y
90
The difmal Effects of
1642. fetled at Windfor the 27th. of January, 1641. But what fervice the Scots
did in thoſe Parts, more than fubfift by English Pay, deferves an enquiry.
'The Bill of
Loan paſſed at
Westminster.
It will now be convenient to acquaint you, that after many neceffary
Propofitions to the King from the Parliament, paffionately affected with
the miſeries of Ireland) it was, in the Petition of the Houſe of Commons,
December the firſt, mov'd, That his Majefty would be pleas'd to forbear
to alienate any of the Forfeited or Efcheated Lands in Ireland, which ſhall
accrue to the Crown, by reafon of this Rebellion, that out of thefe, the Crown
may be the better fupported, and fome fatisfaction made to his Subjects of
this Kingdom England) for the great Expences they were like to undergo
in this War. To which his Majefty anſwer'd, That concerning Ireland, he
understood their defire, of not alienating the forfeited Lands thereof, to
proceed from their much care and love, and likewife that it might be a Refo-
lution very fit for him to take: But whether it be feaſonable to declare re-
Solutions of that nature before the event of a War be ſeen, that he much
doubted. Howfoever, we can not (repli'd his Majesty) but thank you for this
care, and your chearful Engagement for the fuppreffion of that Rebellion, up-
on the Speedy effecting whereof, the Glory of God in the Proteftant Profeffion,
the fafety of the Britiſh there, our Honour, and that of the Nation fo much
depends; all the Interests of this Kingdom being fo involv'd in that business.
We cannot but quicken your affections therein, and fhall defire you to frame
your Councils, and to give fuch Expedition to the Work, as the nature there-
of, and the preffures in point of time require, and whereof you are daily put in
mind by the infolencies and increase of the Rebels.
Upon which the Parliament (willing to omit no time, precious, in fo
weighty a Concern) paſt a Bill of Loan towards the Relief of Ireland, be-
ginning thus.
Whereas (fithence the beginning of the late Rebellion in Ireland) divers
cruel Murthers and Mallacres of the Proteftants there have been, and are
daily committed by Popish Rebels in that Kingdom, by occafion whereof,
great multitudes of Godly and Religious People, there inhabiting, together
with their Wives, Children, and Families, for the prefervation of their
Lives, have been enforced to forfake their Habitations, Means, and Live-
lihood in that Kingdom, and to flee for fuccour into feveral parts of his Ma-
jefties Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales, having nothing left to de-
pend upon, but the charitable Benevolence of well-difpofed Perfons.
The Lords and Commons now aſſembled in Parliament taking the ſame
into their charitable confiderations, for the Honour of Almighty God, and
the prefervation of the true Proteftant Religion and Profeffors thereof,
have refolv'd prefently themſelves to contribute towards the neceflities of
the faid poor distressed Christians, who being many in number, it is thought
expedient, that through all his Majefties Realm of England, and Dominion
of Wales, a general Collection fhould be with all expedition made for that
purpoſe, &c.
Other Expedients (confidering the ſtate of the Kingdom at that time)
not being convenient to be urg'd, the effect of which was incredible, fo
vaft and free a Sum flowing in thereupon, as nothing but a compaffio-
nate ſenſe of the ſufferings of their Brethren, and a duty to their Religion,
could ever have rais'd fo much: Yet that being fhort of their Exigencies,
the State was then forc'd to another Act pass'd for Subſcriptions on certain
Propofitions
the Irish Infurrection.
91
1
Propofitions, for Lands of the Rebels in Ireland. To which thofe of the 1642.
United Provinces of Holland were alfo encourag'd, by a Declaration of
both Houſes, the 2d. of Feb. 1642. which is worthy often to be confider-
ed; but being long, though excellently, and with much caution, pen'd,
we ſhall refer you to the Act it ſelf, Anno 17. Carol.primi. Immediately
upon which Act, divers Captains, (entertain'd for the Iriſh ſervice) ad-
ventur'd their first 6 Months Pay upon the Propofitions.
Yet before theſe Propofitions could be brought into an Act, (that no
time in fo great a Concern might be omitted) both Houſes of Parliament
joyn'd in a Letter to the High Sheriffs of England, that they might pub-
lifh at the enfuing Lent-Affizes, all the Propofitions touching his Majefty's
Promiſe, to paſs the two Millions and half of Acres of Land in Ireland,
for an encouragement to fuch as fhould in the interim fubfcribe: After
which, the Act fore-mention'd, immediately enfued; upon the paffing
of which Act, theſe ſubſcrib'd in the Houſe of Commons.
Mr. Walter Long, 1200 l. Sir Robert Pie, 1000l. the 8th. of March, Several Sums
1641. Mr. Samuel Vaffall, 1200 l. Sir Samuel Rolls, of Devon, 1000 ĺ. preferib'd.
William Lord Munfon, 2400 l. Sir John Harrifon, 1200 /. the 19th. of
March: Sir William Brereton, 1000 l. the 21. of March: Sir Edward
Aiſhcough, 600 l. Mr. John and Mr. Edward Afb, 1200 l. the 24th. of
March: Sir Gilbert Pickering, 600 l. the 25th. of March, 1642. Sir John
Clotworthy, in Money, 500 l. Sir John Clotworthy, for his Entertainment,
as Colonel in the Irish Wars, 500 l. Mr. Henry Martin, 1200 l. the 26th.
of March: Mr. Arthur Goodwin, 1800 l. Sir Arthur Haflerigge, of Lei-
cestershire, 1200 1. Mr. Robert Reynolds, 1200 l. Sir Robert Parkhurst,
1000 l. Sir Thomas Dacres, 600 l. Sir John Pots, 600 l. Sir Arthur In-
gram, 1000 l. Dr. Thomas Eden, 600 l. Mr. Oliver Cromwel, 500l. Mr.
Nathaniel Fines, 600 l. Mr. John Pym, 600 l. Sir Walter Earle, 6col.
Mr. Cornelius Holland, 600 l. Sir John Northcot, 450l. Mr. Roger Mat-
thew, 300 l. Sir Nathaniel Bernardſton, 600l. Sir William Maſham,600 1.
Sir Martin Lomley, for Martin Lomley Efq; his Son, 1200 l. Mr. Thomas
Hoyle, of Tork, 600l. Mr. Anthony Bedingfield, and Mr. William Cage,
700 l. Sir William Allenfon,of Tork,600l. Mr.William Havengham, 600 l.
Mr. Harbert Morley, 600 l. Sir William Morley, 1200 l. Sir John Cul-
peper, 600 l. Sir Edward Partherick, 600 l. Richard Shuttleworth Efq;
600l. Mr. John More, and Mr. William Thomas, 600l. Mr. John Lifle,
600 l. Mr. John Blackston, 600l. Sir Gilbert Gerrard, 2000 l. Mr. Bul-
Strod Whitlock, 600 l. Sir Edmond Momford, and Mr. Richard Harman,
600 l. Mr. John Trenchard, 600 1. Mr. John Gurdon, 1000 l. Mr. John
Barker, 1000 l. Mr. William Harrifon, 600 l. the 29th. of March: Mr.
John Wilde, Serjeant at Law, and Mr. Thomas Lane, 1000 l. Nathaniel .
Hallows, of Derby, for himſelf and others, 1400 l. John Franklin, 600 1.
Mr. George Buller, of the County of Cornwal, 6001. Sir Henry Mildmay,
600l. the 1. of April: Mr. Oliver St. John, 600 l. Sir John Wray, 6001.
Sir Thomas Barrington, 1200 l. Mr. Robert Goodwin, and Mr. John Good-
win, 600l. the 2. of April: Mr. Denzil Hollis, 1000 l. Mr. John Crew,
600 1. Sir John Peyton, 600 l. the 4th. of April: Sir William Plactors,
600 l. Sir William Strickland, 600 l. Sir Thomas Savine, 1000 l. Alexan
der and Squire Bence, 600l. Mr. John Rolls, of Devon, 450 l. Mr. John
Hampden, 1000 l. Mr. William Jeffon, 300l. Sir Edward Baynton, 600 l.
Thomas Lord Wenman, and Mr. Richard Winwood, 1200l. the 5th. of
April Sir William Drake, 600 l. Mr. William Spurftow, 600 l. Sir John
N 2
Welyn,
t
92
The difmal Effects of
1
1642. Welyn, of Godftow, in the County of Surrey, for himſelf and others, 1 500 l.
the 7th. of April: Mr. Miles Corbet, 200 l. the 9th. of April.
*In a Declara-
tion to all his
lovingSubjects,
in Anfwer to
the Remon-
ftrance of the
Commons, the
15th. of De-
cemb. 1641.
The King ex-
preſſes his deep
Refentment
for Ireland.
And that this intended Deſign might proceed, (till the whole made
up a confiderable fum) the Gentlemen of the County of Buckingham,
freely offer'd unto the Houſe of Commons, to lend 6000 l. upon the Act
of Contribution for the Affairs of Ireland, and to pay in the fame before
the first of May, 1642. which the Houſe took in very good part, and
accepted of, and order'd the 9th. of April, 1642. that the faid 6000 7.
ſhould be repaid out of the firit Moneys, that fhall be rais'd in that Coun-
ty, upon the Bill of 400000 l. and that Mr. Hampden, Mr. Goodwin,
Mr. Winwood, and Mr. Whitlock, fhould return thanks to the County of
Bucks from this Houſe, for their kind offer, and acceptable fervice. And
it was further order'd and declared by the Houfe of Commons, That if
any other County or Perfons fhall do the like, it will be kindly accepted
of by them, and that the Moneys fo lent fhall be repaid them, (with In-
tereft, if they defire it) out of the Moneys that ſhall be rais'd in thoſe
Counties where fuch Perfons inhabit, out of the Bill of 400000 l.
To ſtrengthen which precedent Act for Subfcriptions,&c. there was an
Act of Additions, and Explanation of certain Claufes in the former Alt; as
alfo an Act giving further time to Subfcribers for Lands in Ireland, with
an Advantage of Irish Meaſure: By vertue of which great fums were rais'd,
and (in truth) the Forces of Ireland yet competently well fupplied. But
his Majefty perceiving a defect, in the neceffary Tranſportations of what
was requifite, he (by the Advice of his Council) declares *, That he
hopes, that not only the Loyalty and good Affections of all our loving Sub-
jects, will concur with us, in the conftant preferving a good underſtanding
between us and our People, but at this time, their own and our Intereft,
and compaſion of the lamentable condition of our poor Proteſtant Subjects in
Ireland,will invite them to a fair Intelligence and Unity amongſt themſelves;
that fo we may with one heart, intend the relieving and recovering of that
unhappy Kingdom, where thofe barbarous Rebels practife fuch inhumane and
unheard of Outrages, upon our miſerable People, that no Chriſtian Ear can
hear without horrour, nor Story parallel.
And yet further to dif-burthen his thoughts for Ireland, he was pleas'd
to fignifie to both Houſes of Parliament, the 24th. of Feb. 1641. That
for Ireland, in behalf of which his heart bleeds, as he hath concurred with
all Propofitions made for that Service by his Parliament, fo he is refolv'd to
leave nothing undone for their relief, which shall fall within his poſſible
power.
And becauſe his Majeſty's removal to Tork from the Parliament, fhould
not hinder the Supplies for Ireland, he, from Huntingdon, the 15th. of
March, 1642. declares, That he doth very earnestly defire, that they will
ufe all poffible industry, in expediting the Bufines of Ireland, in which they
fhall find fo chearful a concurrence by his Majefty, that no inconvenience
Shall happen to that Service by his abfence, he having all that paſſion for the
reducing of that Kingdom, which he hath expreſſed in his former Meffages,
and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it, than he hath en-
deavour'd to do by thofe Meffages, (having likewife done all fuch Acts, as
he hath been mov'd unto by his Parliament;) therefore if the misfortunes
and calamities of his poor Proteſtant Subjects shall grow upon them, though
his Majesty fhall be deeply concern'd in, and fenfible of their fufferings) he
fhall wash his hands before all the World, from the leaft imputation of-flack-
nefs, in that most neceffary and pious Work.
Thus
!
the Irish Infurrection.
93
1642.
fenfe of Ire-
Return.
Thus his Majeſty refented that horrid Rebellion, having nothing left
further to expreſs the deep fenfe he had of the publick miferies of his
Kingdom. Yet the Parliament, who conceiv'd themſelves deeply intruft- His Majesty's
ed with the Concerns of Ireland, (the profecution of that War being left land, and the
to them, but not ſo as to exclude his Majeſty) replied, That they humbly Parliament's
befought his Majesty to confider, how impoffible it is that any Proteftation,
(though publifht in your Majesty's Name) of your tenderness of the miferies
of your Protestant Subjects in Ireland, &c. can give fatisfaction to reasonable
and indifferent Men, when at the fame time divers of the Irish Traitors and
Rebels, the known Favourers of them, and Agents for them, are admitted
to your Majeſty's Prefence with Grace and Favour,and ſome of them imploy-
ed in your Service, and when Cloaths, Munition, Horfes, and other Necef-
faries, bought by your Parliament, and fent for the supply of the Army a-
gainst the Rebels there, are violently taken away, fome by your Majesty's
Command, others by your Minifter's. To which it's replied, That thofe
Cloaths, &c. entring into Coventry, his Majefty had good reaſon to be-
lieve,they would have been difpos'd of amongſt the Souldiers, who there
bore Arms againſt him; putting the Parliament befides in mind, That
he was fo far from diverting any of thoſe Proviſions made for the relief of
Ireland, (the thought of whofe miferable condition made his heart bleed)
that 3000 Suits of Cloaths being found at Chester, for the Souldiers in Ire-
land, he commanded that they ſhould be fpeedily tranſported thither, no
neceffity of his own Army being fufficient to prevail with him to ſeize on
them.
Thus both the King and Parliament, intereffed in the great Concern of
Ireland, were paffionately affected with her fad condition, whilft the di-
ftractions and jealoufies at home fo dif-cemented their Forces, as the Irish
Harp hung on the Willows, and thoſe noble Souls (which even now re-
turn'd with Laurels) droopt betwixt the living and the dead.
part
of theMo-
ney collected
Affairs ſtanding in this pofture, neither of them prov'd at leifure to con- Ireland neg-
fider, (more than in Declarations) the miferable condition of bleeding lected.
Ireland; inafmuch as they were fo far from fending over thither any fur-
ther ſupplies of Men, Money, or Ammunition, how inceffantly foever
they were mov'd to it from the Lords Juftices and Council, as the Parlia
ment at that time (finding themſelves under great Neceffities for want
of Money) order'd the fum of 100000 7. of the Adventurers Money,
(then in the hands of the Treaſurer, for the relief of Ireland) to be made The Parliament
uſe of, for the ſetting forth their Army, under the Command of the Earl makes ufe of
of Eſſex, then ready for his March againſt the King at Nottingham; not-
withſtanding a Clauſe in that memorable Act, That no part of that Mo- for Ireland.
ney fhall be imployed to any other purpose, than the reducing of thofe Rebels.
This rais'd a great noife, and highly reflected upon the Parliament, That
they (who fo heartily on all occafions, had complain'd of the King's neg-
lect of his poor Proteftants in Ireland) fhould now make ufe of that Mo-
ney, to raiſe Arms against him in England, and fo leave the remnant of
thofe fuffering Souls in Ireland, to the Infolencies of the Rebels, and their
own Forces, Fleſh of their Fleſh, fent over with ſo much Charge, for the
fuppreffion of that horrid Rebellion, to neglect and fcorn, for want of a
eafonable and juft fupply. Upon which, his Majefty, from Tork, the
30th. of August, 1642. fent a Meffage to the House of Commons, requi-
ring them to retract that Order: To palliate which, they alledg'd many
things againſt the King; As the denying the Lord Wharton, to go with
5000
94
The difmal Effects of
}
*
1642.
to the Parlia-
ment'sPetition,
the 28th. of
April, 1642.
5000 Foot, and 500 Horſe, for the relief of Munster; the hindring of
two Pieces of Battery, (writ for by the Lords Justices ;) the detaining
of the Lord Lieutenant, (the Earl of Leicester) when the Affairs of Ire-
land were known to fuffer, for want of a Commander in Chief; notwith-
In his Anfwer ſtanding his Majefty *had charged them, that they had detain'd the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, on whom (writes he) he relyed principally, for
the conduct and management of Affairs there, never regarding his ear-
neftneſs, formerly preft, (when he was thought to be ftayed by the Par-
liament) that he thould repair to his Command; of which, the Earl of
Leicester, in a Letter to the Earl of Northumberland, is not filent, order'd
by the Parliament to be printed, the 26th. of September, 1642. To which
the Parliament adds, The calling away of Sir Charles Lloyd,Captain Green,
and others, in actual imployment againſt the Rebels, attefting, that the
100000 l. borrowed of the Subfcription-Money for Ireland, they foon
re-paid with advantage, being then forc'd to make uſe of it, to prepare a
competent Army for the defence of the King and Kingdom, without any
prejudice to the Affairs of Ireland, whofe fubfiftence depends on the wel-
fare of this. In Anfwer to which it was replied, That that Kingdom
(were the Money reſtored) in the mean time fuffered by that Diverfion;
and that had the Lord Wharton's Forces been approved of, there was no
further fecurity, (that thoſe ſhould have been fent for Ireland) than other
Forces that were rais'd for that purpoſe, and yet imployed againſt his Ma-
jefty at Edge-hill; the other Exceptions of the Parliament in his Maje-
fty's Papers) being alſo anſwer'd, which begot a Reply, not altogether
pertinent in this place to purfue.
し
​However, the Parliaments imploying the 100000 l. (contrary to the
Intereſt of the foremention'd Act, in the 17th. year of Car. 1.. with his
Majefties full confent before he left the Parliament,) was the cauſe that
it produced fo little good effect for Ireland; many of the Subſcribers
taking that occafion (as others before had done upon his Majeſties mo-
tion to go for Ireland) to withdraw their ſubſcriptions, and others not
to pay in their Money, which was with fo much Caution provided for,
and guarded with ſo many advantagious Circumſtances for all the Ad-
venturers, as if it had been carried on, and ſeaſonably applied,with that
Care and Sincerity it ought to have been, it would in a little time have
reduc'd that whole Kingdom, and have eas'd that poor People of many of
thofe Calamities, they have fince endur'd. The want of which put the
Lords Justices and State on many difficulties.
Yet that fomething might ſeem to be done, there was an Order of the
Commons Houſe of Parliament, the 3d. of August, 1642. That the
Minifters about the City of London, ſhould be defired to exhort the
People, to bestow old Garments and Apparel,upon the diftreffed Proteftants in
Ireland; in reference to which, the 19th. of September following, the
Lord Mayor of London ordered, that thoſe Cloaths fhould be brought to
Torkſhire-hall in Blackwel-hall, to be ready for ſhipping them for Ireland
and a vaſt Supply was brought in, Charity never fo much manifeſted
its compaffion as in that Caufe; which afterwards was entruſted to a
Reverend Perfon, who difcharged his truft with fingular Prudence and
Integrity; though as to the Army theſe Cloaths never reach'd or in
tended.
And now the Rebels finding their Strength much augmented by the
unhappy differences in England, their chief Contrivers of the Conſpira-
су
}
the Irish Infurrection.
95
*
*
7th.
1642.
Appendix
*In his Colle-
Etion of Acts
and Ordinances
cy (the Clergy) met at Kilkenny, and there Eſtabliſhed in a General-
Congregation, feveral Confiderations for their future Government.
Upon which Proceedings, and the validity of the 6th. Article of
thofe Prelate-Dignities, and learned men; the first General-Affembly at
Kilkenny, fate the 10th. of November, 1642. according to what Scobel
gives us an account of; Though Peter Walsh (one of the Affembly
certainly to be credited) in his fecond part of the firſt Treaties of his
Hiſtory, and vindication of the Loyal Formulary, *writes that the firft of Parliament,
General or National-Affembly of the Confederates, began at Kilkenny, fol. 197.
the 24th. of October, 1642. and continued to the 9th of January fol- The General
lowing, upon which day they were diffolved, having conftituted (to Affembly at
fucceed them) the Supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ire-
land; and that they might be the better tied together with the Holy bond in his Diput
of Union and Concord (as is expreffed in the thirty third Article of the
General Affembly, and the third of the Congregation;) They framed
the enſuing Oath of Affociation to be taken by all in that Confederacy.
The Preamble to the Oath of Affociation.
W
* Fol. 7+0.
Kilkenny
As alfo Mahone
Apologet. p.
ΙΟΙ.
The Preamble
Hereas the Roman Catholicks of this Kingdom, have been inforc'd
to take Arms for the necessary defence and prefervation, as well to the Oath of
of their Religion Plotted; and by many foul Practifes endeavour' d to be Affociation.
quite fupprefs'd by the Puritan Faction, as likewife their Lives, Eftates,
and Liberties, as alfo for the defence and Safeguard of his Majefties Regal
Power, juft Prerogatives, Honour, State, and Rights, invaded upon;
and for that it is requifite that there should be an unanimous Confent, and
real Union between all the Catholicks of this Realm, to maintain the Pre-
miſſes, and ſtrengthen them against their Adverfaries: It is thought fit by
them, that they, and whosoever shall adhere unto their Party, as a Confede-
rate, fhould for the better afſurance of their adhering fidelity and conftancy
to the publick Caufe, take the enfuing Oath.
The Oath of Affociation.
The Oath of
A. B. do profefs, fwear and protest, before God, and his Saints, and his
Angels, that I will, during my life, bear true Faith and Allegiance to Allocation.
my Soveraign Lord Charles, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain,
France and Ireland, and to his Heirs, and lawful Succeffors; and that I
will, to my power, during my life, defend, uphold, maintain all his and
their juft Prerogatives, Eftates and Rights, the Power and Priviledge of
the Parliament of this Realm, the Fundamental Laws of Ireland, the free
exercife of the Roman Catholick Faith and Religion, throughout this
Land, and the Lives, juft Liberties, Poffeffions, Eftates and Rights, of all
thoſe that have taken, or ſhall take this Oath, and perform the Contents
thereof; and that I will obey and ratifie all the Orders and Decrees, made
and to be made by the fupream Council, of the Confederate Catholicks of this
Kingdom, concerning the faid publick Caufe; and that I will not ſeek direct-
ly or indirectly, any Pardon or Protection, for any Act done or to be done,
touching this general Caufe, without the confent of the major part of the ſaid
Council; and that I will not directly or indirectly do any Act or Acts, that
thall
96
The difmal Effects of
1642. fhall prejudice the faid Caufe, but will, to the hazard of my Life and Estate,
affift, profecute and maintain the fame.
Moreover, I do further fwear, That I will not accept of, or fubmit unto,
any Peace, made or to be made with the faid Confederate Catholicks, with-
out the conſent and approbation of the general Affembly of the faid Confede-
rate Catholicks. And for the prefervation and strengthning of the Affociati-
on, and Union of the Kingdom, that upon any Peace or Accommodation, to
be made or concluded with the faid Confederate Catholicks, as aforesaid, I
will, to the utmost of my power, infift upon, and maintain the enfuing Pro-
pofitions, until a Peace, as aforefaid, be made, and the Matters to be a-
greed upon, in the Articles of Peace, be establish'd and fecured by Parlia-
So help me God, and his holy Goſpel.
ment.
ons.
The Propofitions mention'd in the aforefaid Oath.
The Propofiti- I. Hat the Roman Catholicks, both Clergy and Laity, to their feve-
fevc-
ral Capacities, have free and publick Exercife of the Roman Ca-
tholick Religion and Function throughout the Kingdom, in as full luftre
and fplendor, as it was in the Reign of King Henry the 7th. or any other
Catholick King's, his Predeceffors, Kings of England, and Lords of Ire-
land, either in Ireland or England.
2. That the fecular Clergy of Ireland, (viz.) Primates, Archbishops,
Biſhops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, Prebenda-
ries, and other Dignitaries, Parfons, Vicars, and all other Paftors of the
fecular Clergy, and their refpective Succeffors, fhall have and enjoy all
and all manner of Jurifdictions, Priviledges,Immunities, in as full and am-
ple manner, as the Roman Catholicks fecular Clergy had or enjoy'd the
fame, within this Realm at any time, during the Reign of the late H.
fometimes King of England, and Lord of Ireland, any Law, Declaration
of Law, Statute, Power and Authority whatſoever, to the contrary not-
withſtanding.
7.
3. That all Laws and Statutes made fince the 20th. year of King H.8.
whereby any Reſtraint, Penalty, Mulet, Incapacity or Restriction whatfo-
ever, is or may be laid upon any of the Roman Catholicks, either of the
Clergy or of the Laity, for fuch the faid free Exerciſe of the Roman Ca-
tholick Religion within this Kingdom, and of their feveral Functions, Ju-
riſdictions and Priviledges, may be repeal'd, revoked, and declared void,
by one or more Acts of Parliament to be pafs'd therein.
4. That all Primates, Archbiſhops, Biſhops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans
and Chapters, Archdeacons, Chancellors, Treaſurers, Chaunters, Provofts,
Wardens of Collegiate Churches, Prebendaries, and other Dignitaries,
Parſons Vicars, and other Paftors of the Roman Catholick fecular Clergy,
and their reſpective Succeffors,fhall have, hold and enjoy,all the Churches
and Church-Livings, in as large and ample manner, as the late Proteftant
Clergy refpectively enjoy'd the fame, on the firſt day of October, in the
year of our Lord, 1641. together with all the Profits, Emoluments, Per-
quifits, Liberties, and the Rights to their refpective Sees and Churches,
belonging as weil in all Places, now in the poffeffion of the Confederate
Catho-
the Irish Infurrection.
97
Confederate Catholicks, as alfo in all other places that fhall be recover-
ed by the faid Confederate Catholicks from the adverfe Party, within
this Kingdom, faving to the Roman Catholick Laity their Rights, accor-
ding to the Laws of the Land.
1642.
And that the Supreme Council (the legitimate iffue of the General Af
Sembly) might look with the better face of Authority, they fram'd to
themſelves a Seal, bearing the mark of a long Crofs, on the right fide Their Seal,
whereof a Crown, and a Harp on the left, with a Dove above, and a
flaming Heart below the Crofs, and round about this Infcription, Pro
Deo, pro Rege, & Patria Hibernia unanimis; with which they feal'd their
Credentials to Princes, and under that Seal paſs'd their principal Acts of
Sovereignty.
Having now modell'd themſelves into a feparate State, confronting his
Majeſties Royal Government fetled in Dublin, ordering in their Supreme
Council at Kilkenny (in the faid Province of Leimfter all their Affairs, Ci-
vil and Military, through the whole Kingdom.
As to War, they had their Forces under the Conduct of four well ex-
perienc'd Generals, (before mentioned) anſwering the feveral Provinces
of Leimfter, Munſter, Connaght, and Vfter. Giving out Letters of Mart,
An Example of which, together with the Authority they affum'd, (not-
withſtanding his Majefties Proclamation of the 1ft. of January, 1641.)
we ſhall hear give you at large.
By the Supreme Council of the Confe-
derate Catholicks of Ireland.
T
O all Men, to whom this Prefent fhall come. We the Supreme Council
of the Confederate Catholicks of this Realm, fend Greeting. Know ye,
That we have taken into our ferious confideration the great and ne-
ceſſary uſe we have of Ships of War, for the defence of the Coasts of this
Realm, and advancement and furtherance of Commerce with Foreign Na-
tions, and for oppofing his Majefties Enemies, who daily hinder and
annoy
his Majefties good Subjects of this Kingdom by Sea, and ftop all free
Trade in this Realm and abroad; have therefore conftituted and appointed,
and do hereby ordain, conftitute, and appoint our well-beloved Friend, Cap-
tain Francis Oliver, Native of Flanders, having received good teftimony
of his fufficiency and integrity, to be Captain of the Ship, called, St. Michael
the Archangel, of burthen 120 Lafts or Tuns, or thereabouts; hereby giv-
ing and granting unto the faid Captain, full and abfolute Power, Commillion,
and Authority, to furnish the faid Ship with all Neceffaries, fit for Sea and
War; and with the fame to cross the Seas, and take, hinder, and prejudice all
fuch as he fhall find or meet of His Majefties Enemies, the Enemies of the
General Catholick Cauſe now in hand in this Kingdom, their Ships and
Goods whatsoever, either by Sea or Land, by what means foever; and the
Said Shipping or Goods to fet to fale, and difpofe of as lawful Prizes, and
open Enemies Goods; faving unto his Majesty and his lawful Officers, and
unto all other Perfon or Perfons, Bodies Politick and Corporate, all Rights,
Requifites, and Duties, due or ufual, answered out of all Prizes. And we
hereby command all Officers of all our Ports, Harbours, and Havens, with-
in our Furifdiction, throughout this Realm, to admit the faid Captain Francis
O
Oliver,
The Confede-
rates Commif-
fion to a Pri-
vateer.
98
The difmal Effects of
1642. Oliver, and his Companies, Ships, and Goods, from time to time, to paß
and repaß, come and go, without molestation or trouble. And that all Com-
manders of Forts, and all other Officers of his Majefties loving Subjects, to be
aiding and affifting unto him in execution, and furtherance of the Premiffes
whatſoever, and as often as occafion fhall require.
Appendix 8.
And lastly, we pray all Foreign Princes, States, and Potentates, to de-
fend, protect, affift, and favour the faid Captain, his Ships and Goods, when,
and as often as he shall come into their reſpective Coasts and Harbours.
This our Commiffion to continue during pleasure. Given at Kilkenny,
the last of December. 1642.
Was figned, Mountgarret, Hugo Armachanus.
Gormanſton, Johan. Epifc. Clonfertenfis.
Nic. Plunket,Patr.Darcy, James Cufack,Jeffry Brown.
And as to Civils, they had their Officers of State, Jultices of Oyer
and Terminer, and of the Peace, with their Courts of Judicature in feve-
ral kinds, and Councils Supreme, County, Provincial, and (on occafion)
National; this being as Parliamentary called their General Affembly.
They had their Negotiations alfo abroad, and from abroad, and by
Envoys, Agents, and publick Miniſters, Extraordinary and Refident;
they receiv'd the fenfe of other Princes, and return'd their own, being
alfo by thofe Princes treated at home, in like manner as if they had been
ſome State abfolute, or more confiderable; of which, read the * Appen-
dix. All the fubfequent Acts being derived from the Orders eſtabliſh'd
at Kilkenny, the 24th. of October, 1642.
By what I have mention'd you may fee, how the Rebels endeavour'd
to get credit abroad, and repute at home, managing their Concerns
with ſo much ſubtilty, as having them anvil'd in every Covent: no-
thing was omitted to mature their defigns, or colour what they had now
begun with the faireft pretence; whilft the State in the interim (through
the diſtractions in England daily increafing, which gave fresh fuel to the
Rebels prefumption) were ſo ſtraitned for want of Supplies, that the Lords
Fuftices having by all the ways imaginable) repreſented (as well to his
Majeſty as to the Parliament) the miferable condition they were in; af-
furing them, that without further Supplies of all kinds, (the Soldiers be-
ing fo unruly, as the Lieutenant General, the 23d. of May, 1642. was
forc'd to publiſh a ſharp Proclamation againſt their exorbitancies) it was
not poffible for them to carry on the War, or to hinder the Incurfions of
the Rebels, even into thofe parts which they had recovered out of their
Cuftodiums al- hands; thought fit to take another courfe for the preſent: And that the
Forces they had in Ireland might be ready for action, and in the mean
time not wholely unferviceable, they allotted (after no little oppofition
to the contrary) to feveral Captains and other Officers of the Army, fuch
convenient Houſes and Villages, as they had taken from the Rebels, giv-
ing them leave to carry their ſeveral Troops and Companies under their
Command to Quarter in them; by which means they freed themfelves
from the prefent Charge of providing Victuals for them, forcing them
to live upon the ſpoils of their Enemies; which they quickly found the
way to do, and made themſelves Mafters of all the Cattel and other Sub-
ſtance of thoſe that lived within reaſonable diſtance of them. By which
lotted to the
Soldiers.
means
the Irish Infurrection.
99
means,
all the confiderable Places belonging to the Rebels (within twen-
ty miles of Dublin) came to be in the hands of the Soldiers, as having
them granted by way of Cuftodium for the prefent unto them: an Ex-
pedient acceptable to the Officers, and extremely prejudicial to the
Rebels.
1642.
The 10th. of June, the Lords Juftices and Council finding themſelves
much prejudic'd by their Protections they had given to many, who under
pretext of labouring at the Plow, had their Weapons hidden near them, to
cut off ftragling Soldiers and Proteftants, as they paffed by them fingle.
The State, to prevent fuch-inconveniencies, withdrew their former Pro-
tections by a Proclamation of that Date. A circumftance much infifted
on by the Rebels; but the Reaſons of the State will beft appear by their
Proclamation, no Protection being ever violated by the State with their Appendix 9.
privity, or revoked, but on time given.
Mahon fent
And now that the State of Ireland might have the lefs charge upon The Lord Mac-
them, they thought it convenient to fend the Lord Mac-Guire and Mac- Gure and Mac-
Mahon into England; whofe Fates I fhall here give you a particular ac- into England.
count of, though they fuffered not till fome years after.
;
Mac-Guire was one principally defign'd for the furprizal of the Caſtle of Their Trial at
Dublin, and the fecuring or murthering of the Lords Justices and Council, Weſtminſter.
for which intent he came purpoſely the day before to Dublin; but the Plot
being that night detected, he fled diſguiſed from his ufual Lodgings at
one Nevils, a Chirurgeon, in Castle-street, and fecretly hid himfelf at
one Kerns, a Tailor, in Cook-street, where he was found in a Cock-loft by
Mr. John Woodcock, one of the Sheriffs of Dublin, ftanding with his
Cloak wrapped about him in an obfcure place; in which poſture he was
apprehended, and brought before the Lords Justices and Council, to whom
he confeffed fufficient to be committed to the Caſtle the 23d. of October,
about the time he intended to have perpetrated his Villany in that Place;
from whence, the 12th. of June, 1642. ( after ſeveral Examinations had
of his Guiltineſs) he, with Hugh Oge Mac-Mahon, was fent into England,
where they both continued Prifoners fome years in the Tower of London
whence they made an eſcape the 18th. of Auguſt, 1644. and were re-
taken the 20th. of October following. Strange! that in fuch a time they
could not fecure their Eſcape; but vengeance would not fuffer them to
live. Mac-Mahon, in Michaelmaß-Term, the 18th. of November that
year, was tried at the Kings-Bench-Bar in Westminster-Hall, and fhortly Execution.
after executed at Tyburn: Whilſt the Lord Mac-Guire made fuch a de-.
fence for himſelf, as his final Trial was not till the 10th. and 11th. of Fe-
bruary, 1644. in Hilary-Term, at which time he was brought to the
Kings-Bench, where (after his Indictment-read for confpiring to difinherit
the Kings Majefty, to raiſe Sedition, and breed a miferable flaughter amongst
the Kings Subjects) he firſt mov'd to have his Peers, being Baron of If-
killin in Ireland, and forceably brought to Westminster) for that none
ought to be condemn'd but by fuch; in purſuance of which, he pleaded
the Statute, the 10th.of H. 7. whereby all the Statutes made in Eng-
land fhould from thence-forth be in force in Ireland. Upon which, the
King's Council Serjeant Roll and Whitfield) befide Pryn and Nudigate,
demurr'd, and the Defendant joyn'd in the Demurrer. At length, Judge
Bacon declar'd, that an Iriſh Baron was triable by a Jury in England, (fo
the Lord Grey was tried for Acts done in Ireland) upon which an Order
pafs'd the 10th. of February, by the Lords and Commons for his Trial; at
O 2
which
·
Mac-Mahon's
f
!
100
1
The difmal Effects of
his
1642. which he defir'd reſpite for the fummoning of his Witneſſes; which, in
confideration that his Lordship had had long time to expect his Trial,
and that no Witneffes could fay any thing againſt what the Wit-
neſſes on the Kings fide) could prove, was deni'd. Afterwards he made
a general Challenge against 23 that were Empannel'd for the firſt Jury ;
which peremptory Challenge was accepted, the Law allowing it: And
the Prifoner for that time) was diſcharg'd, with a Command to be
brought again the next day; which was done accordingly. Then he
mov'd, that his Plea of Peerage might be referr'd to another Court, or to
the Lords; but that was deni'd, for that he had put himſelf on the Coun-
trey: befides, the Lords and Commons had order'd his Trial. Then an-
other Jury was nam'd, which his Lordship accepted against, for that he
conceiv'd it not fit, that those who had bought his Land, Jhould paß upon
Trial. To clear which (after fome heats in arguing betwixt the Kings
Council and the Defendant) the Judge confented, that the Jury fhould be
required upon Oath to answer, whether any of them had any Adventure,
or fhare of the Rebels Lands in Ireland: Which being anfwer'd in the Ne-
gative, the Court proceeded; and he being in feveral Circumftances (be-
fides his Confeffion) found Guilty, the Judge demanded, why Sentence
fhould not paſs againſt him, his Lordship amongſt other things, too te-
dious, and of little concern to mention defir'd to know by what Seal the
Judge proceeded againſt him? Who anſwer'd, By the Old, and Order of
Parliament. To which the Lord Mac-Guire repli'd, That (under favour)
he conceiv'd,that the Ordinance of Parliament for a new Great Seal, made
the old invalid. To which the Judge repli'd, That he acted by the old
Seal, being made a Judge at that time. Befides, there is nothing faith he)
done in this Court by the new Seal; the Sheriffs are hereby a Charter
that comes in from year to year, and there is no other Sealin order of
Execution. After which, the Judge proceeded to Sentence, which he heard
The Lord Mac- patiently, having doubtlefs long the Sentence of death in himſelf; and
accordingly he was Drawn, Hang'd, and Quarter'd, at Tyburn, the 20th.
of February, 1644.
Guire's end.
ノ
​But to return to the State, who, in the manner before mention'd, con-
tinu'd the Army Quarter'd in feveral Cuftodiums, not being able by rea-
fon of the want of Money, Provifions, and other neceffaries) otherwiſe
to furnish any part of it out in fuch manner, as might put them in a po-
fture to undertake any great Action abroad; fome in the interim im-
proving the prefent neceffities to the advantage of a Deſign then in the
womb.
However we find, that though the Parliament in England wonder'd
(as one in eminent Place then heard) that the Army in Ireland did little,
* The 20th. of Yet it was to be admired (writes he*) they did so much, confidering the
August, 1642. Small means they had to effect fo great things: They did then abound onely
in ſickneſs, and hurt men, which made the Regiments and Companies very
weak; Monies came not in at all, and for Cloathes and Shoes few or none :
notwithstanding they had hearts manifeſted by their works; for no Enemy,
but as foon as they looked on them, instead of using their Arms, exercis'd their
Heels; no Fort or Castle which they offer'd to keep, which they ever deferted,
that they attempted, but yielded to them. In as much as that Noble
Perfon (which obferv'd this) in fome paffion could not but take notice,
That if all this were nothing, let it be fo eſteem'd! The Enemy in the
interim having ſupplies of Men and Arms.
or any
Indeed
the Irish Infurrection.
IOI
any
no better.
Indeed that Affairs proceeded with no currenter a pace, (this year) 1642.
many obftacles contributed thereunto. The Government was in the
hands of Two, though in the main entirely faithful and knowing, yet Caufes why Af-
vaftly differing in their tempers; one being of a fedentary, the other fairs profpered
of an active life; He allied to moft of the leading Men of the Council,
the other onely prevalent as his Reaſon and Gallantry, wrought on the
generous. Befides, fome had ſuch intereſt elfe-where, as all was not re-
fented with fuch integrity as was meant; That, in the management of
Affairs at the Helm, Authority it felf was often Eclipſed; nor could
(who was neceffitated to hold the Reins with others) poffibly evade the
inconveniences they were then frequently inforced upon, how well foever
they had been vers'd in the Art of Government; Some will have it, that
there was much artifice uſed to lengthen out the War: For at that time,
whether by the Governours of the City of Dublin's omiflion, or fome
other Fate upon the Army, hard for me to determine, the Rebels on one
fide came often to the Gates, giving frequent Alarms, and took away the
Cattle from under the Walls. And in Lowth, the most confiderable Garri-
Son was almoſt deſtroyed through thofe Perfons, who (having the Govern-
ment of the County) protected their Tenants; nor would thofe that had
Power to force a Supply improve their intereft, being better able to dif-
perfe an Enemy, than diſoblige a Neighbour.
The Scots General (the Earl of Leven) in the North, who with the re-
cent and veterate Soldiers made up 20000, did little, defirous rather it
ſeems to keep themſelves fafe in Knockfergus, and the Frontiers, than ven-
ture much abroad, as appear'd by their repulfe at Charlemont, whence they
retir'd with no Honour, and admitted Dunganon to be re-taken by the
Iriſh, after it had been bravely recovered by the vertue of an English Gen-
tleman. Indeed the English-Scots, who joyn'd with the English Regi-
ments, did excellent fervice; and that the other fail'd, may be imputed
to the rawness of their Men, the want of Victuals, (of which they ſtood
in great need) and fome hardship they endur'd, happily not incident to
their tenderneſs.
Now for Connaght, fuch was the carriage of fome there, that two com-
pleat Regiments, confifting of full 2000 Men, were in fix months reduc'd,
through want, (though the Countrey thereabouts was ftored with all
manner of Proviſions, not having been harrafs'd by an Enemy) to 600.
Upon which, feveral Articles were preferr'd by Perfons of Honour,
againſt theſe, who were charg'd with that misfortune, and the buſineſs,
referr❜d to the Council of War; which wav'd their Cenfure; and the main
Parties concern'd therein voluntarily undergoing (afterwards) a private
Duel, (producing no ill to either Party) no more was urg'd thereupon:
Though as to the carriage of that buſineſs (in reference to the Soldiers
Clothes and Neceffaries it could not eaſily be wip'd of, nor the defert-
ing of a Government without Orders, where there was more itore of
Ammunition, Arms, and other Neceffaries, than Soldiers to uſe them.
However, in Auguft this year, 1642. the Lord Moor, Sir John Borlafe
jun. and Colonel Gibson, with 500 Men apiece, went into the Counties
of Lowth and Meath, with two Pieces of Battery, and two Field-Pieces,
with which they affaulted the Caftle of Sedan, obitinately defended thirty
hours by Captain Flemming,thrice ſtormed, who at laft fought with them
out of the Ruines. At which time the Lords of the Pale were not fo refo-
lute, the Lord Gormanston flying from the Fort of the Nabar, and the
Lord
102
The difmal Effects of
1
1642.
}
The Lord Lifle's
Expedition in-
to Westmeath,
&c.
Lord Slane, from the Caſtle of Newtown, thereby leaving Lowth and
Meath clear'd of the Enemy; who finding good heels loft 500 onely at
Sedan, whilft Captain Burrows, Pigot, and Grimes, with fome others,
defeated 800 of the Rebels near Athy, and flew about 200.
And now in reſpect that the State found great inconveniencies by the
Protections, the Commiffioners (they had formerly given authority
to, gave, the State of the Countrey being now far different from the
Condition wherein it ſtood, 27 of October, 1641. at the granting of the
faid Protections; and that the Rebels of all Degrees and Conditions, had
fince with hateful and bloody obftinacy declared their Purpoſe, to extir-
pate the Britiſh throughout the whole Kingdom, without hope of
reconcilement, other then by the ſtrength of his Majefties Forces; They
did the 19th. of August, 1642. revoke, repeal, make void, and annul
all fuch Protections, from and after ten days from the date thereof, more
at large to be ſeen in the Inftrument it ſelf in the Appendix, carrying
weighty reafons for that Act.
The 25th. of August, the Lords, in a Letter to Secretary Nicholas, fent a
Copy of the Rebels Petition, together with the Rebels of the Pales Let-
ter to the Earl of Ormond, in the anſwer to which, exceptions were taken,
that they had not ſent the Original, and with all took notice, that as his
Majefty would be ready to puniſh the Rebels, fo he would not ſhut
his mercy againſt thoſe who did unfeignedly repent; upon which the
Original was fent, and his Majefties Pardon beg'd.
up
Soon after the Lord Lifle, with the men under his Command, marched
towards the Counties of Westmeath, and Cavan, where they arriv'd
about the middle of September, having deſtroyed all where they had
paſs'd, without ftriking a ftroak; the Rebels being (according to their
uſual Cuſtom) retired to Places of ſtrength, (confiding more in their
Walls then Valour ) wherefore paffing into the County of Monaghan,
he fate down before Carrickmacrofs, a houſe of the Earl of Effex's, very
well Fortified, where the Rebels having endured the battery of two
ſmall Pieces of Cannon for one day, fled away the next night (the out-
ward Guards of the Befiegers, being remifly attended leaving their
Provifions of all forts behind them: The Lord Lifle, after this fuccefs,
better much then he could expect, with fo fmall Forces, having put a Gar-
rifon in the Place, returned to Dublin.
About one month after my Lord Lifle's return to Dublin, the State
was inform'd by the Lord Moore, that Carrickmacrofs was beſieged by
near 2000 Rebels, and that if it were not fuddainly relieved, not onely
the Place would be taken, but our men loft; whereupon it was refolv'd
to fend away preſently 1000 Foot, with fome Troops of Horſe, under
the Command of Sir Henry Tichborn and my Lord Moore, to raiſe the
Siege; And it fell into debate what ſhould be done with the Place, and
upon a due confideration of all Circumſtances, and an impoffibility on
our part, to Man and Victual the Place; from hence an Act of Council
was made for the demoliſhing of the houſe, and bringing of our men back :
Cap.Vaughan's before this was put in execution, Letters came from Captain Vaughan
from Dundalk, to acquaint the State, that with 100 Foot and 50 Horſe,
he had been to fee in what ftate Carrick was; that he found the men well,
Victualled for 14 days, and that the Siege was raiſed; that there came
upon him in his return 2000 of the Rebels, who charged him, and (as
Captain Martin faid) fhot near 5000 fhot at his men, who thereupon
Refolution.
began
the Irish Infurrection.
103
began to be fomewhat in diforder, fo as he faw they could not well retire;
Whereupon he charged them with his Horſe, routed them, killing 30 or
40 of them, and got fome Arms: Yet the refolution taken to demolith
Carick was not alter'd.
1642.
The Summer being thus fpent, the Winter apace drew on, and the
Provifions of the County failing, where the Souldiers lay in Garrifon in
the Cuftodiums, the greateſt part of them return'd to Dublin, where
they took up their Quarters, to the great grievance of the Inhabitants :
And now the differences between the King and his Parliament in England
were grown fo high, and their preparations (to encounter one another
in a fet Battle) fo confiderable, as upon that fatal day, the 2 of October;
1642. They came to an Engagement at Edge-Hill, where the encounter
was fo fiercely maintain'd on both fides, with fo much courage and refo-
lution, headed by the Earl of Lindfey for the King, and the Earl of Effex
for the Parliament, manfully difcharging the parts both of Generals and
Souldiers) as the lofs being (in a manner) equal, both reported them-
felves Conquerors, but neither were thenceforth in a condition, to ad-
minifter fufficient relief, to the diftreffed Eſtate of the poor Proteſtants
in Ireland, whereby the Army (though but lately fent over out of Eng-
land) was wholly neglected, which made many of the Commanders
take up thoughts of quitting that fervice, and repairing to the King at
Oxford, having as it was faid) fecret invitations thereunto: which
being underſtood by the Parliament, and finding that (from the Battle
of Kilrush, which was fought in April 1642. till October following) the
Army in Leimfter had not been fo active, as reaſonably might have been
expected. The Parliament to quicken the War, to inform themſelves of
the wants and defects of the Army, and of all other things, that might
enable them the better to fend thither and difpofe of there, fuch Forces,
Moneys, Ammunition, and neceffaries for that fervice (according to the
Statute which enabled the Lords and Commons in Parliament, from time
to time to direct thought it very expedient, (though by Secretary Ni-
cholas from his Majefty, exprefly commanded to the contrary) to fend *oFober, 14th.
into Ireland a Committy for that purpoſe (in the depth of Winter,
Members of the Houſe of Commons, Mr. Robert Goodwin, and Mr. Ro-
bert Reynolds, authorized from both Houses, called by his Majefty *) Octob. 1642.
their Ambafadors, to which the Citizens of London joyn'd one Captain
Tucker, who carried with them 20000 /. in ready money, befides 300
Barrels of Powder, ten Tun of Match, and other Ammunition. They
arriv'd at Dublin the 29th. of October by long Sea, and upon the 2d. of Goodwin and
November, prefented them to the State, producing the Ordinance of Reynolds ar-
Parliament, together with their inftructions to be read, The Lords
Juſtices and Council ordered their Reception with reſpect, which they im-
prov'd to the voluntary putting on of their Hats,fitting behind the Council
on a Form; nor could this their carriage be reproved, though refented,
Affairs at that time having brought on thoſe Exigencies, which their
coming could onely relieve, during whofe abode there (having Votes
onely in Military Affairs) they faw that Parties were continually fent
forth to encounter the Rebels, and when there was a failing either in
Money or Proviſions, they engaged their own particular Credits to
make up the defect: Yet in refpect of their being admitted, as they were
(confequently were thought to be ſpies on his Majeſties Minifters there)
His Majefty much diſliked their Addreſs, and in a Letter (deliver'd
*
* In Declar.22.
rive in Ireland,
to
104
The difmal Effects of
1642.
See Husb. Col-
lect. fol. 248.
to the Lords Juſtices and Council, the 10th. of February,) Order'd
their removal, which was done with much content by the Board, but
fome regreets to the Commiffioners; who refolv'd preſently to quit Ire-
land; and to fpeak truth, it foon appear'd (by the Index of fome mens
fpirits) what hazard they might have run, fhould they have been obſti-
nate therein though many fufpected (as it fell out) their return
would certainly flacken the relief of the Proteftant Army againſt the
Iriſh.
There were three main things principally intended by this Committee,
during their ſtay in Ireland.
1. They uſed their utmoſt endeavours to ſatisfie the Officers of the
Army, of the great care the Parliament took to provide their Pay, and
to fend over money, and in the mean time to furniſh the Army with all
manner of Provifions and Ammunitions, that ſhould be thought neceffa-
ry, for the carrying on the War againſt the Rebels.
2. They made a Book, wherein they defired, that all the Officers of
the Civil Lift, as well as the Army, fhould fubfcribe, and declare their free
confent, that fome part of their Pay and Arrear, due to them for their
ſervice there, ſhould be fatisfied out of the Rebels Lands, when they
were declared to be fubdued: Upon which many great fums were under-
written; (but upon information of his Majefties diflike thereof) the
Commiffioners (being fharply threatned) returned the Book, ſo that
moſt ſtruck out their Names, fruftrating thereby a Defign, which would
infinitely have obliged others to have fubfcribed: In reference to which,
the Kings Commiffioners at Uxbridge aſcertain'd, That his Majesty never
Sent any Such Letter, to divert the course of the Officers fubfcribing, but
the Souldiers were meerly difcouraged from the fame, by difcerning that
for want of Supplies, they should not be able to go on with that War.
3. They finding that moſt of the Officers of the Army had lodg'd their
Troops and Companies in their Cuftodiums, which were moſt of them
Places of ftrength, enough at leaſt to keep them from being furprized fud-
dainly by the Rebels,and that there were 7 or 8000 of the Army quarter-
ed in Dublin, who confumed all the Proviſions ſent over for their fupply,
lying idle there,and oppreffing the poor English Inhabitants,and fuch English
as had taken fanctuary there; Or elfe making but ſmall expeditions abroad,
wafting not the Enemy fo much as they did their own Provifions: It was
moved therefore, and furthered by this Committee, that a confiderable
Force ſhould be fent forth; Whereupon it was refolved, 4000 men fhould
be ſent out to take Rofs, or fome other Town thereabouts, where they
might Winter, and live in part upon what they could take from the Ene-
my; whereupon many difficulties being found in the Deſign, the Lord
Lifle,General of the Horſe,accepted of it, with Colonel Monk, and others,
who made ready to go; the Lieutenant General of the Army, the Earl of
Ormond, being then much indifpofed: But as foon as his Lordſhip reco-
vered, he came to the Council Board, and there declared, that he could
not in Honour permit fuch a confiderable part of the Army, to go out upon
Such an important Service, under any other Command then his own; and
fo undertook the leading out of the Army himſelf,and carried it to Rofs, of
which you fhall hear more in its due place. The Parliaments Committee
They leave Ire- imbarked for London by long Sea, the 27th. of February, 1642. the
difference of whofe Carriage was obfervable; fo much Integrity, Difcre-
tion, and Humility appear'd in the one, and fo much Pride, Arrogancy,
Land.
and
the Irish Infurrection.
105
and Intemperancy in the other; as the one went away highly valued, and
well eſteem'd, and the other extreamly hated and deſpiſed. As for Tucker,
he was the City's property, which every one improved to their own
humour.
1642.
nokil.
During their continuance in repute, hearing that Balanokil was Be-
fieged by Preston, the moft reputed Captain amongst the Rebels, Colonel
Monk, was fent forth with 600 Foot, and two Troops of Horfe, the 5th. Colonel Monk
of December, 1642. to relieve it, which he foon did, the Enemy railing relieves Bila-
the Siege upon his reproach; but in his return he met Preston with 3000
men, in a diſadvantagious Place; and though he faw evident danger
in fo unequal a Fight, yet he thought there would be more in a Retreat.
Wherefore having intrench'd himſelf, fo as to fear no attack but in the
Front, he refolved to receive them bravely; and taking care that his
Musketiers fhould not ſpend their fhot in vain, he faluted the Rebels, in
their approach, with fuch a fhower of Bullets, as killed the boldeft of
them, and made the reft begin to give way, which the English perceiv-
ing, came hotly upon them. But the Fight was foon ended, by the cow-
ardlinefs of the Irish, who with much more fhame than flaughter, lofing
not above 60 Men there, betook themſelves to the next ftrong Place, and
Colonel Monk, without the lofs of one Man, return'd to Dublin.
The Committee of Parliament (whilſt they remain'd at the Council )
interpos'd in many things: Amongst the reft, it being defired by the Of
ficers of the Army, that Major Wodowes might repair to his Majefty, to
expreſs their ſervice; the Committee demonftrated, that the Parliament
would certainly withdraw their Supplies, on notice of fuch an Addrefs:
Upon which the Ships were ſtayed; yet the Bufinefs was fo argued, as
the Major had licence to proceed in his Journey.
And now the Committee being diſcharg'd the Council, where the pro-
fecution of the War was to be managed, the Parliament took it ill, inaf-
much as the want of all things afterwards was exceeding great, and the
main part of the remaining Army was quarter'd within the City and Sub-
urbs of Dublin, upon the poor Inhabitants, altogether unable to bear the
Neceffities of their Families, much lefs fupport 7 or 8000 Men. In alle-
viation of which, the Lords Juftices and Council, the 31st. of December,
1642. publifht a Proclamation, That all Cuftodiums fhould fend to his
Majeſty's Granaries, or Stores of Corn, half the Wheat gather'd there,
at 10s. the Barrel, in ready Money, &c. to the Relief of that and the ad-
joyning Garrifons. Yet fmall Supplies coming in thereupon, the Lords
Juſtices and Council order'd by another Proclamation, the 15th. of Fu-
nuary, That all Corn-Maſters, and others, fhould fell their Corn at a
lower rate, than was propos'd the 28th. of December, 1641. and that Ba-
kers accordingly fhould fize their Bread.
About the 20th. of January, 1642.. Sir Richard Greenvile, with a
Party of 200 Horſe and 1000 Foot, with 600 Suits of Cloaths, and Mo-
ney, reliev'd Athlone. In his return, he was encounter'd at Raconnel by
5000 Rebels, which he routed, took their General Prefton's Son Prifo-
ner, killed many, gained 11 Colours, and furprized many Priſoners ; for
which fervice, Captain William Vaughan was by the Lords Juftices to
whom he brought the News) Knighted. The Irifh thought much of
this Victory; for that there was an old Prophefie, That who got the Bat-
tle of Raconnel, fhould conquer all Ireland. The Army return'd to Dub-
lin the roth, of February, with the remnant of Sir Michael Earnley's Re-
P
giment,
Keceflity of all
things in Dub-
withdrawing of
the Parliaments
lin, upon the
Committee.
Sie Richard
Greene re-
The Battle at
Raconne!.
heves Arblone.
1
}
I
106
The dismal Effects of
1642. giment, and others, who for their better Accommodation, would have
had fome of theſe Cloaths, which was denied, and they laid up in the
Caſtle, where (with others) they afterwards prov'd unferviceable to
his Majeſty's Forces, much in want of them in the depth of Win-
The Lords Ju-
ftices coin Plate
with his Maje-
fty's Stamp.
ter.
The Lords Juſtices being driven to great ftrait, and left without hopes
of Relief from England, and the Inhabitants of Dublin being no longer
able to fupport the Neceffity of their Families, and relieve the Souldiers,
their Infolencies being high, the State entertain❜d a Deſign of fending the
greateſt part of the Army (then quarter'd in Dublin) into fome Parts
diſtant from that City, where they might live upon the Rebels; and for
this end, coin'd their own Plate, encouraging others to the fame Advance
of the State's fervice, whereupon (at firſt) they order'd Pieces of Mo-
marked to their Weight.
ney
Many brought in freely; thofe indeed who (confidering their imploy-
ment, and what was expected from them) had leaft reafon to do it,
whilſt others iſſued only out their Warrants and Receipts, never yet dif-
charged: Yet by the help of what came in, and fome fupplies out of Eng-
land, (which had not wholly deſerted Ireland) the Army march'd out
2500 Foot and 500 Horſe, under the Command of the Marquefs of Or-
mond, whofe carriage in that Bufinefs, and his fuccefs at the Battle of
Roß, we fhall leave to the Lords Juſtices and Council's Letter, to the
Speaker of the Houfe of Commons in England, the 4th. of April, 1643.
where (befides the Account of that Battle) they prefent a true ſtate of
their Affairs, Civil and Military.
!
The Lords Ju-
ftices Letter to
SIR,
O
Ur very good Lord, the Marqueẞ of Ormond, having in his March,
the Speaker of in his last Expedition, confulted feveral times with the Commanders
the Houſe of and Officers of the Army, in a Councel of War, and fo finding that fubfiftence
could not be had abroad, for the Men and Horjes he had with him, or for any
confiderable part of them, it was refolved by them, that his Lordship with
thofe Forces ſhould return hither,which he did on the 26th. of March,
Commons in
England touch-
ing Rofs, &c.
In his return from Rofs, (which in the cafe our Forces ftood,be found diffi-
cult to be taken in, as though our Ordnance made a breach in their Walls, it
was found neceſſary to defert the Siege) he was encountred by an Army of
the Rebels, confifting of about 6000 Foot and 650 Horfe, well arm'd and
horfed yet it pleas'd God fo to disappoint their Councels and strength, as
with thofe Small Forces which the Lord Marqueß had with him, being of
fighting Men 2500. and 500 Horfe, not well armed, and for the most part
weakly horfed, (and thofe, as well Men as Horfe, much weakned, by lying
in the Fields feveral nights in much Cold and Rain, and by want of Man's
Meat and Horſe Meat the Lord Marqueß obtain'd a happy and glorious
deliverance and victory against thofe Rebels, wherein were flain about 300
of them, and many of their Commanders, and others of Quality, and divers
taken Prifoners; and amongst thofe Prifoners, Colonel Cullen, à Native
of this City, who being a Colonel in France, departed from thence, and came
hither to affift the Rebels, and was Lieutenant General of their Army, in
the Province of Leimfter; and the Rebel's Army was totally routed and de-
feated,
7
the Irish Infurrection.
107
feated, and their Baggage and Ammunition feized on by his Majesty's Forces,
who lodged that night where they had gain'd the Victory, and on our fide
about 20 flain in the Fight, and divers wounded.
We have great caufe to praise God, for magnifying his Goodness and Mercy
to his Majesty, and this his Kingdom, fo manifeftly, and indeed wonderfully,
in that Victory.
to us.
However, the joy (due from us upon ſo happy an occafion) is, wè con-
feß, mingled with very great distraction here, in the apprehenfion of our un-
happiness to be fuch, as although the Rebels are not able to overcome his Ma-
jefty's Army, and devour his other good Subjects, as they defire, yet both
bis Army and good Subjects are in danger to be devoured, by the wants of
needful Supplies forth of England: For as we formerly fignified thither,
Thofe Forces were of neceffity fent abroad, to try what might be done for fu-
Staining them in the Countrey, So as to keep them alive till Supplies fhould get
But that Defign now failing, thoſe our hopes are converted into afto-
niſhment, to behold the unspeakable Miſeries of the Officers and Souldiers
for want of all things, and all thofe wants made the more infupportable in
the want of Food, whilst the City (being all the help we have is now too
apparently found to be unable to help us, as it hath hitherto done. And di-
vers Commanders and Officers in the Army, do now fo far express the fenfe
of their Sufferings, (which indeed are very great and grievous) as they de-
clare, That they have little hope to be ſupplied by the Parliament, and preſs
with great importunity to be permitted to depart this Kingdom, as it will be
extream difficult to keep them here.
By our Letters of the 23 d. of March, we fignified thither the unsupporta-
ble burthen laid on this City, for victualling thofe of the Army left here,when
the Marquess of Ormond, with the Forces he took with him, marched hence;
which burthen is found every day more heavy than other, in regard of the
many Houſe-keepers thereby daily breaking up Houfe, and Scattering their
Families, leaving still fewer to bear the burthen. We also by thofe Lẹt-
ters, and by our Letters of the 25th. of February, advertised thither the
high danger this Kingdom would incur, if the Army fo fent abroad, should
by any distress, or through want, be forced back hither again, before our
Relief of Victuals bould arrive forth of England.
When we found that thofe Men were returning back hither, although we
· were (and are still) full of distraction, confidering the difmal confequences
threatned thereby in respect of our Wants: Tet we confulted what we could
yet imagine feasible, that we had not formerly done, to gain fome Food for
thofe Men; and found, that to fend them or others abroad into the Coun
trey we cannot, in regard we are not able to advance Money, for procuring
the many Requifits incident to fuch an Expedition. In the end therefore,
we were inforced to fix on our former way, and to fee who had yet any thing
left him untaken from him, to help us; and although there were but few fuch,
and ſome of them poor Merchants, whom we have now by the Law of Necef
fity utterly undone, and difabled from being hereafter helpful to us, in bring
ing us in Victuals,and other needful Commodities, yet were we forc'd to wreft
their Commodities from them. And certainly there are few here of our felves
and others, that have not felt their Parts in the inforced rigour of our Pro-
ceedings, towards preferving the Army; ſo as what with such hard dealing,
not less grievous to us to do, than it is heavy to others to fuffer, and by our
defcending against our hearts) far below the Honour and Dignity of that
Power we represent here, under his Royal Majesty, we have with unspeakable
P 2
difficulty
1642.
1
108
The difmal Effects of
}
1642. difficulty prevail'd, fo as to be able to find Bread for the Souldiers for the
~ Space of one Month.
The Marquess
of Ormond's
Expedition a-
gainſt Roſs.
We are now expelling hence all Strangers, and muſt inſtantly ſend away for
England, thouſands of poor difpoil'd English, whofe very eating is now un-
Supportable to this Place.
"And now again, and finally, We earnesty defire, (for our Confufiors will
not now admit the writing of many more Letters, if any) That his Majefty,
and the Engliſh Nation, may not fuffer fo great, if not irrecoverable, pre-
judice and dishonour, as must unavoidably be the confequence of our not being
reliev'd fuddenly; but that yet (although it be even now at the point to be
too late) Supplies of Victuals and Munition in preſent to be haftned hither,
to keep life until the reft may follow, there being no Victual in the Store,
nor will there be a 100 Barrels of Powder left in ftore, when the out-Garri-
Sons (as they must be instantly) are ſupplied, and that remainder, accor-
ding to the usual necessary expence, befides extraordinary accidents, will
not last above a month. And the refidue of our Provifions must also come
Speedily after, or otherwife England cannot hope to fecure Ireland, or fecure
themselves against Ireland, but in the lofs of it, muft look for fuch Enemies
from hence, as will perpetually disturb the Peace of his Majesty, and his
Kingdom of England, and annoy them by Sea and Land, as we often for-
merly reprefented thither; which Miſchiefs may yet be prevented, if we be
yet forthwith enabled from thence with means to overcome this Rebel-
lion.
We hope that a courſe is taken there, for hastning thither the Provifions
of Arms and Munition, mention'd in the Docquet, fent in our Letter of the
20th. of January, and the 600 Horfes, which we then moved might be fent
hither for recruits, and that the 7893 1. 3 s. for Arms to be provided in
Holland, (befides thofe we expect in London) hath been paid to Anthony
Tierens in London, or to Daniel Wibrants in Amfterdam; and if that
Sum had been paid, as we at firſt deſired, we might well have had thofe Pro-
viſions arriv'd here by the 10th. of March, as we agreed. However, we
now defire, that that Money, if it be not already paid, may be yet paid to
Mr. Anthony Tierens in London, or Mr. Wibrants in Amfterdam, that
So thoſe Provifions may arrive here ſpeedily, which (confidering that Sum-
mer is now near at hand) will be very neceſſary, that when our Supplies of
Victuals, Munition, Cloaths, Money, and other Provifions, ſhall arrive, we
may not, in the publick Service, bere lofe the benefit and advantage of that
Seafon. And fo we remain.
From his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 4th. of April, 1643.
This Letter, as you fee, was writ fome weeks after the Battle of Roſs ;
however, in brief, it gives you a faithful Account: Yet that a more par-
ticular one may alſo be committed to Pofterity, accept of the following,
from the Pen of a chief Officer in that Expedition.
March the 2d. 1642. the English Army march'd forth from Dublin to-
ward Kilkenny, confifting of about 2500 Foot and 500 Horſe, together
with two Pieces of Battery, and four ſmall braſs Pieces, the Marquefs of
Ormond being Lieutenant General of the Army, and my Lord Life Gene-
ral of the Horſe.
The
!
+
the Irish Infurrection.
The 3d. the Army being come nigh Castlemartin, the Rebels then pof-
feffing it, gave it up to the Lieutenant General, upon his promife of fair
Quarter, which they accordingly had, to march away thence with the
fafety of their Lives, they being in number above 400 Men and Women;
and the fame day 3 Divifions of Foot were fent to Kildare, and a Caſtle
called Tully, which the Rebels then quitted, and left unto us.
The 4th. the Army came to Tymolin, where finding two Caftles pof-
feft by fome Rebels, our Cannon compell'd them to fubmit to mercy,very
few of them eſcaping with their Lives, there being about 100 of them
flain; and alfo of the English Army was flain Lieutenant Oliver, and
about 1 2. Souldiers.
The 11th. my Lord Lifle march'd from the Army at Temple-foul before
day towards Rofs, having with him Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir Thomas
Lucas, and about 409 Horfe, and alfo Sir Faulk Huncks, with about
600 Foot. Being come within two miles of Rofs, our Horfe took 4
Horſemen of the Rebels, Prifoners, who inform'd us, that the Army of
the Rebels lay then about 3 miles diftant thence, being near 4000 Men.
Shortly after my Lord Lifle came before the Town of Rofs, and by a
Trumpeter he fent to the Town, to have fome one of Quality therein to
come to treat with him, concerning the furrender of the fame to the
King's ufe, which they refufed to do. Then Sir Thomas Lucas, fearing
the ſafety of the Army, (by reafon he understood that the Rebel's Army
lay the laſt night within 2 miles of the English Army) importuned my
Lord Lifle to march back with all his Horfe, to fecure the Army, leaving
Sir Foulk Hunks with his Divifion of Foot, to guard a Pafs in that way.
And then after a few miles riding further, the English Army appear'd at
hand, which march'd on towards Rofs, nigh before which that night a
great part of our Horfe and Foot lodged. And the next morning our
Cannon were drawn and planted againft the Town, and continued bat-
tering with two Pieces, on a part of the Town-Walls, about two days
together, which made a fair breach therein, which Sir Foulk Huncks un-
dertook to aſſault with his Men, and attempted it, but were beaten back
with fome loſs, which fo much dif-heartned the Souldiers, that they
would not be drawn on again; and finding that the beſieged had both
daily and nightly very many Men, and much Ammunition, and other
Recruits, conveyed by Boats into the Town, and underſtanding that the
Rebel's Army was grown very ftrong within few miles of ours, and our
Lieutenant General finding Bread to be grown fcarce in our Army, re-
folv'd to leave Rofs as it was, and gain Honour by a Battle with the
Irish.
109
1642.
The 18th. our Army being march'd away, about 2 miles diftant from
Refs, the Irish Army appear'd fairly in view, who haftned their Forces in-
to Battalia, on a Ground of fome advantage, nigh the way our Army was
to pass, Whereupon our Commanders endeavour'd with all diligence to
draw their Forces into Battalia,to confront the Rebels within the diftance
of Cannon-ſhot, our Cannon being plac'd at the Front of our Infantry,
which was winged by our Horfe-Troops, and advanc'd forwards before
our Army, within Musket-ſhot of the Enemy's fore-Troops; Sir Richard Ross Battle.
Greenvile (having that day the Vauntguard of the Horfe) had his Diviſion
for the right Wing of the Army; likewife my Lord Lifle's Divifion (ha-
ving the Battle) had the left Wing of the Army; Sir Thomas Lucas's Di-
vifion (having the Rearguard of the Horfe) had the one half of his Divi-
fion,
110
The difmal Effects of
し
​1642. fion, appointed to ſtand for Referves for both the Wings of Horfe. Both
Armies being order'd againſt one another, Sir Richard Greenvile fent
forth towards the Rebels a forelorn Hope of 60 Horfe, commanded by
Lieutenant White, which advancing towards 2 Troops of the Rebels,
they ſeem'd to fhrink from. Then (our Cannon beginning to play)
Captain Atkins, commanding a forelorn Hope of about 100 Musketiers,
march'd forwards directly before our Foot-Army towards the Rebels,who
had mann'd a Ditch in a High-way, lying right before their Army, with
a great number of Musketiers; during which time, certain other Divifi-
ons of the English Foot followed orderly their forelorn Hope, Captain
Atkins with his ſhot excellently performing his part, by exchanging fhot
with the Rebels that lay in ambuſh. Sir Richard Greenvile, with his Di-
viſion on the right Wing, advanced to begin the Battle; in the interim
whereof, Sir Thomas Lucas (being Major General of the Hoife) came
and took upon him the chief Command thereof; and fo leading thoſe
Troops on towards the Enemy, being come paft a deep High-way, that
lay between both Armies, preſently at hand) advanc'd towards thoſe
Horſe, a Diviſion of Horfe and Foot of the Rebels. Sir Richard Green-
vile being then in the head of his own Troop, (which had the right
hand of that Divifion) commanded his Men to keep together,and charge
home without wheeling; which was no fooner ſpoken, but immediately
Sir Thomas Lucas call'd aloud to our Troop, to wheel to the left hand,
which they preſently performing, were gotten into a Lane in fome dif-
order, and before they could get out of the fame, and come into any good
order again, a Troop of above 100 of the Rebel's Horfe, all Gentlemen
of Quality, and Commanders, led by Cullen, their Lieutenant General,
charg❜d our Horſe on the left Flank. Whereupon Sir Richard Greenvilé
encouraged feveral of his Troops, by his example, to charge the Enemy,
where meeting with Colonel Cullen in the head of his Troops, divers
blows pafs'd betwixt them; mean while my Lord Lifle with his Troops,
gallantly charg'd Cullen's Troop, on his Flank and Rear, whereby they
were fo routed, that the Troops were all intermixed one with another,
and the execution of both Parties continued violent, until about 20 of
the Rebel's Horſe eſcaped away together, leaving the rest of their Com-
pany to be killed and taken Priſoners, (as they were;) during which
time, the Foot and Cannon performing well their parts, drove the Enemy
to ſhift away to ſave themfelves, which Captain Hermon ſeeing, purſued
their Rear with fome Horſe, with which he did notable good execution;
and, to ſay the truth, it is probable that moſt of the Rebels had that day
been cut off, had not the un-paffable deep High-way betwixt both Ar-
mies, hindred our left Wing of Horfe from giving on upon their fide,and
alſo the diſorder that hapned to the right Wing of the Horfe, by their un-
happy wheeling to the left hand. But fo foon as the Officers of thoſe
Troops could reduce their Men again into order, my Lord Lifle and Sir
Richard Greenvile preſently purſued the Enemy with 2 Troops, and fent
Sir William Vaughan with 2 Troops more to purfue others, flying away
to the right hand. And having followed the chafe of them about 2 or 3
miles diſtant from the Army, (the Rebels having made their eſcape over
Bogs, and un-paffable Grounds for Horſe) our Horſe were fain to leave
them, and return to the reſt of the Army, where the Cannon ſtood. In
which ſervice were 300 of the Rebels flain, amongſt which were a great
number of their beſt Gentry and Commanders: There were of the Rebels
taken
A
the Irish Infurrection.
III
taken Priſoners, Colonel Cullen their Lieutenant General, Major Butler, 1643.
befides divers other Captains, and fome of their Enfigns; of the English
Forces were flain not full 20 Men: in which fervice, Sir Thomas Lucas
unhappily received a very fore wound in his head. That night, the Eng-
liſh Army lodged at Ballybeggan. After which time, the Army march'd
without moleſtation of any Enemy, until they return'd to Dublin, whe-
ther the Rear of the Army came fafe on Munday the 27th. of the fame
month, 1643.
turn and quar-
burthen of that
City.
Where they were again Quarter'd, even to the undoing and great de- The Army
folation of that poor City, which had now fuffered fo much, and fo from Rofs re-
long, under the burden and infolencies of unpaid, wanting Soldiers, as ter in Dublin,
they were unable to bear it longer, and with loud cries and complaints to the further
made known their Grievances to the Lords Juftices and Council, wholely
unable to relieve them. And indeed, fuch was the poſture of the prefent
affairs at that time, as every thing tended to bring on a Ceffation; yet for
the preſent, the Lieutenant General that the Soldiers might be quieted)
publiſh'd a ſtrict Edict, Prohibiting all Soldiers to offer the least violence
to any who brought Provifion to the Market, or any Inhabitants of the Town,
under the feverest Fenalties of the Marshals Court; which, for a time, be-
gat an obedience. But the Army being ill Cloath'd, meanly Victuall'd,
worſe Paid, and feldom employ'd in fervice, neceffity enforc'd them to
thoſe outrages Humanity could not take notice of, many of them being
the effects of a very pinching want; though the Lords Juftices and Coun-
cil (to the great diflike of the Army) purfued fome of the Offenders with
exemplary Juſtice: A fenfe of which, with the Meagre return which
Serjeant Major Warren brought out of England, on his follicitation for
the Soldiers Pay, and the diffatisfaction that thence arofe; fome of the
Officers, not all, (there was a Party that prefum'd they might have gone
through with the work, had there not been another in the Loom) after-
wards preſented the State, the 4th. of April, 1643. with a Paper, in fuch a
ftile, threatning fo much danger, as the Lords Juſtices and Council re-
mitted the Copy of it to the Parliament of England, which here follows.
My Lords,
A
PK
MVSEVM
BRITANNICVM
Tour first entrance into this unhappy Kingdom, we had no other defign, The Armies
than by
our Swords to affert and vindicate the Right of his Majesty, Remonstrance.
which was here most highly abused, to redreẞ the wrongs of his poor Sub-
jects, and to advance our own Particulars in the profecution of fo honeſt un-
dertakings. And for the rest of thefe, we do believe they have, fince our com-
ing over, fucceeded pretty well; but for the laft, which concerns our felves,
that hath fall'n out fo contrary to our expectations, that instead of being re-
warded, we have been prejudic'd; instead of getting a Fortune, we have
Spent part of one: And though we behave our felves never ſo well abroad,
and perform the actions of honest men, yet we have the Reward of Rogues
and Rebels, which is Mifery and Want, when we come home. Now my
Lords) although we be brought to fo great an Exigence, that we are ready
to rob and spoil one another; yet to prevent fuch outrages, we thought it
better to try all honest means for our fubfiftence, before we take fuck indirect
courſes.
I12
The difmal Effects of
1
1643. courſes. Therefore if your Lordships will be pleaſed to take us timely into
your confiderations, before our urgent wants make us defperate, we will, as
we have done hitherto, ferve your Lordships readily and faithfully. But if
your Lordships will not find a way for our prefervations here, we humbly.de-
fire, we may have leave to go where we may have a better being: And if
your Lordships fhall refuse to grant that, we must then take leave to have
our recourse to that first and primary Law, which God hath endued all men
with, we mean, the Law of Nature, which teacheth all men to preferve
themselves.
The Confede-
fent to his Ma-
jelty.
Hence (with what countenance fome gave it) it was thought, the
Rebels (as to the bringing in of the Ceffation, and their further Aims
prevail'd more, than in all their Battels, Treacheries, and Surprizals.
About Eafter, the Rebels, under Preston, befieg'd Baranokil; at
which time (even the 11th. of April) Colonel Crafford march'd forth
of Dublin with 13000 Foot, and 130 Horfe, a Culvering and a Saker
Drake, towards Monaftar-Even, that with his Party he might there live;
and if he ſhould be adviſed by the Garriſons thereab outs) he had Orders
to ſet upon Preſton, who had with him 4000 Foot, 500 Horfe, three
Pieces of Battery, and four Field-Pieces.
But here we muſt acquaint you, that about November, 1642. the Lords
rates Petition Juſtices fent his Majefty, then at Oxford, a fhort Petition, in the name of
the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, which they had received from them,
defiring, that his Majesty would appoint fome perfons to hear what they
could fay for themſelves, with many expreffions of Duty and Submiſſion.
Shortly after which, Sir James Mountgomery, Sir Hardrefs Waller,
Knights and Colonels, Colonel Arthur Hill, and Colonel Audley Mer-
vin, a Committee for Ireland, in behalf of themſelves and other Com-
manders in his Majeſties Army,there attended his Majeſty at Oxford, ſet-
ting forth by their Petition as follows.
The Proteftant
Committe's
Petition to his
Majefty.
May it pleaſe your Sacred Majefty.
WE
E your Majesties moſt humble Subjects, being entruſted from confide-
rable parts of your Majefties Forces in the Kingdom of Ireland, to
petition your Majesty, and your Parliament for Supplies; and finding that
your Majesty had committed the care and managing of that War to your Par-
liament here, we addrefs'd our felves unto the fame,whofe fenfe of our miſe-
ries, and inclination to redress, appear'd very tender unto us. But the pre-
fent distempers of this your Majesties Kingdom of England (to our un-
Speakable grief) are grown fo great, that all future paffages, by which com-
fort and life fhould be conveyed to that gafping Kingdom, Seem totally to be
obstructed; fo that unless your Gracious Majesty, out of your fingular Wif
dom, and Fatherly Care, apply fome Speedy Remedy, We your distreẞed and
loyal Subjects of that Kingdom must inevitably perish. Our condition repre-
fents unto your Majesty the estate of all your Majesties faithful Proteſtant
Subjects in Ireland; the influence of Princely favour and goodness fo active-
ly diſtill'd upon your Kingdom of Ireland, before the birth of this monstrous
a Sa
the Irish Infurrection.
113
Rebellion there, and fince the fame, ſo abundantly exprefs'd in Characters
of a deep fenfe, and lively prefentment of the bleeding condition thereof,
gives us hope, in this our deplorable extremity, to address our ſelves unto
your Sacred Throne, humbly befeeching, that it may please your Gracious
Majesty, amongst your other weighty cares, fo to reflect upon the bleeding con
dition of that perifhing Kingdom, that timely relief may be offered; other-
wife your Loyal Subjects there muſt yield their Fortunes a Prey, their Lives
a Sacrifice, and their Religion a Scorn to the merciless Rebels, powerfully
affifted from Abroad. Whilst we live, we reft in your Majesties Prote-
tion; if our deaths are defign'd in that Caufe, we will die in your obedi
ence; living and dying, ever praying for your Majefties long and profperous
Reign over us.
Montgomery, Hard. Waller, Arth. Hill, Aud. Mervin.
Unto which his Majeſty, by his Principal Secretary, the Lord Faulk-
land, return'd this Anfwer, from the Court at Oxford, the ft. of De-
cember, 1642.
His Majeſty hath exprefly commanded me
to give this Anſwer to this Petition.
T
no
1643.
Anfwer.
~
Hat his Majefty bath, fince the beginning of that monstrous Rebel- His Majefties
lion, had no greater forrow, than for the bleeding condition of that
his Kingdom; and as he hath by all means labour'd, that timely relief might
be afforded to the fame, and confented to all Propofitions (how difadvan-
tagious foever to himself) that have been offer'd him for that purpose; and
at first recommended their condition to both his Houses of Parliament, and
immediately of his own meer motion fent over feveral Commiffions, and
cauſed fome proportion of Arms and Ammunition (which the Petitioners
well know to have been a great fupport to the Northern parts of that King-
dom) to be conveyed to them out of Scotland, and offered to find 10000
Volunteers to undertake that War; but hath often fince preft by many fe-
veral Meffages that fufficient Succours might be haftned thither, and other
matters of Smaller importance laid by, which did divert it; and offered, and
most really intended, in his own Royal Perfon, to have undergone the dan-
ger of that War, for the defence of his good Subjects, and the chaſtiſement
of those perfidious and barbarous Rebels; and in his feveral Expreffions of
his defires of Treaty and Peace, hath declared the miferable prefent condi-
tion, and certain future lofs of Ireland to be one of his principal Motives,
most earnestly to deftre, that the preſent Distractions of this Kingdom might
be compos'd, and that others would concur with him to the fame end: So
his Majesty is well pleas'd, that his Offers, Concurrence, Actions, and Ex-
preſſions, are fo rightly understood by the Petitioners, and those who have
employ'd them, notwithstanding the groundless and horrid Afperfions which
have been cast upon him) but wishes, that instead of a meer general Com-
plaint (to which his Majesty can make no return but of Companion they
could have digested and offered to him any fuch defires, by confenting to
е
which
114
The difmal Effects of
1643. which, he might convey (at least in fome degree) comfort and life to that
gafping Kingdom, preferve his diftreffed and Loyal Subjects of the fame
from inevitably perishing, and the true Proteftant Religion from being
Scorn'd and trampled on by those merciless and Idolatrous Rebels. And if
the Petitioners can yet think on any fuch, and propofe them to his Majesty,
he affures them, that by his readiness to confent, and his thanks to them for
the propofal, he will make it appear to them, that their moſt preſſing per-
Sonal Jufferings, cannot make them more defirous of relief, than his care
of
the true Religion, and of his faithful Subjects, and of that Duty which obliges
him to his Power to protect both, renders him defirous to afford it to them.
The Irish Re-
monftrance.
The Parl. De-
claration con-
cerning the
Rife of the Re-
bels. Husb.
Collect. fol.248.
Faulkland.
Upon the Petition of the Confederates of Ireland, his Majeſty granted
a Commiffion to the Marquis of Ormond, to meet, and hear what the
Rebels could fay or propound for themſelves; by vertue of which, the
Earl of St. Albans and Clanrickard, the Earl of Rofcommon, Sir Maurice
Euftace, and other his Majefties Commiffioners met at Trim, to whom
the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland Commiffioners (the Lord Viſcount
Gormanston, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, and
John Walsh Efq; produced a Remonftrance the 17th. of March, 1642.
to be preſented to his moft Excellent Majefty, by the name of, The Remon-
Strance of Grievances, prefented to his Majefty in the name of the Catho-
licks of Ireland. Yet though (as you fee) this Remonftrance was folemn-
ly received by his Majefties Commiffioners, and by them tranfmitted to
his Majefty; as before had been the prefumptions, Propofitions from
Cavan, the Letter of the Farrals to the Lord Coftilough, Dr. Cale's
Agency from the Rebels, the United Lords Letter to the Earl of Caftle-
haven, and the Lord Mountgarret's to the Lieutenant General, and all
other Addreſſes to the State; as afterwards the Propofitions of the Ro-
man Catholicks of Ireland, even to his Majefty (by their Agents) to him-
felf at Oxford: Yet the bleeding Iphigenia abounds in fo much Impu-
dence, as to affirm, that to this day, (the 23d. of December, 1674.) they
were not heard to ſpeak for themſelves. Shameleſs Soul! The Commiffion
from his Majesty, that the Rebels might be heard, was brought over, and
confidently delivered at the Council-board, the 22. of January, by Thomas
Bourk Efq; a Contriver of the Rebellion) to the amazement of All not
acquainted with the Plot. In the Remonftrance there are pieced toge-
ther (faith that excellent and judicious Perfon*, who knew as well their
Irel.the Pref. Sophiftry, as the States Intereft) So many vain inconfiderable fancies, many
Subsequent paffages acted in the profecution of the War, and fuch bold, falje,
notorious Affertions, without any the least ground or colour of truth, as
without all doubt they abfolutely refolv'd, first, to raise this Rebellion, and
then to fet their Lawyers and Clergy on work to frame fuch Reasons and
Motives, as might with fome colour of juftification ferve for Arguments to
defend it. It is indeed, to Speak plainly, a most infamous Pamphlet, full
fraught with fcandalous afperfions caft upon the prefent Government,
his Majefties Principal Officers of State within this Kingdom: it was cer-
tainly framed with most virulent intentions, not to prefent their condition
and prefent fufferings to his Majesty, but that it might be difpers'd to gain
belief among ft Foreign States abroad, as well as difcontented Perfons at
Sir 7. T. Hift.
and
home,
*
the Irish Infurrection.
118
1643.
home, and fo draw affistance and aid to foment and strengthen their Rebellious
Party in Ireland. Of which, if any defire to be more fully fatisfi'd, each
Particular is clearly anſwer'd (by a Perſon then at the Helm, very faith-
fully, though not with that vigour the truth requir'd) in a Book, entituled,
The falſe and ſcandalous Remonstrance of the Inhumane and Bloody Rebels of
Ireland*. And upon the 8th. and 9th. of April following, it came to be * Printed by
confidered in the Commons Houſe of Parliament in Ireland, feemingly Edw. Husb.
difliked by all, though with that artifice by fome, as the Remonftrants
themſelves could not have infinuated more in its defence; in as much as
theſe (not finding they gain'd on the Anti-Remonftrants) at laſt brought
into difcourfe the Solemn League and Covenant, the more colourably to
take off the difpute concerning the Remonftrance; whereby the bufineſs
growing hot, the Houſe was Prorogu'd till the 6th. of May.
All things being now in that condition, as the neceffities of the Army
daily increas'd, a Ceffation grew generally to be ſpoke of; his Majefty
having imparted his Commands therein to the Lords Juftices by the fol-
lowing Letter.
1644.
C. R.
R
His Majefties
234 of
firit Letter of
April, touch-
ing the Cefla-
Ight Trufty and Well-beloved Counsellors, We greet you
well. Whereas confidering the prefent Condition of the
Our Affairs, as well in this as that Our Kingdom, through the
famous Plots and Practifes of Perfons, difaffected to Our Per- tion.
fon and Government, We have given Command and Authority
to Our Right Trufty, Entirely, and Well-beloved Coufin and
Counsellor, the Marquis of Ormond, Lieutenant General of
Our Army and Forces in Ireland, to Treat with Our Subjects,
who in that Kingdom have taken up Arms againſt us
and to
agree with them upon a Ceffation of Arms for one Year; which,
as it is a Service of very great Concernment to Us and Our pre-
fent Affairs, both here and there; fo We Will and Command,
that you therein give your moſt effectual affiftance and furthe-
rance to advance the fame, by your Industry and Endeavours, as
there fhall be occafion.
1
ذ
Given at Our Court at Oxford,
the 23. of April, 1643.
Munfter.
About the ft. of May, 1643. the Lord Inchequin (fince the death of An Abbreviate
his Father-in-law, Sir William St. Leger, as yet Commander in Chief in of the War in
the Province of Munfter) march'd forth with his Army, divided into two
Parties; one Commanded by himſelf, into the Weft of the County of
Cork, doing excellent fervice there, without refiftance: and the other
Q2
under
<
J
116
The difmal Effects of
1643. under the Conduct of Sir Charles Vavafor, with felect Numbers; refpe-
ctively gathered from the Garriſons of Toughall, Talloe, Caftle Lions, Lif-
more, Mogily, and Cappaquin; the whole number confifting of about
1200 Musketeers, and 200 Horſe, befides Volunteers and Pillagers. In
which Expedition, Major Appleyard, May the 2d. near the Caſtle of Cof-
grave, was affign'd to fall on Ballykeroge, (Sir Nicholas Walſh's Town
and Lands) that he might burn and ſpoil them: And Sir Charles Vava-
for undertook the Paffage to the Comroe; upon the left hand whereof
there ſtands an exceeding high Mountain, and under the brow a large
Wood, through which the Army was neceffitated to pafs, an unpaffable
Bog being on the right hand. The Enemy (never wanting intelligence)
againſt Sir Charles came, had caft up a Trench breaſt high, with ſpike
holes along the fide of the Wood, from the Mountain to the Bog, with
a ſtrong Barricado, and two Courts of Guards for Musketeers to lodge in,
more artificially done than they were accustomed to: But by the help of
a Fog (our Guide proving faithful) the Rebels were not aware of us till
our Horſe were upon them, at which they fhot, and we retreated lei-
furely (our Foot not being come up) through Providence, without harm;
and Sir Charles commanded fome Dragooners, of Captain Pynes Compa-
ny, to alight, which they did, foon entring the Enemies Trenches, and,
before the Foot came, gain'd the Pafs; and the Horſe and Foot march'd
within Musket-ſhot of Dermod O Brian's (Lord of the Countrey) Caftle,
where they made a ſtand, till the Soldiers had fir'd the Countrey, and
took away their Cattle, the Enemy not daring to reſcue them, firing ( as
they march'd away) by Comroe-Caſtle, a good Houfe of Peter Anthony's,
an Engliſh Papiſt, with many other Thatch'd Houſes thereunto belong-
ing. The fame day the whole Army Rendezvouſing on a Hill near Kil-
mac-Thomas, refolv'd that night to have advanc'd to Stradbally; buť
marching by Mac-Thomas's Caftle, they within gave fire upon us; 60 of
our Soldiers, being not able to endure fuch an affront, ran out of the
Main Body to the Caftle, without either Captain, Lieutenant, Enfign,
or other Officer; and recovering a Ditch upon the South-fide of the Ca-
ftle, (the Wind blowing Southerly) they fet the Thatch'd Houſes on fire,
and affaulted the Caſtle by the help of the ſmoak, (blinding the War-
ders) upon which the Befieged cri'd, A Drum, a drum; at which, many
who had flown thither for fafety inconfiderately, ran out, and were by
our Soldiers knock'd on the head; whilft the Warders (delivering
the Caſtle on fome Terms) had Quarter, as the other might have had
too, had they ſtaid in the Caſtle; from amongſt which, fix or ſeven that
were thought dead rofe up, which (the Soldiers would have killed) but
in pity, Sir Charles Vavafor fuffer'd to go with the Warders to Bally-
keroge. After which fervice, Enfign Boughton and 40 Musketeers took
in a Houſe, built by James Wallis Efq; ftrongly fortifi'd by John Fitz-
Gerald, Son and Heir to Mac-Thomas; the Warders and the reſt being on
Terms alfo convey'd to Ballykeroge: And fo facing Clonea (belonging to
Tibbot Fitz-Gerrard) and Cofgrave Caftles, and paffing by Dungarvan,
fome of the Rebels iffued out of Town; but the English Forces draw-
ing into a Body to oppoſe them, they retired without the leaſt Encoun-
ter, our Forces marching to their own Garriſons.
About the 27th. of May, the Lord Inchequin compleats an Army of
4000 Foot, and 400 Horſe, which Rendevouz'd at Buttevant; out of
which he fent 200 Horſe, under the Command of Captain Bridges,
a
re-
the Irish Infurrection.
117
reſolute active man) and 1200 Foot, under the Conduct of Lieutenant
Colonel Story, (no ways backward of the Employment) into the County
of Kerry; a dangerous Journey, confidering the length of the way, and
fcarcity of Provifion they had with them, the Enemy having wafted and
fired Trally, (a Place as well accommodated with good Land for Corn
and Cattle, as any other Place in Munster) left the Lord Inchequin fhould
quarter there. Whereupon the Lord Inchequin (confidering the danger
of the Journey) to divert the Enemy, laid a pretended Siege to the
Town of Kilmallock, (a Place of great confequence, and a Key to Lime-
rick) whereby, the Rebels eyes being fixed on Kilmallock's relief, the Ex-
pedition was much facilitated; Bridges and Story bringing away a great
Prey of Cattle, fome Priſoners, and fetch'd off many English from the Ca-
ſtle of Ballybeggan without any refiftance, fave a looſe Skirmiſh, wherein
the Enemy loft four men, and were routed.
The Lord Inchequin, the 28th. of May, having fent Colonel Myn to
Patrick Purcel of Croe, Governour of Kilmallock, to acquaint him, he
came forth onely to meet an Enemy in the Field, not to Befiege the
Town. He releaſed the Lady Humes and her Son, Priſoners at Kilmallock,
for one Burget, a Prifoner at Cork, whether the Lord Inchequin march'd,
whilft Sir Charles Vavafor, after a well regulated Diſpute (ftoutly de-
fended by the Rebels) took in Cloghleigh, commanded by one Condon,
wherein was 20 Men, 11 Women, and about 7 Children, fome of which
the Soldiers ftript, in readineſs to kill them; but Major Howel drawing
out his Sword, defended them; and whilſt he went to Colonel Vavafor,
(then at Ballybindon, Mr. Roche's Houfe, where he was invited that day
to Dine) committed them to Captain Wind, who leaving them to a
Guard of Horſe, they ftripped them again, and afterwards fell upon them
with Carbines, Piſtols, and Swords: a cruelty fo reſented by Sir Charles
Vavafor, that he vowed to hang him that commanded the Guard; and
had certainly done it, had not the next days action prevented it, which
was the moſt confiderable loſs the English ever received from the Re-
bels, a miſchief they might have avoided had they been leſs confident, and
given greater credence to their Intelligence.
The 4th. of June, being Sunday, early in the morning, before break of
day quarter, Mr. Hill, with a Squadron of Horfe, was fent to Scout
about Cloghline and Caftlegrace, in the County of Tipperary; and before
day-light he was encompaffed by the Enemies Horfe; fo that he, with
his Company, with great difficulty eſcap'd, and bringing word to the
Leaguer at Cloghleigh, the Alarm was up, and prefently our Foot drew
themſelves into two Divifions in a Field next the Mountain, where
the Enemy came down, when preſently two or three Bodies of the Ene-
mies Horſe appear'd on the fide of a Hill, (a mile and a half from us.)
In the mean time Sir Charles Vavafor (lying the night before at Caſtle
Logons) was fent for, and he (without delay) came away as faft as his
Horfe could carry him: but before he came, a Party of Musketeers, to
the number of 200, under the Command of Captain Philip Hutton, and
a Troop of Horſe commanded by Captain Freek, drew up nearer to
the Enemy by half a mile, and there ftood for the ſpace of two hours;
ſome of the Horſe in the interim advanc'd further, founding their Trum-
pets on both fides. At length, Christopher Brian (the Lord Inchequin's
Brother) defir'd to Parle with Quartermaster Page, and after fome Com-
plements and Difcourfes paft, they parted; as did afterwards Captain
Richard
1643.
115
The difmal Effects of
1
1
1643.
The English
Army routed.
The Irish
worfted before
Cappaquin.
Richard Fitz-Morris (the Lord of Kirries Brother) with the faid Chri
Stopher Bryan. Preſently after notice was given, that the Enemy was ad
vancing; but we could difcover no Foot all this while, (their manage-
ment of this buſineſs being very cloſe.) Whereupon Sir Charles Vavafor
demurr'd upon it, and took order for what was needful, and called back
the faid Hutton and the Horfe from the Mountain. In the interim, Cap-
tain George Butler (a Native of this Kingdom, a man of undanted ſpirit,
and well experienc'd in Martial Difcipline) came to Sir Charles from the
Lord Inchequin with a Letter, importing, That the faid Butler's Compa-
ny and Sir John Brown's were marching from Moyalloe towards him, and
now within a mile and half to him, were at his difpofal. Upon that,
Sir Charles and the reſt of the Officers confulted what was beft to be
done, and concluded, fuch a Body of Horfe could not be without a con-
fiderable Body of Foot, and therefore fully refolv'd to make good a Re-
treat, giving order, that all the Carriages with the Artillery (that were
now at a ftop on the Manning Water) fhould haft away, till they reco-
vered the Black Water at the Ford of Farmoy, to help to make good that
Paſs, in caſe he ſhould be hard put to it. After this, Sir Charles ſtaid
while, fo long as he might well conceive the faid two Companies, Car-
riage and Ordnance to be at the Ford, and then preſently marched on to
Caſtle Lyons, the Front led by Lieutenant King, the Body by Major
Howel, and the Rear by Sir Charles himself, a Forlorn-hope of about
160 Musketeers in the Rear was commanded by Captain Pierce Lacy,
Captain Hutton, and Lieutenant Stardbury, and all our Horfe in the
Rear likewife; who no fooner came over the Manning Water, and re-
covered the top of the Hill, but the Enemies Horfe were at our heels:
From this Hill to the Ford there is a dangerous Paſſage of a Narrow
Lane, which the Enemy knew full well, and fo did our Mentoo: And
the Enemy perceiving that moft of our Men were marching within this
Lane, (excepting the Forlorn-hope and the Horfe) charged us in the
Rear, coming on as the Moorish and Getulian Horſe, mention'd by Saluft
in Jugarth's War, not in Order and Warlike manner, but by Troops
and fcattering Companies at adventure, that the Fight rather refembled
an Incurfion than a Battel; and fo hemm'd in and preft on our Horſe,
(being but 120) that they were able to move no way, but fall into that
Lane amongſt the Foot, which they did, thereby routing our whole
Foot. The Ordnance by this time was not carried over the Black Water,
nor the two Companies as yet come to make good the Paffage, fo that
all our Colours (fave one brought off by Dermot 0 Grady, Enfign to
Captain Rowland St. Leger, who gallantly fav'd It and himſelf) were
taken, our two Pieces of Ordnance furpriz'd, and Sir Charles himſelf
(together with Captain Wind, Lieutenant King, Enfign Chaplain, Cap-
tain Fitz-morris, and divers others) taken Prifoner; befides thoſe that
were kill'd in the Place, (viz.) Captain Pierce Lacy, Captain George But-
ler, Lieutenant Walter St. Leger, (three Natives of this Kingdom) Lieu-
tenant Stradbury, Lieutenant Rofington, Lieutenant Kent, Enfign Sim-
mons, with divers other Lieutenants and Enfigns, befides common Sol-
diers, to the number of 300, fome affirm 600..
Upon which fuccefs, they boldly attempted Cappaquin, which more
gallantly withſtood them, in as much as after all their attempts, the Af
failants were fhamefully beaten off towards the end of June, and forc'd
to retreat, having loft upon the firft Affault 62 men; afterwards, at-
tempting
the Irish Infurrection.
119
1
tempting it again, they were repuls'd, and fearing the Lord Inchequin's
approach, marched away, having loft in that enterprize Lieutenant Colo-
nel Butler, Brother to the Lord of Armally,) Captain Saint John of
Saint Johnstown, Captain Pierce Butler of Ballypaddin in the County
of Tipperary, Captain Grady defperately hurt, one Enfign killed, as
were four Serjeants, and two hurt, befides ſeveral Priſoners taken : one
of their Horſemen compleatly arm'd ran to us, who (amongst other
paffages) diſcovered the particular loffes of the Enemy, their chief
Gunner was likewiſe flain in this fervice: Upon the retreat and march-
ing away, a Party of our Horfe commanded by Sir John Brown fallied out
of the Town after them, and killed fome of their Men and Pillags
in the Rear of their Army, who found 25 graves after them in the Camp,
wherein they buried their dead by 4 and 5 in a grave, as by veiw ap-
pear❜d.
Yet though the Enemy had no fuccefs in taking in Cappaquin, weby
Colonel Myn* took in the Caſtles of Timolege, Rofcarby, and Rathbarry
in the Weſt, and Lifmore nobly defended it felf under Captain Barderee,
whilft the Lord Inchequin appearing with 2500 Horfe and Foot, rais'd
the Siege, whofe Army upon news of the Ceffation, drew off, then
ready to give Battle.
1643.
Colonel Myn
after the Cefà-
tion, went into
England with
his Regiment,
oftentimes en-
countring
Miffy (who
joyntly expreft
much valour)
pary-fields in
15... and by
rear of his
Gallantry, bu-
er,with the lofs
of the English
Regiment he
Ireland. San-
ders H. C. 1.
The tranfacti-
ried at Gloceft-
brought from
In Connaght, after the Battle of Raconnel, till Midfummer, there was
not any confiderable fervice done by our Souldiers; and the Enemy either And in a con-
kept cloſe in Garrifons, or was drawn off to the Siege of Galloway's Fort; flict near Hart-
And now the Enemies finding that without the Command of fome ex- Glocefterfere
perienc'd General, and the uniting of their Forces, they were able to was flain by
do little, yea, not to defend themſelves; they got for Commander Johns Foices,
Bourk or as they more commonly called him, Shane O-Tlevij) defcended
from the Bourks of Castle Barr, or if you pleaſe of the Mac Williams:
His firft exploit was againſt the Fort of Galloway, to the taking and de-
moliſhing of which, the Townfmen contributed both with Bodies and
Purfe very largely; they wanted good battering Guns, and therefore re-
folv'd to take it by Famine, it being but poorly provided by fuch as the
Parliament appointed to bring timely fupplies by Sea, knowing that
in it they fhould get battering Guns, to take in the reft of the English
Garriſons in that Province. To this end, they made a Chain of Mafts,
Casks, and Iron, acroſs that part of the Harbour next to the Fort, and naght.
planted itrong Guards at each end of it; They prepared fome few Ship- taken by the
Guns, and a Morter-Piece, which was well caft by a Runnagate out of Irish.
the Lord Forbes Ships, which afterwards they made uſe of at the Siege
of Caſtle Coot; ſo that with much Induſtry rather then Gallantry, they
at length got the Fort by Compofition, its Relief coming too late into
the Harbour; The event of which fo much ftruck the Governour,
as he did not many months after furvive the loſs.
Fol. 731.
ons in Con-
Galloway Fort
Upon the taking of the Fort, the Irish were overjoy'd to be Maſters
of fo many brave Guns, and thought that the Reputation of this and
the help of the Guns, would reduce fuddainly all Connaght; they re-
folv'd firſt to fall on Castle Coor, the moſt painant thorn in their fide, Cattle Coug
being confident that upon their fuccefs there, they might in all proba- Betieged.
bility expect to have the rett, not becauſe it had any great ftrength in its
Walls, but was well mann'd, and vigilantly attended; though with 4000
Horfe and Foot, and antwerable Accommodations of War, they queftion'd
not but to Mafter it foon, having Prefton's Engineer, Monfieur La Loo
an
1
120
The difmal Effects of
1643. (an expert Low-Countrey Souldier) to manage their Works, who upon
the knowledge of the fituation of the Place, queftion'd not its furrender,
Galloway having for Fireworks, and fitting expedients for that fervice
furniſhed him with 300 7. However, though they had made as regular
and handſom a Fortification about the Caſtle, as ever was attempted in
Ireland, yet the Garriſon ſo nobly attack'd each Redoubt, that thence
enfued many brave Attempts, much certainly to the prejudice of the
Befieged; the Garrifon maintaining their own against all the Attempts
the Befiegers ever adventur'd, which in truth were many, not without
Skill as well as Courage maintain'd; in as much as the Governour Cap-
tain Richard Coot, fince Lord Baron of Coloony, having fent forth a
private Meſſenger to Major Ormsby, (who before with the help of the
English Garriſons, had very fucceſsfully beaten Owen Roe-O-Neal out of
the Province with great lofs, coming to fet upon Boyle, Jamestown, Car-
rickdrumzooſh, and Elphin,) at Tulfol, to inform him of his wants, very
carefully confulted with Boyle and Rofcommon, who joyntly agreed
(upon a private Sign) to relieve them of Caſtle Coot; which the Ene-
my having notice of by one, whom the Garriſon had familiarly enter-
tain'd, the Treachery(on the Enemies fide) was carried on, as they
fet forth two Parties, as if one had made to the Caftles Relief, whilft
the other oppos'd it; to the countenance of which, the Gover-
nour being from the Walls) encouraged by the Souldiers (though
againſt his own fufpicions) adventured forth with 60 Musketiers, but
foon found the deceit of the buſineſs; The Enemy all this while having
skirmish with themſelves as two Parties, who now joyntly fall upon
the Governour with thoſe he drew out, who fo gallantly oppos'd them,
though (in compute) not less then 700 Men, as they retired to their
Camp, and he fecured his Retreat (with much Honour) to his Caſtle;
The Enemy in the Interim, making a bold affault on the other part
the Caſtle, which he came time enough to relieve, beating off the Ene-
my with a confiderable lofs, and having flain many of their men, caus'd
them decently to be laid out (not beheaded as the Irish barbarouſly are
accuſtomed to do) for which their General ſent him a Preſent of To- .
bacco, (then very acceptable;) However, afterwards he beat them to in-
acceffible Places, in Bogs and Woods (their ufual Refuge) and re-
cover'd at that time ftore of Tobacco, Cloaths, and 11 weeks Pay, newly
come, to fatisfie their Souldiers; Yet they hearing of the Ceffation, but
not yet having an Expreſs from the Marquifs of Ormond, more violently
(then ever) hot at the Caſtle; and having now a Meffenger of the
The Irish break Ceffation, they fo far fufpected him as a fpy, as they impriſon'd him,
the Ceffation. endeavouring ftill to gain the Caſtle; but finding their attempts vain,For-
of
ces from Boyle, Rofcommon, &c. faithfully having relieved the Caſtle,
all joyntly gallantly fet on the Rebels, which their General perceiving,
grew fo much enraged againſt his Souldiers, as to profefs he had rather be
Captain of the 200 in the Garrifon, then General of the 3000 he had ;
fo as at length the Governour as well as Bourk, having an Exprefs from
the Marquifs of Ormond, both acquiefs'd therein.
Thus his Majeſties Forces (where they were unanimous) vigoroufly
proceeded; nay fhould I adventure to recount all their actions, time
would fail, we are obliged to be brief, though in omitting any, inju-
ries may be done excellent Perfons, whofe pardons I beg, whilft they
had no better ſupplies then other Places.
However,
the Irish Infurrection.
121
fuch as
Sir Hen. Tich-
However, the neceſſities of the Army were daily aggravated, yet they 1643.
(in fome mens opinion) not feeming fufficient to bring on a Ceffation,
were principal oppofers of it, were thought requifite
to be remov'd; And the 23. of April, 1643. Sir Francis Butler
arriv'd from England with a Superfedeas for the Lord Parfon's Govern-
ment, and a Commiffion to the Lord Borlafe, and Sir Henry Tichborn, Sir fo. Borlase,
to be Lords Juftices; who accordingly the firft of May, were in- borz, Lords
ſtituted in the Government; Who (betwixtthe unpaid and Refractory Juftices.
Souldiers, and the difficulties that aroſe about the Ceflation, which they
were to conſent to, but acted little in) encountred no fmall difficulties
in their Government, whatever cenfure it hath. fince met with: Soon
after their admiffion, freſh hopes of a more plentiful Supply exceedingly
cheer'd the Souldiers; but that failing, Murmures, Mutinies, and a dif
contented Spirit raged every where, highly fomented, that neceffity might
be a main plea for the Ceffation; of which his Majeſty being daily in-
form'd, writes this Letter.
C. R.
R
ذ
about the Cef-
Ight truſty and Right well beloved Coufen and Councellor, His Majefties
we greet you well,by our Letters of the 23. of the last month: fecond Letter
We gave you our Command to Treat and Agree upon a Ceffation fation.
of Arms for one year, with thoſe our Subjects in that our King-
dom, who have taken up Arms there against our Authority
and having fince feen the Propofitions, which you and the reft
of our Commiffioners fent us from our faid Subjects, We find
the fame to be of fuch great importance, and many things
therein alledged, fo neceffary to be further examined and in-
quired into, as we have been the rather induced to have fuch
a Ceffation, as we have formerly written unto you, fo as it
may be with Honour to us, and without prejudice to our In-
tereft and Service; This Bearer Mr. William Brent, is a
Perſon whom we have purpoſely ſent over, to give us an account
of your proceedings in a Business of this Confequence, to whom
you may give credit, and by him we shall defire to hear from
you, when you shall have any Matter of moment to fend over
unto us.
.Given at our Court at Oxon, the 3d.
of May, 1643..
To our right truſty and
entirely beloved Cou-
ſen and Counſellor,
James Marquifs of
Ormond, Lieutenant
General of our Army
in Ireland.
R
This
1
122
The difmal Effects of
1643.
See Husbands
Collect. Fol.
160.
The Lords
to his Majefty
of the preſent
ftate of Ire-
land.
This upon the Treaty) the Confederates Commiffioners acknow-
ledge to have feen, but infifted upon one (formerly mention'd) of the
23. of April, (more important they conceive) which upon promife
(that upon the agreement of the Treaty perfected, they fhould have a
Copy of the Treaty, went on: though as to his Majefty, that there might
be a further evidence of his Intentions, to fubdue the Rebellion in Ire-
land, he being prefented the 5th. of May, 1643. by Sir Robert King,
William Fephfon, and Arthur Hill Elquires, from the Parliament, with
a Bill entituled, An Act for the Speedy payment of Moneys, fubfcribed
towards the reducing of the Rebels in Ireland, which yet remain'd unpaid
was fo far from denying to paſs the ſaid Act, (though driven from his
Parliament, with far the Major part of both Houſes that he inclin'd
to paſs the Act, if he might be affured to have it imployed to no other
purpoſe, then the Reducing of the Rebels, &c. Which Conditions not
being anſwered, no more was attempted by that Bill, a defect not reft-
ing in his Majefty,but thoſe that fent it; whereby the ſtraights in Ireland
iņ
ftill increafing, the Lords Juftices writ to his Majefty as a little be-
fore they had done to the Parliament) the enfuing Letter.
}
May it pleaſe your Moft Excellent Majeſty.
As
し
​S foon as we your Majesties Juſtices entred into the charge of this Go-
vernment, we took into our confideration at this Board, the State of
Juſtices Letter your Army here, which we find fuffering under unspeakable extremities of
want of all things, neceffary to the fupport of their Perfons,or maintenance of
the War; here being no Victuals,Cloaths,or other Provifions requifite towards
their fuftenance, no Money to provide them of any thing they want, no
Arms in your Majefties Stores, to fupply their many defective Arms, not
above 40 Barrels of Powder in your Stores, no strength of ferviceable
Horfes being now left here, and thofe few that are, their Arms for the
most part loft or unfervifeable, no Ships arriv'd here to guard the Coasts,
and confequently no fecurity rendred to any, that might on their private
Adventures) bring in Provifions of Victuals, or other neceffaries, towards
our fubfiftence, and finally, no vifible means by Sea or Land of being able
to preſerve for you this your Kingdom, and to render deliverance from
utter deſtruction, to the Remnant of your good Subjects yet left here.
We find that your Majesties late Justices and this Board, have often
and fully by very many Letters, advertiſed the Parliament in England, of
the extremities of Affairs here, and befought relief with all poffible im-
portunity, which alſo have been fully reprefented to your Majesty, and to
the Lord Lieutenant, and to Mr. Secretary Nicholas, to be made known
to your Majesty: And although the Winds have of late for many days
(and often formerly) stood very fair, for acceffions of Supply forth of
England hither, and that we have still with longing expectations, hope to
find Provifions arrive here,in fome degree answerable to the neceffities of your
Affairs: yet now (to our unexpreffible grief) after full 6 months wait-
ing, and much longer patience and long-fuffering, we find all our
expectations answered in a mean and inconfiderable quantity of Provifions,
(viz. 75 Barrels of Butter, and 14 Tun of Cheefe, being but the fourth
part of a Small Veffels Lading, which was fent from London, and arriv'd
here on the 5th. of this Month, which is not above 7 or 8 days Provifion
for that part of the Army which lies in Dublin, and the out-Garrisons thereof,
great
no
the Irish Infurrection.
123
no Money or Vituals (other then that inconfiderable proportion of Victual)
having arriv'd in this Place, as fent from the Parliament of England, or
any other forth of England for the uſe of the Army, fince the beginning of
November laft.
We have by the bleſſing of God) been hitherto profperous and fuc-
cessful in your Majefties Affairs here, and should be still hopeful, by the
mercy of God, under the Royal Directions of your Sacred Majefty, to vin-
dicate your Majefties Honour, and recover your Rights here, and take
due vengeance on thefe Traitors, for the innocent blood they have Spilt, if
we might be strengthned or Supported therein by needful Supplies out of
England: But thefe fupplies having hitherto been expected to come from
the Parliament of England, (on which if your Majesty had not relyed, we
are affured, you would in your high Wisdom have found out fome other means
to preſerve this your Kingdom) and fo great and apparent a failer ha-
ving hapned therein, and all the former and late long continuing Eafterly
winds, bringing us no other Provifions then those few, Cheese and Butter;
And 110 advertiſement being brought us of any future fupplies to be fo much
as in the way hither, whereby there might be any likelihood, that confiderable
means of Support for your Majefties Army, might arrive here in any reafon-
able time, before that we be totally swallowed up by the Rebels,and your King-
dom by them wrested from you; we find our felves fo disappointed of our
hopes from the Parliament, as must needs trench to the utter lofs of the
Kingdom, if your Majesty in your high Wiſdom ordain not fome prefent
means of prefervation for us.
And confidering, that if now by occafion of that unhappy and unexpected
failing of Support from thence, we shall be less fuccessful in your Services
here against the Rebels, then hitherto (whilst we were enabled with fome
means to serve you) we have been, the shame and difhonour may, in com-
mon construction of those who know not the inwards of the Caufe, be im
puted to us, and not to the failing that difabled us: And confidering
principally and above all things, the high and eminent trust of your Affairs
here, depofited with us by your Sacred Majefty, we may not forbear in
discharge of our Duty, thus freely and plainly to declare our humble
appre-
henfions, to the end your Majesty thus truly understanding the terribleness of
our Condition, may find out ſome fuch means of ſupport, to preferve to your
Majesty and your Royal Pofterity, this your ancient and rightful Crown
and Kingdom, and derive deliverance and Safety to the Remnant of your
good Subjects yet left here, as in your excellent Judgment you ſhall find
to be most to your Honour and Advantage.
And So praying to the King of Kings to guide and direct you for the beſt,
in this high and important Caufe, and in all other your Councels and Acti-
ons, we humbly remain,
Your Majeſties moſt Loyal and moſt Faithful Subjects and Servants.
From your Majesties Castle at Dublin, the 11th. of May, 1643.
The 12th. of May, the Lord Taaffe, Roch, and Fitzwilliams arrived
out of England, and that morning Major Warren, and Sir Francis Butler
came to the Council, the Lords fitting, and prefented a Petition to the
Lords Juſtices, accufing the Lord Parsons of high Mifdemeanors, and
other Treaſonable Matters; requeſting that his Perfon and Goods might
be fecur'd, though (in conclufion) nothing was ever filed againſt
him an Evidence to `moft, that there was more of a Defign, then
Crime, in the Accufation.
And
R 2
1643.
n
124
The difmal Effects of
1643.
* Fol. 216.
And having (as before) prefented you with the Lords Juſtices Letter
to his Majefty, we fhould now give you the Declaration of the Lords
and Commons affembled in Parliament the 16th. of June, 1643. .concern-
ing the prefent lamentable eftate and miferable condition of Ireland; In
anſwer to what, the Lords Juftices and Council had faithfully acquainted
them withall, that it may appear how fenfible they were of the infor-
mation they had receiv'd of the ftraights and exigencies of the Proteftant
Forces in Ireland; which certainly is very Emphatical, refenting (with
a juft aggravation) the miferable condition of that Kingdom; but be-
ing legible in Husbands Collections, we fhall refer you thither, not
bufing our felves how far it prevail'd. Certainly the Exigencies of the
Souldiers, and State of Ireland were then very confiderable, in as much
as his Majeſty not being able (by any other expedient) to remedy (as
he was perfwaded) their complaints, then by a Ceflation, he (to
that end fends this Letter to the Lords Juftices.
*
His Majefties
third Letter
concerning the
Ceflation.
C. R.
Ight trusty and well beloved Counsellors, and right
trufty and intirely well beloved Coufen and Counsellor,
we greet you well: The preſent Diſtractions here have rendred
us as unable, as by experience we find the remaining part of
the two Houſes, are unwilling to fupply or relieve our Army in
Ireland; and if the Money we conſented ſhould be rais'd in
this our Kingdom for the Relief of Ireland, had not been di-
verted by them, and Rebelliously imployed against us here in
England, we ſhould not have been conftrain'd to have hearkned
to a Ceffation of Arms now on that fide; But fince we fee
no other hope, during the unhappy diftempers bere, to fettle the
Peace of that our Kingdom, but by a Ceffation of Arms between
us and the Irish, now in Arms there, and doubt very much, how
our Forces now-in that our Kingdom will be there maintain'd,
if we shall admit of a Ceffation: We have thought it expedient
by theſe our Letters, to recommend it to your care and induſtry to
confider feriously how our Forces on that fide, may be enabled
to fubfift during a Ceffation: and if there may be means
found for that, we do then hereby Authorife, and require you,
to agree to a Ceſſation of Arms there for a year, and in our
Names to affure the faid Irish, that we are graciously inclin'd to
diffolve the prefent Parliament, and call a new one between
this and the 10th. of November next, and to take a courſe,
to put all thoſe that ſhall be chofen Members of the faid Par-
liament, into fuch a condition, as they shall not be prejudiced
of
the Irish Infurrection.
125
of their Liberty of Affifting, Sitting, and Voting in the faid
Parliament; for better effecting whereof, we do hereby further
authoriſe and require you, to give Licenſe to fuch Commiſſion-
ers, as the faid Irish all appoint to come over hither to us, to
treat of that Bufinefs, and fuch other Particulars (to be pro-
pofed by way of Petition) as ball neceffarily conduce, not one-
ly to the fatisfying of the faid Ceffation, but to a preparation
of what shall be requifite, for the fetling of a juft, honourable,
and perfect Peace in that our Kingdom: And we further require,
in caſe the ſaid Irish now in Arms, fhall agree to fuch a Ceffa-
tion and Treaty, to advertise us of fome fuch able and fitting Mi-
nifters, or Servants of ours on that fide, as you conceive fit to be
fent over bither to affift in the Treaty here, when Commiffioners
Shall come over from the ſaid Irish. In which Buſineſs we require
you to uſe all convenient expedition, and to give us a speedy
Account, for which theſe our Letters fhall be your Warrant.
:
Given under our Signet at our
Court at Oxford, the fecond
day of July,in the 19th. year
of Our Reign, 1643.
To our right truſty and well-
+
beloved Counſellors, Sir
John Borlafe, and Sir Henry
Tichborn, Kts.Lords Juftices
of our Kingdom of Ireland,
and to our right truſty and
intirely beloved Cofen and
Counsellor, James,Marquifs
of Ormond, Lieutenant-Ge-
neral of our Army there.
1
·
1643.
The Treaty
towards a
Ceflation.
millioners, the
But before this Letter came to the Lords Juſtices, the means to a Ceffa-
tion were thought of: Yet the day before the Marquifs of Ormond pro-
ceeded to the Treaty, which was the 22. of June, the chief Proteftants
of the City of Dublin were called before the Council, to know if they
would give 10000 l. or have a Ceffation; the latter they were very un-
willing to, and the former they could not advance; indeed it was well The IrishCom-
known, though it ferv'd (as an Argument) to evidence the neceffity 23. of June,
the State was put to: And the Irish Commiffioners, the 23. of June, pre- 1643. firit pre-
fented themſelves unto the Marquifs of Ormond, in his Tent near Caftle fented them-
Martin, in the County of Kildare, in the prefence of divers Colonels, Lieutenant-
Captains, and Officers in his Majefties Army, his Lordship fitting in his General,
Chair covered, and the Irish Commiffioners ftanding bare: after ſeveral
paffages
felves to the
126
The difmal Effects of
1643. paffages betwixt them, (all tendred in writing) the Irish Commiffion-
ers gave his Lordship a Copy, of the Authority they had receiv'd from
the Jupream Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland at Kilkenny,
in these words.
Their Com-
miffion from
the Supream
Council.
W
Hereas his Majesty's moſt faithful Sabjects, the Confederate Catho-
licks of Ireland, were inforced to take Arms, for the prefervati-
on of their Religion, for the defence of his Majesty's juft Prerogatives and
Rights, and the maintenance of the Rights and Liberties of their Countrey,
labour'd to be destroyed by the Malignant Party. And whereas his Majesty
in his high Wiſdom, and Princely Care of his faid Subjects Welfare and Safe-
ty, and at their humble Suit, That his Majesty might be graciously pleas'd to
hear their Grievances, and vouchsafe Redreß therein, did direct, there
fhould be a Ceffation of Arms, and thereupon did Authorize the Right Ho-
nourable the Lord Marqueß of Ormond, to treat and conclude the faid Cef-
fation, with the faid Confederate Catholicks. Know ye, that the faid Coun-
cil, by the expreß Order and Authority of the faid Catholicks, by them con-
ceiv'd, and granted in their General Affembly at Kilkenny, on the 20th.
day of the last Month of May, and in pursuance of the faid Order and Autho-
rity, repofing Special Trust and Confidence in the Wisdom, Circumfpection, and
provident Care, Honour and Sincerity, of our very good Lords, Nicholas
Lord Viſcount Gormanſton, Donnogh Lord Viscount Muskery, and our
well-beloved Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, Tir-
lagh O Neal Eſq; Geoffry Brown Efq; Ever Mac-Gennis Efq; and John
Walſh Efq; have constituted, appointed and ordain'd, and by theſe prefents do
conftitute, appoint and ordain, the faid Nicholas Lord Viscount Gorman-
fton, &c. our Commiffioners, and do by theſe prefents give and grant unto
our faid Commiſſioners, or any five, or more of them, full Power and Autho-
rity to treat with the faid Lord Marquess of Ormond,of a Ceflation of Arms,
for one whole year,or shorter, and to conclude the fame for the time aforefaid,
upon fuch Terms, Conditions, and Articles, as to the faid Commiffioners, in
their Fudgements, Confcience and Diſcretion, ſhall be thought fit and expe-
dient; by theſe preſents ratifying and confirming, whatſoever Act or Acts
our faid Commiffioners as aforesaid, shall do or execute, concerning the faid
Ceſſation.
Given at Kilkenny, the 20th. of June, 1643.
Montgarret, Caſtlehaven Audley, Malachias Arp. Tuamen, Fr. Thom.
Fleming, Arch. of Dublin, Primate of Ireland, Maurice de Rupe & Fer-
moy, Nettervile, Nich. Plunket, Edm. Fitz-Maurice, Patrick Darcy,
Rob. Linch, R. Bealing.
Upon which both ſides proceeded, the Marquefs not admitting the
Title or Name, attributed by the Irish Commiffioners unto them, in be-
half of thoſe for whom they treated; as likewiſe not admitting the Cauſe
for which they took up Arms, as in the Proteftation is expreffed: Where-
as the Irish Commiffioners, on the other fide, ftill propos'd all in the be-
half of the Catholicks of Ireland, with proteftation, that the faid Catho-
licks took Arms in defence of their Religion, his Majeſty's Rights and
Prero-
the Irish Infurrection.
127
R
Tet
•
Prerogatives, and the Liberties of Ireland, and no ways to oppoſe his
Majeſty's Authority; fo as (fay they) neither the Title, or Proteftati-
on, (being justly due to them) were to be excepted againſt, being the
fame they always uſed in their immediate applications to his Majeſty.
Againſt which, though there were exceptions, the Treaty ftill proceed-
ed, they owning the premiffes: And at Sigginstown the Treaty went on,
not without Debates of great concern, and much difficulty, and then
was deferr'd from the rft.of July, to the Thurſday next come feven-night;
at which time the Marquefs of Ormond could not meet, in respect, That
the neceſſity of his attendance otherwise upon the publick Service of his Ma-
jeſty would not permit ; which the Irish Commiffioners ſeem'd much to
refent, writing to his Lordship from Kilkenny, the 19th. of July, 1643.
That although we conceive this Treaty to be of the greatest confequence of any
Service, to be effected for his Majefty within this Kingdom, yet we are not
apt to give an ill conftruction to the laying of it by for the prefent, until we
do know of that Service that taketh place of it, which (being for the advan-
tage of his Majesty's Interests) we heartily wish may have good fuccefs
your Lordship will give us leave to take notice, that we meet in these, as
in all other Proceedings, (whereby we may have any expectation to enjoy the
benefit of his Majesty's Grace and Favour fome interruption and flackness, in
conveying any part of his good Intentions, to his faithful Subjects the Ca-
tholicks of Ireland, which we add to our other Grievances, and will endea-
vour (in diſcharge of the many harms which may enfue by reafon of this Pro-
traction) to have it rightly prefented to his Majesty. In Anſwer to which,
the Marquess of Ormond replyed, the 21ft. of July, That whereas they had
no pretence of unaptneß, to give an ill conftruction to the laying by of the
Treaty, until they could know of what Service took place, he acquainted
them, That he was not accountable to them, with the knowledge of his Ma-
jefty's Services, wherewith he had the Honour to be intrufted, or to any but
to his Majesty, and to those to whom he had intrusted the government of the
Kingdom. And for what they faid, They would endeavour to have rightly
prefented to his Majesty, he doubted not but to acquit himself as became him,
as in other Commands, fo in this Particular; and that they should find,when
the other Occafions of his Majesty were over, the deferring of the Treaty at
prefent, was not fuch a laying afide of the Matter, as their Letters in-
ferr'd.
Thus at preſent, (more than by Letters, and the private Actings of
fome Men) there was nothing further attempted in the Treaty, till the
26th. of August following: In the interim, we muſt take notice of the
Infolence of theſe Men, then expecting his Majeſty's Favour.
1643.
The Treaty
deferred, a-
gainſt which
the Commiflio-
ners excepted.
By the Lords Juftices and Council.
Fo. Borlafe.
Henry Tichborn,
WE
E the Lords Juftices and Council do declare, That if Captain John
Farrer be forthwith releaſed by the Rebels, and ſafely fent hither,
that forthwith upon his coming, fo releafed, we will give Order for the re-
leafing
128
The difmal Effects of
1643. leafing Synnot, lately imployed as Captain amongst the Rebels, out of Fri-
Son, the Faylor's juft Dues being first paid, and will then permit him freely
to depart without interruption.
The Infolencies
Reply to a
Warrant of
the State.
Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, July 8. 1643.
La. Dublin, Ormond, Rofcommon, Bramfton, Ant. Midenfis,
Tho. Rotheram, Jo. Temple, Fra. Willoughby, Ja. Ware.
We do not know to whom this Certificate is directed, and we will avow our
of the Irish, in felves in all our Actions, to be his Majeſty's loyal Subjects; neither ſhall it
be safe henceforth for any Meffenger, to bring any Paper to us containing other
Language, than fuch as fuits with our Duty, and the Affections we bear to
his Majesty's Service, wherein fome may pretend, but none fhall have more
real defires to further his Majesty's Intereft, than his Majesty's loyal and
obedient Subjects.
Montgarret, Muskery, Fr. Tho. Dublin, Malachias Tuamen,
Caſtlehaven Audley, R. Bealing, Torlo O Neile, Patr. Darcy.
Who reads this,may well think their Confidence built on other Grounds
than appear'd. What! Shall fuch as fought in oppofition to his Maje-
fty's Proclamation, be thought loyal Subjects, whilft the State (owning
his Majesty's Intereft, Honour and Service) are faid to pretend to what
they really were? Surely fo impudent a Reply, never before (without
chaſtizement) eſcaped the Pen of fuppliant Rebels; nor indeed (could
Some then have had the freedom of their juft fcorn and indignation)
fhould fuch expreffions have been ſwallowed.
During the refpite of the Treaty for the Ceflation, (viz. the 29th. of
July) 7 or 800 of the Rebels gave us at mid-night, (by whoſe neglect I
know not) 'an Alarm, even in the ſtreets of Dublin, who were gallantly
repulfed by Colonel Crafford's Men, killing 20 of them, the Rebels by
that means doing no more hurt, than plundering and firing fome few
thatcht Houſes.
All things tending to a Ceffation, the State held it their beſt policy not
to retain their Forces wholly in their Garrifons; and therefore (though
they had flender Provifions, and lefs Treaſure to encourage the Souldiers
abroad) the 27th. of June, 1643. Colonel Monk, with 1300 Foot, and
Colonel Monk 140 Horſe, was fent againſt Preston, ftrengthned by Owen Ó Neal, whom
againfi Preston. he encountred near Castle Jordan, at a Pafs upon the River Boine, being
5 or 600 Horſe, and 6000 Foot, putting his Foot to rout, and killing
many of his Men: Yet for want of Provifion, he was forced to leave Clan-
curry, and turn to Wickloe, where he got ſtore of Cattel. But thence he
was foon recalled, to face the Rebels in Meath; and hearing of Owen O
Neal's Forces about Port Leicester Mill, (a great and fecure Faftnefs) near
5 miles Weſtward from Trim, he, with the Lord Moor, vigilantly attend-
ed their motion: But fo it fell out, that the Lord Moor obferving O Neal's
encamping there, had fome notice of his levelling a Piece of Cannon to-
wards his Army; yet was.fo little concern'd at the advice, (danger in
that Cauſe being never apprehended) as after that the Bullet had once
(if
+
the Irish Infurrection.
129
1643:
(if not twice) grazed, he, with other Gentlemen, (who were not with-
out of what might enfue, and intimated their fufpicions) ftill tra-
vers'd the Ground, till moft.unfortunately the Bullet forc'd its paffage
through his Armour into his Body, but was not of ftrength fufficient to The Lord Moot
go through, however it there flew him; upon whofe Fall, one readier to
fhew fome fallies of Wit, than Skill, obtrudes this Diftich:
Contra Romanos Mores res mira Dynafta,
Morus ab Eugenio canonizatus erat.
In Anſwer to which one readily writes this :
Olim Roma pios truculenta morte beavit,
Antiquos mores jam nova Roma tenet.
This Noble Gentleman was the first that adventur'd in this Caufe, and
the laſt Victime under his Majefty's Commiffion; a Gentleman of clear
killed.
Spirit, and Integrity. He fell not many days before the Ceffation,which ReadHusband's
by feveral (even of the Privy Council themſelves) was much difliked; Collect. fo.340.
nor indeed (till fome of thoſe were remov'd from the Council Board, the
Reaſons they gave in being un-anfwerable could the Ceflation be brought
on without oppofition; and then not fo efily as fome thought, many
difficulties, and thoſe not eafie to reconcile, in reference to his Maje-
fty's Exigencies, and the Intereſt of the diftreffed Proteftants) preffing
in on every Difpute. Now the Parliament in England conceiving them-
felves much interefs'd in the Affairs of Ireland, (as already hath been ſaid)
to adviſe, order, and difpofe of all things concerning the Government and De-
fence of that Kingdom made, the 30th. of September, 1643. ( not know-
ing that the Ceflation had been then 15 days before concluded) a Decla-
ration against any Ceffation, or a Treaty of Peace with the Rebels in Ireland,
for that amongst many other Reaſons) the Ceflation would be for the pre-
Servation of the Rebels and Papists only, who under pretexts of civil Con-
tracts, would continue their Antichriftian Idolatry. Befides, feveral Com-
miſſioners of both Houses of Parliament, who by the Broad Seal, the pub-
し
​lick Faith of the State) were intrufted with the Irish Affairs, would by the
Ceflation be further dif-enabled to Act; and the Adventurers (who had fo
jo
many Acts for their Security) would by a Ceflation be difappointed, as the
exiled Proteftants (turn'dout of their Habitations) be thereby continued
in mifery and want.
Whilſt theſe things were thought on in England, the People of Ireland
(who took a liberty at the uncertainty of Affairs).were ftrangely divided,
whether the Ceffation fhould be concluded or no. Some who were
fenfibly touch'd with the Injuries and Cruelties of the Rebels) could not
brook it; others (hoping for their advantage by the Change) daily ex-
pected it, whilst the City (in general) being burthen'd with Taxes,
quartering of Souldiers, &c. having no hopes of Relief from abroad, wil-
lingly hearkned to their Freedom: fo as now the ſtrong Affections which
had been commonly born againſt the Rebels, began to wither into an in-
differency, and the courfe which had been then took to weather out the
refolute, either for deſpair or terrour humbled many, and as Intereft lay,
ſeveral refolv'd what Party to take in England, upon the conclufion of the
Ceflation. And that the Ceflation might be put forward, his Majeſty
S
writ
1
130
The difmal Effects of
1643.
The Rebels ve-
ry audacious
and active up-
on the very
point of the
the Cellation
I
writ to the Lords Juftices, and the Marquis of Ormond from his Court at
Matſon, the 25th. of August, the 19th. year of his Reign, which came
not to them.till the 26th. of September, eleven days after. the Ceffation
was concluded; Authorizing them, or any two of them, to treat and con-
clude for him, and in his name, with his Subjects then in Arms in that his
Kingdom, for a Ceflation of Arms for one whole year. But before this Letter
arriv'd, the Treaty at Sigginstown began with the Confederates Commif-
fioners, by vertue of the Letter the Marquis had formerly received from
his Majefty, dated at Oxford the 31. of July, 1643. who to that purpoſe
'order'd a Commiffion, dated at Dublin under the Broad Seal, the lait of
August, 1643, in the 19th. year of his Majefties Reign, to conclude the
Cellation with the Irish Commiffioners; who, the 26th. of Auguft,
1643. having met the Marquis of Ormond (Lieutenant General of
his Majeſties Army) there, where infifting upon the Name, Title, and
Proteftation which at firft they had affum'd (not permitted of by the
Marquis of Ormond) they proceeded: The Enemy, in the interim, be-
fieging Tully, and afterwards taking it, even whilft his Majefties Com-
miffion of Grace was not far thence in execution; and in all places they
ſhewed themſelves moſt active, endeavouring either to furprize, force, or
conclufion of gain by allurements what they could, exceedingly animated with hopes
of a Ceffation, that upon its conclufion, what was in their power might
be peaceably poffefs'd. During which Treaty, many difficulties arofe;
one (whether in this or the former Treaty, I am not certain) was much
inſiſted on, (viz.) How the ſeveral Indictments and Outlawries againſt
the Irish might be repealed? After fome difpute, at length Plunket (one
of the Irish Agents) told them, He had found a Remedy; the Judges
before whom they were Indicted might be fummon'd to the Star-Chamber,
and there be Fined. And there replied one (who is feldom found to fign
any Act of State till the Ceflation was concluded) all that are concern'd
may be confident to find reparation. This the Lord Chief Juftice Shurley
thought reflected upon him, who thereupon exprefs'd much courage and
The Ceflation integrity. And the Difpute fell: And the 15th. of September, 1643. the
Ceflation was concluded by the Marquis of Ormond, who for his Cou-
rage, Affection, and Loyalty, his Majefty had made his Lieutenant Ge-
neral of his Army in Ireland, and who (having gotten fo many notable
Victories over the Rebels) was very well approv'd of by the two Houſes
of Parliament in England. The publication of which, with the Articles,
and his Majefties Motives thereunto, you may read in his Majefties
Works, from fol. 353. to 365. In confirmation of which, the Lords Ju-
ſtices and Council iffued out a Warrant to the Lord Chancellor, to draw
Letters of Confirmation under the Great Seal of Ireland, which accor-
dingly bore date the 26th. day of Septemb. in the 19th. year of his Ma-
jefties Reign: And to exprefs the neceffity thereof, many. Perfons of
Quality fign'd, the faid 15th. of Septemb. 1643. a Writing, therein con-
cluding it neceſſary for his Majefties Honour and Service, that the Lord
Marquis of Ormond fhould affent to a Ceflation of Arms; though fome of
theſe afterwards (joyning with the Parliaments Forces) refolved to die a
thouſand deaths, rather than to defcend to any Peace with the perfidi-
ous Rebels; but ſtuck not at length to that Proteftation, altering as the
Scene chang'd.
concluded.
His Majeſties
Motives to the
Ceflation, fol.
355. O&ob. 19.
3643.
J
Whilft
the Irish Infurrection.
131
Whilſt the Ceflation was in agitation at Sigginstown, the Confequences
of diffolving the Parliament were not the leaft in confideration at the
Council-board, nor was there any thing more defired by the Rebels,
who thereby hoped to be re-feated in a new Parliament, which they
queftion'd not to manage to their own ends and advantage. Wherefore
that the State might ſtill ſteer by the fame Compaſs they had hitherto
done, they committed the Cafe to the Judges; who unanimouſly agreed
upon
the following Reafons for its continuance.
1643.
May it pleaſe your Lordships,
According to your Lordships Order of the xi. of September, 1643. we Resions given
have confidered of fuch inconveniencies, as we conceive may arife to his
Majesty, and his Service, as Affairs now stand, if this prefent Parliament
fhould be determin'd, and have reduc'd the fame to writing, which we hum-
bly prefent to your Lordships further confideration.
The greatest part of the Free-holders of this Kingdom are now in actual
Rebellion, whereby his Majesty ought to be justly entituled to all their
Eftates, both Real and Perfonal; this cannot be done but by their Con-
viction and Attainder, either by courfe of Common Law, or by Act of Parlia
ment. By courfe of Common Law it will be very difficult to be effected, for
thefe Reaſons following.
First, Thofe who are indicted in most of the Counties of this Kingdom can-
not be Attainted by Outlawry, by reafon that the Sheriffs of thofe Counties,
by occafion of the prefent Rebellion, cannot keep their County-Courts, to Pro-
claim, and make due Return of the Exigence: Nor can they be Attainted by
Verdict for want of furors, most of all the Free-holders in the Kingdom be-
ing now in Rebellion.
Secondly, Thofe that are not Indicted, or thofe that are already Indicted,
and in Prifon, or upon Bonds, cannot be proceeded against Legally at the
Common Law for want of Jurors; becaufe, as aforefaid, most of the Free-
holders are in Rebellion.
And
Therefore of neceffity, thofe Perfons must either not be Attainted at all,
or onely by Act of Parliament, which is fearce poffible to be effected, if this
prefent Parliament be Diffolved, or Difcontinued; for that upon a new Par
liament to be Summon'd, the Knights and Burgelles must be Elected by the
Free-holders and Inhabitants refpectively, most whereof are in Rebellion.
yet the prefent Parliament will be difcontinued, unless a Commiſſion
under the Great Seal of England to the now Lords Justices, or other the
Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, be here before the 13th.
of November next, being the day of Prorogation, for the beginning of the
next Seffion of Parliament, to enable them to continue this prefent Parlia
ment; the laft Commiſſion for the continuance thereof being onely to the Lords
Fuftices, one whereof is fince remov'd.
Unleẞ the Parties now in Rebellion, being Legally Attainted, which
cannot be here, as is aforefaid, as the cafe now (tands, but by Act of Parlia
ment, his Majesty cannot have power to difpofe of their Eftates, as in his
·wifdom he shall think fit, either for the increafing of his Revenues, or for the
S 2
peaceable
in by the Jadges
for the cont!-
nuance of thrs
Parliament,
against a free
one fought by
the Rebels,
Sept. 13. 1643.
t
t
132
·
The difmal Effects of
1643. peaceable establishment of this Common-wealth, and indifferent Adminiſtra-
tion of Fuftice therein.
Rich. Bolton Cancell. Geo. Shurly, Gerrard Lowther,
Ja. Donnalon, Sa. Mayard.
The Ceffation as yet not being known to his Majefty, the Lords Ju-
ftices and Council received a Letter from him at the Camp at Matfon
near Gloucester, of the 4th. of Septemb. paffionately refenting the fuffer-
ings and complaints of the Officers, who (upon all occafions) had a ten-
der affection in his breaſt. And to the end they might not be fruftrated
of their Arrears, he commands their Debentors fhould be refpectively
fign'd, that they might take an effectual courfe to be paid the fame by the
Two Houſes of Parliament that engaged them.
And left there ſhould be any defect in acknowledging of their Merits,
who had fo faithfully ventur'd their lives for his Majefties Service, he is
yet further pleaſed to provide for their Encouragement and Entertain-
ment, who, upon the Ĉeffation, were now free to ſerve him, though as
yet he knew not of its conclufion, but (by the Contents of the following
Letter) feem'd' to expect it, giving particular Orders for the management
of Affairs upon that occafion.
*
His Majefties
fourth Letter
touching the
Ceflation, and
Army.
C. R.
Ight Trufty and Well-beloved Counsellors, and right Tru-
fty and intirely Beloved Coufin and Counsellor, We
his care of his greet you well. Whereas not onely the great neglect of the Af
fairs of that Our Kingdom, by the remaining part of our Houfes
of Parliament,who pretended fo great care of it,but their impious
preventing all Supplies deftin'd to their Relief by Our Autho-
rity, (which did ever moft readily concur to any Levy of Men,
Money, or any other Work, in order to the Affiftance of Our Pro-
teſtant Subjects there) and employing the fame in an unnatural
War against Us their Liege Lord and Sovereign, bath reduc'd
our Army in that our Kingdom into fo heavy ftraits, that out of
Our Care of the preſervation of them, who ſo faithfully ventur'd
their Lives for Our Service, We were brought to condefcend to
a Treaty for a Ceffation of Arms: Our Will and Pleaſure is, and
We do hereby Charge and Command you, that in cafe, according
unto the Authority given unto you by Us, you have agreed upon
a Ceſſation, or as foon as you fhall agree thereupon, you, or any
two of you do immediately confider of, and put in execution theſe
Our following Commands.
1. That
1
133
the Irish Infurrection.
1. That you agree upon what number of Our Army will be ne-
ceffary to be kept in Garrison there, for the maintenance of the
fame during the time of the Ceffation, and what Soldiers they
hall be, and what Perfons fhall command the fame; and that
you fettle them accordingly in that Command, as fhall appear to
your difcretion to be moft conducing to our Service.
2. That you do confider and adviſe of the best means of
Tranſporting the rest of Our Army in that Our Province of
Leimfter, (excepting fuch as are to be kept in Garriſon in Our
Kingdom of Ireland) and to that end We do hereby give you, or
any one of you, full Power and Authority, to hire all Ships,
Barques, or Veffels whatſoever, and to treat with any Perfons
whatſoever for the Loan, Hire, or Sale of any Ships, Barques,
or Veffels, upon fuch Conditions as you, or any one of you, Shall
agree upon with them.
3. That in fuch time and manner as to you shall feem meet,
you communicate to the Officers and Soldiers of that Our Army
this Our intention, to make use of their known Courage and
Fidelity in the defence of Our Perfon and Crown, against the
unnatural Rebellion rais'd against us in this Our Kingdom, and
against the like labour'd by the Rebels here, to be rais'd againſt
Us out of Our Kingdom of Scotland.
4. That you fignifie unto them, that We are the more mov'd
and neceffitated unto this courſe, for as much as it is refolv
by fome ill affected Perfons in that Our Kingdom of Scotland,
to call over the Army of Our British Subjects out of Our King-
dom of Ireland, to the end to make use of them for the Invafion
of Us, and of Our Good Subjects of England. And for as much
as this Rebellion against Us, under colour of the humility of Our
two Houses of Parliament, hath exhausted the Means appoint-
ed, by the concurrence of Our Royal Authority, for the fuftenta-
tion of that Our Army there, and by force hath ftai'd and taken
from Us all thoſe Our Revenues, which might have enabled Vs
to have fupplied them in that Our Kingdom, fo that we ought
in reafon (befides the Bond of their Allegiance) to expect their
ready concurrence against thofe Perfons, who are as well the
Caufers of all the Miferies they have endured, as of all the Inju
ries We have fuffered.
5. That you affure them, both Officers and Soldiers, that upon
their Landing here, they fhall immediately receive Our Pay,.
in the fame proportion and manner with the rest of our Army
here.
1643.
134
The difmal Effects of
1643. here. And you are to affure the Soldiers, that all care ſhall be
taken, that Cloathes, Shoes, and other Neceffaries be forthwith
provided for them, after they are Landed here; and that care
hall be taken for the Provifion of fuch as fhall happen to be
maim'd here in Our Service; and for the payment of all their
Arrears that shall be due to any of them that hall happen to be
kill'd in the fame, to their Wives, Children, or nearest Friends.
And you are to affure both Officers and Soldiers, that we will
take ſpecial care to reward all fuch according to their Merit
and Quality, that shall do us any eminent Service in this Our
War, against this odious and most unnatural Rebellion.
6. We will and require you, and do hereby authorize you, to
uſe your utmoſt Intereft and Industry, for the speedy Tranſpor-
tation of this forementioned part of Our Army, with their Arms,
Horfes, and fuch Ammunition, and the like, as you ſhall think
fit, into Our Kingdom of England; and particularly, if it may
be, to our Fort of the City of Chefter, or to the most commodious
Haven in North-Wales. And for Our obedience in this, and
every other of theſe Our Commands, this ſhall be to you, and every
of you, fufficient Warrant.
Given at Our Court at Eudely-Castle,
7th Sept. in the 19th year of. Our
Reign.
Superfcrib'd as before,
For the Lords Juftices, and the Lieutenant
General of the English Army.
To what Party the Ceflation was happy, will be hard to determine;
that thereby the Rebels had an opportunity (which they improv'd) to
provide themſelves of Arms and Ammunition, may eaſily be conceiv'd
in as much as the Parliament of England concluded, the Ceffation in Ire-
land was of advantage to none,but to the bloody Rebels of that Kingdom:
Agreeable to what Camd.* well obfervs,for as much as in that(fpace where-
in a Ceſſation is allowed to the Rebels)the Rebels enjoy. free liberty to di-
geft all their fecret Plots and Machinations, to ſtrengthen their Sides by
new Confederacies abroad,and to encreaſe them at home with new Forces;
whilſt all this while the English lay at a coftly idleneſs,feeding on the fruits
his Parliament. of their Friends, and faithful Well-willers; when by reaſon of the Ceffa-
*Annals Eliz.
Anno 1595.
The Ceflation
begat, great
heats betwixt
the King and
tion they might not prey upon the Enemy. Certain it is the Parliament
improv'd the Ceffation to a very fpecious pretence, in as much as no
eftate (fay they) of the Rebels was to be difpofed of (confequently no Ceffation
or Peace to be made) till the Lords and Commons of the Realm of England
Jhould
1.
1
•
the Irish Infurrection.
his
135
Should, in Parliament, by order, declare, that the faid Rebels were fubdued, 1643.
and this prefent Rebellion appeas'd and ended. But on the contrary,
Majefty fhew'd the neceffity of his good Proteftant Subjects, and the
Army (being not longer able to fubfift for want of Supplies) enforced
that Ceflation; though he is told again, That many (fince the Ceffation)
have, and do fubfift: And that one end for which the Ceffation was
made, was, that the Forces might be brought out of Ireland into Eng-
land, and employ'd against the two Houfes: Which, in Anſwer, his Ma-
jetty thews the reafon of, when the Scots Army before was made ufe of
againſt him. The whole Scene is excellently stated in his Majeſties An-
fwer to the two Papers concerning Ireland, at the Treaty at Uxbridge:
How paffionately foever the Parliaments Commiffioners conclude,
That whatſoever becomes of us, (fay they) if we must perish, yet let us go
to our graves with that comfort, that we have not made Peace with the Ene-
mies of Christ, yea, even Enemies of Mankind, declared and unreconciled
Enemies to our Religion and Nation. And indeed, to give the Parliament
their due when they had reduc'd the Affairs of England to their own
Module, the Rebels of Ireland were frequently chattifed, and fo affe-
ctionately purſued, that neither Men, Money, or Courage was wanting
to that fervice. Of the first part of which Paragraph, his Majefly feems
moſt ſenſible, expreffing in his Aníwer before-mention'd) That he would
be glad, that either a Peace in England, or any other Expedient, might fur-
nish him with Means and Power to do Faftice upon them; if this cannot be,
we must not desperately expofe our good Subjects there to Butchery, without
means or poffibility of Protection: God will, in his due time, avenge his own
quarrel. In the mean time, his Gospel gives us leave, in cafe of War, to fit
down and caft up the cost, and estimate our power to go through with it; and
in ſuch caſe, where Prudence advifeth, it is lawful to propofe Conditions of
Peace, though the War otherwise might justly be pursued. This wrought
much on many. But the Parliament (who perfifted refolutely to have his
Majeſty diſclaim the Ceffation) would not allow any neceffity for it,
alledging, that though fome of great eftimation with the Parliament
(whom his Majeſties Commiffioners produc'd as principally intereffed in
the managing of Affairs in Ireland, and the War there) had preft for Sup-
plies, as in all likelihood to perifh fpeedily without them; yet they
were affur'd (even by fome who were at the Council at that time when
thofe Letters were written) that the fame was done onely to preſs for
Supplies out of England,, without the leaft intention in them of inducing
a Ĉeffation; which is granted. But as the neceffities were there laid open,
ſo they were confidered by his Majefty,.and no other Expedient remain-
ing for the Proteftants fafety, fave a Ceflation, thereupon it was con-
cluded*; though to this day fome will have it, that his Majefties expecta-
tion to be ſupplied thence, and the prefervation of the Irish, almoſt ſwal-
lowed up by his Forces, were the principal Motives to that Ceflation.
And it muſt be acknowledged, from the feries of Affairs fince, that the
Irish (in concluding the Ceffation) had a refpect to their greater fecurity
and deſigns, those being thereby withdrawn to his Majeſties ſervice in
England, which otherwife would certainly have oppos'd them.
And here I cannot but obferve, that the Irish afterwards acquired much
confidence, by a Bull of Pope Urban's the 8th. dated at Rome the 25th. of
May, 1643. commending their forwardneſs againſt the Proteftant Here-
ticks, which they publifh'd even after the Ceflation of Arms was agreed
on 3
*
Anwer to the
Commiffioners
laft Paper at
Uxbridge, fol,
His Majeftles
557
V
1
136
The difmal Effects of
1643.
on; to what intent may be eafily conceiv'd, confidering their fubfequent
frequent violation of Compacts and Agreements with the State. Though
the bleeding Iphigenia (who, in pleading their Caufe, grofly betrays it)
would not have it thought, that this charitable Bull cheriſh'd the Catho-
licks in Rebellion, but was onely an Indulgence to fo good and juſt a
Quarrel, not any dif-refpect to the King, to whom (faith he his Holineſs
adviſed them, by their Agents, to be Loyal; as if that, and the breach of
his Majeſties Commands to lay down Arms, could rationally agree. Be-
fore which Bull, an Indulgence had been fent, Dilecto filio Eugenio Onello,
the 8th. of October, 1642, in the 20th. year of his Papacy.
The Ceffation now concluded, Obedience was expected from all parts;
but inſtead of an abfolute compliance from the Scots in Ulfter, their Offi-
cer in Chief return'd this Letter.
Monro's Letter
to the Lords
Juftices in dif-
fation.
Right Honourable,
Yo
Our Lordships of the 21. I received at Ardmagh the 29, together
with the Printed Ceffation, which was very difpleafing unto this Ar-
like of the Cef- my, who being fent Auxiliary for ſupply of the British Forces in diftrefs,
were promis'd by his Majesty, and the Parliament of England, Pay and En-
tertainment from three months to three months; nevertheleß, in eighteen
months time, they have endured (both Officers and Soldiers •) unparallel'd
miferies: And now a great part of the Service being done, they are re-
warded with the conclufion of a Ceffation, without affurance of entertainment
for the time, or any certainty of the payment of their Arrears, and they muſt
conform to the Treaty. This kind of ufage and contempt would constrain good
Servants, though his Majefties Loyal Subjects, to think upon fome courfe
which may
be fatisfactory to them, being driven almost to defpair, and
threaten'd to be perfecuted by the Roman Catholick Subjects, as they are
now called. Nevertheless, of the forefaid Contempt (for obedience to his
Majesties Command) I have mov'd the Army for the time to cease any hoftile
Act againſt our Enemies, till fuch time as your Lordships will be pleaſed to
confider better of our prefent condition, and grant us time to acquaint the
General, who has onely Commiffion over the Army, to adviſe us how to be-
have our felves in this Exigency; fince I (as Governour of Carigfergus)
can give your Lordſhips no pofitive Anſwer to this Ceſſation in the name
our Army, having not abfolute Power over them: And immediately after
receiving the General's refolution, your Lordships fhall be acquainted there-
with; which is the least favour your Lordships can vouchsafe upon us, in re-
compence of our Bygan Service. And fo I remain,
Ardmagh, 29
Sept. 1643.
Receiv'd the 2d. of Octob.
Your Lordships humble and obedient
Servitor, Robert Monrd.
To the Right Honourable, the Lords Juftices and Council.
Upon this Anſwer of Monro's, the Supreme Council at Kilkenny, main-
taining their Umpire in the Empire, vifits the Lords Juſtices and Council
with this Letter.
Our
>
ཌ
the Irish Infurrection.
Our very good Lords.
WĘ
E whom his Majefties Catholick Subjects of this Kingdom, did in-
truft in the management of their Affairs, have by their publick
Act, ratified and confirmed the Articles of Ceflation, concluded upon by our
Commiſſioners, willingly and cheerfully, hoping in the quiet of that time
affign'd for it,by the benefit of the access which his Majesty is graciously pleas'd
to afford us, to free our felves from thofe odious Calumnies, wherewith we
have been branded, and to render our felves worthy of Favour, by fome
acceptable fervice, fuiting the expreffion we have often made, and the real
affections and zeal we have to ferve his Majefty; and in as much as we are
given to understand, that the Scots (who not long fince in great numbers
came over into this Kingdom, and by the flaughter of many Innocents without
diſtinction of Age or Sex have poſſeſſed themselves of very large Terri-
tories in the North, and fince the notice given them of the Ceflation, have
not onely continued their former cruelties upon the Perfons of weak and
unarmed Multitudes, but have added thereunto the burning of the Corn,
belonging to the Natives within that Province of Ulfter. Notwithstanding
which outrages, we hear that they have (although but faintly) and with
relation unto the conſent of their General, after fome days confultation, whe-
ther it were convenient for their Affairs, defired to partake in the Ceffa-
tion, intending, as is evident by their proceedings, fo far onely to admit
thereof, as it may, be beneficial for their Patrons, the Malignant Party, now
in Arms againſt his Majefty in England, by diverting us from affifting his
Majefty, or of advantage to their defire, of eating further into the bowels
of our Countrey: We who can accuse our felves of no one hollow thought,
and detest all fubtile Practices, cannot think of ferving two Mafters, or
Standing Neuters, where our King is Party: And we defirous, none
fhould refide in this Kingdom, but his Majefties good Subjects, we beseech
your Lordships therefore, that theſe who have other ends then his Majesties
Service and Intereft, and are fo far from permitting the Natives, to en-
joy three parts of what they have fown, as they may with no fecurity look
upon their former habitations, and do abfolutely deny to restore their
Prifoners, contrary to the Articles of Ceflation, may by the joynt power of
all his Majefties good Subjects, within this Kingdom, of what Nation foever,
be profecuted, and that while thefe Succours are in preparation, our Pro-
ceedings against them, may no way be imputed unto us, a defire any way to
violate this Ceſſation: And we do further pray your Lordships, that for
our juftification therein, you will be pleas'd to tranfmit unto his Majefty
thefe our Letters, and to fend unto us the Copy of thofe directed unto
your Lordships, from Serjeant Major Monro, concerning this Matter. Thus
with the remembrance of our heartiest wishes unto your Lordships, we reft,
Kilkenny, 15. Octob. 1643.
Received 25.
To the Right Honourable
the Lords Juftices and
Council.
Tour Lordſhips loving Friends,
Mountgarret, Caftlehaven Audley, H.
Armach, Jo. Clonfert, Th. Fr. Dublin,
R. Beling, N. Plunket, Gerrard Fennell.
T
And
137
1643.
The Supream
Council's Let-
ter from Kil-
kenny, to the
Lords Jultices,
Scots breach of
the Ceflation.
touching the
138
The difmal Effects of
455
1643.
Several Regi-
ments tranf-
ported into
England.
The Oath im-
pofed upon the
ing for Eng-
laud.
And now many of thofe Officers who had ferved his Majeſty moſt
fignally in Ireland, were treated with, to recruit his Forces in and about
Chefier; to which end all the encouragement (that his Majefty had gi-
ven in his Letters of the 4th. and 7th. of September) were faithfully im-
parted to them, and what could poffibly be rais'd for their Tranſportation,
was effectually done: Whereupon feveral Regiments, as Sir Mich. Ear-
nely's, Sir Rich. Fleetwoods, Colonel Gibfon, Colonel Monk, Colonel
Warren, and others hafted over, but with fuch Reluctancy of the Com-
mon Souldiers, as the fharpeft Proclamations (of which there were ſe-
veral hardly reſtrain'd them from flying their Colours, both before and
after their arrival in England: To prevent which, and that the Souldiers
might be fecur'd in their Loyalty to his Majeſty, the Lieutenant General
compos'd this Oath.
I
Resting fully affured of his Majesties moft Princely Truth and Goodness,
do freely and from my heart promife, vow, and protest, in the prefence
Souldiers go- of Almighty God, that I will to the utmost of my Power, and with the
hazard of my Life, maintain and defend the true Proteftant Religion, efta-
blifh'd in the Church of England, his Majefties facred Perfon, his Heirs,
and lawful Succeffors, and his Majefties juft Powers and Prerogatives
against the Forces now under the Conduct of the Earl of Effex, and againſt
all other Forces whatsoever, that are or ſhall be rais'd, contrary to his Ma-
jefties Commands and Authority.
And I will do my best endeavour to procure and re-establish the Peace
and Quietness of the Kingdom of England.
And I will neither directly or indirectly divulge or communicate any
thing to the faid Earl of Effex, his Officers, or any other, to hinder or
prejudice the Deſigns of his Majesty, in the Conduct or Imployment of his
Army.
Which that it may be taken by every Souldier, follows the Precept.
By the Lieutenant General of his Majeſtics Army.
W
Hereas his Majesty hath been pleas'd to command the prefent
transportation of a part of his Army here into England, I do
think fit, and hereby Order, that every Officer and Souldier, to be tranf-
ported hence, do take the Oath, above-written, before they depart this
Harbour.
Given at his Majeſties Castle of Dublin, 13. of Octob. 1643.
Ormond.
And in refpect, that upon their going, many Souldiers lifted themſelves
under other Officers, the Lord Lieutenant (befides other Courſes pub-
lifht, the 13. of November, an Edict, that no Souldiers, under penalty of
death, fhould depart from their former Commanders and Officers; and
that no Commanders and Officers, on pain of diſpleaſure, ſhould dare to
entertain any Souldiers fo offending: And the 4th. of Feb. 1643. the
Lord General publiſht a Proclamation, That if any Souldier ſhould ſtay
behind,that was commanded to go over, or fhould, after he was tranfported.
1
over
1
་
1
1
1
the Irish Infurrection.
over into England, run away from his Colours, he being afterwards
apprehended, thould prefently fuffer death without mercy.
Upon which (as you fee) many came over into England, and at
Hawerden Castle, Beefton Caſtle, Bartomley Church, Dedington Houfe,
Acton Church, and Durtwich, improved their time; but the main body,
the 25. of January, 1643. was utterly defeated by Sir Thomas Fairfax,
raifing the Siege of Namptwich, 1500 common Souldiers beſides Óffi-
cers being there taken Prifoners, befides thofe that were flain; fo that
what advantage accrewed to the Regal Army by their coming over, ma-
ny believ'd was not very confiderable, unleſs thofe, who came out of
Munſter, were more fuccefsful. The general (if not all thoſe who came
to his Majefties afliftance out of Ireland) were his own Forces, which
he* had fent against the Rebels, from whom I cannot yet learn after all
their profeffions of having no one hollow thought, or fubtile practice to
ſerve two Maſters, or ftanding Neuters, whilft their King was Party *)
that any formed Regiment, or confiderable, Party reach'd England, no!
it will hereafter appear, how thamefully they deferted his Majefties Affairs,
even in Ireland it felf, when their Intereſt might have united them in
Loyalty and Obedience.
し
​*
139
1643.
See his Maje-
thes Meflage
from Oxford,
the 24.01 jan.
1645. Fol. 227.
Letter again of
the 15th. of
* View their
Octob. 1643,
Οπού.
Some months after the arrival of thefe and other Forces out of Ire-
land, the Parliament of England made an Ordinance*, against the giving *0.06. 24.
of any Quarter to any Irish man, or to any Papist born in Ireland, taken in 16++
Hoftility againſt the Parliament, by Sea or Land, which his Majefty
thought very fevere, they being called to the fervice of their Natural
Prince.
The coming over of the English made feveral that were not fo for-
ward) fufpected in their Loyalty; though in truth) never any
Prince had an Army more intirely affecting his Perfon,then the generality
of his Militia of Ireland; who being fent thither, or rais'd there, werc
not yet wean'd from the Juftice of that Caufe, hardly matchable in any
example, the War being faid, long fince, a great Inftrument of State)
not an ambitious War of Foraigns, but a recovery of Subjects (and that
after Lenity of Conditions often tried) not onely to obedience, but to
Humanity and Policy, from more then Indian Barbariſm: whereas the
Affairs of England imbrued Relations in one anothers blood, and the
Concerns of Ireland were as much his Majeſties as the other; and the
Cauſe undoubtedly Gods.
The Lords Juftices and Council (this while) had a great task, and
not ſo much as ftraw to the Work, the Confederates paying in the
Money, (viz. 30800 7. they promifed the 16th. of September, towards
the maintenance of his Majefties Army, this Ceflation) very uncertain, The Irish break
as their Cows and Cattle of the worſt, taking within three days after the Cellation,
the Ceffation, near 369 head of choice English Cattle from the fuburbs
of Dublin, acting befides many other violencies on divers Caftles, Forts,
and Houſes; fo as this agreement with the Rebels feemed rather a Pro-
tection, then a Ceffation, of Acts of Hoftility: That in this extremity
the Lords Juſtices Providence and Care (how great foever) could re-
medy little, being their bufinefs now was to proceed in another courſe
then formerly they had the Election of which grew hourly the heavier
upon them, by reafon of the difcontents which conftantly arofe from the
Inhabitants, and the Proteftants (now, more then ever, fenfible of their
Condition, the Irish Agents making all the fpeed they could to repair
T 2
(with
140
The difmal Effects of
1643.
Agents being
to go from the
Rebels to Ox-
ford, the Pro-
teftants Peti-
tion the State,
that they
might have
fome to attend
(at the fame
tine) his Ma-
jefties Pleaſure.
Motions made
upon the Cef-
fation, that
fome of the
Confederates
fhould be ad-
mitted unto
(with their Propofitions) to his Majefty then at Oxford, according to
an Article in the Ceflation, and his Majefties Proclamation thereupon,
by which they were allowed to fend Agents to his Majefty; of which,
the Proteftants in and about Dublin being very apprehenſive, left his Ma-
jefty fhould be pre-poffeffed of the Rebels fence, they thought it moſt
convenient to diſpatch Agents preſently to his Majeſty; and to that end
about the 6th. of October, 1643. they meeting at the Earl of Kildare's
houfe, fram'd a Petition to the Lords Juftices and Council, humbly
befeeching their Lordships for their Licenſe unto fuch, as they fhould
appoint to attend his Majeſty in their behalf, whereunto the Lords Jufti-
ces and Council, the 12. of the fame month, expreffed their forwardneſs,
declaring how his Majefty, had been graciously pleas'd to put them in
mind, that thence they ſhould fend fome of his Majeſties Miniſters to
affiſt in the Treaty, when the Irifh fhould repair to him; and when they
had acquainted his Majefty with the Petitioners requeſt, they ſhould be
certified of his Pleaſure with convenient ſpeed: But the Petitioners (not
conceiving this a fatisfactory anſwer) again Petitioned the Lords Jufti-
ces and Council, the 14. of the fame month, fending them therewithall
a Copy of their Petition they had agreed on to his Majefty; where-
unto the Lord Juftices and Council, the 19th. of October, returned an An-
fwer; That fuch was their care of the Petitioners, that the fame day they
had given them an Anſwer to their former Petition; they incloſed in
their Letters to Secretary Nicholas their firſt Petition to them, requeſt-
ing his Majeſties gracious Pleaſure thereupon, and further they could
not now proceed, though if they would repair to his Majeſty, they would
not hinder them, but could not accompany them with their recommen-
dation, till they knew his Majefties Pleaſure to have them come over;
much artifice there was uſed, to have had fome proteſted againſt the Peti-
tion they had framed to his Majefty, but none of thoſe who had figned
it (fave Major Morris) was wrought upon; and the 17. of Febr. 1643.
the Petition was fo well approved of in the Houfe of Commons in Ire-
land, as it had their concurrence: And about the beginning of Janu-
ary, a Letter of his Majefties to the Lords Juftices, and Lieutenant-Ge-
neral of the Army (dated the 6th. of November, 1643.) arrived at
Dublin, Licencing the Proteftant Agents to repair to Oxford; of whofe
further Proceedings with the management of that buſineſs, you ſhall
have ſpeedily.
Not long after the Ceflation, one mov'd at the Council Board by way
of Petition, That fuch of the Irish (as would constantly pay contribution
to the Army) might have freedom to return to their Caftles: and the mo-
tion took with fome, but was ftrongly oppos'd by others, confidering
how many gallant men (as Sir Simon Harcourt, and others) had been
their dwellings. loft in the regaining of thofe Caftles; and that (it being uncertain on what
terms there might be Peace,) it might be taken ill by the King, that thoſe
Caftles (the price of fo much blood) fhould be furrendred without his
Privity, upon which the motion was laid afide; I will not fay, all Re-
flections afterwards on them that oppos'd it: Nor indeed was the event
of this motion fo ſuppreſt, but that in a fhort time after, ſome (through
the Importunity of the Irish Agents) were reſtored to their Eftates, who
had from the beginning been in Rebellion; notwithſtanding their Eſtates
had been given in Cuftodium, and thoſe who had them (not accept-
ing of mean and finifter proffers) had little elſe to ſubſiſt by, or pay
Arrears of their Service.
the
So
the Irish Infurrection.
141
1644.
So as Affairs of different natures hourly encreaſing, fubject to con-
ftructions, beyond the management of the Prudenteft and moft Loyal
thoughts, it could not but be a great eaſe to be free'd of that Govern-
ment, which an Illuftrious Perfon (whofe Interereft was Principally in-
volv'd in the prefent Intrigues) had a Regal Call thereunto; where-
upon theſe Lords Juftices were remov'd, not without confiderable Re-
pofe, difficulties daily flowing in upon them, remedileſs by any but
his Excellency James Marquils of Ormond, who the 21. of January, The Marquifs
1643. was folemnly, in Chriſtchurch, Dublin, fworn Lord Lieutenant with of Ormond
general acceptance: At which time Robert Sibthorp, Biſhop of Limerick, Lieutenant
chofe for his Text the 77. Pfalm, and the laſt verſe, Thou leadeft thy the 21. of
People like a Flock by the hand of Mofes and Aaron; upon which he
paraphras'd exceeding elegantly; But, (as Sir James Ware obferves in
his Life) never receiv'd a Farthing of his Bishoprick.
し
​made Lord
Jan. 1643,
The Lord Lieu¬
tenant lege-
lating of the
Army.
*The Eſtabliſh-
with the rates
fet cach
ment of which,
on
an Act of
at the Council
4th.
clamation at
of December,
The Marquifs of Ormond being now feated in the Government, one
of the firſt things he began to regulate ( after he had fent the defigned Ar-
my into England) was the ftanding Army, at that time much ftraightned
through want of Pay and other Extremities; he therefore reduced the
Troops about Dublin to Five and twenty apiece, befides Officers, all
but his own, which was continued 40. and Sir Thomas I cas's and Arme
Strong's 30. befides Officers, and to pay thefe which made up 150 Horſe
beſides 2000 Foot) he rais'd moncy by an * Excife, Taxes on the Town,
and 3d. an Acre inhabited within the English Pale, befides enquiry
what was owing (by Debts) unto the Londoners; fo as thence with what
Tabacco they had, a confiderable fum was weekly rais'd, and accordingly Commodity,
disbursed for the Relief of the Souldiers, and other neceffaries, which he (according to
having retrench't (according to the Exigence) he kept to due Mufters Council made
and obfervance: And by reafon of divers Robberies and Murthers daily Board the
committed by the Souldiers, on fuch as brought Provifion for the Relief of December)
of the City, the Lord-General the 16th. of March, 1643. ftrict- was by Pro-
ly prohibited all fuch outrages, under the utmoſt Peril of the Martial the Castle of
Laws. And the Parliament there meeting at Dublin the 17th. of April,
the Speakers of both Houſes, the 18th. of the fame, 1644. by a Letter,
prohibited the Commanders,&Officers of his Majefties Armies,and others,
in the Kingdom of Ireland, to take the Solemn League and Covenant,
according to a Proclamation by the Lords Juftices and Council, the
18th. of December, 1643. fet out with great Wiſdom and Reaſon, high-
ly commending their deep Judgment therein; which his Excellency
then alfo commanded to be re-Printed, at the requeft of the Commons
Houſe of Parliament, 1644*. In purſuance of which, an Oath afterwards
was hammer'd; but fome of the Judges dif-agreeing, it was never form'd.
Great were his Excellency's Affairs indeed, the contrary Parties(he was ne-
ceffarily obliged to deal with) would in any (but one fo refolute and intire)
have betrayed to Effeminacy and Diſorder. The Irish on one hand, con-
fident in their Addrefs to his Majefty, and the Proteftants opprefs'd with
their fufferings and ftraights, both he quitted to his Majefties Juftice, after
that he had had his Majefties Licence for their Repair to him. The Con-
federate Catholicks thereupon, fent their Agents, authoriſed by them
to attend his Majeſty at Oxford, but indeed with fuch Defires and Pro-
pofitions as (weighed but in an indifferent Ballance) make too lively
Repreſentation, how in-competent Confiderers they were of the way to
their own Repoſe and Happineſs, and how unlikely they were to prevent
a
the
Dublin, pub-
lifhed the 9th.
16++ As the
12th of Oct.
preceding,
there had paf-
fed one of the
though this
more large.
*Appendix 16,
fame nature,
11.
*The Lord Vif-
count Muskery,
Sir Robert Tal-
bot, Dermot
Mac Trag o
Bryan, &c.
rates fent their
Agents to Or
The Confede-
ford.
142
The difmal Effects of
$
1644.
The Lord Lieu-
tenant from the
Council Board
fent others.
* Sir William
Stewart, Sir
Gerard Low-
ther, Sw Philip
Percival, Ju-
the deftroying Calamities which hung over their heads, and ſo cloſely
purfued them.
At the fame time, and fo long as the Treaty lafted, the King was like-
Wife attended by a Committee from the Council Board of Ireland, in
purfuance of his Commands, to inform his Majefty of all matters of Fact
which had pafled, and of all the Laws and Cuſtoms there neceffary to be
weighed, upon what the Catholicks fhould demand or propofſe.
*
And by the Parliament then fitting in Dublin, feveral were authorized
to prefent to his Majefty the Grievances, of his Proteftant Subjects in Ire-
thee Donnelon, land, that nothing might be granted in that Treaty, to the prejudice of
their Intereft and fecurity.
to whom were
added, being
refident at Ox-
far, Sn
R:
1
Sir
FS George
Trillam Sam
[
back.
>
Captain 1771-
lenn Ridge-
wy Elquire,
Hamilton, Sir
Sir Francis
Charles Coote,
Captam
Each Party arrived at Oxford near the midst of April; the Con-
federate Agents got thither fooneft, having lefs Remora's in their
difpatch.
The Confederates, as men who thought themfelves poffeffed of the
whole ftrength and Power of the Kingdom, and the Kings condition in
England to weak, as he would buy their affiftance at any rates, demanded
upon the Matter, the total alteration of Government, both in Church and
State, the very form of making and enacting Laws, which is the foun-
dation of Government, and which had been practis'd, ever fince the
the Infolencers Reign of King H. 7. muſt be abolished; and inſtead of Liberty or To-
of the Confe- leration for the exercife of the Romish Religion, they infiſted on ſuch
Priviledges, Immunities, and Power, as would have amounted at beſt, but
The Proteftant to a Toleration of the Proteftant Religion, and that no longer then they
Committee of thould think fit to confent to it.
i
I: im Parsons,
derates.
Appendix 12.
the L Par-
liament, pref-
fed the execu-
tion of the
Laws againit
the Rebels,
&c.
* The Lord
Cottington,
Earl of Bristol,
Porrland, Lord
George Digby,
Sir Edward
Nicholas, Sir
John Culpe-
per,Sir Edward
Hide, &c.
Thefe of the
troubled be-
twixt the con-
tells of the
Rebels and
Proicitants.
On the other hand, the Committee of Parliament (as men who
too much felt the fmart and anguith of their late fufferings, undervalued
and condemned the Irish, as inferior to them in Courage and Conduct,
and as poflefled of much greater Power by the Ceflation, then they could
retain in War, very earnestly preft the execution of the Laws in force,
Reparation for the dammages they had fuftain'd, difarming the Irish
in fuch manner, and to fuch a degree, as it might not be hereafter in
their Power to do more miſchief, and fuch other Conditions, as People
(who are able to contend) are not ufually perfwaded to ſubmit unto,
which the Committec* at Oxford for Iriſh Affairs,infifted on with powerful
Reaſons and Arguments.
In theſe fo different and diftant Applications, they who were fent as
Council much moderate Men from the Council, knew not how to behave themſelves,
but enough diſcovered, that they had not the confidence in the Irish, as
to be willing that they fhould be ſo far truſted, that the performance of
their Duty fhould depend onely on their Affection and Allegiance; But
that there fhould be a greater Reftraint upon them, then they were in-
clin'd to fubmit to; otherwife that the Proteftant Religion, and English
Intereft, would be fooner rooted out by the Peace they propofed, then it
could be by the War.
The Irish A-
gents foeming-
what they were
from the Con-
ly mov'd, at
federates in-
forced to ftand
upon.
It is very true, that the Irish Agents demean'd themſelves to his Maje-
fty, with great fhew of Modeity and Duty, (they were Men that lack'd
neither Art nor Behaviour) and confeffed, that they believ'd that the
Demands they were enjoyn'd to inſiſt upon, were fuch as his Majeſty
could not confent unto; and that the prefent condition of his Affairs was
not ſo well underſtood by them, or by thoſe who ſent them, before their
coming out of Ireland, as it now was; which if it had been, they were
confident
t
the Irish Infurrection.
confident they ſhould have had fuch Inftructions, as would better have
complied with their own Defires, and his Majefty's Occafions; and
therefore frankly offer'd to return and ufe their utmoſt Endeavours, to in-
cline the Confederate Council, (whofe Deputies they were, and who
then exerciſed the fupream Power over the Confederate Catholicks of
that Kingdom) to more Moderation, and to return their full fubmiffion
and obedience to his Majefty, upon fuch Conditions as his Goodnefs
would confent unto for their fecurity. But how little of this was per-
form'd, you fhall find in the fequel of the Story; however, the King fent
his Command the 16th. of Feb. 164. to the Marquels of Ormond, to con-
tinue and renew their Ceflation for another year; and likewife a Com-
miffion under the Great Seal of England, to make a full Peace with his
Catholick Subjects, upon fuch Conditions he found agreeable to the pub-
lick Good and Welfare, and might produce fuch a Peace and Union in
that Kingdom, as might vindicate his Regal Power and Authority, and
fupprefs the Rebels in England and Scotland. And fo his Majefty difmif-
fed the Catholick Agents, with demonſtration of much Grace and Confi-
dence with this good Council, which he moſt pathetically poured out to
them at their departure. That they ſhould not forget, the prefervation of
the Nation, and Religion which they profeffed, and were fo zealous for in
Ireland, depended upon the prefervation of his just Rights and Authority in
England: That they faw his Subjects of Scotland, contrary to all Obligati-
ons, had invaded England, and joyned with thofe Rebels against him, who
without that affistance would have been speedily reduced to their obedience.
And therefore if his Catholick Subjects of Ireland made hafte, upon fuch Con-
ditions as he might then grant without prejudice to himſelf, and which should
be amply sufficient for the fecurity of their Fortunes, Lives, and Exercife of
their Religion, to affist him, whereby he might be enabled by God's Bleffing
to Suppreß that Rebellion, they might confidently believe, he would never
forget to whofe Merit he owed his Prefervation and Restauration, and it
would then be in his abfolute Power to vouchsafe Graces to them, to compleat
their happiness, and which he gave them his Royal Word) he would then dif-
pence in fuch manner, as fhould not leave them disappointed of any of their
just and full Expectations. But if (by infifting on fuch Particulars, as he
could not in Confcience confent to, and their Confciences obliged them not to
ask, or on fuch, as though he could himſelf be content to yield to, yet in that
Fundure of Time, would bring fuch great damage to him, that all the Sup-
plies they could give or fend to him, could not countervail,and might be as be-
neficially granted to them hereafter, when he might better do it) they
fhould delay their joyning with him, and ſo look on, till the Rebel's Power
prevail'd againſt him in England and Scotland, and fupprefs'd his Party in
thofe Kingdoms, it would then be too late for them to give him help, and they
would quickly find their Strength in Ireland, but an imaginary Support for
his or their own Interest, and that they who with much difficulty had destroy-
ed him, would without any confiderable Oppofition, ruine their Intereft, and
root out their Religion with their Nation, from all the Dominions which
ſhould be ſubject to their exorbitant Jurifdiction. How much of this
prov'd a Prophefie, their fad Experience knows, and the World cannot
but take notice of.
Soon after the Confederate's Agents were difiniffed, the Proteftant's
Committee of Parliament (who had managed their Scene with much
Courage and Integrity.) drew off, with the King's Favour and Promiſe
to do the utmost he could for them.
In
143
1644.
ފ
The King's Ad-
monition to
the IrisAgents
at their depar
ture.
13
144
The difmal Effects of
汝
​1
1644.
*
In the managing of which Affairs, if they had not been very refolute,
arm'd with much Truth, they would certainly have fall'n under many In-
conveniencies: For, befides what they met with at Oxford, they had
ftill Correspondence, and accordingly acted, as they were animated by a
Party of the Proteftant Committee of the Parliament of Ireland, then
refident in Dublin, who (that they might decline the height of what
thofe at Oxford propofed) were tempted by an Order of the Council-
Appendix 13. Board to certifie, Whether the 24 Propofitions of his Majeſty's Prote-
ftant Agents of Ireland, (prefented to his Majefty the 18th. of April,
1644. did agree with their fence, in order to the prefent condition of the
Kingdom: Whereby it's thought, that if it had been faid, that the 24
Propofitions had been agreed to by the Proteftants in general, there would
have been an Endeavour, to have got fome to have figned an Inftrument
againſt the Agent's Proceedings; and therefore their Proceeding was ac-
knowledged to be according to their Inftructions, and their Correfpon-
dent's Advice in Town: As in the Anſwer.
!
IN
May it pleaſe your Lordships.
N Obedience to your Lordship's Commands, fignified in your Order of the
5th. of June, 1644. directed to us the Perfons under-named, requiring
us to certifie your Lordships, Whether the 24 Propofitions of his Majefty's
Proteftant Agents of Ireland, prefented to his Majelly, do agree with
our fence, in order to the prefent condition of this Kingdom. We the
faid Perfons do humbly certifie, That we have perufed the Propofitions in the
faid Order mention'd, and do humbly conceive them, to be in fubftance pur-
fuant to the humble Petition of his Majesty's Proteftant Subjects, as well
Commanders of his Majefty's Army here, as others, (a Copy of which Peti-
tion hath been formerly prefented to your Lordships, and from that Honou-
rable Board tranfmitted to his Sacred Majesty,and by him graciouſly receiv'd,
as may appear by his Majesty's Letters of the 6th. of November last, whereof
your Lord/hips were pleas'd to grant the Petitioners a Copy.) And that the
Said Propofitions are, as we humbly conceive, in fubftance purfuant unto cer-
tain Inftructions, entituled, Inftructions for the Agents, who are to at-
tend his moſt Sacred Majeſty, on the behalf of his Majefty's Proteſtant
Subjects of Ireland: Which Inftructions were also prefented at that Honou-
rable Board, and there (upon ferious Debate, according to the Pleaſure of
your Lordships in fome things) altered, and fo a Copy thereof was deliver-
ed to your Lord/hips. And we humbly conceive, that the faid Propofitions,
are fuch in fubftance, as if way may be found, (whereby his Majefty may
bring to pass the Particulars therein conceiv'd) they would conduce to the
Eſtabliſhment of the true Proteftant Religion, the Honour and Advantage
of his Majefty, and the future Security of his Highneſs, his Royal Po-
fterity, this his Kingdom, and the Proteftant Subjects therein. But
how theſe Propofitions ftand, in order to the prefent condition of this King-
dom, is a thing far above us to refolve: All which we humbly leave to your
Lord/hip's Grave Confiderations. Signed,
Will. Cooley, Will. Ufher, Hen. Jones, Anth. Dopping, Will. Plunket,
Theod. Schoute, Peter Wybrants.
When
#
!
the Irish Infurrection.
145
Our on their
When the Irish Confederates Agents return'd into Ireland, moſt of 164.7.
them (as far as acted in view) perform'd their Promife and Engage-
ments to the King, fo as many of the Nobility and Gentry, and moft of The Irish A
the Perfons of confiderable Fortune, together with the moderate Clergy, gents Behavi-
who are eaſie to be number'd) were convinc'd of the neceflity of fub- Return into
mitting themſelves entirely to the King, till he was able to grant them Ireland.
more, that they might not be glad to accept of lefs. But the evil Genius
of that People, ( condemn'd to wilful ruine and misfortune) foon evi-
denc'd how unripe they were for mercy, and that it was not fo eafie to al-
lay the Spirits they had conjur'd up,as to foment and irritate them. The
Nobility, and Men of known Fortune, (whom felf-Intereft (by this time)
had taught Loyalty) found that they had loft their Power, and the Re-
verence they had parted with to the Clergy, had much Influence on he
common People, who, devoting themſelves folely to their Clergy's Di-
Atate, oppos'd all Conclufions, which (according to Wiſdom and true
Policy were to be the Ingredients of a happy and lafting Peace. And
fo above 2 years were ſpent, (after thefe Agent's departure from the King)
in fruitless and in-effectual Treaties, the Earl of Glamorgan, in the interim,
treating in that wilde order with the Rebels, as under a pretended fuffici-
ent Authority from the King, (utterly difown'd) he blew them up to
fuch a pernicious Expectation, by the feigned Articles he fign'd to them,
the 25th.of August, 1645. fo deftructive both to Church and State, and
fo repugnant to his Majeſty's publick Profeffions, and known Reſolutions,
as the Treaty of Peace (proceeding on more agreeable Terms by the Lord
Lieutenant) found many rubbs and impediments. Whilft the Strength
and Power of the Parliament's Forces in England exceedingly increated,
and his Majeſty's Forces were defeated, and himfelf (for want of Succours
promis'd out of Ireland) was compelled to deliver up himſelf to his Scot-
tiſh Subjects, and was ſhortly after by them given into the hands of the
Parliament of England, who being (at laft) ſplit into feveral Factions,
fo varied Councils, as (in conclufion) he was betrayed, and ſuffer'd,
to the aſtoniſhment of the World.
But that I may not o're-flip the Series of this Story, which, through a
conflux of Matter, will fometimes unavoidably be diſturbed, I muſt take
notice, that the firſt Ceffation being near determin'd, the 5th. of Sept.
1644. there was a new Ceffation agreed on by the Lord Lieutenant, and
the Iriſh Commiffioners, to begin on the 15th. of September, and conti-
nue till the rft. of December following. And in refpect that the Treaty
of Peace had ſeveral Matters of weight and confequence, which neceffari-
ly required further time to be prepared, and drawn into writing, it was
agreed on at the Caſtle of Dublin, the 2d. of Octob. anno prædict. that the
Treaty fhould be adjourn'd to the 4th. of November enſuing, the Irish
Agents, in the interim, to have liberty to continue in, or come to Dublin,
as often as they ſhould think fit; which time they improved, and Affairs
were fo managed, as there was never any other Ceflation till the
Peace.
About which time, the Earls of Thomond, Clanrickard, and St. Albans,
the Lord Rannelagh, Fitz-williams, Taaff, and Dillon, who had never re-
ceded from his Majesty's Commands, writ to him, That betwixt two
Parties, one, if they were difpofed to make Invafion upon them, and the
other, who ſticking to the Covenant, dif-obey'd the Ceffation, they
were like to be ruin'd; and therefore implor'd his Majeſty, to reconcile
U
the
The Earl of
Glamorgan's
ment of the
King's Affairs
Legible in his
Meffage, dated
at Oxford, 29.
unjuft Manage-
in Ireland.
Jan. 1545.
146
The difmal Effects of
1
1644. the Difference betwixt thofe, who were too high, either of the Confe-
derates or Proteftants, in their Demands, and declare against the Scots,
who would make little diſtinction (were it in their power) between
them, and thoſe whom they now affaulted.
*July 18.1644
*The Lord In-
chequin,
The Lord
Broghil,.
Sir Wil. Fenton,
Sir Percy
Smith,
Lieut.Col. Wil.
Brocket,
Lieut. Col. Tho.
Serle,
Serjeant Major
Muſchamp.
In treating of Peace, we muſt not forget, that the Lord Inchequin (ha-
ving been eaſily wrought on to agree to the Ceflation) carried over ma-
ny of his Munster Forces to the King, who in memory of his fervice, be-
ſtowed on him a noble Wardship, and would have made him an Earl:
But the Preſidency of Munster (pre-difpos'd of to the Earl of Portland)
being his aim, he returns again into Ireland, and from Cork, the 17th.
of July, 1644. he and other Officers there writes to his Majeſty, That
no Peace could be concluded with the Irish Rebels, which would not bring un-
to his Majesty, and the Engliſh in general, a far greater prejudice, than the
Shew of a Peace there would bring them an advantage, &c. And thereupon
befought him, that he would not fo much regard fo inconfiderable a handful
of People as they were, as to purchase but a feeming fecurity,by leaving there-
by the Protestant Religion in all likelihood to be extirpated, and his Ma-
jesty obnoxious to the loss of that Kingdom: Further befeeching his Majefty,
that he would be pleas'd to Proclaim again the Irish to be Rebels, and not
to pardon those who have committed so many barbarous Crimes that they are
as far above defcription, as they are fhort of honesty, profeffing they had his
Majesties Commiffion for what they did; the true fenfe of which devilliſh
afperfion caft upon his Majesty, with other reaſons, made them refolve to die
a thousand deaths, rather than condescend to any Peace; referring them-
felves in other things to their Declaration.
And from the fame place, the day* following, theſe * write to both
Houſes of Parliament in England, (much to the fame effect) importun-
ing their Agreement with his Majefty, without which,the War could not
be profecuted as it ought; offering (for the fecuring of their Garriſon to
their Service) whom they pleas'd: Concluding, That they hoped fuch
a wife Affembly would diſtinguiſh betwixt the effects of Neceffity (the
Ceflation) and Diſhoneſty: Including, in their Letter to both Houſes,
their Declaration, which I had thought to have abbreviated, but it is fo
fignificant, that we ſhall find it unravels many Secrets then to come, and
declares fuch Truths, as without injury to their Merits we could not
fmother.
IF
The unanimous Declaration of His
Majefties Proteftant Subjects of
the Province of Munſter.
Fin the undertaking of a juſt Deſign it were onely requifite, that the
Hearts and Confciences of the Undertakers were fatisfi'd, we should
not need to publiſh this Declaration; but left our Enemies fhould traduce
the candour of our Actions and Intentions, we have made this manifeftation
of them, which will acquaint the World with their Malice, and our Innocence.
We are confident, that all Christendom hath heard of the bloody Rebellion.
in Ireland; and we are as confident, the Rebels and Popish Clergy have fo
palliated
the Irish Infurrection.
147
༥
palliated and difguifed it, that many are fully perfwaded, they had reafon for
what they did: But we believe, all men of Judgment will change that opi-
nion, when they shall know, That though they were a Conquer'd People,
yet the Laws were adminiftred unto them with as much equity, as to the
English; That they enjoyed their Religion, though not by Tolleration, yet by
Connivance; That their Lords (though Papists) fate in Parliament; And
that the Election of the Knights of the Shire, and Burgeffes, was free, and
though of a contrary Religion, were admitted into the House of Commons.
yet for all thefe, and many other vaft Favours and Priviledges, when every
one was fitting under his Vine and Fig-tree, without any provocation, they
refolve upon a general extirpation, both of the Protestants and their Reli-
gion, which, without doubt, they had effected, had not God been more mer-
ciful than they were wicked, and by a Miracle difcovered this devillifh De-
fign; whereof, though we had notice just time enough to fecure our main Ma-
gazine at Dublin, yet we could not prevent the butchery of multitudes of
innocent Souls, which fuffered at the first in the Province of Ulfter; and
fince they have continued this Rebellion with fuch perfidioufnefs and bloodi-
nefs, that though we had been as guilty as we are innocent, yet the profecuting
the War with that barbarousness, had rather been a fin than justice. But
by Gods great providence, when the Rebellion brake out first, the Parliament
of England was fitting, unto whom his Majefty communicated fo much of his
Power over this Kingdom, as we shall hereafter mention, and gave them
great encouragement to profecute the War against the Rebels, by granting
Lands unto fuch as ſhould adventure Money for the maintenance of the War.
Whereupon the Parliament (who were most willing to advance fo good a
Cauſe) fent us at first large Supplies, which had fo good fuccefs, that the
Divine as well as Humane Justice did proclaim them Rebels; for indeed
God Almighty (fince the deliverance of the Children of Ifrael from the
Egyptians) never appeared fo vifibly as in this War. But the unhappy mif-
understanding between the King and Parliament did fo hinder the continu-
ance of thofe Supplies for this Kingdom, that all we received in nineteen
months, amounted not to five weeks entertainment; fo that the Army which
was fent to relieve us, lived upon us. And truly we may with Justice profeß,
that the Forces of this Province did feed as miraculouſly as fight,being never
able to preſcribe any certain way of ſubfiftance for one month together; but
when the poor Inhabitants were almost beggar'd, and no means for the Forces
to fubfift on left, a Ceflation of Arms was made for a twelvemonth with the
Rebels, which our neceffity (not inclination) compelled us to bear with; and
the rather out of a firm hope, that the Almighty, out of his infinite goodness,
would, within that year, fettle a right understanding between the King and
Parliament, that then they would unanimously revenge the crying blood of
So many thousands of innocent Souls; and until God bleſſed us with the fight
of that happy Union, we might keep our Garrifons (which otherwife we could
not) the better to enable them to profecute ſo juſt and honourable a defign.
But this Ceſſation was as fatal to us, during the time of Treaty, as after-
wards it was ill obferved; for they (knowing what agreement they would
enforce us to condescend unto) did privately fend one or two perfons to every
Caftle that we had demolished, which under pretence of being by that means
in their poſſeſſion, they ever fince detain, though it be contrary to the Arti-
cles. And which is more injurious, they have at all times fince entred upon
what Lands they have thought fit, and detained them alfo ; and their de-
villiſh malice having no bounds, they did place Guards upon the High-ways
7 2
tg
1644.
148
The difmal Effects of
1644.
to our
to interrupt our Markets, and puniſhed divers of their own Party for coming
with Proviſions to us, thereby to deter all from bringing any relief
Garrisons, that fo they might starve us out of thofe Places, that neither their
fraud or force could get from us; which that they might the better accom-
plifh, they murthered divers of the poor English, that prefuming on the Ar-
ticle of free Commerce, went abroad to buy Victuals; which certainly would
have caused them to have declined that courſe of feeking Food, if hunger,
threatning them with more certain death, had not forced them, thereunto.
And whereas we trusted, that these notorious infidelities in them, and infi-
nite ſufferings in us, would have been fo vifible to his Majefty, that nothing
could have induc'd him to make a Peace with fo perfidious a People, who
through their fawning and infinuating with his Majesty, and by the coun
fel of fome, who repreſent, that there is no way left for the fecuring the re-
mainder of English, but by a Peace. We find his Majefty (being deluded by
the first, and believing the last to be conducing to the preſervation of his Ma-
jefties Proteftant Subjects) is concluding of a Peace, which will again admit
thoſe Irish Rebels to be Members of Parliament; fo that that Court which
fhould afford relief for our Grievances, will, by their over-fwaying Votes, be
our greatest Grievance.
Moreover, we are too truly informed by divers of their own Party, (whofe
names if we should publifh, would be as great an ingratitude as folly; the
first,in betraying thofe that obliged us; the last, in depriving our felves of all
future Intelligence by them) that they have vowed never to fubmit to an
Engliſh or Protestant Government, except they have liberty to exerciſe their
Religion in Churches; That the Forces of the Kingdom may be Train' d-
Bands of their Men; and that likewiſe thoſe of their own Religion may
be
admitted to Places of Trust in the Common-wealth, which they call modeft
and moderate demands; though we hope they cannot feem fo to any but them-
Jelves, and their Clergy, who, we find, do not think them enough, being they
may not have all their Church-Livings. For we have certain intelligence,
that they have made a ſtrong Faction, as well among my Lord of Caſtle-
haven's Soldiers, as in all other parts of the Kingdom, fo that they are five
parts of fix who will fly out into a new action, when they fee a convenient time
to execute their defign, which as yet they determine to forbear, until they
fee a Peace concluded; fuppofing, that then the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
will intermix Irish and English without diſtinction, to oppoſe the Scots, and
that by that means there will be a fufficient number of their Party in our
Garriſons to maſter them, which, when they find an opportunity for, they
will certainly feize into their own hands; upon notice whereof, the Faction
abroad will, with all expedition, apprehend the English in all parts;
having accomplished this part of their defign, they will manifeft that they are
weary of the King of England's Government, and that they will truft none
of his Proteftant Subjects among them; for we are certainly informed, that
they will invite a Forreign Prince to take them into his protection, unto
whom they will deliver poſſeſſion of what he pleaſes, and will become his
Subjects.
and
And left that Princes Treaſure ſhould be exhausted by Wars in other
places, the Clergy have, with the Pope's affiftance, raised amongst those of
their own Calling, and divers of the Gentry in Italy, one hundred thousand
pounds in money, and a quantity of Arms and Ammunition, that are now
ready to be fent hither; and they have employed one Doctor Duyer to go
forthwith thither for it; as alfo to get his Holineß to Settle a course for
the
the Irish Infurrection.
149
the raising of more Money, to be employed for the advancement of that which
they call the Catholick Cauſe.
Therefore out of a true fenfe of our injuries already fuffered, and un-re-
dreſſed, with a right apprehenfion of inevitable ruine, not onely to our Lives
and Estates, but likewife to the English Nation and Proteftant Religion,
we have re-affum'd our Arms, according to our Duty to God, our King and
Countrey, with inviolable refolution to die, or fruftrate this devillifh
defign.
And fince those that die acting for the Gospel, are as perfect Martyrs, as
thofe that die fuffering for it; we cannot but with joy embrace any effect,that
proceeds from fo glorious a Caufe.
Neither can this act be eſteemed a crime in us, fince his Majesty, upon the
Rebels firſt Inſurrection, his Treaſure being exhausted, gave his Royal affent
for the paſſing of an Act of Parliament, wherein he granted (to all his Sub-
jects that would adventure money towards reducing of the Rebels) Lands
proportionable to the fum adventured, which would fall to the Crown, when
the Conqueft fhould be finished. And the better to fecure the Adventurers,
his Majesty obliged himſelf to make no Peace with the Rebels, but with the
advice and approbation of the Parliament of England; and by that Act,
communicated to the Parliament that Power, which before was folely in
himself. So that they not condefcending to this Peace, our imploying of their
Aids, and re-affuming of thofe Arms put into our hands by King and Parlia-
ment joyntly, cannot be esteemed contradictory to his Majefty, in regard that
their joynt Act is ſo abfolutely binding, that neither of them ſeverally can
annull it, as is evident in the Laws of the Realm.
Therefore if this War were onely Offenfive, yet even flander it ſelf muſt
acknowledge us innocent, having fo just a Caufe, fo pious an Intention, and fo
lawful an Authority; much more it being Defenfive, and the Law both of
God and Nature allowing every one to defend himself from violence and
wrong.
Moreover, the King must never expect any obedience from the Irish, but
what proceeds either from their Intereft, or Fear. Through the first of thefe,
neither his Majesty or we can hope for affurance; for not granting them all
their defires, their Interest (which is more powerful with them than their
Loyalty will make them throw off their fubjection, and to become abfolute,
not fcruple to destroy us: Then to expect any fecurity by their fears, were
frivolous; for though we have found their Hearts as ill as their Cauſe, yet
they cannot be apprehenfive of 2 or 3000 ill armed and unprovided men, hav-
ing all things neceffary, and fo numerous a People at their devotion.
And left our Enemies fhould fcandalize us with breach of Faith, in via-
lating the pretended Ceffation; or with Cruelty, in expelling the Iriſh Pa-
piſts from our Garrisons, who hitherto feemed adhering to us.
Concerning the first, we declare, That although our neceffities did induce
us to fubmit, fuppofing the Ceffation would have produced other effects, as is
before mentioned; yet we had no power (without Authority from King and
Parliament joyntly to treat or yield to it; or if it had been in our powers,
yet by the Rebels daily breaches of it, we are difengaged from it.
Concerning the fecond, we declare, That our Garrison cannot be fecured,
whilſt ſo powerful and perfidious Enemies are in aur bafomes; Powerful, be-
ing four to one in number more than the English; Perfidious, in their con-
Stant defigns to betray us, fome whereof we will inftance, to convince their own
Confciences, and fatisfie the World of our just proceedings,
One
1644.
150,
The difmal Effects of
1644.
One Francis Matthews, a Francifcan Frier, ( being wonderfully disco-
vered in an Enigmatical Letter, and as justly executed before his death,
confeffed, that he had agreed to betray the City of Cork to the Lord of
Muskery; which must neceffarily infer, that the chiefeft and greatest part
of that City were engaged in this Confpiracy, for otherwife he could not
So
much as hope the accomplishment: And if this had taken effect, it had con-
fequently ruin'd all the Proteftants in the Province of Munfter, that being
our chief Magazine, and greateſt Garrison. Befides, upon this occafion, other
Friers being examin'd upon Oath, confeffed, that in their daily Maffes with-
in that Town, and all other of our Garrisons, (where Papiſts did inhabit )
they prayed for the advancement of the Catholick Caufe, which they be-
lieved the Rebels fought for.
;
And lastly, we have lately difcovered, that the now Major and Cor-
poration had combined with the Rebels to betray the Town to them;
and for that purpose an Army was drawn to all the parts adjoyning to our
Garrisons in the three chiefest whereof, we are confident, the Rebels had
their Party; but by Divine Providence, before the Plot could be executed,
the Major prefuming on his Speedy fuccefs, contemned the Lord of Inche
quin's Authority, by oppofing the levying of the Moneys granted by the
Engliſh, for the maintenance of the Soldiers, just about the nick of time
that the Treachery was to be effected.
And he being committed upon this occafion, the Rebels apprehending their
defign to be diſcovered, with-drew their Forces. And left this fhould be
judged as an act of the Major onely, as a private perſon, we defire the World
to take notice, that as foon as our Army, which forced their obedience, was
removed into England, the Papists generally refifted what ever could be pro-
pounded for our fecurity, and would have dis-enabled us to continue our Gar-
rifons, had not the poor Stript English taken all that burthen upon
themselves.
Nay, they were fo infolent, that they laboured to get Arms into their
hands, and to caufe us to disband our Soldiers, which they affirmed to be
kept as an unneceſſary charge upon the King, that fo they might with more fa-
cility receive the Irish, and ruine us.
In a word, fince they pretend the ground of this War to be for Religion, and
that this is confeſſed by those who ſeem'd to adhere to us; what faith can
be expected from fuch a People, whofe Religion permits them to hold none
with us?
By this preceding Relation, it is evidently feen, that unleẞ we re-affume
our Arms, we betray the truft committed to us by God, the King and Parlia
ment, and become flaves both of bodies and fouls. And therefore we have re-
Solv'd to perform our duty, though with apparent hazard of our lives; and
likewife maintain that, which is a thousand times more dear unto us, our Re-
ligion, and alſo defend our Garrisons for the Kings juſt uſe.
Thefe, we take God to witneß, are our intentions, and we befeech him to
puniſh us as strangely,as hitherto be hath preferv'd us,if we decline at all from
thefe Loyal and Religious refolutions; and we firmly hope, that the World
will, by this Declaration, be as fully fatisfi'd of the justness of our proceedings,
as we our felves are; then though we all lofe our lives in this Caufe, we fhall
give our Friends occafion to rejoyce, and our Enemies to envy at ſo bleſſed
an end.
This
the Irish Infurrection.
151
1644.
The Lord In-
volt to the Par-
liament after
chequin's re-
felves against
This return of the Munster Forces to the Parliament, was not fo wel-
come to them, as it was ftrange to the Lord Lieutenant, who thereupon
expoftulated the bufinefs with the Lord Inchequin, who the 2d. of
Auguft writ to his Excellency, That on fufpitions of another intended
furprifal by the Irish, and out of a care to protect the English, he had
clear'd Cork, Toughall, and Kinfale, of the Irijh, and put himſelf into a po-
ſture of fafety, which, with his return from England, was the worfe re-
fented, for that he was the first man who mov'd the King to fend for the
Forces of Ireland into England. Upon his revolt to the Parliament, he
dream'd of fudden Supplies, but they were at that time fo imbroil'd in
bufinefs, as they had little leifure to confider of Ireland, and lefs means
to help them, fo as little was fent to him for eight or ten months after; the Ceflation.
but they made him Lord Preſident of Munster. Nor had the Scots much
more relief in the North; however, the new and old Scots under Mon- The Scots pre-
ro) joyning themſelves together unanimoufly, made a fhift to preferve ferve them-
themſelves againſt the incurfions of the Rebels; and about Midfummer, the incurfions
1644. they gathered an Army of 10000 Horfe and Foot, and came into of the Rebels.
the County of Cavan, and fent a Party into Longford, and ſpoil'd much
of that Countrey, and march'd to Owen Roe and the Earl of Caſtlehaven,
who lay with their Army about Tonrages, where they encompaſs'd them,
and (had they been fufficiently vigilant) might certainly have defeated
the Rebels; who, through the favour of a clofe night, eſcaped, though
purſued, and at Finagh-Bridge met with a fevere flaughter; Nugents
houſe of Carlestown they burnt, and hanged him. In the interim, Dun-
cannon (one of the ftrongest Forts in Ireland, under the Command of the
Lord Efmond) fubmitted not to the Ceffation, but, being flrongly be
fieged by Preston, was furrendred about March, 1644. before Sir Arthur
Loftus (who was to have been Governour of the Fort under his Lordship)
arrived there with a competent Supply,who finding himſelf diſappointed
thereof) carried his Proviſions into Munster, and the Lord Efmond foon
after died. What difference foever there was between fome Towns and
the Lord Lieutenant, yet for the encouragement of any that ſhould bring
Commodities to Dublin, Tredagh, Dundalk, Carlingford, Cork, Kinfale,
or Toughal, for the relief of his Majefties Army and good Subjects there
a Proclamation pass'd at Dublin the 20th. of May, 1644. to free them for
fix months from all Cuſtoms and Impofitions, in purfuance of a Procla-
mation from his Majefty at Oxford, the 17th. of March, 1643. In April
after, the Committee of both Kingdoms in England (to whom the af
fairs of Ireland were, from the Parliament, committed, finding the bu-
fineſs of Ireland grow very heavy upon them got themſelves quit there-
of; and the Houſes inftituted another to fit at the Star-chamber, of
13 Lords, and 28 Commoners; but few in it that underſtood the buſineſs
of Ireland, befides two Gentlemen, whoſe Intereſt leading them to fè-
veral Provinces, much injur'd the equal management of the whole; and
he (to whom the Provifions were entruſted) order'd them at that rate, as
the complaint was great. About May, 1645. there were appointed Com-
miffioners for Ulster, Arthur Annefly Efq; Sir Robert King, and Colonel
Beale, a Citizen of London, who were to carry with them 20000 l. in
Money, befides Provifions and Ammunition; but the diſpatch was ſo
flow, as they Landed not there till October; befides, fome Commiflio.
ners ſhould have joyned with them from Scotland, who never came up-
on the Place: fo nothing could be orderly done, in that the Scots by a
late
1645.
152
The difmal Effects of
1645.
late Treaty pretended a Right in the Government of Ireland, which his
Majeſty in his Papers took juft Exceptions against, they long certainly
having it in their Defign, to make themſelves Mafters of the North of Ire-
land, fince they fail'd of retaining any Intereſt in the Government in Eng-
land. But Troubles increafing in Scotland, through Montrofs and Colo-
nel Kittoe's joyning together, who had certainly taken Edinburgh, but
that the Plague was violent there: feveral of the late Scotch Regiments
were drawn from Ulster, that more than what garrifon'd Carickfergus,
Belfast, Colrain, and fome other Places near the Sea-Coaft, where they
committed the moſt notorious Extortions and Oppreſſions ever laid
upon
a People, were not there left; and the Commiffioners for the Parliament
before-mention'd acted in their own Place. Not long after whoſe ſettle-
ment in Ireland, the Irish growing infolent in Connaght, taking their
Garriſons, and turning out many English, and others, who, by the Ar-
ticles of Ceflation, ſhould have been better uſed, there came to them (by
one Mr. Galbreth Offers, tending to compoſe the Differencies betwixt
the Greatest then in Power, and them: But the Offer being found a De-
fign, to draw the British Army under another Command, the fruit of
that Expectation foon wither'd, and Galbreth by Bonds was fecu-
red.
And that Affairs (more probably) might fucceed,a general Affembly
of the Confederate Catholicks, (which confifted of all the Peers of that
Party, and of all the Gentlemen and Burgeffes of Corporation Towns,
which was as lively a Repreſentation of the whole Nation, as they could
make) towards the end of the year, viz. the 6th. of March, 1645. ap-
pointed and authorized a ſelect number of that Body, (of the Perfons of
eminent Quality, and moſt eminent Ability, and fuch, as through all
the Troubles had been imployed and intruſted by them, in Places and
Offices of higheſt Truſt and Concernment) to treat and conclude with
the Marquefs of Ormond, his Majeſty's Lieutenant of that Kingdom, a
firm and full Peace. For the expediting of which, his Excellency had
had many and ſerious Invitations from his Majefty, as the moſt viſible
means then left to revive the Hopes he was reduced to: To which end,
in June, before he had fent Mr.Daniel O Neal (Groom of his Bed-Cham-
ber) into Ireland, a Perfon by reaſon of his Relations there much con-
fided in; who, amongſt other things intruſted to his charge, had it in
his Inſtructions, the 27th. of June, to acquaint the Marquefs of Ormond,
That his Majesty would be glad he could frame fuch a Body there to fend over,
as might be worthy of his own coming to command it. And in a Letter
from an Honourable Perfon then at Denbigh, the 26th. of September,
1645. his Excellency was again acquainted, That his Majefty perfifts in
his earnest defire to have him in England, for that, without flattery, they
were likely to be in more want of fuch a General, than of an Army; fo as no-
thing was wanting to value his Fidelity and Courage. And yet the Im-
patiency of fome Men were fuch, (not confidering how that would be a
fcandalous Peace, that would be unavoidable) that they writ to their
Friends, That if the Peace were not concluded, that it was not like that
ever it would be by thoſe that managed it then; fo as they would have
had the Queen Regent of France, to have concluded it with fuch as the
Catholicks from Ireland ſhould appoint. In fuch fort was his Excellency
cenfured, who having diſcharged his Truft, could not (at thoſe Men's
time) reduce the Iriſh to a credible compliance, the fault of their ſeveral
Rup-
1
153
the Irish Infurrection.
*
*
one
ta-
1645.
from Alcot,27.
* In a Letter
printed at Ox-
Ruptures amongſt themſelves, not his remifsneſs. Inafmuch as
(better vers'd in the Subtilties of the Irish,than moſt of that Age, having, * The Lord' D.
through the Eminency of his Imployment, the knowledge of their Coun- principal Secre-
cils and Intrigues) writes to an Honourable * Perfon, That the truth of tary
it was, that the Irish had proceeded thitherto, as if they had had no good* The Lord I.
intention, having not been contented with the effects of more than their Aug. 1645.
Agents did profefs to expect, but in effect, capitulated for the Proteftant
Churches through Ireland: A Conceffion fo deteftable, as the King
king notice (to Secretary Nicholas) of the Earl of Glamorgan's Agree- ford, pag. 3.
ment with the Rebels, declares, That were the condition of his Affairs
much more deſperate than it is, he would never redeem them by a Conceffion
of fo much wrong, both to his Honour and Confcience: It is (writes he,
in that clear diſcovery of his Soul) for the defence of his Religion, that
he had undergone the Extremities of War here, and he will never redeem his
Crown by facrificing it there: Lines fo auguſt and pious, that methinks
none ſhould dare read them, who ſhould preſume to offer Incenſe, other-
wife than he hath paid his: The Treaty for the Peace however went on,
though by many cautious and un-eafie fteps. You have feen what Doubts
fome rais'd of his Excellency's Proceedings herein, and by one (im-Col. Fitz-
ploy'd with much credit in that Buſineſs it is manifeft, That the Mar- Williams's Let-
quefs was refolv'd never to condefcend to the Demands of the Irish, who 16.July, 1645.
(writes he) refolv'd to have them, or perish; fuch their Infolency! And
we find through the whole Scene, they wrought upon the Neceflities of
the King, their Demands, as his Straights, ever increafing; however;
he affured the Queen, the Irish fhould not cheat him, though it was poffi- from Cardiff,
ble they might cozen themſelves.
*
But before we proceed, it will be neceſſary to take notice of an un-uſual
Gueſt, the Pope's Nuncio, John Baptift Rinuccini, Archbiſhop and Prince
of Fermo, introduced by the firſt Legat, from the Confederates to Rome,
to Pope Urban the 8th. and other Princes of Italy, Rich. Bealing Efq; a
leading Member of, and chief Secretary to their fupream Council, by
whoſe means only he was fent into Ireland, even whilft the Treaty of
Peace (the utmoſt Grace his Majeſty could vouchſafe his People) was
fet on foot; an acceptable and loyal fervice! as you will hear in the ſe-
quel of this Story. He arrived at the River of Kilmare, in a Frigat of 2 r
Pieces, and 26 Italians, of his Retinue, befides divers regular and fecular
Prieſts, the 22. of October, 1645. And amongſt the Accounts of thofe
Times, there is a Lift given in of fome Arms, Ammunition, and Spanish
Gold; but not hearing as yet of the Bleſſing they produced, we fhall (as
to thoſe Particulars) confine our Pen, yet give you here the fupream
Council's Addreſs to his Holineſs, in acknowledgement of the Nuncio's
Arrival.
21
ter to Lord D
In his Letter
3. August,1645
1
།
X
Per
154
The difmal Effects of
1645.
}
Per fupremum ConfiliumConfederatorum Catholicorum,
in Regno Hiberniæ, ad beatum Patrem noftrum
Innocentium + Papam.
Beatiffime Pater,
Ο
P
;
Vod in ipfo limine fui Pontificatus rebus noftris confulere voluerit, &
Illuftriffimum Virum Archiepifcopum Fermanum, Prælatum veftræ
fanctitatis Domefticum, & afiftentem fedis Apoftolicæ extraordina
rium Nuncium ad nos miferit, gratias quas poffumus humillimè reddimus
illum fi non quà decuit magni fcientia, certè infuperabili amore, & gaudio re-
cipimus, illum etiam de veftræ fanctitatis in nos noftramq; cauſam animi ef-
fectu & follicitudine difcurrentem avidè audivimus, fperamufq; nos Apofto-
lica benedictione, quam nobis veftræ fanctitatis nomine impertivit fuffultos,
& fubfidiis ulterioribus, quæ tanto bello neceffaria duxerit paterna fanctita-
tis cura, tanti etiam & tam prudentis viri adhortationibus & confiliis, eo
res noftras promovere poffe, ut de ſtabilita in Hiberniam Catholica Religione
triumphare poffet Innocentius Chriftiffimus, quam & veftræ fanctitati &
nobis victoriam à Deo exercituum humili & confidenti corde implorant demiffe
benedictionem obfecrantes,
Kilkenniæ,
7. Jan. 1645.
Veftræ Sanctitatis ad Pedum Ofcula.
But to proceed to the Peace, in which all the Particulars, which might
concern the Intereſt and Security of either Party, being maturely weigh-
ed and confidered, and then every Article being firſt read, debated, and
approved, in the general Affembly, without one diffenting voice, the
whole was concluded, and the Confederate Catholicks obliged to tranf
port (within a very ſhort time) an Army of 10000 Men into England,
for the Service and Relief of the King; as by the fucceeding Propofitions
with Colonel Fitz-Williams, is fuller evident.
Fitz-Williams's Propofitions about the Treaty
with the Queen, to bring Irish into Eng-
land.
Col.Fitz-Williams humbly prays and propounds as followeth,
Hat
TH
your Sacred Majefty will vouchsafe to prevail with his Majesty,
to condescend to the juft Demands of his Iriſh Subjects, the Confede
rate Catholicks in Ireland, at least in private. That upon the confideration
thereof,
1
the Irish Infurrection.
155
thereof, Colonel Fitz-Williams humbly propounds and undertakes, with ap-
probation of Mr. * Hertogen, now imployed Agent for the faid Confederate
Catholicks in Ireland, to bring an Army of 10000 Men, or more, of the
King's Subjects, in his Kingdom of Ireland, for the King's Service, into
England.
1645.
"Toulon, and
the
10
い ​'
That Colonel Fitz-Williams undertakes, for the fum of 10000 1. ferlang, to die
to levy Ships, and arm the 10000 Men, and fo proportionably for more or
lefs; and that the faid Moneys may be paid into fuch hands, as may be jaje
for your Majefty, as well as ready for the faid Colonel, when it shall appear
the faid Army fhall be in readiness to be tranſported into England.
That upon the Landing of the faid Men, there shall be advanced to the
Colonel one months Pay for all the Army, according to the Mulier, for the
prefent Support of the Army. That Colonel Fitz-Williams may be Commander
in Chief thereof, and difpofe of all the Officers, and only be commanded by
the King, Prince, and and qualified with fuch Benefits, as have been
formerly granted unto your Majesty's Generals, that have commanded Bodics
apart from the King's own Army, as the Earl of Kingfton, and others,
whereby the better to enable him in the Levies, as well as in the general
Conduct of the Buſineſs. And in respect the Order gives no Powe; to the
Iriſh, therefore that the faid Forces fhall not by any Order whatfoever le di-
vided, at least that the Colonel may be fupplied with a Body of
2000.
to be ready at the Place of Landing. That the Colonel may be provided
with Arms and Ammunition, or with Moncy requifite for himself, to provide
neceſſary Proportions for to bring with him. That the Army ſhall be paid as
other Armies of the King.
Having taken thefe Propofitions into Confideration,
We have thought fit to teftific our Approbation
and Agreement thereunto, under our Sign Ma-
nual, affuring, what hath been defired of us
therein, fhall be forthwith effectually endea-
vour'd, and not doubting, to the fatisfaction of
the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland, and of
the faid Colonel; fo that we may justly expect
an agreeable compliance and performance accor-
dingly from all Partics, in their feveral Concern-
ments.
Henriette Marie.
y
whom,
J
1546.
All things thus ftated and fetled, the Commiflioners (who had treat-
ed in the Peace) were fent by and in the Name of the Affembly, to Dub-
lin, where the Lord Lieutenant refided, to fign the faid Articles, and to
receive his Lordship's Confirmation of them: And accordingly the Arti-
cles were, the 30th. of July, 1646. interchangeably figned and perfected,
with all formality requifite, (notwithſtanding his Majeſty's Letter from The full Peace
Newcastle, the 11th. of June, 1646. to treat no farther with the Rebels ;
and fhortly after, they were (with great Solemnity and Ceremony)
publiſhed and proclaimed by the King at Arms at Dublin, and at Kilkenny,
I
X 2
r
where
concluded.
י?
1
156
The difmal Effects of
1646. where the Supream Council and the Affemblies of all the Confederate
Catholicks were held, and then Printed by their Authority: The Arch-
Biſhop of Firmo, manifefting his approbation of all that had been done,
giving his bleſſing to the Commiffioners, when they were fent to Dublin
to conclude the Treaty, and other Miniſters from Foraign Princes be-
ing preſent, conſenting to, and witneffing the Conclufion.
By the Lord Lieutenant and Council.
Ormond.
W
Hereas Articles of Peace are made, concluded, accorded and a
greed upon, by and between Us, James Lord Marquis of Or-
mond, Lord Lieutenant General, and General Governor of his Majefties
Kingdom of Ireland, his Majefties Commiffioner, to Treat and Conclude a
Peace with his Majefties Roman Catholick Subjects of the faid Kingdom,
by vertue of his Majesties Commiſſion under the Great Seal of England,
bearing Date at Buckingham on the 24th. day of June,in the Twentieth year
of his Reign, for and on the behalf of his Moft Excellent Majefty of the one
part; and Donogh Lord Viscount Muskery, and others, appointed
and Authorized by his Majefties faid Roman Catholck Subjects,
by vertue of an Authority of the Jaid Roman Catholick Subjects, bearing
Date the fixth day of March, 1645. and in the 21. year of his Majefties
Reign, of the other part, a true Copy of which Articles of Peace is hereunto
annexed, We the Lord Lieutenant and Council do by this Proclamation,
in his Majefties Name, Publifh the fame, And do, in his Majefties Name,
Strictly charge and command all his Majefties Subjects, and all others In-
habiting or Refiding within his Majefties faid Kingdom of Ireland, to take
notice thereof, and to render due Obedience to the fame in all the parts
thereof.
And as his Majesty hath been induced to this Peace, out of a deep fenfe
of the Miferies and Calamities brought upon this his Kingdom and People,
and out of a hope conceived by his Majesty, that it may prevent the fur-
ther effufion of his Subjects blood, redeem them out of all the miferies and
calamities, under which they now fuffer, restore them to all quietness and
happiness, under his Majefties most gracious Government, deliver the King-
dom in general from those flaughters, deprecations, rapines and Spoils,
which always accompany a War, encourage the Subjects and others with
comfort to betake themſelves to Trade, Traffick, Commerce, Manufacture,
and all other things, which un-interrupted, may increase the wealth and
Strength of the Kingdom, beget in all his Majefties Subjects of this Kingdom,
a perfect Unity among themselves, after the too long continued Divifion
amongst them: So his Majesty affures himself, that all his Subjects of this
his Kingdom (duly confidering the great and inestimable benefits, which
they may find in this Peace) will with all duty render due obedience there-
unto. And We, in his Majefties Name, do hereby Declare, That all Perfons,
So rendring due Obedience to the faid Peace, fhall be protected, cherished,
countenanced,
}
the Irish Infurrection.
157
1
countenanced, and ſupported by his Majesty and his Royal Authority, ac-
cording to the true intent and meaning of the faid Articles of Peace.
Given at his Majefties Caftle of Dublin, the Thir-
tieth day of July, 1646.
Ri. Bolton, Canc.
Rofcomon. Dillon.
Cha. Lambart.
Gerrard Lowther:
Fr. Willoughby.
Robert Forth.
La. Dublin.
Geo. Cloyne.
Arthur Chichester.
Hen. Tichborn.
Tho. Lucas.
Ja. Ware.
God fave the King.
An Abreviate of the Articles of Peace concluded by
the Marquifs of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland, Commiffioner for the King; and the
Lord Mountgarret, Prefident of the Supream
Council, the Lord Muskery, Sir Robert Tal-
bot, Dermot O Brian, Patrick Darcy,
Jeffery Brown, and John Dillon, Efquires,
Commiſſioners for the Iriſh.
I.
T
Hat the Profeffors of the Roman Catholick Religion, in the
Kingdom of Ireland, or any of them, be not bound or obliged
to take the Oath of Supremacy, expreffed in the fecond of Queen Elif.
commonly called, the Oath of Supremacy.
2. That a Parliament may be held on or before the laft day of No-
vember next; and that theſe Articles agreed on, may be tranfmitted intơ
England, according to the ufual Form, and paffed, provided that no-
thing may be paffed to the Prejudice of either Proteſtant or Catholick
Party, other then fuch things as upon this Treaty fhall be concluded.
3.
That all Acts made by both or either Houſes of Parliament, to
the Blemish or Prejudice of his Majefties Roman Catholick Subjects, fince
the 7th. of August, ( 1641.) ſhall be vacated by Acts of Parliament.
4. That no Actions of Law fhall be removed before the faid Parliament,
in cafe it be fooner called then the laſt of November; And that all Im-
pediments which may hinder the Roman Catholicks to fit in the next
Parliament, fhall be remov'd before the Parliament fit.
5. That all Debts do Stand in ſtate, as they were in the beginning of
theſe Troubles.
6. That the Plantation in Connaght, Kilkenny, Clare, Thomond, Tip-
perary,
1646.
158
The difmal Effects of
1646. perary, Limrick, and Wickloe, may be revoked by Act of Parliament,
and their Eftates fecur'd in the next Seffions.
7. That the Natives may erect one or more Inns of Court, in or near
the City of Dublin, they taking an Oath; as alfo one or more Univer-
fities to be Govern'd, as his Majefty fhall appoint; as alſo to have Schools
for Education of Youth, in the Kingdom.
8. That Places of Command, of Forts, Caftles, Garrifons, Towns,
and other Places of Importance, and all Places of Honour, Profit, and
Truft, fhall be conferr'd with equal Indifferency upon the Catholicks,
as his Majcities other Subjects, according to their refpective Merits and
Abilities.
9. That 12000 7. Sterling, be paid the King yearly, for the Court of
Wards.
10. That no Peer may be capable of more Proxies then two. And
that no Lords Vote in Parliament, unleſs in 5 years, a Lord Baron pur-
chafe in Ireland 200 l. peranum, a Viſcount 400 7. and an Earl 600 1.
or loſe their Votes till they purchaſe.
II. That the Independency of the Parliament of Ireland, on the
Kingdom of England, fhall be decided by Declaration of both Houſes,
agreeable to the Laws of the Kingdom of Ireland.
12. That the Council Table, fhall contain it felf within its bounds,
in handling Matters of State, as Patents of Plantations, Offices, &c. and
not meddle with matter, betwixt Party and Party.
13. That all Acts concerning Staple or Native Commodities of this
Kingdom, fhall be repeal'd, except Wooll, and Woollfels; and that the
Commiffioners, the Lord Mountgarret, and others named in the 26 Ar-
ticle, fhall be Authoriz'd under the Great Seal, to moderate and afcer-
tain the rates of Merchandize, to be exported and imported.
14. That no Governor be longer Refident, then his Majeſty fhall find
for the good of his People, and that they make no purchaſe, other then
by Leafe for the Provifion of their Houſes.
15. That an Act of Oblivion may be paffed, without extending to
any who will not accept of this Peace.
16. That no Governor, or any other Prime Miniſter of State in Ire-
land, fhall be Farmers of his Majefties Cuſtoms.
17. That a Repeal of all Monopolies, be paffed.
•
18. That Commiffioners be appointed, to regulate the Court of
Castle-Chamber.
19. That Acts, Prohibiting Plowing by Horſe-tails, and burning of
Oats in the Straw, be repealed.
20. That Courſe be taken againſt the Difobedience of the Ceflation
and Peace.
21. That fuch Graces as were promiſed by his Majeſty in the Fourth
year of his Reign, and fued for by a Committee of both Houfes of Par-
liament, and not exprefs'd in thefe Articles, may in the next enfuing Par-
liament be defir'd of his Majeſty.
22. That Maritine Cauſes be determin'd here, without Appeal into
England.
23. That the increaſe of Rents lately rais'd upon the Commiſſion of
defective Titles, be repeal'd.
24. That all Interefts of Money due by way of Debt, Mortgage, or
other-
the Irith Infurrection.
159
1
otherwiſe, and not yet fatisfi'd fince the 23. of Octob. 1641. to pay no
more than 51. per Cent.
25. That the Commiffioners have power to determine all Cafes within
their Quarters, until the perfection of theſe Articles by Parliament, and
raife 10000 Men for his Majefty.
26. That the Lord Mountgarret, Muskery, Sir Dan. O Bryan, Sir Lucas
Dillon, Nich. Plunket, Rich. Bealing, Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, Terlogh
O Neal, Thomas Flemming, Patrick Darcy, Gerald Fennel, and Jeffery
Brown, or any five of them, be for the prefent Commiffioners of the
Peace,Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol-Delivery, in the prefent Quarters of the
Confederate Catholicks; with power of Juftice of Peace, Oyer and Ter-
miner, and Gaol-Delivery, as in former times of Peace they have uſually
had.
27.That none of the Roman Catholick Party, before there be a Settle-
ment by Parliament, Sue, Implead, or Arreft, or be Sued, Impleaded, or
Arreſted, in any Court, other than before the Commiffioners, or in the
ſeveral Corporations, or other Judicatures within their Quarters.
28. That the Confederate Catholicks continue in their Poffeffions
until Settlement by Parliament, and to be Commanded by his Majefties
Chief Governour, with the advice and confent of the Commiffioners, or
any Five of them.
29. That all Customs, from the perfection of thefe Articles, are to be
paid into his Majefties Receipt, and to his uſe; as alfo all Rent due at
Eafter next, till a full Settlement of Parliament.
30. That the Commiffioners of Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol-Delivery,
ſhall have power to hear and determine all Offences committed or done,
or to be committed or done, from the 15th. day of September, 1643.
until the firſt day of the next Parliament.
Thus the Marquefs having perform'd all on his part, that could be ex-
pected from him, and was in his power to do, and having receiv'd from
other Parts all the affurance he could require, there being no other way
of engaging the publick Faith of the Nation, than that to which they had
fo formally engaged themſelves to him in, he intended nothing then, but
how his Majeſty might ſpeedily receive fome fruit of that Peace and Ac-
commodation he thence expected, by ſending affiſtance to him: And to
that purpoſe, with advice, and upon invitation of feveral Perfons, who
had great Authority and Power amongſt the Confederate Catholicks,
the Lord Lieutenant took a Journey himſelf to Kilkenny, where he was
receiv'd with that Refpect and Reverence, as was due to his Perſon, and
to the Place he held, and with ſuch expreffions of Triumph and Joy, as
gave him cauſe to believe, the People were glad to be again receiv'd in-
to his Majeſty's Protection.
1646.
The LordLieu-
tenant, upon
Agreements on
all fides, re-
pair'd to Kil-
key, expect
ing there to
receive Ad-
vance for his
Majeſty's Ser-
vica.
fol.326.
A Protection his Majeſty evidences, (to his Commiſſioners at Ux-
bridge*) That it was as inevitably neceffary, that they ſhould not con- In his Works,
ſent to hinder him therein, as he had ftrong Reaſons for the Ceflation
before, unless they could fhew, how his Proteftant Subjects in Ireland,
may probably at leaſt defend themſelves, and that he ſhould have no more
need to defend his Conſcience and Crown, from the Injuries of this Re-
bellion.
At this Peace the Irish feem'd exceedingly enliven'd; but the fhew
thereof quickly vanifh'd, and a cloud of Jealoufie began again to cover
the Land. The Pope's Nuncio, and the titular Bishops, who depended
on
160
The difmal Effects of
1646.
any
on him, envi'd that Nation the happineſs and glory they forefaw it would
~be poffefs'd of by the execution of that Agreement, and fowithout
colour of Authority, either by the old eftablish'd Laws of that King-
dom, or thofe Rules they had prefcrib'd to themſelves fince the Rebel-
A Congregati- lion they conyen'da Congregation of the Clergy at Waterford, a Town
on of Clergy, moft at their devotion, where the Titular Bifhop of Ferns was in the
contrary to his Chair, and refided: And therefore it will not be amifs to take a fhort
expectation, to view of their proceedings, that the unhappy, oppreffed, and miſerable
Vaterford.
are fummon'd,
They inveigh
against the
lately confent-
ed to.
Ireland may clearly difcern to whom it owes thofe Preffures and Grie-
vances it is now overwhelm'd with,and whether that Biſhop be to be rec-
kon'd in the number of thoſe, who fuffer at preſent for his Zeal to Reli-
gion, his Allegiance to the King, and his Affection to his Countrey; or
whether his name be to be inferted in that Catalogue, which muft de-
rive to Pofterity the Authors and Fomentors of fo odious and caufleſs a
Rebellion, in which fuch a Sea of Blood hath been let out, and the Be-
trayers of the Honour and Faith of that Countrey and Nation, and who
are no leſs guilty of extirpation of a Religion (they fo much glory of)
in that Kingdom, than Ireton, or Cromwel, or that impious Power, under
which they have perpetrated all their Acts of Blood, Cruelty, and De-
folation.
At that time, the Parliament of England having accommodated the
Spaniard with 2000 Men; he, in lieu thereof, fo temper'd the Irish,
(ever devoted to that Nation) that the Spaniard having then an Agent
in Ireland, he took them off from doing any thing effectual in our King's
bufinefs.
And the Congregation of the Clergy was no fooner affembled, then
inſtead of preſcribing Acts of Charity and Repentance to the People, for
Peace they had the ill they had formerly done, and then inflaming their hearts with new
Zeal, and infufing pious Courage into them, to relieve and fuccour the
King from thoſe who oppreffed him, according to their particular Obli-
gation, by their late Agreement, which had been the proper Office of
Prelates, and a Chriftian Clergy) they began to inveigh againſt the
Peace, which themſelves had fo lately approv'd, and fo formally con-
ſented unto) as if it had not carefully enough provided for the advancement
of Religion, and would not fuffer it to be proclaim'd in Waterford; and
fent their Emiffaries and their Orders to all confiderable Towns and
Cities to incenſe the People againſt it, and againſt thoſe who wiſhed it
ſhould take effect; infomuch that when the King at Arms was Pro-
The King of claiming the Peace at Limerick, (with that folemnity and Ceremony, as
in fuch caſes is uſed throughout the World, with his Coat of Arms, the
Enfign of his Office, and accompani'd with the Mayor and Aldermen,
and the moſt ſubſtantial of the Citizens, in their Robes, and with all the
Enſigns of Magiſtracy and Authority) one Molife, a feditious Frier, ſtirr'd
up the multitude againſt him;which being led on by one Fanning,a perfon
notorious for many outrages and acts of Blood and Inhumanity in the
beginning of the Rebellion, violently affaulted them, and after many
opprobrious ſpeeches, in contempt ofthe Peace and the Authority of the
King, and tearing off the Coat from the Herald, beat and wounded him,
and many of the Magiftrates of the City, and fome of them almoſt to
death: 'And leaſt all this might be excuſed, and charitably interpreted
to be the effect of a Popular and Tumultuous Infurrection, the Lawful
Mayor and other principal Officers who affifted him (in the diſcharge of
Arms barba-
rouſly uſed at
Limerick.
his
1
2
1
the Irish Infurrection.
161
1546.
his Duty) were immediately difplac'd, and Fanning, the impious Con-
ductor of that Rabble, was made Mayor in his place; who, by Letters
from the Nuncio, was thanked for what he had done, and encouraged to pro-
ceed in the fame way, and had the Apoftolical Benediction bestowed on
him, for committing fuch an outrage upon the Priviledged Perſon of an He-
rald, who in the name of the King came to proclaim Peace: As by the Law
of Nations must have been adjudged barbarous, and unpardonable in any
part of the World where Civility is planted, if he had come to have de-
nounced War. And yet all this while, the deſign it felf was carried with
fo great fecrefie, that the Lord Lieutenant (proceeding in his Progreſs
for the fetling and compofing the humours of the People, which he un-
derſtood to have been in fome diforder by the infufions of the ill-affected
Clergy) never heard of any Force of Arms to fecond and fupport thofe
mutinous diſorders, till being near to the City of Cafhell, he was adver-
tis'd by Letters from the Mayor, that Owen O Neal's Army was march-
ing that way, and had fent terrible threats to that City if it prefum'd
to receive the Lord Lieutenant. And ſhortly after he found, that Owen The Confede-
O Neal uſed all poffible expedition to get between him and Dublin, that
fo he might have been able to have furpriſed and deſtroyed him; where-
upon the Marquis found it neceffary to lofe no time in returning thi- nant,
ther, yet refolved not onely to contain himſelf from any Acts of Hofti-
lity, but even from thofe Trefpaffes which are hardly avoidable upon
Marches, and paid fo preciſely for whatſoever was taken from the Inha-
bitants throughout all the Catholick Quarters, prefuming, that thoſe
Perſons of Honour, who had tranfacted the Treaty, would have been
able to have cauſed the Peace to be obſerved in deſpight of thoſe clamo-
rous undertakers.
rates treachery
to cut off the
Lord Lieute-
tion at Water=
But when the Unchriſtian Congregation of Waterford had made this The Congrega
Effay of their Power and Jurifdiction, they made all poffible haft to pro- ford declared
pagate their Authority, and declared the Peace to be void, and inhibited Peace void.
all Perfons to Submit thereunto, or to pay any Taxes, Impofition, or Con-
tribution which had been fetled by the Said Agreement; and without
which, neither a ſtanding Army (which was to be applied to the Re-
duction of thoſe Towns and Provinces, which had put themſelves un-
der the Protection of the Parliament of England, and never fubmitted
to the former Ceffation, nor could be comprehended in the Peace could
be ſupported, or the 10000 Men rais'd to be tranſported into England
for the fuccour of the King, as had been fo Religiouſly undertaken;
which inclination of theirs, the People ſo readily obeyed and fubmitted
unto, That they committed and delegated the intire and abfolute Power of The Nuncio's
Governing and Commanding, as well in Secular as Ecclefiaftical Matters, exorbitant cars
to the Fopes Nuncio, who began his Empire with committing to Priſon
the Conmiffioners who had been Inſtrumental in the Treaty, and
making of the Peace by order of the general Aſſembly, and iffued out an
Excommunication againſt all thoſe who had or fhould fubmit to the
Peace, (which comprehended all the Nobility and almoſt all the Gentry,
and fome of the Clergy) which Excommunication wrought fo univer-
fally upon the minds of the People, that albeit all Perfons of Honour
and Quality received infinite fcandal, and well forefaw the irreparable
damage Reigion it felf would undergo, by that unwarrantable Proceed-
ing, and fed their utmoſt Power to draw the People to obedience and
ſubmiſſion to the ſaid Agreement, and to that purpoſe prevail'd ſo far
Y
with
riage.
}
162
The difmal Effects of
}
1646. with General Preston, that he gave them reaſon to hope that he would
joyn with them, for the vindication of the publick Faith, and the Ho-
nour of the Nation, and compel thofe that oppos'd it to ſubmit to the
Peace; Yet all theſe endeavours produced no effect, but concluded in
unprofitable Refentments and Lamentation: In the mean time, Owen O
Neil (when he found himſelf diſappointed of his Defign, to have cut
off the Lord-Lieutenant before he fhould reach Dublin) enter'd into
the Queens-County, and committed all Acts of Cruelty and Outrage
that could be imagined, took many Caftles and Forts which belong'd to
the King, and put all (who refifted) to the Sword, and his Officers
in cold blood caus'd others to be murther'd, to whom they had promiſed
Quarter, as Major Pigot and others of his Family: About the latter end
of June this year, Major General Monro received a fevere defeat from
Owen Roe O-Neil at Benburgh, alias Benburge near Charlemont in the
County of Ardmagh, whereby the whole Province was expoſed to the
Rebels fury, in as much as if they had had the Courage or Policy to
have profecuted it, they might have deſtroyed all the Scotch Quarters,
and endanger'd their Towns: but Owen Roe instead of profecuting the
Victory, went preſently with the Priſoners and Colours in Triumph to
Kilkenny, fo gave our Forces a breathing, whilft the Parliament fufpect-
ing his union with Preston, immediately ordered 50000 7. out of the
Exciſe, for the raifing of more men for Ireland, and fome Horſe beſides
Foot, were preſently fent over with Ammunition and other neceffaries;
theſe called at Dublin, but the Deſign being not then fit for their Re-
ception, they were otherwife difpofed of. And fhortly after the Nuncio
prevail'd fo much, that he united General Preſton to his Army, at which
time he took this Oath.
The Oath
taken by Ge-
I'
A. B. Swear and Proteft that I will adhere to the prefent union of
the Confederate Roman Catholicks, that reject the Peace lately agreed,
neral Preston. and proclaimed at Dublin, and do nothing by Word, Deed, Writing, Ad-
vice, or otherwife to the Prejudice of that Union, and will to the uttermoft
of my Power advance, and further the Good and Prefervation of it, and
of his Majefties Rights, and the Priviledges of free-born Subjects, to the
Natives of this Kingdom.
The Nuncio
befieges the
Lord Lieute-
And then the Nuncio (as Generaliffimo) lead both Armies towards
Dublin, where the Lord Lieutenant was fo furprized with their Ferfidiouf
nant in Dublin, nefs, that he found himſelf in no leſs ſtraights and diſtreſſes from his
and the Confe- Friends within, then from his Enemies without, who totallyneglected
quences there- thofe Forces, which (being under the obedience of the Pariament of
England) had always waged a fharp and bloody War with than, and at
preſent made inroads into their Quarters to their great damage, and in-
tirely ingaged themſelves to ſuppreſs the Kings Authority, to which they
had fo lately fubmitted.
of.
Left fo prodigious an alteration, as is now fet forth, my feem to be
wrapt up in too fhort a difcourfe, and it may appear almat incredible,
that an Agreement fo deliberately and folemnly entred into by the
whole Nobility and Gentry of the Nation, in a Matter that ſo intirely
concern'd their own Intereſt, ſhould in fuch an inſtant le blafted and
anihilated
the Irith Infurrection.
163
anihilated by a Congregation of Clergy, affembled onely by their own
authority; And therefore, without the vice of curiofity, all men may
defire to be inform'd by what Degrees and Method that Congregation
proceeded, and what fpecious Pretences and Infinuations they us'd to-
wards the People, for the better perfwading them to depart from that
Peace, they were even again reftored to the Poffeffion of: It will not
be impertinent therefore to fet down fome important particulars of their
Proceedings, and the very forms of fome Inftruments publifh'd by them,
that the World may fee the Logick and Rhetorick that was uſed to impofe
upon, and delude that unhappy People, and to intangle them more in
that Labyrinth of Confufion, wherein they were long involved.
They were not content not to fuffer the Peace not to be proclaimed in
Waterford, and to diffwade the People from fubmitting to it: But by a
Decree dated the 12 day of August, 1646. (which they commanded
to be publiſhed in all places, in the English and Irish Tongue) they de-
clared by the unanimous confent and votes of all, even none contra-
dicting (as they ſay) That all and fingular the Confederate Catholicks
who should adhere or confent to the Peace, or to the Fautors thereof, or
otherwife embrace the fame, should be held abfolute perjur'd; efpecially
for this caufe, that in thoſe Articles there is no mention made of the
Catholick Religion, or the ſecurity thereof, or any care taken for the
Confervation of the Priviledges of the Country, as had been promiſed
in an Oath formerly taken by them, but rather all things referred to
the Pleaſure of the most renowned King, from whom in his prefent ſtate
(they said nothing of certainty could be had: And in the Interim the
Armies, and Arms, and Fortunes (even the Supream Council it ſelf) of the
Confederate Catholicks were fubjected to the Authority and Rule of the
Council of State, and Proteftant Officers of his Majesty, from whom that
they might be fecured, they had taken that Oath.
16.46.
Council being
tenant, the
And the next day, being informed, that the Lord Viſcount Mountgarret, Some of the
and Lord Viſcount Muskery, were appointed by the Supream Council Suprcam
at Kilkenny, to go to Dublin, to conter with the Lord Lieutenant, upon appoirred to
the beſt way to be purfued, for the execution and obfervation of the Peace: confer with
they made an Order in Writing, in which were theſe words; We admo- the Lorl Lieu-
nish in our Lord, and require the Perfons who are departed to Dublin, Nuncio admo-
that they forbear and abſtain from going thither for the faid end, or if nifhes the
they be
that they return,and this under pain of Excommunication, com-
manding the Right Honourable the Bishop of Offory, and other Biſhops, as
well affembled as not aſſembled here, and their Vicars General, as alfo Vicars
Apoftolical,and all Priests, even Irregulars,that they intimate thefe Prefents,
or cause to be intimated, even by affixing them in publick places; and that
they proceed against the disobedient, in denouncing of Excommunication,
as it should feem expedient in our Lord.
gone,
When the Supream Council, notwithſtanding theſe new Orders and
Injunctions, continued ftill their defire to obferve the Peace; The titu-
lar Biſhop of Offory, publifht this extraordinary Writing.
W le
Hereas, we have in publick and private meetings at feveral times,
declared to the Supream Council, and others whom it might concern ;
That it was, and is unlawful, and against confcience, the implying Perjury
(as it hath been defined by the ſpecial Act of the Convocation at Waterford)
Y 2
to
not to proceed.
I
}
}
164
1646.
The difmal Effects of
to
to both Common-Wealths, Spiritual and Temporal, to do or concur to any
Ait, tending to the approbation or countenancing the Publication of this
unlawful and mischievous Peace, fo dangerous (as it is now Articled)
both Common-Wealths, Spiritual and Temporal; And whereas,notwithstand-
ing our Declaration,yea the Declaration of the whole Clergy of the Kingdom
to the contrary, the Supream Council and the Commiſſioners, have actu-
ally proceeded to the Publication, yea, and forcing it upon the City,by ter-
ror and threats, rather then by any free confent or defire of the People: We
having duly confidered and taken it to heart (as it becometh us) how enor-
mous this Fact is,and appears inCatholicks,even against God himself, and what a
Publick Contempt of the Holy Church it appeareth, befide the evil it
is like to draw upon this poor Kingdom, after a mature Deliberation and
Confent of our Clergy, in Deteftation of this hainous and fcandalous Dif-
obedience of the Supream Council, and others who adhered to them, in
matter of confcience to the Holy Church, and in hatred of fo finful and
abominable an Act, do by thefe Prefents, according to the Prescription of the
Sacred Cannons, pronounce and command henceforth a general Ceffation of
Divine Offices, throughout all the City and Suburbs of Kilkenny, in all
Churches, Monafteries, and houfes in them whatsoever.
Given at our Palace of Nova Curia, the 18th. of
Augufi, 1646.
Signed,
David Offorienfis.
That nothing
ill refented of
yet might be
by the Lord
Lieutenant, the
Supream
Council wins
on his Patience.
This extravagant Proceeding, did not yet terrifie thofe of the Con-
federate Catholicks, who underſtood, (as they pretended) how neceffary
the obſervation of the Peace was, for the prefervation of the Nation;
But as they defired the Lord Lieutenant, to forbear all acts of Hoftility,
upon how unreaſonable a Provocation foever; So they fent two Perfons
of the Supream Council, (Sir Lucas Dillon, and Dr. Fennel) to the
Congregation at Waterford, to difpofe them to a better temper, and to
find out fome Expedient, which might compofe the minds of the People,
and prevent thofe Calamities, that would unavoidably fall upon the
Nation,upon their declining and renouncing the Peace, (which you muſt
underſtand in them, to be very real; But after they had attended fe-
veral days, and offered many Reaſons and Confiderations to them; The
Congregation put a Period to all the Hopes and Conſultations of that
nature, by iffuing out a Decree of Excommunication, which they
cauſed to be Printed in this Form, and in theſe Words, and with theſe
Marginal Notes.
By
the Irish Infurrection.
165
By John Baptift Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince
of Firmo, and by the Ecclefiaftical Congregation
of both Clergies of the Kingdom of Ireland.
A Decree of Excommunication againſt ſuch as adhere to
the late Peace, and do bear Arms for the Hereticks of
Ireland, and do aid or affift them.
Notf
1646.
cation.
Ot without Caufe (faith the Oracles of Truth) doth the Minifter The Nuncio e
of God carry the Sword, for he is to punish him that doth Evil, and Excommun
remunerate him that doth Good; hence it is that we have by our former
Decrees, declared to the World our fence, and just Indignation against
the late Peace, Concluded and Publiſhed at Dublin, not onely in its no-
ture, bringing prejudice, and deftruction of Religion and Kingdom, but also
contrary to the Oath of Affociation, and withall against the Contrivers of,
and Adherers to the faid Peace: In pursuance of which Decrees, being
forced to unfbeath the Spiritual Sword, We (to whom God hath given Matth. 16. 18,
power to bind and loose on Earth) aſſembled together in the Holy John 20. 23.
Ghoft, tracing herein, and imitating the Examples of many Venerable, and
holy Prelates, who have gone before us, and taking for our Authority, the
Sacred Canons of Holy Church, grounded on Holy Writ, Ut tollan-
tur èmedio noftrum qui hoc opus faciunt
Domini noftri Jefu
:
19.
deliver over fuch Perfons to Satan, (that is to fay,) We Excommunicate,
Execrate, Anathematize, all fuch as, after the Publication of this our
Decree, and notice either Privately or Publickly given to them hereof, fhall
defend,adhere to,or approve the Justice of the faid Peace and chiefly those,
who bear Arms, or make, or joyn in War with, for, or in behalf of the Pu-
ritans, or other Hereticks of Dublin, Cork, Youghall, of other places
within this Kingdom, or fhall either (by themselves, or by their appoint-
ment) bring, fend, or give any Aid, Succour, or Relief, Victuals, Am-
munition, or other Provifion to them; or by advice, or otherwife, advance
the faid Peace, or the War, made against us; Thofe, and every of them,
by this prefent Decree, We do declare, and pronounce Excommunicated, ipfo
facto, ut non circumveniamini à Satana, non enim ignoramus Cogita- 2 Cor. 2. 11.
tiones ejus.
Dated at Kilkenny, in our Palace of Refidence, the
5th. day of October, 1646.
Signed.
Johannes Baptifta, Archiepifcopus Firmanus, Nuncius
Apoftolicus, de Mandato Illuftriffimi Domini Nun-
cij & Congregationis Ecclefiafticæ utriufque, Cleri
Regni Hiberniæ, Nicholas Firmence Congregationis
Cancellarius.
The
!
3
166.
The difmal Effects of
#
1646.
The Nuncio having thus fortifi'd himſelf, made great preparations to
march with two Armies to Dublin, which (confifting of 16000 Foot,
and as many hundred Horſe) he believ'd, or feem'd to believe, would
take the Town by Affault as foon as he ſhould appear before it; and in
this confidence (that we may not interrupt the feries of this Diſcourſe by
any intervening action) when the Armies were within a days march of
the City, the two Generals fent this Letter, with the Propofitions an-
nexed, to the Lord Lieutenant.
The two Ge-
nerals, Prefton
and O Neil,
Nuncio, en-
gaged to fit
down before
May it pleaſe your Excellency,
BT
I the Command of the Confederate Catholicks of this Kingdom, who offer
the incloſed Propofitions, we have under our Leading two Armies; our
being with the thoughts are best to our Religion, King and Countrey; our ends to establish
the first, and make the two following fecure and happy: It is the great part
of our care and defires to purchase your Excellency to the effecting of fo blessed
Dublin, ſends a awork. We do not defire the effufion of blood; and to that purpoſe, the in-
cloſed Propofitions are fent from us; we pray to God your confideration of
them may prove fruitful. We are commanded to pray your Excellency to ren-
der an Answer to them by two of the Clock in the afternoon on Thurſday
next,
be it War or Peace. We shall endeavour in our Ways to exerciſe Faith
and Honour; and upon this thought we reft.
Letter with
Propofitions.
From the Camp,
2. March,1646.
Your Excellencies moſt humble Servants,
J. Prefton, Owen O Neile.
1. That the exerciſe of the Romish Religion be in Dublin, Tredagh, and
in all the Kingdom of Ireland, as free and as publick, as it is now in Pa-
ris in France, or Bruxels in the Low-Countreys.
2. That the Council of State, called ordinarily the Council-Table, be
of Members true and faithful to his Majeſty, and fuch of which there
be no fear or fufpition of going to the Parliament Party.
may
3. That Dublin, Tredagh, Trim, Newry, Catherlagh, Carlingford, and
all Garriſons within the Proteftant Quarters, be Garrifon'd by Confe-
derate Catholicks, to maintain and keep the faid Cities and Places for the
uſe of our Sovereign Lord King Charles, and his Lawful Succeffors, for
the defence of this Kingdom of Ireland.
4. That the prefent Council of the Confederates fhall fwear truly and
faithfully to keep and maintain, for the ufe of his Majefty and his law-
ful Succeffors, and for the defence of the faid Kingdom of Ireland, the
above Cities of Dublin and Tredagh, and all other Forts, Places, and Ca-
ftles, as above.
5. That the faid Council, and all General Officers and Soldiers what-
foever, do ſwear and Proteft to fight by Sea and Land againſt the Parlia-
mentarians, and all the Kings Enemies: And that they will never come
to any Convention, Agreement or Article with the faid Parliamentari-
ans, or any the Kings Enemies, to the prejudice of his Majefties Rights,or
of this Kingdom of Ireland.
6. That
1
the Irish Infurrection.
6. That according to our Oath of Affociation, we will, to the beſt of
our power and cunning, defend the fundamental Laws of this Kingdom,
the Kings Rights, the Lives and Fortunes of the Subjects.
His Excellency is prayed to make Anſwer to the above Propofitions,
at furtheft by two of the Clock in the afternoon on Thurſday next.
F. Preston, Owen O Neile.
167
1646.
tenant in great
ftraits at the
approach of
Let all dis-paffionate men now confider what could the Marquis do, The Lord Lieu-
his Quarters were fo ftrait and narrow, that they could yield no fupport
to the few Forces he had left; all his Garriſons befieg'd; without, an
Enemy; being deftitute of all Provifions within: all the Army he had the Nuncio to
for the Field and Garriſons amounted not to 5000 Foot and 1100 Horfe; Dublin.
without Cloathes, Money, or Fixed Arms; and with ſo inconſiderable a
Store of Ammunition, that when the Nuncio was upon his march to-
wards Dublin, he had not in that molt important City the Metropolis
of the Kingdom more than 14 Barrels of Powder: So that not onely the
Inhabitants, but the Soldiers themſelves, grew impatient of the diſtreſſes
they were in, and which inevitably they faw muit fall upon them; and.
they who had before prefum'd in corners and whiſpers, to tax the Mar-
quis of not being zealous enough of the English Intereft, and too credulous of
what was promifed and undertaken by the Irish, had now the boldneſs to
murmur aloud at him, as if he had combined with the Irish to put all
into their hands: They who from the beginning of the Troubles had
been firm and unfhaken in their Duty and Loyalty to the King, and chear-
fully fuffered great loffes, and undergone great hazards for being ſo, and
been of the moſt conſtant affection to, and confidence in, the Marquis,
and refolved to obey him in whatſoever he fhould order for the King's
Service, for the conducting whereof, he was folely and entirely truſted
by his Majeſty, could not yet endure to think of being put into, or falling
under the power of the Irish, who, by this new breach of Faith, had
made themſelves utterly uncapable of any future Truft; for what fecu-
rity could they publickly give for performance of the Contract, which
they had not lately given for the obfervation of that, which fo infamoufly
they had receded from? Whereupon he found it abfolutely neceffary to
make a fhew of inclining to the English; and fent to the Ships then
riding in the Bay of Dublin, that they would tranfport fome Commif-
fioners from him to the Parliament, to treat about the furrender of the
City, and the other Garrifons under his Command. Which Propofition
was embrac'd by them, and the Perfons deputed accordingly conveyed
into England: By this means the Marquis was forthwith fupplied with
20 Barrels of Powder, which the Captain of thoſe Ships delivered to
him the 10th. of March, by the permiffion of the Lord Lifle, the Parlia-
ments Lord Lieutenant, without which, he could have made no defence
againſt the Nuncio: whereby the Irish had a fair warning to bethink
themſelves in time of returning to their Duty, fince they might difcern,
that if they would not fuffer Dublin, &c. to continue in the Kings obe-
dience, it fhould be delivered to them who would deal lefs graciouſly
with them, and had power enough to puniſh thofe indignities which had
been offered. And the Marquis was ftill without other Engagement,
than to do what he fhould judge moft conducing to his Majeſties Service.
*
However,
Upon the Irish
the Lord Lieu-
tenant made a
fhew of deli-
the Parlia
breach of faith,
vering all into
ments hands.
*Sir
Sir Gerr. Low-
ther, Lord
Chief Baron.
Sir Francis
Willoughby
Sir Paul Da-
is, Knights.
168
The difmal Effects of
The Parliament
of England
Voted Philip
Lord Life Lord
Lieutenant of
Ireland.
He arrives in
Ireland.
*
gat
1646. However, the Rebels perfifted in their intentions against Dublin, where
for a while we muſt leave them, and fee what courfe the Parliament took
to infeft their Quarters: much they were concern'd, that affairs went not
on fo fucceſsfully there as they expected, where that they might
have one Governour anfwerable to the exigencies of that Kingdom) they
Voted Philip Viſcount Life Lord Lieutenant, paffing thereupon, in April,
1646. a Patent to him for one year, allotting him 40000l. with what
elfe was requifite for his diſpatch; in raifing which, they were.fo flow,
(many of the Houfe being of an oppofite Party as he could not get away
from London till the 1ft. of Febr. 1646. arriving at Bristol. the 6th. where
he found ſeveral of his own Troops, and his Brother Colonel Algernoon
Sidney's in readinefs to be tranfported for Ireland: But Money being not
come,he was forc'd toQuarter them thereabouts till its arrival;and himſelf
with 30000 l. 7 Pieces of Battery, 1000 Muskets, 100 Barrels of Pow-
der, embarqu'd the 18th. at Minhead, and landed near Cork the 20th.
and came thither the day following, where he was altogether unexpe-
cted, (eſpecially by the Lord Inchequin he found things in great difor-
der, the Army filled with Officers difaffected to him, the Cuftodiums
and Contributions no way manag'd to the publick advantage; there-
upon reform'd the defects, and marching the 15th. of March to vifit Tal-
loe, Lifmore, Toughall, Fermoy, and other Places, found the Countrey pro-
tected even to the Walls of the Proteftant Garrifons, fo as no mifchief
could be done by them to the Rebels; and about the 20th. of March,
Knockmohun, a Knockmohun was delivered to him. He order'd all things for the beſt ad-
vantage of the Intereſt he was put upon; and finding his Commiffion
was near expir'd, the General Officers petition'd, that in cafe his Lord-
fhip were not continued, the Command of the Army might reft in them:
which the Lord Preſident with others oppos'd. The Lord Lieutenant's
His Expedition Commiffion determin'd the 15th. of April, 1647. And fhortly after fuch
miffion foon de- animofities aroſe betwixt the Parliaments Commiffioners and the Lord
termin'd, being Inchequin, as doubtless (if fome Privy Counſellors had not interpos'd)
great inconveniencies would certainly thence have rifen. The Lord Lifle
accompani'd with the Lord Broghil and Colonel Sidney) went prefent-
ly for England, and arriv'd at London about the beginning of May fol
lowing, taking the firſt occafion to give the Houſe an account of his
7th. of May. Journey; which may be looked on as a Dream more than a Truth,
(confidering the fhortness of the Expedition) though none could more
prudently have acted, whilſt he was upon the Place; nor was there any
whom the Soldiers would more readily obey, fuch was his Courage, fo
great his Integrity. The Lord Broghil and Sir Arthur Loftus, at the
fame time preferr'd Articles againſt the Lord Inchequin: But the Parlia-
ment was ſo imbroil'd about the Disbanding the Independent Army,
(then mutinous) and Inchequin had fo many (to favour themſelves) coun-
tenanc'd him, as little, if any thing, became of the Impeachment.
ftrong Garri-
fon, Sir Rich.
Osborn Go-
vernour.
with his Com-
oppos'd by
thofe who af-
terwards were
accus'd.
The Confede-
rates (upon Re-
England piece
again with the
Lord Licute-
cruits out of
nant.
*
But to return to the Confederates, who (when they faw the Ships re-
turn'd from England with Supplies of Soldiers, Money, and great ſtore
of Provifions, and the Commiffioners to treat with the Marquis for put-
ting all into the Parliaments hands) rais'd the Siege, ſeeming lefs united
amongſt themſelves, and defirous to make Conditions with the Lord
Lieutenant; whilſt General Preſton and his Officers frankly entred into a
Treaty with the Marquis of Clanrickard, whom the Lord Lieutenant au-
thoriz❜d to that end, and with deep and folemn Oaths undertook and
pro-
mifed
1
the Irish Infurrection.
169
16.16.
worthy,
Sir Rob. Mere-
dith,Knights.
Elq.
miſed to ſtand to the Peace, and from thenceforth to be obedient to his
Majeſties Authority, and to joyn with the Marquis of Ormond againſt
all thoſe who ſhould refufe to fubmit unto them. On the other fide, the
Commiſſioners from the two Houſes of Parliament *, who were admitted *Sir Thomas
into Dublin to treat with the Lord Lieutenant, obferving the very illWharton,
Sir Rob. King.
condition the Town was in, befieged by two ſtrong Armies, by whom Sir John Clot-
they within expected every hour to be affaulted, concluded, that the want
of Food, and all neceffaries for defence, would compel the Marquis, with
the importunity and clamour of the Inhabitants and Soldiers, to receive Rich. Salway
Supplies of Men, Money, and Victuals, which they had brought upon
any terms; and therefore ftifly infifted on their Propofitions, refufing
to confent, that the Marquis fhould fend any Meffenger to the King,
tliat, upon information how the cafe ftood, he might receive his Maje-
fties direction what to do. And how the Parliament in Ireland, then in
being, might be continued, which, by the delivering of the Sword, with-
out his Majefties pleaſure imparted, could not be fecured from being
diffolvel; and without which, he then refolved not to proceed to any
conjunction with them, and fo had privately difpatched feveral Expreffes
to the King (as foon as he difcerned clearly, that the Irish were fo terri-
fi'd by the Nuncio and his Excommunication, that there was little hope
of good from them) with full information of the ſtate of Affairs, and ex-
pected every day a return of fome of the faid Meſſengers, with fignifica-
tion of his Majefties Pleaſure.
Thus the Treaty with the Marquis not fucceeding, the Commiffioners
from the Two Houſes of Parliament return'd again to their Ships, about
the end of November, and carried all the Supplies they had brought to the
Parliaments Garriſons in the Province of Ulster, being much incens'd
againſt the Lord Lieutenant for declining an entire union with them, and
inclining as they ſaid he did) to a new confidence in the Irish: Yet they
found but cold entertainment amongſt the Scots.
At which time, Dr. John Maxwel, formerly Bifhop of Rofs in Scotland,
now Archbishop of Tuam in Ireland, hearing of Commiffioners from the
Parliament of England, grew fo envenom'd thereat, (fufpecting the Co-
venant, which he had ever abhorr'd, fhould be impofed) as fiercely im-
precating it; and being broken with the calamities of the Times, he di'd
the 14th. of Febr. 1646. and was buried in Trinity Church, Dublin, at
the munificence of the Marquis of Ormond.
By this time the Marquis of Clanrickard had an entire truſt (answera-
ble to what he had begun to treat of with General Preston) from the
Lord Lieutenant, as a Perfon fuperiour to all temptations, which might
endeavour to leſſen or divert his Affection and Integrity to the King, or
his Zeal to the Romish Catholick Religion, in which he had been bred,
and to which he had moſt conſtantly adher'd; he had taken great pains
to render the Peace, which had been fo long in confultation, effectual
to the Nation, and had both by Difcourfe and Writing endeavour'd to
diffwade the Nuncio from profecuting thofe rough ways, which he fore-
faw were like to undo the Nation, and dithonour the Catholick Reli-
gion: He found General Preston and the Officers of his Army lefs tran-
fported with paffion, and a blind fubmiflion to the Authority of the
Nuncio than the other, and that they profeffed greater duty and obedience
to the King, and that they feem'd to be wrought on by two Conclufions,
which had been fpeciouſly infus'd into them: The first was, that the Lord
Z
Lieute-
The Lord Lieu-
tenant not be-
fend to the
King, the Trea-
laments A-
gents broke off.
ing admitted to
ty with the Par-
The Marquis of
fidelity.
Clanrickard's
170
The difmal Effects of
+
1646.
Upon the Mar-
quis of Clan-
rickard's free
dealing with
the Confedc-
Preston and
others fign an
Engagement.
Lieutenant was fo great an Enemy to their Religion, that though they
fhould obtain any Conditions from the King to their advantage in that
particular, he would oppofe, and not confent unto the fame. The other,
that the King was now in the hand of the Scots, who were not like to
approve that Peace had been made, all that Nation in Ulfter refuſing to
fubmit to it. And if they should be able to procure any Order from his
Majeſty to disavow it, the Lord Lieutenant would undoubtedly obey it.
Theſe fpecious infufions the Marquis of Clanrickard endeavour'd to re-
move, and undertook upon his Honour to uſe all the Power and Inte-
reft which he had in the King, Queen, and Prince, on behalf of the Ro-
mifh Catholicks, and to procure them fuch Priviledges, and Liberty for
the free exerciſe of their Religion, as they could reafonably expect:
And undertook, that the Lord Lieutenant would acquiefce with fuch di-
rections as he thould receive therein without contradiction, or endeavour
to do ill Offices to the Catholicks. He further promifed, that if any Or-
der fhould be procured from the King during the reſtraint he was then in,
to the difadvantage of the Catholicks, then He would fufpend any obedi-
ence thereunto, until fuch time as his Majefty fhould be at liberty, and
might receive full information on their behalf. And upon the Marquis of
Clanrickard's pofitive undertaking thefe particulars; and the Lord Lieu-
tenant having ratifi'd and confirm'd all that the Marquis had engag'd
himſelf for, General Preston, with all the Principal Officers under his
Command, figned this enfuing Engagement.
WE
X
E the Generals, Nobility, and Officers of the Confederate Catho-
lick Forces, do folemnly bind and engage our felves, by the Honour
and Reputation of Gentlemen and Soldiers, and by the Sacred Proteftation
rates, General upon the Faith of Catholicks, in the prefence of Almighty God, both for our
felves, and, as much as in us lies, for all Perfons that are, or ſhall be under
our Command, that we will from the Date hereof forward fubmit and con-
form our felves entirely and fincerely to the Peace concluded and proclaimed
by his Majefties Lieutenant, with fuch additional Conceffions and Securities,
as the Right Honourable, Ulick Lord Marquis of Clanrickard hath under-
taken to procure and fecure to us, in fuch manner, and upon fuch terms, as is
expreffed in his Lordships Undertakings, and Proteftation of the fame date
hereunto annexed, and figned by himself: And we, upon his Lordships un-
dertaking, engage our felves, by the Bond of Honour and Confcience above-
faid, to yield entire obedience to his Majefties Lieutenant-General, and
General Governour of this Kingdom, and to all deriving Authority from
them by Commiffion to command us in our feveral Degrees: And that accor-
ding to fuch Orders as we ſhall receive from them, faithfully to ferve his
Majesty against all his Enemies or Rebels, as well within this Kingdom, as
in any other part of his Dominions, and against all Perfons that shall not joyn
with us upon these terms, in fubmiffion to the Peace of this Kingdom, and to
his Majefties Authority: And we do further engage our felves, under the
faid folemn Bonds, that we will never either directly or indirectly, make
use of any advantage or power wherewith we ſhall be intrusted, to the ob-
liging of his Majesty or his Minifters, by any kind of force, to grant.unto us
any thing beyond the faid Marquis of Clanrickard's undertaking, but shall
wholely rely upon his Majefties own free goodness, for what further Graces
and Favours he shall be graciously pleas'd to confer upon his faithful
Catholick
the Irish Infurrection.
171
Catholick Subjects in this Kingdom, according to their Obedience and Me-
rit in his fervice: And we do further proteft, that we shall never esteem
our felves difoblig'd from this engagement, by any Authority or Power
whatsoever; provided on both Parties, that this engagement and underta-
king be not understood, or extend to debar or hinder his Majefties Catho-
lick Subjects of this Kingdom, from the benefit of any further Graces and
Favours which his Majesty may be graciouly pleas'd to concede to them, upon
the Queen's Majesties Mediation, or any other Treaties abroad.
1646.
Upon this
there feem'd
to be fome A-
greement be-
twixt the Lord
Lieutenant
and Confede-
rates, they ta-
king Commif-
Lord Lieute
This was done about the end of November, 1646. at Sir Nicholas
White's Caftle of Leixleap; the Nuncio, with the other Army under
Owen O Neal, having been about the fame time compelled to raiſe their
Siege from Dublin, and to retire for want of Provifions. Hereupon the
Marquefs of Clanrickard was made by the Lord Lieutenant, Lieutenant
General of the Army, and was accordingly receiv'd by General Prefton's
Army, being drawn in Battalia: And General Preston at the fame time
receiv'd a Commiffion from the Lord Lieutenant, to command as Serjeant
Major General,and immediately under the Marquefs of Clanrickard. And nant.
fhortly after, General Preſton defired the Lord Lieutenant, to march with
as ſtrong a Body as he could draw out of his Garrifons, towards Kilkenny,
where he promiſed to meet him with his Army, that fo being united,they
might compel the reſt to ſubmit to the Peace.
And here, that you may have fome Divertiſement, you fhall fee in
what condition Hereticks are to be buried; to which end, we fhall
preſent you with a Copy of a Cenfure, under the Hand of Nicholas, Bishop
of Ferns, against Francis Talbot, who died a Proteftant.
The Body of Francis Talbot, who died an obftinate Heretick, and finally
therein impenitent, is to be buried in Pœnam Hærefeos, & finalis Impeni-
tentiæ, nec non in terrorem aliorum, with only one Candle at the Grave,
at Nine of the Clock by Night, without a Bell in the Church or Street, with
out Priest, Cross, Book, or Prayer; the Place of his Burial is to be in the
Alley of St. Mary's Church-yard, near to the Garden of the Parsonage. All
which, concerning the faid Burial, we have order'd to be done with the ad-
vice of Men learned in Divinity; and who shall exceed this Manner of the
faid Francis's Burial, is to incur Church-Cenfures; no Wax Taper, or Can-
dle, or Torch, is to be uſed.
Given at the Fryers Monaftery,
the last of Decemb. 1646.
Nicholaus Epiſcopus Fernenfis.
When the Marquefs was come within leſs than a day's March, of the
Place affign'd by General Prefton, for the meeting and joyning their For
ces together, the Marquess of Clanrickard, who attended upon the Lord
Lieutenant, receiv'd a Letter from Preston to this effect: That his Officers
being not Excommunication-proof, were fallen from him to the Nuncio's Par-
ty, and therefore he wished, that the Lord Lieutenant would proceed no fur-
ther, but to expect the iſſue of a General Aſſembly, that would be shortly
4
Z 2
conven'd
fions from the
:
Yet after all
the Officers of
General Preston
communicati
being not Ex-
on-proof, the
Lord Lieute-
nant was again
diſappointed.
1
172
The difmal Effects of
1
j
1646.
tenant returns
to Dublin,
which being
not able to fup-
ers, they were
forced to be
quarter`d ou
the Countrey,
where nothing
but Victuals
were taken by
them.
conven'd at Kilkenny, where he doubted not but that Things would be fet
right by the Confent of the whole Kingdom, which he faid would be much
better for his Majesty's Service, than to attempt forcing the Peace upon
those who were averfe to it.
Upon this new violation of Faith, the Marquefs of Ormond was com-
pell'd (after fome weeks itay in his Quarters to return again to Dublin,
where the Commiffioners, who had been lately there from the two Hou-
The Lord Lieu- fes of Parliament, had fowed fuch feeds of Jealoufie and Difcontent, as the
Inhabitants refufed to contribute further to the payment and fupport of
the Army, (being in truth fo far exhauſted by what they had paid, and
ply his Sould:- impoverished by their total want and decay of Traffick and Commerce, as
they were not able much longer to contribute) fo that the Marquefs was
forced in the cold and wet Winter, to draw out his half ſtarved and half
naked Troops, only to lye in the Enemy's Quarters, where yet he would
fuffer no Act of Holtility to be committed, or any thing elfe to be taken,
but Victuals for the fubfiftence of his Men. And in this un-eafie poſture,
he refolv❜d to expect the refult of the next General Affembly, which he
fuppos'd could not be ſo conſtituted, but that it would abhor the violation
of the former Contracts and Agreements, and the in-excufable Prefumpti-
on and Proceedings of the Congregation of the Clergy at Waterford; and
that it would vindicate the Honour and Faith of the Nation, from the
Reproaches it lay under, and from the exorbitant and extravagant Jurif
diction which the Nuncio had affumed. But he quickly found himself
again difappointed; and, to the univerfal wonder of all, the new Affem-
bly publish'd a Declaration of a very new Nature: For whereas the Nun-
cio and his Party had committed to Priſon thofe Noblemen and Gentle-
men, who had been Commiffioners in treating and concluding the Peace,
and had given out threats and menaces, that they fhould lofe their Heads
for their Tranfgreffion; the Affembly prefently fet them at liberty, and
declared, That the Commiffioners and Council had faithfully and fincerely
carried and demean'd themselves in the faid Negotiation, pursuant, and ac-
cording to the Trust repoſed in them: And yet, in the fame Declaration,
declared, That they might not accept of, or Submit unto the faid Peace, and
did thereby protest against it, and did declare the fame invalid, and of no
force to all intents and purpoſes. And did farther declare, That the Nati-
on would not accept of any Peace, not containing a fufficient Satisfactory Se-
curity for the Religion, Lives, Eftates and Liberties of the faid Confederate
Catholicks. And what they underſtood to be fufficient and fatisfactory
for Religion, &c. appears by the Propofitions publiſhed before by the
Congregation at Waterford, which they had caufed the People to fwear
that they would infift upon; and which, inſtead of providing a Tolerati-
on of the Romish Catholick Religion, had, in truth, prov'd for the extir-
pation of the Protestant, when they ſhould think fit to put the fame in execu-
Nor was the only Argument and Excufe, which they publiſhed
for theſe Proceedings, more reaſonable, than the Proceedings themſelves,
which was, That the Conceffions and Promiſes made unto them, by the Earl
of Glamorgan, were much larger, and greater fecurity for their Religion,
than thoſe conſented to by the Marqueẞ: Whereas, in truth, thofe Čon-
ceffions and Promiſes made by the Earl, (as we have took notice) were
dif-avowed and dif-own'd by the Lord Lieutenant, before the Peace was
concluded, and the Earl committed to Priſon for his Prefumption; which
though it produced fome interruption in the Treaty, yet was the fame
The Aflembly
at Kilkenny
juſtifie the
Commiffioners,
yet agreed
with the Con-
gregation at
Waterford.
tion.
after
the Irish Infurrection.
173
}
after refumed, and the Peace concluded, and proclaimed upon the Arti-
cles formerly mention'd; fo that the Allegation, of what had been un-
dertaken by the Earl of Glamorgan, can be no excufe, for their violating
the Agreement afterwards concluded with the Marquefs. Whereby it
appears, (let the most favourable Fucus imaginable be put upon it) that
though they releaſed the Commiffioners for the Treaty, as juftifiable, yet
Herod and Pilate were then made Friends, each Party confenting to dam
the Peace.
1646.
found treache-
rous, thoſe who
Parliament yet
conclude with
This laft wonderful Act put a period to all Hopes of the Marquess of
Ormond, which Charity and Compaffion.to the Kingdom and Nation, and
his difcerning Spirit, would fain have cherifht, in that in-evitable ruine
and deftruction both muſt undergo, from that distemper of mind that
poffeffed them, and had fo long boy'd them up, againſt his experience
and judgement. And now thoſe whofe Natures, Difpofitions, and Inte-
reit, made them moft averfe to the Parliament of England, grew more The Irish being
affrighted at the thoughts of falling under the Power of the Irish; fo that in all things
all Perfons of all humours and inclinations, who lived under his Govern-
ment, and had diſlikes and jealoufies enough againſt each other, were were molt a-
yet united and reconciled in their opinions againit the Irifh. The Coun- verfe to the
cil of State befought the Lord Lieutenant to confider, whether it were now wished the
poffible to have any better fecurity from them, for the performance of any Lord Lieute-
other Agreement he fhould make, than he had for the performance of nant might
that, which they now receded from, and diſclaimed. And fince the them.
Spring was now coming on, whereby the number, power, and ftrength
of their Enemy would be increas'd on all fides, and their hopes of Succours
was defperate, and fo it would be only in his election into whofe power
he would put thofe, (who had deferved as well from his Majefty by do-
ing and fuffering as Subjects could do whether into the hands of the
English, who could not deny them protection and juftice, or of the Irish,
who had not only difpoil'd them of all their Fortunes, and profecuted
them with all animofity and cruelty, but declared by their late carriage,
that they were not capable of fecurity under them they therefore entreat-
ed him to fend again to the two Houſes of Parliament, and make fome
agreement with them, which would probably be for their prefervation
whereas, with the other, what-ever could be done, it was evident it
would be for their deftruction. That which amongſt other things of im-
portance made a deep impreffion in the Marquefs, was the knowledge,
that there had been from the beginning of thefe Troubles, a Defign, in the
principal Contrivers of them, entirely to alienate the Kingdom of Ireland,
from the Crown of England, to extirpate not only the Proteftant, but all the
Catholicks, who were defcended from the English, and who, in truth, are
no less odious to the old Irish, than the other, and to put themſelves into
the protection of some foreign Prince, if they ſhould find it impoffible to erect
Some of the old Families. And how impoffible and extravagant foever this
Attempt might reaſonably be thought, in regard, not only all the Catho-
licks of the English Extraction, who were in Quality and Fortune much
fuperiour to the other, but many Noble, and much the beft and greateſt
Families of the ancient Irish, perfectly abhorred and abominated the
fame, writ fome. Yet it was apparent, that the violent Part of the
Clergy, that now govern'd, had really that intention, and never intend-
ed more to fubmit to the King's Authority, whofoever fhould be intrufted
with it: And it had been propofed in the laſt Affembly by Mr. Anthony
;
Martin,
TheLord Lieu-
tenant's Con-
viction, that
tended to re-
nounce the
Crown of Eng
the Iriſh in-
land.
174
The difmal Effects of
4
1646.
A Motion to
call in a for
reign Prince.
Martin, and others, That they should call in fome forreign Prince for prote-
tion, from whom they had receiv'd Agents; as from his moft Chriftian
Majefty, Monfieur de Monry, and Monfieur de Molin; from his Catholick
Majefty, Don Diego de Torres, his Secretary; from the Duke of Lorrain,
Monfieur St. Katherine; and from Rome they had Petrus Francifcus Sca-
rampi; and afterwards Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Fermo, Nun-
cio Apoftolick for Ireland, whofe exorbitant Power was Earneſt enough,
how little more they meant to have to do with the King, and as it would
be thought) gave no leſs an umbrage, offence and ſcandal, to the Catho-
licks, of Honour and Diſcretion, than it incenfed thofe, who bore no
kind of Reverence to the Biſhop of Rome; to whom (as their publick
Miniſters) they ſent their Biſhop of Ferns, and Sir Nicholas Plunket, as
before, Mr. Richard Bealing; to Spain they fent Fa. Hugh Bourk; to Pa-
ris, Fa. Matthew Hartegan; and to the Duke of Lorrain, by general
Commiffion, Theobald, Lord Viſcount Taaff, Sir Nich.Plunket, and Mr.
Geoffry Brown; ſome of whofe Inſtructions we fhall here give you, that
the Temper of that Council, and the Affections of thofe Men, (what
pretence foever veils their Deſigns) may appear from the Inftruments
themſelves.
督
​Kilkenny, 18. Jan.
1647.
By the Supream Council,and others,
the Lords Spiritual and Tempo-
ral, bere under-Signing, and the
Commons of the Confederate Ca-
tholicks of Ireland.
Inftructions to be obſerved, and by the Lord Biſhop of Fernes,
and Nicholas Plunket Efq; Commiſſioners, appointed and
authorized by, and in the behalf of the Confederate Roman
Catholicks of Ireland, in the Court of Rome.
Imprimis. Y
Ou are to repreſent unto his Holiness, the deplorable
Condition wherein the Confederate Catholicks are; and
for your better information, to take with you, the Draught of the Repre-
ſentation of the preſent Condition of the Countrey, which you are to en-
large and fecond by your own Expreffions, according to your knowledge;
and therefore defire, in regard Ireland and Religion in it, is humanely
ſpeaking) like to be loft, that his Holiness, in his great Wiſdom and
Piety, will be pleaſed to make the Preſervation of a People, fo conftant-
ly and unanimoufly Catholick, his, and the Confiftory of the Cardinals,
their Work. And you are to pray his Holineſs, to afford fuch prefent ef-
fectual Aids, for the prefervation of the Nation, and the Roman Catholick
Religion therein, as ſhall be neceffary.
2. You
the Iriſh Inſurrection.
175
2. You are to let his Holineſs know, That Application is to be made
to our Queen and Prince, for a fettlement of Peace and Tranquillity in
the Kingdom of Ireland: And that for the effecting thereof, the Confe-
derate Catholicks do crave his Holiness's Mediation with the Queen and
Prince, as alfo with the King and Queen Regent of France, and with the
King of Spain, and all other Chriftian Princes, in all Matters tending to
the Avail of the Nation, either in point of fettlement to a Peace, or other-
wife.
3. The Confederate Catholicks, having raiſed Arms for the freedom
of the Catholick Religion, do intend in the firſt place, that you let his
Holinefs know their refolution, to infift upon fuch Conceffions and Agree-
ments in Matters of Religion, and for the fecurity thereof, as his Holinefs
fhall approve of, and be fatisfied with; wherein his Holineſs is to be
prayed, to take into his Confideration, the imminent danger the King-
dom is in, according to the Reprefentations aforefaid to be made by you,
and ſo to proceed in Matters of Religion, as in his great Wiſdom and Pie-
ty may tend beſt, and prove neceffary to the prefervation of it, and the
Confederate Catholicks of Ireland.
4. You are to repreſent to his Holiness, That the Confederates think
fit to infift upon, as fecurity for fuch Agreements in Religion, as his Ho-
lineſs will determine, that the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy, or other
Chief Governour or Governours of the Kingdom, from time to time, fhould
be Roman Catholicks, unlefs his Holiness, upon the faid Reprefentation
of State-Affairs here, or for fome other Reafon, fhall think fit to wave
that Propofition.
5. You are to repreſent to his Holineſs, That the Confederate Catho-
licks defire, that all the Conceffions to be made, and agreed on, for the
fetling of the Catholick Religion in this Kingdom, be publifht at the
fame time with the Temporal Articles of the Settlement, if his Holiness,
on repreſentation of the State of Affairs here, or for fome other Advanta-
ges, fhall not think fit to determine, or fufpend the publiſhing of thofe or
fome of them for a time.
6. You are to reprefent to his Holineſs, That no change or alteration
is to be in any part of the preſent Government of the Confederate Catho-
licks, until the Articles of Peace, or Settlement, purſuant to the preſent
Authority and Inftructions, you, and the Commiffioners to the English
Court in France, have been concluded, and expected, and published in
this Kingdom, by thofe intruſted in Authority over the Confederate Ca-
tholicks.
7. You are to take notice, That the refident Council now named, are
the Perfons to ſerve for the interval Government, until the next Affembly
of the Confederate Catholicks, and the Affembly is at liberty to name
others, if they pleaſe; and that no less than eight of the ſaid Reſidents
concurring, during the faid interval, fhall make any Act or Order, ob-
liging, and according as it is provided in the former Articles for the inter-
val Government, in the late rejected Peace, the Forts, Cities, Towns,
Caſtles, and Power of the Armies of the Confederate Catholicks, to re-
main and continue in their hands, during the faid interval Govern-
ment.
8. You are to take notice, That the Perfons to be imployed into France
to the Queen and Prince, are to finish their Negotiation with the Queen
and Prince, purſuant to their Inftructions, with all poffible fpeed, after
they
1546.
176
The difmal Effects of
1646.
they fhall receive his Holiness's Refolution from you out of Rome, in the
Matters referred as aforefaid to his Holiness; and you are to uſe all poffi-
ble diligence, in procuring and fending his Holiness's faid Refolution unto
our faid Commiffioners, imployed to the Queen and Prince.
9. In cafe his Holiness will not be pleaſed to deſcend to fuch Conditi-
ons, as might be granted in Matters of Religion, then you are to folicit
for confiderable Aids, whereby to maintain War, and to aſcertain and ſe-
cure the fame, that it may be timely applied to the ufe of the Confederate
Catholicks. And in cafe a Settlement cannot be had, nor conſiderable
Aids, that may ferve to preſerve the Nation without a Protector, you are
to make application to his Holinefs, for his being Protector to this King-
dom, and by ſpecial inftance to endeavour his acceptance thereof at fuch
time, and in füch manner, as the Inftructions fent by our Agents to
France, grounded on the Affembly, doth import, whereof you are to
have a Copy.
10. Though Matters be concluded by his Holiness's Approbation with
the Prince and Queen, yet you are to folicit for Aids, confidering our di-
ſtreſs, and ſetting before him, that notwithstanding any fuch Aids, we
have a powerful Enemy within the Kingdom, which to expulfe, will re-
quire a vaft charge.
II. You are to take with you for your inftruction, and the better to
enable you to ſatisfie his Holineſs of the full ſtate of Affairs here, the Co-
pies of the Inftructions at Waterford, the Articles of the late rejected
Peace, and Glamorgan's Conceffions, and the Propofitions from Kilkenny,
to the Congregation at Waterford, in August, 1646.
12. If Moneys be receiv'd in Rome by you by way of Gift,Engagement,
or otherwife, you are to bring, or fend the fame hither, to thofe in Au-
thority, and not to difpofe the fame, or any part thereof, otherwiſe than
by Order from the general Affembly, or fupream Council; and for all
fums of Money ſo by you to be receiv'd, you are to give account to the
Authority intruſted here over the Confederate Catholicks.
13. You are to manage the circumftance of your Proceedings upon the
Inftructions, according as upon the Place you fhall find moft tending to
the Avail of the Confederate Catholicks.
Tho. Dublin.
Tho. Cafhell.
Thom. Tuamen Electus, Ewerus Clougherenfis, David Offoriens. Foha.
Epifc. Rofcotenfis Fr. Edmundus Laglenfis, Franc. Ardenfis Epifc. Robert.
Elect. Cofes & Cluomer, Francif. Patricius Ardack. Electus, Rob. Dro-
more Elect. Henry O Neal, Rich. Bealing, J. Bryan, Robert. Devereux,
Gerald Fennel, Farren.
By the Command of the General Affembly,
}
N. Plunket.
Theſe having been folicited, we ſhall now preſent you with their fur-
ther Inſtructions, to importune other Princes.
Inftructions
}
177
1646.
the Irish Infurrection.
Inftructions for France, Jan.18. 1647.
You
Ou are to preſent your Letters of Credence, to his moſt Chriſtian
Majefty, and the feveral Letters you have with you, to the Queen,
the Prince and Cardinal Mazarine, declaring the fpecial affection of the
Confederate Catholicks, to his Majefties fervice, upon all occafions, where-
in they may ſerve him.
You are to defire his moſt Chriſtian Majefty, the Queen Regent, and
Cardinal Mazarine, their Favourable and Friendly regard of the Affairs
of the Confederate Catholicks, and to direct their affiftance in what they
may, to further the fettling of the happy Peace of this Kingdom, with
advantagious, and honourable Conditions, Commiffioners being now
fent, to conclude the fame, if they may.
You are to let his moſt Chriſtian Majefty, the Queen Regent, and
Cardinal Mazarine know, That there be a confiderable Enemy, in the
heart of the ſeveral Provinces of this Kingdom; that yet we have
we have many
Cities and Parts, of the greateſt confequence in our hands, and have
fufficient ſtock of Men, to defend the Nation, and expel the Enemy, but
do want aids of Money and Shipping, without which, we fhall be in
danger, the next Summer-fervice; and therefore to folicite for confide-
rable Aids in Moneys, to be fent timely, the prefervation of the Catho-
lick Religion in this Kingdom, depending thereon.
If
you find
upon the place, that a fettlement of Peace cannot be had,
according to the feveral Inftructions, that go with the Commiffioners
to his Holineſs, and Chriſtian Majeſty, and Prince of Wales, nor fuch
confiderable Aids, that may probably prove for the Preſervation of the
Nation; then you are to inform your felf, by correſpondence with our
Commiffioners imployed to Rome, whether his Holinefs will accept of
this offer, of being Protector to this Nation; and if you find he will not
accept thereof, nor otherwiſe fend fuch powerful and timely Aids, as may
ſerve to preſervation, then you are by advice of other the Commiffion-
ers imployed to his Majefty, and Prince of Wales, and by correfpondence
had with the Commiffioners imployed to Rome, and by correfpon-
dence likewiſe with our Commiffioners imployed fince, if it may be
timely had, to inform your felf, where the moſt confiderable Aids for
ſerving this Nation may be had, by this offer of the Protectorſhip of the
Nation, in manner, as by other Inftructions into France, grounded on
the fame of the Aſſembly is contain'd, and fo to manage the difpofal of
the Protectorſhip, as you, and the reft of cur faid Commiffioners, fhall
find moſt for the advantage of the Nation.
The like Inftructions for Spain, bearing the fame Date.
pre-
Upon theſe, and other confiderations, ever in his view, the Marquefs
thought it much more prudent and agreeable to the Truſt repofed in him,
to depofite the Kings Intereft, and Right of the Crown of Ireland, into
the hands of the Lords and Commons of England, who ftill made great
profeſſion of Duty and Submiſſion to his Majefty, from whom it would
A a
probably
178
+
The difmal Effects of
1646.
probably return to the Crown in a fhort time, then to trust it with the
Irish, from whom lefs then a very chargeable War, would never recover
it, in what ſtate foever the Affairs of England fhould be; and how
lifting, and bloody, and coſtly, that War might prove, by the intermed-
ling and pretences of Foraign Princes, was not hard to conclude: In
that fuch Auxiliaries, many times prove dangerous Affiftance,not being over-
tender, or much diftinguishing betwixt the Party they come to affift, and that
they come to fubdue, when they are made Umpires in fuch Quarrels; as may
be gueffed by the Accompt in the 14th. Appendix: of which the Lords
and Commons of the Parliament of Ireland, being very ſenſible, they
thus in March expreffed themſelves, and their condition, to the Parlia
ment of England.
The Declaration of the Lords and Commons
in Parliament, affembled in Ireland, of the
preſent Eſtate, and diftreffed Condition of
the Proteftants in the faid Kingdom, and
their Addreſs unto the moſt Honourable,
the Parliament of England, for Relief. ·
WE
E, the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of Ireland, having
by the Mercy of God, your Care of us, and the Industry of those
intrusted by his Majesty, with the Government here, preferved unto us, the
means of fitting together, and of delivering freely our thoughts, concerning
the condition of this miferable Kingdom, whereof we are the reprefentative
Body, and finding withall the Government, our Selves, and indeed the Prote-
Jtants in the Kingdom, reduced to that final point of Extremity, that if not
very Speedily Supported and preferved, all in thefe Parts must become a
Prey unto the bloody and inhumane Rebels, and this City of Dublin, the
chief Seat and Cittadel of this Kingdom, with the other Garrisons depend
ing thereupon,be turn'd into the prime Seats and Strengths of thofe,who have
given evident proof, that they aim not at lefs, then the extirpation of all
Proteftants, and the fetting up the abominable Idol of the Mafs, and Su-
perftition,and at the fhaking off of all Loyalty and Subjection to the Crown
of England: We therefore hold it our duty(as being alſo perhaps the laſt,which
we by reason of the near approach of a powerful and pernicious Enemy,may have
the means to diſcharge in this Capacity) to make the prefent Addrefs, and
Repreſentation of our miferable Condition, to the most Honourable the Par-
liament of England, which, as it hath, in all times of common Danger, been
the Fountain, from whence the Power and Luftre of the Crown of England
in this Kingdom, hath Sprung, ſo it is now the onely Sanctuary, unto which
(in behalf of our ſelves, and the distressed Interest thereof) we can fly
for Succour and Prefervation. We hold it un-necessary to particularize our
prefent Wants, and Miſeries, and Impofibilities of further fubfiftance of
our
the Irish Infurrection.
179
our felves, fince they are too well known, even to our Enemies, in jo much
as it may be feared, that the benefit which we confidently. expect, by the
great diligence and Wisdom of the most Honourable, the Parliament of
England, may not arrive timely, for our Relief and Prefervation; nor
can we fo mifdoubt the Wisdom, Justice, and Piety, of thofe Honourable
Houfes (whereof we have had heretofore, very real and great experience,
which we do here with all thankfulness acknowledge) as to fear that they
will fuffer the Proteftant Religion,the Intereft of the Crown of England, and
of the Proteftants in thefe important Garrifons, and Quarters, to be facri-
ficed unto the fury of the merciless Rebels; But on the contrary, as we do
earnestly defire, fo are we most confident, that the Goodness and Wifdom of
the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, will fo feafonably fend
over a fufficient Power, as well to fubdue and fupprefs thefe merciless and
bloody Rebels, as to maintain thefe places, accompanied with an affurance
from the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, for enjoying thoſe
Conditions of Honour, fubfiftance and fafety, which have been lately offer-
ed by their Commiffioners, for, and in the name of the most Honourable,
the Parliament of England, to those who have hitherto govern'd and pres
Servd them, and to his Majefties Proteftant Subjects, and those who have
faithfully and constantly adhered unto them, unto which they may be pleafed
to joyn fuch further additions of Grace and Bounty, as to their Wisdoms
and Goodness, fhall be thought fit, as that they, and all the Protestants,
and fuch others, as have faithfully and conftantly adhered unto them, may
find Security and Prefervation therein, whereby we may heartily joyn un-
der thofe, whom the faid most Honourable, the Parliament of England,
ſhall appoint, in profecuting fo Pious a War, and being Gods Inftruments;
for the bringing just Vengeance upon fuch Perfidious Rebels, and in refto
ring the Proteftant Religion, and Interest of the Crown of England, in this
Kingdom, to its due and former Luftre, which we will ever frive (with
the hazard of our Lives and Fortunes) to maintain.
1646.
Lord Lieute-
fignification of
his Streights in
nant, upon his
While the Marquefs was in this deliberation (being privy to the
Parliaments actions) he receiv'd information, that the King was deli-
vered by the Scots, to the Commiffioners of the two Houſes of Parlia
ment, who were then treating with him, for the fettling of Peace in all
his Dominions; and at the fame time, feveral Perfons of Quality, ar-
rived at Dublin, having been privately difpatch'd by his Majefty, with
fignification of his Majefties Pleaſure, upon the advertiſement he had
receiv'd of the Condition of Ireland, to this purpoſe; That if it were The Kings An-
poffible for the Marqueſs to keep Dublin, and the other Garrisons, under fwer to the
the fame intire Obedience to his Majesty, they were then in, it would be
acceptable to his Majesty; But if there were, or should be, a neceffity of
giving them up to any other Power, he would rather put them into the hands
of the English, then of the Irish; which was the Rule, the Marquefs was
to guide himſelf by, who had likewife his other very important confide-
rations, which, if all the reſt had been away, had been enough to have
inclin'd him to that refolution. The King was now in the Power, and
hands of thoſe, who rais'd a War against him, principally, upon
the credit of thoſe reproaches and fcandals, that had perfwaded the
People to a belief of his inclinations to Popery; and of his contriving,
or, at leaſt, countenancing the Rebellion in Ireland, in which fo
much
A a 2
Dublin.
f
་
180
The difmal Effects of
}
}
$
1646. much Proteftant Blood, had been fo wantonly and cruelly let out: The
Ceffation formerly made, and continued with thofe Rebels, though
prudently, charitably, and neceffarily entred into, had been the moſt
un-popular Act the King had ever done, and had wonderfully contributed
to the Reputation of the two Houfes of Parliament, if, according to the
general opinion then currant, there fhould a Peace enfue, between the
King and them; fo that his Majefty would lofe nothing by the Parliament
being poffeffed of Dublin, and thofe other Towns, then in the difpofal
of the Lord Lieutenant : On the contrary, if they intended to purſue
his Majefty, with continued and new reproaches, and thereby to make
him fo odious to his Subjects, that they might with more facility and
applaufe, execute their horrible Confpiracy against his Life, there could
be nothing ſo diſadvantagious to his Majefty, as the furrender of Dub-
lin, to the Irish Confederates; which being done by the Kings Lord
Lieutenant, would eafily be interpreted, to be by his Majefties direction,
and fo make a confirmation of all they had publiſhed of that kind; and,
amongſt the ignorant feduced People, might have been a countenance to,
though nothing could be a juftification of their unparaleli'd Deal-
ings.
The Lord
Lieutenant de-
livers Dublin
to the Parlia-
ments Com-
millioners,
though upon
his inclination,
the Irish endea-
vour to delude
hun.
* Arthur An-
nefly, Efq.
Sir Robert
King,
Sir Robert Me-
redith,
Colonel John
Moore,
Colonel Mi-
chael Jones,
who carried
over a Regi-
and was made
chief of all
the Forces,
within the
Province of
Leimfter, and
Governor of
Hereupon the Marquefs took a Refolution, fince he could not poſſibly
keep it himſelf, to deliver it into the hands of the English; and to that
purpoſe fent again to the two Houſes of Parliament at Westminster, that
he would furrender Dublin, and the other Garriſons to them, upon the
fame condition they had before offered; who quickly diſpatcht their Ships
with Commiſſioners, *Men, and Money, and all other Provifions ne-
cellary to take the fame into their poffeffion. The Confederate Catho-
licks were no fooner inform'd of this, but they fent again to the Lord
Lieutenant an overture of Accommodation (as they call it) yet the
ment of Horfe, Meffengers intruſted by them, were fo wary, left indeed by accepting
and rooo Foot, what they propofed, they might be obliged to a Conjunction, that they
Commander in refuſed to give their Propofitions in Writing; And when, upon their
Difcourfe, the Lord Lieutenant had writ what they had propounded, and
thewed it to them, albeit they could not deny but that it was the fame,
yet they refuſed to Sign it: whereby it was very natural to conclude, that
the Overture was made by them, onely to lay fome imputation upon the
Dublin, who Marquefs, of not being neceffitated to agree with the two Houfes of Par-
liament, rather then with any purpoſe of fubmitting to the Kings Autho-
rity. At laft (being fo far preffed, they found it neceffary to let the
Marquefs know in plain terms what he was to truft to) they fent him a
Meffage in Writing, in which they declared, That they must inſiſt upon
the Propofitions of the Clergy, formerly mention'd to be agreed at Waterford,
and to which they had fworn; and that if he would have a Ceffation with
them, he must promise not to receive any Forces from the two Houses of Par-
Sir Henry Tich- liament in 6 or 7 months: Not propofing in the mean time any way how his
Majeſties Army ſhould be maintain'd,but by a full fubmiffion unto all their
unreaſonable Demands: Notwithſtanding all which, the Parliament
Colonel Fran- failing to make that ſpeedy performance of what they had promifed,
cis Willoughby, and their Commiflioners not having (as it was agreed on) brought
and Flowers, in Bills fufficiently drawn to be accepted of, for 10000 l. and the Marquefs
all about 4000. having it thereby in his Power, fairly to comply with the Irish, if they
ing fent to any had yet recovered the temper and difcretion that might juftifie him; He
fent again to them, as well an Anfwer to their Overtures of accommoda-
tion,
upon his en-
trance, upon
the Place,
found 11 old
Regiments of
Foot, which he
reduced to 7.
viz. The Earl
of Kildare's,
the Lord Moor's
burn,
Sir John Bor-
lafe, Jun.
Colonel Baily,
no Recruit be-
of them.
"
the Irish Infurrection.
181
1
tion, as an offer not to receive any Forces from the two Houſes, for the
fpace of three weeks, if they would, during that time, confent to a Ceaffa-
tion, that a full Peace might be treated, and agreed upon. To which
Motion, they never vouchſafed to return any Anſwer; about the fame
time Owen Ŏ Neil (wifely foreſeeing, that the Nuncio, or the Supream
Council, did not enough confider, or foreſee the evil confequences, that
would undoubtedly attend the Lord Lieutenant's being compelled to
leave the Kingdom, and to put Dublin, and the other Garrifons into the
poffeffion of the English Rebels) fent his Nephew Daniel O Neil, to the
Marquefs of Ormond, that if the Marquefs would accept of a Ceffation
for two months, which he believ'd, the Affembly, or Supream Council,
would propofe (with what mind foever) he would promiſe, `and un-
dertake, to continue it for a Twelvemonth; and in the mean time, he
would uſe his utmost power, to procure a Peace. Owen O Neil was a
man of an haughty, and pofitive humour, and rather hard to be inclined
to fubmit to reafonable Conditions, then eafie to decline them, or break
his word, when he had confented; therefore the Lord Lieutenant re-
turn'd this Anſwer; that if he would give him his word, to continue
the Ceflation for a full year, he would accept it, when propoſed
from the Supream Council, for two months; and he would in the mean.
time, wave any further Treaty with the Parliament; yet fent him word,
he would not hold himſelf by this promife, longer then fourteen days
engaged, if he did not in that time receive fuch a poſitive effect of his
Overture, as he expected. Owen O Neil accepted of the Condition, and
with all poffible fpeed, difpatched his Nephew Daniel, to the Supream
Council at Clonmel, with a Letter containing his Advice, and another
to the Biſhop of Clogher, his chief Confident; to whom he fent Reaſons
at large, which ought to induce the Nation to defire fuch a Ceffation.
When the Council receiv'd the Letter, and knew that the Lord Lieutenant
expected an Anſwer within 14 days, they refolved to return no Anſwer,
till thoſe days were expired, and during that time, committed Daniel Ó
Neil to Priſon, that he might not return to his Unkle; and when the time
was paffed, they releas'd him, on condition that he ſhould come no more
into their Quarters.
In the interim, the Parliament of Ireland, then fitting at Dublin, find-
ing into what ſtraights the Kingdom was brought, and how his Excellency
had ſtrugled with the greateſt difficulties imaginable, for his Majeſties
and their Intereft; they, the 17th. of March, fent this Remonftrance,
in acknowledgment of great Care and Indulgence.
1646.
1
The
1
182
!
The difmal Effects of
1
1646.
1
The Remonftrance of the Lords Spiritual
and Temporal, and Commons in Parlia-
ment affembled, declaring the Acknow-
ledgment of their hearty thankfulneſs to
the moſt Honourable, James Marquis of
Ormond, Lord Lieutenant General of Ire-
land, his Excellency.
WB
E the Lords and Commons affembled in Parliament in our whole
Body, do prefent our felves before your Lordship, acknowledging
with great fenfe and feeling your Lordſhips fingular goodneẞ to us the Pro-
teftant Party, and those who have faithfully and conftantly adhered unto
them, who have been preferved to this day (under God) by your Excellen-
cies providence and pious care, which hath not been done without a vast ex-
pence out of your own Eftate, as alfo to the hazarding of your Perfon in great
and dangerous difficulties: And when your Lordship found your felf with
the strength remaining with you) to be too weak to refift an infolent (and up-
on all advantages) a perfidious and bloody Enemy, rather than we ſhould
perish, you have in your care transferred us into their hands, that are both
able and willing to preferve us; and that not by a bare cafting us off, but
by complying so far with us, that you have not denied our defires of Hofta-
ges, and amongst them, of one of your most dear Sons: All which being fuch a
free Earnest of your Excellencies love to our Religion, Nation, and both
Houfes, do incite us here to come unto you with Hearts fill'd with your
your love,
and Tongues declaring how much we are oblig'd to your Excellency, profef-
fing our refolutions are with all real fervice (to the utmost of our power) to
manifeft the fincerity of our acknowledgment and affections unto you, and to
perpetuate to pofterity the memory of your Excellencies merits, and our
thankfulneß. We have appointed this Inftrument to be entred into both
Houfes, and under the hands of both Speakers to be preſented to your
Lordship.
Rich. Bolton, Canc.
17 die Martii, 1676.
intr. per Val. Savage
Dep. Cler. Parl.
Maurice Euſtace, Speaker.
Int. 17. die Martii, 1676. per
Philip Fernely Cler. Dom,
Com.
What effect this made upon his Excellency, you will here ſee.
My
the Irish Infurrection.
183
1646.
{
· 11
My Lords and Gentlemen,
W
Hat you have now read and deliver'd hath much furpriz'd me;
and contains matter of higher obligation laid upon me by you, than
thus fuddenly to be answer'd; yet I may not fuffer you to depart hence, with-
out ſaying ſomewhat to you: And first, I affure you, that this Acknowledg-
ment of yours is unto me a Jewel of very great value, which I shall lay up
amongſt my choiceſt Treaſures, it being not onely a full confutation of thoſe
Calumnies that have been cast upon my actions, during the time I have had
the Honour to ſerve his Majefty here, but likewife an Antidote against the
virulency and poifon of thofe Tongues and Pens, that, I am well affur'd, will
be busily set on work, to traduce and blast the Integrity of my prefent Pro-
ceedings for your prefervation. And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, fince
this may perhaps be the last time that I shall have the Honour to Speak to
you from this Place; and fince that next to the words of a dying man thofe
of one ready to banish himself from his Country for the good of it) challenge
credit, give me leave before God and you here to proteft, That in all the
time I had the Honour to ferve the King my Mafter, I never receiv'd any
Command from him, but fuch as fpake him a Wife, Pious, Proteftant Prince,
zealous of the Religion he profeffeth, the welfare of his Subjects, and in-
duftrious to promote and fettle Peace and Tranquility in all his Kingdoms;
and I shall beseech you to look no otherwife upon me, than upon a ready Inftru-
ment ſet on work by the Kings wisdom and goodness for your preſervation;
wherein if I have diſcharg'd my ſelf to his Approbation and Tours, it will
be the greatest fatisfaction and comfort I shall take with me, where-ever it
fhall pleafe God to direct my ſteps. And now (that I may diſmiſs you) I be-
feech God long, long, to preferve my Gracious Mafter, and to restore Peace
Reft to this afflicted Church and Kingdom.
But to return. In conclufion, the Commiffioners from the two Houſes
of Parliament having performed all that on their part was expected, the
Marquis of Ormond delivered up Dublin and the other Garriſons into
their hands the 17th. fome write the 18th. of June, 1647. on condition
to enjoy his Eſtate, and not to be fubject to any Debts contracted for the
fupport of his Majefties Army under his Command, or for any Debts
contracted before the Rebellion: That he, and all fuch Noblemen and
Officers as defir'd to paſs into any part of that Kingdom, fhould have
travelling Arms, and free Paffes, with Servants for their reſpective Qua-
lities: That he ſhould have 5000l. in hand, and 2000l. per Annum for
five years, till he could receive ſo much a year out of his own Eſtate
And that he ſhould have liberty to live in England without taking any
Oaths for a year; he engaging his Honour to do nothing in the inte-
rim to the prejudice of the Parliament. However, he delivered not up the
Regalia till the 25th. of July, at which time he was tranſported (with
his Family) into England; where they admitted him to wait on the
King, and to give his Majefty an account of his Tranfactions: who re-
ceived him molt graciouſly, as a Servant who had merited highly from
him, and fully approved all that he had done. The ſtraits his Excellency
was
1647.
'
184
The difmal Effects of
་
1
#
1647.
* Edw. Parry,
Laonenfis, Jac.
Marget fon nunc
temporis Ar-
machanus, Ben.
Culme, Ambr.
Anngier, Ja.
Sybald, Godf
Rhodes, Hen.
Hall, (exin. E-
pifc. Acadenfis)
Jo War. Jo.
Brookbank,Gil-
Dad. Borell,
bert. Dran,
Rob. Parry,
Joan. Creigh
Fon Can. Edn.
Syng, ( exin.
Ardfertenfis)
Rob. Dickſon,
Hen. Byrch,
Rich. Powell.
The Marquis
Ormond hav-
ing free acceſs
(
was then put to, were great, and (in confideration into whofe hands the
Government might fall) his furrender of Dublin to the Parliament ſeem'd
extreme hazardous: yet Providence fo fteer'd his Refolution in that act,
as doubtleſs the ground of his Majefties Sovereignty, and the English pre-
fervation how many Channels foever it paft through first proceeded
thence. Before He came away, the Soldiers had receiv'd fuch a tincture
of Mutiny, as Mr. Annelly and Sir Robert King, for fear of violence, pri-
vately quitted the Kingdom, before which, they (with Sir Robert Mere-
dith, Colonel Michael Jones, and Colonel John Moore) took notice of
the infolency of the Soldiers, to exact Contribution and free Quarters at
their pleaſure, forbidding them ſo to do, &c. by a Proclamation at Dublin
the 20th. of June, 1647.
Soon after the Parliaments Commiffioners were warm in the Go-
vernment (having regulated their Militia) they put their Sickle into
the Service of the Church, where they found many* fo tenacious to the
Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy, and their Vows to their Ordina-
ries, as they could not be wean'd from the Liturgy of the Church of
England, in which Miniſtery they defir'd to finish their Courſe with joy;
and the 9th. of July, 1647. they unanimoufly publifh'd a Declaration to
that end, exactly drawn up with great Reafon, Perfpicuity, and Elo-
quence.
The time that the Marquis of Ormond agreed with the Parliaments
Commiffioners, was near the time that the Army had gotten the
king into their hands, having taken him from Holmbey, out of the cufto-
dy of the Commiffioners, to whom the Scots had delivered him: And
the Marquis of Ormond, at his arrival in England, found fo many fpecious
pretences and profeffions publiſh'd by that Party, which then had the
whole Power of the Army, and confequently of the Kingdom, that very
many believ'd his Majefties Affairs to be in no ill condition; more
feeming refpect was paid to his Perfon, and lefs reftraint upon the refort
of his faithful Servants to him, than had been from the time that he firſt
put himſelf into the Scots power. The Army took upon them the Go-
vernment of the Kingdom, having folemnly declared, That there could
be no reasonable hope of a firm and lafting Peace, if there were not an equal
care to preferve the Intereft of the King, Queen, and Prince, as of the Li-
berties of the People, and that both should be with equal care provided for
together.In this time of freedom,and hypocritical compliance,the Marquis
had free liberty of repairing to the King, where he gave him an account of
of all his actions, and of the courfe he had taken for the reviving and pre-
ferving his Majeſties Intereſt in Ireland, by ſetling a Correſpondence with
many Perſons of Honour there, who would keep the two Houſes of Parlia-
ment (how great an advantage foever he had given them,by the delivery
up of Dublin,&c.into their power) if they refus'd to return to his Majeſties
obedience, from obtaining any abfolute Dominion in that Countrey;
and who were moſt like to reduce the Nation from the Distemper with
which they were tranfported, and to incline them to that fubmiffion
that was due from them to the King; with all which, his Majeſty was
very graciouſly and abundantly fatisfied, and gave the Marquis directi-
on, in cafe the Independent Army ſhould proceed otherwife than they
pretended, how he ſhould behave himſelf, and comply with the Irish, if
he could reduce and diſpoſe them to be inftrumental towards his or their
own delivery. And when his Majefty diſcovered (by the double dealing,
to the King, ac-
quaints him of
the Impreffion
in many for his
he had made
Service.
and
the Irish Infurrection.
185
and hypocritical demeanour of the Officers of the Army, of whom he
had earlier jealoufie than other men, as ſeeing farther into their dark
Deſign) the little good they meant him, he found it fit to receive fome
Overtures from the Scottish Commiffioners, who were ſtill admitted tỏ
refide at London, and to bear a part in the Marragery of the Publick
Affairs; and now plainly faw, that the Independent Army, which they
had ſo much defpifed, was grown fuperiour to them, and meant to per-
form nothing less, than what they had fo Religiofly promiſed before
the King was delivered up at Newcastle. The King hereupon commands
the Marquis of Ormond to confer with the principal Perſons of that Com-
miffion, who feem'd very fenfible of the difhonour their Nation had in-
curr'd, and refolved, by uniting the power of that Kingdom for his Ma-
jeſties Service, to undo fome of the miſchief they had wrought: And de-
fired, that the Marquis of Ormond would likewife tranfport himſelf
into Ireland, to try once more if he could compofe the humours of that
People to his Majefties obedience; that fo thofe two Kingdoms, being en-
tirely reduc'd to their duty, might, with that aſſiſtance they were like
to find in England, perfwade the violent Party to comply with thoſe mo-
derate and juſt Conclufions, which would eſtabliſh the Peace and Tran-
quility of the whole in a full happineſs to Prince and People. And from
hence was that firſt Engagement deſign'd, which was afterwards fo un-
fortunately conducted by the elder Duke Hamilton, and concluded with
the ruine of himſelf, and of many Worthy and Noble Perfons.
When the Army had by their civil and fpecious carriage and profef-
fions diſpoſed the Kings Party to with well to them, at leaſt better than
to the Presbyterians, (who ſeem'd to have erected a Model of a more for-
mid and infupportable Tyranny, and were leſs endu'd with the appea-
rances of Humanity and good Nature) and had (by fhuffling themfelves
into new ſhapes of Government, and admitting Perfons of all Conditions
to affemble, and make Propofitions to them in order to the publick
Peace) given encouragement to most men to believe, that all Interefts
would, in fome degree, be provided for; and fo had brought themſelves
into an abfolute Power over all Interefts, they began to leffen their out-
ward Refpects and Reverence to the King, to inhibit fome of his Ser-
vants abfolutely to refort to him; and more to reftain the frequent ac-
cefs of the People, who out of their innate Duty and Affection, delight-
ed to fee his Majeſty, they cauſed reports to be raiſed and ſcattered
abroad of ſome intentions, in deſperate perfons, of violence upon his Ma-
jefties Perfon; and upon this pretence doubled their Guards, and put
Officers of ſtricter vigilance and more furly diſpoſition about him; ſo
that whatſoever he faid or did, or was faid unto him, was more punctu-
ally obferved. The Marquis of Ormond.was look'd upon with a very
jealous eye, and was forbid to continue his attendance on him, or to
come within 25 miles of London; and that Article in the Agreement
at the delivery of Dublin, (viz. That he fhould engage his Honour not
to act any thing to the prejudice of the Parliament in a twelvemonth)
there was an intention to put him in mind of, by a Letter from the
Committee at Derby-houſe; but before the Meffenger came where he
had been near Bristol, he (knowing of the King's being clofe Prifoner in
Carisbrook-Castle, and that it would be to little purpoſe to conteft his
Articles with the Parliament) privately fhipt himſelf away for France,
Bb
where
1547.
Some of the
Scots being
convinc'd of
done amifs in
his Majeſties
Service, better
courage the
Marquis of Or-
refolve, and en-
mond to return
into Ireland.
The fubtilty of
the Indepen-
dent Army.
The Marquis
now fufpected
by the Army,
186
The difmal Effects of
"
1647.
Gen. Preſton
routs Colonel
Fones.
Preften's ad-
vance on a de-
ſign to Dublin.
* The Lord
Digby.
where he arrived ſafely about the end of the year 1647. having ſpent in
England little more than fix months.
For a time we muſt leave the Marquis in France, and return to Co
lonel Jones in Dublin, who with thofe Forces that were left there by
the Marquis of Ormond, and fuch as he brought and received out of Eng-
land, amounting in all to 3000) marched againſt Colonel Preston, ap-
proaching with his imfter Forces to infeſt Dublin, and met him about
12 miles from Dublin who having gotten great advantage of ground,
routed Jones, killed many of his
of his men, and took not a few Prifoners, Jones
himſelf eſcaping with much difficulty to Dublin.
Whether upon this accident, or otherwife, I cannot determine ; but
great divifions then aroſe betwixt the old English, who had Preston for
their General, and the old Irish, who had Owen Roe O Neal for theirs:
The old English had a gallant Army, confifting of near 10000 Foot and
Horſe, well Arm'd, and well Difciplin'd, who thought, that if they
would offer themſelves Inftruments to deſtroy the old Irish, they might
at any time have good Conditions from England; therefore under con-
fidence thereof, they went on with great refolution, determining to do
what they could to make themſelves Maſters of Dublin, and of all the
English Quarters thereabouts, the eaſier afterwards to facilitate their
defign agunft Owen Roe and his Confidents. Preſton thus flesh'd with
his late Victory, brought up his Army, poffefs'd himſelf of moſt of the
Out-Garrifons, even within eight miles of Dublin, and thence went with
a refolution to take in Trim, a Garrison of fome ftrength, under Colonel
Fenwick, wherein there lay a Regiment of Foot, and fome Troops of
Horfe. Upon which, Jones feeing himſelf in this condition, march'd
about the 17th. of July, with 1000 Foot and 400 Horfe, to Sigginstown,
burning by the way, Caſtle Martin, taking good Prey from Caftle Bawn,
and was over-took by the Enemy near Johns-town, who falling on his
Rear, cut off many; where Captain Adam Meredith gallantly maintain-
ing the Paſs, was kill'd: a Gentleman of clear valour,and greater hope.
*
In the interim, the diſtractions of the Soldiers (daily mutinous) were
very great, the Soldiers threatning to deliver up the Town to the Re-
bels, if they were not ſpeedily and better fuppli'd with money and other
neceffaries. However, in this high diftemper, Colonel Jones drew out,
the firſt of August, 3800 Foot, and two Regiments of Horfe, befides Ar-
tillery, to the relief of Trim, befieged by Preston; who upon his ap-
proach quitted the Siege, intending to follow the advice of a Perfon
then at Leixlip (a Caſtle 10 miles from Dublin) of great truſt and abi-
lities, that whilſt Jones reliev'd Trim, he might attempt Dublin. Where-
upon Jones follows, being affifted by Sir Henry Tichburn from Tredagh,
Colonel Moo from Dondalk, with the Newry, Carlingford Forces, as Co-
lonel Conway, with a Party of the Northern old British, making up in all
700 Horſe, and 1200 Foot; and joyn'd Battel with Preston, effectually
7300 Foot, and 1047 Horſe ſtrong, befides what the Lord Coftolough and
the two Nugent's brought, at Dungans-Hill, the 8th. of August, 1647.
Battel, the 8. of where by plain valour Jones gain'd the greateſt and moſt ſignal Victo-
ry the English ever had in Ireland; there was flain upon the place 5470,
befides thofe afterwards which were gleaned up, which were many;
amongſt the flain, there were 400 of Colonel Kitto's Redshanks:
There were taken Priſoners, 5 Colonels, 4 Lieutenant Colonels,6 Serjeant-
Majors,
Dungan-hill
Aug. 1647. by
fome term'd
Linch-Knock
Battel.
:
1
1
the Irish Infurrection.
187
z
Majors, 32 Captains, 23 Lieutenants, 27 Enfigns, 2 Cornets, 22 Ser-
jeants, 2 Quarter-Mafters, 2 Gunners, the Clerk of the Store, 13 Troop-
ers, and 228 common Souldiers: Preston hardly eſcaped with the Horfe;
he loft his Carriages and Cannon, being 4 demi-Culverings, each carry-
ing 12 pound Bullet, and 64 fair Oxen, attending the Train, which
were of very great ufe. Of ours fome were wounded, but not above 20
flain: Of Note, we loft only 2 Cornets, and one Captain Gibbs, who,
over-heated in the Service, died in drinking Ditch-Water. After this
Victory the Enemy quit and burnt the Naas Sigginstown, Harristown, Col-
lanstown, Castlewarding, and Moyglare. Nor had the effect of this Victory
ended thus, but that Pay and Proviſion for the Army were ſo fcant, as
neceffity inforced them to return to Dublin, where they were met with
the News of 1500 l. newly arrived, a Supply incompetent to furnish them
forth immediately, though it fatisfied them there was fome care taken
for their Relief. And upon the certainty of this great Victory in Eng-
land, confiderable Supplies were haftned, and 1000 l. fent Colonel Jones
for his good Service. A little after which the Lord Inchiquin took in Ca-
hir Cattle, the Town and Caſtle of Cafhel, and 11 other Caſtles, in the
County of Tipperary, which was exceeding well taken by the Parliament,
no fmall Cauſes of Defection, having (a little before) been infinuated
to them, of his Fidelity.
1647.
About the beginning of October Colonel Jones took the Field again,and Jones's and
having joyn'd with the Ulfter Forces, under the Command of Colonel Monk's good
Monk, they march'd out near 2000 Horſe and 6000 Foot, taking in Service.
Portleicester, Abboy, and feveral of the Rebels Caftles and Garrifons; and
fo having got great Prey of Cattle, and other Pillage, they return'd to
Dublin, and Colonel Monk went back into Ulfter with that Party he car-
ried thence.
And in Munster the Lord Inchiquin was fo active, as the Lord Taaff, ap-
pearing with a confiderable Force, (as General of the Irish) advancing
towards the English Quarters, he nobly encounter'd him (though with
much dif-advantage both of Men and Ground) at Knocknones, the 13th. The Battle of
of November; where, after a fharp difpute, excellently carried, with Knockmones, or
much Gallantry and true Souldiery, as to the order of the Battle, he to-
tally routed him and his Forces; amongſt whom fell Sir Alexander Mac
Donel, alias Colonel Kilkittoth, the Rebels Lieutenant General, and his
Lieutenant Colonel, beſides fome 4000 of their Infantry and Horſe were
flain, 6000 Arms recovered, 38 Colours of Foot, fome Cornets of Horſe,
Ammunition, Taaff's Cabinet, befides his Tent, and many Concerns of
importance, were alſo taken. We loft Sir William Bridges, Colonel of
Horſe, Colonel Gray, Major Brown, Sir Robert Travers, the Judge Ad-
vocate, and fome other Officers, upon the routing of our left Wing, who
gallantly however feal'd the Caufe with their blood. They were 7464
Foot, and 1076 Horfe, befides Officers; we not 4000 Foot, and 1200
Horſe. Upon the arrival of this News, the Houſe of Commons voted
10000 l. for Munfter, and 1000l. with a Letter of thanks, to the Lord
Inchiquin.
Things thus fucceeding, it might be thought rational, that the Lord
Inchiquin, who had obtain'd fo great a Victory over the Rebels, and
thereupon was highly careffed by the Parliament, fhould now have had
no Defign to have alter'd his Party. But he (having been dealt with by
thofe, who beſt knew how to wean him off) fets forth a fpecious Decla
Bb z
1
ration
Inchiquin me-
ditates the Al-
teration of his
Party.
}
188
The difmal Effects of
1647. ration againſt the Parliament, over-awed by Independents and the Army;
and hearing of Laughorn's Infurrection, and the Scots Invafion, grew
thence more encouraged, that amongst the Presbyterians he went for a
Patron; and diftributing a little Money amongst the Souldiers, won fo
upon them, as afterwards he carried his Defign (for fome time) un-dif-
covered, fending to the Parliament this Declaration.
I'
Mr. Speaker,
I is not without an un-answerable proportion of Reluctancy, to fo heavy
an Inconvenience, that we are thus frequently put upon the afferting of
our own Fidelities, to the Services of the Honourable Houſes; whereunto,
as we have by several Evidences (the mention whereof we make without
vain-glory) manifefted our felves fincerely faithful, ſo hath it pleaſed the
divine Providence, to profper our Endeavours with very many improbable
Succeffes; to the attainment whereof, though we have strugled through all
the difficulties, and contended with all the fufferances, that a People, un-fup-
ply'd with all neceffaries and fecondary means,could undergo, yet have we en-
countred nothing of that dif-affection, or dif-couragement, as we find admini-
ftred unto us, by a conftant obfervation, that it is as well in the power, as it
is in the practice, of our malicious and indefatigable Enemies, to place and
foment Differences upon us, not only to our extream fcandal and difgrace,
(which we should the less refent, if their malice could terminate in us but
to the obstructing of the Supplies order'd and defign'd for publick Service,and
to the irreparable prejudice thereof, which our Enemies can value at fo low a
rate, as to put it into that bargain, they are in hand to make for our deftru-
ction. It being very approvable by us, that feveral Perfons in power there,
do interpofe their endeavours, to continue us by the impeding of Sup-
plies) in a defperate, languishing, and perishable condition upon the Place,
and in a defpicable and doubtful esteem with the Honourable Houfes. Where-
of there will need no other Instances, than that, after the feveral promifes
made by Letters, from the Honourable Committee at Darby-houſe, and
Votes pass'd for tranfmitting Supplies unto us, especially in cafe of Major
General Starling, his being fent to attend the Pleaſure of the Houses, the
only Remora then alledged to make stay of 7000 Suits of Cloaths,and 10000 l.
in Money, being before defign'd for our relief, there is no more than 2700 1.
fent unto us in Money, and thereof but 1500 1. defigned for the feeding of us,
and the Souldiers under our Command. And that notwithstanding the fig
nal Testimony given of our real intentions and affections, to that Caufe and
Service, in a late Engagement against the Rebels at Knockneſs, which
we touch at, without any affection of vain-glory, the Votes then renew'd for
our Relief, and the Order for our Indempnity, (which was conceived would
not have found so much heſitation, with those whofe Service we had only pro-
feft) are laid afide, and nothing effectual or advantagious done in order
thereto, for our avane, fave the tranfmittal of 27001. but on the contrary,
new jealoufies and distrust of us are re-embrac'd and fomented.
It is not therefore fo infupportable a dif-comfort to us, to obferve our own
Lives expofed a facrifice, to the malice of our now potent publick Enemies,
who by the conjunction of three feveral Armies, are not more encouraged to
confront
:
the Irish Infurrection.
189
confront us in the Field, than we, by the art and practice ufed to with-hold
thoſe juſt and neceſſary Supplies from us, dif-abled to joyn Battle with them,
as to obferve our honourable Reputation and Integrity, dearer to us than
our Lives) brought into fuch frequent question, and unworthily mangled, de-
praved and flaughtered, by the calumnious afperfions of our powerful and pre-
vailing Adverfaries, in defpight of all our zealous and cordial Endeavours,
to give indubitable teftimony and evidence of our Fidelities. What if we be
beyond any common measure afflicted and difmayed? We are confident, that
all Perfons of Honour will acknowledge, that we have much more than com-
mon cauſe.
And now that our Adverſaries have prevailed to deprive us, not only of
all hopes of fubfifting here in your Service, but have proceeded for to provide,
that we may not live hereafter but out of your Favour. So having intercept-
ed and perverted the comfort, we well hoped to have received from other te-
ftimonies of our fincerity, they have only left us this Expedient, to teftifie
our mindfulneſs of our duty by, which is, to give humble intimation to that
Honourable House, that we are involved in fo great and extream exigencies
of distress and univerfal want, with the preffure of three joynt Armies, upon
our weak and naked Forces, that there remains no humane means difcernable
amongst us, to fubfift by any longer in this Service, unless it ſhall ſtand with
the pleasure and piety of those, in whofe Service we have exhaufted both our
blood and livelihoods, to fend us fome feaſonable and confiderable Supplies,
or that we ſhould be inforced to entertain fuch terms, as the Rebels will give
us, which of all things we abominate, as knowing our necefities will render
them fuch, as must be both obstructive and dishonourable, and therefore ſhall
refolve of making that the last Expedient, to preferve our own and many
thousands of poor Proteftants Lives by, or that it fhall please the Honoura-
ble Houſes to ſend Shipping to fetch us off. And fo in diſcharge of our duties
both to God and Man, we humbly offer to confideration, aud remain.
Subſcribed by the Officers under
the Lord Inchiquin.
This Remonftrance begat fome Heats: Upon which many of the Sub-
ſcribers were ſent for over, and committed; but upon fubmiffion, foon
releas'd, and an Ordinance for their Indempnity publiſh'd.
1647.
The Marquefs
Ormond pro-
of
vides to return
into Ireland,
pre-poffeffing
the Marquels
of Clanrickard,
But to return to the Marquefs of Ormond, whom, not long fince, we
left in France; where finding himſelf at liberty, and out of the reach of
his Enemy, he then projected again to vifit Ireland, having made the
Marquefs of Clanrickard, and the Lord Taaff, who (without any pause)
had preferv'd their Allegiance entire, privy to what might beft advance
his Majeſty's Intereft, amongſt thofe, who, oppofing the Nuncio,feem'd
refolute for his Majefty. And they (one in Connaght, the other in Mun-
fter) accordingly difpofed the People to a ready complyance, whilft the and the Lord
Forces under the Nuncio were much weakned, partly by the defeat of
General Preston, whofe Army was routed and deſtroyed by the Parlia-
ment's Forces, within lefs than a month after they had compelled the
Marquefs to leave the Kingdom, and partly by the diflike the great Coun-
cil of the Confederate Catholicks had, of the demeanour of the Nuncio,
and the experience they now had of his ill conduct, and the feries he
had brought them into, by forcing them to decline the Peace, which
would
Taff, with the
Defign.
}
190
The difmal Effects of
1648.
The Lord In-
biquin, of the
fame Party.
The Nuncio
would have been fo advantagious to them, and againſt which, the gene-
ral Aſſembly at Kilkenny, the 2d. of March, 1647. publiſhed a Proclama-
tion, conformable to what the Congregation of the Clergy before had
pafs'd at Waterford the 12th. of August, 1646.
The Lord Inchiquin had likewife held correfpondence with the Mar-
quefs of Ormond, while he was in England; and as foon as the Marquefs
came into France, defired him to make what hafte he could into Ireland,
where he ſhould find the Army, and all the important Towns of that
Province, under his Command, ready to fubmit to him, and to be con-
ducted by him in the King's Service, any way he ſhould command. And
in the mean time he made an Agreement with the Irish, under the Com-
mand of the Marquefs of Clanrickard, and the Lord Taaff, with the Ap-
probation of the fupream Council of the Confederate Catholicks, from
1648. May, 1648. to November following, and fent them 500 Horſe, under
the Command of Major Doily, to allift them in an Expedition they were
then entred upon againſt the Nuncio, and Owen Roe O Neal, in which
they prevail'd ſo far, that Owen O Neal found it neceffary to retire to the
great Towns, and they drove the Nuncio himſelf into the Town of Gall-
way, where he fummoned a National Synod the 15th. of July, and they
beſieged him ſo cloſe, that they compelled the Town (after near two
months fiege) to pay a good fum of Money, to be diſtributed amongſt
the Souldiers, and to difclaim any further fubjection or fubmiffion to the
Nuncio's unlimited Jurifdiction, which, in effect, had put all Ireland in
confufion. And when he had (with lefs fuccefs than formerly) iffued
his Excommunication, the 27th. of May, 1648. againſt all thoſe, who
complied with the Ceflation with the Lord Inchiquin, he was compelled
Viz. 23.of Feb. in the end (after ſo much mischief done to the Religion he was obliged
to protect) in an obfcure manner, to fly out of the Kingdom; and com-
ing to Rome, had an ill Reception of the Pope, Temerariè te gefſiſti, ſaid
he; with which, and the Fate of Fermo, in his abfence, he foon after
died. Nor indeed had any of thoſe Apoftolick Nuncios in Ireland, much
better Fate: Nicholas Sanders, an Engliſh-man, An. 1579. was fent
Nuncio by Gregory the 13th. who wander'd in the Mountains of Kerry,and
was there ftarv'd under a Tree. Owen Mac Egan, alias Eugenius O He-
gan, of Irish Birth, Vicarius Apoftolicus under Clement the 8th. was flain,
leading a Troop of 100 Horſe againſt the Loyaliſts, An. 160;.
purſued cloſe,
and then quits
the Kingdom.
1649.
And becauſe the impudent Injuſtice, and Imprudence of the Nuncio,and
the lame Subjection of the People, to his immoderate Pride and Haugh-
tineſs, was, in truth, the real Caufe, or rather Fountain, from whence
this torrent of Calamities flowed, which hath fince over-whelmed that
miferable Nation; and becauſe that exorbitant Power of his, was refo-
lutely oppofed by the Catholicks, of the moſt eminent Parts and Intereſts,
and in the end (though too late) expelled by them; it will be but Ju-
ſtice to the Memories of thoſe noble Perfons, briefly to collect the fum
of that unhappy Perfon's Carriage and Behaviour, from the time that he
was firſt defign'd to that Imployment. And in doing hereof, no other
Language fhall be uſed, than what was part of a Memorial, delivered by
an honourable and zealous Catholick, who was intruſted to complain of
the in-fufferable Behaviour of the Nuncio to the Pope himſelf, which runs
in theſe very words, fpeaking of the Nuncio.
He
the Irish Infurrection..
191
+
>
1648.
An Expiefs of
Nuncio's
He declar'd before he left Rome, That he would not admit either in his
Company or Family, any Perfon of the Engliſh Nation. In his Voyage, be-
fore he arrived at Paris, he writ to his Friends in Rome, with great joy, the mos
the News, though it prov'd after falfe) that the Irish Confederates had Behaviour.
treacherously furprized the City of Dublin, while they were in truce with the
Royal Party, and treating about an Accommodation and Peace. Arriving
at Paris, where he shut himself up for many months) he never vouchfafed
(I will not fay) to participate with the Queen of England, any thing touch-
ing Nunciature, or in the least degree to reverence or visit her Majesty,fave
only one time upon the score of Courtefie, as if he had been fent to her Ene-
mies, not Subjects. Being arrived in Ireland, he imployed all his Power
to diffolve the Treaty of Peace with the King, which was then almost brought
to perfection; and his diligence fucceeded, of which he valued himself, re-
joyced, and infulted beyond measure. In his Letters he writ to Paris, which
were after fhewed to the Queen, and he may truely fay, that in that King-
dom, he hath rather managed the Royal Scepter, than the Paftoral Staff,
and that he aim'd more to be held the Minister of the fupream Prince of Ire-
land, in Temporalibus, than a Nuncio from the Pope, in Spiritualibus;
making himself Prefident of the Council, he hath managed the Affairs of the
Supream Council of State; he hath, by his own Arbitrement, excluded from
it thofe, who did not ſecond him, though by Nobleneß of Birth, Allegiance,
Prudence, and Zeal to Religion, they were the most honourable; of thefe he
cauſed many to be imprisoned, with great fcandal, and danger of fedition;
and, in fhort, he affumed a diftributive Power both in Civil and Military
Affairs, giving out Orders, Commiſſions, and Powers, under his own Name
fubfcribed by his own Hand, and made Authentick with his Seal, for the
government of the Armies, and of the State, and Commiffions for Reprizals
at Sea. He stroke in prefently after his Arrival in Ireland, with that
Party of the Natives, who are esteemed irreconcilable, not only to the Eng-
liſh, but to the greateſt and beſt part of the Iriſh Nobility, and of the fame
People, to the most civil and most confiderable of that Ifland. And the bet-
ter to Support that Party and Faction, he hath procured the Church to be
furnished with a Clergy and Bishops of the fame temper, excluding thofe Per-
fons who are recommended by the Queen, who, for Doctrine and Vertue;
were above all exceptions, all which is contrary to what your Holiness was
pleas'd to promife. The Queen was not yet difcouraged, but fo labour'd to
renew the Treaty of Peace already once broke, and diforder'd by Monfieur
Rinuccini, that by means of her Majesty, it was not only re-affumed, but,
in the end, after great difputes and oppofitions on his part, the Peace was
concluded between the Royal Party and the Confederate Catholicks, and war-
ranted not only by the King's Word, but also by the retention of Arms,Caftles
and Forts; and of the Civil Magiftrates, with the poſſeſſion of Churches,and
of Ecclefiaftical Benefices, and with the free exercife of the Catholick Reli-
gion. And all this would have been exhibited by a publick Decree, and au-
thentick Laws, made by the three Estates affembled in a free Parliament :
By this Peace and Confederacy they would have refcued themselves, from the
damages of a ruinous War, have purchased fecurity to their Confciences, and
of their temporal Eftates, honoured the Royal Party, and the Catholicks in
England, with a certain reftitution and liberty of the King, whereon depend-
ed abfolutely the welfare of the Catholicks in all his Kingdoms, the Catho
lick Chair had quitted it felf of all Engagements and Expence, with Honour
and Glory. This Treaty of Peace on all fides ſo defirable, Monfieur Rinuc-
cini
192
• The difmal Effects of
}
م
1648. cini broke with fuch violence, that he forced the Marquefs of Ormond, the
Vice-Roy of Ireland, to precipitate himself (contrary to his inclination and
affection) into the arms of the Parliament of England, to the unspeakable
damage of the King, and of the Catholicks, not only of Ireland, but also of
England. He incensed the greatest and best part of the Catholick Nobility,
and rendred the venerable Name of the holy Apoftolick Chair, odious to the
Hereticks, with Small fatisfaction to the Catholick Prinoes themselves of
Europe, as though it fought not the Spiritual good of Souls, but a temporal
Interest, by making it felf Lord over Ireland. And when the Lord Digby
and the Lord Byron endeavour'd, on the Marquess of Ormond's part, to in-
cline him to a new Treaty of Peace, he did not only disdain to admit them, or
to accept the Overture, but understanding, that the Lord Byron, with great
danger and fatigue, came to Town, in the County of Westmeath where he
was to speak with him, he forced the Earl that was the Lord of it, to fend
him away (contrary to all Laws of Courtefie and Humanity) in the night-
time, expofed to extraordinary inconveniencies and dangers amongſt thofe di-
stractions, protesting, that otherwiſe he himself would immediately depart
the Town. By this Proceeding, Monfieur Rinuccini hath given the World
an occafion to believe, that he had private and fecret Commiſſion to change
the Government of Ireland, and to feparate that Ifland from the Crown of
England. And this Opinion is the more confirmed, fince that one Mahony,
a Jefuit, hath printed a Book in Portugal, wherein he endeavours to prove,
that all the Kings of England, have been either Tyrants or Ufurpers of Ire-
land, and fo fallen from the dominion of it; exhorting all its Natives to get
thither, and to use all Cruelty against the Engliſh, (with expreſſions full of
Villany and Reproach) and to chufe a new King of their own Countrey. And
this Book, fo barbarous and bloody,difperfed through Ireland, is yet credit-
ed by the Catholick and Apoftolick Chair And the Continuation of the Hi-
Story of Cardinal Baronius, was publiſhed at the ſame time, under the Name
of Olderico Raynaldo, in which he endeavours to eſtabliſh the Supream Right
and Dominion in the Apoftolick Chair, even in Temporalibus, over Eng-
land and Ireland. I leave to every Man to confider, whether all theſe Acti-
ons are not apt enough to beget fealousies, and naughty Blood, and whether
I ought not, out of great respect to the publick Good, to repreſent, with ſome
ardency to your Holiness, the Actions of Monfieur Rinuccini, fo unpleasant,
and directly contrary to thofe Ends, for which, it was fuppofed, he was im
ployed. And I beseech your Holiness, if any King, not only Proteftant but
Catholick, bad feen an Apoftolick Nuncio to lord it in his Dominions, in
fuch a manner as Monfieur Rinuccini hath done in Ireland, what Jealousies,
what Complaints, and how many Inconveniencies would thereby follow? Thus
as to the Nuncio, from the Confederates themſelves.
•
Though he gives this account of himſelf: For the better underſtand-
ing of this, (faitli he) Recourſe muſt be had to the firſt riſing of the
Irish, which was upon this occafion: The Parliament of England, ha-
ving enter'd into an Agreement with the Kingdom of Scotland, called the
large Treaty'; in which there was a claufe to joyn againſt the common
Enemy, wherein the Catholicks of Ireland, as well as others (if
not chiefly) did apprehend themſelves comprehended; to ballance
which, or to prevent the mifery that might fall upon them thereby, be-
ing fenfible of the Earl of Stafford's death, which purported fome to be
fent
1
1
}
}
the Irish Infurrection.
fent as Governour, that was not like to carry fo fair to them, as he had
done, the fame being to be approv'd (at leaſt) by the Parliament then
fitting. For better fecurity, they endeavoured the fupplanting all Pro-
reftants within that Kingdom, and though (at that time) without
Arms or Ammunition, got poffeffion of most part of the Kingdom; where-
upon was eſtabliſhed a Council of 24, part of Civil, and part Eccle-
fiaftical Perfons, of which 12 were to refide in Kilkenny, or other place;
as occafion and need called, with this Refolution, agreed to hold a Par-
liament every year, by, or in which, the faid Council fhould be chang'd
or continu'd. By this it was refolv'd, and after fworn by all
the Catholicks, never to lay down Arms, until the Roman Church was
Settled, as of old in Ireland, and the King fecur'd in all his Priviledges,.
that of calling, and putting period to Parliaments at pleasure, with a
Negative voice, being chiefly meant, and then in great hazard to be loft.
The Earl of Ormond, and Inchequin, Proteftants, fearing the iffue of
this League, and fore-feeing the in-ability to oppofe it, treated with
the Earl of Clanrickard, Lord Muskery, and other Lords Catholicks,
that poffeffed many Church-Benefices; a way erected by Queen Elizabeth,
thereby to extinguifh the Catholicks; and advertiſed them, that the
Reſtitution of the Catholick Difcipline, would out them of all the faid
Profits, gain'd them to the other fide; though they continued ftill of the
Council, in which they were a prevalent party, taking to them fuch
(when any went out as were of Ormond's mind and defign: by which
means a Peace was fuddainly concluded, upon fuppofition, that the Af-
fairs of the Catholicks requir'd it, although there was no mention of the
Intereft of that Church in the Accord. About that time, the King fent
to this Council, the Earl of Glamorgan, with full power to accord to the
Catholicks, as they deſired, if they fhould fend him 10000 Men, as they
had offered, Ormond then at Dublin (under pretext of Treating) drew
Glamorgan thither, took from him his Commiffion, and made him Pri-
foner, and certified the King, that himſelf could make a far better and
more advantagious Peace, with the Catholicks, which he did in
30 Ar-
ticles. This breach of Oath, made by the Council, gave occafion to the
Nuncio, John Baptift Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Firmo, who
had brought fome fuccours of Money and Arms into Ireland, to aſſemble
the Clergy in Waterford, and Excommunicate all fuch as ſhould adhere
to the Peace: Which notwithſtanding, the faid Marquifs advanc'd tợ
Kilkenny, to execute the fame; but O Neil returning victorious from the
defeat of 20000 Scots, in two Battles at Benburgh, and Tirconnel, Or-
mond goes back without doing of any thing; whereupon were im-
prifon❜d the 7 that figned the Peace. Ormond feeing himſelf out with
the Catholicks, both becauſe he had ill treated them, and by the violence
exerciſed by his Army, no fooner return'd to Dublin, but he treated with
the Parliament of England, for the delivery of the Towns he held; which
was done accordingly. Coming after to London, where he expected to
be gratified by the Parliament of England, proportionable to the fervice
done them; but finding there no fuch difpofition, he went fecretly to the
Queen at St. Germans, to juftifie himfelf, and perfwade her, That his
rendring Dublin, and other Towns, were ferviceable to the King her
Husband, then Prifoner to the Parliament, becauſe (faid he) it is better
that they have them, then the Catholicks, whom he affirm'd to have fail'd
in their Fidelity to their King, although they renew'd the abovemention'd
Сс
Oath
193
1648.
$
•
194
The difmal Effects of
?
}
1648.
Oath yearly. About this time, another Affembly of Catholicks, ſent
to the Queen, and the Princes her Children, to defire certain conceffions
in the abſence; and becauſe of the Detention of the King her Husband,
deputing others to Rome, with Inſtructions to the former Deputies, to
act jointly with thefe; but contrary, thofe to the Queen (not waiting
the Reſolution, or Concurrence of them at Rome) Muskery, and Brown,
two of thoſe Deputies, (notwithſtanding the oppofition of the Mar-
quifs of Antrim, who was chief) propofed, and obtain'd of the Queen,
that the fend into Ireland, the Marquefs of Ormond, as formerly to be
Lord Deputy, or Vice-Roy: Who being brought into that Kingdom,
by the Support of the faid Supream Council, of which 7 always favour'd
him, they again concluded a Ceffation of Arms with Inchequin, then
reduced to fuch neceffities, that he was ready to fly into Holland, whi-
ther then he had diſpatch'd part of his Goods, with good ftore of Mo-
ney, pick'd up there; The Sufpenfion not to be hindred by the Nuncio,
notwithſtanding the offers of Money, to fatisfie the preffing neceffities,
declar'd by the Council, together with Owen Roe O Neal's offer, to drive
Inchequin quite out of Munfter, at his own charge, and at the charge he
would force out of thofe parts, by his Souldiers: But at this time In-
chequin was in a deeper Correfpondence with the Scots Nation, which
way, Ormond was alfo to biafs his Deſigns. The Nuncio thus diſappoint-
ed, called a new affembly of his Clergy, compos'd of Hugh O Rely,
Primate of Ireland, Thomas Fleming, Archbishop of Dublin, Thomas
Welſh, Archbiſhop of Caffel, John de Bourk, Archbishop of Tuam, and
ten Biſhops, who unanimouſly declared, That this Ceflation of Arms,
was much prejudicial to the Catholick Religion, and could not be em-
braced in Confcience, and fo Excommunicated all that adher'd thereto.
Hitherto the Council had born it ſelf with ſome reſpect toward the Ca-
tholick Church, remembring the Clemency us'd by the Nuncio, in de-
livering fome of them from Prifon; but upon this laft Excommunication,
they fo threatned him, that he was forced to go privately from Kilkenny,
to a Caitle, where Preston (by order of the Council) following, he
fled to Gallway, and called there a National Council, to pacifie the
Troubles of the Kingdom, which the aforefaid Council endeavour'd to
hinder, forbidding the appearance of the Clergy, taking hold of divers
Ecclefiaftical Perfons of his houfhold, impriſoning them: So that the
Nuncio defpairing of re-eſtabliſhing of the Affairs of the Catholicks, and
having information, That Ormond had refolv'd (with all his Forces)
to advance the Proteftant Religion, and to destroy all oppofers, and that
the Supream Council of Catholicks, had declar'd their departure from
the League, with their Confederates; he departed, arriving in France.
In the interim, Owen Roe, judging, that he could not in confcience, joyn
his Armies any longer with a Party, that called it felf Catholick, and
yet chas'd away the Nuncio, declar'd his feparation from them, until they
recal the Nuncio, and endeavour to obtain a Catholick Vice-Roy, and
execute (in all other points) the Oath they had taken. This was
taken very ill by the Marquess of Ormond, and his Council, who charg'd
O Neal with a Defign (under colour thereof) to oppoſe the Affairs of
the King, which occafion'd him to object to them, not the aforefaid
Oath, but a particular Declaration, which he had publiſhed; where
he, with all his Officers profefs, That they intend onely to re-establish
the Catholick Religion, the Liberties of the Kingdom, and the Prerogatives
of
:
the Irish Infurrection.
195
of the King, in their former Glory and Splendor: The Ormond Party
Catholick, being in fuch perplexity, by reafon of thefe differences, and
their fleighting the Nuncio, appeal'd to his Holiness; but from Rome, it
is certified, That the Pope (well understanding their deportment) refufed
to give Audience, before he had heard his Nuncio ; Who in the end, ra-
ther receiv'd a Check (as before is mention'd) then an Approbation
from his Holiness, for what he had done in Ireland.
And now, as to the difference betwixt their Generals, and our Pro-
ceedings thereupon.
1648.
Clanrickard
Colonel Jones finding the Diſtractions amongſt the Rebels, to grow Jones (finding
very high, and that the old English, under the Marquefs of Clanrickard, active) tirs
had taken the Caftle of Athlone, and other Places from Owen Roe, and forth,and takes
that Athy was befieged by Colonel Preston, and Owen Roe, came up to Re- in fome Caitles.
lieve it, and burnt and fpoil'd the Countrey thereabouts, thought it
high time, to be ſtirring out amongſt them; and thereupon fent out fome
of his Forces, which took in the Garriſons of the Nabber, and Ballihoe,
formerly furprized by the Rebels; But yet not having his Provifions
come from England) durft not himſelf ftir forth, till he had fufficiently
fecured Dublin; which in the first place, he began more ſtrongly to
Fortifie, that it might receive no prejudice in his abfence. About which
time, Flemming (an active Officer among the Rebels) took in Cruces
Fort, and Killaloe, two Garrifons in Pudfonbyes Quarters.
Several fuf-
pected to be
quefs of Or-
mond, fent in-
for the Mar-
to England.
Next, Jones fecured Sir Maurice Euftace, Colonel Gifford, Capron,
Flower, Willoughby, and feveral others, who, continuing their affection
to the Marquefs, he fufpected, and (by Order of the Committee of
Derby-Houfe) fent them to the Caſtle of Chester, detaining Colonel
Byron, and Sir Thomas Lucas, Prifoners at Tredagh, ſuſpecting theſe
would deliver him, and the City, to the Marquefs of Ormond, then every
day expected, Lord Lieutenant out of France. The Scots Army under
Duke Hamilton, about this time, entered England, to whofe Proceedings,
Major General Monro, fent over into Scotland, his Son or Nephew George
Monro, with 2000 Foot, and 600 Horſe, as Sir Robert Stewart, his Son,
with a Troop, and Sir Fred. Hamilton his, with a Regiment, and fe-
veral others, difaffected to the Parliament of England, in hope to ſettle
(with advantage) there; By which means, Belfast, Carrigfergus, and
Colrain, were left very weak, and much un-guarded, which Colonel Monk
finding, and underſtanding how contrary to all compact, Monro had
dealt with the Parliament of England, in fending over the Forces (main-
tain'd by them in Ireland) to fight against them in England; he began to
think of fome means, to make himself mafter of thofe Towns; he was
at prefent at Lifnegarvy,and prepared a Party to go out to make an inroad
into the Rebels Quarters; he march'd away in the morning; but having fent
ſome Perfons of truft, to remain near Carigfergus, to attend his advance
thither, he return'd in the night over the mountains, and came at break
of day to the Gates of Carigfergus, which he found open, and fo enter'd Colonel Monk
without reſiſtance; he feiz'd upon Major General Monro, and fent him feizes on Ca-
rickfergus:
Priſoner into England, where he was by the Houſe of Comons com-
mitted to the Tower. Colonel Monk having thus feized upon Carigfergus,
caus'd fome Horſe to march preſently away to Belfast, which was furren-
dred into his hands by the Governor, and fo was likewiſe Colrain, to as
he preſently became Maſter of all thofe Towns, disbanding, and fending
away moſt of thofe Forces into Scotland, which oppos'd the Parliament,
Cc 2
and
-
:
1
196
The difmal Effects of
1648. and hindred thofe broken Troops of George Monro's, (which fled out
of England, upon Duke Hamiltons defeat at Preston in Lancashire) from
returning into Ireland, and did ufe all means to fettle the Country in
fuch a poſture, as that the Intereſt of the Parliament, might be fecur'd
there. He planted Garrifons upon the Frontiers of Ulfter, to hinder
the incurfions of the Rebels, and he gave the Quarters the Scots had, to
fuch of the British as he found faithful to the fervice. This was about
September, 1648. a Service very acceptable in England; in manifefta-
tion whereof, the Parliament fent him 500l. and made him Governor
of Carigfergus, by an Order of the 4th. of October, and fent over Cloaths
for fome of thofe Scottish Regiments which came into him, and 5000 1.
in Money, for the two Provinces, of Ulster and Connaght, to be equally
divided. Sir Charles Coot there being very active, not long after took in
the ſtrong Fort of Culmore, near Londonderry, feizing on at the fame
time) Sir Robert Stewart, whom he fent Prifoner to the Parliament;
upon which, the Scots Mutinied; but by a Letter from Sir Robert Stew-
art, they were pacified, and all the Affairs of that Province, managed
by Sir Charles Coot, Sir Robert Stewart being at Liberty upon his
Parole.
Some fufpici-
ons that the
Lord Inche-
quin would
have fubmitted
to the Parlia-
ment.
The Lord In-
chequin taken
off his inclina-
tions, by hopes
of greater Ho-
nour
Before this, Townsend, and Doily, two Colonels under Inchequin in
Munster, fent over to the Committee at Derby-Houfe, fome Propofitions,
for the furrender of the Towns in Munster, upon Condition of indempni-
ty, and receiving part of the Arrears for the whole Army; this was
pretended to be acted by the conſent of Inchequin, and that he with his
own hand, had approved and interlin'd them in ſeveral Places. Hereupon,
the Committee at Derby-Houfe,fent back Colonel Edmond Temple, with an
Anſwer to thoſe Colonels, and Power withall to Treat with the Lord Inche-
quin, about ſomewhat more certain and more reaſonable, to be propounded
by him. But before his arrival there, Sir Richard Fanshaw, the Princes
Secretary, was come from the Prince to Inchequin, with a Declaration
of the Princes Defign, to fend the Duke of York into Ireland, with fuch
of the revolted Ships as remain'd in Holland, and to let him know the
hopes he had, that by his affiſtance, and the Army under his Command,
both he and his Father might be restored: This fo puft up Inchequin, as
that he would hear of no Overtures, and made him abfolutely dif-avow
to have had any knowledge of the Propofitions fent over, and thereupon
impriſoned Townsend, and Doily, thereby putting an iffue to that Nego-
tiation Fortifying, befides all the Harbours againſt the Parliaments
Forces, placing and difplacing their Officers, as he thought moit conve-
nient, to introduce the Kings keeping a Correſpondence with the Weſt
of Ireland, as yet free to all Trade, and holding frequent intelligence
with Farfey, where the Prince, was faid, would keep his Court; Thus the
Intereſt of the Parliament was wholly loft in Munster, where Sir William
Fenton, Colonel Fair, Captain Fenton, and other Officers (for their
affections to the Parliament) being impriſon'd, were exchang'd in De-
cember, for the Lord Inchequin's Son, imprifon'd in the Tower, about
October, 1648.
Near this time Owen Roe attempted to reſcue Fort-Falkland, befieged
by the Lord Inchiquin and Colonel Preston joyn'd; but he was repulled
with the lofs of many men, as his Lieutenant General Rice Mac-Guire, and
Lewis More, dangerously hurt; which put Owen to fuch ftraits, as he made
an Overture to Colonel Jones, by his Vicar-General O Rely, to furrender
Atly,
the Irish Infurrection.
197
ཝཱ
Athy, Mary-burrough, and Rebban, and lay down his Arms, if he and his
Confederates might have the priviledges they had in King James's time:
But Jones could better improve the Offers to a beneficial delay, than af-
certain any thing. Though afterwards Owen Roe and his Council of Of
ficers, further offered, That if he, nor the new expected Army from Eng-
land, would not moleft him in his Quarters, but give him leave to de-
part
with his Forces into Spain, he would not joyn with Ormond, Preston,
or Inchiquin.
And here we muſt reſume our account of the Marquis of Ormond, who
after he had in vain ſolicited ſupplies of Money in France, to the end
that he might carry fome Relief to a Kingdom fo harraffed and worn,
and be the better thereby able to unite thofe, who would be fure to
have temptation enough of Profit,to go contrary to the Kings obedience;
his Excellency was at laſt compelled being with great importunity cal-
led by the Lord Inchiquin and the reft, who were refolv'd to uphold his
Majeſties Intereſt) to tranſport himſelf, unfurniſh'd of Money fufficient,
Arms or Ammunition confiderable, and without any other Retinue than
his own Servants, and fome old Officers of the Kings: And in this Equi-
page he Embarqu'd from Haure de Grace in a Dutch Ship, and arriv'd
about the end of September, 1648. at Cork, where he was receiv'd by the
Lord Inchiquin, Lord Prefident of Munſter, and the Irish, with much con-
tentment; foon after whoſe arrival (even the 6th. of October) he pub-
liſhed the enſuing Declaration.
1648.
The Marquis of
Ormond's re-
turn into Ire
land.
By the Lord Lieutenant General of Ireland.
ORMOND,
T
O prevent the too frequent prejudices, incident through jealouſies,
diftrufts, and mif-conftructions to all undertakings, We account it
not the least worthy our labour,upon the instant of our arrival, to pre-
pare this People, whofe welfare we contend for, with a right understanding
of thofe intentions in us, which, in order to his Majefties Service, we defire
may terminate in their good.
To enumerate the feveral Reasons by which we were induc'd (for prefer-
vation of the Proteftant Religion, and the English Intereft) to leave the
City of Dublin, and other his Majefties Garriſons then under our Power
in this Kingdom, in the hands of thoſe intruſted by his two Houſes of Par-
liament, were to ſet forth a Narrative in place of a Manifeft. It may fuffice
to be known, that thofe Tranſactions had for one main ground this confi-
dence, That by being under the Power of the Houses, they would upon a
happy expected compoſure of Affairs in England, revert unto, and be re-
vested in his Majesty as his proper right.
But having found how contrary to the inclinations of the well-affected
to his Majesties reftauration in England, the Power of that Kingdom hath
unhappily devolv'd to hands, imployed onely in the art and labour of pulling
down, and fubverting the Fundamentals of Monarchy, (with whom a per-
nicious Party in this Kingdom do equally fympathize and co-operate.) And
being
1
198
The dismal Effects of
1648. being filled with a deep fenfe of the Duty and obligations that are upon us,
Strictly to embrace all opportunities of employing our endeavours, towards
the recovery of his Majefties just Rights, in any part of his Dominions. Ha-
ing obferved the Proteftant Army in the Province of Munſter (by Special
providence diſcovering the Arts and practiſes uſed to intangle the Members
thereof, in engagements as directly contrary to their Duties towards God
and Man, as to their intentions and refolutions) to have found means to ma-
nifeſt the Candor and Integrity thereof, in a diſclaimer of any obedience
to, or concurrence with thofe Powers or Perfons, which have fo grofly vari'd
even their own profeffed Principles of preferving his Majefties Perfon and
Rights, by confining him under a moſt ſtrict Impriſonment, his Majesty alſo
vouchsafing gracioully to accept the Declaration of the faid Army, as an
eminent and feaſonable expreſſion of their fidelity toward him, and in tefti-
mony thereof, having laid his Commands upon us to make our repair unto this
Province, to diſcharge the duties of our Place.
We have as well in obedience thereunto, as in pursuance of our own duty,
and defire to advance his Majefties Service, refolved to evidence our ap-
probation and esteem of the proceedings of the faid Army, by publiſhing unto
the World our like determination in the fame enfuing particulars. And ac-
cordingly we profeß and declare,
First, to improve our utmost endeavours for the fettlement of the Prote-
ftant Religion, according to the example of the best Reformed Churches.
Secondly, to defend the King in his Prerogatives.
Thirdly, to maintain the Priviledges and Freedom of Parliament,and the
Liberty of the Subjects; that in order hereunto we shall oppofe, to the ha-
zard of our lives, thofe Rebels of this Kingdom, who shall refufe their obe-
dience to his Majesty, upon fuch terms as he hath thought fit by us to re-
quire it; and we shall endeavour to the utmost, the fuppreffing of that In-
dependent-Party, who have thus fiercely laboured the extirpation of the
true Proteftant Religion, the ruine of our Prince, the dishonour of Parlia-
ment, and the Vafalage of our Fellow-Subjects, against all those who ſhall
depend upon them, or adhere unto them. And that this our undertaking
might not appear obnoxious to the Trade of England, but that we defire a
firm Union and Agreement be preferved betwixt us, we do likewife declare,
that we will continue free Traffick and Commerce with all his Majefties good
Subjects of England; and that we will not in the least manner prejudice any
of them that shall have recourfe to our Harbours, either in their Bodies,
Ships, or Goods; nor shall we take any thing from them, without payment
of ready money for the fame. And now that by his Majefties faid Command,
we have proceeded to re-enter upon the work of his Service in this Pro-
vince, We conceive no higher teftimony can be given of his Majefties ac-
ceptation, or of the estimation we bear about us towards their Proceedings,
than by reforting unto them in Perfon with his Majefties Authority, and
exhibiting unto them the incouragement and fatisfaction they may receive
in this affurance, That as we bear an especial regard to their prefent un-
dertakings and performances, accompanied with a real fenfe of their former
Sufferings; foleft there should any advantage be derived unto thofe, who
endeavour to improve all opportunities of Jowing fedition and distrust by
this fuggeftion, that the former differences in Judgment and Opinion, which
have induced perfons to ferve diverfly under his Majesty, and the Parlia-
ment, will occafion prejudice, or ill refentments to arife towards fuch Perfons,
as have not formerly concurred in Judgment with others in his Majefties
Service.
ST
'
the Irish Infurrection.
Service. We do declare, that we are qualifi'd with Special Power and Au-
thority from his Majesty, to affure them, that no diftinction shall be made
in any fuch Confideration, but that all Perfons now interested and engaged
in this Cauſe, ſhall be reflected upon with equal fervour and regard; and
that we shall make it our endeavours fo to improve and confirm his Majefties
Gracious difpofure towards them, as that we will never call to memory any
paft difference in Opinion, Judgment, Action, or Profeffion, to the prejudice
of any Member of this Army, or any Perfon relating to it; but on the con-
trary, fhall be very ready to atteft our good affections towards them, in the
difcharge of fuch good Offices as fhall be in our power; in return whereof,
we fhall onely expect their perfeverance in their prefent Ingagements for his
Majefties Service, with fuch alacrity, conftancy, and affection, as may fuit
with their late publick Declaration and Profeffions. To whom we defire this
affurance also may be inculcated, That as we shall in the future ufe our ut-
most care and diligence to provide for their prefervation from the like hard-
fhips, to thofe they have formerly undergone; fo we have already employ'd
our best industry and endeavours for the fettlement of fuch a courfe, as we
may (with most reaſon hope, will, in theſe uncertain times, produce a con-
tant and competent Subfiftance for them, enabling them to make fuch a pro-
greß in their prefent undertakings, as may, with the accomplishment of the
great ends thereof, establish their own Honour and Content. Thus much we
have thought fit to publifh unto the World, to furnish it with an evidence of
Strong conviction against us, if we ever swerve (to the belt of our power)
from the just ways of maintaining the true Proteftant Religion, the Honour
and Interest of his Sacred Majesty, the juft Rights of Parliament, the Liber-
ties of the Subjects, and the fafety, quiet, and welfare of the People intrufted
to our Care.
At Cork, 6. Octob. 1648.
4.
199
1548.
The Marquis of
Antrim and
the Lord Muf-
kery ſent to the
Queen and the
Prince in
France, to con-
Here it muſt not be forgotten, that during the time the Marquis was
in France, and after the Parliaments Forces had, upon fo great inequa
lity of number, defeated the Irish, and in all Encounters driven them into
their Faſtneſſes, the Confederate Catholicks had eaſily diſcern'd the mif-
chiefs they had brought upon themſelves, by forcing the Kings Authority
out of the Kingdom, and introducing another, which had no purpoſes of
mercy towards them: And therefore they had fent the Lord Marquis of
Antrim,who from the beginning had paffionately ferv'd them in their moſt
intimate Concerns, the Lord Viſcount Muskery,and others, as their Com-
miffioners to the Queen of England, and to her Son the Prince of Wales,
who were both then at Paris, to befeech them (fince by reafon of the
King's impriſonment they could not be fuffered to apply themſelves to
his Majeſty) to take compaffion of the miſerable condition of Ireland,
and to reſtore that Nation to their protection; making ample profeffi-
ons and proteftations of Duty, and of applying themſelves for the future
to his Majefties Service, if they might be once again own'd by him,
and countenanced and conducted by his Authority. And thereupon the
Queen and Prince anſwered thofe Perfons, That they would fhortly fend The Queen and
a Perfon qualifi'd to treat with them, who should have power to give them Prince's An-
whatſoever was requifite to their fecurity and happineß. With which An-
fwer they return'd well fatisfi'd into Ireland: So that as foon as the
54
(
Lord
fider the Con-
federates Con-
dition.
fwer.
*
ን
200
The difmal Effects of
护
​¿
#
pur-
1648. Lord Lieutenant was Landed at Cork, he wrote, the 4th. of October, to
the Affembly of the Confederate Catholicks then at Kilkenny, That be
was, upon the humble Petition which they had prefented to the Queen and
Prince, come with full power to conclude a Peace with them, and to that
pofe defir'd, that as little time might be loft as was poffible; and that Com-
miffioners might be fent to him at his Houfe at Carrick, whither he would
go to expect them; within 14 miles of the Place where the Affembly then
fate, who were fo much gladder of his prefence, by the obligation which
they had newly received from the Kings Authority: For when the
Nuncio and Owen O Neil had thought to have furprized them, and to have
compelled them to renounce the Ceflation, the Lord Inchequin being fent
unto by them for his protection, had march'd with his Army to their
relief, and forc'd O Neal over the Shannon, thereby reftoring them to
liberty and freedom, fo that they return'd a meffage of joy and congra-
tulation to the Lord Lieutenant for hfafe arrival, and appointed Com-
miſſioners to treat with him at the place appointed.
His Majefties
Anfwer to the
Meffage touch-
Parliaments
ing the Lord
Lieutenant.
A Copy of the Marquis of Ormond's Letter to the Supreme Council
afore-mention'd, was gotten by Colonel Jones, and fent over to the Com-
mittee of Derby-house; and being read in the House of Commons, it was Vo-
ted to be fent down into the Isle of Wight, to the Commiffioners then
Treating there with the King, to know if he would avow it; and in cafe
he did difavow it, that then he would declare againſt the Marquis :
Whereupon his Majefty fignifi'd, That in cafe other things were compos'd
by the Treaty, the Concerns of Ireland fhould be left wholely to the
ment of the Houses. And in the interim writes to the Marquis of or-
mond this Letter.
J
manage-
J
+
7
C. R.
R
Ight Truſty and Well-beloved Coufin and Counſellor,
We greet you well. Whereas We have received feveral
Informations from Our two Houses of Parliament, concerning
your proceedings with the Confederate Roman Catholicks in
the Kingdom of Ireland, (the ſeveral Votes and Extraðs
whereof We do herewith tranfmit unto you) and forafmuch as
We are now engaged in a Treaty of Peace with Our two Houſes,
wherein We have made fuch large Conceffions, as We hope will
prove the foundation of a bleſſed Peace. And We having con-
fented by one Article (if the ſaid Treaty take effect) to entrust
the Profecution and Management of the War in Ireland to the
Guidance and Advice of Our two Houſes; We have therefore
thought fit hereby to require you, to defert from any further
Proceedings upon the Matters contained in the ſaid Papers:
And
the Irish Infurrection.
201
A
And We expect fuch Obedience unto this Our Command, that 1648.
Our Houſes defires may be fully fatisfi d.
th
the 24
Given at Newport in the Isle of Wight,
the 25th of November, in the
Year of Our Reign.
To Our Right Truſty and Well-
beloved Coufin and Counſel-
lor, James Marquis of Or-
mond.
As foon as the Parliament received this Letter, fome were of opinion
that it fhould be immediately ſent to the Marquis of Ormond; yet
others (aiming at what afterwards was brought upon the Stage) laid it
as it's faid) afide: We find by the event it produced nothing, for the
Treaty proceeded, a Peace enfuing; though (as yet) Owen Roe was fo
far from being reconcil'd to the Supreme Council, or any that adher'd
thereunto, as he fell moſt violently in the end of November ) upon the
Earl of Clanrickard's Party, gaining Jamestown by Compofition, and
Drumrusk by the Sword, Rory Mac Guire (the prime Inftrument herein)
with ſeveral other Officers and Common Soldiers, to the number of
4 or 500 being there flain; Owen Roe's Party afterwards putting all to
the Sword, fave Major Bourk his Wife and Children, cruelly haraffing
the whole County of Rofcommon.
pre-.
fioners come to
rick.
The 19th. of October, the Confederate Catholick's Commiffioners came The Confede-
to Carrick, an Houſe of the Marquis's, where he continued about twenty rates Commif-
days, which they ſpent principally in matters of Religion; in treating the Lord Lieu-
whereof, they were fo bound and limited by their Inftructions, and could tenant at Car-
make fo little progreſs of themſelves, being ftill to give an account to
the Affembly of whatſoever was propos'd or offer'd by the Lord Lieute-
nant, and to expect its Direction or Determination before they proceed;
that for the husbanding of time (which was now very precious, the
vailing Party in England every day more difcovering their bloody pur-
poſes towards the King) the Affembly thought it fit to defire the Mar-
quis to repair to his own Caſtle at Kilkenny, which they offered to de-
liver into his hands, and that (for his Honour and Security) he fhould
bring his own Guards, who fhould have the reception due to them: And
upon this invitation (about the middle of November) he went to Kil-
kenny; before the entry into which, he was met by the whole Body of
the Affembly, and all the Nobility, Clergy, and Gentry, and in the fame
Town was receiv'd with all thoſe requifite Ceremonies by the Mayor and
Aldermen, as fuch a Corporation ufe to pay to the Supreme Authority
of the Kingdom; fo that greater evidence could not be given of an en-
tire union in the defire of the People of returning to the Kings obedi-
ence, or of more affection and refpect to the Perfon of the Lord Lieute-
nant, who by his fteady purſuing thoſe profeffions he had always made,
by his neglect and contempt of the Parliamentarians, and their prodi-
D d
gious
"/
1
1
墨
​202
The Peace of
1648. con-
cluded.
*
nuary
The difmal Effects of
1648. gious Power whilft he was in England, by his refuſing all Overtures made
by them unto him for his particular benefit, if he would live in the King-
dom, and by their declared manifeft hatred and malice towards him, was
now fuperiour to all thofe Calumnies they had afperfed him with: and
confeſſed to be worthy of a joynt truft from the moſt different and di-
vided Intereſts and Defigns: However, there were fo many Paflions,
and Humours, and Intereits to be compli'd with, and all Conclufions to
paſs the Approbations of fo many Votes, that it was the middle of Ja-
before all Opinions could be fo reconciled, as to produce a perfect
and entire Contract and Agreement, which about that time paffed with
that miraculous confent and unity, that in the whole Affembly, in which
there were Catholick Biſhops, there was not one diffenting Voice: So
that on the 17th. of January, 1648. the whole Affembly repair'd to the
Lord Lieutenant in his Caftle at Kilkenny, and there with all folemnity
imaginable preſented him, by the hand of their Chair-man or Speaker,
the Articles of Peace, as concluded, affented, and fubmitted unto by the
whole Body of the Catholick Nation of Ireland; which he receiv'd, and
folemnly confirm'd on his Majeſties behalf, and caus'd the fame that day
to be Proclaim'd in that Town, to the great joy of all who were prefent,
and it was with all ſpeed accordingly Proclaim'd, and as joyfully re-
ceiv'd, in all the Cities and Incorporate Towns which profeffed any
Allegiance to the King throughout the Kingdom; and for the better re-
ception thereof amongſt the People, and to manifeſt the ſatisfaction and
joy they took in it, the Catholick Biſhops fent out their Declarations
and Letters, that they were abundantly fatisfi'd in whatſoever concern'd
Religion, and the fecure practice thereof: Certainly well they might,
for unleſs it had been at fuch a time that his Majeſty had been reduc'd
to the utmoſt extremity, a Prince could be compell'd to fuch difingenious
and hard terms, could never have been ſtood upon with a free and gene-
rous Prince; in as much as his preſent Majefty, in his Declaration for
the ſettlement of Ireland, there takes notice, That no body could wonder
that he was defirous (though upon difficult conditions) to get ſuch an united
Power of his own Subjects, as might have been able (with Gods bleſſing) to
have prevented the infamous and horrid Parricide intended. But how in-
effectual this his Indulgence after prov'd, will appear, by thefe Wretches
foolishly forfeiting all the Grace which they might have expected from him.
But to proceed. When the Articles of Peace were prefented (in that fo-
lemn manner to him by the Affembly, after a Speech made by the Chair-
man*) The Lord Lieutenant exprefs'd himſelf in theſe words.
Sir Richard
Blake Knight.
The Lord Lieu-
tenant's Speech
upon the pre-
fenting of the
Articles of
Peace.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
I
Shall not speak to thofe expreffions of Duty and Loyalty, fo eloquently
digefted into a Difcourfe, by the Gentleman appointed by you to deliver
your fence; you will presently have in your hands greater and more folid Ar-
guments of his Majefties Gracious acceptance, than I can enumerate, or per-
haps you your felves difcern: For befides the provifion made against the
remotest fears, fear of severity of certain Laws, and befides many other
Freedoms
the Irish Infurrection.
203
Freedoms and Bounties conveyed to you and your Pofterity by thofe Arti-
cles, there is a door, and that a large one, not left, but purposely fet open to
give you entrance, by your future Merit, to whatsoever of Honour and Ad-
vantage you can reasonably wish: So that you have in prefent fruition what
may abundantly satisfie, and yet there are no bounds fet to your hopes; but
you are rather invited, or to use a new phraſe, but to another and better
end you feem to have a Call from Heaven to exercife your Arms and utter-
moft Fortitude, in the Nobleft and Jufteft Caufe the World hath feen; for
let all the Circumstances incident to a great and good Caufe be examined, and
they will be found comprehended in that which you are now warrantably
call'd to defend, Religion, not in the narrow circumfcribed definition of it,
by this or that late found out name, but Chriftian Religion is our Quarrel,
which certainly is as much and fatally struck at (I may fay more) by the
blafphemous License of this Age, than ever it was by the rudeft Incurfions
of the most barbarous and avowed Enemy to Chriftianity; the Venerable
Laws and Fundamental Conftitutions of our Ancestors are trodden under
Impious, and, for the most part, Mechanick feet.
)
The Sacred Perfon of our King (the Life of thofe Laws, and Head of
thoſe Conſtitutions) is under an ignominious Impriſonment, and his Life
threaten'd to be taken away by the Sacrilegious hands of the bafest of the
People, that owed him obedience; and (to endear the Quarrel to you the
Fountain of all the benefits you have but now acknowledg'd, and which you
may further hope for by this Peace, and your own Merit, is endangered to be
obftructed by the execrable murther of the worthiest Prince that ever Ruled
thefe Ilands.
In short, Hell cannot add any thing to the defperate Mifchiefs now openly
projected: and now judge if a greater and more glorious Field was ever fet
open to Action, and then prepare your felves to enter into it, receiving these
few advices from him, that is throughly Embarqu'd with you in the Ad-
venture.
First, let me recommend to you, that to this, as unto all holy Actions, (as
certainly this is) you will prepare your felves with perfect Charity, a Charity
that may obliterate what-ever Rancor the long continued War may have
contracted in you, against any that shall now co-operate with you in fo bleſſed
a Work; and let his Engagement with you in this, whoever he is, be as it
ought to be) a Bond of Unity, of Love, of Concord, stronger than the neareſt
Tyes of Nature.
In the next place, mark and beware of those, who shall go about to renew
jealouſes in you, under what pretence foever, and account fuch as the infernal
Minifters, imploy'd to promote the black design on foot, to fubvert Monarchy,
and to make us all flaves to their own avaritious lufts. Away (as foon and
as much as poffible may be) with distinction of Nation and Parties, which are
the fields wherein the feeds of thofe Rancour-weeds are fown by the great
Enemy of our Peace.
In the last place, let us all divest our felves of that prepofterous and ridi-
culous ambition and Self-interest, which rather leads to our own threatned
general ruine, than to the enjoyment of advantages unreasonably defired.
And if at any time you think your felves pinch'd too near the bone by those
Taxes and Levies that may be impofed for your defence, confider then how
vain, how foolish a thing it will be to starve a righteous Caufe for want of a
neceffary Support, to preferve your felves fat and gilded Sacrifices to the ra
pine of a merciless Enemy.
D d z
And
148.
204
The difmal Effects of
1
1648.
The LordLicu-
tenant, by the
of Truft, infi-
nitely abridged
in his Office.
The Commitli-
lon of Colleloe,
Parts,
And if we come thus well prepared to a Contention ſo juſt on our
·God will blefs our Endeavours with fuccefs and victory, or will crown our Suf-
ferings with honour and patience; for what honour will it not be, if God
hath fo determin'd of us, to perish with a long glorious Monarchy ? and who
can want patience to fuffer with an oppreffed Prince? But as our Endeavours,
fo let our Prayers be vigorous, that he may be delivered from a more unnatu
ral Rebellion, than is mention'd by any Story, now raiſed to the higheſt pitch
of Success against him.
your
I should now Say Something to you as to my felf, in Retribution to the ad
vantagious mention made of me and my Endeavours, to the bringing this Set-
tlement to pafs: But, Iconfefs, my thoughts were taken up with thofe much
greater Concernments. Let it fuffice, that as I wish to be continued in
good Efteem and Affection, So I fhall freely adventure upon any hazard, and
esteem no trouble or difficulty too great to encounter, if I may manifest any
Zeal to this Caufe, and difcharge fome part of the Obligations that are upon
me, to ferve this Kingdom.
It will not here be neceſſary to infert the Articles of Peace at large,
which are publickly known to the World, though we fhall fum them up
Commillioners in brief. It is fufficient that the Lord Lieutenant granted all that was
enough, in the Judgements of the Romfh Catholick Bithops, and even of
the Bishop of Ferns, that Incendiary, and ftill wafpifh Prelate) requi-
fite to a peaceable and ſecure profeſſion of that Religion, with fuch coun-
tenancing of, and fupport to it, as from the first planting of it, it had
never in fome refpects) been poffeffed of in that Kingdom; but was
likewife compelled fo far to comply with the Fears and Jealoufies of di-
vers, (who by often breaking their Faith, and from a greater guilt were
oners of Tuft. apprehenfive, that all that was promifed to them, might not be hereafter
*Thomas Lord obferved) as to diveft himſelf of that full and abfolute Power, that was
Vilcount Dil- inherent in his Office, and was never more fit to be exerciſed, than for
Lord Prefident the carrying that Defign, in which they feem'd all to agree, and to make
12 Commiflioners*, (nam'd and chofen by the Affembly, to look to the
Donogh Lord obfervation and performance of the faid Articles, until the fame fhould be
kery, Francis ratified, in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament) joynt ſharers
Lord Baron of with him in his Authority: So that he could neither levy Souldiers, raiſe
ander Mac Don- Money, or fo much as erect Garrifons, without the approbation and con-
nel Efq; Sir Lu- fent of the major part of thoſe Commiffioners; the danger and miſchief
of which limitation and reſtraint he forefaw enough, but found the uni-
cholas Plunket ting that People, and compofing them to an entire confidence in the
Knight, Sir Ri- Peace, which could be compafled no other way) was fo neceffary, that
he could not facrifice too much to it: And then the abilities and the affe-
ctions of the Commiffioners, were fo well known and approved by him,
that having moſt of them (in appearance) the fame good Ends with
him, he prefum'd, he fhould with lefs difficulty be able to
perfwade,
which were the nearest and moſt natural ways that conduced thereun-
of Connaght,
Viſcount Muf-
Athunry, Alex-
cas Dillon
Knight,Sir Ni-
chard Barn-
wal Baronet,
Geoffry Brown,
Donnogh OCal-
lagham, Tir-
lagh O Neal,
Miles Reily,
Gerald Fennel,
Efquires.
to.
1
The
the Irish Infurrection.
205
I.
The Heads of the Articles of Peace, 1648.
"Th
Hat the Roman Catholicks of Ireland have free Exerciſe of Religi-
on, all Penalties taken off, not obliged to the Oath of Suprema-
cy, to enjoy all Churches and Church-Livings they have in prefent pof-
feflion, and the Exercife of Jurifdiction therein.
2. That a Parliament be had within 6 months, or when after the Ro-
man Catholicks fhall defire.
3. That all Laws made in the Parliament of England finte 1641. in
blemiſh of the Catholicks, are at the next Parliament to be vaca-
ted.
4. All Indictments against any Catholicks fince 1641. be vaca-
ted.
5. All Impediments to be taken away, that Catholicks be elected
Parliament.
6. All Debts to remain as they were Feb.8. 1641. notwithſtanding any
Attainder.
7. The Eſtates of the Knights, Gentlemen, and Freeholders of Connaght,
Clare, Thomond, Limerick, and Tipperary, be fecured by an Act.
8. All Incapacities of the Natives in Ireland be taken away by
Act.
9. All Honours, Trufts, Imployments, or fuch like, be conferred as
well
upon Catholicks as Proteftants.
10. That the King take 12000 l. per annum, in lieu of the Court of
Wards.
II. No Noblemen to have more Proxies than two in Parliament, and
all Blanks to be null.
12. That the depending of the Parliament of Ireland upon England,
ſhall be as both ſhall agree and ſtand with the Laws of Ireland.
13. That the Council-Table meddle only with Matters of State.
14. That all Acts forbidding the Tranfport of Wooll, be null'd by the
next Parliament.
15. That if any have been wrong'd by Grants from King James, or
fince, they may Petition, and have Relief in Parliament.
A
16. That divers particular Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen, who have
been (as they conceiv'd) wrong'd, fhall now be righted.
17. That all who had their Eſtates taken from them in Cork, Toughall,
and Dungarvan, ve reſtoration or Rent.
18. That in the next Parliament an Act of Oblivion paſs to all in Ires
land, and that adhered to them.
19. That no Officer of Eminency in Ireland farm the Cuſtoms.
20. An Act to paſs againſt Monopolifts.
21. That the Court of Caftle-Chamber be regulated.
22. That the Acts for prohibiting plowing with Horfes by the Tayls,
and burning Oats in the Straw, be null.
23. An Act for taking off the Grievances of the Kingdom.
24. That Maritime Cauſes be determin'd in Ireland.
25. That no Rents be rais'd upon the Subjects, under pretence of de
fective Titles.
1648.
+
26. That
206
The difmal Effects of
?
1648.
26. That Intereft-Money be forgiven from 1641.
27. That all this be acted, and be of force, till a Parliament agree the
fame.
28. The Commiffioners for the Catholicks that treated, agree upon
fuch as fhall be Commiffioners of the Peace, and hear all Caufes under
101.
29. That all Governours of Towns, Caſtles and Places, made by the
King, be with the Approbation of the Catholick Commiffioners.
30. That none of his Majesty's Rents be paid, until a full Settlement
in Parliament.
31. That the Commiffioners of Oyer and Terminer do try Murthers,
Stealing, and all inferiour Trefpaffes of that nature.
32. That hereafter fuch Differencies as fhall arife between Subjects, be
determin'd by a Court in Ireland, not transfer'd to England.
33. That the Roman Clergy, that behave themſelves according to the
Agreement, be not moleſted.
Laftly, That his Majefty pleaſe to grant what-ever elfe is neceffary for
the Roman Catholicks.
Upon which Peace, the Marquefs of Ormond, the Lord Taaff, and that
Party, engag'd to raiſe for Munster, 4000 Foot and 800 Horfe; the fu-
pream Council and Prefton for Leimfter, 4000 Foot and 800 Horſe; In-
chiquin, 3000 Foot and 600 Horſe; the Lord of Clanrickard for Con-
naght, proportionable to the firſt: In all, 15000 Foot and 3000,Horſe,
befides what Owen Roe (upon his uniting afterwards) might bring in,
computed to be 5000 Foot and 500 Horfe, that in the whole, a gallanter
Army (had they been unanimous) could fcarce have been mar-
fhall'd.
With what Conſent and Unity foever this Peace was made, by thoſe
who had any pretence to Truft, or to whom there was the leaſt Deputati-
on of Authority and Power by the Nation, yet Owen O Neal (with whom
the Earl of Antrim joyn'd) had the greateſt Influence upon the Humours
mit to the Peace and Inclinations of the old Irish, who had given themſelves up to the
Owen O Neal
and Antrim
refufe to fub-
The Scots not
yet willing to
joyn in the
Peace.
Nuncio, and who indeedd a better diſciplin'd, and confequently a
ftronger Army at his Command, than the Confederates thought he could
have gain'd to his Devotion, ſtill refuſed to ſubmit to it. So that the
Lord Lieutenant, (as foon as the Peace was concluded) was as well to
provide againſt him, to remove fome Garrifons he held, which infefted
thoſe who obeyed the Acts of the Affembly, and to prevent his Incurfion,
asto raiſe an Army againſt the Spring,to march again the English, who
were poffefled of Dublin, and all the Countrey, and important Places of
that Circuit, and who, he was fure, would be fupplied with all affiftance
of Shipping, Men, Money, Victuals and Ammunition, which the Parlia-
ment of England (who had now murthered their Sovereign, and incor-
porated themſelves under the Name and Title of a Common-wealth) could
fend them. And he was in a worſe condition to prevail againſt both these,
by the unhappy Temper and Conftitution of the Scots in Ulfter, who,
being very numerous, and poffeffcd of the ftrong Towns, (though in pro-
feffion they abhorred the Regicides, and were not reconcilable to Owen O
Neal and his Party) were as yet) as un-inclined to the Peace made
with the Confederates, and far from paying an obedience and full fubmif-
fion
the Irish Infurrection.
207
fion, to the Orders and Government of the Lord Lieutenant, maintain-
ing, at the fame time, the Presbyterian Form in their Church, and an ut-
ter Independency in the State, and out of thoſe contradictory Ingredients,
compounding fuch a peevish and wayward Affection and Duty to the
King, as could not be applied to the bearing any part, in the great Work
the Marquefs was incumbent to.
As foon as he heard of the Murther of the King, he proclaim'd our pre-
fent Sovereign, Charles the 2d. King of England, Scotland, France and
Ireland, at Carrick, the 16th. of Feb. 1648.
And being (by a Clauſe in his late Commiffion from his Majeſty `qua-
lified with ſpecial Power and Authority, make no diftinction in dif-
ference of Judgement) betwixt any who fhould fubject their Affiftance
to his Majeſty's Service, he foon won the Scots to a compliance, though
under the fhackles of their Covenant, who immediately us'd the moſt fa-
vourable Arguments they could, to win Sir Charles Coot to their Party.
And to that end, (from the Congregation of the Presbytery at Belfast,
the 15th. of Feb. 1648.) they tempt him by feveral Repreſentations)
with their Sence: To which, the 7th. of March enfuing, Sir Charles
Coot, and the Council of War, held at London-derry) return'd theſe
Reaſons, for their Dif-agreement.
First, We find no part of God's Word authorizing us, being but a
Branch of a fubordinate Kingdom, to declare againſt the Parliament of
England, under whom we ferve, who are the vifible Authority of both
Kingdoms, and againſt an Army, acting by their Power, before we re-
ceive from themſelves a Declaration, and Grounds of thofe Proceedings,
wherewith they are aſpers'd.
Secondly, For the Covenant we have taken, on which your Repreſen-
tations feem to be grounded, we cannot find, we have fworn to act, ac-
cording to the Principles you now declare: For, in fome things, if we
admit of your Repreſentation, we fhall be neceffitated to act, againſt
what we have fworn unto in the Covenant. For,
The first Article, wherein we are bound to a preſervation of the preſent
Diſcipline in Scotland; we are in the fame Article obliged, to a Reforma-
tion of the fame in England and Ireland, according to the Word of God,
and the Example of the beſt Reformed Churches, which ( no doubt ) the
Parliament will in due time eftablith: In the interim, we are un-fatisfied
with any Power, that acts in this Cafe, without their Direction.
For what you ſpeak in relation to the King's Perfon, we have yet no
certainty out of England, concerning that Matter, and it is an action of
fo tranfcendent degree, that till we receive fome pofitive Reſolution con-
cerning it from England, we ought not to proceed in giving our Sence
of it.
In the 5th. Article of the Covenant, we are fworn to endeavour the
continuing the Kingdoms in Union, in which we defire your felves to be
Judges, it the publifhing of your Repreſentations, be a probable way to
obferve the Oath.
In the 6th. Article, we are fworn to defend thoſe joyn'd with us in
this Covenant,and not to fuffer our felves directly or indirectly to combine
againſt them: Now, till we receive a full Declaration of their falling from
thofe Principles of this Covenant, how can we with fafety to our own
Con
1648.
1
208
The difmal Effects of
1648.
Confciences, declare a War againſt them, without breaking the Cove-
nant in this Particular?
In the next place, We find ſome things in your Repreſentations, where-
in (as we conceive) you are not rightly informed.
Firſt, In that you fay, The Parliament bath broken the Covenant, in
oppoſing the Presbyterial Government; which can no ways appear, fince
the fame Government, by their appointment, is obferv'd throughout
England, and that the Covenant obligeth them to eſtabliſh the Govern-
ment no further, than is agreeable to God's Word.
Secondly, You fay, That you have deeply fworn in the firft Article, to
maintain the Church-Government, as it is in the Church of Scotland; which
they have not fworn, the part of the Oath, for preſervation of the Go-
vernment, relating only to the Kingdom of Scotland, and the Reformati-
on of Religion, to the Kingdoms of England and Ireland.
Thirdly, 'Tis affirmed, That the Power now governing in England, doth
labour to establish by Law an univerfal toleration of all Religions; which
yet was never done by them.
Laftly, The fad Confequences which will un-avoidably follow, if we
purſue the Intention of the Reprefentations, are theſe :
Firſt, By declaring fuch an open War againſt the Parliament, we ſhould
deprive our felves of all Succours and Supplies out of England, which
have been hitherto a great part of our ſubſiſtence.
Secondly, The purfuing of fuch a War, will un-avoidably fow fuch Di-
vifions amongst us, who, in theſe Parts, are of fuch different Principles
and Practices, that we fhall foon become inftruments of our own
ruine.
Thirdly, It will compel us, for our own prefervation, to joyn with
the Rebels, or defert this Kingdom.
And lastly, It will, without any lawful Call, engage us in a War
againſt an Army, who have, under God, been the inftruments of redeem-
ing England out of thraldom, and was not long fince acknowledged to
have been ſo inſtrumental, in fetling Scotland in the Peace and Quietneſs
it now enjoyeth, and this at the Charge of England, as the Declaration
of the Kingdom of Scotland doth thankfully witneſs.
Theſe things therefore being duely weighed, we defire you, in the
fear of God, feriouſly to take this our Anfwer into your Confiderations,
and to remember on whom the guilt of innocent blood will fall, if you
inforce a War; and to fet before your eyes, the puniſhment from Hea
ven, which hath ftill attended the Endeavours of all, who have deſerted
the Quarrel in this Kingdom, to engage againſt the Parliament of England.
From viſible Judgements, we are refolv'd, by God's affiftance, to take
fo good warning, as we will not be guilty of deſtroying the Caufe, we
have fo long labour'd into countenance for your Repreſentations, till we
be better ſatisfied in our Confciences, though we will not directly or in-
directly countenance any Sectaries or Schifmaticks, who-ever is truely fo
called, contrary to our Solemn League and Covenant; but we will, to
the utmoſt of our Endeavours, continue faithful in the profecution of the
Rebels in this Kingdom, and their Abettors, wherein we ſhall not doubt
of the Bleſſing and Protection of the Almighty, upon our lawful and juft
Endeavours. And for furtherance hereof, we defire, in the laſt place,
that
}
"
the Irish Infurrection.
that we ſhould all declare againſt the Peace laſt made by the Lord Mar-
quefs of Ormond, as that which will (if not proteſted againſt ) ruine
and deſtroy your Service of this Kingdom, againſt the Rebels.
209
1549.
TheLord Licu-
with Jones to
come in.
tenant treats
Here it's evident, that Sir Charles Coot could by no ways be brought
on; yet the Peace being fettled, his Excellency endeavour'd to work over
Lieutenant General Jones to his Party; to which end his Excellency
vouchſafed to write to him many Letters from Thurles, the 27. of March,
1649. all anfwer'd without the leaft compliance on Jones's fide. He, by
his Reply the 31. of March, 1649. charging the fatal and inhumane Act
(perpetrated on his Majefty) to his Excellency's arrival in Ireland, du-
ring the Treaty at Carisbrook, whereby the fincerity of that Treaty was
queftion'd, occafionally (writes he) producing what thereupon followed;
fo as in conclufion he profeffed, That were there neither King or Parlia-
ment, he should yet ftand firm to his Principles, to preferve the English
Intereſt in Ireland, that being a Caufe alien from what was acted in Eng-
land, Foraign to his Work and Trust, which if he should not perform,
would not eafily be expiated by a flender or lean Manifeje upon which no
more Letters pafs'd betwixt them; though the Loid Fachequin in June, Inchequin does
from the Camp at Finglass, 1649. renewed the Attempt, and was an-
fwer'd with the like Refolution, and fons Reflections on his Lord-
fhip.
About which time, Ireland came again to be feriously thought of by
the Parliament, though hitherto it was (in fome refpects) made a Stale
for ſeveral Deſigns then on foot. Jones was much confided in; but it
was thought requifite, the weight of that Bufinefs fhould lye on other
fhoulders, not his; Crommel therefore (about the 28 of March) was
voted General of Ireland, Skippon (under the Title of Martial General)
having refuſed the Command; and thefe enfuing Votes paffed there-
upon.
1. That fuch Regiments as fhould be alloted for the Irish Service,
ſhould have their Arrears audited, ſtated, and Debentors given for their
reſpective Services.
2. That vifible Security fhould be given, ſo that any Friend (or other,
being intruſted with a Debentor) might receive it at a time prefcrib'd
by the Parliament.
3. That thoſe who
Arrears, fince 1645.
go
for Ireland, fhould be firft fatisfied for their
4. That out of the 120000 l. per menfem, for England and Ireland,
three months Pay fhould be given to thofe that go.
5. That private Souldiers, and non-Commiffion-Officers, fhould re-
ceive 2 Months Pay of Arrears; and Commiffion-Officers, under a Cap-
tain, one Months Pay.
6. That Magazines for Proviſions be fettled at Bristol, Cheſter,
Liverpool, Beaumaris, and Milford.
7. That a fufficient Squadron of Ships be appointed for the Irish
Coaft.
8. That Ships fhould be Victuall'd at Dublin, Liverpool, and Beau-
maris, and a Court of Admiralty fhould be erected at Dublin, to prevent
their coming into England, to difpofe of Prizes, and fo neglect the Service.
9. That the Pay of the Officers and Souldiers, fhould be according to
the Iriſh Eſtabliſhment, onely the Officers to receive for the prefent,
the fame Pay as here.
Ee
10. That
1649.
the like, but
in-effectually.
210
The difmal Effects of
1649.
10. That an Hofpital for fick and maim'd Souldiers, ſhould be erected
at Dublin.
11. That the Parliaments Forces already in Ireland, and thoſe then
ready to go over, fhould be in one Army, and one Eſtabliſhment.
12. That 5000 Quarters of bread-Corn, 200 Tun of Salt, 200 Tun
of Cheeſe, fhould be tranſported with thoſe who now go over.
13. A Competent Train of Artillery, with Arms, Ammunition, &c.
fhould be fent, and a care to be taken to fend over Recruits of Horſe, as
there should be occafion.
Laſtly, That there be Recruits of Horfe, Foot, Arms, Saddles, &c.
ready to ſupply the Service of Ireland, to be fent over, as need fhall
require.
Thus provided, Cromwel prepares for his Journey; though to accom-
modate him with an Army of 8000 Foot, and 4000 Horfe, no ſmall
difference aroſe betwixt the Presbyterian and Independent at that time,
undermining each other, the Levellers being pragmatick; He, however,
carried over fome of the diſcontented Perfons on each fide, finding them
there work enough againſt a common Enemy.: And fo prepared for his
Journey, 120000 7. being borrowed of the City, upon the Credit of the
Ordinance of 90000 l. a month. In the interim, he gets Sir Theophilus
Fones, (who was fent to the Parliament from his Brother) diſpatch'd
for Ireland with 1500 Quarters of Corn, and 100ọo l. in Money, little
enough to hearten the Souldiers, frequently then deferting the Parlia-
ment, and flying to the Marquefs of Ormond; yea, the Regiment the
Parliament fent under Colonel Tuthil, being made up of Voluntiers,
moſt of thoſe engaged in Colchester Defign) mutinied, being fent over
without Money, Provifions, or Cloaths, thereby indangering the City
more then the Marquefs.
The Scots, in the interim, in a Remonstrance and Declaration, (to
which, on the leaſt Motive, they are naturally inclin'd) of the general
Affembly of the Church of Scotland, concerning preſent and eminent dan-
ger, the 13th. of Febr. 1649. declared, amongſt other things, as Grie-
vances, That the ſtanding Armies in Ireland, under the Marquess of Or-
mond, the Lord Inchequin, and the Lords of Ards, and George Monro,
forgetting all the horrible cruelty that was exercifed by the Irish Rebels,
upon many thousands of the English and Scottish Nations in that Land,
have enter'd into a Peace and Affociation with them, that they may the
more eafily carry on the old Defigns of the Popish, Prelatical, and Malig-
nant Party; and the Lords of Ards, and George Monro, have by
treachery and oppreffion, brought the Province of Ulfter, and Garrifons
therein, under their Power and Commands; which urging (with much
violence) afterwards produced a Declaration from the King, in diflike of
the Peace, 1648. much infifted on by the Irish, and indeed (as you
will hear begat the grounds of a future diftaft.
So that whofoever will wifely revolve and confider this wilde Con-
juncture of Affairs, and that to the fubduing the Power, Strength, and
Wealth, of the Parliament, and the equal malice and headineſs of Owen
O Neal, and his Party (as much, or in truth,more contracted againſt the
Confederate Irish, then the Kings Authority) and the forming and dif-
pofing the uſeleſs, and unprofitable pretences of affection in the Scots,
and
the Irish Infurrection.
211
1
1649.
and reducing them to obedience, the Marquefs brought over with him
neither Men nor Money, confiderable, nor any advantage, but that of
his own Perfon, Wiſdom, and Reputation, and was now upon the
Peace) to conſtitute an Army, not only of feveral Nations, and Religi-
ons, and of fuch Paffion, and Supercilioufnefs in thefe Opinions, which
flowed from their feveral Religions, but of ſuch men, who had for a-
bout the ſpace of eight years, profecuted a ſharp War againſt each other,
with all the Circumſtances of Animofities, Rapine, and Revenge; and
who were now brought into this Reconciliation and Conjunction, rather
by the wonderful Wiſdom, and Dexterity of the Principal Commanders,
then by their own Charity and Inclination; And that in the forming of
this Army, he had not above 6 or 7 Officers, upon whofe skill in Martial
Affairs, and affection to him, he could with any confidence depend; but
was to make uſe of very many, who were utterly unknown to him, and
fuch who either had no experience in the War, or who had been alway
in the War againft him; I fay, whofoever without paflion confiders all
this, will rather wonder, that the Marquefs did not fink under the weight The difficulty
of the firſt Attempt, nay, that he could proceed with fuccefs, in any one
Enterprize, then that an Army fo made up, fhould upon the firit mif-ad- tred in form-
venture be diffolv'd into jealoufies and prejudices, amongst themselves; ing hs Army,
and that all confuſions ſhould follow, which naturally attend fuch Com-
pofitions.
ney,
ed
the Lord Lieu-
tenint encoun-
Arms and Mo-
ney no ways
antwerable to
his expectati-
on.
As ſoon as the Peace was thus concluded, proclaim'd and accepted, the
Lord Lieutenant took a furvey of the Stores of Arms, Ammunition,
and other Provifions neceffary for the Army, which was to be brought
together in the Spring, and found all very fhort of what he expected, and TheLord Lieu-
what was abfolutely neceflary to the Work, and ways for railing of Mo- tenant finds
with which all the reft was to be fupplied, in no degree to be depend-
upon; The Cities, and Incorporate Towns, where, upon the matter all
the Wealth was, having never fubmitted further to the General Affembly,
then by declaring themſelves to be of their Party; but like fo many
Common-Wealths, order'd all Contributions, and payments of Money,
by their own Acts and Determinations; nor would upon the moit Emer-
gent occafions, fuffer any Money to be rais'd in any other proportion, or
in any other manner, then beſt agreed with their Humours and Conveni-
encies. So that the Commiffioners, advifed and befought the Lord
Lieutenant, to make a Journey in Perfon, to fuch of thofe Corporations,
as were beft able to affitt him, and by his own Prefence, Affiftance, and
Intereſt, endeavour to perfwade them, to exprefs that affection to the
Peace, they had protefled; And thereupon he went with a Competent
number of the Commiffioners,to Waterford,which gave 8000 l. and 3000
Barrels of Corn; and from thence he went to Limerick, and then to Gall
way, and Kilkenny, from which feveral Places, he procured the Loan of
more Money, Corn, and Ammunition, then the General Affembly had
ever been able to do, for moſt of which laft, he was forced to bar-
gain with Patrick Archer, and other Merchants, for a Supply thereof,
engaging the Kings Cuſtoms, and the tenths of Prizes, for payment; and
by this means, which coft him much labour and time, he found himfelf
in a condition, to draw feveral Forces together; which he did about the
beginning of May, having made the Lord Inchequin, Lieutenant-General
of the Army; the Earl of Castlehaven, Lieutenant-General of the Horfe;
and the Lord Taaff, Maſter of the Ordnance, at the General Randezvouz
Eea
at
!
212
1649.
TheLord Licu-
tenant confti-
tutes the Offi-
cers of the Ar-
my, to march
agamit Dublin.
TheLord Lieu-
tenant begins
the Campaign
in May, but was
forced to ufe
his own Credit
fervice, fome
write but with
to begin the
8000 Foot, and
2000 Horfe,
The difmal Effects of
at Calbol, whilft the Scots reduc'd Ulfter, and Connaght; and it being
thought fit, to loſe as little time as might be, in marching towards
Dublin, as foon as any confiderable number of men were once together;
he fent the Earl of Castlehaven with fome Forces, to take in feveral Gar-
rifons, which were poffeffed by Owen O Neal in the Queen's County,
which was the way he intended to march, and fo would have no Enemy
in his Rear ; And the Earl of Castlehaven, accordingly took the Fort
of Maryborrough, and other Places in that County, and Athy, and Re-
ban, in the County of Kildare, whereby their paffage was open for the
further March.
Having thus began the Campania, the Lord Lieutenant appointed a
General Randezvouz for the whole Army, at Cloghgrenan, alias Glaugh
grenan, an houfe of his upon the River Barrow, near the Caſtle of Ca-
terlaugh, where he made a Conjunction of all the Forces, Proteftant
and Irish; Who by the Wiſdom and Temper of the Principal Officers,
mingled well enough, and together about the end of May, made a
Body, as it's generally reported) of 3700 Horfe, and 14500 Foot, with
a Train of Artillery, confifting of four Pieces of Cannon; But when
they were thus met, all the Money which could be rais'd by the Com-
millioners, or which had been rais'd by the Corporate Towns, was
fo near ſpent in drawing the Forces out of their Quarters, and in thofe
fhort Expeditions into the Queen's County, and County of Kildare, that
they could not have advanced in their March, if the Lord Lieutenant
had not upon his own Private Credit, borrowed 800 1. of Sir James
Prefton, by means whereof, he gave the Common Souldiers four days
Pay; and fo about the beginning of June, marched from Cloghgrenan,
and the fame Evening, appear'd before Talbots Town, a ftrong Garrifon
of the Enemies, which together with Caftle Talbot, two miles diftant
from the other, was within 3 days furrendred to the Marquefs, upon
promiſe of Quarter, which they had; and then he march'd to Kildare,
which Town was likewife furrendred unto him; as were Caſtle Sallogh,
and Caſtle Carby, at Kildare; He was compelled to ſtay 3 or 4 days,
both for want of Provifion, and for a Recruit of 2000 Foot, which by
the Lord Inchequin's Care and Diligence, was then upon their March, and
being join'd, he was in hope by a ſuddain and ſpeedy Motion, to have
engaged Jones, (who at that time, viz. 12. of June, was march'd
from Dublin, as far as Johnstown, with his Army, confifting of 1000
Horſe, and 3000 Foot,) and fo having encouraged his Souldiers with
3 days Pay, (which he was likewife compelled to borrow on his Credit,
out of the Pockets of Perfons of Quality, attending on him, and of the
Officers of the Army) he paffed the River of Lifly; and Jones having
upon intelligence of his Motion, in great diſorder rais'd his Camp, and
retir'd into Dublin; after that Major Cadogan, by his Command, had done
notable and fevere Service about Tecroghan, burning the Countrey, not
in 5 years before Vifited, and had beaten a part of the Marquefs's
Forces, though he got not fo much by his Victory (though confiderable)
as Jones afterwards loft by Treachery, the Garrison of Allan being de-
livered
up
for 200 . The Marquefs encamped his whole Army at the
Naas, twelve miles from Dublin, that he might maturely deliberate what
was next to be undertaken, being now the middle of June.
That which appeared worthy of debate was, whether the Army
ſhould firſt make an Attempt upon Dublin, in which it was believ'd
there
{
1
7
the Irish Infurrection.
213
Dublin refolv'd
to be first at-
there were very many both Officers and Souldiers, and other Perfons of 1549.
Quality, well affected to the Kings fervice, and who had formerly ferved
under the Marquefs, and eſteem'd him accordingly, who might make
that work more eafy; Or whether the Army fhould be first imployed
in the taking in of Trim, Tredagh, and other out-Garrifons, from
whence the City receiv'd much Provifions of all kinds, and from whence
Proviſions to the Army would be cut off, and much other prejudice
might arife. But upon full confideration, the Council of War, which
confifted of the General Officers, inclined to the former; concluding,
that if they could take Dublin, all other places would quickly fall into
their hands; and if they thould delay it, and waſte their Provifions in tempted.
thoſe leſſer Attempts, there might probably arrive out of England, fuch
fupplies of Men, Money, and other neceffaries to Jones, which were
daily expected, as might render that important work almoſt impoflible:
Hereupon, the Lord Lieutenant marched the very next morning toward
Dublin, and that afternoon, re-paffed the whole over the River of Liffy,
by the Bridge of Lucan, and encamped near that place, to reft his men
a few hours: He marched very early in the morning, being the
19th. of June, and appear'd by nine of the Clock at a place called
Castleknock, in view of the City; and hearing that Jones had drawn
out all his Horſe into the Green, not far from the Walls, he fent a Party
of Horſe and Musketiers to face them, while he drew his whole Body,
within lefs then Cannon-fhot of their Gates, hoping thereby to give
ſome countenance to thofe in the Town,to raiſe ſomeCommotion therein; TheLord Lieu-
and having ſpent fome part of the day in this poſture and expectation, tenant appears
after fome flight skirmishes between the Horfe, writes one; others fay
confiderable, where the Earl of Clanrickards Regiment of Horfe was
forely beaten, though they ralli'd twice; He found it neceflary to
draw off, and encamped that night at a place two miles from the Town,
called Finglas, whither great multitudes of Roman Catholicks, whereof
mcft were aged Men, Women, and Children, whom Jones had turned
out of the City, repair'd to him, whom he fent with all due Order, for
their Reception, into Quarters adjacent.
before Dublin.
The Marquefs was no fooner in his Quarters, then he receiv'd fure
intelligence, that Jones had fent his Horfe to Tredagh, from whence
they would have been able to have diftreffed his Army feveral ways, and
to have interrupted Provifion which came out of the Countrey, out of
the Magazines, which were at leaſt 30 miles diftant; And feveral Officers
were of opinion, upon the view they had taken that day of the Enemy,
and the countenance they had obferved of their own men, that they were
not preſently provided for a formal Siege, and as ill to attack the Town
by a brisk attempt; and therefore he refolv'd to remain encamp'd at
that place for fome time, whereby he might take the advantage of any
opportunity, that within the Town would adminifter unto him and
preſently fent the Lord Inchequin, Lieutenant-General of the Army, with
a ftrong Party of Horfe, to purfue Jones his Horfe, which were fent for The Lord in-
Tredagh; which he did fo fuccefsfully, that he furprized one whole Troop, chequin defeats
and afterwards encountred Colonel Chidley Coot,in the head of 300 Horfe, Jones's Horlo
whereof he flew many, and routed the reft, who in great diforder fled fent to Tre-
to Tredagh. The Lord Inchequin preſently fent advertiſement of this
ſucceſs, and that he had reafon to believe, that if he purſued this ad-
vantage, and attempt the Town, while this terror poffeffed that
Party,
a Party of
dugh.
214
The difmal Effects of
1619. Party, he ſhould make himſelf Matter of it; whereupon in reſpect of
the great importance of the Place, the reduction whereof would
し
​pro-
duce a fecure correfpondence with, and give encouragement to the Scots
in Ulster, who made great profeffions in which they were ever free)
of Duty to the King, and had now under the conduct of the Lord Vif-
count Montgomery of Ards, driven Sir Charles Coot into the City of
London-derry, and upon the matter beleagu'd him there) the Lord Lieu-
tenant by the advice of the Council of War, approved the Lord Inche-
quin's Defign, and to that purpoſe fent him two Regiments of Foot, and
two Pieces of Artillery, and fuch Ammunition and Materials, as could
be fpared; wherewith he proceeded fo vigorously, that within 7 days,
he compelled the befieged to yield to honourable Conditions, fo reduced
thegam tales Tredagh to the Kings Obedience, after he had been twice beaten off, the
Town having not above 600 Men, who had spent all their Ammuni-
tion, left to defend fo large a circuit, fome of which afterwards revolted
to the Marquefs; and Colonel Coot, with 150 Horfe, and near 400 Foot,
march'd to Dublin.
The Lord In-
in freigh
Owen O Neal,
and the Parlia-
ments Party
agree.
There was now very reafonable ground for hope, that the Parliaments
Party would quickly find themſelves in notable ftreights and diſtreſſes,
when it was on a fuddain diſcover'd, how very active and dexterous, the
fpirit of Rebellion is to reconcile and unite thofe, who were poffeffed
by it, and how contrary foever their Principles and Ends ſeem to be, and
contribute jointly to the oppofing and oppreffing that Lawful Power,
they had both equally injured and provoked. The Parliament Party,
who had heap'd fo many Reproaches and Calumnies upon the King, for
his Clemency to the Irish, who had founded their own Authority and
Strength upon fuch foundations, as were inconfiftent with any tolera-
tion of the Roman Catholick Religion, and ſome write (fo bitter are their
Pens) even with Humanity to the Irish Nation, and more eſpecially
to thofe of the old Native Extraction, the whole Race whereof they
had upon the matter) fworn to an utter extirpation; And Owen O
Neal himſelf was of the moſt antient Sept, and whofe Army confifted
onely of fuch, who avowed no other caufe for their firft entrance into
Rebellion, but Matter of Religion; and that the Power of the Parlia-
ment, was like to be fo great and prevalent, that the King himſelf
would not be able to extend his Favours and Mercy towards them, which
they ſcem'd to be confident, he was (in his gracious diſpoſition) in-
clined to exprefs; and therefore profeffed to take up Arms againſt the
exorbitant Power onely of them, and to retain hearts full of Devotion
and Duty to his Majeſty; and who at preſent, by the under-hand and ſe-
cret Treaties with the Lord Lieutenant, feem'd more irreconcilable to
the Proceedings of the General Affembly, and to the Perfons of thoſe
whom he thought govern'd there,then to make any fcruple of fubmitting
to the Kings Authority, in the Perfon of the Marquefs, to which and
to whom, he protefted all Duty and Reverence. Thefe two fo contrary
and dif-agreeing Elements, had, I fay, by the fubtile and volatile ſpirit of
Hypocrify and Rebellion (the Arts of the time) found a way to in-
corporate together; and Owen O Neal had promiſed and contracted with
the other, that he would compel the Lord Lieutenant to retire, and draw
off his Army from about Dublin, by his invading thofe Parts of Leim-
fter, and Munster, with his Army, which yielded moft, yea, all the Pro-
viſions and ſubſiſtance to the Marquefs, and which he prefumed the Mar-
quefs
the Irish Infurrection.
215
}
t
quefs would not fuffer to be ſpoil'd and defolated by his Incurſions: for
the better doing whereof, and enabling him for this Expedition, Colonel
Monk, Governor of Dundalk, (who was the fecond Perfon in Command,
amongſt the Parliaments Forces) had promiſed to deliver to him, out of
the ftores of that Garrifon, a good quantity of Powder, Bullet, and
Match, proportionable; for the fetching whereof, Owen O Neal had fent
Farral Lieutenant General of his Army) with a Party of 500 Foot,
し
​and 300 Horſe. At that time Tredagh was taken by the Lord Inchequin;
who, being there advertiſed of that new contracted friendſhip, refolved
to give fome interruption to it, and made ſo good haſt, that with-
1649.
in few hours after Farral had receiv'd the Ammunition at Dundalk, he Inchequin
fell upon him, routed all his Horfe, and of the 500 Foot, there were not routs Farral,
40 elcaped, but were either flain, or taken Prifoners, and got all the Am-
munition, and with it fo good an Account of the preſent ſtate of Dun-
dalk, that he immediately engaged before it, and affifted by the Lord of
Ards, who a little before, had been chofen by the Presbyterian Mini-
fters, their Commander in Chief, thereby poffeffing himſelf of Carrigfer-
gus, and Belfast) in two days compelled Monk (who would elfe have Takes in Dun-
been delivered up by his own Souldiers) to furrender the Place, where dalk.
was a good Magazeen of Ammunition, Cloath, and other Neceffaries
was
for War; moſt of the Officers and Souldiers, with all alacrity engaging
themſelves in his Majeſties ſervice; though the Governor Shipt himſelf
for England, and landing fhortly after at Chester, he went immediately
to Bristol, where Cromwel (the Parliaments Lord Lieutenant
then to come for Ireland; who receiv'd him very courteouſly; but, af-
ter he had remain'd fome days there, adviſed him to go up to the Par-
liament, to give them fatisfaction, in the Ceffation he had made with
Owen Roe O-Neal, the 8th. of May, 1649. which he did; And the
buſineſs of that Ceffation being brought into the Houſe, it was much
reſented; and after fome debate, (more then ordinarily had on other
occafions) ſeveral fevere Votes paffed againſt it; onely Colonel Monk,
being conceived to have made it out of a good intent, for preſerving
the Interest of the Parliament, was held to be clear, and not thought fit
hereafter to be queſtion'd: But this was taken as a fair way of laying him
afide; whereupon Colonel Monk retir'd to his own Eſtate, unhappy onely
in being the Inſtrument of their preſervation, who were not ſenſible of
his Merits.
And now that all Parties might be kept entire, the Marqueſs of Or-
mond publiſhes a Declaration, upon Inftructions from the King, defign'd
purpofely for Ulster.
A
Fter my hearty Commendations, upon fome Reprefentations, that have
been lately made unto us, we have thought fit, to fend you down
the enfuing Instructions:
First, That fo far as your Power extends, you cauſe every Perfon, with
out distinction, who have fubmitted to his Majesties Authority, and to
the Peace of this Kingdom, to be put into the actual poffeffion of his Eftate,
he paying, and contributing to the maintenance of the Army, and neceſſary
burdens of the Countrey, proportionable to the rest of his Neigbours.
2. That you cause the Articles of War to be put in execution, amongst
all the Forces under your Command, whereof we send you down Derewithall
a Copy.
3.
Whereas
Colonel Monk
difmiffed the
Parliaments
Service.
216
The difmal Effects of
t
1649.
1
3.
Whereas it is well known to belong to us, as General of the Army, in
this Kingdom under his Majesty, to difpofe of all Military Offices and Com-
mands, whether in Chief or Subordinate, which Right we cannot in Ho-
nour fuffer to be loft from the Sword; and whereas fome Commiffions
lately have been Procured, giving Power to other Commanders, to name and
place all forts of Military Officers, under the respective Commands ; in which
Commiffions nevertheless, and much more in the Inftructions, there is an
expreſs reference to us, and to our Approbation, from which they are to re-
ceive their validity. We do therefore Order and Declare our Pleafure there-
by, That no Commander whatsoever,within the Province of Ulfter, do affume
to themselves, the nomination of Military Officers, as Colonels, Lieutenant-
Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants, Cornets, or Enfigns, upon pre-
tence of any late Commiſſion, but leave them to our difcretion, as in.this
Kingdom hath ever been accustomed.
4. If any Perfon fhall Speak or act to the prejudice of his Majefties
Authority, or Affairs, let him upon proof be forthwith Imprisoned, and
his Eftate fecured, and an Information fent up to us of the nature of his
Crime, that we may give further Order therein. And if any Ecclefiafti-
cal Perfon in his Prayer or Sermon, fhall prefume to exercife the People to
Sedition or Difobedience, or fhall intermeddle in Pulpit or Confiftory with
the managery of Civil Affairs, or ſhall derogate from the prefent Go-
vernment or Governours of this Kingdom, or shall teach, that his Majesty
is not to be admitted to the poffeffion of his Crown, until he hath given fa
tisfaction to his Subjects, or until he have taken fuch Oaths and Covenants,
as are impos'd upon him, without his Confent, without Law, contrary to
the Dictates of his own Confcience; upon proof thereof, without further
Circumſtance, let his Estate be confifcated to the use of the Army, and
himſelf be either imprisoned, or banished, or tryed for his Life, as the
Enemy shall deferve.
5. If there be any Perfon whofe Loyalty is fufpected, let the Chief in
Command upon the Place, adminifter unto him the Oath of Allegiance; and
if he refuse it, let them fecure both his Perfon and Estate, and fend up
an information to us, that we may cause proofs to be made against him.
6. Although we cannot now take notice of the Scotch Army in this King-
dom, or of any, diſtinct from that which is committed into our hands by
his Majefty; we expecting a joynt obedience of all Forces, Engliſh, Scotch,
and Irish, indifferently, as branches of the Army under our Command; yet
in respect your old Quarters are straightn'd by the Garrison of Belfaſt, by
our very good Lord, the Lord Vicount Montgomery of the Ards; we
are well pleafed in lieu thereof, to affign unto you for the enlargement of
your Quarters, fo much of the Countreys of Antrim, as was poffeffed or
enjoyed by Sir John Clotworthie's Regiment, now disbanded of them-
felves; and becauſe we cannot but judge, that this diffolution of them pro-
ceeds from the averfness to his Majefties Service, and therefore we require
that none of them be admitted into any Troops, as Horſemen, or Dra-
gooners.
7. For Anſwer to your other Propofition; if any Poſtage ſhall be ſent
down from them, or from the other Provinces of the Kingdom, into Ulfter,
for his Majefties Service upon any occafion: it is our Pleasure, they have
their Quarter and Provifion for the prefent in these Quarters, through
which they pass; but the whole Province of Ulfter is to contribute propor-
tionably towards the Charge.
8. Let
the Irish Infurrection.
217
8. Let the Siege of Derry be profecuted by the common advice of the
Lord Vicount Mountgomery of Ardes, Robert Stewart, Sir George Mon-
ro, and Colonel Audley Meryin.
9. We defire the faid four Perfons laft mention'd likewife to confider and
certifie, what fit Augmentation of Quarter and further Provifion, may
be af
fign'd to the Regiment and Troops of Efteline without prejudice, or with the
Teaft prejudice to any other of his Majefties Forces.
ORMOND.
1549.
r
Owen ONeal
(in behalf of the
Parliament)
railes the Siege
of London-
derry.
Upon the Lord Inchiquin's fuccefs at Dundalk, the leffer Garriſons of
Newry, Narrow-water, Green-Castle, and Carlingford, were eafily fut-
jected; and the Lord Inchiquin, in his return, being appointed to viſit
the Town of Trim, the onely Garriſon left to the Parliamentarians in thoſe
parts, except Dublin, in two days after he had befieged it, he made himſelf Inchequin
Maſter of it, and fo return'd with his Party (not impair'd by the Ser- takes in Trim.
vice) to the Lord Lieutenant in his Camp at Finglaß. Owen O Neil ſtill
continued his affection to the Parliamentarians; and when he found that
his deſign of drawing the Marquis of Ormond's Army from Dublin could
not prevail, he haftned into Ulfter, and upon the payment of 2000 l. in
money, fome Ammunition, and about 2000 Cows, he rais'd the Siege of
London-derry the 8th. of August, the onely confiderable Place in that Pro-
vince, which held for the Parliament under Sir Charles Coot, and which
was even then reduc'd to the laſt extremity, by the Lord Viſcount Mount-
gomery of Ardes, Sir George Monro, Sir Robert Stewart, Colonel Audley
Mervin, and others, and muſt in few days have fubmitted to the Kings
Authority, if it had not (in that manner) been relieved by the Irish under
O Neil, with whom Colonel Richard Coal, in the behalf of Sir Charles
Coot (Lord Preſident of Connaght) had made Articles of Ceflation, ( as
Colonel Monk had done before) on the grounds of neceffity, the 22. of
May, 1649. the benefit of which he acquainted the State with, defiring
that the Propofitions prefented by him might be accepted; which was
thought by them a demand fo extravagant, and of fuch dangerous con- Sir Charles
fequence to the whole Kingdom, as it was ill refented (Owen Roe and his Coor cenfured
Party having been firſt engaged in thoſe horrid Maffacres) and preſently
rejected: And though Sir Charles Coot was not cenfur'd, becauſe it was o
prefum'd he did it out of neceffity; yet feveral Votes paffed againſt him
as to that Ceffation, though he was continued in his Imployment; and
having received the pleaſure of the Parliament concerning the Ceffa=
tion made by him with Owen Roe, prefently acquainted him therewith,
who, according to Articles betwixt them, did foon retire, and, as we
fhall fee afterwards, came to an agreement with the Marquis of Or-
mond, finding he could not by any means (he could uſe) draw himſelf or
his Party to be accepted of by the Parliament, an attempt he earneſtly
folicited, engaging to maintain their Intereſt with the hazard of his Life
and Fortune againſt all oppofers whatſoever; with whom joyn'd the
Lords, Gentry, and Commons of the Confederate Catholicks of Vlfter :
though many were of opinion, that all that was done both by Sir Charles
Coot and Colonel Monk, was tranfacted by the privity (if not confent
of the Grandees in England; but the Grounds to faften this upon them
could never be found, though the buſineſs hath been narrowly fearch'd
Ff
into
for his compli-
ance with Owen
Nel.
1
218
The difmal Effects of
1649.
The Lord Lieu-
tenant, upon
Army, found it
confiderable ra-
the view of his
ther to Block
up the City,
than make a
into: Known it was, that there was a Perfon fent over,
and many
Overtures made by a Priest O Rely to the Committee of Derby-house, but
with whatreception, the certainty yet remains in the Clouds. However,
Sir Charles Coot having by this means delivered himſelf from the ſtrait-
neſs of a Siege, and having received fome new fupplies of Men and
Proviſionsout of England, Colonel Hunks being fent from Cromwel with
Forces to his Relief preſently marched out, and clear'd the Countrey
about him; and afterwards in October got fuch a ftrength together, as
he went to Colerain, and took in that Town by Anflat, and fo went on
to the Siege of Carigfergus. However, he ſo reſents the Parliaments flow
fupplies, as in June this year) there is exhibited his complaint, truly a
fad one, in reference to their neglect, and in conclufion defires either to
be ſuppli'd anſwerable to his condition, or to be diſcharg'd from his Em-
ployment.
But to look backwards. All the Places of Moment near Dublin being
(as we have fhew'd) reduc'd by the Marquis Ormond's Party, who on the
24th. of July took a view of his whole Army, and found it to conſiſt of
no leſs than 7000 Foot and about 4000 Horfe, others write more;
which though a good Force, was not equal to the work of forming a Re-
gular Siege of fo large and populous a City as Dublin, and as unfit to ſtorm
it; therefore it was refolv'd ſtill to continue the former deſign of ſtrait-
Regular Siege. ning it, until the neceffities within abated the obftinacy of that Peo-
ple; for the better doing whereof, the Lord Viſcount Dillon of Coftiloe,
was appointed to remain ftill on the North-fide of the Town, with a Body
of 2000 Foot and 500 Horſe, to block it up, having two or three fmall
Places of ftrength to retire to upon occafion; and that the Sea (as far as
his Power might extend) might not be unprovided, his Excellency
granted Letters of Mart, the 6th. of July, figned by Secretary Lane, to
Captain Jofeph Containe of Waterford, and others. And then the Lord
Lieutenant march'd with the remainder of the Army over the River of
Liffy to the South-fide, to a Place called Rathmines, where he refolved
to Incamp, and from whence, by reaſon of the narrowneſs of the River,
he might difcourage an attempt of fending Relief into the Town by
Sea from England. And in truth, if he had come time enough to have
rais'd a Work upon the Point, fome interruption might have been given
to that Enterprife; but it pleafed God, that that very fame day (the 25th.
of July) the Marquis marched thither, in fight of his Army, a ſtrong
gale of Wind from the Eaſt brought into Dublin Harbour Colonel Rey-
nolds, Colonel Hunks, and Colonel Venables, with a good fupply of
Horfe, viz. 600, and 1500 Foot, Money, and all other neceffaries where-
of the Garriſon ſtood in need, which marvellously exalted the ſpirits of
thofe, who were devoted to the obedience of the Parliament, and de-
preffed the minds of them, who watched all opportunities of doing fer-
vice to the King. There were then in Dublin 5000 Soldiers, befides In-
habitants. However, the Marquis purſued his refolution, and encamped
that night at Rathmines, and the next day made himſelf ſtrong there,
till, upon information, he was fure to receive an account of the ftate and
condition of the Enemy, that he might better conclude what was next
to be done.
Colonel Rey-
nolds, Hunks,
and Venables,
arrive at Dub-
lin.
There were many men within the City who found means to fend the
Marquis ftill advertiſement of what was neceffary for him to know,& fome
Ships (which brought Supplies for the Parliaments Forces there) brought
likewife
the Irish Infurrection.
219
し
​1649.
Cromwel ac
Lieutenant-
ſhip.
pecting Crom-
likewiſe intelligence from thofe that wifhed well to the Kings fervice, un-
to the Lord Lieutenant, and unto other Perfons of Honour that were
with him, and from ſeveral Perſons of known Integrity, and who were
like enough to know what was tranfacted in the Councils of the Parlia-
ments Party: It was informed, that this Supply, which was already land-
ed at Dublin, was all that was intended for that Place, and believed it to be
fufficient to defend it againſt any Army the Marquis could bring to attaque
it; and that Cromwel who was known to be ready in England to Em-
barque with a great Army) meant to land in Munfter,a Countrey but late-
ly fall'n from their Devotion, and where there were ſtill many inclined
to him, and thereby to compel the Lord Lieutenant to rife from Dublin. cepts of the
And it is very true, that at that time Cromwel was refolv'd to have pro-
ceeded in that manner, after he had with much ſeeming difficulty been
brought to accept of the Place, the Presbyterians laying Wagers he would
never come, and the Independents fought to divert him from it by their
unexpected Mutinies, on a Tenent, That all were to enjoy their own Prin-
ciples. Yet upon this joynt intelligence of Cromwel's advance (for it came
from fome Perfons to the Lord Lieutenant, and from others to the Lord
Inchiquin) it was, upon confultation with the General Officers, con-
cluded abfolutely neceffary, that the Lord Inchiquin, being Lord Preſident The Lord In-
of Munſter, ſhould immediately, with a ftrong Party of Horfe, repair chequin (tul-
into that Province, whereby at leaſt the Garriſons there might be wel might land
fupported against any fudden attempt of the Enemy, if they fhould in Munster )
land there; and that, the Army being thus weakned by the Quality, as
well as the Number of this Party, who were the beſt Horſe of the Body,
the Lord Lieutenant fhould retire to Drumnagh, being a Quarter of
greater ftrength and fecurity than that of Rathmines was, or could be
made, and was at fuch diftance, as might as well block up the Enemy
as the other; and from thence, an interrupted Communication might
be held with that Party, which encamp'd on the North fide of the River.
And upon this Conclufion, the Lord Închiquin departed towards Munster.
When it was known that his Excellency was to retire, the Officers and
Soldiers expreffed much trouble, and feem'd to believe the reducing of
the Town not to be a matter of that difficulty as was pretended, if they
could hinder the Parliamentarians Horfe from grafing in the Meadows
near the Walls, (which was the onely Place they were poffeffed of to
that purpoſe) they could not be able to fubfift five days; and it would
be in their power to take that benefit from them, if they poffefs'd
themſelves of the Caſtle of Baggatrath, very near adjoyning to that Pa-
fture, which was already fo ftrong, that in one night it might be made
fufficiently fortifi'd. And this difcourfe (which was not indeed unrea-
fonable) got ſo much credit, that the Council of War intreated the Mar-
quis to decline his former refolution of retiring to Drumnagh, the Earl
of Castlehaven, General Prefton, Sir Arthur Afton, and Major General
Purcel, having viewed Baggatrath, and affured the Lord Lieutenant,
that it might be poffefs'd and fufficiently fortifi'd in one night.
It is no wonder that in an Army thus conftituted and compofed, the
Marquis thought not fit, by his Authority, to reſtrain it from purſuing an
Enterprife of fo much Gallantry,and which had fo much poffibility of fuc-
cefs and indeed, he ftill retain'd ſome hope of advantage by the affe-
ction of that City, and that (even in thefe laft Supplies that were fent
over) there were many that laid hold of that opportunity to tranſport
F f 2
them-
went thither.
220
The difmal Effects of
བ་
forte 179-
teach under
Panel.
ral Parcel.
1649. themfelves, for the advancement of the Kings fervice, and with purpoſe
quickly to change their Maiters, fo that he was contented to recede from
his former refolution, and on the first of August at night fent a ftrong Par-
ty, viz. 1500 Foot, under Major General Purcel, to poffefs themiclves
A Party kint to of Baggatrath, with Engineers, and fuch other Materials as were ne-
ceflary to fortiЯe it: and becauſe he concluded, that the Enemy would
immediately difcover what they were doing, and would uſe their ut-
moit endeavours to prevent the execution of a Defign, which would
bring fuch irreparable damage to them, he gave ſtrict order for draw-
ing the whole Army in Battalia, and commanded, that they fhould
fland in Arms all that night, himſelf continuing in the Field on Horf-
back till morning; as foon as it was day, he went to vifit the Place
that was to be fortifi'd, which he found not in that condition he
expe-
* Major Gene- cted; the Officer* excufing himfelf, by having been mifguided in the
night, fo that it was very late before he arrived there, though it was not
an English mile diftant from the Camp; wherewith the Marquis being
unfatisfi'd, difplac'd the Officer who commanded the Party, and put an-
other of good Name and Reputation into the Charge, and appointed him
to make his men to work hard, fince it appear'd, that in four or five
hours it might be fo well fortifi'd, that they need fear no attempt from
the Town; and that they might be fure to enjoy fo much time, he com-
manded the Army to remain in the fame pofture they had been all night;
and about 9 of the Clock, feeing no appearance of any Sally from the
Town, which he had fo long expected, he went to his Tent to refreth him-
felf with a little reft, which he had not obtain'd for the ſpace of an hour,
when he was awaken'd by an Alarm from the Enemy, and putting him-
felf immediately upon his Horſe, quickly found, that his Officers and
Lieutenant General Prefton had not been fo punctual in their Duty as
they ought to have been, but had quitted their Poſts (out of an unhappy
confidence, that the Befieged would not adventure, at that time of the
day, to make any Sally) as foon as the Marquis went to repoſe himſelf;
fo that a ſtrong Party out of the Town, about 10 of the clock in the
morning, the 2d. of August, 1649. march'd directly to Baggatrath, and
(with lefs oppofition than ought to have been made beat, routed, and
difpers'd the Party that poffefs'd it; who, finding their Horſe not fo rea-
dy to aflift them as they expected, quitted the Place with all imaginable
confufion; which encourag'd Jones's Party (who were feconded imme-
diately by the whole Power in Dublin) to advance further towards the
Army (which they difcern'd to be in high diſorder) than at their com-
ing out they intended. The Lord Lieutenant ufed all means to put the
Horfe in order, fending the Lord Taaff to command the Foot: But Sir
William Vaughan (Commiffary General of the Horfe) being in the firft
Charge killed, they who followed him were immediately routed, not-
withitanding that the Forces from Dublin marchi'd onely in fingle Troops
and Companies, having not time to draw together in Battalia; where-
upon fo great a confternation feiz'd upon the fpirits of all the reft, that
the Marquis could prevail with none to ftand with him, but the Regi-
ments of his Brother,Colonel Butler and Colonel Grady, fome write Miles
Reylye, with which he charged the Enemy, wherein (Colonel Grady be-
ing flain, and his Brother fore wounded and taken Priſoner) that Body
was entirely broken; and from that time, it was not in his power, by
all the means he could uſe, to rally any Party of Horſe, and to make them
The Lord Lieu
tenant's Forces
routed at Rar
nincs.
}
fo
the Irith Infurrection.
221
fo much as ftand by him; fo that (when he was environ'd by the Ene-
my, attended with very few of his own Servants, and two or three Gen-
tlemen he was forced to make his way through them, and to quit the
Field; when a finall Body of Foot, under Colonel Giford, which ftill
kept the ground, and valiantly defended themſelves) finding that they
were deferted by their Horfe, were compelled to furrender their Arms
to Jones; the Lord Taaf making his own way fo profperoufly, that he
got to the North-fide, where he found that Body compofed of the Lord
Dillons, Sir Thomas Armstrongs, the Lord Moores, and Lieutenant Co-
lonel Purdons Regiments of Horfe; Colonel Warrens, Colonel Walles,
and Colonel Mich. Byrns Regiments of Foot) which had been left at
Finglaß in Arms, and which had not feen the Enemy that day; upon
which, the Lord Taaff us'd all poflible endeavours to perfwade them to
attempt a Recovery of what was loft, which, in fo great diforder of
the Enemy (which fuch fuccefs ufually produceth was not reaſonably
to be deſpaired of: But the apprehenfion, jealoufies, fright and terrour,
was fo univerfal, that he could not incline them to it, nor to do more
than and that in great confufion) to provide for their own fecurity:
Whilft the Marquis directed his Letters to them, ordering therein the
one half of them to go to Tredath, and the other half to Trym, for the
fecurity of thofe Places, whilft himfelf went to Kilkenny to rally what
he could of the Army, and to raife what new Forces he thould be able.
This was the unhappy, and indeed fatal Defeat at Rathmines, by the
Bishops at Jamestown, 1650. thought fo improvident and unfortunate, as
nothing happen'd in Chriftianity more fhameful. Yet in his Excellencies
Letter from Kilcolgan the 2d. of December, 1650. to the Affembly at
Loghreogh fo Anſwer'd, as hitherto no Reply hath been attempted. The
news of which, and the confequences thereof, was receiv'd and pro-
claim'd writes Walsh, fol. 583.) with much gladnefs and excefs of joy
in Rome, as that which made for the Nuncio's Party. It was the first and
onely loſs that fell upon any Army or Party of which the Marquis had
the Name and Title, (and here he had no more than the name of the
Supreme Commander, and thefe the whole Circumftançes of it. In this
Battel were flain on the place, and in the Chace, about 4000. and 2517
taken Priſoners, and two whole Cannon, three Demi-cannon, one long
fquare Gun carrying a Ball of 12 Pound, one Saker-drake, one Mortar-
piece, all thefe Brafs; befides 200 Draught-Oxen for the Train, and
the richeſt Camp of Commodities an Enemy could well be Mafter of,
But not to ſpeak further of the fad misfortune of this great Commander,
than whom, no man was more juftly magnified for his Courage, con-
fided in for his Loyalty, relyed on for his Wifdom, trufted in for his Care
to prevent ill Accidents, and Dexterity to take advantages;
indeed looked upon as the Restaurator of his Countrey, and as the onely
Perfon, by whole management of the Irish War, the injur'd King was like
to arife out of his Fathers ruines to the Glory and Greatneſs he was born
to; though upon this Defeat, thofe (whofe Crimes were no otherwife
to be veil'd than by this misfortune caft the mifcarriage thercof folely
upon him; a Fate incident to great Men, to be extremely magnifi'd on
Succefs, and upon any notable Difafler to be as much deprefs'd, and per-
adventure neither juftly.
he was
Soon after this Defeat, Jones was writ to by his Excellence, to have a
Lift of the Prisoners he had taken from him. To whom it was repli'd,•
Πίν
16.49.
222
The difmal Effects of
1
1649. My Lord, fince I routed your Army, I cannot have the happiness to know
where you are, that I may wait upon you.
The Defeat at
ter'd Confulta-
tions.
Michael Jones,
This Defeat at Rathmines alter'd the refult of Counſels at Court, till
Rathmines al- then very ſtrong for his Majeſties repair into Ireland, the Scots having
given ill proofs of their Integrity and Faith: And certainly the Irish were
at that time fo difpofed, as probably they would have fubmitted to his
Majefty, what-ever afterwards might have been the refult of their com-
pliance: And for the Parliament, they had at that time fo inconfiderable
a footing in Ireland, (poffeffing not a Garrison in Munster or Connaght,
and in Ulster none but London-derry and the Fort of Culmore, as in Leim-
fter little but Dublin and Ballifhannon) as his Majefties Prefence (it was
thought) would have wrought on fome, reduced others, and brought
The Lord Lieu-
tenant from
Rathmines
kenny.
to
in All.
When the Marquis (as we have ſaid before) found the Confternation
to be fo great in his Soldiers, as they could not be contain'd from dif
fermines reperfing, and had fent Orders to thofe on Finglass-fide to march to Tre-
dagh and Trim, for the ftrengthning of thofe Garriſons, which he believ'd
Jones might, upon the pride of his late fuccefs, be inclined to attack;
whilft himſelf went to Kilkenny, as the fitteft Rendezvous to which he
might rally his broken and ſcattered Forces, and from whence he might
beſt give Orders and Directions for the making of new Levies: And in
his March thither, the very next day after the Defeat at Rathmines, he
made an halt, with thofe few Horfe he had rallied together, and fum-
mon'd the ſtrong Fort of Ballifhannon, which he had before left blocked
up by a Party of Horfe and Foot, and (having found means to perfwade
the Governour to believe that Dublin had been furrendred, and that his
Army was returning) he got that important Place into his hands, with
out which Stratagem, Jones would have purfued his Conqueft even to
Kilkenny it felf, which he had found in a very ill condition to defend it
ſelf: For in a whole weeks time after the Marquis's coming to Kilkenny,
he could draw together but 300 Horſe, with which he found it neceffa
befieging Tre-
dath, was raifed ry that day fevennight after the Defeat, to march in Perfon to the re-
lief of Tredath, which was befieged by Jones, and defended by the Lord
Moor; but upon the approach of the Marquis no nearer than Trim, the
Siege was rais'd, and Jones return'd to Dublin, and his Lordship entred
Tredath, whether he refolved to draw his Army as foon as might be,
and iffued out his Orders accordingly, hoping in fhort time, (if no other
misfortune intervened) to get a Body of Men together able to reftrain
thoſe of Dublin, from making any great advantage of their late Victory:
But he had been there very few days, when he received fure advertiſe-
Cromwel lands ment, that Cromwel himſelf was landed with a great Army of Horfe and
Foot, and with vaft Supplies of all kinds, at Dublin, where he arriv'd with-
in leſs than a fortnight, viz. on or about the 15th. of August) after the
unfortunate Defeat at Rathmines.
Colonel Jones
by the Lord
Lieutenants
coming to
Trim.
at Dublin,
The Scene being now alter'd, and the War the Lord Lieutenant was
to make could be onely Defenfive, until the Parliamentarians fhould meet
with a Check in fome Enterpriſe; and his own Men by Reft, Difcipline,
and Exerciſe of their Arms, might again recover their Spirits, and for-
get the fears they had contracted of the Enemy. He in the firſt place there-
fore took care to repair the Works and Fortifications of Tredath, as well
as
the Irish Infurrection.
223
as in ſo ſhort a time could be done, and got as much Provifion into the
Town as was poffible; and then with a full approbation of all the Com-
miffioners, he made choice of Sir Arthur Afton, a Roman Catholick, and
a Soldier of very great Experience and Reputation, (one at Reading and
Oxford formerly confided in by his Majefty, a Gentleman of an An-
cient and yet flouriſhing Family in Cheshire) to be Governour thereof,
and
put a Garriſon into it of 2000 Foot, and a good Regiment of Horſe,
all choice Men, and good Soldiers, with very many Gentlemen and
Officers of good Name and Account, and fupplied it with Ammunition
and all other Proviſions, as well as the Governour himſelf defired; and
having done fo, he marched with his Horſe and ſmall remainder of Foot
to Trim, from whence he had fent to the Lord Inchiquin to bring up as
many Men to Tecroghan the Rendezvous as he could out of Munster; now
the apprehenfion of Cromwel's Landing there was over, and endeavour'd
from all parts to recruit his Army, hoping (that before the Parliamen-
tarians could be able to reduce any of his Garrifons) he might be em-
powered to take the Field.
The 24th. of August, 1649. the Commons affembled in Parliament
fet forth a Declaration, declaring all Perfons who had ferved the Parlia-
ment of England in Ireland, and had betrayed their Truft, or adhered to,
or aided and affifted his late Majeſty, or his Son, to be Traitors and Rebels,
and accordingly to be proceeded againſt by a Court-Marſhal; where-
by fome were Sentenc'd, others fent into England, fome Imprifon'd
there, and many disbanded, though they had ferv'd againſt the Rebels
from the firſt Diſcovery.
1649.
Upon Friday the 30th. of Auguft, Cromwel marched out of Dublin,
(having fetled the Affairs of that City, Civil and Military, inftituting
Sir Theophilus Jones Governour in his abfence) with an Army of 9 or
10000 Men, (chofen out of the General Mufter, where appear'd a com-
pleat Body of 15000 Horfe and Foot) came before Tredath, Monday the
2d. of September; of which the Marquefs of Ormond was no fooner ad-
vertiz'd, than he came to Trim, to watch all opportunities to infeft the
Enemies Quarters; and having full confidence in the Town, and in the
Experience of Sir Arthur Afton, (who had fent him ſeveral Advices to
precipitate nothing, for that he doubted not to find Cromwel play a while)
the goodneſs and number of the Garriſon being fuch, that Cromwel would
not be able to get the Town by any Affault: But here again he found
his expectations diſappointed, for the Enemy refolv'd not to loſe their
time in a Siege; and therefore as foon as they had fent their Summons
the 9th. of September, and it was rejected, they made a Breach the next
day with their Cannon, and ftorm'd the Place; and though they were
for fome time ſtoutly refifted, and twice beaten off, yet at the third Onset Crommel gains
(led by Cromwel) they enter'd, and purfu'd their Victory with ſo much Tredath by
cruelty, that they put the whole Garriſon in Arms to the Sword, not
fparing thoſe upon fecond thoughts, to whom (in the heat of the Action )
fome of Cromwel's under-Officers promifed and gave Quarter; a crime,
writes one (then in the Action) themſelves were moft guilty of, they
again refuming Arms when they had engaged to lay them down: So
that, except fome few who (during the time of the Affault) eſcaped
at the other fide of the Town, and others, who mingling with the
Rebels as their own men, diſguiſed themſelves, that they were not
diſcovered, there was not an Officer, Soldier, or Religious Perfon be
longing
Storm, &c.
224
The difmal Effects of
1649. longing to that Garriſon left alive, befides thoſe (after Decimation) ſent
to Barbadoes; and all this within the ſpace of nine days after the Ene-
my appear'd before the Walls; and when very many Royalifts as well
as Irish were glad that they were engaged before the Place, that was
likely to be fo well defended, and to ftop their further progrefs for that
ſeaſon of the ycar.
This indeed was a much greater Blow than that at Rathmines, and
totally deſtroy'd and maſſacred a Body of near 3000 Men, with which,
in reſpect of Experience, and Courage of the Officers, and Goodneſs and
Fidelity of the common Men, the Marquis would have been glad to
have found himſelf engaged in the Field with the Enemy, though upon
fome diſadvantages: And he had not now left with him above co
Horſe and 1500 Foot, whereof fome were of fufpected Faith, and
many
new rais'd men: And though the Lord Inchiquin was ready to march
towards him with a good Party of Horfe and Foot, and the Lord Viſcount
of Ardes with the like of Scots; yet he had neither Money to give them
one days Pay, or Provifion to keep them together for 24 hours: The
Commiffioners were either difperfed, or their Orders for collecting Mo-
ney not executed or regarded; and when in thoſe ſtraits the Lord Lieu-
tenant iffued out Warrants for raifing of Men and Money, they com-
plain'd of the breach of Articles of the Treaty, and talk'd amongſt
themſelves of Treating with the Enemy. That which was moft con-
ciliable, and which all men ſaw was fitteſt to be practiſed, was, to put
all their Men into Garriſons, and thereby fecure the moſt confiderable
Places, and therewithall (Winter now approaching) to have profecuted
their Levies, and by good Diſcipline and Exerciſe of their Men, recover
their Spirits againſt the Spring: But this was not at all in the Marquis's
power to do, he was reftrained by the Articles of the Treaty from ma-
king any new Garriſon, and from changing any old Governours, with-
out the approbation of the Commiffioners; and he and the Commiffio-
ners together had not credit and power enough with the Chief Cities
and Incorporate Towns, which were moft worth keeping, and conſe-
quently moſt like to be attempted by the Rebels, to force or perfwade
them to receive Garriſons. So Wexford, Waterford, Limerick and Gall-
way, the moſt confiderable Ports of the Kingdom, declared, they would
admit of no Soldiers; nor indeed did they further obey any other Or-
ders which were fent to them than they thought fit themſelves. If this fa-
tal distemper and diſcompoſure had not been diſcovered to be amongſt
them, it is not to be believed that Cromwel (what fuccefs foever he had
met with) would have engaged his Army, which with being long at Sea,
change of Air, and long Duty, was much weaken'd, and had contracted
great fickneſſes in the Sieges after the beginning of October; yet being
encourag'd, and, in truth, drawn on by the knowledge of this humour
and obftinacy of the Irish, againſt all Remedies that could preſerve them,
he withdrew his Forces from Tredagh, (having taken in firft Trim, Dun-
dalk, Carlingford, Newry, and other ſmaller Garriſons thereabouts) and
return'd to Dublin, having fent Colonel Venables down with ſome Forces
to oppoſe George Monro, (who had a good Strength with him) and to
relieve London-derry, but was not able to keep the Field: In his March,
he was fet upon in his Quarters by Colonel Trevor, who had
5 or 600
Horſe with him, and gave him a defperate Attack; but the morning
appearing, he was beaten out by Captain Meredith and his Troop, who
· was
the Irish Infurrection.
225
}
his
was appointed by Colonel Venables to charge him; this was upon
march towards Belfast, which was furrendred unto him upon Conditi-
ons from the Scots: And while he was here, he fent out a Party under
Lieutenant Colonel Conally, who was encountred as he march'd to An-
trim by George Monro, and a good ſtrength of Horfe, and routed; Co-
mally was there flain by Colonel John Hamilton. Such are the Difpenfa-
tions of the Almighty, as he did not live to receive the fruit of fo great
ſervice as he had done to that Kingdom, in diſcovering the Plot. Mofes
faw the good Land, but never entred.
1549.
Near Enis-
confy there was
Monaftery of
At Dublin Cromwel refresh'd his Soldiers a few days, and (intending to
fiſh in troubled Waters) refolv'd preſently to appear before Wexford;
which the Marquis of Ormond fufpecting, (upon Cromwel's return from
Tredagh to Dublin) removed his Army from Castle Jordan down towards
the Counties of Wexford and Kilkenny, there not onely to lie fecure till
Owen O Neil's Army fhould come up to him, (according to agreement,
as you ſhall hereafter hear) but alfo ready to be drawn into either
Wexford or Kilkenny, as there fhould be occafion. Cromwel (according
to his reſolution) the 27th. of September, march'd from Dublin; but be-
fore he march'd thence, (or preſently after he Caſhiers the feven old
Regiments which Jones had continued at Dublin, allowing the Colonels
(for a little time) a ſmall Penfion, which he foon took off; though they
were the firſt who to that inftant) had ferv'd against the Rebels. And
then he march'd towards Wexford through the County of Wickloe,
(taking the People into protection, and not fuffering the Soldiers in his
Army to commit any fpoil as he went, but to pay for all Provifions)
in his march he took in ſeveral Caſtles and Garrifons, as Killingkerick,
Arcklo, Little Limerick, Inifcorphen, alias Enifcorvy, Ferns Castle, and
the Fort of Wexford*; and the firſt of October with his Army he fate
down before Wexford, the Inhabitants whereof appear'd willing (under a
Colonel David Synnot their Governour) to make defence, albeit they Franciscans,
had too long neglected the means thereof, and were at laft (when part the approach of
of the Enemies Army was lodged within half-Mufquet-fhot of their the Army,
Walls) contented to receive an affiftance of Men from the Lord Lieute- quitted the
nant, which (upon the firſt intimation) his Excellency haftned to them, Provifions very
of the choiceft of thofe he had left, all Catholicks, (for that was ftill in- confiderable.
fifted upon) under the Command of his Coufin Sir Edmond Butler,
with near 1500 Men) who with fome difficulty pafs'd the River into Cromwel takes
that part of the Town which the Parliaments Army could not infeſt
but he had not been two hours in the Town, before Captain James
Stafford, Governour of the Caftle (whom the Lord Lieutenant would
have remov❜d from that Charge, not as being unfit for it, but becauſe he
was a Catholick, and had exerciſed that Charge during the time that the
Confederates were in Arms againſt the King) gave up that Place to
Cromwel, and took Conditions under him: Cromwel having thus gain'd
the Caſtle, advanc'd his Flag upon the Caftle, and turn'd the Guns
againſt the Town; which the Townfmen perceiving, their hearts fail'd
them, and the Soldiers in confufion quitted the Walls, not expecting
the return of their Commiffioners, who treating with Cromwel, had pro-
cured the fafety of the Inhabitants of the Town, and the prefervation of
it from Plunder, as leave for the Soldiers to depart every one to their
own homes, (they engaging not to bear Arms any more againft the
State of England) and laſtly, of life to the Officers. Yet in great cons
G g
;
ternation
Place, and their
in Wexford.
226
The difmal Effects of
.
1649.
The Lord Lieu-
ties to fight
Cromwel
ſternation (fear having furprized the Townſmen and Soldiers before
their Commiffioners return) they endeavour'd to paſs over the Water
for the ſafety of their lives: Which Cromwel's Soldiers perceiving, about
14. of October, preſently clapt Scaling Ladders to the Walls, and entred
the Town without any refiftance, wherein all found in Arms were put
to the Sword, to the number of 2000, amongſt which was Sir Edmond
Butler, endeavouring (when he diſcovered their Treachery) to eſcape,
was killed, before he had been two hours in that City: Cromwel, in the
interim not lofing 20 men in the whole Siege, though (as you may
fee)
Colonel David Synot, Governour of the Town and Castle of Wexford,
had confidence by the Propofitions he fent, (1.) That the Inhabitants of
the Town fhould exercife without diſturbance) the Roman Catholick Re-
ligion. (2.) Their Religious Orders and Prieſts ſhould enjoy their Mo-
nafteries and Churches. (3.) The Biſhop Nicolus Ferns, and his Succef-
fors fhould have their undiſturb'd Jurifdiction of their Dioceſs. (4.) Their
Officers and Soldiers fhould march out with flying Colours, and the
other punctilio's of Honour. (5.) Whofoever of the Inhabitants here-
after ſhould defire to depart the Town, ſhould have what-ever was theirs
with them. (6.) That all Free-men fhould have their Immunities and
Liberties hitherto enjoyed, they adhering to the State of England.
(7.) None to be diſturb'd in their Poffeffion. (8.) Who-ever after-
wards fhould defire to depart, may have fafe Conduct into England, or
elfe-where. (9.) That all enjoy a full liberty of Free-born English Sub-
jects, in what Port foever they fhould Traffick in England. (10.) That
no memory remain of any Hoftility or diſtance betwixt the Parliament
and thoſe that kept the Town and Caſtle. All which, Cromwel account-
ing impudent, had no effect.
From this Torrent of Succeſs and Corruption, no body will wonder,
That Cromwel march'd thence without control, and took in Rofs, a ſtrong
Town fituate upon the Barrow, and far more confiderable for Navigation
than Wexford, the River admitting a Ship of 7 or 800 Tun to ride by
the Walls; of this Place Major General Lucas Taaff was Governour,
who had with him a ſtrong Garriſon, re-enforced by 1500 Men, even in
the fight of Cromwel's Army, who (when he came before it) to fave
Blood, fent a Summons to the Town; which was anſwer'd fuitable to
his mind by the Governour: but the Great Guns fending in the next
Summons, the Town was furrendred on condition the 19th. of October,
That they within ſhould march away with Bag and Baggage. Capi-
tulating for which, Taaff demanded Liberty of Conſcience for fuch as
fhould ſtay. To which Cromwel repli'd, That he medled not with any
mans Conſcience; but if by Liberty of Confcience was meant a Liberty
to exerciſe the Maſs, he judged it beft to uſe plain dealing, and to let him
know, where the Parliament of England had power, that will not be
allowed.
The Marquis of Ormond, out of a too deep ſenſe of the ſtupidity, nay
tenant fought madneſs and ingratitude of that People, (for whoſe Protection and De:
all opportuni- fence he had embarqu'd himſelf, his Fortunes, and his Honour) and
whoſe jealouſie and fond obftinacy made the work of their own prefer-
vation more difficult and impoffible, than the Power of their Enemy
could do, about this time defired nothing fo much as an opportunity to
fight Cromwel, and either to give fome check to his fwelling Fortune, or
to perish (gloriously) in the action; and to that purpoſe drew all his
Friends
;
the Irish Infurrection.
Friends to him, then about the Graige and Thomastown, with an intention
to fight him, his Excellency's Army being exceedingly increas'd, by the
conjunction of Inchiquin's and Owen Roe's Armies, had he not been divert-
ed by a falfe Alarm of the Enemy's, being gone as far as Bennets-bridge
towards Kilkenny, whereby he was drawn thither for the defence of that
City, otherwiſe he had engaged them before their getting to Car-
rick.
227
1649.
Rofs being now in Cromwel's poffeffion, he caus'd a Bridge of Boats to
be made (under protection of the Town) over the River Barrow, and
the Army to fit down before Duncannon, a ſtrong Fort commanded by
Colonel Wogan; but the Place being fo well provided of all Neceffaries,
it was judged convenient not to loſe time about it. And preſently after
Colonel Abbot reduced Enifteoge (a little wall'd Town, about
5 miles
from Rofs) to the Parliaments obedience. And about the fame time,
Colonel Reynolds, with Troops of Horſe, and 3 of Dragoonsnarch'd
toward Carrick, having divided his Men into two parts; whilft ch: Be- Carrick taken
fieged were amuſed with the one Party, he enter'd a Gate with the other,
taking the Place, and about 100 Priſoners, without the iofs of one Man.
But to look back.
in
The Means the
Lord Lieute-
nant took to
reduce O Neal.
diffent from the
From the time that the Peace was concluded at Kilkenny, the Lord
Lieutenant well difcerned the miſchief he ſhould fuftain, by being to pro-
vide againſt the Attempts of General Owen O Neal, as well as againſt the
English Forces, and that at leaſt he could hope for no affiſtance from the
Scots in Ulfter, as long as they fear'd him. And therefore he fent Daniel
ONeal, Nephew to the General, to perfwade him to be included in the
fame Peace; but he was fo un-fatisfied with the Affembly, that he decla-
red he would have nothing to do with them, or be comprehended in any
Peace they ſhould make: But if the Marquefs would confent to fome
Conditions he propos'd, he would willingly ſubmit to the King's Autho-
rity in him. The Marquefs was content to grant him his own Conditi-
ons, having indeed a great eſteem of his Conduct, and knowing the Army
under his Command to be better difciplined, than any other of the Iriſh.
But the Commiffioners of Truſt would by no means confent to thofe Con- The Commiffi-
ditions, whereby it is evident, (though theſe would be thought to ad- oners of Truſt
here to the Marquefs) that they had alien thoughts to his Majesty's Hap- Lord Lieute-
pineſs, and declared, if the Lord Lieutenant fhould proceed thereupon to nant,
an Agreement, it would be a direct breach of the Articles of Peace. And
thereupon Owen O Neal made that Conjunction with Monk, as is before
ſpoken of, and, about the very time of the Defeat at Rathmines, relieved
Sir Charles Coot in London-derry, and thereby kept the King, from beng
entirely poffeffed of the Province of Ulfter, which, but for that Action,
would have been able to have fent ſtrong Supplies of Men and Proviſions,
to the affiftance of the Marquefs. And it is well known, that while the
Lord Lieutenant was in a hopeful condition to prevail againſt the Parlia-
ment, the Commiffioners of Truft, and the principal Perſons of Intereſt,
had no mind to agree with General O Neal, out of animofity to his Perſon
and Parts, and in confidence that the Work would be done without him :
And others, who were of his Party, had as little mind that he ſhould be
drawn into a Conjunction with the Marquefs, becauſe they knew, if he
was once engaged under him, they ſhould no more be able to feduce him,
to joyn with them in any Actions of Sedition. And upon thefe Reaſons,
the Perſons, who were deputed by the Commiffioners to treat with him,
Gg z
2
and
1
臭
​228
The difmal Effects of
1649. and were known to have an Intereſt in him, on the one fide perfwaded
Owen O Neal, that the Lord Lieutenant had broken the Articles of Peace,
and that he could have no fecurity, that what ſhould be promiſed, ſhould
be performed to him; and on the other fide informed the Marquefs, that
Owen O Neal infifted on fuch extravagant Propofitions, that the Com-
miſſioners of Truſt would never yield to them. But after the Arrival of
Cromwel & his fuccefs againſt Tredagh,the Commiffioners of Truſt thought
it high time to unite to him: And Owen O Neal himſelf diſcerned, how
unfafe he fhould be, by the prevailing of the English Party, who, not-
withſtanding the ſignal Service perform'd by him to them, had publickly
dif-avowed the Agreement which their Officers had made with him. And
thereupon, by the Interpofition of Colonel Daniel O Neal, (at that time
Governour of Trim) all Particulars were agreed betwixt the Lord Lieu-
tenant and him, the 12th. of October, 1649. with the Confent of the
Commiffioners of Truft; the management ofhich was committed to
Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, and Sir Richard arnwel Baronet, autho-
riz'd by the Lord Lieutenant, to conclude with General Owen O Neal, for
whom there was the Biſhop of Clogher, and Tirlagh O Boyle, who agreed
in 18 Articles, about the time Cromwel was before Wexford: Infomuch
that he promiſed to bring his Army within a few days, and joyn with the
Lord Lieutenant, which (though himſelf lived not to accompliſh, dy-
ing at Cloughoter-Caſtle, in the County of Cavan, about the beginning of
December) was fhortly after performed. So that about the time that
Wexford was taken, the Lord Lieutenant was not without hope, by the
advantage of a Pafs,and by cutting off his Provifions, to have made Crom-
wel return to Dublin very hard, without lofing a good part of his Army;
when on a ſudden, and all together, all the confiderable Places in the Pro-
vince of Munſter, as Cork, Toughal, Kinfale, Bandonbridge, Moyallo, and
The Garriſons other Garrifons, revolted to the Parliament, and thereby gave them a
in Munfter re- fafe Retreat, and free Paffage, and neceffary Provifions of all that they
wanted, and Harbours for Ships, to bring all to them that they could
defire.
ONeal dies.
volt to the Par-
liament.
The Revolt of
the Munster
The Lord Inchiquin being ſo totally betrayed by thoſe Officers whom
he truſted moſt, and had moſt obliged, and (that after he had in vain
tryed to reduce them by force) he could not, without much difficulty,
obtain the liberty and re-delivery of his Wife and Children to him, which
when he had procur'd, he fled for ſafety into Thomond, to his Kin-
dred.
This Defection, in fo fatal a Juncture of time, (when the ftraits Crom-
wet was in, by the Winter, and want of Proviſions, had rais'd the Spirits
of all Men, and when they looked upon themſelves, as like to have at
leaſt ſome hopeful Encounter with him) was not a loſs, or a blow, but
Garrifonsbegot a diffolution of the whole Frame of their Hopes and Deſigns, and intro-
a Jealouſie in
duced a Spirit of Jealoufie and Animofity in the Army, which no
Dexterity or Intereſt of the Lord Lieutenant could extinguiſh or al-
lay.
the Irish Army.
From the first hour of the Peace, the English and Irish had not been
without that prejudice towards each other, as gave the Marquefs much
trouble, and they were rather incorporated by their obedience and fubmif-
fion, to the Authority and Pleaſure of their chief Commander, than uni-
ted by the fame Inclinations and Affections, to any publick End. Info-
inuch as before the Defeat at Rathmines, there were many of the Irish,
who
1
+
}
the Irish Infurrection.
who much fear'd the ſwift fuccefs of the Army, and apprehended, the
Lord Lieutenant's ſpeedy reducing of Dublin, would give him fuch Power,
and make him more abfolute, than they defired to ſee him, and therefore
were not ſorry for that Miſchief. On the other fide, the Engliſh were
much troubled, to ſee the Authority and Jurifdiction of the Marquefs fo
reſtrain'd and limited by the Articles, and that the Army was neither re-
cruited, difciplined, nor provided, as it ought to be, folely by his want
of Power; and they had a very low opinion of the Spirit and Courage of
the Irish. But now upon this Defection in Munster, there was a Determi-
nation of all Confidence and Truft in each other; the Irish declaring,
That they fufpected all the English Nation, and made the Treachery of thofe,
who fo infamously had betrayed their Trust, an unreasonable Argument for
jealoufie, of thoſe who remain'd in the Army, who being a handful of gallant
Men, and of most un-fhaken Fidelity to the King, were indeed, in refpect of
their Courage and Experience in the War, the Party to be principally de-
pended upon in any Action or Encounter, and of which the Enemy had only
an apprehenfion.
229
1649.
upon Water-
off to his Win-
ter-Quarters.
Though the Seaſon of the year, for it was now towards the end of No- Cromwelmakes
vember, and the Sickneſs that was in Cromwel's Army, made it high time his Attempt
to betake themſelves to their Winter-Quarters, and fuch was their refolu- ford, but draws
tion; yet hearing of the gaining of Carrick, and of the prefent Diftem-
per amongſt thofe, who had the whole Strength the Lord Lieutenant was
to truſt to, and knowing all the Clergy had the full Dominion, in all in-
corporate Towns and Places of Importance, and would keep the People
from ſubmitting to thofe Expedients, which could only preferve them,he
refolv❜d to make an Attempt (with his Army, confifting of about 2000
Horſe and 5000 Foot) upon Waterford, hoping to reduce that impor-
tant Place, before the Army fhould draw into Winter-Quarters, know-
ing well enough, that the Marquefs could not keep the fmall Body he had
together, many days, which was true: For he, having not Money to
give them half a Weeks Pay, or Proviſion to ſerve half fo long, was com-
pelled to fuffer part of them, viz. the Scots, to go to their Quarters;
who, upon the Plains of Lifnegarvy, (being joyn'd with Sir George Monro,
to relieve Carickfergus) were, upon the 6th. of December, met with by
Sir Charles Coot, who gave them fuch a blow, as they were afterwards ne-
ver able to make head in Ulfter. However, the Marquefs was refolv'd
not to leave Waterford to the Enemy, though the Inhabitants had fo ob-
ftinately and difobediently refuſed to receive a Garrifon, which would
have prevented their prefent preffures; whereas they were now clofely
befieged to their Walls, on all that fide of the Town which lay to Mun-
fter; the other being open, and to be reliev'd by the River Sure, which
there ſevers Leimfter and Munster, and waſheth the Walls of the Town on
that fide. The Inhabitants feeing Deſtruction at their Door, abated fo
much of their former Madneſs, as to be willing to receive a Supply of
Souldiers; yet under a condition, that they might be all of the old Irish
of Ulster, who (under the Command of Owen O Neal) had long op-
pos'd the King's Authority, and were now newly joyn'd with the Mar-
quefs, and in exprefs terms refuſed any of their Neighbours and Kindred,
the Confederate Irish Catholicks of Munſter or Leimfter, to the great
of
fence and ſcandal of that Part of the Nation, which had been as zealous
for their Religion as any. However, fince there was no other way to
preſerve them, the Lord Lieutenant was content to comply even with
that
230
The difmal Effects of
1649.
Cromwel draws
off from Wa-
terford,goes to
Dungarvan.
Colonel Jones
dies about the
18th.of Decem.
し
​that Humour; and ſo chooſing a ſtrong Party of near 1500 Men, and
putting them under the Command of Lieutenant General Farral, who
was the moſt acceptable to them, his Excellency himſelf march'd with
them, and put them into the Town; which he had no fooner done, than
Cromwel thought it convenient to raiſe his Siege, (having taken in Paf-
Sage-Fort, within 2 miles of Waterford) and march'd to Dungarvan, de-
livered up the 3d. of December, where he found the Lord Broghal, who
partly by his own Intereft, and the dif-affection in the Souldiers to the
Lord Inchiquin had gotten in all the Towns in Munster, that had for-
merly been under the Parliament: A Service moft confiderable, and fuch
as was of very great advantage to Cromwel, who was now in great ftraits.
where to take up his Winter-Quarters, for his fick and diftreffed Regi-
ments, his Army, partly by fickneſs, partly by leaving Garriſons in the
ſeveral Places he had taken in, being fo much weakned and impair'd, ſo
as he brought not, of all the Men he carried over with him, above 5000
Horſe and Foot to Dungarvan; where Colonel Jones, who fickned in
his way thither, died,about the 18th. of December, 1649. of a Purple Fe-
ver; a Perfon certainly of much Gallantry, and one in the Diſcipline of
the Army whereof he was Lieutenant General) very exact, carrying
his Victories oftner more by the dint of his Sword, than the number of
his Men: And though he paffes not, in the Hiftory of our Age, without
fome Reflections, as too obftinately adhering to Cromwel, whom he
us'd to call, Companion in Labours, yet thofe who were intimate with
him, had that certainty of his Worth, as nothing ſo much ſteer'd him in
the Service of Ireland, as a juft Reflection on the Murthers and Infolencies
committed by the Irish on the Proteſtants, not otherwiſe to be pacified,
than by a due Revenge: And had he furviv'd this Service, it is confidently
believ'd, Cromwel (how well foever he ſpoke of him) would have found
ſome Expedient to have laid him afide. Cromwel having thus gain'd Dun-
garvan, Thortly after betook himſelf to his Winter-Quarters, garrifoning
at Bandonbridge, Colonel Ewer, and his Regiment; at Kinfale, Colonel
Stabber; at Cork, Colonel Phaier; and Colonel Cook at Wexford; and
Toughal, and other adjacent Places, was affign'd the head-Quarters.
Whilft the Marquefs of Ormond, (fenfible of what might be the product
of ſo un-controul'd a Succeſs, having left Waterford, in his thoughts full
of the fence of the late benefit and prefervation, which, by his vigilance,
that City had receiv'd) in December, (a feafon much colder than ufually
had been obferv'd in that Countrey) caft all ways imaginable to hinder
the Enemy's future Attempt upon that Place, and to reduce Paffage,Wex-
ford, and other Places, weakly mann'd and provided by Cromwel. And
TheLord Lieu accordingly he drew his Forces together, and, leaving them on the other
tenant'sEndea- fide of the River Sure, himſelf with a Train only of 40 or 50 Horfe,con-
vour to impede fiſting of his Friends and Servants, went into the Town, prefuming he
ſhould be able to perfwade them to fubmit to joyn, in whatſoever fhould
manifeftly appear for their own benefit or advantage. When he came
into the Town, he found Lieutenant General Farral engaged in a Defign
to take Paffage, a Place ſeized on by Cromwel, when he had retir'd from
Waterford, and which was an in-convenient Neighbour to that City.
Colonel Wogan (who had been ſeaſonably fent by the Marquefs into Dun-
cannon, even when the firſt Governour placed thereby the Confederate
Catholicks, was ready to deliver it up to the Enemy, and who had with
notable courage defended it againſt Cromwel, and in the end, after the
Cromwel.
lofs
the Irish Infurrection.
231
loſs of a great number of his Men, compell'd him to retire) had agreed
to meet Lieutenant General Farral, Commander of the Ulster Forces, at
a Place and Houſe appointed, and together to fall on Paſſage. Though
the Marqueſs had not been informed of the contrivance of the Defign, yet
he knew well enough, what interpretation would be made of his Inter-
pofition, or Command, or Warinefs, fhould he declare againſt it, there-
fore he was very willing it fhould proceed: The Matter was well laid,
and carried with fecrecy, being hopeful enough. Lieutenant General
Farral had not been march'd from the Town many hours, when the Mar-
quefs diſcovered (from fome Place of profpect in the Town) a ſtrong
Party of Horſe, marching in good order, the way that led to Paffage,
which belonging to the Enemy, made him conclude, that they had no-
tice of the Defign. Whereupon he prefently fent for the Maior of the
Town, and fhewing him the in-evitable danger their whole Party was
1649.
TheLord Lieu-
tenant's gallant
lieve the Party
that went to
Attempt to re-
take in Paffage,
(which was the only Srength against any Enterprize of the Enemy)
if they were not inftantly reliev'd, required him preſently to fend fome
Body over the Water, for the tranſporting (from the other fide of the
River) of a Regiment or two of Horſe, with which he would himſelf
endeavour to reſcue them. How apparent foever the danger and mifchief
was, and how viſible and natural foever the remedy, all the Commands
and Entreaties he could uſe, could not prevail to get one Body, or their
Confent, that any of his Horſe ſhould be fuffered to march through the
Town, without which they could not go to their Relief. When he had
in vain tryed all the means he could invent, to convince and perfwade
them to fo natural an Action, he cauſed all his Friends and Servants afore-
mention'd, to mount their Horſes, and with all imaginable haſte himſelf
led them towards Paffage, that he might at leaſt diſcover (though he was
not like to prevent) the lofs that was to enfue. When he came within
fight of the Town, he could difcern a Party of Foot, marching in great
haſte and diſorder towards him, being purſued by the Enemy's Horſe,
who had even over-taken them, having fallen upon the remainder, and
either killed them upon the Place, or taken them Prifoners. Though the
company which attended the Marquefs, was too few to encounter the
Enemy's Horſe, with any confiderable hope, yet he drew them up in that
manner, on the fide of an Hill, that the Enemy imagining their number
to be more confiderable, thought fit to leffen their pace, and to fend fmall
Parties to diſcover them; which being again entertain'd by the like num-
ber in like skirmishes, the Foot as much improving their March, they
were in the end (by the Marquefs's frequent oppofing of his own Perfon,
to retard the Enemy's purfuit) preferv'd; and fo brought back with him
into the Town, about half of thoſe who had march'd thence, (the reſt
being killed or taken Priſoners by Colonel Zanckey) which alſo had been
infallibly deſtroyed, if the Marquefs had not taken that defperate courſe to
redeem them, as he might in hope have recovered all the others, who
were made Priſoners, and defeated all that Body of the Enemy, and con-
ſequently have taken Paffage, if the City would have permitted his Horfe
to have been tranfported over the River, and to have march'd through it. TheLord Lieu-
His Excellency's Forces had not better fucceſs in their Attempt to re-take tenant difap-
Carrick, (governed by Colonel Reynolds) meerly through the want of pointed in re-
Pick-axes and Spades, though his confidence of the Defign, (built on the rick, and good
brittle affurance of his Commanders) had brought him almoſt thither, Service done b
where (if it had not been for Colonel Milo Power, who acquainted him Power.
of
taking of Car-
Colonel Milo
by
232
The difmal Effects of
The Treachery
against the
Lord Lieute-
nant.
1649. of his Armies being baffled, and of its removal thence) he had been ſur-
prized by the Enemy. And the Lord Inchiquin's, Lieutenant Colonel
Trevor's, Sir Thomas Armstrong's Expeditions againſt Wexford and Rofs,
ended in the like lofs and misfortune. The Marquefs however leaves no-
thing un-attempted to fortifie Waterford, what dif-couragements foever
he had received by the Infolency of fome Men, inftigated by the Violence
and Opiniaftrife of the Clergy; In as much as he knew, Paffage or the
other Places could not be regain'd, without he might bring his Army
over the River, which they would not admit of, nay! defiring that his
Army might for a little time be but hutted under their Walls, where
they ſhould receive their Provifions and Pay, duely out of the Coun-
trey, and fo fhould be a Security and Benefit to the Town, without the
leaft damage in any Degree. This Propofition alſo found no more re-
gard then the former, and inftead of confulting, with what Circum-
ftances to comply with fo juit and neceffary a Demand of the Kings
of Waterford Lieutenant, it was propofed in the Council of the Town, To feize on his
Perfon, and to fall on all who belonged to him, as an Enemy; Which Advice
met with no other Reprehenfion, then that for the prefent, the major
part did not confent unto it. Of all which, when the Marquefs was
fully informed, he thought it time to depart thence, and to leave them
to their own Imaginations; and ſo marched away with his Army, which
after this Indignity, it was a thing impoffible to keep them together;
And (becauſe the Principal Towns refuſed to admit them in) he was
fain in the depth of Winter, to fcatter them over all the Kingdom. The
greateſt part of the Ulster Forces were fent into their own Province, there
to chufe a new General, according as their Conditions allowed them;
for Owen O Neal was dead; And Luke Taaff with his Men, were ſent
back into Connaght, to my Lord of Clanrickard; The Lord Inchequin,
with the remainder of fuch as belonged unto him, went over into the
County of Clare; The Lord Dillon, with his, into Meath, and towards
Athlone; all the reſt were ſcattered ſeveral ways; Onely Major General
Hugh O Neal, was admitted with 1600 Ulfter Men into Clonmel, as Go-
His Account of vernor, whilft the Marquefs went to his Caſtle of Kilkenny; From
thence he diſpatch'd the 24th. of December, an Account to the King,
(who was then in the Iſle of Jersey) of the true Eſtate of his Affairs
in that Kingdom; By which his Majefty might fee, how much Cromwel's
Forces, who difclaimed any Subjection to him, prevail'd againſt his Au-
thority; And how it was equally contemned, deluded, or dif-regarded by
his Subjects, who made all the Profeffions of Obedience and Duty to him;
which was a Method, thefe ill times had made his Majeſty too well ac-
quainted with. And from this time, which was towards the end of De-
cember, 1649. the Marquefs never did, or could draw together into one
Body, a number of 500. what endeavours he uſed to do it, will be
mention'd in order hereafter.
the State of
Ireland to the
King.
Affoon as the Lord Lieutenant came to Kilkenny, he confulted with the
Commiffioners of Truſt, without whofe approbation and confent he could
do no act, that was of importance; what remedy to apply to the diſorder
and confufion,which ſpread it felf over all their Affairs; they had been ſtill
Witneſſes of all his actions, of his unwearied pains and induſtry, and of
the little fruit that was reaped by it; how his Orders and Commands,
and their own, had been neglected and dif-obeyed in all thofe Particulars,
without which, an Army could not be brought or kept together; how
thoſe
the Irish Infurrection.
233
1543.
the Fomentors
certs againit
the Lord Lieu-
of all muf-cori-
thofe places which the Rebels had poffeffed themſelves of, had been for
the most part loft by their own obftinate refufal, to receive fuch affiftance
from him, as was abfolutely neceffary for their prefervation; and yet
that they had rais'd moft unreaſonable Imputations and Reproaches on
him, as if he had fail'd in their Defence and Relief. They had feen the
wonderful, and even infupportable wants and neceffities the Army had
always undergone; and knew very well how all Warrants had been dif-
obeyed for the bringing in of Money and Provifions, for the fupply
thereof. And yet their Countrey was full of clamour and difcontent, for
the payment of Taxes, and being exhaufted with Contribution; He de-
fired them therefore, to examine where any mif-demeanors had in truth
been, and that they might be punished; and from whence the Scandal
and Calumnies proceeded, that the minds of the People might be in-
formed and compofed. The Commiffioners for the moſt part had dif-
charged the Truit repofed in them; yet there were fome amongst them,
(too able and dexterous in Buſineſs) who alway malign'd the Perfon of
the Marquefs, or rather his Religion, and the Authority he reprefented;
And what profeflions foever, they made of refpect to him, ftill main-
tain'd a clofe Intelligence and Correfpondence with thofe of the Clergy, The Clergy,
who were the moft-dif-affected to his Majefties Intereft; and who from the
misfortune at Rathmines, had under-hand fomented and cherifh'd all the
ill humours and jealoufies of the People. The Commiflioners advised
the Marquefs, as the beſt expedient to fatisfie the Countrey; that Or-
ders might be fent to them, to elect fome few Perfons amongst them-
felves, to fend to Kilkenny, as Agents, to reprefent thofe Grievances which
were moſt heavy upon them, and to offer any defires which might
promote their fecurity, alledging, that they could by this means be clear-
ly inform'd, how groundiefs thofe jealoufies were, and the Artifices dersonely) met
would be difcover'd, which had been used to corrupt their affections: at Kilkenny.
though the Marquess well faw how tedious and inconvenient this courfe
might prove, and rather advance all the fcandalous and feditious Defigns,
then fupprefs them; Yet he fore-faw as well, that if it were declin'd by
him, he thould be un-avoidably reproach'd, with not being willing to
be informed of the juft Grievances of the People, and confequently not
to remedy them; And therefore without giving countenance to any fuch
irregular Convention, by any formal fummons of his own, he gave way
that the Commiffioners fhould write their Letters to that purpoſe, and
accordingly the Agents did come thither from the feveral Countreys,
to communicate and prefent their Complaints and Defires together, in
January following; And the Lord Lieutenant received them with good
Countenance, and wished them freely to confult together as foon as they
could, to prefent whatfomever they had to fay to him; to which, they
ſhould be fure to receive a ſpeedy Anſwer.
About which time, Colonel Barry (who through the whole Scene had
been intruſted by the Supream Council, to negotiate with the King, and
was not ill thought of by the Marquefs of Ormond) had then licence
from Cromwel, to vifit his Wife and Family at Caſtlelions, under the
Parliaments obedience, where he tranfacted (through the Mediation
of a noble Perfon) many Concerns, to the compofing of Differencies
with the greateſt; though what tended to an Agreement with Inchequin,
would never in the leaft be indulged; and the reft then ſpoke of had a
fate, not feaſonably to be compofed.
Hh
Ia
tenant.
His defire to
clear their fuf-
picions, being
(by their Or-
234
The difmal Effects of
M
1649.
The Clergies
Affembly at
whence they
intitle their
Merits.
In the mean time, the Bishops and Clergy of themſelves, and without
any Authority, received or defired from the Lord Lieutenant, Affembled
at Cloanmacnoife, upon the River Shannon, upon whofe Councils and Con-
clufions, all mens eyes were more fixed, then upon what the Agents
Cloanmacnoife, fhould reprefent at Kilkenny; it being very evident, that many of the
Catholick Noblity of the Kingdom, and fome principal Perfons of Qua-
lity and Intereſt, formally concurred with the Marquefs; And the Com-
miflioners of Truſt, were for the moſt part, as zealous for the execution
and obſervation of the Articles of Peace, and that the fame might be
rendred uſeful to the Nation: Yet the Clergy and Religious Perfons,
had found means to obftruct that Union, which was neceflary for the
carrying on the Work; and efpecially had that influence upon the Cor-
porate Towns, that no Garrifons would be admitted therein, or fuch Sub-
miffion paid to the Lord Lieutenant, or the Commiffioners Orders,as were
effential to their own defence, and to the making War againſt the Enemy;
So that all men were in fufpence, what would be the iffue of that Meet-
ing. And it cannot be denied, but that thofe Biſhops, and that part of the
Clergy which were best affected, and knew the ways which were moſt
conducing to the happinefs of their Countrey, prevail'd fo far, that the
Conclufions which were made there, feem'd full of reſpect for the Kings
Service, and wholfom Advice and Council to the People; They declared
how vain a thing it was, to imagine that there would be any fecurity for
the exerciſe of their Religion, for the enjoying of their Fortunes, or for
the prefervation of their Lives, by any Treaty with, or Promife from the
Parliament. That they abhorred all factious Animofities, and Divifions,
which raged amongst themſelves, to the hindrance of the Publick Service
And therefore enjoyn'd all the Clergy, of what Quality foever, and Eccle-
fiaftical Perfons, by Preaching, and all other means, to incline the People
unto an union of Affection; and to the laying afide of all jealousies of each
other, and unanimously to concur in oppofing the Common Enemy; And ap-
pointed the Bishops and other Perfons, to proceed with greater feverity
against thofe Religious and Spiritual Perfons, who should under-band
cherish and foment thofe Jealoufies and Divifions. In a word, they faid
fo much, and fo well, that when the Lord Lieutenant was informed of
it, and when he faw the Extract of their Determinations, he conceiv'd
ſome hope, that it might indeed make good Impreffion on the People, and
produce a very good effect: The Particulars of which here follows.
;
The
the Irish Infurrection.
235
1
The Copies of Acts and Declarations, by the Eccle-
fiaftical Congregation of the Archbifbops, Bishops,
and other Prelates, met at Clonmacnoife, the
fourth day of December, 1649. And fince
Concluded.
By the Ecclefiaftical Congregation of the Archbishops,
Biſhops, and other Prelates.
W
Hereas heretofore many of the Clergy and Laity, did in their
actions and proceedings, exprefs much difcontents and divifions of
mind, grounding the fame on the late difference of Opinion, happened a
mongst the Prelates and the Laity; by which the Nation was not fo well unit-
ed, as was neceſſary in this time of great danger, wherein all, as with one
heart and hand, ought to oppose the Common Enemy. We the Archbishops,
Biſhops, and Prelates of this Kingdom, met motu proprio, at Clonmack-
nofe 4. Decembris, 1649. having removed all differences among us, (not
entring into the merits of diverfities of former Opinions) thought good for re-
moving of all jealoufies from our own thoughts, hearts, and refolutions; and
from others, who had relation, or were adherent to the former diverfity of
Opinions, to manifeft hereby to all the World, that the Said Divifions and
Fealoufies grounded thereupon, are now forgotten, and forgiven among us
on all fides, as aforesaid. And that all and every of us, of the above
Archbishops, Bishops, and Prelates, are now, by the blessing of God, as
one body united, And that we will, as becometh charity and our Pafto
ral charge, ſtand all of us as one intire Body, for the Interest and Im-
munities of the Church, and of every the Prelates and Biſhops thereof;
and for the Honour, Dignity, Eſtate, Right, and Poffeffion, of all and
every the faid Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates. And we will
as one intire and united Body, forward by our Councils, Actions, and Des
vices, the advancement of his Majefties Rights, and the good of this Na-
tion in general and in particular occafions, to our Power; and that none
of us in any occafion whatsoever, concerning the Catholick Religion, or the
good of this Kingdom of Ireland, will in any respect fingle himſelf, or be,
or ſeem oppofite to the rest of us, but will hold firm and intire in one fence
as aforefaid; hereby detefting the actions, thoughts, and diſcourſes of any,
that shall renew the least memory of the differences paft, or give any ground
of future difference among us, And do in the Name of Jefus Chrift, exhort
all our flock to the like brotherly affection and union, and to the like de-
testation of all past differences or jealoufies as aforefaid, arifing hitherto
among them. And we defire that this our Declaration be Printed, and
Published in each Parish, by Command of the respective Ordinaries. Ut
Hh 2
videant
1649.
}
236
The difmal Effects of
**
1649. videant opera veftra bona, & glorificent Patrem veftrum qui in Cœlis
est.
Datum apud Clonmacnofe, 13. Decem. 1649.
Signed by,
Hugo Ardmachanys, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Casfhel, Joan.
Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetius Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinenfis &
Procurator Waterfordienfis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagienfis &
Cluanenfis, Nicholaus Fernenfis, Edmundus Limericenfis, & Procura-
rator Epiſcopi, Offorienfis, Francifcus, Aladenfis, Andræus Finiborenfis,
Joan. Laonenfis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorenfis, Fr. Antonius Clonmacno-
fenfis, Fr. Hugo Duacenfis, Fr. Arthur Dunenfis, & Connerenfis, Fr.
Terentius Imolacenfis, Fr. Patr. Ardagh, Oliverius, Deis Procurator
Epifco. Medenfis, Dr. Joa. Huffey Procurator Epifco. Ardfertenfis,
Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Clery Epifcop.
Rapo. Procurator, Fr. Gregorius o Ferraile Provin. Ordinis Prædica
torum Provin. Hiber. Fr. Thomas Mackeyernane Provin. Fratrum Mi-
norum Provin. Hiber.
Walterus Clonfortenfis Congregationis Secretar.
By the Ecclefiaftical Congregation of
the Kingdom of Ireland.
WE
E the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, and Prelates
of the Kingdom of Ireland, having met at Clonmacnoſe propria
Motu, the fourth day of December, in the year of our Lord God, 1649.
to confider of the best means to unite our Flocks, for averting Gods wrath
fallen on this Nation, now bleeding under the evils that Famine, Plague,
and War, bring after them, for effecting a prefent Union, Decreed the
enfuing Acts.
1. We Order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That all Arch-
bishops, Biſhops, and other Ordinaries, within their respective Dioceffes,
fhall enjoyn Publick Prayers, Fafting, General-Confeffion, and Receiving,
and other works of Piety, toties quoties, to withdraw from this Nation
Gods Anger, and to render them capable of his Mercies.
2. We order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That a De-
claration iſſue from us, letting the People know, how vain it is for them to
expect from the Common Enemy commanded by Cromwel, by Authority
from the Rebels of England, any affurance of their Religion, Lives, or
Fortunes.
3. We Order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That all
Paftors and Preachers, be enjoyned to Preach amity. And for inducing
the People thereunto, to declare unto them the abfolute necefity that is for
the fame, and as the chief means to preferve the Nation, against the ex-
tirpation and destruction of their Religion and Fortunes, refolved on by the
Enemy. And we hereby, do manifeft our deteftation, against all fuch Di-
vifions between either Provinces or Families: or between old English,
and
1
A
the Irish Infurrection.
237
And 1649.
and old Irish, or any the English or Scots adhering to his Majesty. And
we Decree and Order, that all Ecclefiaftical Perfons, fomenting fuch Dif
fentions, or un-natural Divifions, be punished by their respective Prelates,
and Superiors, Juxta gravitatem exceffus, & fi opus fuerit) fufpendan-
tur beneficiali & Paltores à beneficio & officio ad certum tempus, Re-
ligiofi autem à Divinis juxto circumftantias delicti. Leaving the
Laity offending in this kind, to be corrected by the Civil Magistrate, by
Imprisonment, Fine, Banishment, or otherwife, as to them ſhall ſeem bejt,
for plucking by the root fo odious a Crime; The Execution whereof, we most
earnestly recommend to all thofe having Power, and that are concerned
therein, as they will answer to God for the evils that thereout may enfue.
4. We Decree and Declare Excommunicated, thofe High-way Robbers;
commonly called the Idle-Boys, that take away the Goods of honest men,
or force men to pay them Contribution; and we likewife declare Excommu-
nicated all fuch as fuccour or harbour them, or bestow, or fell them any
Vidualing, or buy Cattle, or any other thing else from them wittingly;
Likewife all Ecclefiaftical Perfons, Miniftring Sacraments to fuch Robbers,
or Idle-Boys; or burying them in Holy Grave, to be fufpended ab officia
& beneficio, fi quod habent, by their respective Superiors, juxta gravita-
tem delicti. This our Decree is to oblige within fifteen days after the
Publication thereof, in the refpective Dioceffes.
Signed by,
Hugo Ardmachanus, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Casfhel, Joan.
Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetius Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinenfis &
Procurator Waterfordienfis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagienfis &
Cluanenfis, Nicholaus Fernenfis, Edmundus Limericenfis, & Procurator
Epifcopi Offorienfis, Francifcus Aladenfis, Andreas Finiborenfis, Joan.
Laonenfis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorenfis, Fr. Antonius Clonmachoſenſis,
Fr. Hugo Duacenfis, Fr. Arthurus Dunenfis, & Connerenfis, Fr. Teren-
tius Imolacenfis, Fr. Patric. Ardagh, Oliverius Deis Procurator
Epifco. Medenfis, Dr. Joannes Huffey Procurator Epifcop. Ardferten-
fis, Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Clery Epifcop.
Rapo. Procurator.
Walterus Clonfortenfis Congregationis Secretar.
A
By the Ecclefiaftical Congregation of
the Kingdom of Ireland.
WE
E the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, and Prelates
of this Kingdom of Ireland, having met at Clonmacnofe propria
Motu, on the fourth day of December, in the year of our Lord God,
1649. taking into our confideration, among other the Affairs then agitated
and determinated for the prefervation of the Kingdom, that many of our
Flock are miſlead by a vain opinion of Hopes, that the Commander in
Chief of the Rebels Forces, commonly called, the Parliamentaries, would
afford them good Conditions, and that relying thereon, they ſuffer_utter
deftruction of Religion, Lives, and Fortunes, if not prevented. To uns
deceivs
1
238
The difmal Effects of
1649.
deceive them in that their ungrounded expectation, We do hereby Declare
as a most certain Truth, that the Enemies Refolution is, to extirpate the Ca-
tholick Religion, out of all his Majefties Dominions, as by their feveral
Covenants doth appear, and the Practice where-ever their Power doth ex-
tend, as is manifested by Cromwel's Letter of the 19th. of Octob. 1649.
to the then Governor of Rofs. His words are: For that which you men-
tion concerning Liberty of Religion, I meddle not with any man's
Conſcience, but if by Liberty of Conſcience, you mean a Liberty to ex-
erciſe the Maſs, I judge it beft to ufe plain dealing, and to let you know,
where the Parliament of England have Power, that will not be allowed
of. This Tyrannical Refolution they have put in execution in Wexford,
Drogheda, Rofs, and elſewhere. And it is notoriously known, that by
Acts of Parliament, called, The Acts of Subfcription, the Eftates of the
Inhabitants of this Kingdom are fold, fo as there remaineth now no more,
to put the Purchaſers in poſſeſſion, by the power of Forces drawn out of
England. And for the common fort of People, towards whom if they
Shew any more moderate ufage at the prefent, it is to no other end but for
their private advantage, and for the better fupport of their Army, in-
tending at the close of their Conquest (if they can effect the fame as God
forbid to root out the Commons also, and plant this Land with Colonies
to be brought hither out of England, as witness the number they have
already fent hence for the Tobacco Island, and put Enemies in their places.
but
And in effect this banishment, or other deftructions of the common People,
must follow the Refolution of extirpating the Catholick Religion, which is
not to be effected, without the Maffacring or Baniſhment of the Catholick
Inhabitants.
We cannot therefore in our Duty to God, and in difcharge of the Care
we are obliged to have, for the prefervation of our Flocks, but admgniſh
them, not to delude and lofe themfelves with the vain expectation of Con-
ditions to be had from that merciless Enemy. And confequently we beseech
the Gentry, and Inhabitants, for Gods glory, and their own fafety, to the
uttermost of their Power, to Contribute with patience, to the Support of
the War against that Enemy, in hope that by the bleffing of God, they may
be rescued from the threatned Evils, and in time be permitted to ferve
God in their Native Countrey, and enjoy their Eſtates, and fruits of their
Labours, free from fuch heavy Levies, or any other fuch Taxes, as they
bear at prefent: Admonishing alſo, thoſe that are in-lifted of the Army,
to profecute constantly according to each mans charge, the Trust repofed in
them, the oppofition of the Common Enemy, in fo just a War, as is that
they have undertaken for their Religion, King, and Countrey, as they
expect the blessing of God to fall on their Actions. And that to avoid
Gods heavy judgment, and the indignation of their Native Countrey, they
neither plunder nor opprefs the People, nor fuffer any under their charge,
to commit any extortion or oppreffion, fo far as fhall lye in their power to
prevent.
Signed by,
Hugo Ardmachanus, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Casfhel, Joan.
Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetios Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinenfis &
Procurator Waterfordienfis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagienfis
& Cluanenfis, Nicclaus Fernenfis, Edmundus Limericenfis, & Procu
rator Epifcopi Offorienfis, Francifcus Aladenfis, Andreas Finibo-
renfis,
the Irish Infurrection.
239
1
renfis, Joan. Laonenfis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorenfis, Fr. Antonius Clon-
macnofenfis, Fr. Hugo Duacenfis, Fr. Arthurus Dunenfis, & Conne-
renfis, Fr. Terentius Imolacenfis, Fr. Patric. Ardagh, Oliverus Deis
Procurator Epifco. Medenfis, Dr. Joannes Huffey Procurator Epifco.
Ardtertenfis, Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Ĉlery
Epifcop. Rapo. Procurator.
Walterus Clontfertenfis Congregations Secretar.
1649.
But the People weary of the War, the Plague encreafing, and ill pro-
vided to endure thofe Extreamities, Cromwel forced daily upon them, they
flocked from all Places unto him, and liv'd under Contribution, whilft the
Marquess of Ormond finding it in vain, to qualifie the Diſcontents at Kil-
kenny, went about the end of Christmas to the Marquefs of Clanrickards,
in Connaght, who confulting together, found nothing effectual to compof:
the differences, the Clergy ftill irritated amongst them; whereupon his
Excellency returned to Kilkenny, where the Agents ſpent fome time in
preparing Heads of fuch Grievances, as they thought fit to prefent to
the Lord Lieutenant, who called ftill upon them to difpatch; But up-
on Conference with the graveft of the Commiflioners they found
how groundleſs all thofe Slanders were, which they had believ'd before
they came thither, and fo could not agree of any Particular to complain
of; Befides they met with fome Difturbance there, for Cromwel (well
knowing how the Marquefs's fmall Forces were fcattered abroad
march'd with a ſtrong Party towards that Town; with which the Agents
were fo alarm'd, that they would ftay no longer there, but defired the
Marquefs of Ormond to let them adjourn to Juni, in the County of Clare, The Deputies
which they did; and though they met there, yet they never agreed of of the Coun-
any draught of Grievances to be prefented, though they made ill uſe of
their Meeeting, to propagate the Scandals and Imputations which had
been groundleſsly rais'd,and to inflame the People with the fame untruths;
Notwithſtanding this Alarm and Danger the Lord Lieutenants Perfon,
and the City were really in, all the Power and Authority he had, could
not in ten days draw 500 Men together, to refift the Enemy; How-
ever the Townſmen appeared ready, and prepared for their defence, and
the Marquefs putting all his own Friends and Servants on Horfeback,
with which (making a Troop of about 100) he look'd with fo good
a Countenance upon the Enemy, that he retir'd; And fhortly after the
Lord Lieutenant committed the Charge of the Place, and the Countrey
adjacent, to the Earl of Castlehaven; and went himſelf upon a more
important Buſineſs to Limerick.
tics adjourn
to Juni
Cromwel having continued in his Winter Quarters in Munster fcarce
two months) finding the Weather prove very favourable in the end of
February, his Soldiers much recovered from the Diftempers, which the
change of Air had cauſed in them at their first coming over, marched out
with a Body of 3000 Horfe and Foot, and (having receiv'd all neceffary
Supplies from England) divided his Forces into two Parties, the one he
led, the other was committed to Ireton's care, who march'd away to
Carrick, there to re-inforce himſelf by the conjunction of Colonel Rey- 1650:
nolds. Thefe Forces were to march into the Enemies Quarters two fe-
veral ways, (the better to amufe the Enemy) and to meet together at a
Rendezvous,
C
240
The difmal Effects of
7
1650. Rendezvous near Kilkenny. Cromwel in his March took in Cahir-Castle,
Kiltenan, Goldenbridge, Clogheen, and Roghil Caftles, and feating him-
felf before Callan, joyn'd with the other part of the Army under
Ireton, enforced by the addition of the Forces under Colonel Reynolds
and Colonel Zanckey, which, in their way, had took in Arkenon, Dun-
drum, Knočtover, Bullinard, and other Cattles. The Forces being joyn'd,
Callan, Cafhel, Featherd, Graige, and St. Thomastown, with the Ca-
files and Garrisons thereabouts, were eafily fubdued: And Cromwel re-
folving to befiege Kilkenny, knowing it was ftrong) fent for Hufon
| Governour of Dublin to march ſpeedily to him with all the Forces he
could conveniently draw together; which he did, and (by the way ta-
king in Ballifannon, Kildare, Leighlin, and other Places joyns with
Cromwel's Army near Goram, which was preſently taken: From hence
Cromwel with his Army, confifting of 16000 Foot and 6000 Horſe,
marches againſt Kilkenny; upon whofe approach, the General Affembly
fled to Athlon, and from whence the Earl of Castlehaven was drawn
out with his Forces, by reafon the Sickneſs raged fo, having left Sir Wal-
thar Butler and Major Walsh, with about 50 Horfe and 4co Foot to de-
fend the Place; where a Breach being made, and affaulted by Cromwel's
Soldiers, they were beaten back with the lofs of fome Men, and about
6c0 Arms; though he had it ſurrendred to him fhortly after upon theſe
terms: 1. To deliver up the City and Caftle to him, (viz. Cromwel with
all the Arms, Ammunition, and publick Store. 2. That the Inhabi-
tants fhould be protected in their Perfons, Goods, and Eſtates, from the
violence of the Soldiery, and they that would remove, to have three
months after the date of the Articles. 3. That the Governours, Officers,
and Soldiers might march away with their Bag and Baggage. 4. That the
City fhould pay 2000 pounds to Cromwel. From hence Cromwel having
well refresh'd his Army after the Siege of Kilkenny) approaches Clonmel,
Garriſon'd by 2000 Foot and 120 Horfe, under the Command of Hugh
O Neal, who behav'd himſelf ſo difcreetly and gallantly in its defence,
that Cromwel loft near 2500 men before it, and had gone away without
it, had not the Powder been ſpent, which forced the Governour and Sol-
.diers in the night to forfake the Town, and go to Waterford, leaving the
Townimen to make Conditions for themſelves; which they did, as to
the fafeguard of their Lives and Eſtates. Whilft theſe things were
agitating, the Lord Lieutenant, the Marquis of Clanrickard, Castlehaven,
and the Bishop of Clougher, held a Council at Baltimore in Weft-Meath,
to confult the fecurity of the Nation; which Cromwel hearing of, fent
Colonel Reynolds and Sir Theophilus Jones, with 2500 Horfe, Foot, and
Dragoons, againſt them, with which they difperfed them, and thofe
Forces which the Marquis of Clanrickard and the Earl of Castlehaven had
brought out of Connaght to the Relief of Tecrogham, within 20 miles of
Dublin) and being joyn'd with the Dublin Forces, took in Trim, Bala-
hufe, Finagh, and other Places. In the time that Clonmel was Befieged, the
Bishop of Rofs with 4000 Foot and 300 Horſe endeavours its Relief,
but is overcome by the Lord Broghil near Bandon-Bridge, and himſelf ta-
ken Priſoner, and hang'd in the fight of Caringdred; which Caftle
thereupon yielded to the Lord Broghil. In this Hurry, the Forces in Ul
fier being (befides) much fhaken by reaſon of ſeveral Interreffes, the
Nobility, Gentry, and Commanders for the King ſcattered a Declaration,
that none who would fubmit to his Authority fhould fuffer either in
The Siege of
Clonmel.
Religion
the Irish Infurrection.
241
Religion, or State; but it prevailed little. During the Leaguer of Clon-
mel, abfolute Orders were brought to Cromwel from the Parliament for
his fudden return; as alfo two Expreffes from the Council of State to
that purpoſe, which (after the compleatment of that Siege) he fulfilled,
leaving the Kingdom about the end of May, 1650. having made Colonel
Ireton his Deputy.
し
​Here we cannot but take notice, that there were feveral Precepts by
the Archbishop of Ardmagh and others, to pray for the fuccef of Oliver's
Forces; whilſt Dominick Dempfy, a Francifcan, eſteem'd a grave and
holy man, and therefore a leading Perfon) and Long the Jefuit, afferted,
that (the King being out of the Roman Catholick Church) it was not
lawful to pray for him particularly, or publickly in general on any other
day than on Good-Friday, as comprehended amongst the Infidels, alias,
Jews, Mahometans, Pagans, and Hereticks; and then for the Spiritual
welfare of his Soul, not for his Temporal profperity.
Though the Parliamentarians, by the Faction and obftinacy of the
Irish, who could not hitherto be induced to make reaſonable provifion
for defence, had prevail'd far, and poffeffed themſelves of many good
Places without confiderable oppofition, yet there remain'd a good part
of the Kingdom free from their Power; the whole Province of Con-
naght was still entire, and the Cities of Waterford, Limerick, and Gal-
way in poffeffion of the Catholicks, which might be made fo ftrong, as
not to fear any strength Ireton could bring before them, and are fo fitu-
ated for all advantages of Sea, that they might, being well fupplied,
maintain a War against the whole Kingdom: they had alfo the Forts of
Duncannon and Sligo, as alfo the ftrong Caftles of Caterlough, Athlone,
Charlemont, Carlo, and Neanagh, from whence the Confederates might
bring into the Field twice the number of Men which the Enemy had;
ſo that there wanted onely Unity, Order, and Refolution to preſerve.
themſelves; to improve which, the Marquis of Ormond refolved to
begin with Limerick, and if he could have difpofed that City unto a full
obedience, and to receive a Garriſon, he made no queftion not onely to
fortifie it againſt any attempt of the Enemy, but under the countenance
of it, and by the fecurity of the River Shannon, to Quarter his Troops,
raife Contribution for their fupport, Difcipline his Men, and, in effect
by the Spring ſo to recruit his Army, that he might not fufpect to pre-
vail againſt the Enemy where-ever he fhould engage: And to this purpoſe
he went himſelf thither from Kilkenny, in January, hoping that the good
refolution of the Bishops of Cloanmacnoife had well prepared the People
to comply with him; but when he came thither, albeit he was receiv'd
with outward demonſtrations of refpect, he found the temper not fuch as
he deſired, whatſoever the Biſhops had declared; The Clergy had ob-
Served none of thofe Directions, nor were any in fo much credit as they who
behaved themselves quite contrary to thoſe Determinations. And if no way
could be found to allay this Spirit, all his endeavours he faw would be
without any fruit: Hereupon he refolv'd to try, whether that part of the
Clergy which withed well to the Kingdom, could ufe as efficacious means
to preferve, as the other, who defired confufion, did to deftroy it:
And upon advice with the principal Perfons of the Catholick Nobility,
and with the Commiffioners of Truft, he did by his Letters of the 27th.
of February, 1649. defire as many of the Catholick Bishops as were
I i
within
1650.
1
1
242
The difmal Effects of
1650. within convenient diſtance, to meet him at Limerick; which they accor-
dingly did the 8th. of March following.
When they came thither, he conferred with them in the prefence of
the Commiffioners of Truft with all franknefs, upon the distracted and
disjoynted ſtate of Affairs, and freely told them, That without the People
would be brought to have a full confidence in him, and yield perfect obedi-
ence to him; and without the City of Limerick might be perfwaded to
receive a Garrison, and obey his Orders, it was not to be hoped that he
could be able to do any thing confiderable against the Enemy: He defred
them therefore, if they had a mistrust of him, or a dislike of his Government,
that they would as clearly let him know it; affuring them, that fuch was
his defire of the Peoples prefervation, that there was nothing within his
Power confiftent with his Duty to the King, and agreeable with his Honour,
that he would not do at their defires for that end: Withall letting them fee,
that his continuance with the Name, and not the Power of the Lord Lieu-
tenant, could bring nothing but ruine upon the Nation, as well as difhonour
on him. So that again he propounded to them in plain terms, Either that
they would procure a due obedience to be yielded to him, or propofe fome
other way by his quitting the Kingdom, how it might be preferved. After
confultation together, they return'd with many expreffions of reſpects
and affection to his Perfon, and faithfully promis'd to endeavour all that
obedience he defir'd; withall preſenting the 13th. of March) to him
a Paper of Advice, which contained, as they faid, certain Remedies, for re-
moving the diſcontents and diſguſts of the People, and for the advancing
of his Majefties Service: Amongſt which they propoſed, That a Privy
Council might be framed by the Peers, and other of the Natives of the King.
dom, as well Spiritual as Temporal, to fit daily with him, and determine all
the weighty Affairs of the Countrey by their Council; and many other Far-
ticulars, concerning the raising of Men, and conducting the War. To every
one of which, his Excellency, from Limerick, gave them (fitting at Logh-
reogh an Anſwer in writing, amongſt which he told them, That he
could not understand how the prefent diftreffes of the Kingdom could proceed
from the want of a Privy Council, or how the framing of fuch a Council
could advantage the management of the War, which by the Articles of
Peace was to be done by the Commiſſioners of Trust, with whom he did al-
ways communicate all matters of importance; and therefore he could not
think it fit unneceſſarily to prefume upon doing a thing, for which he had
neither Power nor Prefident, the Nomination of all Perfons to be of the
Privy Council being always referv'd by the King to himself: Tet rather
than he ſhould be wanting in any thing that was in his power to fatisfe the
People in, he wished, that the particular Acts which the Privy Council had
heretofore done, and were now neceffary to be done, might be instanced, and
as far forth as ſhould appear necessary and fit, he would qualifie Perfons,
free from juft exceptions, with fuch. And fo anfwer'd all their Propofiti-
ons, that they ſeem'd to be well fatisfi'd therewith; and thereupon pub-
liſhed a Declaration, (dated at Loghreogh the 28th. of March, 1650.)
in which they profeffed, That they did and would endeavour to root out
of mens hearts all jealousies and finiſter opinions, conceiv'd either against his
Excellency or the prefent Government; and that they intreated him to
give them further Inftructions, declaring that they were not deterr'd from
the want of the expected Success in the Affairs of the Kingdom, but rather
animated
•
4
}
ว
the Irish Infurrection.
animated to give further Onfets, and to try all other poffible ways; and did
faithfully promife, that no Industry or Care fhould be wanting in them, to re-
ceive and execute his Directions.
243
1650.
outward Civia
lity.
J
When the Marquis firft propofed to the Commiffioners of Truft, that
Limerick and other Places might be Garrifon'd, he offer'd to them the
names of three Perfons of the Roman Catholick Religion, and of eminent
Quality, Reputation, and Fortunes, that out of them they might choofe
one for the Command of Limerick: But refolving afterwards to call
this Affembly of Bishops thither, and to be there himſelf in Perfon, he
deferred the proceeding further in it, till then, that with their own ad-
vice fuch a Perfon might be chofen for that important Charge, that
fhould be beyond any poflibility of a juft exception from that Corporati-
on. Now he took all imaginable pains, and defcended to all the Arts of
Perſwaſion to ſatisfie thofe Citizens, who, he perceived, were the moit
leading men, of the neceflity of their fpeedy receiving a Governour and
a Garrifon, for the prefervation of their Intereft, and whatfocver could
be of any value with any People: But he was fo far from prevailing
with them, That they perform'd not thoſe outward Civilities and Kefpects
to him, which had been in no other Place denied. The Officer who Comment to fir
from compl. -
manded the City Guards, neither came to him for Orders, or imparted ing, as it per-
them to him no Officer of the Army, or any other Perfon, could, formed not
without fpecial leave from the Mayor (which was often very hardly cb-
tain'd) be admitted to come to his prefence, to receive his Commands
and Directions for the refifting and oppofing the Enemy, who at that ve-
ry time prevail'd in the County of Limerick: And to publifh more the
contempt they had of the Kings Authority, they committed to Prifon
the Lord Viſcount Kilmallock, a Catholick Peer of the Realm, and an Of-
ficer of the Army, (the Lord Lieutenant being on the Place) for no other
reafon than for Quartering, for one night, fome few Horfemen under
his Command by the Marquis of Ormond's Qrder) within the Liber-
ties of that City: All this being done fo contrary to the Injunction
which the Biſhops had publiſhed for the direction of the People, and at a
time when they were aſſembled there. And when the Marquis of Ormond
deſpaired their contempts being fo ligh) of perfwading them, to what
abfolutely concern'd their proper Intereft, he thought it not agreeable to
the Honour of his Maſter to remain any longer in the Place, where fuch
affronts and contempts were put upon his Authority; and yet being
willing ftill to expect fome good effects from the obfervation and dif-
cretion of the Bifhops, who could not but difcern what ruine muft im-
The Affembly
mediately attend fuch licenſe and difobedience, he appointed all the faid
appointed at
Biſhops, and as many more as could be perfwaded to come, thither, and Loghrcogh.
the Commiflioners, to meet him at Loghreogh; where, about the 19th.
of March, they attended him at Loghreogh.
•
When they appeared at Loghreogh, the Marquis reprefented to their
memories what they had before been themfelves witneffes of, and ob-
ferv'd at Limerick, and the neglects he had born there; Defired them to
remove thofe caullefs diftrufts, which being maliciously infuſed into the Peo-
ples minds, did flacken, if not wholely withdraw their obedience from his
Majefties Authority; and wifhed them to confider, how impoffible it was
for him, with Honour, or any hope of fuccefs, to contend against a powerful,
abfolutely obey'd, and plentifully fupplied Enemy; himself under fuch "do-
meftick diſadvantages of distrust and disobedience; and concluded, that if
Ii 2
the
+
1
1
1
244
*
The difmal Effects of
1
1650. the confequence of the Service could not induce them to be all of one mind,
in putting a Garrison into Limerick; or, if being all of one mind, they
could not induce the City to obedience and ſubmiſſion to fuch their determi-
nation, he could no longer entertain a hope of giving any check to the Enemy,
and would thereupon confider how otherwife to difpofe of himself. Both the
Biſhops and Commiffioners were really (or at leaft feem'd fo) and en-
tirely convinc'd of the neceffity of erecting that Garrifon, and of putting
that City into a better pofture of defence than it then appear'd to be in:
The Commiffioners, in whom that Truft was repofed by the Articles of
Peace, order'd it to be done, and fent two of their own Members (viz.
Sir Richard Everard Baronet, and Dr. Fennel) with their Order to Li-
merick,and with a Letter to the Mayor to conform thereunto; and the Bi-
fhops writ to the Archbishop of Cashel and the Bishop of Limerick (both
then at Limerick) defiring them to uſe their utmost endeavours to incline
the City to fubmit to the direction of the Lord Lieutenant, and the Com-
millioners. And having done this, they departed to thofe Places they
thought fit to difpofe the People (as they profeffed) to all acts of con-
formity and obedience. But the Commiffioners in fhort time return'd
from Limerick, without having in any degree prevail'd with them to
receive either a Governour or Garrifon, or to conform themfelves to
any Orders the Lord Lieutenant, or the Commiffioners fhould fend
to them, otherwiſe than as they agreed with their own inclinations:
in ftead of making choice of any of thoſe three who were nominated to
them for their Governour, they upon the matter declared, That they
would keep that Power in their own hands; and for receiving of a Garri-
fon, they propofed fome particulars, what men of the Irijh Catholicks,
and what they would not, what courfe fhould be taken for the fupport
of them, and through what hand it fhould paſs, and many other things,
directly contrary to the Articles of Peace which had been with folemnity
proclaimed in that City, and unto which they had profeffed all fub-
miffion.
All this perverſneſs, obftinacy, and ingratitude, could not yet extin-
guiſh the affections and compaffion the Marquis had towards them and
he clearly diſcern'd, that it proceeded not from the Spirit that was in-
cluded and confined within the Walls, but that it was the fame that was
generally working in other places: He was well enough fatisfied, that
they who were moſt paffionately poffeffed with it, had no correfpon-
dence with the Parliament, nor had a mind to be fubjected to their
Power; he was willing therefore to believe, that they had fancied and
imagined to themſelves fome expedient for their own prefervation, which
could not fall within his comprehenfion; and that they might have con-
tracted a prejudice to his Perfon, or to his Religion, which might keep
them from fuch an union and confidence as they might be reduc'd unto
under fome Catholick, who might be as zealous to preferve his Majefties
Intereſt, and recover the Kingdom to his obedience; and he was the
more confirmed in this his apprehenfion,by revolving the feveral paffages
which had hapned at his being at Limerick, during the time that they
feem'd to pay him all reſpect when the Lord Inchiquin had been then
with him,towards whom they had obferved the Marquis had a great con-
fidence and friendſhip, as he well deſerved: at which time, fome princi-
gainst the Lord pal Perfons of the City, and with them fome of the Bishops, had, under
a fhew of great confidence and truſt, repaired to the Lord Lieutenant,
The Citizens
of Limericks
animofity a-
Inchiquin.
and
the Irith Infurrection.
245
The Citizens of
Limerick infi-
Lord Inchiquin
nuate to the
and declared unto him, That all that indifpofition and waywardneſs of 1650.
the People, proceeded from the prejudice they had against the Lord In-
chequin, who had always they faid) profecuted the War againſt thein
with the moſt rigour and animofity; and the Places and Perfons which
had been moſt at his devotion, having treacherously revolted to the Par-
liament, the People were not confident of him, and jealous, that the
Marquis had too great a confidence in him; fo that if he would difmifs
that Lord, and difcharge the Troops that yet remained under his Com-
mand, of which, fome frequently ran away to the Parliament, not onely
that City, but the whole Nation would, as one man, be at his difpofal.
While theſe infinuations were thus propofed to the Lord Lieutenant,
other Perfons (and thoſe as leading men with an equal number of Bi-
fhops, applied themſelves to the Lord Inchequin, and told him, That
whilst the affairs were conducted by the Marquis of Ormond, they expected
no good fortune; that they looked upon him as not of their Nation, and one
fo folicitous for the English Intereft, and all English-men, that he was no-
thing regardful of them and theirs: But that his Lordship was of the moſt
antient Extraction of Ireland, and under that notion look'd upon with great fore they did
affection and reverence by the Irish; and if the Government and Command against him
were exercis'd by him, there would be fuch an Obedience paid to him, that
he would in ſhort time grow strong enough to oppose the Enemy, and reco-
ver his Countrey. When theſe two Lords had communicated each to
other (as they quickly did) the excellent Addreſſes which had been
made to them, and agreed together how to draw on, and encourage
the Propofers, that they might difcover as much of their purpoſes as
was poffible, they eafily found their defign was to be rid of them both:
And when they perceived by the continuance of the fame Friendſhip
that they had communicated with each other, they lefs diffembled to-
wards both, but proceeded with thoſe difrefpects which are mention'd
before.
as much againſt
the Lord Licu-
tenant, as be-
The Marquis having fadly confidered all this, and that nothing might The fecond Af-
remain unattempted by him, that he could poffibly imagine might tend fembly at Legh.
in any degree to the recovery or prefervation of the Kingdom, he ap- reogh.
pointed another meeting to be at Loghreogh the 25th. of April, and fum-
mon'd thither all the Catholick Biſhops, as many of the Nobility as could
with any ſecurity come thither, the chief Gentlemen of Quality of the
Parts adjacent, and feveral Officers of the Army; where being met to-
gether, he gave them in the first place an Anſwer in writing to a Paper
he had received from the Archbishop of Tuam, the first of April, intitu-
led, The Grievances prefented by the Congregation of Prelates, affembled,
propria motu, at Cloanmacnoiſe; in which he made it evident, how
much they were miſtaken in the matter of Fact, and that which was re-
ally amifs proceeded from themſelves, and their not obſerving the Or-
ders and Rules they were bound by, and could not be prevented by him;
and conſented to all the good and practicable ways propofed by them-
felves for remedying the like for the future. He remembred them of the
pains he had taken, of the Propofitions he had made, of the Orders he
had given, and of the Neglects, Difobedience, and Affronts he had re-
ceived, by which alone the Enemy made that progreſs in their Succeſſes:
He fhewed them a Letter he had received lately from his Mafter the
King, bearing date on the 2d. of February, from Castle Elizabeth in the
Iſle of Jerſey, in anſwer to one writ from Kilkenny in December, in
which
246
The difmal Effects of
$
1650.
The Lord Lieu-
tenant had li-
cenfe from the
King (on the
difobedience of
the Irl) to
withdraw.
The Affembly
at Loghreogh
addrefs to the
Lord Lacute
nart, upon his
1efolves to
leave the King-
dum.
*
which his Majefty fignified his gracious pleaſure to him, That in cafe of
the continuance of that disobedience in the People, and contempt of his Au-
thority, he fhould withdraw himself and his Majefties Authority out of
that Kingdom. Whereupon he told them, (having received fo little ef
feet of all the pains he had taken, and fo ill returns for all the affection he
had fhewed to themin) he was refolved to make ufe fpeedily of the liberty
the King had given him, as to his own Perfon, which he found was
rendred to unacceptable to the People; yet if they could propofe to him
any way how he might depofite the Kings Authority in fuch manner, as
it might not be expofed to the fame affronts it had received in him, and
might be applied to the prefervation of the People, and recovery
Nation, he would gladly gratifie them, and would heartily with, that
they might receive that happiness by his abfence, which they could not
receive in his prefence; and to that purpoſe defired them to confult ſe-
riouſly and maturely among themſelves.
of the
Upon this, all the Bifhops, Nobility, and Commiffioners of Truſt,
with the principal Gentlemen, expreffed very much trouble at the refo-
lution the Marquis had taken, and on the last day of April (from Logh-
reogh 1650, made an Addrefs to him in writing under their feveral
hands, in which, amongst other things, they told him, That they con-
ceiv'd themfelves in duty bound for his better information of the inclinati-
on of that Nation, humbly to prefent to him, That however his Excellency
might not have met with a ready concurrence to fome Proposals made, for
the advancing his Majefties Service,occafion'd through fome misunderstanding
in ſome few Perfons and Places, yet, the Country generally, and the Nation
in it, as they had already (by expending their Subftance in an extraordinary
meafure, and their Lives upon all occafions) abundantly teftifi'd their fin-
·cere and irremovable affections, to preferve his Majefties Rights and Inte-
refts intire to him; fo they would for the future, and with like cheerfulness,
endeavour to overcome all difficulties which the Enemies power and fuccefs
had laid in their way, and that they who were there met doubting not lut
the fame was the general ſenſe of the Nation) would with all care and ear-
neftness endeavour, not onely to conferve in the People fuch their good In-
clinations, but if any Perfon or Place fhould be refractory, or decline that
obedience which is due to his Majefties Authority, they would contribute
their best endeavours to reduce them, and make them conformable to the
fame. And after many other fpecious profeffions and proteftations of their
zeal to obey his Excellency, They humbly befought him to appoint Com-
manders in the feveral Provinces, to whom thofe of his Majefties Subjects
(who by the excitement of the Clergy, ready with all alacrity to undergo,
that care fhould be encouraged to take up Arms) might repair for the op-
pofing the Power of the Rebels. How refpective foever this Addreſs was,
and how folemnly foever it was reprefented (as neither the one or the
other could be more formal the Lord Lieutenant was refolved not to be
longer fatisfied with thofe general Declarations of their good defires
and purpoſes; and therefore the very next day he fent them a Letter,
containing what he would expect from them, which for the more clear
manifeſtation of the whole Proceedings, fhall be here faithfully inſerted,
and was in theſe words.
After
·
the Irish Infurrection.
247
•
A
Fter our hearty Commendations, in Answer to your Letter of the last
of April, we think fit to mind you, That upon our communicating unto
you his Majefties Letter of the 2d. of Febr. we then acquainted you at large
with what had paffed at Waterford, (which being by us reprefented to his
Majesty, occafion'd his fending the faid Letter) as also, that we found the
City of Limerick had taken example thereby to affront and contemn his
Majesties Authority placed in us, and from us, by confent of the Repreſen-
tative of the Confederate Catholicks at the conclufion of the Peace, derived
to the Commiffioners; both which you paß over with an extenuation
of thofe difobediences, and by attributing them to fome mis-understandings,
you ſeem in a manner to excuse them: Whereas we had reafon to expect, that
fuitable to your general profefions) you would have refented the particu-
lar deportment of thofe Places, and propofed unto us how the Contrivers
thereof might be brought to Justice, and the Places reduced to perfect obe-
dience: For as for your profeffions of care, and earnestness to endeavour, not
onely to conferve in the People the good inclinations you find in them; but
that if any Perfon or Place fhall be refractory, or decline that perfect obe-
dience due to his Majefties Authority, you will contribute your best endea
vours to reduce them, and make them conformable to the fame, cannot be
evidenced or made good by you, but by applying those your endeavours,
where we give you particular undeniable inftances of refractoriness and dif
obedience; fo there can be no inftance thereof more pregnant, nor (if it be
perfifted in) more destructive to his Majesty and the Nation, than that of
Limerick, to the immediate reducing whereof, we therefore thought, and
do now expect you would effectually apply your felves. We are well fatisfied,
that the generality of the Countrey and Nation, who have given the proofs
you mention of their fincere affections to preferve his Majefties Rights en-
tire to him, will perfevere therein, if thoſe upon whose example and advice
they very much fix their refolutions be active and induftrious to lead and
exhort them thereunto. But we muſt withall let you know, that we cannot
hope that thoſe their good affections, and alacrity in defence of his Majesty,
and their own Interefts, can be fuccessful, if the City of Limerick, and all
other Cities and Towns, be not in perfect obedience, and immediately be
put under a Military Government for Military matters, and thereby into a
condition of defence and offence: Which to conceal from the People, were,
towards them as great a treachery, as it would be in us a vain rafhness, with-
out fuch obedience first gain'd, to attempt the oppoſing the ſtrength and
power of the Rebels. And therefore we must, and do declare, that as the pare
ticular refractoriness of the City of Waterford, hath more than any humane
means contributed to all the fucceffes of the Rebels in thofe parts, fince our
being at Waterford: And as the want of a strong Garrison in Limerick,
(which we long fince defired might be received there, but could not prevail)
hath been the greatest visible means, whereby the faid Rebels have with
Small or no refiftance gain'd or destroy'd the County of Limerick, and other
parts adjacent ; fo the entire loss of the Kingdom to his Majesty, and the
deftruction of the Nation, (which we have no hope to prevent, but by ſtrongly
and preſently Garriſoning and Fortifying the ſaid City) must be imputed to
the obstinacy of that City, if it shall perfift therein.
As to thofe Diftrufts and Jealoufies of the People, occafion'd ( as you say)
for want of ſucceſs in Services, the fenfe of their sufferings, and their appre-
henfions for want of redress of their Grievances: We anfwer, That both the
W AIZS
་
1550.
1
?
}
248
1650.
The difmal Effects of
want of fuccefs, and the fenfe of their fufferings, whether from the Enemy,
er the Souldier, cannot fo reasonably be attributed to any humane Caufe, as
to the want of garrifoning the Army in principal Towns and Cities, wherein
we cannot yet prevail, nor ever could, till by the Enemy's lying at one end
of a Town, we were not, without articling and conditioning, permitted to
put fuch Mer as we could then get, in at the other end. For, for want of
garrifoning the Army, and by being forced to quarter it at large, it was not
pollible to have them exercised, their Arms kept in order, nor they under ne-
ceffary difcipline; which, when they were to be brought together, rendred
them worse than fo many new rais'd Men, by how much they had contracted a
licentious liberty, and habit of rapine and disobedience. Nor could we pre-
vent the Fraud in Mufter, or reasonably exact a strict Account from Officers
of Men ſo ſcatter'd, who, when they should be imployed upon Service, were
forced or pretending a neceflity, wherein we could not disprove them) to
range the Countrey,to get in the Means that ſhould enable them to ferve. As
to their Apprehenfion, for want of redress to their Grievances, we under-
Stand not what Grievances are thereby meant, unless thofe delivered unto us
by the Archbishop of Tuam, on the first of April. For other Grievances,
(though we long expected and defired them) we never faw, fave a Paper
given unto us on the 13th. of March, at Limerick, which for the Forgery,
falle Calummy, and other mif-becoming Paffages contain'd in it, was as.
Such dif-avowed by the Clergy then met; and to thofe given us on the first
of April, we return'd herewith ſuch Answers, as (confidering the generality
of them is poſſible for us to give.
We have already, with the Advice of the Commiffioners, and (as we be-
lieve) with the Approbation of fuch of the Bishops as were prefent, appoint-
ed the Earl of Caſtlehaven to command the Forces in Leimfter; and in
Munſter, with like Advice and Approbation, we have imployed Colonel
David Roch to command for a neceffary Expedition; befides, there is al
ways upon the Place, one general Officer, that will readily receive and imploy
any, that shall be prevail'd with to take Arms, as is promifed; and in cafe
we find fitting Obedience and Reception from the City of Limerick, we shall
in Perfon be ready to receive and conduct fuch Forces in the faid Province.
In Ulfter, we have, in pursuance to an Agreement made with that Pro-
vince, given Commiffion to the Bishop of Clogher; and in Connaght, the
Lord Marquefs of Clanrickard commands the Army.
We know no use to which any Money rais'd upon the People hath been im
ployed, but to the maintenance of the Forces; if you do, we shall defire to
be therein informed, to the end, that any past mis-application thereof may
be examined and punished, and the like prevented in future.
To conclude, We ferioully recommend to your Confideration, the ways of
procuring fuch Obedience to his Majesty, and his Authority in the general,and
particularly from the City of Limerick, as may enable and encourage us with
Honour, and hope of Success, according to our defire, to use our utmost in-
duſtry, and encounter all hazards, for the defence of this Kingdom and Nation,
against the Tyranny that will certainly be exercifed upon them, and the un-
Supportable Slavery they will be fubject unto, if the Rebels prevail. And fo
we bid you heartily farewel From Loghreogh, May 1. 1650.
For the Archbishops,Nobility, Bishops,
Tour very loving Friend,
the Commiffioners authorized by us,
in purſuance of the Articles of Peace,
and others allembled at Loghreogh.
Thefe.
ORMON D.
Upon
1
the Irish Infurrection.
Upon the receipt of this Letter, they made another Addreſs to the
Marquels, (in writing) in which they faid, They were very far from in-
tending by any expreffions they had used, to excufe that Deportment of the
City of Limerick; nor could any Man (they faid) more feelingly than they,
reſent their perfonal Dif-refpects towards his Excellency, while he was lately
in that City, whereof they had in their Letters, then ready to be sent by a
Committee, imployed by them to that Corporation, taken notice: And they
did hope, that they would by their Deportment, hereafter merit to have it
understood, that it proceeds from ignorance rather than malice; and that
concerning the garrifoning of the City, the Clergy that had met lately there,
and the Commillioners of Trust, had written very effectually to them, and
imployed two of the Commillioners of Trust thither, to folicit their compliancé
to his Excellency, and to reprefent to them the danger and prejudice that
would enfue their refractorinels: And though it had not taken that effect
with them which was expected, yet they humbly offered his Excellency, that
a fecond Ellay was to be made,and his Excellency's further pofitive Commands
to be fent thither, whereunto if they would not liften, they promised in as
much as in them lay, that they would in their respective Degrees and Quality
and according to their respective Powers, fo far as ſhould be thought fit and
neceſſary, upon confideration had of what had been propofed hitherto between
his Excellency, the Commiffioners of Trust, and them, concerning the garrifon-
ing of that City, co-operate to reclaim them, and bring them to a perfect obe-
dience; humbly defiring, that what refolution foever Jhould be taken by that
City, yet that his Excellency would be pleas'd not to impute it to any Dif-af-
fection in them, or want of Zeal in the Nation, to advance his Majesty's Ser-
vice. And in regard the tranfalling of that Buſineſs might take up fome
time, it was humbly defired his Excellency would be pleas'd, to apply his im-
mediate Care for the forwarding of the Service, and jetling of Affairs in other
Parts of the Kingdom, anfwerable unto the prefent dangers and condition
wherein it was, that there might be fome visible oppofition to the growing
Power of the Enemy. At the fame time that they fent this Addreſs to
the Marquefs, figned by the Names of the Bifhops and Commiffioners,
which was the 2d. of May, 1650. they likewife fent the Archbishop of
Tuam, and Sir Lucas Dillon, to Limerick, with as reaſonable and preffing
Letters to that Corporation, for receiving a Garrison, and obedience to
the Marquefs's Orders.
This demeanour in the Affembly, and all the vifible Reſults of their
Confultation, together with fo deep profeffions of Loyalty to the King,
and of refpect to his Lieutenant, prevail'd fo far with the Marquefs, that
he again declined his purpofe of quitting the Kingdom, and thereupon
difmiffed a Frigat, which he had bought and fitted for his own Tranfpor-
tation; and though the Archbishop of Tuam and Sir Lucas Dillon return'd
from Limerick, without that entire fubmiffion from the City which was
expected, yet he was willing to make the beſt interpretation of their ge-
neral profeffions of Duty, and to believe that they would by degrees be
induced to do what they ought; and that he might be the nearer to them,
to encourage any fuch inclination, he removed to Clare, 12 miles from
Limerick, and gave Orders to the Troops, which for conveniency of
Quarters were ſcattered at a greater diftance, to be ready to draw to a
Rendezvous. And he was fhortly after very reaſonably induced to be al-
moſt confident, that the City was well difpofed; for having one day
(about the 11th. of June) vifited fome Troops, which he had affembled
Kk
within
249
1550:
250
The difmal Effects of
1650. within 4 miles of Limerick, and returning at night to Clare, the next day
2 Aldermen of the City came to him with this following Letter, from
the Maior of that Corporation.
May it pleaſe your Excellency,
T
He City Council have given me Command to fignifie, and humbly to
offer to your Excellency, That it was expected by them, that you
would being ſo near the City yesterday) bestow a Vifit upon it, which is
no way doubted had been done by your Excellency, if your greater Affairs
had not hindred you from the fame, and yet do expect when thofe are over,
your Excellency will be pleas'd to step hither, to fettle the Garrifon here,
the which without your Prefence, cannot be (as is humbly conceiv'd fo
well done, or with that expedition, as our neceffity requires, the Particulars
whereof we refer to Alderman Piers Creagh, and Alderman John Bourk,
their Relation, to whom we defire Credence may be given by your Excellen-
cy, and humbly to believe that I will never fail to be
Limerick, 12 June,
1650.
Tour Excellency's most humble Servant,
For his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant
General, and General Governour of Ire-
land.
John Creagh, Maior
of Limerick.
This Letter might very well have raiſed an expectation and affurance,
that there would be no more fcruples of receiving a Garrifon; yet the
Aldermen who brought it, made fuch paufes in anſwering fome neceffa-
ry Queſtions, that the Marquefs return'd them the ſame night with this
Anſwer.
A
Fter our hearty Commendations, We have receiv'd your Letter of this
days date, by the Conveyance of Alderman Piers Creagh, and John
Bourk, and heard what John Bourk and the other had to fay, as from that
Corporation. In Anfwer whereunto, we imparted fome Particulars unto
them, wherein we expected fatisfaction, which if you send us to the Rendez-
vous to morrow, where we intend to be) we ſhall vifit that City, and im-
ploy our utmost Endeavours in fetling the Garrison neceffarily defired there,
both for the defence and fatisfaction of that City. And So we bid you
tily farewel.
From Clare, June 12. 1650.
To our very loving Friend
the Maior of Limerick.
Thefe.
Tour loving Friend,
ORMOND.
hear-
The
1
the Irish Infurrection.
50
251
1650.
rection.
The Particulars he propoſed to them were, ( 1.) To be receiv'd in
like manner, and with fuch reſpect, as the Lord Lieutenants heretofore
had always been. (2.) To have Command of the Guard, giving the
Word and Orders in the City. (3.) That there might be Quarter pro-
vided within the City, for fuch Guards of Horfe and Foot as he thould
carry in, which should be part of the Garriſon, and whereof a Liſt ſhould
be given at the Rendezvous. The next day when the Marqueis came to
the Rendezvous, two Aldermen met him there, and inform'd him, that
the City had conſented to all that he had propofed to them, except only
the admittance of his Guards, which they were unwilling to do; where-
upon he fent Meffengers back with this Anfwer, That he intended not the
drawing in of his Guards, out of any mistrust he had of the loyalty of the Mla-
giftrates of that City to his Majefty, or of their affection to himfelf, but for
the dignity of the Place he held, and to prevent any popular Tumult that
might be raiſed by defperate interested Perfons against him, or the Civil Go-
vernment of that City, whereunto he had caufe to fear, fome loole People
might by falfe and frivolous fuggeftions be too easily inftigated. And to take
away all poffibility of fufpicion from the moft jealous, he told them, The
Guards he meant to take with him, fhould confift but of 100 Foot and
Horſe, and even those too to be of their own Religion, and fuch as having
been conftantly of their Confederacy, were intereſſed in all the Benefits of the
Articles of Peace. And fo, not imagining that they could refufe fo rea-
fonable an Overture, he went towards the City; but when he came very
near the Gates, the fame Aldermen came again to him, to let him know,
That there was a Tumult rais'd in the City by a Francifcan Frier, called
Father Wolf, and fome others, againſt his coming into the Town, and Tolf's Infur-
in oppofition to the defires and intentions of the Maior, and the principal
Citizens, and therefore diffwaded his Excellency's going thither, until
the Tumult fhould be quieted. So that the Lord Lieutenant was com-
pell'd, with that Affront, to return, and refted that night at Shanbuoly,
three miles.com the City, from whence he writ to them the fenfe he had
of the Indignity offer'd him, And wished them to confider, not only by what
Power they had been made a Corporation first, and by whofe Protection they
had fince flourished, but also what folid Foundation of fafety (other than by
receiving the defence he had offer'd them) was or could be propofed to them,
by the prefent Disturbers of their Quiet: And defired their prefent Aufwer,
That in cafe he might be encouraged to proceed in the way he had laid down,
of ferving the King,and preferving that City from the Tyranny of the Rebels,
he might immediately apply himself thereunto, or failing in his Defires there-
in, he might apply himself, and the Forces he had gathered for that purpoſe,
to fome other Service. But neither this, nor all he could do, upon fuble-
quent Treaties and Overtures, moving from themfclves, could not at all
prevail with them, No! not his offer of putting himſelf into the City,and
running the Fortune of it, when Ireton was encamp'd before it: But they
continually multiplied and repeated their Affronts towards him, with all refractory and
imaginable Circumftances of Contempt; and in the end, that we may contemptions.
have no more occafion of mentioning the feditious Carriage of this unfor-
tunate City) broke open his Trunks of Papers, which he had left there,
feized upon the Stores of Corn laid up there for the fupply of the Army,
when he believed that Place would have been obedient to him, and fome
Corn belonging to himſelf, and difpos'd of all according to their own
pleaſure, and receiv'd fome Troops of Horfe into the City, which con-
Kk 2
trary
Limerick Mill
252
The difmal Effects of
་
1650. trary to the Marquefs's Order left the Army, and with thofe Troops levi-
ed and rais'd Contribution in the Countrey adjacent, upon thofe who had
honeſtly paid the fame for the ufe of the Army, according to thofe Or-
ders which they were to obey. And when the Marquels fent to the
Maior, to deliver the Officer of the faid Regiment as a Priſoner, to the
Guard appointed to receive him, he could receive no other Anſwer, and
that not in a week) than that the Government of that City was cominit-
ted to Major General Hugh O Neal, and therefore he the Maior would
not meddle therein. And when the like Orders were fent by the Mar-
quels to Hugh O Neal, he return'd Anfwer, That he was only a Cypher,
and not ſuffered to act any thing, but what the Maior and Council
thought fit. So that, in truth, that City was no lefs in Rebellion to the
King, than the Army under Ireton was, though it did for a time refift
that Army, and could never have been ſubdued by it, if it had ever been
in that obedience to the King, as by their obligation it ought to have
been, and therefore mult have lefs peace of Conícience to fupport them,
in the Calamities they have fince undergone.
•
In the Letter formerly inferted from the Marquefs, of the first of May,
it is faid, That in purfuance of a former Agreement, he had granted a
Commiffion to the Bishop of Clogher, for the Command of the Province
of Ulfter; It will be therefore neceffary to express what that Agreement
was, and the Proceedings thereupon: Amongst the Articles which had
been made with General Owen O Neal, it was provided, that in cafe of
the faid O Neal's death, or removal by Advancement, or otherwiſe, before
any ſettlement in Parliament, to which all the Articles of Peace related,
that the Nobility and Gentry of the Province of Vlter, fhould have
Power to name one to the Lord Lieutenant, or chief Governor for his
Majefty, to Command in the place of the faid O Neal; and the faid
Command, was to be conferred accordingly upon the Perfon fo to be
nained, and according to his Power: Owen O Neal being dead, the No-
bility, Biſhops, and Principal Gentry of that Province, ne choice of
the Bishop of Clogher to fucceed him in the Charge, and having figni-
fied fuch their Election under their hands to the Lord Lieutenant, the
firit of April, he granted fuch a Commiffion to him as he was obliged
to do.
James Marquess of Ormond, the Earl of Ormond and Offory, Vicount
Thurl, Lord Baron of Archlo, Lord Lieutenant General, and General
Governor of the Kingdom of Ireland, Chancellor of the Univerſity of
Dublin, and Knight of the moſt Noble Order of the Garter.
To our Truſty and Well-beloved Biſhop,
Ever Mac Mahon.
ORMON D. ·
W He
Hereas upon the Treaty with General Owen O Neal, deceaſed, it
was (amongst other Particulars) Concluded and Agreed upon,
that in cafe of death or removal of him, fuch other General or Commander
in
1
*
1
+
the Irish Infurrection.
in Chief, fhould be authorifed by Commiſſion from us, to Command his Ma-
jefties Forces of the Province of Ulfter, Natives of the Kingdom, as ſhould
be by general confent of the Gentry of that Province elected, and made
choice of for the fame. And whereas in a general Meeting lately held
by the Gentry for that purpose, it was agreed upon, and fo reprefented unto
us, that you should exercife that Command over the faid Forces. We
therefore upon the Confideration thereof, and of the Care, Judgment, Valour
and Expedience,in Martial Affairs,as alfo of the readiness and good affections
of you, to do his Majefties Service, have nominated and appointed, and we
do hereby nominate and appoint you, the faid Bishop Ever Mac Mahon,
to be General of all his Majefties faid Forces, of Horfe, and Foot, of the
Province of Ulster, Natives of the Kingdom. Giving thereby unto you,
the faid Bishop Ever Mac Mahon, full Power and Authority, to take the
faid Charge and Employment upon you, and the faid Forces, and every
of them, to Lead and Command according to the use and difcipline of
War, and fuch further Order and Inftructions, as you shall from time
to time receive from us, or other his Majefties chief Governor or Governors
of this Kingdom, the time being, in that behalf, willing and hereby requir-
ing all the Officers, Troopers, and Soldiers, of the faid Forces, to obey
you, as their General, and to be at, and perform your Commands, as they
Thali iffue unto them upon all occafions of his Majefties Service, as they will
anfwer the contrary.
In witneſs whereof, we have Signed this our Com-
miſſion, and cauſed our Seal of Arms to be there-
unto affixed, at Loghreogh, the firſt day of April,
1650.
253
1650.
feated.
In execution of which, the Bishop with great activity and courage
proceeded, in infefting the English Garrifons and Army in that Province,
as much as was in his Power; And having an Army, confifting of about
5000 Horſe and Foot, about the 20th. of June, 1650. (when the Lord
Lieutenant himſelf could not draw 1000 men together, or keep them, if
together the ſpace of 48 hours) he encountred not far from London-derry,
with Sir Charles Coot, who Commanded the Parliaments Forces in Chief
in that Quarter, and was then inferior in Foot to the Bishop, though
otherwife he had a great advantage of him, by having near treble The Bishop of
the number of Horfe; Notwithſtanding which inequality, the Irish Clogher des
(for a while) behaved themſelves handíomly, but in the end, were to- Character
tally defeated; fo that the Bifhop was compelled after he faw the day.
was irrecoverably loft, to quit the Field with a ſmall party of Horfe;
The next day in his flight, he had the misfortune near Eniskelin, to meet
with the Governor, Major King of that Town, in the Head of a Party,
too ſtrong for him, against which however, the Bishop defended him-
ſelf with notable courage, though after he had received many wounds,
he was taken Priſoner, and foon after, by the poſitive Order of Sir Charles
Coot (whom within leſs then å year, he had reliev'd, when in great
extremity) hang'd. This was a moft happy Victory for the Parlia-
ment, in that 3000 of the Rebels were there flain, all meer Iriſh, out
of an opinion they could not profper, as long as they had any English
joyn'd with them, and for that end, had throughly purg'd their Army,
which
254
The dismal Effects of
1650.
1
which (being ftiled by them, the Confident Victorious Army of the
North) had a full return of Gods Vengeance, they being the firft In-
cendiaries and Actors in thoſe barbarous Cruelties, which enfued their
Inſurrection: This was the unfortunate end of that unhappy Prelate, of
whom fince he bore fo great a Part in the Troubles of Ireland, and was
much fuperior in Parts, to any man of that Party, it will not be im-
pertinent or uncharitable to mention fome Paflages of his Life, that
thereby his nature and difpofition may be the better collected, and indeed
the ſpirit and temper of mind, which thofe kind of men were poffeffed
with, who had the greateſt abilities to do hurt. Some few years
before the Rebellion, this Ever Mac Mahon, being then an Arch Prieft,
and refiding for the most part, in or near Dublin, repair'd (as you
as you have
heard to a Prime Inftrument of State, and difcovered to him the Con-
trivances abroad, in reference to bring Troubles upon that Kingdom,
who being thereupon Pardon'd, ftillas any thing of that nature pro-
ceeded inform'd the State thereof: And though according to the
formality of Law) he fhould have fued out his Pardon, yet that he might
ftill be confided in by the Confederates, who knew not who theDiſcoverer
was he meerly trufted to the Kings Mercy and Clemency, and through
the Government of the Earl of Strafford, he prov'd faithful to the Crown.
From the beginning of this Rebellion, his Power was very great with
thofe that were oppofite to any Reconciliation, upon the first and 2 Con-
clufion of Peace by the Confederate Catholicks, continuing firm to that
Party which followed Owen O Neal, or rather Govern'd Owen O Neal,
who commanded that Party; and over and above thofe demands which
concern'd Religion, (to which they feem'd to adhere with more then
ordinary zeal, and thereby drew a dependency of that Clergy to them,
they infifted upon the Reftitution of the great Eftates in Ulfter, which
was not in the Power of the Crown to make, without violation of ſeveral
Acts of Parliament, and defeating many deſcents and purchaſes, which
had paffed without any interruption or claim for the ſpace of 150 years.
This impoffible expectation kept both Owen O Neal, and, the Bishop of
Clogher, from concurring with the Confederate Catholicks, in the Peace
they made with his Majefty, 1648. and the Animofity they contracted
againſt the Confederates, inclined them to relieve London-derry, when
as is remembred before) it was even ready to be reduced by his Ma-
jeſties Forces, rather then to fubmit to the Peace made by them with the
Lord Lieutenant: To whofe Divifions, the State of England (faith
Rely Archbishop of Armagh) ows their prefent Poffeffion of Ireland,
and therefore infers that that Party of the Irish Natives, ought to be
not onely on that account Favour'd and Truſted, but becauſe allo, they
never had affection for the King or his Family: Yet after they had found
it neceſſary to make that agreement with the Marquefs, in 1649. being
し
​neglected by the Parliament) it must be acknowledged,that the Bishop per-
formed and obferv'd it very juſtly, (as he was punctual in what he proinif
ed and applied himſelf with all dexterity and induſtry to the advancement
of his Majefties Intereft; ſo that during his time, he reſtrain'd the Clergy
from making any Acts, which might difcourage the People from their
Obedience to the Kings Authority. And the Duke of Ormond acknow-
ledges, that for thefe 20 years he had to do with the Irish Bishops,
he never found any of them, either to ſpeak the Truth, or to perform
their Promiſe to him, onely the Biſhop of Clogher excepted, who du-
ring
the Irish Infurrection.
255
1
ring the little time he lived after his fubmiflion to the Peace, and Com- 1650.
million receiv'd from him, he could not charge. And therefore,how incon-
venient foever his Service had been to the Peace and Happineſs of that
Nation, his Death was very unfeaſonable.
i
し
​Upon the news of the Bishop of Clogher's defeat, the 26 of June, the
Lady Fitzgarret (after a well-regulated defence) furrender'd up her
Caſtle of Tecrochan, to Colonel Reynolds, and Colonel Huetfon who
had taken in Kilmallock, Harristown, Naas, Ballymole, Rabridge, Tallo,
Athy, Maryborrough, Dermots Caſtle, befides the Places mention'd be-
fore.) And on the 19th. of August, followed the furrender of Carlow,
(which, by the care of Ireton, together with Waterford, and Dun-
cannon, had fince the beginning of June, been cloſe blocked up which
Preston understanding, furrender'd alfo Waterford within few days, on
Conditions, which brought with it the delivery of the ſtrong Fort of
Duncannon: about the fame time, Charlemont and Caterlagh, were
furrender'd to Sir Charles Coot, and Colonel Venables, after they had
took in Culmore, London-derry, Eniskillen, (which was deliver'd by
Sir George Monro, to Sir Charles Coot, for 500 l. though a little before,
he had receiv'd 1200 l. from the Marquefs of Clanrickard, for to ſecure
it,) Colrain, alfo Ardmach, Carrickfergus, Knockfergus, Belfast, Cloughou-
ter, Caſtle Fordon, Carlingford, Margrave, Monaghan, Liskelaghan.
In the mean time, Colonel Henry Ingolsby, (who was fent to block
up Limerick at a diſtance) overcame 3000 Rebels coming to its Relief,
whereof 900 were flain, the reſt routed and taken Priſoners. In August,
the Lord Inchequin (gathering Forces in Kerry) was difturb'd by Co-
lonel Phaer, who in his return thence, took in the Caftle of Kilmurry,
and thence went againſt the Lords, Roch and Muskery, who headed the
Rebels in the Weft. The Army having refrefht it felf at Waterford,
Ireton from thence intended for Limerick, yet wanting Proviſion for
fuch a Siege, takes his Journey through the County of Wicklow, which
afforded him 1600 Cows, befides Sheep, and other Proviſions; From
thence Sir Hardrefs Waller, with an equal ſhare of the Booty, was fent
with a confiderable Force to ſtraighten Limerick, (who in his way near
Limerick, took in Bally-Glaughan, Bally-Cubbain, and Garrygaglain,
three ſtrong Caſtles) whilſt Ireton, and Sir Charles Coot, joyning
Forces) appear'd before Athlone, to try if they could gain that Garrifon;
but finding the Bridge broke, and the Town on this fide burnt, Sir Charles
Coot ftaid there to straighten it, whilft Ireton taking two Caſtles in Mac
Colcoche's Country, and the Burr, (which the Enemy had left and burnt
preſently feated himself before Limerick, where he had certain Intelli-
gence, that the Marquefs of Clanrickard (who upon notice of the Ene-
mies being at Athlone, march'd with confiderable Forces towards its
Relief, if any thing fhould have been attempted) had retaken the two
Caftles, and laid Siege to the Burr, to whofe Relief Colonel Axtell,
Governor at Kilkenny, (having made a conjunction at Rocrea, with the
Wexford and Tipperary Forces) refolutely marched; whereupon the
Marquefs of Clanrickard's Forces under their chief Commander, ( he
being gone with the other part of his Army towards Limerick) re-
treated to Meleake Iſland, (a ftrong Faſtneſs) but were beaten thence
the 25. of October, with the lofs of near 1500 Men, 200 Horſe, Waggons,
and Baggage: Upon this fuccefs, the Irish quitted all their adjacent Gar-
rifons, and Ireton the Winter coming hard on) drew off from Limerick,
(having
し
​256
The difmal Effects of
}
$
1650. (having fettled the Garrifons round about it) with about 1200 Men,
and took in Neanagh, a ftrong Caftle) in Low Ormond, upon whofe
furrender, Castleton and Dromaneer, yielded alfo, whence (endea-
vouring to gain Killalough Paſs, though without effect) he went to his
Winter Quarters about the 10th. of November, at Kilkenny. To
pro-
vide for whom, and the Forces in Ireland, the Parliament was at a great
ftand, (the Profecution of the War in Scotland, having exercis'd the
uttermoft Force they could raife) fo as they now began to caft about,
which way might be most likely to disburthen themſelves of fome
part
of that Charge; And for this purpofe, they appointed Commiffioners
to be fent into Ireland, which were four Members of Parliament, Mr.
Corbet, Colonel Ludlow, Colonel Jones, and Mr. Weaver; The main
Errant they went upon, was, to find out fome means in that Kingdom,
for the raifing of certain fums of Money yearly, towards the maintenance
of the Army; Thefe were defigned about the beginning of October, and
were to be in readineis to imoark at Milford-Haven, by the midft of
December, 1650.
But to return to the Marquefs of Ormond, (whoſe endeavours could
not work the Confederates to any reaſonable refiftance, though they faw
their Cities and Towns won on every fide,) who towards the end of
July, receiv'd a Letter fubfcribed by two Perfons, who Stiled themſelves
Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam in theſe words.
May it pleaſe your Excellency.
T
His Nation become of late the Fable and Reproach of Chrifti-
anity is brought to a fad Condition, notwithstanding the fre-
quent and laborious Meetings and Confultations of Prelates; we find
jealoufies and fears deep in the hearts of men, thorns hard to be plucked
out; we see most men contributing to the Enemy, and rendring their
Perſons and Substance useful to his malice, and destructive to Religion,
and the Kings Interefts: This Kind of men (if not timely prevented
will betray ir-remediably themfelves and us. We find no Stock or Sub-
fiftance ordered for maintaining the Souldiery, nor is there an Army any way
confiderable in the Kingdom, to recover what is loft, or defend what we
hold; So, as humanely ſpeaking, if God will not be pleaſed, for his Mer-
cies fake, to take off from us the heavy Judgment of his Anger, we are
fair for lofing Sacred Religion, the Kings Authority, and Ireland; The
four Archbishops, to acquit their Confciencies in the eyes of God, have re-
The Confede- Jolved to meet at Jamestown about the 6th. day of the next month, and
to bring along as many of the Suffragans, as may repair thither with fafety.
The end of this Confultation is, to do what in us lies for the amendment
of all Errors, and the recovery of this afflicted People; if your Excel-
lency fhall think fit in your Wisdom, to fend one or more Perfons to make
Proposals for the Safety of the Nation, we shall not want willingness to
prepare a good Anfwer, nor will we difpair of the Blessings of God, and
of his Powerful Influence, to be upon our Intentions in that Place: Even fo
we conclude, remaining,
rate Clergies
Refolution, to
meet at James-
town.
24. July 1650.
For his Excellency the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland.
Your Excellencies moſt humble Servants,
Fra. Tho. Dub. Joh. Archbishop Tuamen.
Whofoever
the Irish Infurrection.
257
#
Whosoever reads this Summons or Intimation, will believe it to be
Satis pro Imperio; and that ſuch a Direction, To fend one or more Per-
fons to make Proposals unto them, for the safety of the Nation; and fuch
a negligent expreffion, That we shall not want willingness to prepare a
good Answer, could not proceed but from a Superior to an Inferior Depen-
dant However as the Marquefs knew it would be to no purpoſe to in-
hibite their Meeting, ſo he thought fit to write to them in this manner.
A
1650.
Frer our hearty Commendations, we received yours of the 24th. of TheLord Lieu-
July, on the first of this month, and do, with much grief acknow- tenants Reply
ledge, that this Nation is brought into a fad Condition, and that by fuch infolent Letter.
means, as when it shall be known abroad, and by story be delivered to
Pofterity, will indeed be thought a Fable; For it will feem incredible,
that any Nation fhould fo madly affect, and violently pursue the Ways lead-
ing to their own Destruction, as this People will appear to have done; And
that, after the certain ruine they were running into, as evidently and fre-
quently discovered unto those, that in all times and upon all occafions, have
had Power to compel or perfwade them to what-ever they thought fit; and
it will be less credible, when it shall be declared, as in truth it will be,
that the Temporal, Spiritual, and Eternal Intereft, and Safety, even of
those that had this Power, and that have been thus forewarn'd, did
confist in making use of it to reclaim the People, and direct them into the
ways of Prefervation. To be plain, it cannot be denied, but the Difobe-
dience we have met with, (which we at large declared unto many of you,
who with divers others of the Nobility and Gentry, were affembled at
Loghreogh, in April last) were the certain ready ways to the Destruction
of this Nation, as by our Letters of the first of May, to that Aſſembly, we
made apparent.
Antient and late experience hath made evident, what
Power those of your Function have had, to draw the People of this Nation
to what they thought fit; whether your Lord/hips have been convinced
that the Obedience which we defired, ſhould be given to his Majefties Au
thority, in us, purſuant to the Articles of Peace, was the way to preferve
the Nation, we know not; or whether your Lordships have made use of
all the means at other times, and upon other occafions, exercifed by you, to
procure this neceſſary Obedience, we shall not now determine: Sure we are,
that fince the Said Affembly, not onely Limerick hath perfifted in the
like Difobedience, for want of due Compliance from thofe Places, but
principally from Limerick, it hath been impoffible for us to raife or imploy
an Army against the Rebels, for to attempt it any where on the other fide
of the Shannon; but near Limerick, and without the abfolute command
of that City to fecure it, could be no other then the certain Ruine of the
Defign, in the very beginning of it, the Rebels Power being fuch, as to
diffipate with ease, the foundation that should be laid there; and to have
done it on the other fide of the Shannon, was impoffible, fince the ground-
work of the Army must be raiſed and ſupported from thence, which while
it was in forming, would have exhausted all the fubftance of thofe Parts,
and not have effected the work, for want of fuch an Army, (which with
Gods affiftance) might certainly have been raiſed long fince, if Limerick
had obeyed our Orders. The Rebels have without any confiderable Re-
fistance from abroad, taken in Clonmel, Tecroghan, Catherlagh, and
reduced Waterford, and Duncannon, to great, and we fear irrecove-
LI
rable
1
!
}
}
<
258
1650.
!
The difmal Effects of
rable Diftrefs; The lofs of thefe Places, and the want of any visible
Power to protect them, have doubtlefly induced many to contribute their
Subſtance, and perfonal affistance to the Rebels; from which, whither they
might have been with-held by Church cenfures, we know not, but have not
heard of any such which iſſued againſt them; and lastly, for want of fuch an
Army, the Rebels have taken to themselves the Contribution, which might
confiderably have affifted to Support an Army, and preferve the Kingdom.
If therefore the end of your Confultation at Jamestown, be to acquit your
Confciencies in the eyes of God, the amendment of all Errors, and the re-
covery of this afflicted People, as by the Letter, giving us notice of your
Meeting, is profeffed, we have endeavoured briefly to fhew, that the Spring.
of our paſt loſſes, and approaching Ruine, arifeth from Difobediencies, and
it will not be heard to fhew, that the Spring of thofe Difobediencies ariſeth
from the Forgeries invented, the Calumnies Spread against the Government,
and the incitement of the People to Rebellion, by very many of the Clergy.
That these are Errors frequently practifed, and fit for amendment, is no
more to be doubted, than without they be amended, the affection of the Peo-
ple will continue, and (as it is to be feared) end in their utter Destruction;
which if prevented, by what your Confultation will produce, the happy
effect of your Meeting will be acknowledged, without questioning the Autho
rity by which you meet, or expect Proposals from us, which other then
what we have formerly, and now by this our Letter made, we hold not
neceffary. And fo we bid your Lordſhips heartily farewel. From Rofcom-
mon, the 2d. of Auguft, 1650.
To our very good Lords, the Arch-
bishops, and Bishops,met at James-
town.
Tour Lordships very loving Friend,
ORMON D.
Upon the Receipt of this Letter the feveral Biſhops who met at James-
town, fent the Bishop of Dromore, and Doctor Charles Kelly, to the
Lord Lieutenant with this Letter of Credit.
The Clergics
Anſwer.
May it pleaſe your Excellency.
WĘ
E received
your Letter of the Second Currant, where to our grief
and admiration, we saw some expreſſions, that ſeem meant for
cafting a blame upon us of the prefent fad Condition of the Kingdom, which
we hope to Answer to the fatisfaction of your Excellency, and the whole
Nation; In the mean time we permit this Proteftation, as we are Chriftian
Catholick Prelates, that we have done our Endeavours with all Earnestness
and Candor, for taking away from the hearts of the People, all Jealoufies
and Diffidencies, that were conceiv'd the occafion of fo many difafters that
befel the Nation: And that in all occafions, our Actions and Co-operati-
ons were ready to accompany all your Excellencies Defigns, for the
fervation of all his Majesties Interests in this Kingdom; whofe State be-
ing in the prefent defperate Condition, we thought it our Duty to offer unto
pre-
your
the Irish Infurrection.
259
your Excellency our fence, of the onely poffibility we could devife for its
Prefervation; And that by the Intervention and Expreffion of my Lord
of Dromore, and Doctor Charles Kelly, Dean of Tuam, who shall clearly
deliver unto your Excellency, our thoughts and good intentions, as to this
effect: Praying your Excellency to give full Credit, to what they will
declare in our Names in this Business, which will be ſtill own'd as our
Command laid
upon them, and the Declaration of the fincere hearts of
Jamestown 10. Aug.
1650.
Tour Excellencies most humble Servants,
H. Ardmagh, Jo. Archiep.Tuam,Jo. Rapotenfis,Nico.
Fernenfis & Procurator Arch. Dublin, Eug. Kil-
more, Walt. Clonfert & Procurator Leghlin, Sc.
When (viz. the 12. of the fame) the two Perfons had delivered their
Credential Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, he wiſhed them, in regard of
the importance of the Matter they were intrufted with, to fet down what
they had in Command in Writing; whereupon they preſented him the
13th. with this following Letter.
1650.
May it pleaſe your Excellency.
WE being intruſted by the Clergy met at Jamestown, to deliver a The Bishop of
Dromore, and
Doctor Kelly's
with the Lord
Licutenant.
Meſſage unto your Excellency, importing their advice, what the
onely means is, as they conceive, that may serve to free the Nation from Negotiation
the fad Condition, whereunto it is reduced at prefent, do in obedience to
your Excellencies Commands, fignified for giving in the Substance of the faid
Meſſage in Writing, humbly prefent the fame as followeth. That whereas
they doubt not your Excellency hath labour'd by other hands, to bring the
beſt Aids that poffibly could be had from abroad, for the Relief of this
gafping Nation, yet finding now. in their Confciencies no other expedient
Remedy for the prefervation thereof, and of his Majefties Interefts there-
in, more prevalent then your Excellencies Speedy repair to his Majesty,
for preventing the Ruine and Diffolution of all, and leaving the Kings
Authority in the hands of ſome Perſon or Perfons faithful to his Majesty,
and trufty to the Nation, and fuch as the affection and confidence of the
People will follow, by which the Rage and Fury of the Enemy may re-
ceive Interruption; They humbly offer this important Matter, of the Safety
or Deſtruction of this Nation, and the Kings Interest, to your Wifdom
and Confideration, hoping the Kingdom by your Excellencies Prefence
with his Majesty, and intrusting Safely the Kings Authority, (as above)
may with Gods bleſſing, hold out until reliev'd with Supplies from his Má-
jefty; The Prelates will in the mean time, do what lies in their Power to
affift the Perfon or Perfons fo intrusted. The great Trust his Majesty doth
repofe in your Excellency, the vast Interest in Fortune, Alliance, and Kin-
dred, you have in this Nation, and your experience in the management of
Affairs of greatest Confequence, will, (we doubt not) added to other
the Reasons propofed by us, induce you to embrace this Advice, as pro-
Ll 2
ceeding
260
The dismal Effects of
!
$4
1650. ceeding from our pious Intentions, that look onely on the preſervation of
the Catholick Religion, the fupport of his Majefties Authority, and the
Eftates, Liberties, and Fortunes, of his Subjects of this Kingdom, which
we humbly offer, as
The Meffage
from the Bi-
hops being
juitly refented
by the Lord
Lieutenant, he
writes to them
to meet him at
Loghresh, but
they augment
their Con-
tempts.
Aug. 13th. 1650.
Tour Excellencies moft humble Servants,
Fr. Oliver Dromore, Charles Kelly,
Though the Marquefs did not expect, that the Meeting of the Biſhops
and Clergy in that manner at Jamestown, would have produced any better
effect, than their former Meetings in other Places had done, yet he could
not imagine, that their Prefumption would have been fo great, as it ap-
pear'd by this Meffage to be. And when he communicated it to the Com-
miffioners of Truſt, they were no leſs ſeemingly fcandalized at it, and
believ'd, that upon ferious Conference with the Bishops, they fhould be
able to reform their Underſtandings and their Wills, and therefore defi-
red the Marqueſs, that inſtead of fending a particular Anſwer to the Matter
of the Meffage, he would write to them, To give him a Meeting at Logh-
reogh, on the 26th. of the fame month, to the end, that upon a free Confe-
rence, they might be induced to understand how pernicious a thing they had
advifed, in order to their own fecurity. And the Bishop of Dromore, and
Dr. Kelly, return'd with this Propofition, and the Marquefs, making no
doubt of their Compliance, fo far as to meet at the Place appointed, went
thither at the day affigned; but they, inſtead of meeting him themſelves,
fent their Bishops of Cork and Clonfert, (no otherwife intrufted then) to
receive his Anſwer to the Propofition they had made, for his leaving the
Kingdom: To which, when he faw he could not draw them to a Confe
rence, he, the 31. of Auguft, return'd, That they might well remember,
that upon the Disobediences he had formerly met with, he had obtain' d leave
from his Majefty to have departed the Kingdom, and that if themſelves the
Biſhops, Nobility and Gentry, met together, had not in April last, in Wri
ting and Difcourfe, given him affurance, that they not only defired his ftay,
but would endeavour to procure fuch obedience to him, as might enable him
with hope of fuccefs to have gone on in the War, he would have made ufe of
the liberty given unto him by his Majesty, to have freed himself from the
vexation which he had fince endured, and the dishonour which he fore-faw
he fhould be fubject to for want of Power, without which (as he then told
them he should be able to do nothing confiderable for the King or the Nati-
on: That he had tranfmitted thoſe Affurances to his Majesty, with his own
refolution to attend the Effects: That he plainly obferved, that the Divifion
was great in the Nation under his Government, yet it would be greater upon
his removal, of which, in a free Conference, he would have given them fuch
pregnant Evidence, as he held it not fit to declare to them by writing. For
thefe and other Reaſons he told them, That unless he was forced by in-evita-
ble neceſſity, he was not willing to remove out of the Kingdom, and defired
them to use all means within their Power, to difpofe the People to that Du-
tifulness and Obedience that became them.
This wrought nothing on the Temper of thofe Men, who were refolv-
ed not to be fatisfied with any thing the Marquefs could fay unto them :
Infomuch that (within few days after they had receiv'd his Anfwer from
Logh
the Irish Infurrection.
261
1650.
The Bishops of
Jamestown (in-
been offered
Loghreogh, at the time when the Parliamentarians were ſtrong in the
Field, and had then paffed the Shannon, if they had not been reftrained by
the few Troops the Marquefs ftill kept on foot) they publifhed an Excom-
munication againſt all thofe, of what Quality foever, who fhould feed, itead of what
help, or adhere unto the Lord Lieutenant; in which, this Circumftance might have
is obfervable, That though they did not publish this Excommunication with Refpect to
until the 15th. of September, it was enacted in their Affembly at James- the Lord Lieu-
town the 12th. of Auguft, which was within two days after they had fent tenant) info-
lently publiſh-
the Biſhop of Dromore, and Dr. Kelly, to perfwade the Marquefs to leave ed an Excom-
the Kingdom, and the day before they delivered their Meffage: So that munication
they thought any thing that the Lord Lieutenant fhould return to them,
would be impertinent to the Matter in hand; or if they were not fo de-
lighted with their own Proceedings, that they have themſelves carefully
publiſhed to the World in Print, would it be believ'd, that Perſons, who
in the leaſt degree pretended the care of the Peoples welfare and fecurity,
could at fuch a time, when a potent Enemy was in the Field, fet all Men
loofe from all Government, Civil and Martial, and not direct them whom
they thould follow and obey: For if it be faid, That they were adviſed
to return to their Affociation, and until a General Affembly of the Nati-
on could be conveniently called, unanimoufly to ferve againſt the com-
mon Enemy, fince no Perſons were named or appointed to conduct them,
it muſt be acknowledged, that they were left without any direction at all,
to the rage and fury of thoſe, who intended nothing but their Re-
duction.
Declaration
Together with their Excommunication, they publiſhed, in the head
of the Army, a Declaration, entituled, A Declaration of the Archbishops, A malicious
Bishops, and other Prelates and Dignitaries of the Regular and Secular Cler-
gy of the Kingdom of Ireland, against the continuance of his Majesty's Au-
thority in the Marquefs of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, for the
mif-government of the Subjects, and the ill conduct of his Majefty's Army,
and violation of the Articles of Peace.
If the Archbishops, Biſhops, and Secular and Regular Clergy of Ireland,
will take upon them to declare againſt the King's Authority, where his
Majeſty hath placed it, and will make themselves Judges of his fupream
Minifter, for the government of the Subjects, and the ill conduct of his
Majeſty's Army, they affume an Authority to themſelves, that no other
Chriſtian Clergy ever pretended, and fufficiently declare to the King,
how far they are from being Subjects, or intending to pay him any Obedience,
longer than they are govern'd in fuch Manner, and by fuch Perfons, as they
think fit to be pleas'd with. If the Marquefs of Ormond had mif-govern'd
the People, and conducted his Majefty's Army amifs,
the Clergy are not
competent Judges of the one or the other. And for the violation of the
Articles of Peace, the Commiffioners, nominated and appointed to pro-
vide for the due execution of them, were the only Perfons who could de-
termine and remedy fuch Violation, and who well knew there was no
cauſe for their complaint. But on the other hand, (as hath been before
mention'd) theſe Men obftructed that concurrence and obedience in the
People, without which thofe Articles could not be obferved, or the fecu-
rity of the People provided for.
The Preface of that Declaration (according to their ufual method
juſtified and magnified their Piety and Vertue, in the beginning and carà
rying on the War, extolled their Duty and Affection to their King, in
ſubmit-
from the Bi-
fhops of fames-
town, with Ani-
thereupon.
madverfions
262
The difmal Effects of
ง
1650. fubmitting to him, and returning to their Allegiance, when they ſaid,
they could have better, or as good Conditions from the Parliament of
England, intimated what a vaft fum of Money they had provided, near
half a Million of English pounds, befides feveral Magazines of Corn, with
a fair Train of Artillery, great quantity of Powder, Match, Ammunition,
with other Materials for carrying on the War, and many other Particu-
lars of that nature, the monftrous untruths whereof doth fufficiently ap-
pear, in what hath been faid before. The Marquefs having been forced
to borrow thofe little fums of Money, out of the Pockets of his Friends,
(and to ſpend all that he raised upon the fail of a good quantity of his
own Land, for the fupport of his Wife and Children) to enable the Army
to march, which was not then (what-ever hath been fince) re-paid to
him. And the Magazines of Corn and Ammunition, and other Materi-
als for War, being fo abfolutely un-furniſhed, that it was not poffible for
him to reduce thoſe ſmall Forts of Maryburrough and Athy, held by Owen
O Neal's Party, till he had by his own Power and Intereft, procured
fome Supplies before clearly mention'd, fo far were theſe Men from ma-
king that Proviſion they brag of. What Conditions they might have
had from the Parliament of England, may be concluded by the ufage they
have fince found, (nor if they were put to it, would they be able to prove
their Affertions) divine vengeance having made that Party more merci
leſs towards them, whoſe forwardneſs, obftinacy, and treachery againſt
the King's Authority, contributed moſt to their Service, than thoſe who
worthily oppoſed them, and were moſt enemies to their Proceed-
ings.
They endeavour'd by all imaginable Reproaches and Calumnies, to
leffen the Peoples Reverence towards the Lord Lieutenant, laying fuch
Afperfions on him in the faid Declaration, as might moft alienate their
Affections, though themſelves knew them to be un-true, and without co-
lour. They complained that he had given Money, Commiffions for Co-
lonels, and other Commands,unto Proteftants, and upon them confumed
the ſubſtance of the Kingdom, who moſt of them either betrayed or de-
ferted the Service; whereas they knew well, that there was not one Pro-
teſtant Officer, to whom the Lord Lieutenant gave a Commiffion, who
betrayed any Place committed to him, or otherwiſe treated in order to
their ſupport, than all the other Officers of the fame condition in the
Army; nor did they quit the Service, until many of them had gallantly
loft their Lives, and that the Clergy had fo far incenſed the People againſt
them, only for being Proteftants, that the Marquefs was compelled to
give them leave to depart the Kingdom, or otherwife to difpofe of them-
felves; and the Parliament Commanders gave Paffes to fuch as would de-
part the Kingdom, and gladly entertain'd fuch as went over to their
Party.
They accuſed him of Improvidence in conducting the Army, after the
defeat at Rathmines, of not relieving Tredath, of permitting Play, Drink-
ing, and Licentiouſneſs in the Camp, and as bold Afperfions, as, without
Excommunication, might gain credit with the People, and reflect upon
his Honour, where he was, not enough known. Whereas the Action at
Rathmines is before fet down at large, and the taking of Tredath by a
Storm, when it was fcarce apprehended: And it is notoriouſly known,
that in his Perfon he was ſo ſtrict and vigilant, that he gave not himſelf
freedom and liberty to enjoy thofe Pleafures, which might very well have
confift-
the Irish Infurrection.
263
·
conſiſted with the Office and Duty of the moſt ſevere General; and that
in above three months time, (which was from his firſt drawing the For-
ces to the Rendezvous, till after the misfortune at Rathmines he never
flept out of his Souldier's Habit. So that the malice and craft of thofe un-
reaſonable and fenflefs Calumnies, are eaſie enough to be difcerned, and
can only make an impreffion upon vulgar minds, not well informed of the
Humour and Spirit of the Contrivers.
They magnified exceedingly the Merit of the Prelates, the Declarati-
on they had made at Cloanmacnoife, their frequent expreffions of their Sin-
cerity; and moft blame the Marquefs, for not making ufe of their Power
and Diligence, toward the advancing the King's Intereft; but rather, for
fufpecting and blaming them by his Letter to the Prelates at Jamestown,
(before-mention'd) and they ſaid, words were heard to fall from him,
dangerous as to the Perfons of fome of the Prelates. To all which, little
need be faid, fince there is before fo juft and full mention of their fair De-
clarations, Profeffions and Actions, which accompanied them: And for
the danger the Perfons of fome Prelates were in, they will be ashamed to
urge, when it is known, that their Biſhop of Killalough was brought to
him in cuſtody, even after he had fign'd this Declaration and Excommu-
nication, and fet at liberty by him, and whom the Biſhops themſelves, in
their Letter (of the 12th. of September, 1650.) to the Earl of West-
meath, &c. do acknowledge to be preferved by the Marquefs; and for
which many will rather expect an Apology, than for any Jealoufie he
could entertain of the Perfons, who behaved themſelves in that manner
towards the King's Lord Lieutenant.
They charge him with having reprefented to his Majefty, that fome
Parts of the Kingdom were dif-obedient, which abfolutely deny any
Dif-obedience by them committed; and that thereby, he had procured
from his Majesty a Letter, to withdraw his own Perſon, and the Royal
Authority, if fuch dif-obedience was multiplied, and fo leave the People
without the Benefit of Peace. This was the Reward his Excellency (out
of his Envy to a Catholick Loyal Nation) prepared for their Loyalty
and Obedience, feal'd by the fhedding of their blood, and the loſs of their
fubftance. Whether the obftinate and Rebellious carriage of Waterford,
Limerick, and other Places, (which brought deftruction upon them-
felves) did not deferve and require fuch a Repreſentation to be made
unto the King, may be judged by all men, upon what hath been before
truly fet down of thoſe Particulars; and if the Places themſelves had
not acknowledged that dif-obedience, yet the Prelates ſeemed to lament
thoſe Acts of Dif-obedience, and moſt earneſtly diffwaded him from
leaving the Kingdom, promifing all their endeavours to reduce the
People to Obedience, (which was onely in their Power to have done )
elfe the Marquefs would not fo long have expoſed Himſelf and his Ho-
nour to thofe Reproaches, or fuffered his Perſon with the Impotent Title
of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to have remained in that Kingdom; and
every day to hear of the rendring and betraying of Places to the Ene-
my, which he could no more remedy, then he could infufe a Spirit of
Obedience, Unity, and Underſtanding, into that unhappy infatuated
Nation; Yet he was fo far from withing, that his Majefty fhould abfo-
lutely withdraw his Royal Authority from them, (how unworthy fo-
ever they made themſelves of it) that he offered to leave the Kings
Power, in the Perfon of the Marquefs of Clanrickard, as he afterwards
did,
1650.
264
The difmal Effects of
1650. did, hoping, that fince their great exception was to him for being a Pro-
teftant, they would with all Alacrity have complied with the other,
who is known to be a moft zealous Roman Catholick, yet a great Roy-
alift.
They reproach'd him, That while he was an Enemy to the Catholicks,
he had been very active in unnatural executions againſt them, and fhed-
ding the blood of poor Prieſts and Churchmen: But fince the Peace, he
had fhewed little of action, keeping himſelf in Connaght, and Thomond,
where no danger was, or the Enemy appear'd not. Here you fee, they
would neither fuffer him to have an Army to oppoſe the Enemy, nor
be content that he ſhould retire into thoſe Places where the Enemy could
leaſt infeſt him, and from whence with thoſe few Troops which re-
mained with him, he defended the Shannon, and kept the Enemy from
getting over the River, while he ftaid there. And for the former activity
and fuccefs againſt them, which they were content to impute to him, it
was when he had a free election of Officers, an abfolute Power over
his Garriſons, where he caufed the Soldiers continually to be exerciſed,
their Arms kept in order, and from whence he could have drawn his Ar-
my together, and have march'd with it to what place he would: which
advantages he was now without, and the Enemy poffeffed of; and there-
fore it was no wonder, that they now obtain'd their Victories, as eaſily
as he had done formerly; But fince they were fo difingenious and un-
grateful, there being many amongſt them, whofe lives he had faved,
し
​not without fufpicion of being favourable to them, when he ſhould
have been juft) to charge him with being active in unnatural executions
againſt them, and in fhedding the blood of poor Prieſts and Church-men;
and for the Improvement and Propagation of Calumny, it hath pleafed
fome Perſons, to cauſe that Declaration to be Tranflated in Latin, and
Printed, thereby to make him odious to the Roman Catholicks, and have
named two Prieſts, who they fay were by his order Executed, and
to death in cold blood, and after his promife given to fave their lives,
whoſe names were Mr. Higgins, and Mr. White. It will not be imper-
tinent to fet down at large the Cafe of theſe two Perfons, that from
thence, men who have no mind to be deceived and miſlead, may judge ·
of the Candor and Sincerity of thoſe Perfons, who would obtrude fuch
Calumnies to the World.
put
It muſt therefore be known, that when theſe two Priefs were put to
death, the War was conducted and carried on by the two Houſes of Par-
liament; that the Government of Ireland was in the hands of the two
Lords Juftices, who upon the inhumane and barbarous Cruelties firſt
practiſed by the Irish Catholicks, in the beginning of the Rebellion, had
forbidden any quarter to be given to thoſe whom they found in Arms, and
principally againſt all Prieſts, known Incendaries of that Rebellion,
and prime Actors in exemplary Cruelties; and the Marquefs of Ormond
was then onely Lieutenant General of the Army, and received all Or-
ders from the Lords Juftiçes and Council, who having intelligence that
a Party of the Rebels intended to be at fuch a time at the Naas, or-
der'd him to draw fome Troops together, with hope to furprize
them; And the Lieutenant General marching all night, came early in the
morning into the Town, from whence the Rebels (upon notice) were
newly fled; In this Town fome of the Souldiers found Mr. Higgins,
who might it's true have eaſily fled, if he had apprehended any danger in
the
A
the Irish Infurrection.
265
the ftay; When he was brought before the Marquefs, he voluntarily
acknowleged that he was a Prieft, and that his Refidence was in the
Town, from whence he refuſed to fly away with thoſe that were guilty,
becauſe he not onely knew himſelf very innocent, but believ'd he thould
not be without ample Evidence of it, having by his fole Charity and
Power, preſerved very many of the English Proteftants, from the rage
and fury of the Irish, and therefore he onely befought the Marquefs to
preferve him from the violence of the Souldiers, and to put him fecurely
into Dublin, to be tried for any Crime; which the Marquefs promis'd
to do, and perform'd it, though with fo much. hazard, that when it was
fpread abroad amongſt the Souldiers, that he was a Prieft, the Officer
into whofe Cuſtody he was intrufted, was affaulted by them, and it was
as much as the Marquefs could do to relieve him, and compofe the mu-
tiny. When he came to Dublin, he informed the Lords Juſtices and
Council of the Prifoner he had brought with him, of the good Test =
mony he had receiv'd of his peaceable Carriage, of the pains he had
taken to reſtrain thoſe with whom he had Credit, from entring into
Rebellion, and of very many charitable Offices he had perform'd, of
which there wanted not Evidence enough, there being many then in
Dublin, who own'd their Lives, and whatever of their Fortunes was left,
purely to him, ſo that he doubted not, but that he would be worthy of
their Protection: Within few days after, when the Marquefs did not
ſuſpect the poor man to be in danger, he heard that Sir Charles Coot (who
was Provoit Martial General) had taken him out of Priſon, and cauſed
him to be put to death, in the morning before or affoon as it was light;
of which Barbarity, the Marquefs complained to the Lords Juftices, but
was fo far from bringing the other to be queſtion'd, that he found him-
felf to be upon fome difadvantage, for thinking the proceeding to be
otherwiſe then it ought to have been: This was the Cafe of Mr. Higgins,
and this the Marquefs's part in it; and the poor man was fo far from
complaining of his breach of Promife at his death, (how confidently
foever it be aver'd) that he exceedingly acknowledged the Favour he
had receiv'd from his Lordship, prayed for his Profperity, and lamented
his want of Power to do that, which the World faw his inclination
prompted him to.
The proceeding againſt Mr. White, was very different, and in this
manner; The Marquefs being upon his march with his Army, he quar-
ter'd one night at Clonin, an houfe of the Earl of Weft-Meaths, who
was refiding there with his Wife and Family; when he was at Supper,
many of the Officers being at the Table) the Lady of the Houſe
( upon fome whiifper the receiv'd from a Servant) expreffed fome
trouble in her Countenance, which the Marquefs (who fate next her
perceiving, asked her what the matter was, fhe told him in his ear, that
the was in great apprehenfion of an honeft man who was in her houſe,
and much fear'd the Souldiers, confeffing he was a Prieft; The Mar-
quefs replied, that if he was in the houfe, and kept himſelf there, he
was in no danger; for, as the Souldiers would attempt nothing while
the Marquefs ftai'd there, fo he would leave a Guard at his departure,
that fhould fecure it againſt Straglers, or any Party that fhould stay be-
hind; which he did accordingly. In the morning when he was ready
to march, he receiv'd information, that the Rebels were poffeffed of a
Paſs, by which he was to go; whereupon he fent fome Troops to get
a Foard,
Mm
1650.
266
The difmal Effects of
1650.
is at large in
his Append. of
Inftruments,
Fol. 99.
a Foard, three miles from the way the Army was to march, and by that
means, to come upon the Rear of the Rebels by the time the Army
fhould come to the Pafs; which being done, after a fhort Encounter,
in which many were killed, the Rebels were put to flight, and the Pafs
gain'd: In this action, Mr. White was taken on Horſe-back with a
Cafe of Piftols, who defired to be brought to the Marquefs, which being
done, he told him he was the Perfon, for whom the Countess of Weft-
Meath had befought his favour the night before, and that his Lordship
had promiſed that he fhould be fafe; The Marquefs told him, if he were
the fame Perſon? it was his own fault that he was not fafe, if he had
ftaid in the houſe he was in, this had not befaln him? that it was now
out of his Power to preſerve him, himſelf being bound to purfue thoſe
Orders which the Lords Juftices had given him; Nevertheleſs, he did
endeavour to have ſaved him, at leaſt till he might be brought to Dublin :
But the whole Army poffeffed with a bitter fpirit againſt the Romish
Clergy, mutinied upon it, and in the end compelled the Marquefs to
leave him unto that Juftice, which they were authoris'd to execute, and
fo put him to death. Who can now upon thefe two Inſtances, and no
other can or have been given, reaſonably and honeftly fay, that the Mar-
quefs hath had his hands defiled with the blood of Prieſts? And from
the time that he had the chief Power committed to him, there was not one
Priest (how Maliciouſly, Rebelliouſly, or Treacheroufly foever, they
beliaved themſelves againſt the Kings Service, and the Perfon of the
Lord Lieutenant) who fuffered death, but alſo all other acts of Blood
and Rage, which are not neceffary, though hardly avoidable in the moſt
juft War, were declined and diſcountenanced by him; nay! for his Re-
ſpect to affairs of this nature, (that they might be evenly, and without
paffion carried on) did he not often undergo (even with his own Party
a fufpicion of not being fufficiently faithful? The Confequences of which
had many Cenfures: The truth is, the Rebellion was odious to him, yet
his defire (often to reclaim the Irish by Mercy) palliated, what other-
wife might have finiſhed (ſome thought) the War, ſooner then it had
its Determination.
I fhall pass over the many Tautologies, and impertinent Calum-
nies in the faid Declaration, all which are fufficiently anfwer'd and clear'd,
*In that Walsh by what is already contain'd in this Narrative, and fhall* onely infert
their conclufion in their own words, as followeth. For the prevention
of theſe Evils, and that the Kingdom may not be utterly loft to his Ma-
jefty, and his Catholick Subjects, this Congregation of Archbishops,
Biſhops, and other Prelates and Dignitaries of both Clergies of this
Kingdom, found our felves bound in Confcience (after great delibera-
tion) to declare againſt the continuance of his Majefties Authority, in
the Perſon of the Lord Marquefs of Ormond, having by his Mifgovern-
ment, ill Conduct of his Majetties Army, and breach of Publick Faith
with the People, in feveral Particulars of the Articles of Peace, ren-
dred himſelf incapable of continuing that great Truft any longer, being
queftionable before his Majefty, for the aforefaid Injuries and ill Go-
vernment to which effect, we will joyn with other Members of
this Kingdom, in drawing a Charge against him: And we hereby mani-
feſt to the People, that they are no longer obliged to obey the Orders
and Commands of the faid Marquefs of Ormond, but are, until a
General Aſſembly of the Nation can be conveniently called together,
>
unanimoufly
}
the Irish Infurrection.
267
unanimouſly to ſerve againſt the common Enemy, for the defence of the
Catholick Religion, his Majefties Intereft, their Liberties, Lives, and
Fortunes, in purſuance of the Oath of Affociation, and to obferve in the
mean time the form of Government the faid Congregation fhall pre-
ſcribe, until otherwiſe ordered by an Affembly, or until upon Applicati-
on to his Majeſty, he fettle the fame otherwife. And we do Fulminate the
annexed Excommunication of one date, with this Declaration againſt all
oppofers of the faid Declaration.
\
pro-
1650.
obedience of
upon.
Here we are arrived at one of the moſt fatal Conclufions of a defpe- The obftinate
rate People any Hiſtory ever mention'd; yet (as the cafe ftood) it was the People to
not poffible for his Excellency to chaftife their folly and madness; fuch the Clergy, and
a reverence and eſteem this unhappy Nation hath ever had of their Cler- the miferable
gy, that a feditious Frier (and he happily none of their higheſt Order refult there-
neither) could take the Colours in the head of a Regiment, and
nouncing damnation to thoſe who fhould prefume to march) contrary
to the General's command, caufed the Soldiers to throw down their
Arms, and disband, as fell out in an Expedition at Kilkenny. Nor was it.
poffible for the Marquis of Ormond to procure Juſtice to be inflicted in a
Civil or Martial way upon an Ecclefiaftical Perfon, let his crime be what
it would: fince even they whoſe zeal and affection to his Majefties Ser-
vice was unquestionable, and who were as highly offended at the in-
tolerable carriage and proceedings of the Bishops and Clergy as they
ought to be, and whoſe duty was not in the leaſt degree fhaken by their
Declaration and Excommunication, were yet ſo tender of thofe Immuni-
ties and Priviledges which were faid to belong to the Church, and fo jea-
lous of the behaviour of the People in any cafe, which fhould be declared
a violation of thofe Priviledges, that they would by no means have an
hand in inflicting capital puniſhment upon any Church-men, without the
approbation and co-operation of the Bilhops, who were not like to be fo
hard-hearted as to confent unto any judgment upon the Acceffories in
thoſe crimes, in which themſelves were the Principal: So that he muſt
not onely have determined by his own fingle will and judgment, what
was to be done in thofe Cafes, but he muſt have executed thofe determi-
nations with his own hand. And this confideration obliged the Marquis
to all thofe condefcenfions and fufferings, and upon all occafions to en-
deavour to diſpoſe and perfwade thofe Prelates from any obſtinate and
ruinous refolutions, rather than to declare them to be enemies, whom he
could neither reform or puniſh.
The Excommunication was no fooner publiſhed by the Congregation,
and confented and approved by the other part of the Biſhops and Clergy,
fitting at Galway, but they quickly difcerned how imprudently, as well as
unwarrantably they had proceeded in order to their own ends; and that
they had taken care onely to diffolve and disband all their Forces, with-
out making any kind of provifion for the oppofition of the Parliaments
Forces, who had quickly notice of their ridiculous madneſs, and were
thereupon advancing with their whole Power upon them; the people.
generally, who forefaw what muſt be the iffue of that confufion, thought
of nothing but compounding with the Enemy upon any condition; the
Nobility, prime Gentry, and the Commiffioners of Truft, who faw their
whole Power and Jurifdiction wrefted from them, and affumed and ex-
erciſed by the Congregation, continued their application to the Lord
Mm 2
Lieute-
Upon the Ex-
communicati-
on, People (be-
ing abfolved
trom the Lord
Lieutenant )
ing with the
think of agree-
Parliamentari
ans.
A
268
The difmal Effects of
1650.
Lieutenant, and defired him not to leave them expofed to the confufion
which muſt attend his departure. The graveft and most pious Clergy la-
mented the unskilful ſpirit of the reft; and even ſome of the Bifhops, and
others, who were prefent at the Congregation, and fubfcrib'd to the
Excommunication, difclaim'd their having confented to it, though they
were oblig'd to fign it for conformity: So that they found it neceffary
within less than three days after the publishing it, to fufpend that dread-
ful Sentence; and yet that it might appear how unwillingly they did
thofe acts of fobriety and gentleneſs, it will not be amifs to fet down
the Letter it felf, which the Titular Bifhop of Clonfert, and Doctor
Charles Kelly writ to the Officers of the Army, under the Command of
the Lord Marquis of Clanrickard to that purpofe, which was in theſe
words.
I
The Biſhop of
Clonfert and
Dr. Kelly's Let-
ter to the Off-
cers of the Ar-
my, giving
them reaſons
why the Ex-
communicati-
on fhould be
fufpended.
SIRS,
Efter day we received
Efterday we received an Expreß from the rest of our Congregation at
Galway, bearing their ſenſe to ſuſpend the effect of the Excommu-
nication proclaimed by their Orders,till the fervice at Athlone be performed,
fearing on the one efide a difperfion of the Army, and on the other fide have
received certain intelligence of the Enemies approach unto that Place, with
their full force and number of fighting men, and thereupon would have us
concur with them in fufpending the faid Excommunication. As for our part,
we do judge that fufpenfion to be unnecessary, and full of inconveniencies,
which we apprehend may enfue, because the Excommunication may be obeyed,
and the ſervice not neglected, if the People were pleased to undertake the
Service in the Clergies name, without relation to the Lord of Ormond:
Tet fearing the cenfure of fingularity in a matter of fo high a ſtrain againſt
us, or to be deem'd more forward in Excommunicating then others; alſo
fearing the weakness of fome (which we believ'd the Congregation fear'd)
we are pleas'd to follow the major Vote, and against our own opinion concur
with them, and do hereby fufpend the said Cenfure as above; provided al-
ways, that after the Service perform'd, or the Service be thought unne-
ceffary by the Clergy, or when the faid Clergy fhall renew it, it shall be
prefently incurred, as if the faid Sufpenfion had never been interpofed. And
So we remain,
}
Corbeg. Sept.
16:1650.
Your affured loving Friends in Chrift,
Walter Bish. of Clonfert, Charles Kelly.
If this Authentick Truth (of which there is not room for the leaſt
doubt) were not inferted, who could believe it poffible, that men endu'd
with common underſtanding, and profeffing the Doctrine of Chriftia-
nity, and Allegiance of Subjects, could, upon deliberation, publiſh fuch
Decrees? And who can wonder that a People, enflaved to, and condu-
cted by fuch Spiritual Leaders, fhould become a Prey to any Enemy,
though ſupplied with lefs power, vigilance, and dexterity, than the
Parliaments Forces always were, who have prevailed againſt them, and
who
43
I
4
7
{
the Irish Infurrection.
who by all kind of reproaches, rigour, and tyranny, have made that
froward and unhappy Congregation pay dear Intereft, for the contempt
and indignity with which they profecuted their Sovereign and his
Authority.
269
1650.
Declaration
gainst the
His Majeſty that now is, being about this time in Scotland, in profecu-
tion of the recovery of his Kingdoms, was by the Kirk Party, which pof-
fefs'd the Power of that Kingdom forced to fign a Declaration, By which His Majefties
the Peace concluded with the Irish Catholicks in 1648. by Authority of the (Lengthen in
late King of ever glorious memory, and confirmed by himself, was pro- Scotland) a-
Hounced and adjudged void, and that his Majesty was abfolved from any peace of 1648
obfervation of it: And this not grounded upon thoſe particular Breaches, concluded with
Violations, and Affronts, which had been offered to his Majefties Autho- the Rebels, they
being infamous
rity, and contrary to the exprefs Articles, Provifo's, and Promifes of
that Treaty; but upon the fuppofed unlawfulness of concluding any Peace
with thofe Perfons, who were branded with many ignominious reproaches.
And though this Declaration in point of time iffued after the Excommu-
nication at James-town, yet the notice of it came fo near the time of the August 12,
publication of the other, that the Clergy inferted it in their Declaration,
as if it had been one of the principal Caufes of their Excommunication,
thereby deluding the People, as if that expedient of their Excommuni-
cation had been the onely foundation of fecurity to the Nation, and their
particular Fortunes.
ང
The Lord
fembly at Logh-
reogh, to clear
the doubts a-
rifing on the
King's Decla-
ration.
When the Marquis first heard of that Declaration in Scotland, he did
really believe it a Forgery, contrived either by the Parliament, or the
Irish Congregation, to feduce the People from their Affection and Loy-
alty to the King; but foon after, viz.the 13th. of October,being affured of
its authentickneſs, he immediately (with the advice of the Commiflioners
of Trust iffued his Orders, (viz. the 24th. of October) for the meeting Lieutenant
of an Affembly at Loghreogh, on the 15th. of Novemb. and in the mean (upon the cer-
time, on the 23 d. of Octob. for the better compofing of the minds of men, tainty of the
Kings Decla-
and preventing thoſe diftempers and jealoufies which might be infufed, ration) fum-
he writ from Enis to the Commiffioners of Truft, and took notice of mons an Af-
that Declaration which was published in Scotland, and told them, That
however the affronts put upon his Majefty had been many, and were ob-
ftinately perfifted in to that day, and in fuch Places, whereupon evi-
dently depended the preſervation or lofs of the whole Kingdom, where-
of he had ſeveral times given notice to them, and followed the ways ad-
viſed by them for the reclaiming the faid Places without fuccefs; yet con-
fidering the Declaration gain'd from his Majefty, was without hearing
what could be faid by the Nation in their own defence, and fuch as in-
volved it generally (without exception) in the guilt of Rebellion; he
thought it fit to let them know, That (fince the Declaration was by undue
means obtain'd from his Majesty) he was refolved, by all the means it should
pleaſe God to offer unto him, and through all hazards in the behalf of the
Nation, to infift upon, and infert the lawfulness of the conclufion of the
Peace, by vertue of the aforefaid Authority, and that the faid Peace was
Still valid and of force, and binding unto his Majesty and all his Subjects:
And herein he told them he was refolved, by the help of God, to perſiſt, un-
til both himſelf, and fuch as ſhould in that behalf be intrusted and autho-
rifed by the Nation, fhould have free and fafe access to his Majefty; and
until, upon mature and unrestrained confideration of what might on all fides
be faid, his Majeſty ſhould have declared his Royal pleaſure upon those Af-
fronts
270
The difmal Effects of
1650. fronts that had been put upon his Authority. Provided, that in the mean
time, and immediately, Firſt, That all the Acts, Declarations, and Excom-
munications iffued by the Bishops (met at James-town in Auguft last)
against his Majefties Authority in him, and the Peoples giving obedience
thereunto, fhould be by them revoked; and fuch affurance given, as fhould
be agreed by him and the Commiffioners of Trust, that they nor any of them
fhould attempt the like for the future; and that they should contain them-
felves within the bounds preſcribed by the Articles of Peace, whereof they
are Parties. Secondly, That it should be immediately declared by the
Commiffioners of Trust, that the faid Declaration, Excommunication, and
other Proceedings of the faid Bishops, was an unwarrantable ufurpation upon
his Majeſties juſt Authority,and in them a violation of the Peace: And that
in cafe the Bifhops fhould not give the affurance before expreffed, or having
given it, ſhould not obferve the fame, that they would endeavour to bring
the offenders to condign punishment, pursuant unto, and as is prefcribed by
the Laws of the Kingdom, as difturbers of the Peace of the Kingdom, and
offtructors of the means of preferving the fame. Thirdly, That the like De-
claration fhould be made by all that derive Authority from his Majesty, Ci-
vil or Martial, and by the respective Mayors, Aldermen, Common-Coun-
cils, Burgeffes, and other Magiftrates in all the Corporations of the King-
dom. Fourthly, That the Lord Lieutenant ſhould be permitted to make his
free and ſafe Refidence in any Place he ſhould choose, within the Limits not
poffeffed by the Parliament. Fifthly, That he ſhould be immediately fuffered
to Garrison fuch Places, and in fuch manner, according to the Articles of
Peace, as he should find necessary for the defence of the Kingdom. In the
laft place he wish'd them, That fome prefent courfe might be taken for his
Support, in ſome proportion answerable to his Place, yet with regard to the
Kingdom; which laſt, he ſaid, he ſhould not have propofed, but that he was
deprived of all his own Fortune, whereupon he had wholely fubfifted ever
fince his coming into the Kingdom.
The Commif-
fioners reply to
$
The Commiffioners of Truſt received this Letter with all demonftra-
the Lord Lieu- tions of refpect and fatisfaction, and the very next day return him an
tenant's pre- Anſwer, in which, after they had lamented the iffuing out of that Procla-
ceding Letter. mation in Scotland, they faid, It greatly comforted them to understand, that
his Excellency was refolv'd through all hazards in behalf of the Nation to infift
upon,
and affert the Peace, and perfift in so doing, until he, or ſuch as ſhould be
intrufted and authorized by the Nation, fhould have free and fafe access unto
his Majefty: And as to thofe Provifo's which were expreffed as neceffary Con
ditionsfor the continuing amongst them his Majefties Authority, which (not-
withstanding the Declaration they faid,they did ftill reverence and embrace
(befide their general profeffion to act what lay within their power in the
ways of his Majefties fervice) for his Excellencies fatisfaction, they return'd
theſe enfuing Answers. As to the first, concerning the revocation of thofe
Acts, Declarations, and Excommunications iffued by the Biſhops, and af-
furance demanded, that nothing in that kind ſhould be attempted for the
future. They faid, That his Excellency, to whom they had often expreß'd
their refentment of their proceedings, might be confident, they would la
bour as far as in them lay to fee his Excellency fatisfi'd in that particular;
and to that end they would all, or fome of them, with his allowance, and as
he ſhould think fit, repair to Galway to treat with the Prelates on that
Subject.
1
7
the Irish Infurrection.
Subject. Unto the ſecond, they answered, That albeit they knew by thofe
Cenfures of the Bishops his Majefties Authority was invaded, and an un-
warranted Government fet up, contrary to the Laws of the Kingdom, and
that they were affured, no Subject could be justly warranted by that Ex-
communication, to deny Obedience to his Majefties Authority in his Ex-
cellency; yet being of opinion, that a publick Declaration of that kind in
that conjuncture of Affairs, ought properly, and would with more countenance
and Authority move from an Affembly than from them; and that by fuch
a publick Declaration than from themselves, they should wholely obſtruct
the way to prevail with the Prelates to withdraw thofe Acts, which was
defired by the former Propofition, and likewife endanger the Union that
was neceſſary at prefent in oppofing the common Enemy, and prejudice the
hopes of a more perfect Union for the future, wherein the prefervation of
the Nation would principally confift. They did therefore humbly befeech
his Excellency to call an Aſſembly of the Nation, from whom fuch a Declara-
tion as might be effectual in that behalf, and might fettle thofe Distracti-
ons could onely proceed: Tet if in the mean time, and before the meeting of
that Affembly, thofe Cenfures then fufpended should be revived, they would
endeavour to fupprefs their influence upon the People by fuch a Declaration
as fhould become Loyal Subjects, and 'men entrusted to fee all due obedience
unto his Majefties Government over the whole Kingdom. To the third
they answered, That they would, at all times, and in fuch manner as his Ex-
cellency fhould think fit to preſcribe, invite all his Majefties Roman Ca-
tholick Subjects to fuch a Declaration, which yet, until they should under-
Stand the Clergies fenfe upon the first Provifo, they faid, they did humbly
as fit for a time to forbear. To the fourth, they answered, That whatfom-
ever his Excellency fhould find to be within their power, and would direct
to be done concerning the Place of Refidence for his Perfon, they would rea-
dily obey his Lordships command therein. To the fifth they answered, That
upon conference with his Excellency of the Places fit to be Garrison'd,
and the number of Men fit to be put in them, they would, according to the
Articles of Peace, ufe their utmost endeavours to have fuch Garrisons, fo
agreed upon, admitted. And to the last they said, They had at all times
been ready and willing, that his Excellencies Charge should be fupported
out of the Revenue of the Kingdom; and that they were now ready to con-
cur in affigning any of the Dues already accrued, or fuch as ſhould
grow due
hereafter, or to impofe any new Allotment upon the Subject towards his
maintenance.
271
1650.
When the Lord Lieutenant perceived, that the temper and defire of
the Commiffioners of Truſt was fo different from that of the Congre-
gation, and that in truth they were afflicted and fcandalized at the ex-
orbitancy of the other; and that they thought they ſhould be able to
reduce them from the deftructive Counfels they were engaged in: He
would not, upon any experience or judgment of his own, reſtrain them
from attempting what was not impoffible to compafs, and which many The Commit
would have concluded would be compaffed if attempted, and which, what fioners of Truit
other effect foever it had, would make evident, that there was not a
concurrence in the Nation in thofe Acts which were likely to deftroy Congregation
the Kingdom: And therefore he willingly confented, that the Com- at Galway, but
miffioners fhould go to Gallway, where the Committee of the Congre- duce them
gation refided, whereof the Bishop of Ferns was one, to whom they reafon.
fhewed
go to the Com-
mittee of the
could not re-
272
The difmal Effects of
1650. fhewed the Letter they received from the Lord Lieutenant, and defired
them to conſider the ftate of the Kingdom, and to know from them
what they conceiv'd remain'd, that might beſt tend to the prefervation of
the Nation, without keeping the Kings Authority amongst them; for
that many of the moſt confiderable would inftantly make their conditi-
ons with the Enemy, if the Kings Authority were taken away; and
that there was no hope of keeping or leaving that Authority, but by re-
voking the Excommunication and Declaration: For the Lord Lieute-
nant would not stay to keep it, nor would he leave it, nor the Marquis
of Clanrickard undergo it, but on thefe terms: And hereupon they uſed
all thoſe Reaſons and Arguments which cannot but occur to all men,
who are not blinded with Paflion and Prejudice, to induce them to fuch
a Retraction, as could onely advance the happineſs, or indeed the fubfi-
1tence of the Nation.
The Biſhops
grew high, al
ledging the
Lord Lieute-
nant had lug
fug-
gested the
grounds for his
Majefties late
Declaration.
Motions to re-
turn to their
former Confe-
deracy.
But the Bishops were inexorable, and inſtead of abating any of that
fury they had formerly exprefs'd, that added new contumelies and re-
proaches to all the Authority of the King they ſaid,They obferv'd by the
Lord Lieutenants Letter, that he had informed his Majelty of the Dif
obediences and Affronts that had been put upon his Authority, and con-
fequently, that he had fuggefted matter unto his Majefty, for making
that Declaration against the Peace: That they had perufed the Declaration
which had been publiſhed in Scotland, difavowing the Peace: And that
they were of opinion, for ought appeared to them, That the King had
withdrawn his Commiffion and Authority from the Lord Lieutenant: That
in the faid Declaration, the Irish Nation as bloody Rebels) were cast from
the protection of the Kings Laws and Regal Favours. And therefore it
might be prefum'd, that he would not have his Authority kept over
fuch a Nation to govern them; whereas they had been of opinion, (and
all their endeavours had been employ'd) to keep the Kings Authority
over them: But when his Majefty throws away the Nation as Rebels
from his protection, (withdrawing his own Authority) they could not
underſtand the myſtery of preferving the fame with them, or over them,
nor how it could be done: That they believed the beſt remedy (the
Kings Authority being taken away by that Declaration) of meeting
the Inconveniency, of the Peoples clofing with the Parliament, is the
returning to the Confederacy, as they ſaid was intended by the Nation,
in caſe of the breach of Peace on his Majefties part; that, they faid,
would keep an union amongit them, if men would not be precipitately
guilty of the breach of their Oath of Aſſociation, which Oath, by two
folemn Orders of two feveral Affemblies, was to continue binding,if any
breach of the Articles of Peace fhould happen on his Majeſties part:
That the Kings Authority and the Lord Lieutenants Commiffion being
recalled by that Declaration, they were of opinion, that the Lord Lieu-
tenant had no Authority to delegate his Authority to any other. And if
they muſt expoſe their Lives and Fortunes to the hazard of fighting to
the making good of that Peace, ſeeing the danger was alike to defend
that, or get a better Peace, why fhould they bind themſelves within the
limits of thoſe Articles fo difowned? And fo with feveral Tautologies,
urged the Declaration in Scotland, as a ground and excufe for all their pro-
ceedings, when what they had done as we have before took notice of)
was before the iffuing forth of that Declaration. In fine, they con-
cluded, they could not confent with fafety of Confcience to the revoking
their
夤
​the Irish Infurrection.
273
1
their Declaration and Excommunication demanded by the Lord Lieute-
nant, nor to give affurance to him, or the Commiffioners of Truft, for
not attempting the like for the future. And to manifeft their inveterate
malice againſt him, being in Galway) the Captain of the Guard of the
Town, commonly called, The Captain of the Guard of the young men, did
make fearch for him in the faid Town as after a criminal perfon, or a
fugitive, thereby endeavouring to bring contempt and fcorn upon him,
and his Majefties Authority placed in him.
And now you muſt know, they would not make this Declaration in
cafe of Confcience of. fo vaft an extent and importance, without (for-
footh) fetting down their Reaſons under their hands, which (for the
Doctrine fake) I would not conceal from the world, that it may better
judge of thofe Spiritual Guides, who made themſelves guilty of that
mals of mifchief and ruine that flowed from thence.
Their firſt Reaſon was, Becauſe the Kings Authority was not in the
Lord Lieutenant, nor was then (they faid) power in them to confer a
new Authority on him, which would be deftructive to the Nation if it
continued in him, and prefervative in another; and that, they faid, was
their fenfe when they declared againſt the Kings Authority in his Per-
fon; ſo that though they had prefumption enough to take the Kings Au-
thority out of his Lieutenants hands by their Declaration and Excom-
munication, and to inhibit all men to ſubmit unto it, they had now mo-
deſty to confefs, they had not power to confer any new Authority on,
their Faculty of deftroying being more prevalent than that of pre-
ferving.
Their fecond Reafon was, They feared they fhould lofe the few
Churches remaining under his Government, as they had loft under him
all the Churches in the Cities of Waterford, Kilkenny, Wexford, Rofs,
Clonmel, Cafhel, Featherd, Kilmallock, and the reft; in which, they faid,
they agreed with the Maccabees, Maximus vero & primus pro fanctitate
timor erat Templi: By whofe ill Government thofe Cities were loft, ap-
pears by what hath been faid before, and how well the few that were then
left were kept, after they had forced the Marquis to depart the Kingdom,
is well known to the World.
The third Reaſon they thought fit, was, Becauſe the Lord Lieutenant
had declared at Cork, that he would maintain, during his life, the Pro-
teſtant Religion, according to the example of the beft Reformed
Churches; which might be the fame with the Covenant for ought they
knew. They faid, They could not expect from him the defence of the
Catholick Religion, which was a ftrange objection against a Proteftant
Lieutenant of a Proteftant King, under whofe Government they pretend-
ed to be defirous to live: And whatſoever had been declared by the Lord
Lieutenant at Cork in that particular, before the conclufion of the Treaty
of Peace, and Publiſhed and Printed the 6th. of October, 1648. and well
known to the Biſhops, who after the fame, and notwithſtanding that
Declaration, with all demonſtrations of cheerfulneſs gave their confents
to that Peace, which they now think fit to break, becauſe of that De-
claration.
The fourth Reaſon was caft in the fame mould, The fcandal over the
World, to make choice of one of a different Religion, eſpecially in Rome,
where his Holineſs expected, that, a Catholick Governour fhould be
placed over them, (according to his Agreement or Articles (as it was re-
N n
ported)
1550.
The Commit-
why they pur-
fued their De-
claration a-
Lieutenant, &c.
tee's Reafons
gamit the Lord
and his reply.
274
The difmal Effects of
1650. ported) with the Queen of England, which the Marquis knew to be an
afperfion) and they faid, They did fear the fcourges of the War, and the
Plague that had fain fo heavy upon them, were fome evidence of Gods
anger for putting Gods Caufe and the Churches under fuch an hand;
whereas that truft might have been managed in a Catholicks hand, un-
der the Kings Authority. Which Reafon indeed had moſt ingenuity
in it; and whenfoever they digeſted their malice and their preju-
dice in thoſe Perfonal Reproaches and Calumnies, which they knew
to be moſt untrue, if they had frankly declared and excepted againſt
him for being a Proteftant, they had more complied with the dictates
and integrities of their hearts. And yet it might appear a very unskilful
and imprudent fuggeftion, to make the humour of the Court of Rome,
the Rule of obedience to their Sovereign, and to diſcourſe of chooſing a
Perſon of what Religion they thought fit to be his Vice-gerent; as if
they, not he, were to be confulted in it, which would adminifter much
cauſe of jealouſie unto a Proteftant King, and to his Proteſtant Subjects,
if it were not well known to them, that fome of the Catholick Nobility
and Gentry of the Nation were Enemies (at leaſt ſeemingly) to thoſe re-
folutions, that unhappy part of the Catholick Bishops did broach and
pro-
pagate, which alone have reduced that Nation to the calamities it then
and fince underwent.
The fifth Reaſon, that they fhould find no favour nor countenance,
but reproach and difgrace from any Catholick Prince, Church, or Laity,
while the Marquis Governed; when in truth, fince that time, and that
their proceedings have been taken notice of, the Catholick Princes have
looked upon them as incapable of any fuccour or countenance, and have
accordingly left them to the rage of their Perfecutors. Their other Rea-
fons were more Vulgar, and too often before recited; exceptions to his
Perfon, in reſpect of the ill fuccefs of his Conduct, and the prejudice the
People had to him in regard of the fame: And the too confiderable
Corporations remaining (which were Limerick and Galway) were at fo
great diſtance with the Lord Lieutenant, that they were refolved to ap-
pear (as in their intentions and actions they conceiv'd they were) faith-
ful to the Crown, and obedient to the Kings Authority, if placed in an-
other Perfon. To which fuggeſtions, nothing need to be added to what
hath been ſaid in this Difcourfe, of the demeanor of thoſe particular
Places; nor can the obſervation be avoided, That it was the natural
practice of this Congregation, to use all their industry and artifice to infuſe
jealoufie and fedition into the People, and distrust and obftinacy into the Cor-
porations; and then to urge that jealoufie, prejudice, and indifpofition of the
People and Corporations, to countenance any thing they thought fit to do or
oppofe. They concluded, that the event of War being uncertain, if the
Nation ſhould be reduced to a condition of agreeing with the Enemy,
the Lord Lieutenant would not be a fit man to agree for the exerciſe of
their Religion, for their Churches, Altars, or any thing concerning the
fame.. And therefore they faid, That the best way that occurred to them
in this preffing exigency, for the union of the Nation, and keeping them
from agreeing with the Enemy, was, That the Marquis of Clanrickard,
(in whom, according to the fenfe of the Congregation at James-town,
they defired the Kings Authority fhould be left) that he might Govern
the Nation, with the confent of all, Parties, and the Kings Authority
be taken away from the Lord Lieutenant until an Affembly: And to
that
L
the Irish Infurrection.
275
that end, that a free and lawful Affembly might be made, to fit to judge
upon the Peoples preſervation, and to decree and order what ſhould be
beſt and ſafeſt for the defence of the Nation. Touching the Kings Au-
thority to be kept over them, and the Peace to be afferted and made
good, or to renew the Affociation, or any thing elſe they ſhould find beſt
and moſt expedient, and unto that they would willingly fubmit; for
they ſaid, they never intended to hinder an Affembly, or to give Laws
to the People; all that they endeavour'd was, to defend the Altars, and
Souls entruſted to them: And as they were of opinion, that the Soldi-
ers would follow the Marquis of Clanrickard, and the People obey him,
fo they would contribute their beſt endeavours to that effect. They
further gave affurance, that if any free and lawful Affembly (upon due
confideration of their own ftate and condition) fhould find it the beft
way, for their own fafety and prefervation, to make an Agreement with
the Enemy, as they intended never, by the grace of God, to grant away
from them by an Affirmative confent to the Churches and Altars, (if
forced from them, they were blameleſs) fo would they not hinder
the People from compounding with the Enemy for the fafety of
their Lives and Eſtates, when no way of offence was appearing, though,
upon fuch an Agreement, they faw, that they alone fhould probably be
lofers of Lives, States, Churches, Altars, Inmunities, and Liberties: But
in ſuch Contracts with the Enemy, if any fhould happen (which they
wiſhed God would avert) they fhould pray and conjure the Romish
Clergy of England, that that of the Maccabees might be recorded of them
to future Ages, Erat pro uxoribus & filiis pro fratribus & cognatis minor
folicitudo, maximus vero & primus pro fanctitate erat timor Templi. And
this was the Anſwer delivered to the Commiffioners of Truft, upon the
5th. day of November, 1650. at Galway, by the Biſhops of Killala, Ferns,
Kilmacduogh, Clonfert, Kilfinara, and Dromore, (after ſeveral and long
Conferences, with the Commiffioners of Truft, who were Authorifed by
the Nation) unto the Propofals prefented by the Commiffioners to the
Committee of the Congregation, the 29th. of Octob. 1650.
1650.
Here we cannot avoid obferving, by the exprefs words of the Con-
clufion, upon their Reaſons in their Conference with the Commiffioners,
that though they feem'd to defire, that the Marquis of Clanrickard
(whofe zeal to the Romish Religion, and Intereſt in the Nation, was ſo
notorious and confeffed, that they durft not publickly repine at his
known affection and integrity to the King) might govern the Nation
with the conſent of all Parties, and that the Kings Authority in the
Lord Lieutenant might be left in him; yet they declared, they meant it
fhould onely be until an Affembly (which they well knew, by the ex-
preſs terms of the Articles of Peace, could be onely lawfully conven'd by
the Lord Lieutenant) and then that Affembly fhould judge of the Peo-
ples preſervation, and to decree and order what fhould be the beft and
fafeft for the defence of the Nation; touching the Kings Authority to be
kept over them, the Peace to be afferted and made good, or to renew the The Confede
Affociation, or any thing elſe they ſhould find beft and moſt expedient: For an Allem-
So that they intended no other Honour to the Marquis of Clanrickard, bly, that their
than that by his countenance and reputation they might perfwade the Affairs might
Lord Lieutenant to leave the Kings Authority behind him, and that he
ſhould call an Affembly (which they would otherwiſe do themſelves)
which they were fure fhould be conſtituted, for the moſt part, of ſuch
Nn 2
men,
rates violent
be ordered by
them.
276
The difmal Effects of
1650.
Men, as would follow their Dictates, by which himſelf ſhould be diveſted
of that Power, and the King depofed from any further Dominion over
them, when they perfwade any foreign Prince to take them into his Pro-
tection; which practice they quickly fet on foot. And for the further
manifeſtation of their Affection and Loyalty to the King, which they can-
not endure ſhould be called yet in queftion, it is obfervable, that theſe
Men, who had fo often contradicted and controuled the expreſs Acts of
every Aſſembly, that had been convened fince the beginning of theſe
Troubles, and now commanded the People, under pain of damnation,
not to yield any obedience to the King's Authority in his Lieutenant, and
declared, that they could not with the fafety of their Conſciences)
confent to the Propofitions which he had lately made, for the uniting the
Nation in defence of the Peace, fo advantagious to their Liberty and Re-
ligion, which the Commiffioners,intruſted by and for the Nation, thought
fo reaſonable: Thefe Men, I fay, made no fcruple of profeffing and de-
claring, that if an Affembly, upon due confideration of their itate and
condition, ſhould find it the beſt way for their fafety and preſervation, to
make an Agreement with the Enemy, they would not hinder the People
from compounding with them, for the fafety of their Lives and States:
Which being ferioufly confidered, we cannot fufficiently wonder, at the
compounding ſtrange ftupid refignation of their Underſtandings, who believed (or ra-
with the Enemy ther at the wonderful contempt of thoſe Underſtandings, which would
for the People, be perfwaded to believe) that this Congregation had loyal Purpoſes to-
that ſhould be ward the King, or that they never intended to hinder the Affembly, or
give Law to the People, when they cancell'd all fundamental Laws,broke
through all Acts of their own Affembly, and forbad the People to pay
any obedience to the King's Vicegerent, who had only the lawful Power
of Government over them.
After all, the
Confederates
agree, that if
ſhould be best
conſented to.
The Affembly
at Loghreogh,
on'd,meets: the
before-menti-
Refult there-
upon.
The more extravagant and unreaſonable thefe Proceedings were of the
Congregation and Clergy, the more confident many honeſt and wife
Men were, that the Affembly of the Nation would regulate and controul
that il-limited Power, and utterly dif-avow all that they had done; and
therefore they who were exceedingly offended and enraged againſt the
Congregation, were folicitous and importunate with the Lord Lieutenant
to call an Affembly: And though he had too much experience of the
Nature and Temper of the People, and of the tranfcendent Power the
Clergy ſhould ſtill have over any Aſſembly, or at leaſt over the People,
when the Affembly had done what it could, to hope for any good effect
from it: And though he faw, he should thereby the more expofe his own
Honour, and (which he confidered more) the Dignity of his Maſter,
to new Infolencies; yet fince he refolved to leave the Kingdom himſelf,
and was only un-refolved, whether he ſhould leave the King's Authority
behind him, liable to the fame Indignities and Affronts, in the Perfon of
the Marquefs of Clanrickard, which it had been ſubject to in his own,and
could have no kind of afſurance that it ſhould not, but by the Profeffions
and Proteſtations of an Affembly, he did refolve to call one, and iffued
out his Letters for their meeting upon the 15th. of November, 1650. at
Loghreogh, where they met accordingly. And the Bishops, for remov-
ing (as they faid) of any Jealoufies that any might apprehend of their
Proceedings, declared and proteſted, That by their Excommunication and
Declaration at James-town, they had no other aim, than the prefervation
of the Catholick Religion, and the People; and that they did not purpofe to
make
the Irish Infurrection.
277
make
any visible Ufurpation on his Majesty's Authority, nor on the Liberty
of the People, confeffing, that it did not belong to their Jurifdiction ſo to do.
With which Proteftation (fo contrary to what they had done, and which
in truth they had ſo often made, even at the time they did all things con-
trary to it) the Affembly was fatisfied, and did not ſo much as make
another Proteftation, that the Bishops had done what they ought not to
do, nor exact a Promiſe from them, that they would not do the like in
time to come. So that the Lord Lieutenant was reſolv❜d to look no more
for fatisfaction from them, nor expofe the King's Authority any fur-
ther, by leaving any Deputy behind him, but prepared for his depar-
ture.
When the Affembly underſtood his Refolution, and faw plainly that
he was even ready to depart, his Goods and many of his Servants being
on Ship-board, they fent four Members, the Lord Dillon, Clanrickard,
&c. of their Houſe, to him at Kilcogan, with an Inftrument in writing,
(bearing date from Loghreogh, the 7th. of December) in which they re-
peated, concerning the Excommunication and Declaration) what the
Biſhops had proteſted in that Affembly; and of his Excellency's Letter,
dated the 16th. of November laſt, recommending to them, as the chief
End for which that Affembly was called, the removing of all Divifions,
as the beſt way to their Prefervation. They the faid Lords Spiritual and
Temporal, and the Gentry met in that Affembly, conceiv'd, That there was
not a better Foundation or Ground for their Union, than the holding
to and obeying his Majesty's Authority, to which they owed and ought to pay
all dutiful Obedience: And they did thereby declare and protest, That their
Allegiance unto his Majefty's Authority was fuch, and fo inherent in them;
that they would not be withdrawn from the fame, nor was there any Power
in the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, Gentry or People, Clergy or Laity of
the Kingdom, that could alter, change, or take away his Majesty's Authority,
they holding that to be the chief Flower of the Crown, and the support of the
Peoples Liberty, which they did thereby proteft,declare and avow,
they did esteem the fame, and obedience thereunto, effentially, inviolably,
and justly due from them, and the chiefest means under God, to uphold their
Union and Prefervation: And they faid, They did unanimously befeech his
Excellency, in his great affection to the advancement of his Majesty's Service,
and his hearty defires of the Nations Prefervation, to which,they faid,he had
Relations of the highest Concernment in Blood, Alliance, and Intereſt, to
leave that Authority with them, in ſome Perſon faithful to his Majesty,and
acceptable to the Nation: To which Perfon, when he should be made known
to them, they would not only afford all due obedience, but would alſo offer
and propose the best ways and means, that God would pleafe to direct them
to, for the preſervation of his Majefties Rights, and the Peoples Interests
and Liberties, and for the begetting a ready obedience in all Places and
Perfons, unto his Majesty's Authority.
and that
1550.
Though the
Lord Lieute-
nant had been
o
to
ufed, as not
be confident
of the Confe-
derates obedi-
ence to his Ma-
jeity's Autho-
their Requeſt
rity, he yet at
This Advice (though it carried with it a particular Refpect from the
Affembly unto the Lord Lieutenant,and an acknowledgement of the faith-
ful and hearty Affections he had always had, for his Majefty's Intereft
and Service in that Kingdom, contrary to the fcandalous Declaration) deputes the
gave not the Marquefs the leaft confidence, that his Majefty's Authority Clanrickard
could find more refpect in the Perfon of another, than it had met with in Deputy, at the
him: Therefore he writ to them by the fame Meſſengers, That he had fame time
fent the Authority to the Lord Marquefs of Clanrickard, to govern that Crimes home.
bis
Marquefs of
charging their
278
The difmal Effects of
The Lord Lieu-
tenant departs
the Kingdom,
Lord Inchiquin,
&c.
1650. his Majesty's Kingdom and People, provided, that their Declaration might
be so far explain'd, as to give the Marquess of Clanrickard full fatisfaction,
that the expreffions they made, touching the obedience they owed and refolv
ed to pay unto his Majesty's Authority, was meant, the Authority placed
in his Lordship, or any other Governour, deriving or holding his Autho-
rity from his Majefty: And that they esteem it not in the power of any Per-
Son, Congregation, or Affembly whatsoever, to discharge or fet the People
free from obeying his Lordship, or any other fuch Governour, during the
continuance of the faid Authority in him; without which, he faid, he could
not (in Duty to his Majefty) leave his Authority, ſubject to be toffed to
and fro, at the uncertain Fancies of any Man or Men, and without any pro-
bability of faving the Nation, which could be no otherwife effected, than by
an abfolute chearful obedience of the People, unto the Authority placed over
them. And fo having directed the Marquefs of Clanrickard, (who fub-
mitted to that Charge out of pure obedience, and only that he might not
decline the Service, which they would fay would have preferv'd the Na-
tion not to aſſume the Charge, except the Affembly gave him full fa-
tisfaction in the Particulars required by him, the Lord Lieutenant (fol-
lowed by the Lord Inchiquin, Colonel Vaughan, Colonel Wogan, Colonel
Warren, and fome 20 more Perfons of Honour) about the middle of De-
cember embarqued himſelf at Galway, (in a fmall Frigat called the Eliza
beth, of 28 Tuns,and 4 Guns) for France, after he had refuſed to receive
a Paſs from Ireton, who offer'd it, choofing rather the Seas and Winds, in
that rough and blufterous ſeaſon of the year, than to receive an obligation
from him, having upon the moſt abſtracted Confiderations of Honour
and Confcience, faithfully adhered to his Majesty and the Crown of Eng-
land, without any regard had to his own Eſtate and Fortune, as in the
Act of Settlement, fol. 99. is at large expreft. And after being toffed at
Sea for the ſpace of fome weeks, and his other Ships, in which his Ser-
vants and Goods, and many other Paffengers were loft, he arrived in Ja-
nuary, at St. Malos in Britany; from whence he went to Paris, and foon
after into Flanders; thence he was imployed in a Service anſwerable to
his Fidelity, touching the Duke of Glouceſter, (then in the Talons of the
Jefuits) whom with fingular Prudence and Succefs he recovered: After-
wards he was imbarqued in many Concerns of the Crown, to the hazard
of his Perſon; whilft the Lord Inchiquin, who had run the Gantlet on all
fides, retired into Holland, a Perfon certainly of much Valour and good
Conduct, fhewing both in an exemplary manner, whilſt he engaged for
cither Party: Nor can his change of Sides (to which fome fay he was
too mutable) be fo properly imputed to any defect of Judgement, as the
unhappy Crifis of the Times; his own expreffions making it clear, That
had all things been the fame they were pretended to be, he would have con-
tinued as he was; but Impostures being difcovered, he thought it ill to perfift
in their Fellowship. Afterwards indeed he chang'd his Religion, and
thereby gave a fufpicion, that though he fought againſt his Countrey-
men, he had a reverence for their Idea. Certain it is, he affected much
to be Preſident of Munſter, nor could any thing have barr'd him of it, ſince
his Majeſty's happy Return, wherein his Servants had the fruits of their
Fidelity, but his change of Religion, which equally prejudiced the Lord
in the Preſidency of Connaght, truely obfervable in them
Dillon
both.
We
the Iriſh Inſurrection.
279
We have before ſpoken of four Commiffioners fent from the Parliament,
who as foon as they arrived in Ireland, (it is neceffary to tell you) pre-
fently applied themſelves to the Work afore-mention'd; they fet out fome
Proclamations, and travelled into the feveral Provinces of the Kingdom,
ufing the beſt mean they could to raiſe Moneys by Sequeftrations, and
other ways; but reafon of the multitudes of Rebels which infefted all
the Garriſons, and came up fo continually about them, little was to be
done in that way.
1650.
rates were in,
rickard accepts
ment.
The Lord Lieutenant was no fooner under fail, than the Affembly ap- The Condition
plied themſelves to the Marquefs of Clanrickard, who was then at his the Confede-
Houſe at Loghreogh, and befought him to affume the Government, as when the Mar-
Lord Deputy of Ireland, according to the Power left with him by the quefs of Clan-
Lord Lieutenant: But the Marquefs abfolutely refuſed to do it, except of the Govern
they fatisfied the Provifo that was left in the Lord Lieutenant's Letter to
them, and that he faw fuch an union amongst them, as might free the King's
Authority from the Affronts it had been expofed unto. Hereupon the Af-
fembly unanimouſly profeffed all obedience to his Majeſty's Authority,
as it was veited in him, and petition'd him to affume it, without which they
faid the Nation would be expos'd to utter ruine. And the Biſhop of Ferns,
(hitherto averſe to the Royal Authority) more particularly importuned
him, in the Name of the Clergy, not to decline a Charge, which could
only preſerve the King's Power in that Kingdom, and the Nation from de-
ſtruction, promiſing ſo entire a ſubmiſſion and co-operation from the whole Cler-
gy, that his Authority should not be difputed. In further affurance of
which, the General Aſſembly iffue forth this Declaration.
By the General Affembly of the Kingdom of
Ireland.
A
Lthough this Aſſembly hath endeavour'd by their Declaration, of the
7th. of this month, to give full teftimony of their Obedience to his Ma-
jesty's Authority, yet for further fatisfaction, and for removal of all Jealou-
fies, we do further declare, That the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, Gentry,
or People, Clergy, or Laity of this Kingdom, ſhall not attempt, labour, endea-
vour, or do any Act or Acts, to fet free or discharge the People, from yield-
ing due and perfect Obedience to his Majesty's Authority, invested in the
Lord Marquess of Clanrickard, or any other Governour or Governours of
this Kingdom.
And in cafe of any such Labour, Act, or Endeavour, by which any mischief
might enfue, by feducing the People, we declare, That no perfon or perfons
ſhall or ought to be led thereby, but by their disobedience on any fuch grounds,
are liable and ſubject to the heavy cenfures and penalties of the Laws of the
Land in force, and practis'd in the Reign of Henry the 7th. and other Ca-
tholick Times.
Nevertheless it is further declared, That it is not meant or intended by
any thing herein contained, that this Nation will not infift upon the perfor-
mances of the Articles of Peace, and by all juſt ways and means provide
against the breach and violation of the fame.
And
280
The difmal Effects of
1650.
The Confedc-
And inaſmuch as his Majesty is at prefent (as we are informed in the
hands of a Presbyterian Party of the Scots, who declared themselves Ene-
mies to this Nation, and vowed the extirpation of our Religion, we declare,
That it is not hereby intended to oblige our felves to deceive, obey, or obferve
any Governours that shall come, and duely nominated procured from his
Majefty, by reason of, or during his being in an un-free ndition, that may
raife a disturbance in the prefent Government, established by his Majesty's
Authority, or the violation of the Articles of Peace.
Loghreogh, 23d. of
Decemb. 1650.
Copia vera Joh. Comyn,
Dep. Cler.
There was then in the poffeffion of the Roman Catholicks, the entire
Province of Connaght, in which they had the ftrong Caſtle of Athlone,
the ftrong and important Town and Harbour of Gallway, Sligo, and many
other leffer Forts and Places of ftrength. They had alfo a good part of
the Province of Munster, and in it the City of Limerick, which by the
ftrong fituation of it, and the advantages it might have from Sea, could
alone with the help of Gallway) have maintain'd War againſt all the
Parliaments Forces in Ireland. They had many Parties of Horſe and Foot
in Leimster, Munster and Ulster, under Clanrickard, Castlehaven, Dillon,
Muskery, the Earl of Westmeath, Hugh O Neal, Dungan, Moor, Preston, and
others, which being drawn together, would have conftituted a greater
Army than the Enemies were Maſters of. And the Marquess of Clanric-
kard had argument enough of hope, if he could have been confident of
the union of the Nation; and that he might reaſonably have promiſed
himſelf, if he could have been confident of the Affection and Integrity of
the Clergy, which at length they promiſed with that folemnity, that if
he had not confided therein, the fault would have been imputed to him,
for they could do no more (on their part) to create a belief in him.
He was therefore content to take the Charge upon him, and obliged them
preſently to confider of the way to keep all the Forces together, when he
fhould have drawn them together, and to fecure the two Towns of Gall-
way and Limerick with ftrong Garrifons, which was the firſt Work con-
cluded on all hands neceffary to be performed.
Very few days had paffed, (after the Lord Deputy had upon fuch their
rates, notwith- Importtunity and Profeffions, taken the Government upon him) when
ſtanding the
goodCondition it was propoſed in the Affembly, (before their Condition was impaired
they were in, by any other progreſs, or new fuccefs of the Enemy) That they might
and their Pro- fend to the Enemy, to treat with them, upon furrendring of all that was left,
Deputy, think into their hands; an Inclination the Nuncio was long before inclin'd to,
miles to the
of treating
with Ireton.
Vide Carue
Anal. Hib.
P.339.
perſwading the fupream Council (when there was but ſo much as a ſpeech
of Truce) to joyn rather with the Parliamentary Scots, than the Royal-
ifts, and pray'd for the fuccefs thereof, in hopes, that thence much good
might accrue to the Catholick Religion. And when the fame was oppo-
fed with indignation, by the major part of the Affembly, the Bishop of
Ferns himself who had fo lately importuned the Marquefs of Clanrickard,
to affume the Charge of Lord Deputy, and made fuch ample promiſes in
the Name of the Clergy) feem'd to concur with thoſe who were againſt
treating with the Enemy, but instead of it very carneftly preffed, That
they might (in order to their better defence) return to their ancient Confe-
deracy,
the Irish Infurrection.
281
1650.
to return to
King.
deracy, and fo proceed in their Prefervation,without any respect to the King's
Authority. And this Motion found fuch concurrence in the Affembly,
from the Biſhops, Clergy, and many others, that many of the Officers Others offer
of the Army, and fome of the principaleft of the Nobility and Gentry, their Confede
found it neceffary to expreſs more than ordinary paffion in their contradi- racy, without
ction: They told them, They now manifefted, that it was not their Preju- reſpect to the
dice to the Marquess of Ormond, nor their Zeal to Religion, that had Some yet
transported them, but their dislike of the King's Authority, and their refo- feem'd affectio-
lution to withdraw themfelves from it: That they themselves would conftant- King.
ly fubmit to it, and defend it with their utmoſt hazard, as long as they should
be able; and when they fhould be reduced to Extremity, (that treating with
the Enemy could no longer be deferred) they would (in that Treaty make
no proviſion for them, but be contented that they ſhould be excluded from any
benefit thereof, who were fo forward to exclude the King's Authority.
Upon theſe bold though neceflary Menaces, to which they had not
been accuſtomed, the Clergy and their Party feem'd to acquiefce, and
promm:
all concurrence; inasmuch as from this very time, all the Fa-
ctions and Jealoufies which had been before amongst them, feem'd out-
wardly) quieted, though the Irish (in all Quarters of which the Enemy
were poffeffed) not only fubmitted and compounded, but very many of
them enter'd into their Service, and marched with them in their Armies ;
and the Lord Deputy grew as much into their dif-favour, as the Lord
Lieutenant had been; and his being a Friend to the Marquefs of Ormond,
deſtroyed all that Confidence, which his being a Papiſt had merited from
them.
The Lord Deputy hereupon, and in confideration of many reſorting
to the Parliaments Quarters, iffued forth this Proclamation.
nate to the
By the Lord Deputy, General of Ireland.
CLANRICKARD.
W
Hereas divers of the Tradesmen, and other Inhabitants, have for-
merly lived in the Quarters, in obedience to his Majesty, within
this Kingdom, have of late withdrawn themselves from their refpective Ha-
bitations there, and be-taken themselves into the Garrisons and Quarters,
under the Power of the common Enemy, for their particular and private ad-
vantage, thereby to avoid contributing to his Majesty's Army, to the great
dif-advantage thereof, and the support of the adverse Party, which probably
might be destroy'd, had it not receiv'd this Relief.
For Reformation whereof, we do hereby publiſh and declare, That whofo-
ever of the faid Inhabitants or Tradefmen, fhall not within 14 days after
publication hereof, withdraw themselves and their Goods, from the Garri
Sons and Quarters of the Enemy, wherein they now remain, to the Quarters
in obedience to his Majefty: And whosoever, after the time aforefaid, fhall
preſume to live within a Mile to any of the jaid Garrisons, fhall be liable to
the Confifcation of their Goods and Chattels, and ſhall be profecuted against,
as adhering in all respects to the Enemy, and Traitors to his Majeſty.
1
O o
And
282
The difmal Effects of
ست
1651.
Ireton's Scr-
kenny.
And whereas many idle and defolate Perfons, commonly call'd by the Name
of Tories, and others, under pretence of going about to his Majesty's Ser-
pice, and frequently exact Meat, Drink, and Money, from the Subjects, com-
mitting many Outrages, and uſing their Will for Law, to the ruine and de-
vastation of the Kingdom.
For prevention whereof, we do hereby publish and declare, That any Per-
fon or Perfons, of that Condition or Nature, who within 14 days after pub-
lication hereof, fhall not in-lift themſelves in his Majesty's Army, ſhall be
un-borſed and dif-arm'd, where-foever taken or found, and in their Per-
Jons proceeded against as Traitors. And we require and command the Com-
manders in chief of his Majesty's Army, to take Õrder, that this our Procla-
mation receive due execution.
And to the end that no Man may plead ignorance thereof, we require all
Mayors, Sheriffs, Soveraigns, Portiffs, and Bayliffs, in whose hands thefe
hall come, on receipt thereof, within the refpective Liberties, in the most
publick Places, to caufe it to be proclaimed. Given under our Hand and
Seal at Arms, the 2d. day of January, 1650.
God ſave the King.
But to return to the Parliaments Forces, who (whilft the Marquefs
of Ormond was thus variouſly treated by the Confederates ) took in the
Caſtle of Carlow, as the 27th. of July, Caterlagh, and the roth. of Aug.
Waterford, commanded by General Thomas Prefton, and the ſtrong Fort
of Dungannon, under Giles Smith,the 14th. of Aug. as in the North, Char-
lemont, that nothing indeed they attempted, but refigned to their
Power.
Ireton this Winter continued at Kilkenny, becauſe the Plague (which
vice from Kil- the Summer before had fo exceedingly raged at Dublin, as 'tis reported,
there died thereof, 17000 Perfons) was not yet ceafed, whence he cauf-
ed ſeveral Parties to be fent abroad, which did notable Service in divers
Parts of the Countrey; as in taking in Balimoy, in the Kings County, and
in chafing back into Thomond, the Earl of Castlehaven, as alfo in frighting
the Lord Muskery to his Faſtneſſes in Kerry, who (whilst the Army was
profecuting the Earl of Caftlehaven) had burnt the Town and Parts near
Mackrump, whilft the Rebels furprized two Troops of Horſe, and a
Company of Foot, belonging to Colonel Zanckey, about the midft of
February.
About the 21. of February, Colonel Hufon, with 1600 Foot and 700
Horſe, march'd to the County of Westmeath, to reduce fome Garriſons,
and to prevent the Rebels raifing of Forces there. When he came to Te-
crogham, he heard Colonel Preston and Sir John Dungan had befiegéd a
Caſtle of theirs, in the Kings County, to whofe Relief he marched as far
as Terrills Pafs, where he heard that Colonel Reynolds had difperfed
them; thence turning towards Mullingar, he took in Kilbridge, wherein
he found 200 Barrels of Corn, and the next day enter'd Mullingar ; where-
upon the Enemy quitted Tuets-town, Ledwicks-town, and Difert, where
he heard that Colonel Reynolds had taken in Donore, in which was found
500 Barrels of Corn; and having garrifon'd Ballimore, thence march'd to
Ballimallock, (a Pafs upon the Aine) and took it, and Sir Thomas
Nugent's Caſtle, in one day: Thence drawing towards Finagh, he en-
camped
the Irish Infurrection.
283
}
î
d
I
1651.
Finagh taken
camped againſt Tough's Caſtle, which (after the third shot) was deliver-
ed him, where hearing that Phelim Mac Hugh with 1500 Foot, was
marching on the other fide of the River, to the re-enforcement of Fi-
nagh, he fent Sir Theophilus Fones with 400 Horſe, and his own Regiment by Colonel Hu-
of Foot, to encounter him, who fell upon them, killing O Cahan, and di- Son.
vers confiderable Officers, with about 400 private Souldiers, and taking Jones's excel-
Sir Theophilus
Priſoners Colonel Mac Donel his Lieutenant General, 1 Major, 12 Cap- Íent Service.
tains, 12 Lieutenants, 15 Enfigns, the Quarter-Mafter, and about 376
private Souldiers, and non-Commiffion Officers, Sir Theophilus perform-
ing in this, as in all other Expeditions, excellent Service; whilft Colonel
Hufon ftormed Finagh, but was repulfed with fome loſs, though he had
it furrendred the next day upon Conditions, bearing date the 14th. of
March, 1650. which Surrender brought in five adjacent Caſtles.
About May, 1651. Order was taken in England, for fending over Re-
cruits of Foot, and Money to pay and raiſe Men; but by reafon of the
numbers fent into Scotland, there could not many or much be fpared; but
what could be procured, came over very opportunely to re-inforce the
Army, then ready to march to the Siege of Limerick; Ireton having
appointed Sir Charles Coot with 2000 Horſe, and as many choice Nor-
therly Foot, to march into Connaght, by the way of Sligo, which he did,
feating himſelf before that ftrong Fort, as though he would have be-
fieged it; but perceiving that the Irish from all Parts were drawing to its
Relief, he drew off, and paffing (not without difficulty) the Curlew
Mountains, enter'd Connaght, and had Athlone, (by the Lord Dillon)
Portumna, with ſome other Places of no great ftrength, delivered to him:
whilft Ireton, with the main Army, paffed the River Shannon, about Kil-
1651.
lalow, where the Rebels were gathered together, but made little refift- Ireton fits
ance, and prefently fell down before Limerick, where he entrenched down before
himſelf, and made a formed Siege.
During which, he and others intercepted frequent Intelligence from
the Bishop and Mayor of Limerick, That unless they were effectually re-
liev'd (and that Speedily) the Commonalty would force them to deliver
Limerick.
the City upon Conditions to the Enemy; Upon which the Lord Broghil TheLord Brog-
(by orders from Ireton) drew all the Forces of the County together, bil routs the
Lord Muskery,
to impede the Lord Muskery, then marching out of the County of Kerry, coming to re-
with a confiderable Force; and though he made many halts, (feeming lieve Limerick.
as if he intended another Deſign, then the Relief of Limerick) yet
(being narrowly watched) the Scouts brought certain Intelligence
about the 22. of June, that his Body of Horfe marched from Dromagh,
towards Caſtleliskin, one of the faſteſt Places in Ireland, and directly
in the way to Limerick; upon which the Lord Broghil haftned towards
them, and about midnight (in a horrid ftorm of rain and wind) fell
upon their Horſe-Guards, and beat them in; upon which their Camp
took fo hot an alarm, as he drove them foon to the Place from whence
they came, thereby fecuring the Army before Limerick; The Enemy
in the interim getting over the Blackwater, and afterwards were pur-
fued by the Lord Broghil, till (finding a convenient ground to draw up
their Battle in) they were faced by him, who kept the Right Wing,
Major Wally the Command of the Left, and Major Cuppage the Foot, ſo
happily on each part fecured, that though indeed the Irish never more
refolutely, and in better order maintain'd their Station, they were at
laft wholly routed; Bogs and Woods (ufually their.fafety) being not
Ŏ02
near
284
The difmal Effects of
2
1651.
~
The Marquefs
thought to
have engaged
Sir Charles
Coor, but by a
misfortune on
the Earl of
Castlehaven's
men, he and his
Army were
fattered.
near them. The chief Priſoners that day taken, were Lieutenant Co-
Ionel Mac Gillacuddy, Commanding young. Muskeries Regiment, a man
more Popular then Muskery himfelf, Major Mac-Gillariagh, an old Spa-
nifh Souldier, Major Mac-Finine, and fome confiderable Commanders
of Horfe.
But to return to the Marquefs of Clanrickard; who notwithſtanding
of Claurickard all the fore-mention'd Difcouragements, fome whereof he expected not,
hearing of Sir Charles Coor's intentions of entring Connaght, iffued out his
Orders to all the Forces,(which for conveniency of Quarter,and the more
to infeft the Enemy, were ſcattered over the Provinces) that they ſhould
meet at the General Rendezvous, at the time and place appointed; Re-
folving with as much expedition as he could, to engage the Enemy;
where hearing that Sir Charles Coot (to whom Ireton had left the Care
of that Province) was marched towards Athlone, he made all poffible
haite to fall in his Rear, or to wait his Motion; but after he had
gone
two days march towards that Place, he received certain Intelligence, that
Sir Charles had taken Athlone, and (being furnished with all ne-
ceffary Guides) was marched towards Gallway, to block it up; where-
upon he made what hafte he could back the fame way he came, and fent
Orders to the Earl of Castlehaven, (General of the Horfe) to meet
him with the Forces under his Command, at a certain Village, where
the Deputy would expect him. The Enemy being then within lefs then
a Mile, with their main Body, and onely a narrow Paſs between them,
which the Lord Deputy doubted not to defend, until all his Forces ſhould
come up, and then refolved to fight them, which was the onely thing
he defired, and thought himſelf to be in a very good pofture to do it: But
the Earl of Castlehaven, before he would advance to the Lord Deputy,
thought it convenient to fecure a fingle Pafs over the River Shannon,
whereby the Enemy might poffibly get over, that fo the Enemy might be
entirely engaged, where the Lord Deputy was without any danger in
the Rear; But by the time the Earl had marched fome miles, he heard
the report of Muskets, and looking back, he faw the two Troops of
Horſe he had left to fecure that Paſs, and the 60 Foot, running, and dif-
perfing, without being purſued; for the Enemy having Intelligence of
the Earl's march, fent over 2 or 3 Boats with Musketiers from the other
fide of the River, and landed without oppofition at the Caſtle fcituate
on the Pafs. Upon which news (notwithilanding the Earl's Commands
or Intreaties) his Army in that Confternation, (without the fight of
an Enemy fled and disbanded; infomuch, that of 4000 which in
the morning the Body confifted of, the Earl brought not with him to
the Place where the Lord Deputy was, above 40 Horfe; whereupon the
Lord Deputy faw he was in no cafe to engage the Enemy; that he fhould
be quickly attacked in the Rear, by that part of the Army which had
already, and speedily would pass the River; and that the fame fright pof-
feffed his men, who had hitherto kept the Bridge, and who now began
to yield ground; and that in truth, very many of his Souldiers had that
night run away; And thereupon he drew off, and marched away, both
Horfe and Foot: (when they were gotten out of danger of the Enemies pur-
fuit,) And from this time, the Lord Deputy could never draw
any confide-
rable and firm Body into the Field,nor make any oppofition to the Enemies
Progreſs; The Iriſh in all Places fubmitting to, and compounding with
them,
1
the Irish Infurrection.
them, murmuring as much now againſt the Lord Deputy, as they had
before againſt the Lord Lieutenant.
285
1651.
The Lord Taaff
intended to
the King, but
being prevent-
cd enters into
the Duke of
Lorraign.
have gone to
ed
a Treaty with
Before the Lord Lieutenant had left the Kingdom, he had fent the
Lord Viſcount Taaff, who had been an Eye-Witneſs of all his Proceedings,
and had in vain labour'd to compofe and difpofe the minds of the Clergy
to the Kings Service, to give the King an Account of the Affairs of Ire-
land, and how impoffible it would be to preferve his Authority in that
Kingdom, without fome more then ordinary Supplies from abroad;
which joyning with the moſt confiderable and Loyal Part of the Irish,
might have kept the Refractory in awe. His Lordfhip landed in Flan-
ders, the King being then in Scotland, and quickly understood how
unlikely his Journey into that Kingdom was, to advance the Buſineſs
upon
which he came, or indeed that he fhould be admitted to the Prefence
of the King, from whom moſt were remov'd that attended him thither;
and thereupon he ſtaid in Flanders, and found an opportunity to prefent,
the Condition of the Papifts of Ireland, in fuch manner, to the Duke of
Larrain, who being nearly Allied to the King always, profeffed fingu-
lar affection to his Majefty and his Intereft) as in the end, he prevail'd
with him to fend them fome Relief; And aſſoon as it was known that
the Lord Lieutenant was landed in France, the Duke fent a Perfon of
Principal Truſt about him (the Abbot of St. Katharines) into Ireland,
with a Credential, as his Ambaffador to the Clergy, and Catholick No-
bility and Gentry of that Kingdom, to treat with them, in order to their
receiving Aid and Supplies from the Duke; and to the end, that his High-
nefs might in truth underſtand in what Capacity they were to be re-
lieved, and how much they could themſelves contribute thereunto; it
being not then known that the Marquefs of Ormond had left the Kings
Authority behind him, but rather conceiv'd, that upon thofe many Pro-
vocations and Affronts which had been offered to him, he had withdrawn
(with his Perfon) the Countenance and Authority they had fo much
undervalued, and fo little deferved. When the Abbot landed in Ireland, The Duke of
which was about the end of February, (and within little more then 2
months after the Lord Lieutenant departed thence) he heard that the
Marquess of Clanrickard was the Kings Deputy, and thereupon he
gave him prefently notice of his arrival, addreffed himself to him, fhew-
ed his Commiffion and Credentials, and affured him, That the Duke his
Mafter bad fo entire an Affection to the King of England, the preferva-
tion of whoſe Intereſt in that Kingdom, was the chief Motive to him to offer
his Affiftance) that if he had known any Perfon had been intrusted there
with his Majefties Authority, he would have addreſſed himself unto him,
and no other; And that he finding his Lordship invested with that
Power, did (what he knew his Mafler expected at his hands) apply bim-
Self unto him, with, and by whofe Direction, he would alone ſteer himself,
through that Negotiation: He told him the Duke had already disburfed
6000 Pistols, for the Supplying them with thoſe things he heard they stood
most in need of, which were brought over by a Religious Parfon who came
with him, and that he was ready to be informed, of what they would defire
from his Highness, that might enable them to refift their Enemy, and that
he would confent to any thing that was reafonable for him to undertake. puty impowers
Hereupon, the Lord Deputy appointed a Committee of the Com- a Committee
miffioners of Truft, together with fome Prelates, to confer with the
Ambaſſador, to receive any Overtures from him, and to prefent them
with
Lorraign's A-
gent lands.
The Lord De-
to treat with
Lorrøigu's A-
gent
286
The difmal Effects of
!
I
•
1651. with their Advice thereupon unto him. They met accordingly, and
receiv'd the Propofitions from the Ambaffador; but they were fo dif-
agreeable to the profeffions he had made of reſpect to the King, and
indeed fo inconfiftent with the Kings Honour and Intereft, as there was
great reafon to fufpect, that they proceeded rather from the Encourage-
ment and Contrivance of the Irish, then from his own temper and dif-
pofition; and this was the more believ'd, when inftead of returning
the Propofitions to the Lord Deputy, they kept the fame in their own
hands, put out fome of thoſe who were appointed by him to be of the
Committee, and chofe others in their Places, and proceeded in the Treaty,
without giving the Deputy an Account of what was demanded by the
Ambaſſador, or what they thought fit to offer unto him. Of all which
the Deputy took notice, and thereupon forbade them to proceed any fur-
ther in that way, and reftrain'd them unto certain Articles which he
fent them, which contain'd what he thought fit to offer to the Am-
baffador, and gave them Power onely to Treat: Notwithſtanding his
pofitive Direction, they proceeded in that Treaty with the Ambaffador,
and ſent an Advice to the LordDeputy to confent unto the Articles propos'd
by him, fince they ſaid he would not recede from what he had propofed,
and that it was much better to fubmit to the fame, then that the Treaty
fhould be broken off. The Lord Deputy as poſitively declared, that what
was demanded, was fo derogatory to the Honour of the King his
Maſter, and destructive to his Intereft, as he would never agree to it,
and refolved preſently to leave the Town. And when the Ambaſſador
ſent to him to defire to ſee him, and take his leave of him, he abſolute-
The Deputies ly refuſed, and fent him word, That he would never pay his Civility to,
or receive it from, a Perfon who had fo much Swaro'd from the Propof-
tions made by himself, and who had prefumed to make Propofitions fo
dishonourable to the King his Mafter, and he believ'd fo contrary to the
good Pleasure of the Duke of Lorraign; And that he would fend away
an Express to the Duke, to inform him of his Miſcarriage, and he prefumed
he would do Justice unto the King upon him.
honourable
Reply to the
Agent.
When the Prelates faw that no obstinacy in the Ambaſſador, nor Im-
portunity from them, could prevail with the Lord Deputy, to fhew
what influence they had upon that Treaty, they perfwaded the Am-
baſſador to confent to the fame Propofitions he had formerly (no
doubt by the fame Advice) rejected; and thereupon to make the fum
formerly disbursed by the Duke at his coming out of Flanders,full 20000 l.
*Sir Nicholas and the Lord Deputy fent a couple of Gentlemen * into Flanders, to
Plunket, Fef-
frey Brown
Efquires.
* Nicholas
French.
*
Treat further with the Duke of Lorraign, according to fuch Commiffions
and Inftructions as he gave them. The Biſhop of Ferns about the fame
time left Ireland, and came likewiſe to Bruxels; and having (without the
Privity of the Lord Deputy) receiv'd fome fecret Truft and Delegation
from the Prelates of Ireland, and Credit from them, to the Duke of Lor
raign, he quickly intereffed himſelf in that Treaty, and took upon
him the greatest part in it, and that which he ſaid was the fence of the
Nation: He reproach'd the Perfons imployed and truſted by the Lord
Deputy, with all the Proceedings which had been in Ireland, by the con-
fent of the Confederate Catholicks, inveighed againſt their oppofing
the Nuncio, and appealing againſt the Excommunication iffued out by
him, he told them (and all this by a Letter under his hand) that he
Lord Deputy. was clearly of opinion, That the Excommunication was just and lawful,
Part of the
Biſhopof Fern's
infolent Letter
againſt the
and
#
1
the Irish Infurrection.
and that the greatest Statesmen, Souldiers, Citizens, and People
difobeying, and now obftinate, are and were delivered to Satan, and there-
fore forfaken of God, and unworthy of Victory, and of his Holy Bleſſing;
And thereupon he faid, he did with all fincerity and charity offer his
own humble opinion what was to be done by them, which was to the end, the
Agreement they were making with his Highness the Duke of Lorraign,
might become profitable to the Nation, and acceptable in the eyes of God,
that they would immediately with humble hearts, make a Submiffion unto
his Holiness in the name of the Nation, and beg the Apoftolical Benedicti-
on, that the light of Wisdom, the Scirit of Fortitude, Vertue, Grace,
Success, and the Blefing of God, might return again to them: He told
them the neceſſity of doing this was the greater, for that the Perfon from
whom they came with Authority, (the Marquefs of Clanrickard the Lord
Deputy) was for feveral caufes Excommunicated, a jure & Homine,
and that he was at Rome reputed the great Contemner of the Authority,
and Dignity of Churchmen, and a Perfecutor of the Lord Nuncio, and
Some Bishops, and other Churchmen; And after many rude and bitter.
reproaches against the Deputy, he used these words, Do you think God
will profper a Contract grounded upon the Authority of fuch a man?
and fhortly after, he said that if the Duke of Lorraign were rightly in-
formed of the Buſineſs, he would never enter upon a Bargain to preſerve
or rather restore Holy-Religion in the Kingdom, with Agents bringing their
Authority from a withered curfed Hand: And then concluded for my
part (upon the denial to hear my humble Prayers, which I hope will not
happen) I will withdraw my felf as a man difpairing of any fruit to
come from an unfound Trunk, where there is no Sap of Grace: And am
refolued to communicate no more with you in that Affair, but rather to let
the Prince know, he was building his Refolutions of doing good upon an
unhallowed foundation, and that God therefore (unless himſelf will un-
dertake to obtain an Abfolution for the Nation) will not give him the
Grace to lay down the Lapis Angularis of his own houfe again, in that
Kingdom. This Letter bare date at Bruxels the 20th. of July, 1651.
the Perfons to whom it was directed, being then in the fame Town.
1
What the iffue of that Treaty was, and what regard there was had
therein to the King's Honour, we have (in the next Place) reaſon tọ
mention; And the rather for that thofe, whom the Marquefs of Clan-
rickard authorized to Treat with the Duke of Lorraign, had moft per-
fidiouſly wav'd his Inftructions, refuming to themſelves a Deputation
and Authority from the People and Kingdom of Ireland; An Infolency
fo great, as the Lord Deputy refents it with a juft Indignation. Firit
we ſhall give you their Agreement, then his Letter.
287
1651.
1
An
288
The difmal Effects of
1651.
An Agreement betwixt Charles the 4th. Duke of
Lorrain, and Theobald Lord Viscount Taaff
Sir Nicholas Plunket, and Jeffrey Brown,
deputed and authorized by the People and King-
dom of Ireland.
I.
TE
He moft Illuftrious Duke is to be vefted with Royal Power, un
der the Title of Protector Royal of Ireland.
2. Becauſe Religion is the prime End and Subject of the Treaty, all is
to begin with an Imploring Application to the Pope, for liis Paternal
Benediction and Help, That he will not be wanting in things Spiritual
or Temporal; in confideration whereof it is Proteſted, that conftant
perpetual Obfequioufnefs of Duty and Faithfulneſs, ſhall be paid to his
Holineſs, and the Apoftolick See.
3. In confideration of this Royal Protector's Power granted, the Duke
is by War to profecute the Kings Enemies, and afford him all poffible
Afſiſtance.
4. The faid Duke is to do nothing in Derogation of the Kings Au-
thority or Jurifdiction in Ireland, but rather to amplifie it: And having
reſtored the Kingdom and Religion to its due priſtine Eſtate, he is to re-
fign cheerfully the Kingdom to the King.
5. Before Refignation as aforefaid, the Duke is to be re-imburſed all
by him pre-impended in this Bufinefs; and for this Re-imburfment, a
general and exact Obedience to the Duke, in Faith and Fidelity from the
Kingdom and People, is made and to be obferv'd, without refervation
to any other Superiority whatſoever.
6. The Duke is not to fail on his part, to expel out of Ireland, Here-
ticks, Enemies to the King and his Religion, and to recover and defend
all things belonging to the faithful Subjects of Ireland.
7. The Duke is Solely and Abfolutely to exerciſe all Military Power
for the preſent and future in Ireland, as to the nomination of all Com-
manders, and guiding all Martial Proceedings at his own Pleaſure, and
in his own Perſon, unleſs he in his abſence ſubſtitute ſome other Catho-
lick Perfon.
8. The Duke is to introduce no Innovation in the Towns, &c. to
him affigned, repugnant to the Securities, Priviledges, Immunities, Pro-
prieties, Lands, Eltates, or antient Laws of the Irish, referving onely
to himſelf, Authority to apply Remedies to any thing accruing, wherein
publick prejudice may be concern'd.
9. The Duke is not to interpoſe in Adminiſtration of Judicial or Civil
Affairs, but leave them to be proceeded in, according to the Fundamental
Laws, and publick Form of the Kings chief Governor, and the Affem-
bly inftituted.
10. The manner of calling Affemblies to be as formerly, unleſs com-
plaint ariſe againſt their Government, or other extraordinary Emergencies
hinder; And then according to the antient Laws, the cutting off the
Aſſembly, is to be at the Pleaſure of his Highneſs.
1
11. When
the Irish Infurrection.
289
r
11. When the work is done in Ireland, by confent of a General Affem- 1651.
bly, the Duke promifes to afford Agents to the King againſt Rebelling
Adverfaries in other Kingdoms.
12. In cafe the Duke cannot go in Perfon into Ireland, it is free in his
Choice and Pleaſure to depute any other man of Catholick Piety, who
fhall be independent on the Militia, and in Civil Matters fhall be receiv-
ed to all manner of Councils, in the fame right as any other Counſellor
or Commiſſioner.
13. All Cities, Caftles, Lands, taken from the Engliſh, ſhall revert
to the Owners, if Catholicks, who have conftantly perfevered in the
Catholick Quarters under the Duke; Yet the Duke's Military Power
fhall be intire over the fame, to Garriſon and difpofe of them for pub-
lick Security, at his Pleaſure.
14. All Pay to the Souldiers, is to pafs from the Duke, as well out
of the publick Revenues, as the Duke's Coffers when that fails; Pro-
vided that the Duke disburfes of his proper Money for publick ufes, for
the future to be repaid him, as his foriner Disbursements.
15. All Goods of Enemies and Dil.nquents, are to be converted to the
publick Military Charges, and towards rewarding great Merits by the
Duke, with advice of the General Aſſembly.
16. The Duke, befides 20000 7. already contributed, promiſes all
further Accommodations and Supplements for War, together with his
Power and Induſtry, what is not above the reach of his Faculties, and
beneath the neceflities of the War, towards the repayment whereof, as
well principal as the annual provenue and ufe thereof, the whole Nation
of Ireland is to be liable until the laſt penny be paid; And for Caution
ir the mean time, the Duke is to be ſeized and poſſeſſed in his own hands,
of Galway, Limerick, Athenry, the Caftle and Town of Athlone, and
Waterford, and the Royal Fort of Duncannon, (when recovered from the
Enemy) and theſe are to remain to him and his Heirs until full and in-
tire fatisfaction receiv'd, and to pay juſt Obedience, and be garriſon'd
and commanded at his Pleaſure.
17. In laying of publick Taxes, and levying the fame for the Dukes
fatisfaction, the Duke do proceed by Advice of the General Aſſembly,
and all aggrieved Parties in cafe of inequality, to feek Redreſs from the
General Affembly.
18. For liquidating and ſtateing the Dukes Disburſements, a certain
Method fhall be agreed on between the Duke and the faid Tranfactors,
but for the Perfons to be intrufted in that Charge, the General Affembly
is to alter them at their Pleaſure.
19 The Duke fhall make no Peace nor Ceffation, without the Lord
Deputy or General Aſſembly.
20. The Lord Deputy and General Affembly, fhall make no Peace
without the confent of the Duke.
July 22.
1651.
Pp
Signed,
Charles of Lorraign:
The
290
The difmal Effects of
1651.
The Lord Marquefs of Clanrickard, Lord De-
puty of Ireland, his Letter to the Duke of
Lorraign, Octob. 20th. 1651.
I
May it pleaſe your Highneſs.
be
Had the Honour on the 12th. of this inftant, to receive a Letter
from your Highness, dated the 10th. of September, wherein you are
pleased to express your great zeal for the advancement of the Catholick
Religion in this Kingdom, your great affection to the King my Mafter, and
your good opinion of this Nation, and your compaſſion of their fufferings,
and your great readiness to afford them aid and affiftance, even equal
with your own nearest concernments; and that your Highness received
Such fatisfaction from the Queen and Duke of York, as did much
Strengthen thofe refolutions, fo as they might fooner appear, but for
the stay made here of Monfieur St. Catherin, and his long Northern Voy-
age upon his return, and referred what concerned the agreement, to the
relation of thofe Commiſſioners I had imployed to your Highness, to treat
upon that fubject of Affiftance and Relief for this Kingdom. I with much
alacrity congratulate your Highness pious intentions, for the preferva-
tion of the Catholick Religion, your great and Princely care to recover his
Majefties Rights and Interefts, from his Rebel Subjects of England, and
the high obligation you put upon this Nation, by your tender regard of
them, and defire to redeem them from the great miferies and afflictions
they have endured, and the eminent dangers they are in; And it fhall be
principal part of my ambition, to be an useful inftrument to Serve your
Highness, in fo famous and glorious an enterprize. And that I may
the more capable to contribute ſomewhat to fo religious and just ends ;
First, in diſcharge of my confcience toward God, my duty to the King my
Mafter, and to dif-abufe your Highness, and give a clear and perfect in-
formation, fo far as comes to my knowledge, I am obliged to reprefent
unto your Highness, that by the title of the Agreement and Articles
therein contained, made by thofe Commiffioners I imployed to your Highness,
and but lately come into my hands, They have violated the truft repofed
in them, by having caft off, and declined the Commiffion and Inftructions
they had from me, in the King my Maſters behalf, and all other Powers,
that could by any other means be derived from him, and pretend to make
an agreement with your Highness, in the name of the Kingdom and
People of Ireland, for which they had not, nor could have any war
rantable Authority; and have abuſed your Highneſs,by a counterfeit fhew
of a private Inftrument, fraudulently procured and figned (as I am in-
formed by fome inconfiderable and factious Perfons, ill-affected to
his Majefties Authority, without any knowledge or confent of the ge-
nerality of the Nation, or Perfons of greateſt Quality or Intereft there-
in, and who under a feeming zeal and pretence of fervice to your High-
nefs, labour more to fatisfie their private ambitions, then the advantage
of Religion or the Nation, or the profperous fuccefs of your Highnels
generous undertakings; And to manifeft the clearness of mine own pro-
ceeding,
L
the Irish Infurrection.
291
ccedings, and make fuch deceitful Practices more apparent, I fend your
Highness herewith an authentick Copy of my Instructions, which accompanied
their Commiffion, when I imployed them to your Highness, as a fufficient
cvidence to convince them. And having thus fully manifefted their breach
of publick Trust, I am obliged in the King my Masters name, to protest
against their unwarrantable proceedings, and to declare all the Agree-
ments and Alls whatsoever concluded by thofe Commiſſioners, to be void,
and illegal, being not derived from, or confonant to his Majefties Authority,
being in duty bound thus far to vindicate the King my Mafters Honour and
Authority, and to preſerve his juſt and undoubted Rights from fuch deceitful
and rebellious Practices; as likewife with an humble and respective care,
to prevent those prejudices that might befal your Highness, in being de-
luded by counterfeit fhews, in doing you greater Honour; where it is ap
parent, that any undertaking laid upon fuch falfe and ill-grounded Prin-
"ciples, as have been smoothly digested and fixed upon that Nation, as
their defire and request, muft overthrow all thofe Heroick and Prince-like
Acts, your Highness hath propofed to your felf, for Gods glory and fer-
vice, the reftauration of oppreffed Majefty, and the relief of his diftref
fed Kingdom, which would at length fall into inteftine broils and divi-
vifions, if not forceably driven into defperation; I shall now with a
hopeful and chearful importunity upon a clear ſcore, free from thoſe de-
ceits, propofe to your Highness, that for the advancement of all those
great ends you aim at, and in the King my Masters behalf; and in the
name of all the Loyal Catholick Subjects of this Nation, and for the
pre
fervation of those important cautionary Places, that are fecurity for your
Highness past and prefent disbursements, you will be pleafed to quicken and
haften thofe aids and affiftances, you intended for the relief of Ireland;
and I have with my whole power, and through the greatest hazards;
Atriven to defend them for you, and to preferve all other Ports, that
may be at all times of advantage and fafeguard to your Fleets, and Men
of War, having yet many good Harbours left; but also engage in the
King my Masters name, that whatſoever may prove to your fatisfaction,
that is any way confiftent with his Honour and Authority, and have made
humble applications to the Queens Majesty, and my Lord Lieutenant,
(the King being in Scotland) further to agree, confirm, and ſecure, what-
Joever may be of advantage to your Highness; and if the last Galliot had
but brought 10000 1. for this inftant time, it would have contributed more
• to the recovery of this Kingdom, then far greater fums delayed, by en-
abling our Forces to meet together, for the relief of Limerick, which cannot
but be in great distress after fo long a Siege, and which if loft, (al-
though I fhall endeavour to prevent it) will cost much treasure to be re-
gained. And if your Highness will be pleafed to go on chearfully, freely,
and feaſonably, with this great work, I make no question, but God will
give fo great a bleſſing thereto, as that my felf, and all the Loyal Subjects
of this Kingdom, may soon and justly proclaim, and leave recorded to
pofterity, that your Highness was the great and glorious reſtorer of our
Religion, Monarch, and Nation; and that your Highness may not be dif-
couraged or diverted, from this generous enterprize, by the malice or in-
vectives of any ill affected, it is a neceſſary duty in me, to reprefent unto
your Highness, that the Bishop of Ferns (who as I am informed, hath
gained fome interest in your favour) is a Perfon, that hath ever been vi
olent against, and malicious to his Majesty's Authority and Government,
my
Pp t
and
1651.
292
The difmal Effects of
1
1651.
* Which was
part of that
ned before,giv-
a
and a fatal Instrument in contriving and fomenting all those divifions and
differences that have rent afunder this Kingdom, the introduction to our
prefent miferies, and weak condition: And that your Highness may clearly
know his difpofition, I fend herewithal a Copy of part of a Letter written by
him*, directed to the Lord Taaffe, Sir Nicholas Plunket, and Jeffery
Brown, and humbly fubmitted to your judgment, whether thofe expreffions
Letter mentio be agreeable to the temper of the Apoftolical Spirit, and confidering whofe
ing his Chara- Perfon and Authority I reprefent, what ought to be the reward of such a
Eter of the Lord crime. I must therefore defire your Highneß, in the King my Mafters be-
kalf, that he may not be countenanc'd or intrufted in any Affairs, that have
relation to his Majefties Intereft in this Kingdom, where I have conftantly
endeavoured, by all poffible fervice, to deferve your Highnefs good opinion,
and obtaining that favour to be a most faithful acknowledger of it, in the ca
pacity, and under the title of,
Deputy.
Athenree, 20th.
Octob. 1651.
Your Highness moſt humble and
obliged Servant,
CLAN RICKARD.
Thus the Lord Deputy very faithfully difcharged his duty; and great
ufe there was to proteſt againſt fuch proceedings of the Confederates,
they putting his Majefties Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of a Fo-
reign Prince, and in that, affuming to themſelves the name of The King-
dom and People of Ireland, as if there had been no other Party or People
in the Kingdom (or not confiderable but themſelves alone; and as if
then in Ireland there had been no Power or Government but theirs onely,
his Majefties Authority in the hands of his Deputy not regarded or con-
fulted. They alfo the Confederates in that giving up the Kingdom in-
to the Power of a Stranger, colouring their Treafon with a flattering
Claufe, and an empty and infignificant Title to their Natural Prince in
Reverfion, and by Refignation, when the new Protector, commanding
all, fhould pleafe to do it; he being firft fatisfi'd of all Disburfments,
Charges, and Claims whatſoever, he himself being Auditor: A Con-
cern of that importance, as we feldom find, where others have been
called in upon Affiftance efpecially on fuch Encouragements) that they
have quitted their hold without effufion of much blood, or an abfolute*
dis-inherizon of the right Owner: And therefore the Lord Deputies
forefight of fuch an Evil, doth commend him faithful to his Prince, and
juft to his Nation. Nor can it be doubted, that the Atteftation of this
Peer (one that hath run the hazard of his Countreys fafety) fhould Le
further credited than what the Biſhop of Ferns, or any obfcure loofe
Frier how prodigal foever in their Calumnies fhould or can publifh in
the bitterness of their fpirit, a crime incident to their Faculty, being ill
affected to his Majefty, worſe to his Governours.
One of the principal Motives, which induced the Marquis of Clan-
rickard to ſubmit to that Charge, and to undertake a Province which
he knew would be very burthenlome and grievous in feveral refpects, was
the joynt promiſe, That the City of Limerick, and the Town of Galway,
would pay all imaginable duty to him. The Clergy obliged themfelves in
that particular with all confidence, and the Deputies of the Places pro-
mifed
the Irith Infurrection.
293
mifed all that could be defir'd: But when the Lord Deputy found it ne-
ceffary to fettle that buſineſs, they would neither receive a Garrifon or
Governour from him; and when he offered himſelf to ftay in Lime-
rick, when Ireton was drawing before it) and to run his Fortune with
them, they refufed it, as peremptorily as they had done to the Lord
Lieutenant. It is true, both Limerick and Galway were contented to re-
ceive Soldiers; but they muſt be fuch onely as were of their own choo-
fing, not ſuch either in number or quality as the Lord Deputy would
have fent to them, or as were neceflary for their fecurity: They chofe
likewife their own Governour, or rather kept the Government them-
felves, and gave the Title to one, whom they thought leaft like to con-
tradict them; and, in a word, behaved themfeives like two Common-
wealths, and obcy'd the Deputy no farther than they were inclined by
their own convenience; they who compounded with the Enemy in the
Countrey, correfponded with them in the Town, and thereby gave the
Enemy intelligence of all that pafled: Wonderful diligence was ufed to
make it be thought, that the Independents were not uncharitable unto
Papists, and that they wifhed not any compulfion thould be uſed in mat-
ter of Religion; and when the acts of cruelty and blood, of putting their
Priefts and Prelates to an ignominious death, (of which there were new
inftances every day) were mentioned: It was anfwer'd, Thofe proceed-
ings were carried on by the power of the Presbyterians, very much againt
the Nature and Principles of the other Party.
1651.
The Confede-
rates cherish'd
in a good opi-
mon of the fa
dependents.
This licenfe of Communication, and the evil confequences that muſt
attend it, was enough underſtood by the Lord Deputy, but could no
more be prevented, reformed, or punifhed, than he could infufe a new
heart or ſpirit into the People; one inftance will ferve the turn: There
was in the Town a Frier, Anthony Geoghean, who had always adhered
Frier Geoghe-
to the Nuncio, and oppofed the King's Authority to the utmoft of his han's carriage
power, feveral Letters written by him into the Enemies Quarters were againit the
intercepted, and brought to the Lord Deputy, in which, though there State.
were many things in Cypher, there appeared much of the prelent ftate
and condition of the Town; and in one of them, dated the 4th. of Febr.
5
1. he thus writes, If the fervice of God had been as deep in the hearts
of our Nation, as that Idol of Dagon, a foolish Loyalty a better courfe
for its honour and prefervation had been taken in time. The Lord Deputy
believed the crime to be fo apparent, and of fuch a nature, that (What
Complices foever he might have) none would have the courage to ap-
pear in his behalf: And that he might give the Clergy an opportunity
to fhew their zeal in a buſineſs, that concern'd fo much their common
fafety, he referr'd the examination of the Frier unto the Bishops where-
of there were three or four in Town) and to fome other of the
principal of the Clergy, and appointed them to require him to produce
the Cypher which he had ufed, and to examine him to whom the Let-
ters were intended (they being directed to counterfeit and fuppofitious
names.) The Cypher was accordingly produced, and thereby many ex-
preſſions (in the Letter) appear'd to be full of neglect and reproach to the
King and others, of infolence and contumely toward the Lord Deputy; they
mention'd little hope was left of relief from the Duke of Lorrain; and that
they refolved to fend one to treat with the Rebels, and had found private
means of conveying one to that purpose: The Frier promifed to use all his
diligence to difpofe the Catholicks to have a good opinion of the Indepen-
dents,
!
}
The difmal Effects of
294
}
1651. dents, and made fome request concerning himself. All that he alledged for
his defence was, That the Letters written by him were to one who was
employ'd by the Court of Rome; that he had no ill meaning againſt
the King or Deputy, and that he had himself a Truft from Rome, and
Inftructions from the Secretary of the Congregation, De propaganda Fide,
and the Biſhops certifi'd that they had feen the Instructions, and that
they did not relate at all to the Temporal State. And this was all the fa-
tisfaction and juſtice the Lord Deputy could procure, though he writ
feveral Letters of Expoftulation to the Bishops thereupon: Whether this
be a part of the Priviledges and Immunities of the Catholick Roman
Church, and enjoy'd in any Catholick Countrey, and whether it can be
indulged to them in any other Countrey where the Authority of the Bi-
fhop of Rome is not fubmitted unto, we muſt leave to the World to judge
and determine. In the interim, If Proteftant Kings and Princes are prɔ-
vident and ſevere for the prevention of fuch practices, and for the cfta-
bliſhing their own fecurity, this muſt not be imputed to an unreaſonable
jealoulie of, or a prejudice to the Roman Catholick Religion, but to the
confident prefumption of thofe men, (under the vizard of univerfal
obedience; who have pretended Religion for their warrant or excufe, for
the moſt unlawful and unjuſtifiable actions.
This was the obedience and ſubmiſſion they paid to the Kings Autho-
rity and Government: Let us fee now what Government they provided
for themſelves, and what courſe they (who were ſtill jealous of being be-
tray'd by thoſe who were truſted by the King) took for their own fecu-
rity and preſervation; and what power the Bishops and Clergy had to
fupport their own Intereft and Dignity, after they appear'd to have
enough to deſtroy or fupprefs that of the King. The City of Limerick
was entirely govern'd by the Clergy. We have fhewn you how the
Herald (in proclaming the Peace of 1646.) was affronted there; as
alfo of their contumelious behaviour towards the Marquis of Ormond
in 1650. We muſt now take notice of their carriage to the Marquis of
Clanrickard, to whom (contrary to their obligation and folemn promife)
they continued the fame obftinacy, refufing to receive fuch a Governour
and Garriſon as he thought fit to give them, or to entertain him in the
Town with the Power and Authority of Deputy, after he had affum'd
that Place and Title upon their own importunity, and promiſe of obedi-
cnce; however, he ſent thither fuch men, both Officers and Soldiers, as
they deſired, and no other.
During the Siege of Limerick, (now ftraitly begirt by Ireton) Sir Wal-
ther Dungan formed Rofs-town and Castle Jordan; and the notable
Quarter-beater Nafh killed Colonel Cook, coming with a Party from
Cork, but was flain in the onſet, though his Party was victorious; whilst
at Limerick the Befieged made many fierce Sallies, to the lofs of the Af-
failants: for in one, of 1000 men, they killed above 300 of the Befiegers;
and upon Ireton's attempt againſt the Iſland before the Town, the 15th.
of July, 1651. an hundred and twenty of his men were loft, with their
Leaders, Major Walker, Captain Graves, and Captain Whiting: Ireton not-
withſtanding refolved not to depart without it, though the Governour
(Hugh O Neal, who had fo gallantly defended Clonmel refufed to hear-
ken to any Conditions, in hopes that the Winter would force him off,
or that himſelf might receive neceffary Supplies from without: But
fhortly after he perceived what he was to truſt to; for before Ireton had
;
clofe
the Irish Infurrection.
295
1650.
cloſe beſieged it a month, and fooner than the Inhabitants were prefs'd
with wants, the Commonalty began to difcourfe of Treating with the
Enemy, all the confiderations of what they might undergo hereafter
(through timeroufnefs occurred to them, and the improbability of their
receiving any fuccours proportionable to their wants: Yet it was very
hard for them to Treat, it being notorioufly known, that Ireton would
except very many principal Perfons amongst them, to whom no mercy
fhould be shown; nor could they expect any Conditions for the exercife
of their Religion they had been hitherto fo jealous of. The Governour
had onely the Title and power to fet Watch, but the Mayor kept the
Keys, and had many of the principal Officers at his devotion; fo that
upon the 23 d. of October, a mixed Councel of Officers, and of thofe of
the Civil Government, met in the Town-houſe, to confult what was beſt
to be done in order to the Treaty with the Enemy, (contrary to the in-
tentions of the Governour, who was refolved to hold it out to the last
and after a long debate, it was concluded by the major part, that they
would proceed to a Treaty, and that they would not break it off upon the
exception of any perfons, for Quarter or Confifcation of their Goods:
and the next day was appointed for the choofing of the Commiſſioners
to be fent unto the Enemy. The refult of the former days debate being
known in the Town, they no fooner met for the Election of the Commil-
fioners for the Treaty, than the Biſhops of Limerick and Emly, with the
Clergy, came to the Town-houſe, and threatned them to iTue out an
Excommunication againſt them, if they proceeded in thofe Counfels, the
effect whereof would be, to deliver up the Prelates to be flaughter'd
notwithſtanding which, they proceeded to the naming the Perfons who
fhould treat for them. Whereupon the Bishops publifhed their Excommu-
nication, with a perpetual Interdict of the City, which was fixed on the
doors of all the Churches and Chappels in the Town. But alas! thoſe
Fulminations had been too looſely and impertinently uſed to retain any
vertue in time of need; and as Catholick as the Town was, (and there
was not one Proteſtant in it) the Excommunication wrought no effect.
That very night Colonel Fennel, and the other Officers of the Combina-
tion that prefs'd on the Treaty, poffefs'd themſelves of St. John's Gate,
and Cluam's Tower, driving the Guards from thence; and when the Go-
vernour came thither, and demanded by what Authority they were there,
(he having given them Orders to Guard another Quarter of the Town)
they answered, The best of the Town knew, and approved what they did:
And it was very true, the Mayor Thomas Strick was of their Party, and
delivered the Key of that Port to Colonel Fennel, though he denied it to
the other Party that oppofed the Treaty. The Governour called a Coun-
cil of War, and fent for Colonel Fennel to appear before them, who re-
fuſed to come; and being fupplied with Powder from the Mayor, he
turned the Cannon upon the Town, and declared, That he would not quit Hugh Neal,
the place that he was poſſeſſed of, till the City fhould be yielded to the Enemy. M. G. Patrick
The Commiffioners were fent out to Ireton, who would give no other Rock, Sir RI-
Conditions than, That the Garrison should lay down their Arms, the Offi- chard Everard,
cers retaining their Swords, and march to what Place they would, except Limerick and
those exempted from mercy, who of the Clergy, Soldiers, and Citizens Emly, Frier
amounted to the number of 24.) The Inhabitants had three months time Wolf, Dominick
affign'd them to tranfport their Perfons, and three months more to remove derman The-
their Goods within any Place the Kingdom appointed, in which they might ma: Strick, &
•
live.
the Bishops of
Fanning, Al-
بہت
296
The difmal Effects of
1651. live. In brief, theſe were their Conditions; but in refpect of many
things very confiderable in the Articles themſelves, we thall here give
them at large.
Articles agreed upon the 27th day of October,
1651. by and between Henry Ireton, the De-
puty General, on the one Part; and Bar-
thol. Stackpoll, Recorder of the City of Lime-
rick, Dom. White Alderman of the fame,
Nicholas Haly Efq; Lieutenant Colonel Piers
Lacy, Lieutenant Colonel Donnogh ( Brion,
and John Baggot Efq; Commiffioners ap-
pointed by, and on the behalf of the Go-
vernour and Mayor of the faid City, to
Treat and Conclude for the Surrender
thereof, on the other Part.
Hat the City of Limerick, with the Castle, and all the Places of
Tstrength
of faida Depu
Strength in the City, be furrendred into the hands of the faid Depu
ty General of Ireland, for the use of the Parliament and Common-wealth of
England, upon or before the 29th. of Octob. inftant at Noon, together with
all the Ordnance, Arms, Ammunition, and other Furniture of War
therein, and all the Goods of any kind, not allowed by the enfuing Articles,
to be carried away, or kept by the Owners; and this without wafte, Spoil,
or imbezilment; and the full poffefion of Johns Gate and Priors Mill hall
be delivered unto the Jaid Deputy General, or fuch Guards as he shall
appoint, (not exceeding one hundred men for Johns Gate) this day by Sun-
Jet; and for performance hereof, the above-named Lieutenant Colonel Piers
Lacy, Lieutenant Colonel Donogh O Brion, Alderman Dom. White, and
Nicholas Haly Efquires, fhall remain as Hoftages with the faid Deputy
General, until the furrender of the faïd City.
2. That in confideration hereof, all perfons now in the City, (except fuch
as are hereafter excepted) shall have Quarter for their Lives, liberty of
their Perfons, their Cloathes, Money, and other Goods; fo as to be free
from Pillage, Plunder, or other hoftile violence in their Perfons or Goods,
during their continuance under the faid Deputies fafe conduct or protection,
by vertue of the enfuing Articles respectively. But whereas through the
practices of fome Perfons, more eminent and active than the rest, both
amongst the Clergy, Military Officers, and Citizens, and other forts of men,
which, in the large Conditions formerly tendred for furrender, have been
rejected, the fubfequent occafions or opportunities for timely making of Con-.
ditions, neglected and avoided, the difpofitions and defires of many Perfons
within, to that purpoſe, oppoſed, refifted, and restrained, and the
genera-
lity
the Irith Infurrection.
297
រឺ
1
1
lity of the People partly deluded and deceived, to the keeping of them in
vain expectations of relief, from one time to another) and partly over-
awed, or enforced by their power, to concur and contribute thus long to the
obftinate holding out of the Place; therefore the Perfons hereafter named,
with Major General Hugo O Neil the Governour, Major General Purcel,
Sir Jeffery Gallaway, Lieutenant Colonel Lacy, Captain George Wolfe;
Captain Lieutenant Sexton, the Biſhop of Emly, John Quillen a Dómini-
can Frier, David Roch a Dominican Frier, Captain Laurence Welth a
Priest, Francis Wolfe a Franciſcan Frier, Philip O Dwine a Prieſt, Al-
derman Dom. Fanning, Alderman Thomas Stretch, Alderman Jordan
Roach, Edmond Roach Burgefs, Sir Richard Everard, Dolor Higgen,
Maurice Baggot of Baggots-town, and Jeffery Barron, (being, as afore-
faid, the principal, appearing in fuch practices in this Siege, and the hold
ing out fo long as aljo Evan the Welsh Soldier, who ran into Limerick,
and all other perfons that have been employed, and come into the City as
Spies fince the fourth day of June last, shall be excepted and excluded from
any benefit of this Article, or any Article enfuing; and fuch of them as can
be found within the Garrison, fhall be rendred up at mercy upon the furrca-
der of the City: And any fuch Perfon or Perfons, as fhall be found to hide
or conceal any of the faid excepted Perfons, or be privy to their conceal-
ment or attempt of efcape, and not difcover or do their best endeavour to
prevent the fame, Jhall thereby be understood to have forfeited the benefit
of thefe Articles to themselves; but otherwife, none shall lose that benefit
for other meas default, in their concealment or escape, or for the not ren-
dring them up as aforefaid.
3. That all Officers, Soldiers, and all other perfons now in the City, (not
excepted in the last precedent Article shall also have liberty to march
away with their Clothes, Bag and Baggage, Money, and all other their
Goods, of what kind foever, except Arms, Ammunition, and other Utenfils
of War, carrying nothing but their own) to what Place or Places they
jhall chooſe refpectively within the Dominion of Ireland, not being a Garriſon
for the Parliament, (all the Field-Officers of Horfe and Foot, and Captains
of Horfe, with their Horfes, Pistols and Swords, and other the Commif
fioned Officers with their Swords onely and shall have three months time af
ter the furrender, to remove any Goods of their own, that they shall not think
fit foever to carry with them: And fuch of them as shall choose to go to
any Garrison or Parties of the Enemy, ſhall have Convoy or fafe Conduct
for that purpose, for fuch time as fhall be requifite for their march, at the.
rate of ten miles a day, and shall have Carriages and Provifions allowed
from the Countrey at the ufual Rates.
J
4. That fuch of the Citizens and Inhabitants interested in the City, as
are not excepted in the fecond Article, and shall not presently march, as
aforefaid, but defire to continue longer in the City, fhall (upon application
for that purpofe to the faid Deputy General, or the chief Officer commanding
in Limerick after the furrender) have license given them to fay, either for
fuch further time as the faid Deputy General, or the faid chief Officer pre-
fent, fhall find convenient; or until further warning given them to depart :
and in cafe of fuch license given till further warning, fhall have four months
time allowed from and after fuch warning, for the removal of themselves and
their Families, and fix months for the removal of their Goods; and during
Such further time limited, or in cafe of reference to further warning during
their continuance there to the time of warning given; and for the Jaid four
Q q
months
1651.
}
J
298
The difmal Effects of•
7
to any
they
1651. months, and fix months after refpectively, shall be protected in their Perfons,
Families, and Goods, from all injury and violence; and at any time as
fhall defire, which in the faid space or Spaces refpectively, shall have liberty
and ſafe conduct for the removal of themselves, their Families, and Goods,
Place or Places within this Dominion, not being Garrison'd for the
Parliament, as aforefaid; and if they shall not be admitted to refide elfe-
where in protection within this Dominion, they shall have liberty for ther
felves, their Wives, Children, and Goods, to paß beyond the Seas: Pro-
vided, they pay their due proportion of what Taxes, and other Contribution,
that shall be charged upon the City, from the day of the furrender, to the
day of the removal, in due proportion with other Places in Ireland, and be-
have themselves as becomes: And fuch of the faid Citizens and Inhabitants
(as having not licenſe to ſtay until further warning ) ſhall, within a month
after the furrender, be ordered to depart, fhall have the fame benefit of
the third Article, as thofe that march away immediately upon the furrender.
5. That all fuch Perfons now in the City, as fhall defire to live peaceably,
and fubmit to the Parliament of England, (except the Perfons excepted in
the Second Article aforegoing, and except all Clergy-men, Priests, and
Friers of any Order) shall, upon their application to that purpoſe, have pro-
tection to live quietly, at any fuch Place or Places, within this Dominion,
as they fhall defire, and the faid Deputy-General find convenient to ad-
mit: But fuch Protection fhall not be understood to extend either to the
aſſuring of them, either in the enjoyment of their Lands or other
Hereditaments, or to the granting of other indempnity, or freedom from
question, or profecution to Justice in a Judicial way, for any Crimes they may
be guilty of, except to fuch as fhall be found fit to have that mercy
and fa-
vour exprefly granted to them, or to others, for a certain time to be limited
for that purpose; but to fuch as shall have protection for a limited time,
either Citizens or others, it is intended they shall be freed from any Suit
or Ċenfure in the Civil fudicature, for things done in relation to the War,
during the time limited.
Memorandum, as to the fourth. Article aforegoing, it is intended, That
the Citizens not excepted against within a month, may tarry without par-
ticular application) and have four months, after warning given, to re-
move themfelves and Families, and fix months to carry away their Goods.
Memorandum alſo, That all Soldiers or other perfons (not excepted in
the fecond Article).who through fitknefs are difabled to remove themſelves
at prefent, shall have liberty to march away when they shall recover, and
have equal benefit with others in their conditions refpectively. And
that from twelve of the clock this day, there shall be Ceſſation of all acts
of Hoftility on either part. But the Perfons befieged not to come without
the Walls, except into the Illand, and the way leading to it; nor the Be-
fegers to come within the Walls or Iſland, faving into St. John's Gate,
until the time limited for furrender, without licenfe from the other Party
respectively.
And lastly, it is agreed, That no Perſon ſhall be understood to forfeit the
benefit of any the Articles, for another mans breach thereof, unless he be
found to be conſenting thereto, or privy to it, without difcovering or en-
deavouring to prevent it. Provided this extend not to indemnifie the Ho-
Stages in cafe of fail or of furrender.
In
1
the Irish Infurrection.
299
In teftimony whereof, the Parties firft above-mentioned, have inter-
changeably ſet their Hands and Seals to, the day and year first above
mentioned.
1651.
•
Bar. Stackpoll.
Pierce Lacy.
Don. O Brien.
Dom. White.
Nich. Haly.
John Baggot..
It cannot be believ'd, that theſe unequal and fevere Conditions would
have been accepted from any Army, not ſtrong enough to have impofed
upon a People unwilling to fubmit to them, and in a feafon of the year
that alone would have fecured a Place lefs provided for refiftance; but
that Colonel Fennel (the fame night theſe hard demands were fent into
the Town) received in St. Johns Gate Tower 200 men from Ireton, and
the other were removed into another Fort, called Price's Mill, where af
ter they had continued two days; and the People of the Town not yet
agreeing what they would do, a Drum was fent through the City, com-
manding all manner of Soldiers in pay within the Town, to repair to
oar Ladies Church, and there to lay down their Arms; which was pre-
fently obeyed; and the Soldiers being bid forthwith to leave the Town,
Ireton, the 29th. of October, marched in, and receiving the Keys, was
without any contradiction quietly poffeffed thereof, caufing as many of
the excepted Perfons as could be found to be committed to Priſon, and
made Sir Hardreß Waller Governour of the City.
In this manner was Limerick defended by the Catholick Irish; and this
obedience did the Prelates and Clergy, in their need, receive from thoſe,
over whom they had power enough to feduce from the Duty they owed
to the King, and from fubmitting to his Authority; and now was the
Harveſt that they gathered the fruit of all their labours: The Inftances
of ſeverity and blood which Ireton gave upon his being poffefs'd of this
Place, were very remarkable: Edmund O Duyr, the Bishop of Limerick,
had the dexterity and good Fortune, that either by marching out
amongſt the Common Soldiers, or by concealing himſelf with fome faith-
ful Friend in the Town, (which is not fo probable) to eſcape their hands,
and afterwards died at Bruffels, purfued with the malice of the Nuncio-
nift Zealots; whilft Ireton manifefted what his portion would have
been, by the treatment they gave to.Terlagh O Brien, the Bishop of Em›
ly, whom they took, and without any formality of Juſtice, and with all
reproaches imaginable, cauſed him to be publickly hanged. This unhap-
py Prelate had, from the beginning, oppoſed with great paffion the Kings
Authority, and moſt obftinately adhered to the Nuncio, and to that Par-
ty ſtill which was moft averfe from returning to their Allegiance, and
was thus miferably and ignominiouſly put to death, even in that City,
whence he had been a principal Inftrument to fhut out his Majefties Au-
thority.
It may be remembred in the former part of this Diſcourſe, that when
the King at Arms proclaim'd the Peace at Limerick in 1646. one Domi-
nick Fanning (a Citizen of the Town) rais'd a Mutiny, which Rabble
affronted the Herald, and wounded the Mayor, and was himſelf, by the
Nuncio, (for that good fervice) made Mayor in the former's place:
This man continuing the fame bitterneſs of fpirit againſt the King's
Authority,
Q 2
/
A
*
300
The difmal Effects of
A
1651.
1
}
*
Authority, always oppoſed the receiving of a Garriſon from the Lord
Lieutenant. This Dominick Fanning being one of thofe 24 which Ireton
had excepted, found a way, amongſt the Common Soldiers, to get out of
the Town, notwithſtanding all the diligence that was uſed to diſcover
him: When he was free, and in fafety, he returned to the Town to fetch⋅
fome Money that he had privately hid, and to make fome proviſion for
his fubfiftance, which he had not time to do before: But going to his
own houſe, his Wife refuſed to receive him, or to affift him in any thing;
whereupon he departed, and after he had walked up and down the
ftreets fome time (the weather being extreme cold, he went to the
Main-guard, where was a good Fire, and being diſcovered to be a Stran-
ger, and asked who he was, voluntarily confelfed that he was Dominick
Fanning, for whom ſuch ſtrict ſearch had been made; he was thereupon
apprehended, and the next morning carried before the Governour, and
immediately hanged. The fame Fate had Frier Wolf, and Alderman
Thomas Strich, who (when the Lord Lieutenant would have entred that
Town in 1650. for its preſervation) rais'da Tumult, and fhut the Gates
againſt him. And this very Colonel Fennel (who by poffeffing himſelf of
the Port, and turning the Cannon upon the Town, betray'd it to the Ene-
my) though he had for the prefent the benefit of the Articles, was with-
in few months after taken by them, and (without any confideration of
his laſt merit hanged as the rest had been. In a word, All thofe who
had been the firſt cauſers and raiſers of the Rebellion, (or who with moſt
malice and obftinacy oppoſed their return to the Kings obedience) and
had the misfortune to fall into the Enemies hands, as the Bishop of Roſs,
whoſe Fate we have before told you) Jeffery Baron, (who kept Water-
ford from receiving the Lord Lieutenant, taken afterwards at Limerick
and there hanged) and many others, were made examples of the like
し
​nature.
About the ſame time that Limerick was furrendred, Sir Charles Coot
defeated a Party of the Fitz-Patricks and O Duyr's Forces, (who had re-
gain'd Meleke Island after the taking of it by Colonel Axtel) undergo-
ing a refolute defence thereof to the baffling of his Foot, which were
worſted two or three times together; but the Gallantry of his Horfe re-
covered the Honour, making 300 refolute Irish accept of Quarter for
their Lives, fome 300 being flain and drown'd.
This buſineſs of Limerick being over, Ireton within a few days, with-
out drawing his Army nearer than the Caſtle of Clare, (which he and
Sir Charles Coot joyntly took in) fent a Summons to the City of Gallway,
offering therein Limerick's firit Conditions, wiſhing them withall to
put him to no more trouble, left they far'd as Limerick did through
their ſtubbornnefs; adding fuch other threats, as he thought moſt like to
make impreſſions upon them; and a great impreffion they did make.
But Ireton dying at Limerick the 26th. of November, having contracted
a Feaver through his.continual Watching and Services through the whole
Siege of Limerick, they had a little refpite; and being united, under the
Command of General Preston, the Town of Gallway addrefs'd themſelves
to the Lord Deputy, and defired his affiftance, promifing all obedience
to his Majefties Authority in him: Nor was he fo much difcourag'd by
their former carriage, and their having accepted the Articles made with
the Duke of Lorrain, and their declaring him to be their Protector, with-
out ever communicating it to the Lord Deputy, as to decline having
further
the Irish Infurrection.
301
be
further to do with them. But upon their first Addrefs to him, he fent
his Secretary to them with fome Directions, and ſhortly after went him-
felf thither, having fummon'd fuch of the Nobility, Prelates, and principal
Gentry, as could with ſafety repair thither, to confult what might yet
done for their defence, they having ftill Men enough difperfed in feveral
Parties to reſiſt the Enemy, if they were drawn together, and united
amongſt themſelves; and the Town of Galway was fo good a Port, that
any Supplies or Succours might come from abroad to them.
cern.
(
Upon Ireton's Death, the Commiffioners (formerly mention'd to re-
fide at Dublin) made Lieutenant General Ludlow Commander in Chief,
till the Parliament in England fhould take further Order about that Con-
In the interim, Sir Charles Coot with his Party ſtraightned Gal-
way, blocking up their Harbours, and approaching with his Fortifications
nearer by Land, which wrought ſo far upon the Affembly there, that in
February they importun'd the Lord Deputy, to give them leave to fend to
Lieutenant General Ludlow, who by this time was .come to aid Sir
Charles Coot in the Siege) for a fafe Conduct for their Commiſſioners,
to treat of Conditions for the ſettlement of the Nation; upon which they
would ſubmit to the Government of the Parliament, profeffing to the
Lord Deputy, that they would in the mean time make fuch preparation
for their defence, that if the Parliament would not give them good and
ample Conditions, they would fell themſelves at ſuch a dear Rate, that
fhould make their Conquest of little uſe to their Enemy. Upon which,
the Lord Deputy, the Marquefs Clanrickard, the 14th. of February,1651.
writes to the Commander in chief of the Parliaments Forces, and in con-
clufion had no grateful Reply: Which when the Irish found, that they
could not have fo much as a fafe Conduct fent for their Commiſſioners,
nor could be admitted fo much as to treat for the Nation, but only that
particular Places and Perfons might be admitted to compound for them-
felves, as others had done, their fpirits fail'd them; and after a very lit-
tle deliberation, and before they put the Enemy to the trouble of ftorm-
ing them, (without fo much as confulting the Lord Deputy, or asking
his leave,though he was within less than half a days journey of the Town)
they enter'd into a Treaty, and in a fhort time after, viz. the 12th, of
May, furrendred the Town to Sir Charles Coot, for the uſe of the Parlia-
ment of England, upon fuch Conditions, as would not be yielded to by
the Commiflioners, or the Parliament: Though afterwards this Difficul-
ty was compofed, and many confiderable Garrifons in Connaght followed
the example, whilſt many were amazed, to ſee (upon what eafie terms
they parted with their laft important Town, (a'Place of great ftrength,
and had they been refolute, invincible) having ſtill (in looſe Parties
over the Kingdom) more Men in Arms to have defended it, than the
English could have brought againſt the Town. Upon which and other
Circumftances, the Irish in Leimfter and Munster, being reduc'd to
ſtraights, meditate a Compliance, fome under the Earl of Westmeath,
others under Muskery, but oppos'd by the Ulster Confederacy.
Ireton's Funerals being over, (which were performed with great So-
lemnity, on the 6th. of February following, in Henry 7th's Chappel,fince
buried under Tyburn) the Parliament confulted, whom they ſhould make
Deputy (as they called it) in Ireton's room: And Major General Lam-
bert (a Commiflioner in Scotland) was by Cromwel (the Parliaments
Lord Lieutenant) nominated thereunto: Whereupon he preſently ap-
peared,
1651.
Ludlow made
Commander in
ton's death.
Chief on Ire-
{
302
The difmal Effects of
1652. peared, but feem'd unwilling to accept of the Charge; a Difficulty foon
removed, making in a little time all things' ready for his departure, inaf-
much as Waggons with his private Provifions, a recruit of Souldiers, and
Money, were in readineſs to be fent away. But Cromwel's Commiſſion
determining in the end of April, it came into debate in the Houſe, whe-
ther it ſhould be renewed again; but he offering to lay it down, it was
accepted; fo there being no Lord Lieutenant, they voted, there fhould
be no Lord Deputy, and that Major General Lambert fhould be only
Commander in chief of the Forces there: And about the 4th. of July,
1652. Colonel Charles Fleetwood, (who had lately married Ireton's Re-
lict) Lieutenant General of the Horfe, was made Commander in chief
of the Forces in Ireland; he haftned his Difpatch, and ufed great diligence
to get over to his Charge.
In the mean time, feveral things were under debate in the Houſe, for
fetling of Ireland: That great Act for Confifcation of all the Rebels Lands,
was paffed the 12th. of August; and another appointed to be brought in,
for fetling the Adventurers Eſtates for Ireland, which paffed the 26th. of
September, 1653. and was confirmed, 1656. But thefe requiring much
time, the Commander in chief went away about the midſt of August,and
left them to receive a Difpatch in his abfence. He had a very profperous
Paffage, and arrived within few days after his departure: He fetled his
Refidence at Kilkenny, by reafon Dublin and the Parts adjacent were at
that time much infected with the Plague. He found the War of Ireland
drawing on to a conclufion, the Rebels being Maſters of few confiderable
Forts and Caſtles, throughout the whole Countrey, Rofcommon-Castle and
James-town having yielded the 3d. of April to Colonel Reynolds, as the
ftrong Hold of Rofs in Kerry did, the 27th. of June, to Lieutenant General
Ludlow, and the ſtrong Fort of Inchlough, the ift. of Auguſt, to Colonel
Zanckey: And their Forces were fo weak, as they were not able to keep
the Field, and fo difperfed, as they had already in Parties come in, (as
did the Earl of Westmeath, the Lord Muskery, Colonel Connor, O Roe, Sir
William Dungan, Sir Francis Talbot, and many others, to the number of
800.) upon the Kilkenny Articles, which were (in a manner) to fubmit
unto difcretion, and ſubject themſelves to a Trial, for the Murthers commit-
ted in the beginning of the Rebellion; all found guilty thereof were except-
ed from Pardon, their Eſtates confifcated, and the others who had only affift-
ed in the War, were to forfeit two parts of their Eſtates, and be banished:
And accordingly great-numbers of them were tranfported into Spain, the
latter end of this Summer.
Yet the Marquess of Clanrickard did not leave the Kingdom in many
months after the Surrender of Galway, but endeavour'd by all means pofli-
ble to draw the ſcattered Forces together, that he might profecute the
War afreſh, according to his Majeſty's Letters, (in the years 1650, and
1651.) encouraging him to his continuance in Arms, as advantagious (by
way of Diverfion) to his then intended progress of promoting his Defign in
Scotland, and coming into England. And to that end, the 16th. of May,
the Marquefs of Clanrickard, with the Connaght Forces, marched to Balli-
Shannon, which he took by ſtorm, and preſently after Dungal-Castle,where
the Vifter Forces under Sir Phelim O'Neal, the O Relie's, and Mac Ma-
hon's joyned with him; but upon intelligence that Sir Charles Coot and
Colonel Venables were marched againſt him, he retired to Armagh, in-
tending for Raphoe: Whilft Sir Charles Coot (in his purſuit of him) re-
took
瓣
​*
ـكمـ
the Irish Infurrection.
took Balliſhanon and Dungal-Castle, gaining alfo Sligo, Ballymote, and ma-
ny other Garrifons; fo as the Marquefs was forced to fhelter himſelf in
the Iſle of Carrick.
And having receiv'd his Majeſty's Command, to take care of his own.
fecurity, that he fell not into the Enemy's hands, he having no Port to
friend, where he might chooſe a Veffel, and being fo betrayed by the
Irish, as not fecurely to ſtay 24 hours in a Place) was compelled to have
a Paſs from the Parliaments Forces, not excepting any other Conditions
for himſelf, than that he might for fome time remain fecure in their Quar-
ters,. without taking the Oath uſually impofed by them, and have liberty
to tranſport himſelf, and 3000 Irish more, into any Prince's Countrey
and Service, then in Amity with England; which was granted; and in
March, 1652. he was tranfported into England, in a Vellel belonging to
the Parliament, after he had born the Title of the King's Deputy in Ire-
land, little more than two years, not with greater fubmiffion from the
Catholick Irish, than had before been paid to the Lord Lieutenant; and
fo retired to. London, where not long after he died, and was thence carri-
ed to Summerhill, a pleaſant Seat of his own, which Bradshaw had in
Cuftodium) near Tunbridge in Kent, and was buried in the Parith-Church.
He was a Perſon much refpected for his Integrity, and, though of a con-
trary opinion to thoſe then in Ufurpation, looked on as a Favourer of the
English, and one that no ways indulged the Cruelties and Pretenſions of
the Irish.
This was the Fate of that unhappy Nation,. both under Proteftant and
Roman Catholick Governours, neither having had the credit to be Maſters
of the Irish Temper, fomented by the Infolencies of the Priefts,and what-
ever might inftigate them against the English Government.
>
303
1652.
Soon after the Marquefs of Clanrickard's Departure, the leffer Concerns
of that Nation were (with little trouble and charge) brought in obedi-
ence to the Parliament, who declared, the 26th. of September, 1653.
That the Rebels were fubdued, and the Rebellion appeafed and ended; and
thereupon proceeded to the Diſtribution of their Lands, in purſuance of
the Act for Subſcriptions, 17 Carol. 1. Some time before which a
High Court of Juftice was fetled in Ireland, a Name we have reafon not
to mention, without horrour and aſtoniſhment, confidering who was
ſummoned to fuch a Tribunal, which certainly would never have been,
how vain, how ambitious, how prodigious foever fome mens Succefs was,
(a Strumpet often leading one to Attempts above their first thoughts)
had not the Rebels of Ireland (for carrying on their pernicious Practices
avouched the facred Authority for their pretence and colour; that though
thefe with Pilate, washed their hands from the Blood of this Righteous
One, yet they have, as the fhame, fo the guilt of that Royal Blood on
themſelves, who originally gave the occafion of fuch a Difcourfe, which
afterwards was made one of the pretended Cauſes, for the moſt barbarous
and inhumane Act ever perpretated: Inter tragica Fortuna Exempla om- Hift.noftr. Temp
nibus retro feculis memorandus. Upon which, eloquent Du Moulin, one p.348.
of the cleareſt Lights of the French Church, honouring me with a Letter
on that Subject, thus paffionately diſcovers his Refentment; La Morte
de voſtre bon Roy d'une facon fi indigne, & fi horrible par les Maims des In-
dependans, M'outre le Coeur de Douleur: C'est une action fans Example,&
un opprobre ineffacable à noftre Religion; voftre Nation tant Genereufe a elle
quoy
perdu tout Courage ? Les Efcoffoes fe taifent ils la defue? Mais ! IL
faut
1
"
304
The difmal Effects of
?
*
1652. faut Mettre le doigt fur la bouche, & adorer les Confeils de Dieu, qui font
Infcrutables.
な
​It is obfervable, (let fome foam as they pleafe) that there were none,
(who fo much as pretended to have a Reverence for the Church of Eng-
land) that ever had the teaft hand in this foul and ugly Bufineís. An in-
ftance of that is in what the Lord Chancellor Hide acquainted the Par-
liament with, in exprefs words from his Majefty, when he was imployed
in an Embafly to Spain; That the Horrid Murther of his Royal Father,
was not the Act of the Parliament, or People of England, but of a very
wretched and little Company of Mifcreants in the Kingdom, fol. 41.
Upon which, Monfieur Mofes Amiraldus, (the Excellent French Divine)
hearing of the Proteftant Religion afperfed as feditious and treaſonable,
writ a Piece in French, in vindication of the Proteftant Religion, and de-
dicated it to our King (Charles the 2d.) in the time of his Exile, when
Militiere and others, would have inforced the barbarous Martyrdom of
his Royal Father, as a juft Motive to his apoftatizing, and not trufting
his fafety to the Proteftant Religion; whereas all thefe bluftering Storms,
(as the Bishop of Derry obferves in his excellent Tract against Militiere)
radicated him deeper in his Religion; that what thefe intended for his
evil, proved his good. And certainly whatfoever confpired to compleat
fo execrable a Defign, as the Murther of the King, nothing contributed
more than the Irish, deluding his Sacred Majesty fo long with their Pro-
mifes of a competent Army, whereby he relying on them, (too confi-
dently affured of their Ability and Power to perform it deferred
thoſe Agreements, which elfe he might have ſeaſonably compofed at
home.
*
And could there ever be an equaller Diſtribution of God's Vengeance,
than that they by a parallel Court, fhould fuffer the lofs of their Eftates,
Lives and Fortunes? Which, though un-ufual, was the only Expedient;
fufficiently ſet forth in the enfuing Speech of the Lord Lowther's, a Perfon
of that Gravity and Worth, as whatſoever may be faid by others, can ne-
ver reach the State of the Queſtion, more fully (with lefs animofity,and
greater truth) than he hath done, at the Trial of Sir Phelim O Neal, in
February, 1652. The firft Court of this nature (whereof Justice Don-.
nelan an Irish Native was Prefident, and Commiffary General Reynolds,
and Juſtice Cook, Affiftants) was at Kilkenny, the 4th. of October, where
the Supream Council of the Rebels fate in 1642.
The
the Irish Infurrection.
305
The Lord Lowther's Speech, at the Opening of the
High Court of Justice, at the Trial of Sir Phelim
O Neal.
Y
+
Ou have well underſtood, how that by this Commiffion which
hath now been read, the Right Honourable the Commiffioners of
the Parliament, of the Common-wealth of England, for the Af-
fairs of Ireland, by vertue of the Power and Truſt committed to
them, have here erected, conſtituted, and appointed, a High Court of
Juſtice.
And have conſtituted and appointed Perfons therein nominated, or any
12 or more of them, to be Commiffioners and Judges of the faid
Court.
And have authorized them to make inquifition for Blood, and that in
three main Points.
1. To hear and determine all Murthers and Maſſacres, of any Proteftant
English, or other Perſon or Perfons whatſoever,within this Nation, done
or committed by any Perſon or Perſons whatſoever, (both principal and
acceffaries) who fince the 1ft. day of October, 1641. have killed, flain,
or otherwiſe deſtroyed any Perſon or Perſons in Ireland, which at the
time of their being fo killed, flain or destroyed, were not publickly enter-
tained and maintained in Arms, as Officers or private Souldiers, for and
on the behalf of the English againſt the Irish.
2. To hear and determine the Charges, Crimes and Cauſes, of all and
every Perfon and Perfons, (both principal and acceffaries) who fince
the ſaid ift. day ofOctober, 1641. have killed or deſtroyed any Perſon or
Perfons, entertained or maintained as Officers or private Souldiers, for
and on the behalf of the English against the Irish, the faid Perfon fo kil-
ling or deſtroying, not being then publickly entertained and maintained
in Arms, as Officers or private Souldiers, under the Command and Pay
of the Irish againſt the English.
3. To hear and determine the Charges, Crimes, and Cauſes, of all ſuch
Perſons, that have killed or flain, or otherwiſe deſtroyed any Perſon or
Perfons, after Quarter given, contrary to the Rules of War: And to bring
to Trial, Judgement, and condign puniſhment, the Principals and Accef-
faries to thofe Crimes, that is to fay, the Actors, Contrivers, Councellors,
Adviſers, Promoters, Abettors, Aiders and Affifters, of any the faid Mur-
thers, Maffacres, or killing after Quarter given, contrary to the Rules of
War.
This Commiffion doth likewife furniſh the Commiffioners, with all
neceflary Powers requifite for this great Service,and neceffarily conducing
to thefe Ends.
By this Commiffion we may well obferve, for the comfort of all the
good and faithful People of this Land, the Juſtice and Wiſdom of the
High Court of Parliament, of the Common-wealth of England, and of
their Right Honourable Commiffioners here for the Affairs of Ire-
land.
Rr
.Their
1552.
306
The difmal Effects of
1652.
L
Their Juftice, in bringing theſe Crimes to Trial.
2. Their Wiſdom, in ordering this honourable, juſt and equal form of
Trial.
1. Their Juftice and zeal of Juſtice appears in this, That in all their
Treaties and Articles concerning Ireland, they would never admit of any
the leaſt hope of impunity, for theſe barbarous and cruel Murthers and
Maffacres, and breach of Quarter, nor of any thing that might give im-
pediment, unto the faithful and impartial inquifition after all that inno-
cent Blood, which the mercileſs Murtherers have wickedly fhed in this
Land.
2. Their Juſtice and zeal of Justice appears, in that they have omitted
nothing too dear to them.
But have with admirable charge, refolution and conftancy, overcome
all hazards and perils, and have with a vaft expence of English Blood and
Treaſure, profecuted this War, (which was but an execution of Juftice)
to this conclufion, and effected this fair and impartial inquifition for inno-
cent Blood, to put away innocent Blood from the Land; for our righte
ous God, the righteous Judge of Heaven and Earth, hath revealed it in
his holy Scripture, that he will not have fuch wickedneſs to paſs without
condign puniſhment.
For there are three things which the Lord hates, viz. Oculos fublimes,
Linguam mendacem, Manus effundentes innoxium ſanginem, Prov.6.17.
Their Wiſdom appears in this:
1. In that, as good Husbandmen, they prepare the re-plantation of the
Land, by rooting out the noifom Weeds, that always would over-grow
and deſtroy the good Corn, as we have found by fad Experience.
And certainly both in Religion and Prudence, it is undoubtedly necef
fary to clear the Land by Juitice, of this innocent Blood, the innocent
Blood of Chriftians, moft wickedly and cruelly fhed upon the Land,
againſt the Laws of God and Man, of Nature and of Nations, the Laws
of the Land, and the Rights and Rules of War, and the Bonds of Huma-
nity and humane Society.
2. In ordering this form of Trial by an High Court of Juftice, for the
impartial inquifition, trial, and condign puniſhment, of theſe Murthers,
Maſſacres, and breach of Quarter: For 'tis manifeft to any Man of found
judgement and right knowledge in the Law, That that ancient and excel-
lent Trial at the Common Law by Juries, Freeholders of the proper Coun-
ties and Hundreds, or Baronies, where the Facts were done, was neither
convenient nor poffible for the decifion of theſe Cauſes, as the preſent
Conftitution of the Common-wealth now is.
Where now can theſe numbers of indifferent Jurors be had, Liberi &
legales Homines, free from all exceptions and challenges, out of which
the Juries may be equally impannell'd, for the trial of the Priſoners, that
are or fhall be charged with thefe Crimes?
How can all the effectual Forms, abfolutely requifite to that Trial, be
obſerved in all theſe Cafes, if we do but confider the legal Challenges,
both for the Common-wealth and for the Priſoners, to the Array, to the
principal Pannel, to the Pales, the peremptory Challenges, the Challen-
ges for Cauſes, inducing favour or affection, hatred or enmity, or for
Crime, and how in that courfe could rightly be the Trial of the Articles
of War: So that that courfe of Trial, not being now apt for the decifion
of theſe Cauſes:
The
L
1
*
7
>
the Irish Infurrection.
307
The Commiſſioners of Parliament have, in wiſdom and prudence,
erected and conſtituted this Fair, Honourable, Equal, and Indifferent
courſe of Trial, by erecting an High Court of Juſtice, for the hearing and
determining of theſe Cautes:
Wherein are Soldiers for the Articles, Rules, and Laws of War;
Judges for the knowledge of the National Laws; others that have Cog-
nizance of the Civil Laws, and other Men of great Experience, Reafon,
and Judgment; and all of them Men of Honour and Integrity, to be the
Triers and Judges in theſe Caſes.
Having thus far opened the Commiffion, and manifefted this form
and courſe of Trial to be Honourable, Juft, and Equal, I conceive it re-
quifite a little to confider the Laws against Murther, which are to be as
Land-marks and Guides, to direct and lead us in the right way of Judg.
ment in this great Work and Service.
Let us take a brief view of the Laws of God, held forth unto us in the
holy Scriprures; and of the other Laws against Murther. And herein
confider, firt,
The Law againſt Murther in the beginning, in the infancy of the
World, before the Flood, a general Deluge over the World.
The Law against Murther immediately after the Flood.
The Moral Law of God.
The Judicial and Political Law of the Jews.
The Law under the Goſpel.
The Law of England.
The Law of Ireland.
Jus Belli, the Law of War.
This fame horrid fin of Murther, this Devil, crept into the World; it
began in the beginning, what can expulſe this Devil ?
We find in the holy Scriptures, that the Devil was the firft Murtherer
and Lyar, and that he is the Father of Murtherers and Lyars. The unte-
lieving Jews bragged they had Abraham to their Father, and yet they
fought to kill Chrift; whereupon our Saviour tells them, that they are
of their Father the Devil, and the lufts of their Father they will do: He
was a Murtherer from the beginning, and abode not in the truth, becauſe
there is no truth in him: When he speaketh a Lye, he speaketh of his own.
So that from hence the Lyars and Murtherers take their beginning, and
from hence theſe infeparable Twins make and derive their Pedigree and
Defcent from the Devil; (viz.) He was a Lyar and a Murtherer from the
beginning; and he is the Father of Lyars and Murtherers.
1652.
i
.3
الله :
نحه 3
ل ہے تو
لله و
4
.5
.6
.7
.8
*
i
The firft and eldeſt of theſe in the Stock and Progeny, was Cain: i Joh. 3. 12.
Non ficut Cain, qui ex maligno erat & occidit fratrem fuüm, & propter quid
occidit eum, quoniam opera ejus maligna erunt fratris, autem ejus jufta.
And therefore John faith, Not as Cain, who was of that wicked one, and
flew his brother; and wherefore flew he him, because his own works were evil,
and his brothers righteous.
Gen. 4.
Wo unto them, faith he, for they have gone in the way of Cain. This
way of Cain is chalked out unto us in the beginning of the holy Bible,
8. that he talked with his brother Abel; and it came to pass when
they were in the field, that Cain rose up against Abel his Brother, and flew
him. As foon as this innocent Blood was fhed upon the Earth, the cry
thereof afcended up to Heaven. And the Lord Jaid to Cain, What haft
thou done? the voice of thy Brothers bload crieth to me from the ground,
Rr 2
Gen.
Jude ver. 11.
308
The difmal Effects of
1652.
Matth. 25.
Heb. 11. 4.
Heb. 12. 24,
K
Gen. 9. 5.
2.
3
Gen. 4. 10, 11. And now thou art accurfed from the earth, which hath opened
her mouth to receive thy Brothers blood from thy hand. When thou tilleft
the ground, it shall not henceforth yield unto thee her ſtrength; a
fugitive
and a vagabond ſhalt thou be in the Earth.
The Learned Divines obferve upon the Text, that whereas our Tran-
flation is, The voice of thy Brothers blood crieth unto me; the Original
is, The voice of thy Brothers bloods, in the Plural Number; for in killing
Abel, he did not onely kill him, but alſo all that pofterity, the whole
Line that ſhould have defcended from Abel; and therefore thy Brothers
bloods crieth unto me from the ground. It is not the fingle blood, as one of
the murthered that crieth for vengeance, but even the blood of all that
Pofterity, as ſhould have defcended from him, crieth to Heaven for
Vengeance againſt the Murtherer.
We find this innocent blood of Abel, fhed in the begining of the
World, ftill in remembrance, uttering her voice in the higheſt ſtrain, and
crying againſt Murtherers even to the Worlds end.
Our Saviour denouncing feveral woes againſt the Scribes and Phari-
fees, tells them, that they should kill the Prophets that should be fent unto
them, that on them may come all the righteous blood fhed upon the earth,
even from the blood of righteous Abel, unto the blood of Zacharias fon of
Barachias, whom they flew between the Temple and the Altar.
By faith Abel offered unto God a more acceptable Sacrifice than Cain, by
which he obtained witness that he was righteous, God testifying of his gift, and
by it he being dead yet fpeaketh.
And we are come to Jefus the Mediator of the New Teftament, and to
the blood of Sprinkling, that ſpeaketh better things than that of Abel.
The blood of righteous Abel is ftill in remembrance, and yet fpeaking.
And in the latter end of the Bible, Revel. 6. 9, 10. we find the Souls of
them that were flain for the teftimony of Jefus under the Altar,crying with a
loud voyce, How long, O Lord, holy and true, deft thou not revenge our blood
on them that dwell on earth. So that the blood of righteous Abel, and all
the innocent blood fhed on the Earth, yet fpeaketh, and ſtill crieth for
vengeance and juftice againſt the Murtherers. And, to conclude the
Cafe of Murther before theFlood, we find, that one of the main cauſes
which provoked Gods wrath, and brought that great deftruction of the
whole World by Noah's Flood, was, because the earth was filled with vio-
ience, Gen. 6. 11,18. And will not that which deftroyeth the whole
World, over-whelm theſe Nations, if they be not purged by Juſtice?
*
The Law against Murther after the Flood.
Now becauſe the Old World perifhed through violence, God, in his
new re-eſtabliſhment of the World, provided againſt violence, and for
the preventing of Murther ordered this to be one of his firft Fundamental
Laws.
Surely the blood of your lives will I require, at the hands of every beaſt
will I require it, and at the hands of man, and at the hands of every mans
brother will I require the life of man. Ver. 6. Whofo fheddeth mans blood,
by man-ſhall his blood be ſhed; for in the image of God made he man.
The Moral Law of God delivered upon Mount Sinai, and written
by God himſelf in Tables of Stone, and by his Spirit engraven in every
mans heart, Thou shalt do no murther, Exod.20.
13.
The
the Irish Infurrection.
309
3
The Judicial Law.
Next to the Moral Law of God, I come to the Judicial and Political
Law of the Jews.
He that killeth any man fhall furely be put to death.
There are feveral Cafes of Murther put, and upon every of them the
Law is delivered, That the Murtherer ſhall ſurely be put to death.
Moreover you Jhall take no fatisfaction for the life of a Murtherer which
is guilty of death, but he shall furely be put to death.
Te fhall not pollute your Land wherein you are, for blood defilet the
Land, and the Land cannot be cleansed of blood that is fhed therein, vut by
the blood of him that heddeth it.
1551.
✡4.
Exod. 21.12
& 2+.
5
Levit. 17.
Numb. 35.
ས
I u ab. 35. 31.
Ver 33.
Deut. 19. 21.
Thine eye fall not pity, but life fhall go for life.
Upon thee Law I will onely put a cafe or two, which I conceive
may be uſefute
the points in the diſcharge of this fervice.
ng the Amaiekites, whofe life Saui fpared, being 1 Sam. 15.3 2.
brought before Sanusi the great judge in Ifrael.
The cafe of
And Samuel faid unto him, As thy fword hath made women childless, fo Chap. 15.3.
Shall thy Mother be childless among women.
And Samuel bewed Agag in
picces fore the Lord in Gilgal.
The next caſe is that of David; David writes to Joab, by Uriah, to 18am. 11. 15.
fet Uriah in the fore-front of the hotteft of the Battel, and to retire from
him that he may be fmitten and die: Joab did fo, and ſo Uriah was flain.
IO.
The Lord, by Nathan the Prophet, tells David, That he had killed 2 Sam. 12. 9,
Uriah with the fword of the children of Ammon, and therefore the Sword
hall never depart from his houfe.
The cafe of Joab is remarkable.
1 Kings 2. 5
2 Sam. 10.
Joab was a kinfman to David, and he was Captain of his Hoaft, he
did many great Services, and grew old in his Service; yet for all this,
David charges Solomon, that he should not let his hoary head go down to the
grave in peace; because he had fhed the blood of war in peace, in killing of
Abner and Amafa. And though Joab flies to the Tabernacle, and took hold
of the horns of the Altar, yet Solomon commands him there to be flain, & 10.
to take way the innocent blood which Joab had thed, in killing Abner the
Son of Ner, Captain of the boast of Ifrael; and Amaſa the ſon of Fether, Ca-
ptain of the hoaft of Judah.
I will onely add Ahab's cafe.
Ahab covets Naboth's Vineyard, his Wife Jezebel undertakes the bu
finefs; Ahab leaves the matter to her management, fhe writes Letters in
Ahab's name, feals them with his Seal, and fo carries the buſineſs, that
Naboth is ftoned to death, and Ahab takes poffeffion of the Vineyard.
The Lord fends Elijah the Prophet unto Ahab, faying, Thus faith the
Lord, Haft thou killed, and alſo taken poffeffion, &c. In the place where dogs
licked the blood of Naboth fhall dogs lick thy blood, even thine. And of
Jezebel alfo faith the Lord, The dogs Jhall eat Jezebel by the walls of Jez
reel.
I have remembred thefe Cafes arid Prefidents, becaufe they may be
uſeful to us in this fervice.
That of Agag and Joab, to admonifh us not to fpare Murderers.
That of Ahab and David, to instruct us, that the Authors, the Con-
trivers?
310
The difmal Effects of
1652. trivers, the Counsellors, and the Abettors, are guilty of the Murther as
well as the Actors, be their Plots and Devices never fo fubtilly and fe-
cretly carried.
✡s.
Matth. 5. 18.
6.
7.
I come next to the Law under the Gospel.
Thofe Laws againit Murther are confirmed by our Saviour in the Go-
fpel, Matth.26.52. Revel. 13.10. He that killeth with the ſword, muſt bie
killed with the fword.
Verily I Jay unto you, Till Heaven and Earth pass away, one jot
or tittle shall in no wife pass from the Law till all be fulfilled. And
in l'erfe 21. approves the Law against Murther; and alfo reproves the
narrow and literal Glofs and Expofition of the Pharifees upon it, and
gives us a larger and more fpiritual fenfe of it, (viz.) that whosoever is
angry with his brother without caufe, is in danger of judgment.
The Law of England.
Murther, by the Law of England, is a Felony of death, without benefit
of the Clergy or Sanctuary; and by the Law it is eſteemed ſo high and
grievous a Crime, that it is prohibited by many Acts of Parliament to
grant any Pardon for Wilful Murder. This Law of England anſwers to
that of Deuteronomy, Thine eye shall not pity, but life ſhall go for life.
The Laws of Ireland.
By the Laws of Ireland Wilful Murther is High Treafon, which is of a
Temporal offence, efteemed in Law to be the higheſt Crime, and hath
been cenfur'd with the fevereft Judgment and Punishment; (viz.) for a
man to be drawn upon a Hurdle to the Place of Execution, and there to
be hanged by the neck, to be cut down alive, his Intrals and Privy Mem-
bers to be cut forth of his Body, and burnt within his fight, his Head to
be cut off, and his Body to be divided into four Quarters or Parts, &c.
For a man to be drawn upon a Hurdle to the Place of Execution, and
there his Bowels to be burned.
It is confiderable, why, and upon what grounds or reafons, Murther was
made a more horrid and execrable Crime in Ireland than in England, and
puniſhed with a greater ſeverity, (viz.) both with Torture and with
Death, the Statute Decimo Hen. 7. in Ireland, which enacts it to be ſo,
gave the reaſon of the difference.
Praying the Commons (faith the Law) Forafmuch as there have been un-
uſual Murthers, of malice prepenfe, used and had in this Land of Ireland,&c.
contrary to the Law of Almighty God, without any fear of due punishment in
that behalf: Therefore the Statute doth enact Wilful Murder to be High
Treafon. That fin was grown univerfal in Ireland, and therefore the pu-
niſhment muſt be extraordinary; the univerfality of the crime caufeth
the increaſing of the puniſhment, or the ſeverity thereof; Ut metus ad
omnes pœna
ad paucos perveniet. But it will admit another Quære, How
it came to pass, that Malice and Murther was univerſal in Ireland more
than in England? I conceive theſe two Reaſons may be given for it as
new.
1. We
f
the Irish Infurrection.
311
1. We have been theſe many years weltring in blood, by the frequent
Rebellions in Ireland, that have filenced the Laws.
2. Their was a main defect in their Irish Laws and Cuſtoms, (viz.)
their Brehowne Law, which the Irish continued amongſt themſelves, and
the degenerate English embraced it, notwithſtanding the introduction
of the juft and honourable Laws of England. Now by their Irish Cu-
ſtome or Brebowne Law, Murther was not puniſhed with death, but onely
by Fines, or a pecuniary Mulet, which they called an Errick. Therefore
when Sir William Fitz-Williams, being Deputy, told Mac-guire, That he
was to fend a Sheriff into Fermanagh, (being lately before made a Coun-
ty) The Sheriff, faid Mac-Guire, fhall be welcome, but let me know his
Errick, the price of his Head aforehand, that if my People cut it off, I
may put the Errick upon the County.
Now for the reformation of thefe grievous abufes in the Land, in the
10th. year of King Hen. 7. in the Government of Sir Edward Poinings
Knight, then Deputy of Ireland, there were three good and profitable
Statutes made, which were called Poinings Acts, (viz.) the Statute of
10 H.7.cap. 8. for the reviving, confirming, and putting in execution of
the Statute of Kilkenny, held before Lionel Duke of Clarence; by which
Statute at Kilkenny, the Brehowne Law was aboliſhed, and decreed to be
no Law, but a lewd Cuftom.
The Statute of 10 H. 7. cap. oft. by which it was Enacted, That if any
perſon took any money, or other amends, for the death of his Kinſman or
Friend, then the Law would permit (meaning the Law of England) the
ſame ſhall be Felony by this Law, the Errick was taken away.
The Statute of 10 H. 7. cap. vicefimo primo, by which Murther is made
High Treaſon in the Actor, Provoker, and Procurer of it. So that by
theſe three Statutes, their Brehowne Law and lewd Cuſtom was aboliſhed,
their Errick taken away, and Murther declared to be High Treafon. And
thus you ſee how it came to pafs, that Murther is a greater offence, and
more feverely puniſhed in Ireland than in England; and by thefe good
Laws, that horrid and execrable Crime and Monſter of Blood and Mur-
der was chain'd up, or at leaſt fetter'd and reſtrain'd in Ireland, until
its breaking looſe upon us in this laſt and moſt barbarous and cruel Re-
bellion, with that inhumane violence, and unſatiable thirſt of innocent
Blood, with the favage Butcheries of Men, Women, and Children, with-
out refpect either of Age, or Sex, or Quality, as no Hiſtory or Age can
parallel.
It appears by a Cloud of Witneſſes, the execrable Cruelties of the Mur-
therers were not ſatisfied with the variety of Tortures and cruel Deaths
of the living, by Striping, Starving, Burning, Strangling, Burying alive,
and by many Exquifite Torments put to death the living; fo that a
preſent diſpatch by death was a great Mercy: So cruel are the Mercies of
the wicked.
But their helliſh rage and fury ſtayed not here, but alſo extended it ſelf
even unto the Babes unborn, ripping them out of their Mothers womb,
and deſtroying even thofe innocent Babes to fatiate their favage cruelty.
Nor ftaid it here, but extended alfo to the ranfacking of the Graves of
the Dead, dragging the dead Bodies of the Proteftants out of their Graves,
becauſe they might not reft in their Hallowed Ground.
Nor did yet their execrable malice ftay here, but became boundlefs,
not onely to the devaftation and the deftruction of the Houſes, Caftles,
1652.
and
312
The difmal Effects of
1652.
*:.
and whole ſubſtance of the Proteſtants, and whatſoever tending to Civi-
lity, but alſo even to the utter extirpation of the English Nation, and
Proteftant Religion out of this Land of Ireland; all which the Murderers
for of them I ſpeak) acted with that bruitifh outrage, as though Infi-
dels, or rather the wild Beafts of the Wilderneſs, Wolves, and Bears, and
Tigres, nay, Fiends and Furies, had been brought into the Land.
If any think this Language too harsh, let them confider, how the ho-
ly Ghoft ranks and couples the Murderers with Dogs, Rev. 22. 15. For
without the holy City, the heavenly Jerufalem, are Dogs, and Sorcerers, and
Whoremongers,and Murderers, and whofoever loveth and maketh a lye.
No, no, Swans language to exprefs either the woful miferies which the
Proteſtants have fuffered, or the abominable cruelties the Murtherers
have committed, are here tolerable.
I have not words to declare, how the Murderers in this horrid Rebel-
lion have violated all Laws of God and Man, all Faith, all Bonds of Cha-
rity and Humane Society, and how perfidiouſly they have broken all the
Rules, and Rights, and Laws of War.
1
The Laws of War.
In republica maxime funt obfervanda Jura belli.
By the Law, and Rules, and Rights of War,Quarter warrantably given,
ought inviolably to be obſerved; it is a Fundamental Law of War, That
Faith is to be kept with an Enemy, Fides cum hofte fervanda; this hath
been obferved among the Heathens, Infidels have kept this Faith, the
Turks obſerved it; but, by the Popes Difpenfation, the Chriftians once
broke their Articles with the Turks, whereupon the Lord gave a ſignal
Victory to the Turks againſt the Chriſtians; the Story is well known:
The practice of the Murderers in this Rebellion hath been according to
the old Popish Tenent, Nulla fides cum Hæreticis.
And fo, contrary to the Laws of War, many Proteftants were mur-
dered after Quarter given, (of which Crime, both are faid to be guilty.
But, that which exceeds all that can be ſpoken, makes their fin exceed-
ing finful, and their wickedneſs moſt abominable, is, That they began
this butchery and cruelty even then, when the Proteftants were in per-
fect amity with them, and joyned to them not onely in peaceable Neigh-
bourhood, but even in thoſe Bonds that they pretend to hold moſt invio-
lable, (viz.) Goffiprick, Fofterage, and fuch like Ties of Friendſhip and
Alliance.
When they enjoyed fo licentious a freedom of their Romish Superfti-
tion, and free uſe of their Maſs, they had their Titular Arch-biſhops for
every Province, their Titular Biſhop, with his Dean and Chapter, for
every Dioceſs, and their Secular Prieſt for every Pariſh in the Land, be-
fides a monftrous multitude of their Votaries and Regular Clergy: They
had their Abbots, Priors, Monks, Nuns, Jefuits, Frieries, Monafteries,
Nunneries, Religious Houſes, and Convents, in the principal Towns and
Cities of the Land, even in this City of Dublin, the refidence of the State;
ſo that Father Harris, a Secular Prieſt of their own, publiſhed in Print,
That it was as hard to find what number of Friers were in Dublin, as to
count how many Frogs there were in the fecond Plague of Egypt.
They
the Iriſh Inſurrection.
313.
They did not onely exercife all their Superftitious Rites and Ceremo-
nies, but alſo the Papal Jurifdiction, as by Law they had Vicars General,
and kept their Provincial Courts and Confiftories; and Excommunicated
the People, delivering them to Satan: When they enjoyed the benefit of
the fame Laws with us; nay, the end and force of the Law was in fome
cafes abated as to them, which was not diſpenſed withall as to the Pro-
teftants: The Popish Lawyers were permitted to practice, and the Pa-
pifts admitted to Sue forth their Liberties and Oufterlemains, and to bear
and execute the Office of Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, &c. without taking
the Oathes of Allegiance or Supremacy, which was not permitted to the
Proteſtants. And theſe Popish Lawyers, Priefts, Jefuits, and Friers, have
been the principal Incendiaries and Firebrands of all thoſe horrible Flames
which have thus confumed the Land, and were the chief Ring-leaders of
this horrid Rebellion, that the publick Burthens and Charges of the
Common-wealth were born more by the Proteftants than by them, con-
fideration being had to their numbers, and quality of Poffeffors of Inhe
ritance.
And that of the Subfidy granted in Decimo Car. whereof they raiſed
fo great a clamour both in England and Ireland, the Proteftants paid
above one third part of the whole, befides the Clergy, though neither
the Quantity or Quality of Lands of Inheritance, then holden of them
in the Land, did amount to more than a fifth part; and befides all this,
the Proteſtants had contributed to the charge of their Committees,
towards the obtaining of Grace in Bounties, in fending Commiffioners
for them; and even then when the British and Proteftants had improved
the Lands of the Irish Papiſts, and enriched their Eſtates, and brought
into the Land Husbandry, Trades, Manufactury, Traffick, Merchan-
dize, &c. by which means, increaſe of Wealth grew in the Land to that
abundance, that the Irish grew not onely Rich but Honourable; alfo
they were made Earls, Viſcounts, Lords, Baronets, Knights, &c. And
when they enjoyed all this, and much more if time did permit to declare
it) then, even then, without any provocation, fuddenly to rife up to
this heighth of cruelty, to murder fome hundreds of thouſands of theſe
Proteftants, that lived peaceably and friendly with them, and that be-
fore they could take Arms in their hands for their defence; theſe things,
I ſay, makes the fins of Murder, Violence, and Cruelty, unmeaſurably fin-
ful and deteftable.
But I fear I have been too long and too troubleſome, both to you and
my felf, I will conclude. It is well known how the loud cry of innocent
Blood of many thouſands of Chriftians afcending up to Heaven, and the
devout and fervent prayers of many of Gods dear Saints and Servants,
have folicited the Throne of Juſtice, that this happy and bleſſed day
might come, wherein Juftice might impartially be executed againit
thoſe Murderers, whofe cruelties have made this Land a Field of
Blood.
And now fince the high and righteous Providence of God, by thoſe
many and ſignal Victories given to the Arms and Forces of Ireland, hath
fent down from Heaven this day of Juftice unto us in this Land; we
ought to return him all praife and thankfulneſs for this unspeakable
mercy. And fince the truft of this great work, by the fame Provi-
dence, is committed unto us, let us ftir up his Grace within us, and faith-
fulneſs of our minds and Souls, to the faithful diſcharge and execution of
s f
this
1652.
کیتا
314
The difmal Effects of
1660.
M
this great truſt. Sedes Judicanda eft quafi Thronus Dei, faith old Bracton,
that learned Chief Juſtice in Henry the Thirds time. I well remember,
and have often thought upon the counſel of Jethro to Mofes, Exod. 18. 2.
Thou shalt provide thee out of all thy people able men, fuch as fear God, men
of truth, hating covetousness; and fet them to judge the people. Where-
upon Mofes having conftituted Judges over the People, gave them this
charge, (viz.) Hear the causes between your brethren, and judge righte-
ouly between every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him.
Te ſhall not respect perfons in judgment, but ye shall hear the ſmall as well
as the great. Te shall not be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment is Gods.
Deut. 16. 17.
Give me leave likewife to mind you of Jehofaphat's charge to the
Judges, 2 Chron. 19.6,7,9, 11. Take heed what you do, for you judge not
for man but for the Lord, who is with you in judgment. Wherefore now let
the fear of the Lord be upon you, take heed and do it, for there is no iniquity
with the Lord our God, nor respect of perſons, nor taking of gifts. This fhall
ye do in the fear of the Lord, faithfully, with a perfect heart, and ſhall judge
the cauſe that ſhall come before you, between blood and blood, c. Deal cou-
ragiouly, and the Lord fhall be with you.
There is alſo an excellent Rule for Judicature, put in the cafe of the
Gibeonites abuſe of the Levites Wife, Judg. 19.30. the Crime was hor
rid, the Cafe extraordinary; There was never fuch a deed done, or feen
before in Ifrael; the Tribes were moved at it, and upon the Affembly,
the Rule is given, (viz.) Confider of it, take advice, and speak your minds.
This certainly is an excellent Rule of Judicature, (viz.) firſt,
1. Confider of it, conſider well the Cafe, and confider all the Circum-
ſtances of it; beware that no guilty perſon eſcape, nor innocent perſon
be condemned: For he that justifieth the wicked, and condemneth the just,
even they both are an abomination to the Lord, Prov. 17. 15.
2. Take advice and confult with others; Lean not to thine own under-
ſtanding, faith the wife Solomon, Prov. 4.5. In the multitude of Coun-
fellors there is fafety. Be not rafh, nor fudden, or hafty to give judg
ment. Qui feftinat ad judicium properat ad pœnitentiam, Prov. II. 14.
And therefore right grave and ponderous are the Entries of the Judg-
ments in the Common Law, fcil. Quibus lectis & auditis & per justiciari-
os his plenius intellectis & matura deliberatione me præhabita,&c. adjudi-
catur, &c.
When we have patiently heard, and fully underſtood the Parties, and
Proofs, the Witneſs, and whole Cafe, and have fearch'd into all the Parts
and Circumſtances of it, and when we have adviſedly confidered, de-
bated, and confulted of it, and taken mature deliberation thereupon; then
according to the charge of Jehofaphat, Let us deal couragiouſly, give Sen-
tence, and fear not the face of man, for God is with us.
It is no leſs impiety to abfolve the Guilty, than to condemn the In-
nocent.
Thus
the Irish Infurrection.
315
Thus Sir Gerrard Lowther, Chief Juftice of the Common Pleas, one
principally imployed in the weightieft Affairs at Oxford and Westminster,
by the Marquefs of Ormond, with his Majefties Approbation; that it
cannot be faid, we have here prefented you with the froth of a Fana-
tick, or one lefs interreffed in the State, then one to whom the greateſt
Concerns thereof had been frequently communicated: Yet becauſe his
Speech (being ſpoke at the opening of the High Court of Juftice) may
be thought Apocryphal, and fo not to be admitted for Doctrine, yet may
be read for inftruction of Manners, we fhall foon preſent you with
fome thing Orthodox.
Many at Kilkenny, Waterford, Cork, Dublin, and other Places, un-
derwent the Cenſure of the High Court of Juſtice, though the number
of thoſe that ſuffered, exceeded not zoo. for that the Sword, Plague;
Famine, and Banifhment, had ſwept away vaft numbers; amongſt
whom one Tool, a notable Incendiary of Wicklow, was one, againſt
whom Edmund Reily the Irish Prieſt, and Vicar-General, (afterwards
Archbishop of Ardmagh,) appearing in 1653. as a Witnefs, was there
accuſed for the chief Author of furprizing and burning (in Ceffation
time) the black Caſtle of Wicklow, and confequently too of murther-
ing of all thoſe were in it, upon which he was feized and committed;
Yet, for his fervice in betraying the Royal Camp at Rathmines, fuffered
no further puniſhment.
In diftributing of Lands, a courfe was thought of, how the Eng
lish might enjoy them freely, without diſturbance of the Irish, (för
the future) ever ready to fall upon them; and therefore many of the
Natives were tranfplanted into Connaght, and, according to the Extenu-
ation of their Crimes, had more or lefs Land allotted them, which they
enjoyed freely, and (in feveral refpects) was a great conveniency to
them, and not lefs fecurity to the English; They being now in a Bo-
し
​dy) might be better watched then feveral, where they would have been
fure (on every opportunity) to have diſturb'd the Peace.
One of the laſt Commanders amongſt the Irish, which bore up againſt
the Parliament, was Moitogh O Brian, who, being at laſt forced into
his Faſtneſſes, obtain'd in March, 1653. the ufual Articles of Tranfpor-
tation; By the favour of which, not lefs then 27000 Men, had that
year been ſent away; fo as through the numbers that had been killed,
died of the Plague, Famine, and had been Tranſported, the ſcarcity of
People was very confiderable; To fupply which, Fleetwood writ that
feveral Colonies might be fent over, offering very good Conditions to fuch
Families that would Tranfport themfelves; whereupon great numbers
of all forts of Sex flocked into Ireland, which Fleetwood much indulg-
ing; Cromwel thought requifite (for the greater ftrengthening of his
own Party to make his Son Harry Lord Deputy, which he did in 1655.
and foon after Lord Lieutenant, a Perfon who openly fhewed himſelf
againſt the Anabaptifts, (then raging) and countenanced the Uni-
verfity, then in a low Ebb, beſtowing upon it Bishop Uber's Library,
compofed of the choiceft and beft picked Books, extant, carrying himfelt,fo
as fome of the Rigour of his Father was thereby taken off, and that difor-
dered Nation brought into the Condition of a flouriſhing State; Yet af-
terwards, when he might have had many to have feconded him) he
tamely yielded, in 1659. the Government to Steel, the Parliaments
Lord Chancellor, and Miles Corbet, their Chief Baron of the Exchequer ;
Siz
his
1652.
1653:
1654
1655
1658.
1659.
316
The difmal Effects of
1659. his Brother Richard having furrendred the Protectorſhip in England,
very meanly, with a ſubmiſſion (as he termed it) to Providence; So
that Family expired.
1660.
And the Affairs of England growing every day full of change, Ireland
(underſtanding what Sir George Booth had nobly attempted in England)
grew thence early in its dutiful Addreſs to his Majefty; And Sir Theo-
philus Jones, further'd by his Reverend Brother) Colonel Warren,
し
​Bridges, Thompson, Lifle, Warder and Temple, feized Dublin Castle;
Sir Charles Coot about the fame time, preferring an Impeachment of
Treafon against Ludlow, Tomlinson, Corbet, and John Jones; and
weighing the Confequences of the prefent Diftenpers, he (together
with the Council of the Officers of the Army, prefent at Dublin)
the 16th. of February, 1659. made a Memorable Declaration con-
cerning the Re-admiffion of the Secluded Members; about the fame
time, fending Captain Caffe, to attend Colonel Monk into England, a Ge-
neral Convention being the 7th. of February, before Summon'd by the
Vigilance and excellent Contrivance and Induſtry of Doctor Dudley
Loftus, in which Sir James Barry (afterwards Lord Baron of Santry)
was Chairman: Several Affairs (of greateſt Confequence) came
there to be confidered. First, the Arrears of the Souldiers, (they were
to be faſtned to the Deſign, by their Intereft, and by the diſcharge of
what was due to them) then what was moſt popular, (and look'd
leaſt to the mark they aim'd at) came under confideration, in as much
as they continued till May, 1660. having readily accepted of the Kings
Declaration from Breda, of the 14th. of April, 1660. laying hold
(by their Declaration, of the 14th. of May,) of his Condeſcentions,
as the fittest expedient to cement the divided Intereſts in his three King-
doms, which his Majeſty (in his Printed Declaration for the fettlement
of Ireland) takes efpecial notice of, in theſe words, That our good Sub-
jects, the Proteftants (not Ufurpers, as the Irish in their Cafe entitle
them,) in our Kingdom of Ireland, have born a very good part in the
Bleffing of our Reftitution, and that they were early in their dutiful Ad-
dreſſes unto Us, and made the fame. Profeflions of a Refolution, to return
to their Duty and Obedience to Us, during the time of Our being beyond
the Seas, which they have fince fo eminently made good, and put in
practice. And here I cannnot paſs over, that when the Irish Brigade
came to aſſiſt Lambert, againſt Sir George Booth, (now Lord Delameere)
and were in the North with him at that time, advancing to know what
General Monk intended; they under Redman, and Bret, firſt drew back,
though ſome of their Officers (in their canting mood) thought to
have wheedled General Monk into a Compliance. The Convention
gave his Majeſty 20000 /. the Duke of Tork 4000 l. and the Duke of
Glocefter 2000 l. and in May adjourned to the firit of November, a ftand-
ing Committee remaining in the interim. And the 18th. of December,
1660. his Majelly by his Letter, approved of this Convention, which
met again the 22. of January, and Sir William Dumvell was appointed
Chairman; it continued till May, 1661. Before they determined, they
had by a Committee, very fenfible and gallantly defended (at Court)
the English Intereſt, againſt the Irish; who (by reaſon of the Peace
which had been made with them in 1646. and 48.) thought they had
very much to plead for his Majefties favour, when upon the whole, it
was proved, that if any of them were afterwards Loyal, the generality
difobeyed
1
the Irish Infurrection.
difobeyed whatever had been indulged them; and the Contract was not
to be underſtood to be made with a Party, but the Community; of
which more in its due place.
His Majefty was no fooner fetled in England, but (upon both Houſes
of Parliaments apprehenfion of the late Rebellion, and the Iriſh flock-
ing at his Return into England) he within few days publiſhed his fence
of that horrible Conſpiracy, in the enfuing Proclamation.
317.
1669.
1
By
318
The difmal Effects of
1
1652.
By the King.
A
}
PROCLAMATION
Againſt the Rebels in Ireland.
C. R.
C
Harles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scot-
land,France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To all Our loving Subjects of England and Ireland,
Greeting. We taking notice by the Information of the Lords
and Commons, now Affembled in Parliament, That after the
vaft expence of Blood and Treaſure for the fuppreffing of the
late borrid Rebellion in Ireland, begun in October, 1641.
There are yet many of the Natives of that Our Kingdom, deeply
guilty of that Rebellion, who have of late broke out into new Acts
of Force and Violence, fome Murthering, Robbing, and Defpoil-
ing feveral of Our Engliſh Proteſtant Subjects there planted,and
others of them by force Entring upon, and Difquieting the Pof-
feffions of feveral Adventurers and Souldiers there, to the great
and manifeft difturbance and hinderance of Our English Planta
tion. And being very ſenſible of the innocent bloud of ſo many
thousands of Our Engliſh Proteftant Subjects, formerly flain by
the hands of those barbarous Rebels, and of new mischiefs of the
fame kind, likely to fall out, as the fad iffue and confequents of
fo unhappy beginnings. Do therefore, by the advice of the faid
Lords and Commons, now aſſembled, as well to teftifie Our ut-
ter abborring of the ſaid late Rebellion, as to prevent the like
for the future; and for the prefent eſtabliſhment of the Peace
of that Our Kingdom, hold it Our duty to God and the whole
Proteftant Intereft, to Command, Publish, and Declare, and do
by this Our Proclamation, accordingly, Command, Publifh, and
Declare, That all Irish Rebels (other than fuch as by Articles
have liberty to refide in thefe Our Dominions, and have not fince
forfeited the benefit thereof) now remaining in, or which here-
after fall refort to England or Ireland, be forthwith apprehend-
ed,
?
Law.
the Irish Infurrection.
ed, and proceeded against as Rebels and Traitors according to
And that the Adventurers and Souldiers, and other Our
Subjects in Ireland, their Heirs, Executors, Adminiftrators,
and Affigns, who on the first day of January laſt paſt were in
the Poffeffion of any of the Mannors, Caftles, Houfes, Lands, Te-
nements, or Hereditaments, of any the ſaid Irish Rebels, ſhall not
be disturbed in fuch their Poffeffions, until We, by the advice of
the Lords and Commons, now affembled as aforefaid, or fuch
Parliament as We (hall call in England or Ireland, ſhall take
further Order, or that they be Legally evicted, by due courſe of
Law: And all Our Juftices of Peace, Mayors,Sheriffs, and other
Officers, both Civil and Military, both in England and Ireland,
are hereby required to be aiding and affifting in the execution
of this Our Proclamation, as often as occafion fhall require.
Given at our Court at Whitebal the first day of June;
1660. in the Twelfth Year of Our Reign.
319
The Heirs of
bot, Baronet.
Blake, Baronet.
Doctor Gerrald
the Neal.
Afterwards (affoon as fuch matters for fo great a Buſineſs could be Sir Lucas Dil-
brought about his Majeſty, the 8th. of May, fummon'd a Parliament lon, Knight.
at Dublin, in which paffed the great Act of Settlement, after that Sir Robert Tal-
his Majefty had publiſhed, the 30th. of November, 1660. His Gracious The Heirs of
Declaration for the Settlement of his Kingdom of Ireland, and fa- Sir Valentine
tisfaction of the feveral Interefts of Adventurers and Souldiers, and other Sir Richard
Subjects there; wherein as to the Irish; firft, fuch are confidered, as Blake,Knight.
came in upon the Ceflation; fecondly, thofe who honeſtly and faith- Fennel.
fully performed what they promifed in the Peace; and thirdly, fuch as
being beyond Seas, cheerfully receiv'd and obeyed his Majeſties Com-
mands abroad; all which are comprehended in feveral Articles, pro-
ceeding from theſe Heads; and the Souldiers and Adventurers, by them-
felves. Theſe alfo who had the Fortune (whether through Loyalty
or Sufpicion, that they were not able to bear up againſt the English In-
tereſt to withſtand the Nuncio, have in the Act of Settlement their
Fortunes, and themſelves fecur'd memorable to Pofterity; who being
fewer then thoſe that bowed not their knees to Baal in Ifrael, we can-
not but mention, it being a Reward for their eminent Sufferings.
And becauſe the voice of a Parliament, next to the delivery of the
Law from Mount Sinai, ought to imprefs the greateſt Reverence on the
heart and affections of the People, I fhall here prefent you with the Pre-
amble to the Bill of Settlement in Ireland, 1662. which in brief commits
that to Poſterity, no Paint can ever Palliate.
Geffrey Brows.
John Brown of
John Walsh,
Thomas Terril,
John Talbot of
Mallahide.
Francis Cogh-
gan, in the
Kings County
Edmund Dillon,
lan of Kilcol
Robert Nugent
of Cartlan-
town.
Sir John Bourk
laghney.
Thomas Arthur
Efquire, Doctor
in Phyfick.
Gerrald Flem-
ming of Castle
Flemming.
Luke Bath of
Ackarn,
Bartholomew
of Derry Mac-
Stackpoole, f
An quires
320
The difmal Effects of
* At the paf-
fing of which
Act, his Grace
the Duke of
Ormond en-
larg'd fo well
and elegantly
on the Subject,
as his Speech
cannot be om-
mitted without
a blemiſh to
the Hiftory.
an
*
An Act, 14 Carol. 2.
W unnatural
mean
unnatural Infurrection did break forth against your
Majesties Royal Father, of ever bleſſed memory, his Crown and
Dignity in this your Majefties Kingdom of Ireland, upon the 23. of October,
in the year of our Lord God, 1641. and manifeſt it ſelf, by the Murthers
and Destruction of many thouſands of your faid Majefties good and loyal
Subjects, which afterwards univerfally spreading and diffufing it felf over
the whole Kingdom, fetled into, and became a formed and almost National
Rebellion of the Irish Papiſts, against your Royal Father of bleſſed me-
mory, his Crown and Dignity, to the destruction of the English and Pro-
Appendix's. teftants inhabiting in Ireland; The which Irish Papifts being reprefented
in a General Aſſembly chofen by themſelves, and acting by a Council, called
by them, The Supream Council of the Confederate Roman Catholicks
of Ireland, did first allume, ufurp, and exercife the Power of Life and
Death, make Peace and War, Levy and Coin Money, and many other Alts
of Soveraign Authority; Treating with Foreign Princes and Potentates,
for their Government and Protection, and afterwards acted under a Fo-
reign Authority, by all the faid ways, difowning and rejecting your Royal
Fathers, and your Majesties undoubted Right to this Kingdom, even while
they treacheroully used his, and your Majesties Names; in the outward
forms of their Proceedings; withal impiously feeming by words and fhews
to fwear unto that, which by the whole Series of their Deeds, they denied;
And moreover, prefuming to pretend his late Majefties Sacred Authority,even
for their worst actions; all which they did (amongst other their evil De-
figns to frighten his good Proteftant Subjects from their Loyalty, to
blast his Majefties Honour, and to widen the Breach between his faid
Majefty, and his feduced Subjects in England; The which Ends, by their
Said wicked Stratagems, they did too fuccessfully and mischievously effect.
Before this Preamble (to the Act of Settlement) paſs'd, the Irish (by
their Agents in England) had an unuſual Favour of infpecting that Bill,
and objecting what they thought fit; which they did in the prefence of
the Commiffioners fent out of Ireland, by the Convention, and Lords
Juſtices and Council, even before his Majefty, his Council, and the
Committee of Lords, for the Affairs of Ireland, to that end eſpecially
appointed. The debate continuing (touching this grand Inftrument)
from the 8th. of July, 1661. till March following, in which the Irish
moſt infiſted againſt the Preamble, for that it feem'd to involve the
whole Nation, in the firft defigning and raifing of the late Rebellion
in Ireland, and in the barbarous Circumftance thereof: whereas they
would pretend, it was onely the act of a few Perfons of broken for-
tunes, followed with the rude multitude, &c. Praying that nothing
might be contain'd in that Preamble, in Derogation to his Majefties
Articles of Peace,or the blemiſh of his Majefties LoyalCatholick Subjects,
delivering in at the fame time, their Reaſons againſt previous Reprisals,
the variances between the Declaration, and Act of Settlement, and their
defence for their Articles of Peace: Infifting much upon their Loyalty,
after
{
the Irish Infurrection.
321
after the Lord Lieutenants departure, the Catholicks unanimouſly (in
their Affembly) joyning if you dare credit their reports?) with the
Lord Deputy, to oppofe the Ufurpers, as the beſt means to divert the
Parliament, from preventing the Kings Deſigns in England and Scot-
land; for which his Majefty (as they fay) return'd them thanks, they
rejecting then many advantagious offers from Ireton, though they were
in a low Condition; and fo continued faithful till the Lord Deputy was
driven to the Mountains, and they at liberty to compound for themſelves,
many of which went beyond-Sea to ſerve his Majefty; All which they
inſiſt on, as a great teſt of their Loyalty; whereas it can never be
made evident, as is alledged, that Propoſals were made to that Affembly
by the Ufurpers, and refuſed by them, for the enjoyment of their Rights,
Priviledges, and Inheritances, alike with others under their Govern-
ment; for indeed fuch Propoſals were never made nor offered to them
in their moſt flouriſhing Condition; but it is confeffed, fuch Terms were
tendred and refuſed by them, as were agreeable to a conquering Army to
give, as that of the Ufurpers then was, and to a broken Scattered Party
to expect, as the other was; being then reduced to Bogs and Woods, as
their beſt Holts; and yet the Terms fo offered and rejected by the Affembly
together, were foon after embraced by all of them, divided into Parts,
on which they ſubmitted and laid down Arms, having by their Condi-
tions, liberty to tranſport themſelves into Foraign Parts, or to ſtay in
the Kingdom: And therefore, it doth no more confift with their Ho-
nour, then with Truth to fay, they were forced by baniſhment, to an
opportunity of ferving his Majefty beyond-Seas, from whence they
date their Merits from him; which was more then his late Majeſty of
bleſſed memory could obtain from them, although obliged thereunto by
Allegiance, and Articles, when his Diſtreſs and their Power were fubli-
mated to the higheſt Pitch, and his Prerogative lay at the ſtake, as he did
often complain of: The Commiffioners from the Lords Juſtices and
Council, befides this, produced the Inftructions of the Supream Coun-
cil, to their Agents for Rome, France, Spain, (offering the Crown to
either of them that would accept of it) together with the Excommu-
nication of the Marquefs, now Duke of Ormond, and the order of Publi-
cation thereof; whereupon Sir Nicholas Plunket (who ſubſcribed the
ſaid Inſtructions, and principally infifted on the forementioned Particu-
lars) was fent for by the Committee of Lords, who had the Examina-
tion of that Affair, and acknowledging his hand-writing, Report thereof
was made to his Majeſty and Council, by whom it was ordered about
the 14th. of March, 1661. That no more Petitions or Addreſſes ſhould
be received by the Iriſh, to the obſtruction of the Settlement of that King-
dom; and that Sir Nicholas Plunket Should thence-forward no more
prefume to come into his Majefties Prefence, nor to Court; Likewiſe there
was produced an Oath previouſly taken by feveral of the Popish Nobility,
Clergy, and others of the Gentry of Ireland, before the Articles of
Peace, made in 1648. (which they ſo much infift upon) wherein they
fwear and engage, That if thofe Articles of Peace were not in every par-
ticular for their advantage performed, they would not be concluded by
any thing therein; Which appear'd to be fo damnable a Piece of Treache
ry, as it was highly reſented in Council, and the rather, for that his
Grace ſtood up, and juftified that to his knowledge it was a Truth.
Tt
And
+
f
322
The difmal. Effects of
>
And left the memory of fo great a Deliverance fhould flip out of our
thoughts, I fhall in the next place prefent you with the Anniverſary Act,
for its obfervance, that this may be to us (not lefs then the Paffover to
the Ifraelites) for a Memorial and a Feaft to the Lord, throughout our
Generations, by an Ordinance for ever.
7
1
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7
:
盎
​1
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AN
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}
Sk
323
}
+
the Irish Infurrection.
AN ACT
FOR
Keeping and Celebrating the three and twentieth
day of October, as an Anniversary Thankf
giving in this Kingdom.
W
"Hereas many Malignant and Rebellious Papiſts
and Jefuits, Friers, Seminary Prieſts, and other
Superſtitious Orders of the Popish pretended
Clergy, moſt difloyally, treacheroufly, and wickedly, con-
fpired to furprize His Majefties Caſtle of Dublin, His Maje-
fties principal Fort of this Kingdom of Ireland, the City of
Dublin, and all other Cities and Fortifications of this Realm,
and that all the Proteftants and English throughout the
whole Kingdom, that would not joyn with them, fhould
be cut off, and finally by a general Rebellion, to deprive
our late Sovereign Lord of ever bleffed memory, King
Charles the Firſt, of this his ancient and rightful Crown
and Sovereignty of this Kingdom, and to poffefs them-
felves thereof, all which was by the faid Confpirators,plot-
ted and intended to be acted on the three and twentieth day
of October, in the year of our Lord God, One thouſand fix
hundred forty and one; a Confpiracy fo generally inhu-
mane, barbarous, and cruel, as the like was never before
heard of in any Age or Kingdom; and if it had taken ef-
fect, in that fulness which was intended by the Confpirators,
it had occafioned the utter ruine of this whole Kingdom,
and the Government thereof. And however it pleafed Al-
mighty God, in his unfearchable Wiſdom and Juſtice, as a
just puniſhment, and deferved correction to his People for
their fins, and the fins of this Kingdom, to permit then
and afterwards, the effecting of a great part of that De-
ftruction, complotted by thofe wicked Confpirators,
whereby many thouſand Britiſh and Proteftants have been
maffacred, many thouſands of others of them have been
Tt 2
afflicted
देश
?
1
324
The difmal Effects of
afflicted and tormented, with the moſt exquifite torments
that malice could fuggeft, and all Mens Eftates, as well
thoſe whom they barbaroufly murthered, as all other good
Subjects, were wafted, ruined, and deſtroyed; yet as his
Divine Majefty hath in all Ages, ſhown his Power and Mer-
cy, in the miraculous and gracious deliverance of his
Church, and in the protection of Religious Kings and
States, fo even in the midft of his Juftice, he was graciouſly
pleaſed to extend Mercy to his Majefty, and to this his
Kingdom, and good Subjects therein, not only in merci-
fully diſcovering to the then Lords Juftices, by one Owen 0
Connelly, a meer Irish Man, but trained up in the Proteftant
Religion, who out of a fenfe of his Duty and Loyalty to
his Majefty, and for the prefervation of his good People,
and as an effect of that Religion he was trained up in, re-
vealed that hideous and bloody Treafon, not many hours
before the appointed time for the Execution thereof, but
alfo in preferving the faid Caftle and City of Dublin, and
fome other Cities, Towns, and Caftles, in the Kingdom,
from the bloody hands of the barbarous Confpirators, as
alfo in thereby rendring deliverance of the Lives of the faid
Lords Juftices and Council, and of all the British and Pro-
teſtants in Dublin, and in the ſaid other Cities, Towns and
Caftles preferved, and of fundry other British and Prote-
ſtants, faln into the hands of thoſe rebellious Confpirators,
and likewiſe in ſending us Succours out of England hither,
by the Piety, Care, and Wiſdom, of our late Sovereign
Lord King Charles the Firft, whereby with Gods bleffing
the good Subjects of this Kingdom, have hitherto continu
ed fafe under his mighty Protection, notwithſtanding the
unexampled rage and implacable malice of thoſe mercileſs
Rebels. Wherefore as we do moft humbly and juſtly ac-
knowledge Gods Juftice, in our deferved puniſhments in
thofe Calamities, which from the Councils and Actions of
thoſe Confpirators, and their Adherents, have faln upon
us in this Kingdom in general, fo we do in like manner ac-
knowledge, that even in exercifing of that his Juftice, he
remembred Mercy alfo, and magnified his Mercies to us,
in thoſe great Bleffings which we humbly confefs to have
proceeded, meerly from his infinite Goodneſs and Mercy,
and therefore to his most holy Name we do afcribe all Ho-
nour, Glory and Praiſe. And to the end this unfeigned
Thank-
1
325
the Irish Infurrection.
Thankfulneſs may never be forgotten, but may be had in
a perpetual Remembrance, that all Ages to come may yield
Praifes to his Divine Majefty for the fame, and have in me-
mory that joyful Day of Deliverance, Be it therefore Enact-
ed by the Kings moſt Excellent Majefty, with the Affent
of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in
this preſent Parliament affembled, and by Authority of the
fame, that the three and twentieth day of October fhall be
kept and celebrated, as an Anniverſary holy day in this
Kingdom for ever, and that all Perfons do at that day for-
bear all bodily Labour, and the exercife of their Trades,
and that all and fingular Minifters in every Cathedral and
Pariſh Church, or other ufual place for Common-Prayer,
within this Realm of Ireland, fhall always upon the three
and twentieth day of October, fay Morning Prayer, and give
thanks to Almighty God, for that moſt happy and miracu-
lous Deliverance and Prefervation, far above the expectati-
ons of thoſe wretched Confpirators: And that all and every
Perſon and Perſons inhabiting within this Realm of Ireland,
fhall yearly upon the three and twentieth day of October,
diligently and faithfully refort to the Parish Church or Chap-
pel accuſtomed, or to fome ufual Church or Chappel,
where the faid Morning Prayer,Preaching, or other Service
of God fhall be uſed, and then and there abide orderly and
foberly, during the time of the faid Prayers, Preaching, or
other Service of God, there to be uſed and miniftred. And
becauſe all and every Perfon may be put in mind of his
Duty, and be then the better prepared to the faid holy Ser-
vice, Be it Enacted by the Authority aforefaid, that every
Miniſter ſhall give warning to his Parishioners, publickly in
the Church at Morning Prayer, the Lords day next before
every fuch three and twentieth day of October, for the due
obfervation of the faid day, and that after Morning Prayer,
or Preaching, upon every fuch three and twentieth day of
October, they read publickly, diſtinctly and plainly, this
fent Act.
pre
}
And
326
The difmal Effects of
3
p
And, befides our private Thankfulneſs, that we may know what the
Church is enjoyned by his Majeſties Command, (given at Whitehall, the
15th. of August, in the 18th. year of his Reign, 1666.) I must refer
you to the Office of the Church.
Here one might well have thought this bloody Scene ſhould have been
fully cloſed, the event of fo horrid a Confpiracy, having by God and
Man been ſeverely chaftized: But as if Heaven were ftill to be dared,
and Majeſty affronted, no fooner was this State fetled in fo wonderful
a manner, as it drew the whole world to look on it as a miracle; but
the grand Incendiaries of the late Rebellion, Archbishops, Biſhops, and
others of that Union, (openly owning their Profeffion) appear'd in
publick, in as much as the Parliament of England was enforced to take
notice of their folency, as an encouragement to Popery, befeeching
his Majeſty, that Plunket, the Titular Archbishop of Ardmagh, and Tal-
bot, Archbishop of Dublin, fhould be apprehended, to anſwer what might
be objected againſt them: And as an Evidence of their Parties Activeneſs
and Infinuation, the Lord of Offory, Lord Deputy, and the Council, by
a Proclamation, dated at the Council Chamber in Dublin, the 11th. of
July, 1664. fhew, Whereas information hath been given unto us by divers
Gentlemen, and others of the pish Religion, that feveral pretended
Chapters have been, and are to be foon called in feveral Parts of this
Kingdom, and Meetings appointed by Perfons dif-affected to his Majeſties
Government,and to the publick Peace and Quiet, who take opportunities from
thofe Affemblies, to diffuſe and ſpread abroad (amongst the People of that
Religion Seditious Doctrines,to the great diffatisfaction of all thofe, who are
peaceably and loyally inclined,&c.They therefore) to the avoiding the Con-
tagion, that by fuch Delufions might be ingendered, and thofe Dangers,
which by the continuance and feducement of the faid Perfons, and other
turbulent Spirits, are endeavour'd) caution'd and forewarn'd, That none
ſhould prefume to affift, abett, or countenance them; and that thofe (who were
engaged therein should, upon their Duty of Allegiance to his Majesty,
forbear any further Proceedings, &c. All which were afterwards blank'd
over,as indeed they had the fortune to be ſtrangely palliated, together with
what the Biſhop of Ferns had diſcovered to the Earl of Sandwich, (paf-
fing through Galacia to Madrid) of Edmond Reylie, Archbishop of
Ardmagh's purpoſe, to raiſe the Iriſh again into Rebellion; though fome
to delude the Age, made a Loyal Formulary or Remonftrance of their
Obedience, whilſt being admitted at Dublin, into a National Synod of
their own, 1666. (an Indulgence not yet fathom'd) they there fplit
themſelves into Parties, and the 15th. day of their meeting) broke
し
​up, without the leaft fatisfaction to the End they were connived
as from their Principles its natural to conclude, That whatever a Prince
must expect from fuch men, it must be in fubordination to the Popes Ap-
probation: A Reflection on the like made King H. 8. fay, that he found
the Clergy of this Realm were but his half Subjects, or fcarce fo much,
every Biſhop or Abbot, (at the entering upon his Dignity) taking an
Oath to the Pope, derogatory to that of their Fidelity to the King;
which contradiction, he defired his Parliament to take away, and it
occafion'd writes my Lord Herbert, Fol. 335) the final renouncing
of the Popes Authority, about two years after. The Clergies Oath is
given at large, in Walſhe's Epiftle to his Loyal Formulary, Fol. 19.
draws me into a further confideration of the late War.
at;
fo
which
A War
the Irish Infurrection.
327
1
A War in which were intereffed (on feveral Principles) fome of
the greateſt Princes and States of Europe, the Pope, Emperor, France,
Spain, Lorraign, and others, who (profeffedly, or under-hand) con-
tributed Money, Arms, Council, or Countenance.
A War many years in contriving, and (what makes it the more ftu-
pendious) fo fecretly and unexpectedly carried on, (villany hates the
light) that confidering how far the Conſpiracy was ſpread, and who
were engaged in it, it is fcarce credible, that no apprehenfion of its
event ſhould in the leaſt be diſcovered, more then what Ever Mac Mahon
imparted, 1631. The apprehenfion of which foon paſſed over, as did
alfo fome other petty fufpicions, rais'd I know not from what improbable
and confuſed Rumors, amufing, rather then convincing the Judgment of
fuch, as were moſt concern'd in the notice of them; fo as till the 22. of
Octob. 1641. late at night, (on the very point of the Plot being acted)
nothing feem'd certain or infallible, that if God had not been very mer.
ciful, all had been furprized, before any one had been fufpected.
A War not confined to fome Province, or parts of Provinces in Ire-
land, as Tyrones, Defmonds, and the reft had been; but as if the De-
fign were the joynt Act of the whole Kingdom, all feem'd to have one
head, few excepted, whofe Honour is the greater.
A War not arifing from fmall beginnings, as fome of the former, which
from private Intereft, at laſt efpoufed greater; But this in its firft appea-
rance, drove all before it like fome Infections, fpeedily diffufing its Ve-
nome through the whole Body.
A War, for which the moſt diligent enquiry, could not have found
within the Nation, a Head (in Popularity or Parts) for ſuch an under-
taking: The occafion doubtleſs of fecurity in moft, and whereby the
State Politicks of that time were deluded, they having their eyes open
onely, on what might have been from abroad fufpected, not (much leſs
fear'd) at home, the loud alarms of a Maffinello, a Perfon of none or
of broken Fortunes, of little Power, or of lefs Brain, (but any thing,
even what is under foot, and next at hand, may eaſily be taken up, and
made by Divine Juftice, a fufficient Scourge for a provoking People)
fuch was that Sir Phelim O Neal eſteem'd, till then generally a very
Buffoon in Converſe, but after own'd and Honour'd as a Principal in
that undertaking; Yet being therein rather the hand then the head,
proving, however, the Fire-brand of his Countrey, that being the Eng-
lifh of Phelim an Totan, or fmoaking Phelimy, a Name (on this occafion
given. him in way of Honour by his Irish Rhimers, and wherein he him-
felf after gloried.
}
Finally, a War difmal to the English and Proteftants of Ireland, in
its beginning; fo difmal, as no example through the World ever equall'd
it, in the Circumftances that accompanied the Butcheries, Maflacres,
Cruelties, yea, the mercy of the Rebels in that War; though in the end,
fatal to the Irish themſelves, above any thing that ever befel that Nation,
fo as the greatneſs of their Sufferings, may well teftifie the remarkable-
neof their Crimes, futable to the innocent blood they had barbarouſly
fhed, and the devaftations they had made of a moft flouriſhing and well
fetled Kingdom.
APPENDIX
I
APPENDIX, I.
Fol. 10.
Questions wherein the House of Commons humbly
defires, that the Houfe of the Lords would be plea
ſed to require the Judges to deliver their Refolu-
tions.
Nafmuch as the Subjects of this Kingdom are Free,
Loyal and Dutiful Subjects to his Moft Excel-
lent Majeſty, their Natural Leige Lord and King,
and to be governed only by the Common Laws of
England, and Statutes of force in this Kingdom,
in the fame manner and form, as his Majeſty's Sub-
jects of the Kingdom, are and ought to be govern
ed by the faid Common Laws and Statutes of
force in that Kingdom; which of right, the Subjects of this Kingdom
do Challenge and make their Proteftation to be their Birthright, and
beſt Inheritance: Yet inafmuch as the unlawful Actions and Proceed-
ings of fome of his Majefties Officers and Miniſters of Juſtice, of late
years Introduced and Practifed in this Kingdom, did tend to the In-
fringing and Violation of the Laws, Liberties and Freedom of the ſaid
Subjects of this Kingdom, contrary to his Majeſties Royal and Pious
intentions, Therefore the Knights, Citizens and Burgeffes in Parli-
ament Affembled, not for any doubt or ambiguity, which may be
conceived or thought of, for or concering the Premifes, nor of the
enfuing queſtions, but for manifeſtation and declaration of a clear
Truth, and of the faid Laws and Statutes already planted, and for many
Ages paſt fetled in this Kingdom, The faid Knights, Citizens and
Burgeffes do therefore pray, that the Houfe of the Lords may be plea-
fed to command the Judges of this Kingdom, forthwith to declare in
Writing their Refolutions of, and unto the enfuing queſtions, and
fubfcribe to the fame.
1. Whether the Judges of this Kingdom be a Free People, and to
be governed only by the Common Laws of England, and Statutes of
force in this Kingdom?
2. Whether the Judges of this Land do take the Oath of Judges?
And if fo, Whether under pretext of any Act of State, Proclamation,
(A*)
Writ,
2
APPENDIX.
Į
Privy
Writ, Letter, or direction under the Great, or Privy Seal, or
Signet, or Letter, or other Commandment from the Lord Lieutenant,
Lord Deputy, Juftice, Juftices, or other Chief Governour, or Gover
nours of this Kingdom, they may hinder, ftay or delay the Suit of
any Subject, or his Judgement or Execution thereupon? If fo, in
what Cafes, and whether if they do hinder, ftay, or delay fuch Suit,
Judgement, or Execution thereupon, what puniſhment do they in
curr for their deviation and tranfgreffion therein?
3. Whether the King's Majelties Privy Councel, either with the
Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom, or without him, or
them, be a place of Judicature by the Common Laws; and wherein
Cauſes between Party and Party for Debts, Trefpaffes, Accounts,
Portions, or Title of Lands, or any of them, and which of them
be heard and determined, and of what Civil Caufes they have Jurif
diction, and by what Law, and of what force are their Orders and
Decree in fuch Cafes,or any of them?
4. The like of the Chief Governours alone.
may
5. Whether Grants of Monopolies be warranted by Law, and of
what, and in what Cafes, and how and where, and by whom are the
pretended trangreffions againſt fuch Grants punishable, and whether
by Fine, mutilation of Members, Impriſonment, Lofs and forfeiture
of Goods, or otherwiſe, and which of them?
6. In what Caſes the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy,or other Chief
Governour or Governours of this Kingdom and Councel may puniſh
by Fine, Impriſonment, mutilation of Members, Pillory or other-
wife, and whether they may Sentence any to fuch the fame or the
like Puniſhment, for infringing the Commands of or concerning any
Proclamation of and concerning Monopolies, and what Puniſhment
do they incurr that Vote for the fame?
7. Of what force is an Act of State or Proclamation in this King-
dom, to bind the Liberty, Goods, Poffeffions, or Inheritance of the
Natives thereof; whether they or any of them, can alter the Com-
mon Law, or the Infringers of them looſe their Goods, Chattels or
Leaſes, or forfeit the fame, by infringing any fuch Act of State, Pro-
clamation, or both; what Puniſhment do the fworn Judges of the
Law that are Privy-Councellors incurr, that Vote for fuch Acts and
Execution thereof?
8. Are the Subjects of this Kingdom fubject to Marſhal Law, and
whether any man in time of Peace, no Enemy being in the Field with
Banners difplayed, can be fentenced to Death? If ſo, by whom, and
in what Cafes? If not, what Puniſhment do they incurr that in time of
Peace execute Marſhal Law?
9. Whether voluntary Oaths taken freely before Arbitrators for
affirmance, or difaffirmance of any thing, or for the true performance
of any thing be Puniſhable in the Castle-Chamber, or any other Court,
and why, and wherefore?
10. Why and by what Law, and by what rule of Policy is it, that
none is admitted to reducement of Fines, and other Penalty in the
Caſtle-Chamber, or Councel-Table, untill he confefs the Offence for
which he is cenfured, when as revera he might be innocent there-
of, though fuborned Proofs or circumſtances might induce a Cen-
fure ?
11. Whether
APPENDIX.
3
11. Whether the Judges of the Kings-Bench, or any other Judge of
Goal-delivery, or of any other Court, and by what Law do, or can
deny the Copies of Indictment of Felony or Treafon to the Parties
accuſed, contrary to the Law?
12. What Power have the Barons of the Court of Exchequer, to
raiſe the refpit of homage arbitrarily to what rate they pleaſe, to
what value they may raiſe it, by what Law they may diſtinguiſh be-
tween the refpit of homage, upon the diverfity of the true value of
the Fees, when as Efcuage is the fame for great and ſmall Fees, and
are approportionable by Parliament?
13.
Whether it be Cenfurable in the Subjects of this Kingdom to
repair into England,to appeal unto his Majeſty for redreſs of Injuries,
or for other lawful Actions? if ſo, why, and in what condition of Per-
fons, and by what Law?
14.
Whether Deans or other Dignitaries of Cathedral Churches,
be properly, and de mero fure Donative by the King, and not E-
lective, or Collative? If ſo, why, and by what Law, and whether
the Confirmation of a Dean de facto of the Bishops grant be good and
valid in Law, or no, if not, by what Law?
15. Whether the illuing of Que warrantoes out of the Kings-
Bench or Exchequer, againſt Bourroughs that antiently and recently
fent Burgeffes to Parliament, to fhew caufe why they fent Burgeffes
to the Parliament be legal? if not, what punishment ought to be in-
flicted upon thofe that are, or have been the Occafioners, Procurers
and Judges of and in fuch Quo warruntoes?
16. By what Law, are Jurors that give Verdict according to their
Confcience, and are the fole Judges of the fact, Cenfured in the Caftle
Chamber in great Fines, and ſometimes Pillored with loſs of Eares,
and boared through the Tongue, and fometimes marked in the fore-
head with a hot Iron,and other like infamous Puniflument ?
17. By what Law are men Cenſurable in the Caſtle-Chamber with
the mutilation of Members,or any other brand of Infamy, and in what
Cauſes, and what puniſhment in each Cafe there is due, without re-
fpit of the quality of the Perfon or Perſons ?
18. Whether in the Cenfures in the Caſtle-Chamber regard be to be
had to the words of the great Charter (viz.) Salvo continemento ?
19. Whether one that fteals a Sheep, or commits any other Felony,
and after flieth the Courfe of Juſtice, or lyeth in Woods or Mountains,
upon his keeping, be a Traitor, if not, whether a Proclamation can
make him fo?
20. VVhether the Teſtimony or Evidence of Rebells, Traitors,
protected Thieves, or other infamous Perfons, be good Evidence in
Law, to be preſſed upon the Trials of men for their lives, or whether
the Judge, or Jurors ought to be Judge of the matter in fact?
21. By what Law are Faires and Markets to be held in Capite, when
no other exprefs Tenure is mentioned by his Majefties Letters Pa-
tents or Grants of the fame Faires and Markets, although the Rent or
yearly fumme be referved thereout.
(A 2*)
Declarations
1
t
++
APPENDIX.
妻
​Declarations of the Law made in Parliament upon
the Questions propounded to the Judges in a Seffions
this preſent Parliament.
Declaration on I.
the ift, Quære.
Voted upon
Question.
Declaration on
Question.
"HE Subjects of this his Majeſties Kingdom of Ireland, are a
free People and to be governed only according to the Com-
mon Law of England, and Statutes made and eſtabliſhed by Parlia-
ment in this Kingdom of Ireland; and according to the lawful Cu-
ſtoms uſed in the fame.
Tfree People and to be to the area
2. That Judges in Ireland ought to take the Oath of the Juftices or
the 2d, Quere. Judges declared and eſtabliſhed in ſeveral Parliaments of force in this
Voted upon Kingdom, and the faid Judges or any of them by colour or under pre-
text of any Act of State, or Proclamation, or under colour or pre-
text of any Writ, Letter,or direction under the Great-Seal, Privy-Seal,
or Privy-Signet from the King's moſt Excellent Majefty, or by co-
lour or pretext of any Letter or Commandment from the chief Go-
vernour or Governours of this Kingdom, ought not to hinder or delay
the Suit of any Subject or his Judgment or Execution thereupon:
And if any Letters, Writs or Commands from his Majesty or any o-
ther, or for any other caufe to the Juftices, or other deputed to do
the law and right according to the ufage of the Realm, in diſturbance
of the Law or of the execution of the fame, or of right to the par-
ties, the Juſtices and others aforefaid ought to proceed and hold their
Courts and procefs where the Pleas and matters be depending before
them, as if no fuch Letters, Writs, or Commandments were come to
them; And in cafe any Judge or Judges, Juftice or Juftices be found in
default therein, he or they fo found in default ought to incur and
undergo due puniſhment according to the Law and the former De-
clarations and Propofitions in Parliament, in that Cafe made and of
force in this Kingdom, or as fhall be ordered, adjudged or declared in
Parliament; and the Barons of the Exchequer, Juftices of Affize and
Goal-delivery if they be found in default as aforefaid; It is hereby
declared, that they ought to undergo the puniſhment aforefaid.
3. The Councel-Table of this Realm, either with the chief Gover-
Declaration on nour or Governours, or without the chief Governour or Governours,
the 3d, Quer is no Judicature wherein any Actions real, perfonal, popular, or mixt,
Voted upon
Question. or any Suit in the nature of the faid Actions or any of them can or
ought to be Commenced, heard, or determined. And all proceedings
at the Councel-Table in any Suit in the nature of the faid Actions, are
void (eſpecially Caufes particularly provided for by expreſs Acts of
Parliament of force in this Kingdom only excepted).
Declaration on
4. The proceedings before the Chief Governour or Governours a-
the sth.Quare. lone in any Action real, perfonal, popular, or mixt, or in any Suit in
Voted upon the nature of any of the faid Actions are voted upon Queftion coram
Question. non Judice, and void.
Declaration on 5. All grants of Monopolies are contrary to the Laws of this
the sth. Quere. Realm, and therefore void. And no Subject of the faid Realm ought
Voted upon
Question.
to
.
1
量
​APPENDIX.
to be fined, imprifoned, or otherwife punished for exercifing or
ufing the lawful liberty of a Subject contrary to fuch Grants.
5
the 6th. Quære.
6. The Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy or other Chief Governour, or Declaration on
Governours, and Councel of this Realm or any of them, ought not Vored upon
to impriſon any of his Majefties Subjects, but only in Cafes where Question.
the Common Laws or Statutes of the Realm do inable and warrant
them ſo to do, and they ought not to Fine or to Cenfure any fub-
ject in mutilation of Members, ſtanding on the Pillory, or other
fhameful punishment in any Cafe at the Councel-Table; and no Sub-
ject ought to be Imprifoned, Fined or otherwife punished for infring-
ing any Commands or Proclamations for the fupport, or countenance
of Monopolies. And if in any Cafe any perfon or perfons fhall be
committed by the Command or Warrant of the Chief Governour or
Governours, and Privy Councel of this Realm, or any of them, That
in any fuch Cafe any perfon or perfons fo committed or restrained of
his or their liberty, or fuffering impriſonment, upon demand or mo-
tion made by his or their Councel, or other imployed by him or them
for that purpoſe unto the Judges of that Court of King's Bench or
Common Pleas in open Court, fhall without delay upon any pretence
whatſoever for the ordinary Fees ufually payed for the fame; have
forthwith granted unto him or them, a Writ or Writs of habeas Cor-
pus, to be directed generally unto all and every Sheriff, Gaol-Mini-
fter, Officer, or other perfon in whofe cuftody the party or parties fo
committed or reftrained fhall be at their retorn of the faid Writ or
VVrits, and according to the Command thereof, upon due and con-
venient notice thereof given unto him at the charge of the party or
parties who requireth or procureth fuch VVrit or VVrits, and upon
fecurity by his or their own Bond or Bonds given to pay the charge of
carrying back the Prifoner or Priſoners, if he or they fhall be re-
manded by the Court to which he or they shall be brought, as in like
Cafe hath been uſed; fuch charges of bringing up and carrying back
the Priſoner or Priſoners, to be always ordered by the Court if any
difference ſhall ariſe thereabouts, bring or caufe to be brought, the
bodies of the faid party or parties fo committed and reſtrained unto
and before the Judges and Juftices of the faid Court, from whence the
ſaid VVrit or VVrits fhall iffue in open Court, and fhall then likewiſe
Certify the true caufe of fuch his or their detainor or impriſonment,
and thereupon the Court after fuch retorn made and delivered in
open Court, fhall proceed to examine and determine whether the
cauſe of fuch Commitment appearing upon the faid Retorn be juſt or
legal, or not, and fhall thereupon do what to Juftice fhall appertain,
either by delivering, bayling, or remanding the Priſoner or Prifo-
ners.
Voted upon
7. An Act of State or Proclamation in this Kingdom cannot bind Declaration on
the liberty, Inheritance, poffeffion, or goods of the Subjects of the the 7th. Quere.
faid Kingdom, nor alter the Common Law; and the Infringers of any Question.
fuch Act or Proclamation, ought not to forfeit Lands, Leaſes,
Goods or Chattels, for the infringing of any fuch Act of State or Pro-
clamation; and the Judges of the Law, who do vote for fuch Acts
of State or Proclamation, are puniſhable, as breakers and violaters of
their Oaths of Judges.
8. No
6
APPENDIX.
Voted upon
Question.
Declaration on 8. No Subject of this Kingdom ought to be ſentenced to death or
the 8th, Quere Executed by Martial Law, in time of peace; and if any Subject be
fo ſentenced, or executed by Martial Law, in time of peace, the Au-
thors and Actors of any fuch Sentence, or Execution, are punishable
by the law of the Land for their fo doing, as doers of their own
wrong, and contrary to the ſaid law of the Land.
Declaration on
9. No Man ought to be punished in the Caftle-Chamber, or in
the 9th, Quare. any other Court for taking a voluntary Oath before Arbitrators, for
Voted upon affirmance or difaffirmance of any thing, or the true performance
of any thing in Civil Cauſes: Nor are the Arbitrators before whom
fuch voluntary Oaths fhall be taken, puniſhable.
Question.
Declaration on
the roth. Q.
Voted upon
Question.
Declaration on
Question.
Declaration on
10. By the Laws and Statutes of the Realm no Man is bound,
or ought to be compelled to acknowledge the offence layed to his
charge, or the juftnefs of any Cenfure paít against him in the Caftle-
Chamber, or at the Councel-Table, nor ought to be detained in
Priſon, or abridged of his liberty, or the reducement of his Fine
ſtayed or delayed until he do acknowledg fuch offence, or the juſt-
nefs of fuch Cenfure. And it is further declared, That no fuch in-
forced or wreſted confeffion or acknowledgment, can or ought to
debar, or hinder any Subject from his Bill of Reverſal or review of
any Sentence, or Decree paft, or conceived againſt him in the Caftle-
Chamber, or in any other Court.
II.
11. The Judges of the Kings Bench, or Juſtices of Gaol-deli-
the 11th, Quer. Very, or the Judges of any other Court, ought not to deny Copies
Voted upon of Indictments of Felony or Treaſon to the parties indicted.
12. The Barons of the Exchequer, ought not to raiſe the re-
the 12th, Quar. fpit of Homage above the ufual rates appertaining in and by the
Voted upon courſe and preſidents of that Court, continued until the year of our
Lord God 1637. And the raifing thereof fince that time was Arbi-
trary and againſt the Law. And the Barons of the Exchequer ought
not to diſtinguiſh between the refpit of Homage upon any diverſity
of the true values of the Knight's Fees.
Question.
Declaration on
Voted upon
Question,
13. The Subjects of this Kingdom may lawfully repair into En-
the 13th, Quer. gland to repeal to his Majefty for redrefs of Injuries, or for other
their lawful occafions; And for their fo doing, ought not to be
puniſhed or queſtioned upon the Statute of 5. of King Richard the
fecond, nor by any other Law or Statute of force in this Kingdom
( eminent Officers or Minifters of State, Commanders and Souldiers
of his Majeſties Army) The Judges and Minifters of his Majefties.
Courts of Juſtice, and of his Highneſs Revenues and Cuſtomes, whoſe
attendance is neceffary requifite by the Laws and Statutes of the
Realm, only excepted.
Declaration on
14. Deaneries or other Ecclefiaftical Dignities of this Realm,
the 14th,Quer. are not de mero Jure Donative; but fome are Donative, and fome
Voted upon Elective, and fome are Collative according to their refpective foun-
Question.
dations. And the confirmation of the Bishops grants by a Dean de
facto, having actually ftallum in Choro & vocem in Capitulo, toge-
gether with the Chapter, is good in Law.
Declaration op 15 The iffuing of Quo warrantoes out of the Court of Kings
the 1sth, Quer. Bench, Gourt of Exchequer, or any other Court againſt Bor-
Voted upon roughs that antiently, or recently fent Burgeffes to the Parlia-
ment, to fhew cauſe why they fent Burgeffes to the Parliament, and
Question.
the
APPENDIX.
7
the proceedings thereupon are Coram non Judice, illegal and void.
And the right of fending Burgeffes to the Parliament, is queſtio-
nable in Parliament only; And the occafioners, procurers and
Judges in fuch Quowarrantoes and proceedings are punishable, as
in Parliament fhall be thought confonant to Law and Juftice.
Voted upon
Question.
16. Jurors are the fole Judges of the matter in fact, and they Declaration on
ought not for giving their Verdict to be bound over to the the 16th.Quer.
Court of Castle-Chamber by the Judge or Judges before whom the
Verdict was, or fhall be given.
Voted upon
17. No man ought to be cenfured in the Caftle-Chamber in the Declaration on
mutilation of Members, or any other Brand of Infamy, otherwife the 17th.Quer.
or in other Cafes then is exprefly limited by the Statutes of this Question.
Realm, in ſuch caſes provided.
the 18th.Quer.
18. In the Cenfures of the Caftle-Chamber, efpecially regard Declaration on
ought to be had to the words of the great Charter (viz.) Salvo voted upon
contenemento,&c.
Voted upon
the 20th. Quer •
Question.
19. A Felon who flies the courfe of Juftice, and lieth in VVoods, Declaration on
Mountains, or elſewhere upon his keeping, is no Traytor, and a Pro- the 19th. Quer.
clamation cannot make him a Trayfor.
Question.
20. The Teſtimony of convicted or protected Rebels, Tray- Declaration on
the Trial of any Voted upon
tors, Felons, is no fufficient evidence in Law upon the Trial of
perfon for his life; And the credit of the Teftimonie of perfons question.
accufed or impeached and not convicted of Felony or Treaſon
ought to be left to the Jury who are fole Judges of the truth and
validity of the faid Teftimony.
>
the 21th. Quers
21. The King grants Lands to be held in free and Common Soc- Declaration on
cage, as of a Caftle or Mannor by Letters Patents under the great voted upon
Seal, and by the fame Letters Patents, or by other Letters, Pa- Question.
tents, grants a Fair and Market, referving a yearly Rent, or fum
without expreffing any Tenure as to the faid Fair or Market, the
faid Fair or Market, is not held by Knights-Service, in Capite, or
otherwiſe in Capite.
1
FITZ
8
APPENDIX.
1
FITZ GERALD's Edict manifefting the Cauſe
of his Rebellion,relating to fol 15.
Edictum Illuftriffimi Domini Jacobi Geraldini
de Juftitia ejus Belli, quod Hibernia pro fide
geric.
I ut bellum aliquod juftè geratur, tria requiruntur, Caufa Jufta,
Poteftas Legitima, Legitimus belli adminiftrandi Modus: Hac
tria in hoc Bello concurrere jam planum fiet.
ན
Caufa enim hujus belli, eft dei Gloria, Cui externum Sacrificii Cul-
tum,& vifibilem Sancti Altaris honorem ab Hæreticis impiè ablatum,
nos reftituendum curamus: Gloria item Chrifti, Cujus Sacramenta
gratiam conferre,cum Hæretici blafphemè negent,Chrifti Evangelium
ejufdem infirmitatis accufant, ob quam lex reprobata fuit: Gloria
item Ecclefiæ Catholica, quam contra Scripturarum veritatem Hare-
tici aliquot fæculis obfcuram & mundo ignotam fuiſſe mentiuntur.
At in Dei Nomine, per Chrifti Sacramenta fanctificando, & in Eccl-
fia unitate fervanda, omnium noftrum falus potiffimum confiftit.
Jam vero Poteftas hujus belli fumpta eft, primum à Jure Natu-
rali, deinde ab Evangelico. Jus Naturale poteftatem nobis facit de-
fendendi nofmetipfos contra Manifeftiffimam Hæreticorum Tyran-
nidem, quia contra jus Natura fub pana Mortis cogunt Nos prio-
rem Noftram de Pontificis Romani Primatu fidem abjurare, no-
vamque plane contrariam Religionem invitos recipere ac profi
teri. Quale Jugum nec Chriftiani Judæis aut Turcis, nec illi No-
ftris, unquam impofuerunt. Deinde cum Chriftus in Evangelio Regni
Galorum claves (hoc eft) fummam Ecclefiæ fuæ adminiftrationem
Petro dederit, Hujus Apoftolorum principis legitimus in eadem Ca-
thedra fucceffor Gregorius decimus tertius in Ducem ac Generalem
hujus belli Capitaneum nos elegit, ut ex ipfius literis ac Diplomate
abundè conftat; quod quidem tanto Magis fecit, quia Ejus Præceffor
Pius Quintus Elizabetham iftarum Hærefium patronam omni regia
Poteftate ac Dominio jam ante privaverat, quod ipfum Ejus Decla
ratoria Sententia, quam & ipfam apud nos habemus, manifeftiffimè
teftatur.
Itaque jam non contra legitimum Anglia Sceptrum & honorabile
Solium dimicamus, fed contra Tyrannam, qua Chriftum in Vicario
fuo loquentem recufans audire, immo Chrifti Ecclefiam fuo fœmineo
Sexui etiam in fidei caufis (de quibus cum Authoritate nec loqui debe-
ret) aufa fubjicere, merito regiam Poteftatem amifit.
Porro, quod ad modum Ejufdam belli adminiftrandi pertinet, nec
bona Noftrorum Civium invadere, nec privatas inimicitias, à quibus
liberi fumus, perfequi, nec fummam regnandi poteftatem nobis ufur-
pare cogitamus: Imo, reftituatur Deo ftatim fuus Honor, & nos con-
tinud
APPENDIX.
9
cum
tinuo parati fumus gladium deponere, atque iis qui legitimè præ-
erunt obedire. Sin aliqui (quod abfit) Hærefes propugnare, ac Deo
fuum honorem auferre deinceps pergant (nam quos de præteritis pæ-
nitet, iis nihil opponimus, nec unquam oppofituri fumus) Illi utique
funt qui de Hibernia veram pacem auferunt, illi funt qui bellum po-
tria fua inferunt, & non Nos. Quando enim Pax non cum Deo fed
Diabolo babetur (uti nunc fe res habet) tunc non immerito una
cum Servatore Noftra dicere debemus, Non veni pacem in terram
mittere fed Gladium. Si Ergo Bellum quod ob Pacem cum Deo
renovandam gerimus longè fuftiffimum est, Qui nobis in hoc bello
adverfantur damnationem fibi acquirent, habituri adverfarios non
folum omnes Sanctos, quorum reliquias & fanétas Imagines Hæretici
conculcant, fed etiam Deum ipfum, Cujus Gloriam oppugnant. At-
que
hæc fint fatis hoc in loco. Nam fi quis plenius horum omnium ra-
tionem perfpicere velit, Is perlegat æquitatem & rationem hujus
Edicti, quam alias plenius edendam Curavimus.
APPENDIX, II.
Fol. 24.
The Relation of the Lord Maguire written with
bis own band in the Tower, and delivered by
bim to Sir John Conyers then Lieutenant, to pre-
Sent to the Lords in Parliament.
B
Eing in Dublin Candlemaß-Term laft was twelveMoneth(1640.)
the Parliament then fitting, Mr. Roger Moore did write to me,
defiring me, that if I could in that fpare time, I would come
to his Houſe (for then. the Parliament did nothing but Sit, and Ad-
journ, expecting a Commiffion for the continuance thereof, their
former Commiflion being expired) and that fome things he had to
ſay unto me, that did merely concern me, and on receipt of his Let-
ter, the new Commiffion for continuing the Parliament landed, and
I did return him an Anſwer that I could not fulfil his requeſt for that
prefent; and thereupon he himſelf came to Town prefently after,
and fending to me, I went to fee him at his Lodging: And after fome
little time spent in falutations, he began to difcourfe of the many
Afflictions and Sufferings of the Natives of that Kingdom, and parti-
cularly in thoſe late times of my Lord Strafford's Government,
which gave diftaft to the whole Kingdom. And then he began to
(B)
parti-
10
APPENDIX.
cularlize the fuffering of them that were the more antient Natives, as
were the Irib; how that on feveral Plantations they were all put out
of their Anceſtors Eftates. All which fufferings he faid, did beget a
general diſcontent over all the whole Kingdom in both the Natives;
to wit, the Old and New Irish. And that if the Gentry of the King-
dom were difpofed to free themſelves furtherly from the like incon-
venience, and get good Conditions for themſelves, for regaining
their Anceſtors (or at leaſt a good part thereof) Eftates, they could
never defire a more convenient time than that time, (the diftempers
of Scotland being then on foot) and did ask me what I thought of it
I made him anfwer that I could not tell what to think of it; fuch
matters being altogether out of my Element. Then he would needs
have an Oath of me of fecrecy; which I gave him, and thereupon,
he told me that he spoke to the beſt Gentry of Quality in Lemfter,
and a great part of Connaght touching that matter, and he found
all of them willing thereunto, if fo be they could draw to them the
Gentry of Ulfter, for which caufe (faid he) I came to ſpeak to you;
then he began to lay down to me the cafe that I was in there, over-
whelmed in Debt, the fmalneſs of my Eftate, and the greatneſs of
the Eſtate my Anceſtors had, and how I fhould be fure to get it
again, or at leaſt a good part thereof; and moreover how the wel-
fare, and maintaining of the Catholick Religion, which he ſaid,
undoubtedly the Parliament now in England will fupprefs, doth de-
pend on it: For, faid he, it is to be feared, and fo much I hear from
every underſtanding man, the Parliament intends the utter fubver-
fion of our Religion, by which perfwafions he obtained my confent.
And ſo I demanded whether any more of Ulfter Gentry were in
Town, I told him that Phillip Reyly, Mr. Jorilagh O Neal, brother
to Sir Phelim O Neal, and Mr. Cofloe mac Mahone were in Town, fo
for that time we parted.
The next day he invited Mr. Reyly, and I, to dine with him, and af-
ter dinner he fent for thofe other Gentlemen, Mr. Neale, and Mr. mac
Mahone, and when they were come, he began the diſcourſe former-
ly uſed to me, to them, and with the fame perfwafions formerly
ufed to me, he obtained their confent. And then he began to dif
courſe of the manner, how it ought to be done, of the feazability,
andreafineſs of the Attempt, confidering matters, as they then ſtood
in England, the troubles of Scotland, the great number of able men
in the Kingdom, meaning Ireland, what fuccours they were (more
then) to hope for from abroad, and the Army then raiſed all Iriſh-
men, and well armed, meaning the Army raiſed by my Lord Straf-
ford, againſt Scotland. First, that every one fhould endeavour to
draw his own friends into that Act, and at leaſt thoſe that did live in
one County with them; and when they had fo done, they fend to
the Irish in the Low-Countryes, and Spain, to let them know of the
day, and refolution, fo that they be over with them by that day, or
foon after with ſupply of Arms and Ammunition, as they could;
that there ſhould be a fet day appointed, and every own in his own
quarters fhould rife out that day, and ſeize on all Arms he could get
in his County, and this day to be near Winter, ſo that England could
not be able to fend forces into Ireland before May, and by that time
there was no doubt to be made, but that they themſelves fhould be fup-
plied
APPENDIX
plied by the Iri/b beyond Seas, who he faid could not mifs of help
from either Spain, or the Pope, but that his reſolutions were not in
all things allowed. For, first it was refolved nothing fhould be done,
until firit they had fent to the Irish over-Seas to know their advice,
and what hope of fuccefs they could give, for in them, as they
faid, all their hope of relief was, and they would have both their
advice, and refolution before any further proceedings, more than to
fpeak to, and try Gentlemen of the Kingdom, every one, as they
could conveniently, to fee (in cafe they would at any time grow to a
refolution) what to be, and ftrength they muſt truſt to; then Mr.
Moore told them, that it was to no purpoſe to ſpend much time in
ſpeaking to the Gentry. For there was no doubt to be made of the
Irish, that they would be ready at any time. And that all the doubt
was in the Gentry of the Pale, but he ſaid that for his own part, he
was really affured, when they had rifen out,the Pale Gentry would not
ſtay long after, at least that they would not oppoſe them in any thing,
but be Neuters, and if in caſe they did, that they had men enough in
the Kingdom without them. Moreover he ſaid he had ſpoke to a great
man (who then ſhould be nameless) that would not fail at the ap-
pointed day of rifing out to appear, and to be ſeen in the Act. But
that until then he was ſworn not to reveal him; and that was all that
was done at that meeting, only that Mr. Moore fhould the next Lent
following, make a journey down into the North to know what was
done there, and that he alfo might inform them what he had done,
and fo on parting, Mr. Phillip Reyly, and I, did importune Mr.
Moore for the knowledge of that great man, that he spake of, and
on long entreaty, after binding us to new fecrecy, not to diſcover
him till the day fhould be appointed, he told that it was the Lord
of Mayo, who was very powerful in Command of men in thofe
parts of Connaght wherein he lived, and that there was no doubt
to be made of him, no more than was of himſelf, and fo we par-
ted.
The next Lent following, Mr. Moore according to his promiſe
came into Ulster, by reaſon it was the time of Affizes in feveral
Counties; there he met only with Mr. Reyly, and nothing was then
done, but all matters put off till the May following, where we or moſt
of us fhould meet at Dublin, it being both Parliament and Term-
time: In the mean time there landed one Neale O Neale, fent by
the Earl of Tyrone out of Spain, to fpeak with the Gentry of his
Name and Kindred, to let them know that he had treated with Car-
dinal Richelieu for obtaining fuccour to come for Ireland, and that
he prevailed with the Cardinal,fo that he was to have Arms, Ammu-
tion and Money from him on demand to come for Ireland, and that
he only expected a Convenient time to come away, and to defire
them to be in a readineſs, and to procure all others, whom they could,
to be ſo likewiſe, which meffage did fet on the proceedings very much,
fo that Mr. Moore, Mr. Reyly, my brother, and I, meeting the next
May at Dublin, and the fame Meſſenger there too; It was refolved,
that he ſhould return to the Earl into Spain with their Refolution,
which was that they would rife out twelve or fourteen dayes before or
after Allballontide, as they fhould fee cauſe,and that he ſhould not fail
to be with them by that time: There was a report at that time, and
before
(B2*)
1
12
•
APPENDIX.
1
before that the Earl of Tyrone was killed, which was not believed,
by reaſon of many fuch reports formerly, which we found to be falfe,
and fo the Meſſenger departed with directions, that if the Earls
death were true, he fhould repair into the Low-Countrys to Colonel
Owen O Neale, and acquaint him with his Commiffion from the
Earl, whereof, it was thought, he was not ignorant, and to return
an Anſwer ſent by him, and to fee what he would adviſe, or would
do himſelf therein. But preſently after his departure, the certainty.
of the Earls death was known, and on further Refolution it was a
greed, that an exprefs Mellenger ſhould be fent to the Colonel,
to make all the Refolutions known to him, and to return ſpeedily
with his Anſwer. And fo one Toole O Comely a Prieſt (as I think Pa
rish Prieſt to Mr. Moore) was fent away to Colonel O Neale: In the
interim there came feveral Letters and News out of England to Dub-
lin, of Proclamations againſt the Catholicks in England, and alfo
that the Army raiſed in Ireland, fhould be disbanded, and conveyed
into Scotland: And preſently after ſeveral Colonels and Captains
Landed, with directions to carry away thofe men; amongſt whom
Colonel Plunkett, Colonel Burne, and Captain Bryan O Neale came,
but did not all come together; for Plunkett landed before my coming
out of Town, and the other two after, wherein a great fear of Sup-
preffing of Religion was conceived, and eſpecially by the Gentry of
the Pale, and it was very common amongst them, that it would
be very inconvenient to fuffer fo many men to be conveyed out of the
Kingdom;it being as was faid,very confidently reported,that the Scot
ifb Army did threaten never to lay down Arms, until an uniformity
of Religion were in the three Kingdoms, and the Catholick Religion
fuppreffed. And thereupon both Houfes of Parliament began to op-
pofe their going, and the Houſes were divided in their Opinions;
fome would have them go, others not; but what the definitive con-
clufion of the Houfes was touching the point, I cannot tell; for by
leave from the Houſe of Lords, I departed into the Country before
the Prorogation. But before my departure I was informed by John
Barnewall a Fryer, that thofe Gentlemen of the Pale (and fome
other Members of the Houfe of Commons) had ſeveral meetings and
confultations, how they might make ſtay of the Souldiers in the
Kingdom, and likewife to arm them in defence of the King, being
much injured both of England and Scotland then (as they were in-
formed) and to prevent any attempt againſt Religion; and preſently
after I departed into the Country, and Mr. Reyly being a Member of
the Houfe of Commons ſtayed the Prorogation; and on his coming into
the Country ſent to me to meet him, and I came to his Houfe, where
he told me that he heard for certain, that the former Narration of
Barnewall to me (for I did acquaint him with it) was true and that he
heard it from ſeveral there; alfo was Emar mac Mahone (made firmly
privy to all our proceedings at Mr. Reylys) lately come out of the Pale
where he met with the aforenamed John Barnewall, who told him
as much; and he formerly told me, and moreover that thofe Colonels
that lately came over, did proffer their Service, and induſtry in that
Act, and fo would raiſe their men under colour to convey them into
Spain,and then feize on theCaſtle of Dublin,and with their Arms there
to Arm their Souldiers, and have them ready for any occafion, that
fhould
:
1
}
APPENDIX.
fhould be commanded them, but that they had not concluded any
thing, becauſe they were not aflured how the Gentlemen of the re-
mote parts of the Kingdom (and especially of Ulfter) would ſtand
affected to that Act, and that affurance of that doubt was all their im-
pediment. Then we three began to think,how we might affure them
help and of the affiſtance of Ulfter Gentlemen; It was thought that
one ſhould be ſent to them to acquaint them there with, and they
made choice of me to come; by reafon,as they faid,that my Wife was
allyed to them and their Countrey-woman, and would believe me,
truſt me ſooner than other of their parts, they or moſt of them be-
ing of the Pale. And fo (without as much as to return home to
furnish my ſelf for ſuch a Journey, Volens, nolens,) they prevailed, or
rather forced me to come to Dublin to confer with thofe Colonels,
(and that was the laft Auguft was Twelve-month). Coming to
Town, I met Sir James Dillon accidentally before I came to my
Lodging, who was one of thofe Colonels: and after Salutations, he
demanded of me where my Lodging was, which when I told him,
and parted; the next day being abroad about fome other occafions
in Town, I met him (as he ſaid). coming to wait on me in my
Chamber; but being a good way from it, he defired me to go into
his own Chamber, being near at hand; And then began to dif-
courſe of the prefent fufferings and afflictions of that Kingdom, and
particularly of Religion, and how they were to expect no redreſs
the Parliament in England intending, and the Scots refolving ne-
ver to lay down Arms until the Catholick Religion were fuppref-
fed). Then he likewiſe began to lay down what danger it would
be to ſuffer ſo many able Men, as was to go with them to depart the
Kingdom in fuch a time: Neither (faid he) do their other Gentle-
men that are Colonels and my ſelf, affect our own private profit, fo
as to prefer it before the general good of the Kingdom; And know-
ing you are well affected thereunto; and I hope (faid he) ready
to put your helping-hand to it upon occafion, I will let you know
the refolution of thoſe other Gentlemen and mine, which is, if
we are ready to raiſe our Men, and after to ſeize on the Caſtle, where
there is great great ſtore of Arms, and arm our felves there. This
was the first motion that ever I heard of taking the Caftle; for it
never came into our thoughts formerly, nor am I perfwaded ever
would, if it had not proceeded from thofe Colonels, who were the
firſt motioners and contrivers thereof, for ought known to me; and
then to be ready to prevent, and refift any danger, that the Gentle-
men of the Kingdom like thereof, and help us: For we of our felves
neither are able, nor will do any thing therein without their af-
fiſtance. I began according to the directions that were fent with me
to approve of their Refolution, and alfo to let him know, how fure
he might be of the affiftance of thofe of Ulfter. Then he told us,
that for my more fatisfaction, I fhould confer with the reft of the
Colonels themſelves, as many as are privy to the Action, and
accordingly a place of meeting was appointed that after-
noon; and on the time and place appointed there met Sir James
himſelf, Colonel Bourne, and Colonel Plunket. And that former
Diſcourſe being renewed, they began to lay down the Obſtacles to
that Enterpriſe, and how they fhould be redreffed. ft. If there
ſhould
13
ľ
14
APPENDIX.
ſhould VVar enfue, how there fhould be Money had to pay the Soul-
diers. 2ly, How and where they ſhould procure fuccours from For-
reign parts. 3dly, How to draw in the Pale Gentlemen. 4thly, Who
fhould undertake to furpriſe the Caſtle, and how it should be done.
To the firſt,it was anſwered; That the Rents in the Kingdom eve-
ry where, not having refpect whofe they fhould be, due to the Lords
and Gentlemen thereof, fhould be collected to pay the Souldiers.
And moreover, they might be ſure (nay that there was no doubt
thereof) to procure money from the Pope, who gave ſeveral pro-
mifes formerly to my Lord of Tyrone (in cafe he could make way
to come into Ireland) to maintain fix thouſand men yearly at his
own charge; and that notwithſtanding, that my Lord of Tyrone was
dead, yet that he would continue the fame forwardness now.
To the fecond, it was anſwered by Colonel Bourne, that help from
abroad could not fail them. For (faid he) Colonel O Nel told me
that he had, or would procure in readineſs (I do not remember
which of thoſe the Colonel ſpake, or whether he ſpoke pofitive, that
Colonel O Neal had Arms, or would procure them) Arms for ten
thouſand men. And moreover (faid he) I make no great quefti
on, that if we ſend into Spain, we ſhall not mifs of aid; for I being
in London the laſt year in the Scots troubles, I was in conference
with one of the Spanish Ambaſſadours there then, and talking of
their 'troubles then a-foot; he faid, That if the Irish did then rife
too, and fend to Spain, their Meſſengers would be received un-
der Canopies of Gold. Theſe laft words he told me, and fome
one man of thoſe that were prefent, privately, whofe name I can-
not call to mind; (neither well remember I whether he ſpoke to them
all, or no) then it was thought, that when they were both in Arms
for defence of the Catholick caufe, they would be fuccoured by the
Catholick Princes of Chriftendom.
To the third, it was anſwered by Colonel Plunket, That he was as
morally certain(for thoſe were his words) as he could be of any thing,
that the Pale Gentleman would joyn with them,and affift them. For,
he faid, I have ſpoke to feveral of them fince my landing in the King-
dom, and I find them very ready and willing; and w.thal I have at
London fpoke to fome of the Committees, and particularly to my
Lord of Gormonftowne, to let them know his refolution, and they
approved it very well. All this was not done at the first meeting,
but at three or four meetings; And fo on the laſt meeting, it
was refolved to the last doubt, touching feizing the Caftle, that
Colonel Plunket and Colonel Bourne fhould undertake that Task,
becauſe they were nearer to it than any other, and alſo feize on
the Forts, Garrifons and other places, where they think any Arms
fhould be; and in particular, Londonderry,. which should be underta-
ken by thofe of Ulfter, and then there was a fet-day appointed for
the execution thereof; that was the fifth of the enfuing October,
(this being the latter end of Auguft, or the beginning of Septem
ber, Anno 1641. I do not know whether). And every one fhould
make proviſion to rife out that day; and they were named, that
fhould first fuccour them, that would take the Caſtle with men pre-
fently, namely, Sir James Dillon, who did undertake to be with
them within 3 (or at the moſt) 4 days, with 1000 men, and fo
much
APPENDIX.
15
much more ſhould come to them out of the North. For theſe two
Colonels did not intend to uſe above 100 men in the furprizal, where-
of they were to have twenty good able Gentlemen: For they made
account, that having the Caitle, they with the Artillery would.ma-
fter all the Town, until they were relieved by men from the Coun-
trey; And becauſe there was a doubt made, how all this fhould be
done in fo fhort a time, they did appoint, that all that were there
prefent, fhould not fail to meet again there the 20th of Septem-
ber, to give an account of all things, as well hopes as impedi-
ments. And if on that interview all things fhould happen to be
well, that they go forward, or if otherwife, to prolong the Execu-
tion of it to a more convenient time, and fo we parted every man
into the Countrey about his own Task. And I in my way home cane
to Mr. Reylies houfe, and there I received a Letter from Sir Phelim
O Neal, that his Lady was dead, and to be buried on the Sunday
following, this being on the Saturday, and defiring me in all kind-
neſs to come to the Burial; and Mr. Reyly having received another
Letter to the fame effect, would needs have me go thither (where-
unto I was very unwilling, being weary, withal not provided to go
to fuch a meeting) as well (faid he) to prevent any jealoulie
from the Ladies Friends; as alfo to confer with Sir Phelim touch-
ing all thoſe proceedings (for neither he nor I spoke to Sir Phelim
concerning the matters before) but to his Brother Forlagh O Neal,
and coming thither, we found Captain Brian O Neal, lately come
out of the Low-countreys, fent over by Colonel O Neal to ſpeak
to, and provoke those of Ulfter to riſe out in Arms, and that he would
be with them, on notice of their day, the fame day, or foon after it.
And it was asked of the faid Captain what Aid he could fend or pro-
cure, being but a private Colonel, or where he could get any. He
replyed. That the faid Colonel told him, that he had fent to ſeveral
places that Summer to demand Aid, and in particular to Cardinal Ri-
chelieu into France, (to whom he had fent twice that year) and
had comfortable, and very hopeful promiſes from them, and efpe-
cially from that Cardinal, on whom he thought the Colonel did
moſt depend, ſo that there was no doubt to be made of fuccour from
him, and efpecially when they had riſen out, that would be a means
to the Cardinal to give Aid; we did the more credit him in regard
of the former Treaty between the faid Cardinal and the Earl of Ty-
rone, as formerly is faid. For my own part, I did and do believe,
that the Colonel doth depend on France for Aid, more than on any
other place, as well for thoſe reaſons, as alſo that Ever mac Mahone,
formerly mentioned, told me, That prefently after the Iſle of Rees
enterprize (he being then in the Low-countreys did hear for cer-
tain, that the Earl of Tyrone together with the Colonel did fend into
France, to the Marſhal of France (that was General of the French
Forces at the Isle of Ree) to deal with him for procuring of Aid to
come then for Ireland, and that he received an Anſwer from the
faid Marſhal, that he was moſt willing and ready to contribute his
endeavours for his furtherance therein, but .that he could not for
the preſent anſwer my Lords expectations, by reafon that the King
had VVars in Italy, which he thought would be at an end within half
a year, or little more, and then my Lord fhould not doubt of any
thing
16
APPENDIX.
Sir
thing, that he could do for his Affiftance; but theſe continued a great
deal longer, fo for that time that Enterpriſe failed. So after the
Burial was done, I gave thofe Gentlemen knowledg of what I had
done at Dublin, and how I was to retire thither; and then they be-
gan to think how they fhould furpriſe Londonderry, they being near
it, but could not then agree in the manner; and fo Sir Phelim defired
me to take his Houſe in my way going to Dublin, and that I fhould
have a reſolution to carry with me touching Londonderry, and there-
on I parted home, but foon after came to Dublin to the fore-ap-
pointed Meeting with thofe Colonels. But first I took in my way
Phelim O Neal's Houſe, to be certain what he had done ; and his
Anſwer was, That he knew that matter could not be put in Executi-
on by the fifth of October, as was appointed, and that they would
make another longer day for it, And that he would provide for the
taking of Londonderry by that day, and fo came to Dublin to give
an account of that was done, and alſo know what further fhould be
done. I was not two hours in my Lodging when Mr. Moor came to
me (who knew what was done by thofe Colonels formerly from
Colonel Bourn), and told me that the Meffenger fent to Coloncl
O Neal, was come with an Anſwer, defiring us not to delay any
time in rifing out, and to let him know of that Day before-hand,
and that he would not fail to be with us within fourteen days
of that Day with good Aid; alfo defiring us by any means to
feize the Caſtle of Dublin, if we could; for he heard that there was
great proviſion in it for VVar: And Mr. Moor moreover ſaid,
time was not to be over-flipped, and defired me to be very preffing
with the Colonels to go on in their Refolution; But on meeting the
Colonels with them, they were fallen from their Refolution, Le-
cauſe thoſe of the Pale would do nothing therein firft; but when it
was done, they would not fail to affift us. Colonel Plunket did af-
that
firm, and ſo by ſeveral meetings it was refolved on by them to deſiſt
from that Enterpriſe for that time, and to expect a more convenient
time: But before that their Reſolution, Sir Phelim Ọ Neal, and the
aforefaid Captain Bryan O Neal followed me to Dublin (as they
faid) to affilt, and adviſe me how to proceed with that Colonel, but
neither they nor Mr. Moor would be feen therein themſelves to thoſe
Gentlemen, but would meet me privately and know what was done
at every Meeting; alledging for Excufe, That I being first employed
in that matter, it would not be expedient that they fhould be feen in
it. And moreover, they would not be known to be in the Town but
by a few of their Friends, until they were in a manner ready to de-
part the Town, at leaſt as long as I was in Town, for I left them
there; But when I made them acquainted with their determination
of defifting from that Enterprife, they thought it convenient, that
we ſhould meet with Mr. Moor and Colonel Bourn to ſee what was
further to be done, concerning the further intention of their own,
and according we did ſend to them that they fhould meet us; and on
that Meeting, it was, Where was only Sir Phelim, Mr. Moor, Co-
lonel Bourne, Captain Neal, and my felf. After long debate, it was
refolved, That we with all thofe that were of our faction fhould go
on with that determination that was formerly made, concluded to
riſe out. Moreover, to ſeize on the Caſtle (as the Colonels were
pur-
APPENDIX.
17
purpoſed, for if it were not for their project, and the advice. fent by Co-
lonel Neale, we would never venture to furprife it, neither was it ever
thought on in all the Meetings and Refolutions between us, before
thofe Colonels,did refolve on it, but by reafon, that the other Gentle-
men that were privy to thefe proceedings were not preſent, the cer-
tainty of the time and the manner how to execute it was put off to a
further meeting in the Country, and this was refolved in Dublin
on the Sunday at Night, being the twenty fixth or twenty feventh of
September, and the meeting was appointed on the Saturday follow-
ing at mac Colloe, mac Mahone's houfe in Farney in the County of
Monaghan. And thereupon we all left the Town, only Sir Phelim
ſtayed about ſome other his private occafions, but did affure his being
there at that day; and by reaſon, that at that meeting the Gentry
of Lemfter could not be, confidering the remotenefs of the place
from them; it was thought fit that Mr. Moore fhould there meet to
receive the final Refolution, and ſhould acquaint them therewith:
And in the mean time Colonel Bourne, who had undertaken for
Colonel Plunkett, fhould inform them all the intention conceived, and
diſpoſe them in readineſs againſt that day that ſhould be appointed,
On Saturday I came to Mr.mac Mahone's hoyfe; there met only Mr.
mac Mahone himſelf, Captain Neale, Ever mac Mahone, and my felf,
and thither thatfame day came the Meffenger that was fent to Colonel
Neale, and did report the Colonels anſwer and advice verbatim, as I
have formerly repeated from Mr. Moore;and by reafon that Sir Phelim,
his Brother, or Mr. Phillip Reyly, that were defired to meet, did not
meet; we ſtayed that Night to expect them,and that Night I received
a Letter from Sir Phelim, intreating us by any means, not to expect
him untill the Munday following; for he had,nor could diſpatch fome
occaſions merely concerning him, but whatever became of them, he
would not fail of the Munday: And the next day after receipt of the
Letter being Sunday (by Mr. Moores advice) we departed from
Colonel mac Mahones houfe to prevent (as he ſaid) the fufpition of
the English there (many living near) to Logbroffe in the County of
Armagh to Mr. Torilagh O Neale's houfe (not Sir Phelim's Brother,
but Son to Mr. Henry ONeale of the Fewes,Son in Law to Mr. Moore)
and left word,that if Sir Phelim, or any of thoſe Gentlemen did come
in the mean time, they fhould follow us thither (whether only went
Mr. Moore, Captain O Neale and my felf) and there we expected
until the Tueſday ſubſequent before any of thofe did come. On the
Tuesday came Sir Phelim, and Ever mac Mahone, all the reſt fail-
ing to come, Mr. mac Mahone's wife was dead the Night before
which was the cauſe that he was not there, but I gave his affent to
what ſhould be concluded to win therein, and execute what fhould
be appointed him; and then we five (viz.) Sir Phelim, Mr. Moore,
Captain O Neale, Ever mac Mahone, and my felf, affuring our felves,
that thoſe Gentlemen abſent ſhould both allow, and joyn to what
we ſhould determine, did grow into a final Refolution, grounding all
or moſt part of our hope and confidence on the Succours from Colonel
O Neale, to feize on the Caſtle, and rife out all in one day, and the
day was appointed on the 23th. of that Moneth, this being the 5th.
day of October, having regard therein to the day of the week, where-
on that day did fall, which was the Saturday, being the Market day,
(C*)
on
·
18
APPENDIX.
on which day there would be leſs notice taken of people up and down
the ſtreets; then began a queſtion who fhould be deputed for the fur-
prifal of the Caſtle, and then Mr. Moore faid he would be one of them
himſelf, and that Colonel Bourne fhould be another, and what other
Gentlemen of Lemster they could procure to joyn with them, and
ſeeing the Caſtle had two Gates, the one the great, the other the
little Gate going down to my Lord Lieutenant's Stables, hard by
which Stables, without the Caſtle, was the Store-houfe for Arms,
they of Lemfter would undertake one Gate, and that ſhould be
the little Gate, and the great Gate fhould be undertaken by thofe
of Ulfter, and (faid he) of neceffity one of you both (meaning Sir
Phelim and me) muſt be there, for the mere countenance of the mat-
ter, it being the glory of all our proceedings, and all that his Speech
was well liked of all prefent: But Sir Phelim would be exempted
from that imployment, and fo wouldI; but then all of them fet on
me, defiring me to be one, alledging for Reaſon, that their Proceed-
ings and Refolutions were very honorable and glorious, it being for
Religion, and for to procure more liberty for their Country, as did
(fay they) of late Scotland, and that in taking the Caſtle confifted all
the glory and honour of the ſaid Act; all which ſhould be attributed
to them which fhould be imployed therein, and fo by confequence
all, or moſt part to be there, being (as they ſaid) the chief in that
Enterpriſe, and more, Sir Phelim Taid that he would endeavour to
take or procure others to take Londonderry the fame day, and if he
fhould be away, that place would not be taken; with theſe and ma-
ny other perfwafions they obtained my confent, and then the Cap-
tain offered himſelf: they began to think what number ſhould be im-
ployed in that Act; and they concluded on two hundred men, one
hundred from each Province, for thofe States which they feize on,
of which number Sir Phelim O Neale fhould fend forty with an able
fufficient Gentleman to conduct them: And likewife Captain Neale
twenty, Mr. mac Mahone, Mr. Reyly ten more, and I ſhould bring
twenty two; then began a doubt how they ſhould raiſe thoſe men,
and convey them to Dublin without fufpicion; and it was anſwered
that under pretence of carrying them to thofe Colonels that were
conveying Souldiers into the Kingdom, it might fafely be done; and
to that purpoſe Sir Phelim O Neale, Mr. Moore, and the Captain had
ſeveral blank Patents with Deputations to make Captains to thoſe
Colonels, which they fent to thoſe that ſhould ſend men to Dublin:
for the more colour, they bethought of what was to be done in the
Country that day, and it was refolved, that every one privy to that
matter in every part of the Kingdom ſhould riſe up that day, and ſeize
on all the Forts and Arms in the feveral Counties, to make all the
Gentry Priſoners, the more to affure themſelves againſt any averfe
fortune,and not to kill any, but where of neceffity they must be forced
thereunto by oppoſition(and that thofe that were appointed for taking
of the Caſtle ſhould obferve) and in particular the Gentry: All their
Army in Ulfter to take that day Londonderry, which Sir Phelim did
undertake, and Knockfergus, which they thought Sir Henry mac O
Neale would do; and to that end Sir Phelim's Brother Torilagh O
Neale fhould be fent to them; and the Newry which fhould be under-
taken by Sir Conne Magennis,and his Brothers; for whom Sir Phelim,
•
in
APPENDIX.
19
in regard they were his Brothers in Law, his deceaſed Lady being their
Sifter,did undertake. Moreover, it was agreed, that SirPhelim,Mr. Rey-
ly, Mr.Coll mac Mahone,and my Brother fhould with all the ſpeed they
could after that day raiſe all the forces they could, and follow us to
Dublin; But to Arm the men, and fuccour,and attend,and garrifon the
Town and Caſtle; And likewife Mr. Moore fhould appoint Lemfter Gen-
tlemen to fend like fupply of men ;then there was fear of the Scots con-
ceived, that they ſhould prefently oppoſe themſelves, and that would
make the matter more difficult, and to avoid which danger, it was
refolved on, not to meddle with them, or any thing belonging to
them, and to demean themſelves towards them, as if they were of
themſelves, which they thought would pacifie them from any oppo-
fition, and if the Scots would not accept of that offer of amity, but
would oppoſe them, they were in good hope to caufe a ftir in Scotland
that might divert them from them; and I believe the ground for that
hope was, that two years before, in or about the beginning of the
Scots troubles, my Lord of Tyrone fent one Torilagh O Neal (a
Prieft) out of Spain, and that this, I take it, was the time that he was
in Treaty with Cardinal Richelieu, to my Lord of Argile, to Treat
with him for help from my Lord, for him to come into Ireland, as
was faid for Marriage between the faid Earl and my Lord of Argiles
Daughter (or Sifler I know not which) and this Mellenger was in
Ireland, with whom Mr. Tortlagh O Neale, Sir Phelim's Brother
had conference, from whom this Relation was had, that ſaid Meflen-
ger went into Scotland,as I did hear from the faid Mr. Neale, or from
Ever mac Mahone aforenamed, I know not from which of them, but
what he did there I could never hear, by reaſon that my Lord of Tyrone
was prefently after killed, they were the more confirmed therein,
hearing that my Lord of Argile did fay (near to the fame time as I
guefs, and when the Army was raifed in Ireland, as I think) to a
great Lady in Scotland, I know not her name, but did hear, that fhe
was much imbarqued in the troubles of that Kingdom, there fhe que-
ftioning, how they could fubfift against the two Kingdoms of England
and Ireland, that if the King did endeavour to ftir Ireland againſt
them, he would kindle fuch a Fire in Ireland, as would hardly or
never be quenched; And moreover they knew my Lord to be Power-
ful with the Highlanders, Redbanks in Scotland, whom they
thought would be prone, and ready to fuch Actions, they for the
most part defcended out of Ireland, holding the Irish Language and
Manners ſtill, and fo we parted. The next day being Wednesday
Legbroſſe every man went about his own task, and fo when I came
home I acquainted my Brother with all that was done, and what they
had appointed him to do, and did like according as they had appoint-
ed me, fend to Mr. Reyly to let him know as much, and the 18th of
the fame Month I began my Journy to Dublin; and when I came to
Dublin (being the day bofore the appointed day for putting that Re-
folution in execution there) I met with Captain Conne O Neale, fent
out of the Low-Countreys by Colonel O Neal, who was fent,after the
Meſſenger fent by us formerly to the faid Colonel was by him difap-
pointed with his Anfwer, to encourage us in our Refolution, and
to ſpeedy Performance, with allurance of Succour, which he ſaid
would not fail of the Colonels behalf, and for the more certainty of
(C 2*)
help
20
APPENDIX.
help from him, and to allure us that the Colonel had good hopes to
procure aid from others, he faid that it was he himſelf, that was im-
ployed from him to Cardinal Richelieu twice,that fome men who
gave
very fair promiſes to allure the Colonels expectations, with which he
faid, that the faid Colonel was really with himſelf aflured of the Car-
dinals aid, and that he was likewife commanded by the Colonel upon
our Refolution of the day, to give notice thereof to him, and that he
would be within 14. days over with them with aid; but he landed
9.of to. days before, and meeting with Captain Brian O Neal, who
made him acquainted with what was Refolved; He did write all the
matter to Colonel O Neale, fo as he was fure of his fpeedy coming :
And ſo that Evening he and I came to meet the other. Gentlemen; and
there were met Mr. Moore, Colonel Bourne, Colonel Plunkett, Cap-
tain Fox, and other Lemfter Gentlemen, a Captain (I think of the
Bournes, but I am not ſure whether a Bourne or Toole) and Captain
Bryan O Neale, and taking an account of thoſe that ſhould have been
there; it was found that Sir Phelim O Neale, Mr. Collo mac Mahone
did fail of fending their men; and Colonel Bourne did mifs Sir Mor-
gan Cavanagh, that had promifed him to be there, but he faid he was
fure he would not fail to be that Night or the next Morning in Town;
And of the two hundred men that were appointed, there were only
eighty prefent, yet notwithſtanding they were refolved to go on in
their Refolution, and all the difference was at what time of the day
they would ſet on the Caſtle, and after fome debate, it was refolved in
the Afternoon,and the rather hoping to meet the Colonel there then;
for they ſaid, if they ſhould take Caitle, and be enforced by any extre-
mity for not reciving timely fuccour out of the Country (having them
they could not want) and fo parted that Night, but to mect in the
Morning to fee further what was to be done, and immediately thereon,
I came to my Chamber, and about nine of the Clock, Mr. Moore and
Captain Fox came to me, and told me all was diſcovered, and that
the City was in Arms, and the Gates were fhut up, and fo departed
from me: And what became of them, and of the reft, I know not,
nor think that they eſcaped, but how, and at what time I do not
know, becauſe I my felf vvas taken that Morning.
APPEN-
!
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX, III.
Fol. 30.
By the Lords, Juftices,and Council.
W. Parfons. Jo. Borlafe.
W
Hereas We the Lords, Justices, and Council have Lately
found that there was a most disloyal, wicked and detefta
ble Confpiracy intended and plotted against the Lives of
Us, the Lords, Fuftices, and Council, and many others of his Mi-
jefties faithful Subjects, especially in Ulfter, and the borders there-
of; and for the furprizing, not only of his Majefties Caftle of Dublin,
his Mijefties principal Fort, but alfo of other Fortifications in feve-
ral parts, and although by the great goodneß, and abundant mercy
of Almighty God to his Majesty, and to this State and Kingdom, thefe
wicked conspiracies are brought to light, and (ome of the Confpiracies
committed to the Caftle of Dublin by Us, by his Majesty's Authority,
as thofe wicked and damnable plots have not taken effect in the
chief parts thereof, yet (ome of thofe wicked Malefactors have fur-
prijed (ome of his Majesty's Forts and Garrisons in the North of Ire-
land, Aun divers of his Majesty's good Subjects, imprisoned fome,
and robbed and spoiled very many others, and continue yet in those
Rebellious courfes, against whom therefore fome of his Majesty's
Forces are now marching to fight against them, and fubdue them,
thereby to render (afety to his Majesty's faithful Subjects: And where
as to colour and countenance thofe their wicked Intendments and
Acts, and in hope to gain the more numbers, and reputation to them-
felves and their proceedings in the opinion of the ignorant common
people, thofe Confpirators have yet gone further, and to their other
high Crimes and Offences, have added this further wickedness, even
to traduce the Crown and State, as well of England as Ireland,by falfe
Seditious and fcandalous reports, and rumors (pread abroad by them.
We therefore to vindicate the Crown and State of both Kingdoms,
from those false and wicked calumnies, do hereby in his Majesty's
name publish and declare, that the faid reports fo fpread abroad by
thole wicked perfons are most falfe wicked and trilerous, and that
We have full Power and Authority from his Majefty, to profecute
and fubdue thofe Rebels and Traytors, which now We are doing ac-
cordingly, by the Power and Strength of his Majesty's Army, and
with
21
22
APPENDIX.
with the Affiftance of his Majesty's good and Loyal Subjects, an dWe
no way doubt, but all his Majesty's good and faithful Subjects will
give Faith and Credit to Us, who have the Honour to be trusted by
his Majefty fo highly, as to ferve Him in the Government of this his
Kingdom, rather then to the vain, idle, and wicked Reports of fuch
lewd and wicked Confpirators, who spread thofe falfe and feditious
Rumors, hoping to feduce a great number to their party. And as
We now believe that fome who have joyned themſelves with thofe
Confpirators, had no hand in contriving, or plotting the mischiefs
Intended, but under pretence of thofe feditious Scandals were delu-
ded by thofe Confpirators, and Jo are now become ignorantly involved
in their guilts, fo in favour and mercy to thofe fo deluded, We hereby
charge and command them in his Majesty's name,now from Us to take
light to guide them from that darkneß, into which they were misled
by the wicked feducement of thofe Confpirators, and to depart from
them, and from their wicked Counfels, and Actions, and according
to the duty of Loyal Subjects, to fubmit themselves to his Sacred
Majesty, and to his Royal Authority, intrusted with Us. But in
caſe thoſe perſons which were no Plotters, nor Contrivers of the
faid Treafon, but were fince feduced to joyn with them, as afore-
faid, lay not hold of this his Majesty's Grace and Favour, now ten
dred unto them, then We do by this Proclamation Publish and De-
clare, that they fall hereafter be reputed, and taken equally guilty
with the faid Plotters and Contrivers, and as uncapable of Favour
and Mercy, as they are.
Given at His Majeſties Caſtle of Dublin the 30. of O&tober 1641,
La. Dublin.
J. Temple.
P. Crosbie.
R. Ranelagh.
Ant. Midenfis. Ja. Ware.
John Rophoe. Rob. Meredith.
R. Dillon.
་
APPEN-
23
APPENDIX IV.
Fol. 32.
By the Lords, Juftices, and Councel.
A Proclamation for the diſcovery and prefent re-
moval of all ſuch as do or thall continue in the City of
Dublin, or places adjacent, Without juft or neceffary cauſe.
W. Parſons. Jo. Botlace.
ᏙᏙ
Hereas through the great concourse of people to this
City of Dublin, the Countrey is deprived of Defence,
and left open to the rapine and depredation of the Re-
bels now in Arms in this Kingdom, the poor of those parts are defti-
tute of Succour and Relief, and divers other inconveniences do and
may thence arife, unleß fome timely remedy be applied thereunto.
VVherefore We do hereby in his Majefties name, and under the pains
and punishments hereafter mentioned, command, That all and every
perfon and perfons whatsoever, not having neceffary cause of refi-
ding in this City of Dublin, and the Suburbs thereof, and the places
within two miles about the fame, (afwell within Liberties as with-
out) to be approved of by our very good Lord James Earl of Or-
mond and Ollory, who is appointed Lieutenant General of His Ma-
jefties Army in this Kingdom, and the Councel of War here for the
time being, or by fuch other perfons, as shall be by them appointed
for examination thereof, do within four and twenty hours after pub-
lication hereof, repair to their respective homes and dwellings.
And also that no person or perſons of what quality or condition fo-
do keep with him, or them, any more, or other then his, or their
own domeftick fervants.
ever,
And that this Proclamation, and the fervice hereby intended be
not in any wife eluded or evaded, VVe do hereby in Hu Majefties
name, and under the pains and punishments hereafter mentioned,
charge and command, That all and fingular the Citizens, Inhabi-
tants, and Reſidents of, and within this City of Dublin, the Suburbs
thereof, and all places within two miles about the fame, do with-
in four and twenty hours after publication hereof, return under
their hands unto the next Alderman of the Ward, or Seneschall, or
other chief Officer of Liberty respectively, the names, firnames, qua-
litie, and condition of all perfons now lodged, and remaining in
their houses, and alfo that they, and every of them for the future,
until
L
26
APPENDIX.
2
King's Royal and real Intention for confirming our Eftates, bis Broad
Seal being the pawn betwixt his Majefty and his people.
Fifthly, The restraint of purchaſe in the meer Irith of Lands in the
Efcheated Counties, and the taint and blemish of them and their
po-
fterities doth more difcontent them than that plantation Rule; for
they are brought to that Exigent of povertie in thefe late times, that
they must be Jellers and not buyers of Land.
・e of
And we conceive, and humbly offer to your Lordships confideration
Principiis obſta) that in the beginning of this Commotion, Tour
Lordship, as it is hereditary for you, will be a Phyfitian to cure this
Diſeaſe in us, and by our Examples it will doubtless beget the like
aufpicious fuccess in all other parts of the Kingdom: For we are
opinion it is one ſickneſs and one pharmach will fuffice, Sublatâ cau-
fa tollitur Effectus: And it will be recorded, that you will do fer-
vice unto God, King, and Countrey; And for falving every the afore-
faid Soars Tour Lordship is to be an humble Suitor in our behalf, and
of the reft of the Papifts, that out of the abundance of his Majefties
Clemency, there may be an Act of Oblivion and general pardon
without reftitution or Account of Goods taken in the time of this
Commotion, a liberty of our Religion, a repeal of all Statutes for-
merly made to the contrary, and not by Proclamation, but Parlia
mentary way; A Charter free Denizen in ample manner for meer
Irish: All which in fucceeding Ages will prove an Union in all his
Majefties Dominions inftead of Divifion,a Comfort in Defolation, and
a Happiness in perpetuity for an imminent Calamitie. And this
being granted, there will be all things, Quæ funt Cæfaris Cæfari,
and Quæ funt Dei Deo. And it was by the Poet written (though
he be prophane in other matters, yet in this) prophetically Divifum
Imperium cum Jove, Cæfar habet; All which for this present we
leave to your Honourable Care: And we will, as we ever did, and
do remain,
Your very humble and aſſured, ever to be Commanded,
Hugh mac Gillernow Farrall.
James Farrall.
Bryan Farrall.
Readagh Farrall.
Edmond mac Cael Farrall,
John Farrall in Carbuy.
Garret Farral.
Lifagh mac Conel Farrall.
Bryan mac William Farrall.
John mac Edmund Farrall.
John Farrall.
Roger mac Bryne Farrall
Barnaby Farrall.
James mac Trig Farrall, his Mark.
Morgan mac Carbry Farrall.
Donnagh mac Carbry Farrall.
Richard mac Conel Farral.
William mac James Farrall..
James Farrall.
Taghna mac Rory Farrall.
Cormack mac Rory Farrall.
Conock mac Bryne Farrall.
Readagh mac Lifagh Farrall.
Connor Oge mac Connor Farrall.
Edmond mac Connor Farrall.
Cahel mac Bryne Farrall.
A P-
27
APPENDIX VI.
Fol. 65.
By the Lords, Juftices, and Councel.
W. Parfons. Fo. Borlaffe.
I'
T is well known to all men, but more particularly to his Majeſties
Subjects of this Kingdom, who have all gathered plentiful and
comfortable fruits of his Majefties bleſſed Government, how a-
bundantly careful his Majefty hath been in the whole courfe of his
Government, of the peace and fafety of this his Kingdom, and how
graciously he hath laboured to derive to all his Subjects there-
in, all thoſe benefits and comforts, which from a moft gracious
King, could be conferred on his Subjects, to make them a happy peo
ple,whereof he hath given many great teſtimonies. And as at all times
he endeavoured to give them due contentment and fatisfaction, ſo
even then whilſt the Rebels now-in Arms were confpiring mifchief a-
gainſt Him, and his Crown and Kingdom, he was then exercifing Acts
of Grace and benignity towards them, granting to his Subjects here
the fulneſs of their own defires in all things, fo far as with Honour or
Juſtice he poffibly could, and particularly when the Committees of
both Houses of Parliament here this laft Summer attended his Ma-
jeſty in England, at which time (amongſt many other things graci-
oufly affented to by Him, he was content, even with apparent lofs and
difadvantage to himſelf, to depart with fundry his Rights of very
great value, which lawfully and juftly he might have retained; And
as his continual goodness to his people, and his Princely care of their
proſperity and prefervation fhall (to the unfpeakable joy and com-
fort of all his good Subjects) render him glorious to all Pofterity, fo
the wicked ingratitude and treacherous difloyaltie of thofe Rebels
ſhall render them infamous to all Ages: and utterly inexcufable even in
the judgment of thofe, who for any refpect either formerly wiſhed well
to their perfons, or now pity them in their tranfgreffions. And al-
though the faid perfons now in Rebellion were in no degree provo-
ked by any juſt caufe of publique grief received from his Majelty, or
his Miniſters, to undertake fuch defperate wickedneſs, neither can
justly affign any ſeverity or rigour in the execution of thoſe Laws
which are in force in this Kingdom againſt Papiſts, nor indeed any
cauſe at all, other then the unnatural hatred, which thofe perfons in
Rebellion do bear the Brittish and Proteftants, whom they defire and
publickly profeſs to root out from amongst them. The more ftrange
( D 2 *
in
a8
APPENDIX.
$
in that very many of themſelves are defcended of English, whence
is the original and foundation of all their Eilates, and thofe great be-
nefits which they have hitherto enjoyed, and whence their Predecef-
fors, and others then well affected in this Kingdom, have been at all
times fince the Conqueft cherished, relieved, countenanced, and fup-
ported againſt the ancient Enemies of the Kings people of England:
many of the Irish also having received their Eitates and livelyhood
from the unexampled bounty and goodneſs of the Kings of England.
Yet fuch is their inbred ingratitude and difloyaltie, as they confpired
to mallacre Us the Lords, Juftices, and Councel, and all the Brittiſh
and Proteftants univerfally throughout this Kingdom, and to feize in
to their hands, not only his Majefties Caftle of Dublin, the principal
Fort in this Kingdom, but alfo all other the fortifications thereof,
though (by the infinite goodneſs and mercy of God) thofe wicked
and devilliſh Confpiracies were brought to light, and fome of the
Principal Confpirators impriſoned in his Majefties Caftle of Dublin,
by us by his Majefties Authority, fo as thoſe wicked and damnable
plots are diſappointed in the chief parts thereof, His Majefties faid
Caftle of Dublin, and City of Dublin being preferved, and put into
fuch a condition of ftrength, as if any of them, or their Adherents
ſhall preſume to make any attempt thereupon, they fhall (God wil
ling) receive that correction, fhame, confufion and deftruction, which
is due to their treacherous and deteftable difloyaltie. And in purfuit
of their bloody intentions, they aſſembled themſelves in Arms in ho-
ftile manner, with Banners difplayed furpriſed divers of his Majeſties
Forts and Garrifons, poffeffed themſelves thereof, robbed and fpoiled
many thouſands of his Majefties good Subjects, Brittish and Prote-
ſtants, of all their Goods, difpoffeffed them of their Houfes and Lands,
murthered many of them upon the place, ftripped naked many others
of them, and fo expofed them to nakednefs, cold and famine, as they
thereof died; impriſoned many others, fome of them perfons of emi-
nent quality; laid Siege to divers of his Majeſties Forts and Towns
yet in his Majeſties hands, and committed many other barbarous cru-
elties and execrable inhumanities, upon the Perfons and Eſtates of the
Brittiſh and Proteſtant Subjects of the Kingdom, without regard of
quality, age, or fex. And to cover their wickedness, in thoſe cruel
Acts, fo to deceive the World, and to make way (if they could) to
the effecting of their mifchievous ends,; they add yet to their wick-
edneſs a further degree of impiety, pretending outwardly that what
they do, is for the maintenance and advancement of the King's Pre-
rogative; whereas it appears manifeftly, that their aims and purpo-
fes inwardly are (if it were poffible for them fo to do) to wreſt
from him his Royal Crown and Scepter, and his juft Soveraignty o-
ver this Kingdom and Nation, and to deprive him, and his lawful Mi-
niſters of all Authority and Power here, and to place it on fuch per-
fons as they think fit, which can no way ſtand with his Majefties juft
Prerogative; nor can any equal-minded man be feduced to believe
that they can wiflr well to his Royal Perfon, or any thing that is his,
who in their actions have expreffed fuch unheard-of hatred, malice,
and ſcorn of the Brittish Nation, as they have done. And fuch is
their madneſs as they confider not, that his Sacred Majeſty difdains
to have his Name or Power fo boldly traduced by fuch wicked male-
factors,
APPENDIX.
29
factors, Rebels having never in any Age been cfteemed fit fupporters
of the King's Prerogative, much leſs thefe, who (under countenance
thereof) labour to deface and fhake off his Government, and extirp
his moſt loyal and faithful Subjects of his other Kingdoms and here,
whofe prefervation (above all earthly things) is and always hath
been his Majeſties principal ftudy and endeavour, which even theſe
Traytors themſelves have abundantly found, with comfort, if thev
could have been fenfible of it. And whereas divers Lords and Gentle-
men of the English Pale preferred petition unto Us, in the behalf of
themſelves and the reft of the Pale, and other the old English of this
Kingdom, fhewing that whereas a late confpiracy of Treafon was dif-
covered, of ill-affected perfons of the old Irib, and that, thereupon
Proclamation was published by Us; wherein (among other things
it was declared that the faid Confpiracy was perpetrated by Irish
Papifts, without diftinction of any, and they doubting that by thofe
general words of Irish Papifts,they might feem to be involved,though
they declared themſelves confident, that we did not intend to include
them therein, in regard they alleadged they were none of the old
Irtfb nor of their Faction or Confederacy; but (as they then pretend-
ed) altogether averfe and oppofite to all their defigns, and all others
of like condition. We therefore to give them full fatisfaction (ha-
ving indeed at that time great confidence in their loyaltie) did by
Proclamation, dated the 29. of October 1641. declare and publish,
that by the words, Irish Papifts, VVe intended only fuch of the old
meer Irish in the Province of Ulfter, as were then Actors in that
Treaſon, and others, who adhered to them; and that VVe did not
any way intend or mean thereby any of the old English of the Pale,
nor of any other parts of this Kingdom, then efteemed good Sub-
jects, VVe being then (as we conceived) well affured of their fide-
lities to the Crown, and having experience of the good affection and
fervices of their Anceſtors, in former times of danger and Rebellion.
And indeed, fo believing were we in their faithfulneſs and loyaltie to
the Crown, as we then alfo reprefented it into England for their ad-
vantage; and thereupon in the Order of the Lords and Commons in
the Parliament in England concerning Ireland, His Majefties loyal
Subjects of English Blood, though of the Romish Religion, being an-
cient Inhabitants within feveral Counties and parts of this Realm are
mentioned, as thofe who have always in former Rebellions given te-
ftimony of their fidelity to the Crown of England. And in further
teftimony of the good affiance we had in their loyaltie, VVe illued
Arms to the ſeveral Counties of the English Pale, the better to enable
them to diſcharge their duties in defending thofe parts, and His Ma-
jefties good Subjects therein, against the Rebels,upon deep profeffions
of loyalty made by them, and their feeming deteftation of the loathfom-
nefs of the crimes, and bloody guilts of the Rebels, which they for their
parts profeffed with many Oaths and proteftations) to abhor, and
promifed to oppofe and refift them with all their power. And we iffued
Arms alfo to many Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Pale, and elfe-
where, of the Romish Religion, for the defence of their Houſes against
the Rebels. Yet much contrary to the expectation of all equal-mind-
ed men, and in deceit of the truſt repoſed in them by this State, and
directly contrary, as to their loyaltie and duty to His Majefty,fo to the
great
30
APPENDIX.
many
great profeffions which they had fo lately before made at this Coug-
cel-Board, many of those, as well whole Counties, as particular
per-
fons entruſted with thofe Arms, revolted to the Rebels, carried His
Majeſties Arms with them, and fo the Arms which were trufted in-
to their hands, for the protection of His Majefties good Subjects,
they converted to the annoyance and deftruction (as much as in
them lay of thofe good Subjects they were trufled to protect, and
of this State and Government, and have not only not refilled the Re-
bels, but have alfo joyned with them, and they and the Rebels af-
ſembled in Arms in hoftile manner, with Banners diſplayed againſt
his Majefty, in befieging fome of his Town, taking into their pollef
fion by force or fraud many of his Majeſties Burroughs, walled and
unwalled, and in committing murthers, fpoyls, robberies, and
deteſtable cruelties on His Majeſties good Subjects. And although
thofe of the Pale, pretended that they were not able to affemble or
Arm any ſtrength againſt the Rebels, yet lately they found means to
affemble, and arm great multitudes to affift the Rebels againſt His
Majefties Forces, and againſt His Majefties Government, and this
State, and as well the perfons who were the firſt Actors in this Rebel-
lion, as alſo many others in the English Pale, and ſeveral other
parts
of the Kingdom, forgetting thofe duties which (by the Laws of God
and man) are due from them to His Sacred Majefty, are fo ungrateful
to His Majeſty for the great and abundant benefits and favours from
Him, and His Royal Father, and Predeceffors derived to them, ſo in-
fenfible of the happineſs which they (with all others in this King-
dom) enjoyed by His bleſſed Government, and fo improvident to
themſelves and their pofterity, as they have prefumed moft unnatu-
rally to confpire, raiſe, and act thoſe abominable Treafons and Rebel-
lion againſt His Majefty, as is herein formerly mentioned. And for-
afmuch as thofe Rebels, and particularly Sir Con Magenis of New-
caftle in the County of Down, Knight; Patrick mac Cartan of Logh-
nelan in the faid County, Art oge mac Glasny Magenis of Ilandery in
the faid County, Ever mac Phelim Magenis of Castlewelan in the faid
County, Rory mac Brian oge Magenis late of Edente ecullagh in the
faid County, Philip mac Hugh mac Shane ô Rely of Ballinecarrig in
the County of Cavan, Philip mac Mulmorry & Rely of Lifmore in
the faid County, Mulmorry mac Edmond ô Rely of Cavet in the faid
County, Hugh Boy mac Shane ô Rely of Kilmore in the faid Coun-
ty, Owen mac Shane mac Philipo Rely of the fame, Rory Magwyre
of Haffets Town in the County of Fermanagh, Brother to the Lord
Magwyre, Donogh bane Magwyre of Carrow in the faid County,
Uncle to the faid Lord Magwyre, Brian mac Cowconnaght Mag-
wyre of Tempoe, in the faid County, Sir Phelim ô Neal of Kinard in
the County of Tyrone, Knight, Tirlagh Roe ô Neal, brother to the
faid Sir Phelim, Tırlagh Groom & Quin of Donoghmore in the faid
County, Cormock mac Owin oge & Hagan of Mullinecor in the faid
County, Patrick Modder ô Donelly of Crosscanena in the faid Coun-
ty, Art mac Tirlagh mac Henry ô Neal of Davernagh in the County
of Armagh, Tirlagh mac Tırlagh ô Neal of the Fues in the faid Coun-
ty, Hugh oge ô Neal of Aghadamph in the faid County, Donogh oge
6 Murchie of Cafhell in the faid County, Collo mic Brian mac
Mahorne of Balloghie in the County of Monaghan, Neal mac Kena
ô
of
APPENDIX.
+
of the Trough in the faid County, Coolo mac Ever Mahone of
in the faid County, Art Roe mac Patrick mac Art,
Moyle mac Mahone of Fanabah in the faid County, Captain
Hugh mac Phelim Birne late of Ballinecor in the County of Wickloe,
Shane mac Brien mac Phelim Birne late of Carrigocroe in the faid
County, Luke alias Feagh O Toole of Castlekuen in the faid Coun-
ty, Luke alias Feagh mac Redmond Birne of Kilcloghran in the
faid County, Redmond mac Feagh Birne late of Kilvane in the faid
County, Phelim mac Redmond Birne late of the fame in the faid
County, Dermot mac Dowlin Cavenagh of Ballidony in the County
of Wexford, Lewis alias Lifagh mac Owny Dempfie of Rahynne
in the Kings County, Art O Molloy of Rathlian in the faid County,
Hubert Fox of Kilcourfie in the laid County, Owen O Molloy of
Clonekeene in the faid County, Florence mac. Shane Fitz-Patrick of
Castle-Town in the Queens County, Barnabie Dempfie of Knock-
ardegur in the faid County, Daniel Doine of Tenebinche in the faid
County, Burnable Fitz-Patrick of Raghdown in the faid County,
Fames mac Fegus mac Donell of Taghnekilly in the faid County,
Franci's mac Faghny O Farrall of the Mote in the County of Lonford,
William Farrall of Ballingtobber in the faid County, James mac
Conell Farrall of Tenelecke in the faid County, Oliver Boy Fitz-
Gerrald
in the ſaid County, Pierſe FitzGerald
of Ballyfonan in the faid County of Kildare, Maurice Eustace
of Caffle-Martin in the faid County, Nicholas Sutton of Tipper
in the faid County, Roger alias Rory O More of Ballynah in the
faid County, William Fitz-Gerrald of Blackball in the faid
County, Robert Prefton, Brother to the Lord Viſcount Gormaftown,
James Flemen late of Shane in the County of Meath, Brother to
the Lord Baron of Slane, Patrick Cufack of Gerrards-Town in
the faid County, Edward Betagh of Monalty in the faid County,
Gerrald Leins of the Knock in the faid County, Luke Netervill
of Corballies in the County of Dublin, Son to the Lord Viſcount
Netervill, George King of Clontarfe in the faid County, Richard
Barnewall of Lefpopel in the faid County, Colonel Richard
Plunkett late of Dunfogblie in the faid County, Matthew Talbot late
of Kilgobban in the faid County, John Stanley of. Mallets-Town
alias Marletts-Town in the faid County of Lowth, John Bellew of
Willets-Town in the faid County, Chriftopher Barnewall of Ra-
thaskett alias Rathasker in the faid County, and Oliver Cafbell of
Dundalk in the faid County: Inftead of that Duty and Loyalty
which His Majefties good and gracious Government might juftly
have wrought in them, have returned nothing but thofe fruits of
Treafon and Rebellion, to the disturbance of the publick Peace,
and happineſs of this Kingdom, and to the deftruction (as much
as in them lay) of this State and Government, and of the Perfons
and Eſtates of many thouſands of His Majefties good and faithful
Subjects therein, whereby they have fhewed themſelves to be
moſt ungrateful, deteftable, vile, and unnatural Traytors and Rebells.
We therefore according to the cuftome of this Council-Board in cafes
of this nature (though no former Rebellion can parrallel this for
acts of Cruelty and horrid Crimes) do by this prefent Proclama-
tion in His Majefties Name, and by his Majefties Authority, De-
clare,
31.
32
APPENDIX.
clare, Publiſh and Proclaim them, the faid Sir Con Magenis, Patric
mac Cartan, Art oge mac Glafy Magenis, Ever mac Phelim Ma
genis, Rory mac Brien oge Magenis, Phillip mac Hugh mac Shane
ORely, Phillip mac Mulmorry O Rely, Mulmorry mac Edmond ORely,
Hugh Boy mac Shane O Rely, Owen mac Shane mac Phillip O Rely,
Rory Magwire, Donogh Bane Magwire, Brian mac Cowcannaght
Magwire, Sir Phelim O Neale,Tirlagh Roe O'Neale, Tirlagh Groom
O Quin, Cormock mac Owin O Hagan, Patrick Modder O Donnelly,
Art mac Tirlagh muc Henry O Neale, Tirlagh mac Henry mac Tir-
lagh O Neale, Hugh oge O'Neale, Donnogh oge O Murchie, Collo mac
Brien mac Mahowne, Neale mac Kena, Coolo mac Ever mac Ma-
howne, Art Roe mac Patrick Art Moile mac Mahowne, Captain
Hugh mac Phelim Birne, Shane mac Brien mac Phelim Birne, Luke
alias Feogh O Toole, Luke alias Feogh mac Redmond Birne, Redmond
mac Feogh Birne, Phelim mac Redmond Birne, Dermot mac Dow
lin Cavenagh, Lewis alias Lifagh mac Owny Dempfie, Art O Molloy,
Hubert Fox, Owen O Molloy, Florence mac Shane_Fitz-Patrick,
Barnabie Dempfie, Daniel Doine, Barnabie Fitz-Patrick, James
mac Fergus mac Donell, Francis mac Faghny O Farrall, Will Far
rall, James Conell Farrall, Oliver Boy Fitz-Gerrald, Pierſe Fitz-
Gerald, Maurice Eustace, Nich, Sutton, Roger alias Rory O More,
Will. Fiz-Gerald, Robert Preston, James Fleming, Patrick Cufake,
Edw. Betagh, Gerald Leins, Luke Netervill, George King, Rich
ard Barne wall, Colonel Richard Plunkett, Matthew Talbot, John
Stanley, John Bellew, Chriftopher Barnewall and Oliver Cafhel,
and every of them, and all their and every of their partakers,
aiders, maintainers,comforters, confederates, complices and affociates,
apparent, notorious, ungrateful, wicked, vile, and unnatural Trai-
tors and Rebels, againſt our most gracious Soveraign Lord Charles,
by the Grace of God King of England, Scotland, France and Ire-
land, Defender of the Faith, &c. His Royal Crown and Dignity of
of this Realm, and malitious oppugners of His Majefties Royal So-
veraignty, Preheminences and Prerogatives, willing therefore, re-
quiring, warranting and. authorizing all His Majefties good and lo-
ving Subjects, to purfue and plague with Fire and Sword, appre-
hend, deſtroy and kill, by all the ways and means they may, all
the faid perfons, their partakers, aiders, maintainers, comforters,
confederates, complices and affociates, as apparent, notorious, un-
grateful, wicked, vile, deteftable and unatural Traitors and Re-
bels.
And we do hereby make known to all men, as well good Subjects
as all others, that whatſoever he or they be that fhall betwixt this
and the five and twentieth day of March next, kill and bring, or
cauſe to be killed and brought unto Us, the Lords Juftices, or other
chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being,
the head of the faid Sir Phelim O Neal, or of the faid Sir Con Mage-
nis, or of the faid Rory Magwire, or of the faid Phillip mac Hugh
mac Shane O Rely, or of the faid Collo mac Brien mac Mahon, who
who were of the Principal Confpirators, and have been the first and
principal Actors in this preſent Rebellion, he or they fhall have by
way of reward, for every of the faid laft named perfons, fo by him
to be killed, and his or their head or heads brought to Us, the Lords
Juftices
Į
APPENDIX.
1
Juftices, or other chief Governor or Governours of this Kingdom,
as aforefaid, as followeth: viz. for the head of the faid Sir Phelim
O Neal one thouſand pounds, for the head of the faid Sir Con Ma-
gennis fix hundred pounds, for the head of the faid Rory Magwire
fix hundred pounds, for the head of the faid Phillip mac Hugh mac
Shane O Rely fix hundred pounds, for the head of the faid Collo mac
Brian mac Mahon fix hundred pounds, and Pardon for all his or their
offences, that ſhall kill, and fo bring in, or cauſe to be killed, and fo
brought in, the faid head or heads.
And whofoever fhall within the mean time by any means flay or
kill, as aforefaid, the faid Sir Phelim O Neale, Sir Con Magenis, Rory
Magwire, Phillip mac Hugh mac Shane O Rely, and Collo mac Brian
mac Mahone, or any of them, though fuch perfon or perſons, ſo
flaying or killing the faid Traitors, or any of them, bring not, or
cauſe not to be brought to Us the Lords Juftices, or other chief Go.
vernor or Governours of this Kingdom, the head or heads of the
faid Traitor or Traitors; yet being juftly proved, fhall forthwith
upon proof fo made, receive the reward, for the faid Sir Phelim O
Neal, eight hundred pounds; for the faid Sir Con Magenis four
hundred pounds, for the faid Rory Magwire four hundred pounds,
and for the faid Phillip mac Hugh mac Shane O Rely, four hundred
pounds, for the faid Collo mac Brien mac Mahowne, four hundred
pounds, and pardon for all his or their offences, that fhall kill the
faid laſt mentioned perfons, or any of them. And forafmuch as the
other Rebells above named, have moſt traiterouſly combined in the
wicked and abominable Councils of the faid five other perfons laft
above named, and have been partakers with them in their moſt
bloody defign, for the extirpating of the Britiſh and Proteſtants, and
depriving his Majefty of the Soveraignty of this His Kingdom of
Ireland, many of which Rebells ftand Indicted of High Treaſon.
We do therefore make known and declare to all men, as well His
Majefties loving Subjects, as all others, That whofoever, under
the degree of a Knight, other than the faid Phillip mac Hugh mac
Shane O Rely, and Collo mac Brian Mahowne, and other than the
faid Luke Toole, and other than the Children and Grand-children of
the late traiterously defcended Traitor, Feagh mac Hugh Birne, and
other than the faid Rory alias Roger More, (We not holding it fit that
the moſt maglignant Confpirators fhould obtain pardon for fo high
and heynous offenees, and the cauſeleſs deſtruction of fo many thou-
fands of Innocents, upon the only fervice of cutting off perfons of no
greater confideration) fhall, betwixt this and the five and twenti-
eth day of March next,kill and bring,or cauſe to be killed and brought
in to us the Lords Juftices, or other chief Governour or Governours
of this Kingdom, as aforefaid, the head or heads of the faid Patrick
mac Cartan, Art oge mac Glafny Magenis, Ever mac Phelim Ma-
genis, Rory mac Brien oge Magenis, Phillip mac Hugh mac Shane
O Rely, Phillip mac Mulmorry O Rely, Mulmorry mac Edmond O
Rely, Hugh Boy mac Shane O Rely, Owen mac Shane mac PhillipO
Rely, Rory Magwire, Donogh Bane Magwire, Brian mac Cow-
cannaght Magwire, Tirlagh Roe O Neale, Tirlagh Groom O
Quin, Cormock mac Owen O Hagan, Patrick Modder O Donnelly,
Art mac Tirlagh mac Henry O Neale, Tirlagh mac Henry mac Tir-
(E*)
Lagh
33
$
34
APPENDIX.
lagh O Neale, Hugh oge O Neale, Donnogh oge O Murchie, Collo mac
Brien mac Mahowne, Neale mac Kend, Coolo mac Ever mac Ma-
howne, Art Roe mac Patrick mac Art Moile mac Mahowne, Captain
Hugh mac Phelim Birne, Shane mac Brien mac Phelim Birne, Luke
alias Feogh O Toole, Luke alias Feogh mac Redmond Birne, Redmond
mac Feogh Birne, Phelim mac Redmond Birne, Dermot mac Dow-
lin Cavenagh, Lewis alias Lifagh mac Owny Dempfie, Art O Molloy,
Hubert Fox, Owen O Molloy, Florence mac Shane Fitz-Patrick,
Barnabie Dempfie, Daniel Doine, Barnabie Fitz-Patrick, James
mac Fergus mac Donell, Francis mac Faghny O Farrall, Will, Far-
rall, James, mac Conell Farrall,Oliver Boy Fitz-Gerrald,Pierle Fitz
Gerald, Maurice Eustace, Nich, Sutton, Roger alias Rory O More,
Will. Fiz-Gerald, Robert Prefton, James Fleming, Patrick Cufake,
Edw. Betagh, Gerald Leins, Luke Netervill, George King, Rich-
ard Barne wall, Colonel Richard Plunkett, Matthew Talbot, John
Stanley, John Bellew, Chriftopher Barnewall and Oliver Cafel,
or any of them, he fhall have by way of reward for every of the faid
laſt mentioned perfons, fo by him to be killed, and his or their head or
heads brought to Us, the Lords Juftices, or other chief Governor or
Governors of this Kingdom, as aforefaid, four hundred pounds, and
pardon for all his or their offences, that fhall bring in, or caufe to be
brought in, the faid head or heads, and whofoever under the degree of a
Knight,as aforefaid,other than the faid Phillip mac Shane O Rely,Collo
mac Brien mac Mahowne, Luke Toole, and the Children and Grand-
children of Feagh mac Hugh aforefaid, and the aforefaid Rory alias
Roger O More, fhall by any means within the faid time, flay or kill
the faid Traitors, viz. Patrick mac Cartan, Art oge mac Glasny Mag-
enis, Ever mac Phelim Magenis, Rory mac Brien oge Magenis,Phil-
lip mac Mulmorry O Rely, Mulmorry mac Edmond O Rely, Hugh Boy
mac Shane O Rely, Owen mac Shane mac Phillip O Rely, Donogh Bane
Magwire, Brian mac Cowcannaght Magwire, Tirlagh Roe Ŏ Neal,
Tirlagh Groome O Quin, Cormock mac Owen oge O Hagan, Patrick
Modder O Donnelly, Art mac Tırlagh mac Henry O Neale, Tirlagh
mac Henry mac Tirlagh O Neal, Hugh oge O Neale, Donnogh oge O
Murchie, Neal mac Kena, Collo mac Ever mac Mahowne, Art Roe
mac Patrick mac Art Moyle mac Mahowne, Captain Hugh mac Phe-
lim Birne, Shane mac Brien mac Phelim Birne, Luke alias Feagh
O Toole, Luke alias Feagh mac Redmond Birne, Redmond mac
Feagh Birne, Phelim mac Redmond Birne, Dermot mac Dowlin
Cavenagh, Lewis alias Lifagh mac Owny Dempie Art O Molloy,
Hubert Fox, Owen O Molloy, Florence mac Shane Fitz-Patrick, Bar-
nabie Dempfie, Daniel Doine, Barnabie Eitz-Patrick James mac
Fergus mac Donell, Francis mac Faghny O Farrall,William Farrall,
Fames mac Conell Farrall, Oliver Boy Fitz-Gerrald, Pierfe Fitz-
Gerald, Maurice Eustace, Nicholas Sutton, Roger alias Rory O
More, William Fitz-Gerrald, Robert Preston, James Flemen Pa
trick Culacke, Edward Betagh, Gerrald Leins, Luke Netervill,
Geroge Kinge, Richard Barnewall, Colonel Richard Plunkett, Mat-
thew Talbot, John Stanley, John Bellew, Chriftopher Barnewall, and
Oliver Cafbell,or any of them,though fuch perfon or perfons,fo flaying
or killing the faid Traitors, or any of them, bring not, or caufe not to
be brought to Us the Lords Juftices, or other chief Governor or Gover-
nors
APPENDIX.
35
nors of this Kingdom, as aforefaid, the head or heads of the faid
Traitor or Traitors, yet being juſtly proved, fhall forthwith upon
proof fo made, receive the reward of Three hundred pounds, for eve-
ry of the faid laſt named perfons fo killed and proved, and ſhall have
pardon for all his or their offences, that ſhall flay or kill the faid Trai
tors, or any of them.
Given at his Majesties Cafile of Dublin the 8. day of Febr. 1641.
Ormond Offory. Tho, Rotheram.
R. Dillon.
Fra. Willoughby.
Rob. Meredith.
Cha.Lambert.
Ad. Loftus.
Cha. Coote.
God fave the King.
J. Temple.
Sir William St. Leiger's Letter to the Lord Lieu-
tenant, the Earl of Leiceſter, touching the Af-
faires in Munſter, mentioned fol. 89.
Right Honorable, my very good Lord,
S
Ithence my last by my Lord of Dungarvan, my own indifpofition
and imbecillity hath been fuch as in mine one perfon I have not
been able to attempt any thing, but have by my Sickness been con-
fined to my Chamber: but the forward earnestness and zeale to the
Service in my Lord of Inchequin, Colonel Vavafor, Captain Jephfon,
and the rest of the Officers of the fmall Army here hath accomplished
Some Exploits, whereof you may pleaſe to receive the ensuing Rela-
tion.
I being besieged on the North fide of the City by my Lord Muskry,
Mr. Carty Leath, and all the rest of the Western Forces, and having
notice that my Lord Roche, my Lord of Ikarne, Donboin, the Bar-
ron of Loghmay, Mr. Richard Butler, and all the tipperary Forces
were drawing up to beleger me on the South, I dispatched away the
two Troops then newly landed under the Command of my Lord Inche-
quin, and Captain Jephfon into the Lord Roches Country, in expe-
Etance to divert him. from his intended course hitherwards, which
(E 2*)
forted
36
APPENDIX.
;
+
forted to fo good purpoſe, as that I fince understand the tipperary
Forces have forfaken him, and that he remains himself upon his
keeping in his own Countrey. During the ftay of these Troops there,
they were defired to the relief of a Caftle called Rathgogan by one
M. Meade, which M. Jephfon having performed with a Squadron
of each Troop, and 80. Mufqueteers drawn out of his Houſe and
mine: In his retreat he was encountered by two or three Companies
from Kilmallocke, on whom he with a Horſe, and another Officer
with a Foot charged in feveral places, and routed them, playing
about 150. befides 50. flain in relieving the Caftle. On the thir
teenth of this inftant, my Lord of Muskry (who hath kept his
Camp a long time at Rochforts Town three miles from the City)
caufed a part of his Army to chafe home our Scouts to the very
Suburbs, where in a bravado they made a ftand, wherat my Lord
Inchequin, Colonel Vavafor, and the rest of the Officers being much
incenfed obtained my leave to issue forth immediately with three
bundred Mufqueteers, and two Troops of Horfe; upon the fallying
out they found the Enemy retreated, and pursued him to his Quar
where the main Body confifting of thirty fix Colours as they were
numbred, forthwith appeared: and after ſeveral parties fent from
the main Body to skirmish with our men, had been beaten back
they began to pack up their Baggage, and forfook their Camp, af.
tèr whom our men made all the speed they might; and having cha-
fed them two or three miles, charged upon the rear, routed the
whole Army, which betook it felf to fight over a Bog_unpaſſable
for our Horfe, and took all their carriage and luggage, whereof
the Lord of Muskeries own Armour, Tent, and Trunks were a part,
flew about two hundred of their men that took to firm ground, and
retired without loss of a man. Whereby it is very eafie to obferve
with what facility the Enemy might now be dealt witbal, before
he can recollect himself anew, or receive forreign supplies which
they daily and hourly expect, and being once come to their hands,
it will not then be treble the charge and expence both of blood
and treaſure that will fupprefs them, which now would reduce
them to a very great fraight.
ters,
And therefore I do most humbly beseech your Lordship that fpee-
dy Supplies of Men, Moneys, Arms, Munition and Artilery, with
all neceffaries depending thereon, as Conducters, Pioneers, Mat-
troffes, Carriages, Tackle, Horfes and Oxen for draught, and all
other appurtenances that may either be fent over, or Commiſſion
and means to raiſe and maintain them here, here being but one Ca
noneer, and one Clerk of the store in this Province: without theſe
your Lordship knows that it is to no boot to march into the Field,
where if the Enemy be not too hard for us, he will certainly re-
tire to his Holds, and fo fecure himself against our Forces.
The neceſſary ufe of Firelocks and Dragoons, and of a competent
Supply of Victual, the flock of this Countrey being totally wasted, will
deferve ferious confideration: and if I had been fo fortunate as to
have received any fuccours by thofe late Easterly winds, it would
have fo difcouraged the Enemy now newly routed, and animated the
Proteftant party, as that I am very confident by God's affiftance I
Should have given your Lordship a good account of the quiet of thefe
parts.
APPENDIX.
37
parts. Whereas they observing that this fair opportunity hath con-
veyed us no relief, do begin to muster up their Forces afresh, and to
take heart at the apprehenfion of our being deferted in England and
left wholly to our felves, wherein I cannot fufficiently express how
miferable our condition is; for having from the beginning of these
troubles fupported the Forces mentioned in the inclofed lift with
Moneys gained upon feveral hard terms and eng igements (beftdes
what I have imprefed to the fuccour fent thence I was at lift
constrained to fesze upon four thousand pounds belonging to Sir Ro-
bert Tynte, and ready to be transported out of the Kingdom (and
which he refused to lend upon the Publick-faith of this State
which nevertheless I gave him upon the feifure) meerly to preferve
the Army from disbanding, which otherwise it must have undoubted-
ly done. And therefore I humbly defire that money may be fent over,
not only to discharge that and other engagements, amounting to 4000
pounds more, but that there may be order taken for the entring of
thofe men into pay, and continuing them therein ever since the be-
ginning of the prefent troubles which I raised at first (by direction mentioned
from the Lords Justices) for this fervice, and that the fame course fol. 82.
may be taken for them as for the reſt.
*
The heighth of infolency and arrogancy in the Enemy will appear
*
on'd,as the An-
Papers) are
one was not
more infolent
loyal.
by the inclofed Remonftrance which they sent me after a motion The Rebels
made for a Ceffation, which in the condition I was in, I had fome Remonftrance
inclination to condefcend unto, in cafe it had been fought for in be- here menti-
fitting terms: to which purpofe I willed them to address their humble (wer to it (in
petition to his Majesty, and in cafe I did approve thereof, I would the fhuffling of
give way thereunto, and to a ceffation until his pleasure were known; unhappily loft,
whereupon they tranfmit me that, whereof the inclofed is a Copy: though the
at which I took (justly as I conceive fuch offence as caused me to re-
turn them the inclofed Answer, which I should have feconded with then the other
fuch further testimony of my aversion to their infolency as would refolute and
tend much to their difincouragement were I enabled with any reafo•
nable ftrength foto do, which I earnestly defire Imay be, and with
inftructions what hand to carry in the profecution of them, and
how to manage the War against them; for that every day they
encreaſe in infolency and riot, hanging fuch prisoners as are not
able to pay Ransom, ransoming others, hanging old Women, and
Stripping all they can lay hold on. All that is left in this Province
is the City of Corke, the Towns of Kingfale, Youghall, and Ban-
donbridge; the Cities of Limricke and Waterford being fallen in-
to defection, fave that the Fort in the former is able to command
the Town if provided with Munition, wherewith I have fent to fup-
ply it.
For perfons in Action, it is far lefs difficult to nominate thoſe
that adhere to the Grown, which are the Earl of Barrymore, (an
induftrious fervitour) the Lord Viscount Killmallocke, Sir An-
drew Barret, and Edmond Fitz-Gerrarld of Ballmarter commonly
called the Senefcall of Imokilly, by whofe care and countenance
(joyned with my Lord Barrimore's) that Barrony of Imokilly
kept in due fubjection, and the paffage betwixt this City and
Youghall thereby open. But whilst we stand on theſe unable terms
to ftir out of these Walls, the Enemy is at liberty to range and
is
for-
38
APPENDIX.
forrage over all parts of the Countrey: And indeed our wants of
Money are fo great and preſſing, as that for defect of entertainment
and encouragement, the Officers both of Horfe and Foot daily
flock unto me, and importune to be diſmiſſed and left at liberty to
Seek their preferment in England: and fo foon as this little (which
is left me to feed the Souldiers with from hand to mouth) is
Spent, I know no way to prevent their fudden disbanding: and
therefore I do again beseech your Lordship to endeavour that I
may not be expoſed to the dishonour and mifery of being abandon-
ed by the King's Forces, and left my felf single to the mercy of
the Enemy; but that Moneys may be speedily tranfmitted unto me
with directions what pay to allow the Horsemen, and Officers of
the Foot, with an overplus of Money, as I have always defired,
for extraordinary and emergent occafions, about either the Ordi-
nance or Forts, whereas yet nothing is in a right pofture, but
things only buffled together for a shift by reason we had not where-
withal to the work as it ought.
Your Lordships moſt humble Servant,
Cork, April 2.
1 642
W. Saintleger.
*
APPEN-
39
APPENDIX,VII.
Fol. 95.
In the Name of the holy Trinity, the
Father, Son, and Holy Ghoſt, Amen.
I.
A&ts agreed upon, ordained and concluded in the General Con-
gregation held at Kilkanny the 10,11, and 13 days of May,
1642. by thofe Prelates whofe Names are fubfcrib'd, the Pro-
Etors of fuch other Prelates as then were abfent being preſent,
together with the Superiours of the Regulars, and many other
Dignitaries and learn'd Men, as well in Divine, as alfo in
Common Law, with divers Paftors and others of the Catholick
Clergy of all Ireland, whofe Names are likewife hereafter fet
down.
W
Hereas the VVar which now in Ireland the Catholicks
do maintain against Sectaries, and chiefly againſt Puri-
tans, for the Defence of the Catholick Religion, for the
maintenance of the Prerogative and the Royal Rights of our gracious
King Charles, for our gracious Queen fo unworthily abus'd by the Pu-
ritans, for the Honour, fafety and Health of their Royal Ifue, for to
avert and refrain the Injuries done unto them, for the Confervation
of the juft, and lawful Safeguard, Liberties and Rights of Ireland;
and lastly for the defence of their own Lives, Fortunes, Lands and
Poffeffions: VVhereas I faid this VVar is by the Catholiques under-
taken for the aforefaid cauſes againft unlawful Ufurpers, Oppreffors
and their Enemies, chiefly Puritans. And that hereof we are en-
formed afwel by divers and true Remonftrances of divers Provinces,
Counties and Noblemen, as alfo by the unanimous confent and agree-
ment of almoſt the whole Kingdom in this VVar and Union. VVe
therefore declare that VVar openly Catholick to be lawful and juſt,
in which VVar, if fome of the Catholicks be found to proceed out
of fome particular and unjuft Title, covetoufnefs, cruelty, revenge or
harred,
*
40
APPENDIX.
}
hatred, or any fuch unlawful private intentions. VVe declare them
therein grievously to fin, and therefore worthy to be puniſhed and re-
frained with Ecclefiaftical Cenfures if, (adviſed thereof) they do not
amend.
2. VVhereas the Adverfaries do fpread divers rumours, do write
divers Letters, and under the King's Name do print Proclamations,
which are not the King's, by which means divers plots and dangers
may enfue unto our Nation; VVe therefore to stop the way of un-
truth and forgeries of the Political Adverfaries, do will and com-
mand, That no fuch rumours, Letters, or Proclamations may have
place, or belief, until it be known in a National Councel, whether
they truly proceed from the King, left to his own freedom, and
until the Agents of this Kingdom hereafter to be appointed by a
National Councel, have free paffage to his Majefty, whereby the King-
dom may be certainly enformed of his Majefties intention and will.
3. VVhereas no Family, City, Common-wealth, much lefs
any
Kingdom may ftand without union and concord, without which this
Kingdom for the preſent ſtandeth in moſt danger. VVe think it there-
fore neceffary that all Irish Peers, Magiftrates, Noblemen, Cities and
Provinces, may be tied together with the holy bond of Union and
Concord,and that they frame an Oath of Union and agreement which
they fhall devoutly and Chriſtianly take, and faithfully obferve. And
for the confervation and exerciſe of this Union, VVe have thought
fit to ordain the enſuing Points.
4. VVe ſtraightly command all our inferiours, afwell Churchmen
as Laymen to make no diſtinction at all between the old and ancient
Trish, and no Alienation, compariſon, or differences between Provin-
ces, Cities, Towns or Families; and laftly, not to begin, or forward
any emulations, or compariſons whatſoever.
5. That in every Province of Ireland there be a Councel made up,
both of Clergy and Nobility, in which Councel fhall be fo many per-
fons at leaſt as are Counties in the Province, and out of every City or
notable Town two perfons.
6. Let one general Councel of the whole Kingdom be made, both
of the Clergy, Nobility, Cities and notable Towns, in which Councel
there ſhall be three out of every Province, and out of every City one,
or where Cities are not, out of the chiefeſt Towns. To this Councel
the Provincial Councels fhall have fubordination, and from thence
to it may be appealed, until this National Councel have opportuni-
ty to fit together, Again, if any thing of great importance do oc-
cur, or be conceived in one Province, which by a negative Vote is re-
jected in the Councel of one Province, let it be fent to the Coun-
cels of other Provinces; except it be fuch a matter as cannot be de-
layed, and which doth not pertain to the Weal-publick of the other
Provinces.
7. Embaffage fent from one Province to forraign Nations fhall be
held as made from the reft of the Provinces, and the fruit or benefit
thereof fhall be imparted, and divided between the Provinces and Ci-
ties which have more need thereof, chiefly fuch helps and fruits, as
proceed from the bountiful liberality of forreign Princes, States, Pre-
lates or others whatſoever; provided always that the charge and da
mage be proportionably recompenced.
8. It
P
}
1
APPENDIX.
8. If there be any Province which may not conveniently fend Em-
baffage from it felf unto forraign Nations, let it fignific it to another
Province, which may conveniently fupply it, and ought in regard of
their Union to fupply it, according to the inftructions fent from the
other Provinces concerning the place, and Princes to which they
would have their Emballage employed.
9. Let a faithful Inventory be made in every Province of the Mur-
thers, Burnings, and other Cruelties, which are commited by the Pu-
ritan Enemies, with a Quotation of the place, day, cauſe, manner, and
perfons, and other circumſtances ſubſcribed by one of publick Autho-
rity.
10. In every Parish, let a faithful and fworn Meffenger be appoint-
ed, whereby fuch Cruelties, and other affaires may be written and
fent to the neighbouring places, and likewife from one Province to a-
nother; Let fuch things be written for the comfort, inftruction, and
carefulneſs of the People.
11. Great men taken prifoners in one Province, may not be ſet at
liberty for any price, prayers, or exchange, without the confent of the
Prelates and Nobility of the other Province united, 'and let every Pro-
vince be careful of the Liberties of fuch Priſoners as are from the other
Provinces, as far as it conveniently may.
12. If any one ſtubborn, or dangerous be found in one Province,
County, or Town, Let him be fent to another Province, County or
Town, where he may be fafely kept, (and with lefs danger, or lofs of
others) remain.
13. Whosoever ſhall be declared in one County or Province; Adver-
fary or Traitor of this Cauſe and Country, fhall likewiſe be held and
puniſhed in other Countries and Provinces, where he ſhall be found,
and fuch as receive or favour him, or be his Mellengers knowing his
miſdemeanour, fhall be liable to fuch punishment as the Traitor him-
felf.
14. We Command and Ordain as a main point pertaining to this U-
nion,that no Province,County, City, Town or Perfon whatſoever fhall
demand Peace, or fubmit himſelf to the Enemies, without the con-
fent of the general Council of the whole Kingdom, and that under
pain of Excommunication to be incurred ipfo facto, and for further
force of this Statute to be obſerved; We will that in every Province
a firm Oath be taken by the Peers, Nobility, Corporation, and com-
monalty of every Province, and thereupon a Publick and Authentical
Inftrument be made; And that every Province do ſend into every o-
ther Province an Inftrument fubfcribed, with the proper hands of fuch
as have taken this Oath, for the affurance of their Oaths, and whofo-
ever ſhall refuſe to take this Oath, let him be held as Adverfary of the
common Caufe, and of the Kingdom, and let him be puniſhed as fuch
as hereafter ſhall be declared, except he be excufed for the Reaſons
hereafter to be ſet down.
15. The Ordinaries of every place, The Preachers, Confeffors,
Pariſh-Prieſts, and other Churchmen fhall endeavour to fee perfect
peace and charity obferved between Provinces, Counties, Cities, and
Families, as the obligation of this Union requireth.
16. Such Goods as well moveable as unmoveable pertaining to Ca-
tholicks, as were recovered from the Enemies by this preſent War,
(F*)
ſhall
41
42
APPENDIX.
}
ſhall be reſtored to their former owners, Provided that fuch neceffary
and reaſonable charges fhall be paid, as the next general or Provin
cial Council or Commitees of the County where the Parties dwell,fhall
decree.
17. Whereas diverfe perfons do diverfly carry themſelves towards
this Cauſe, fome with helps and fupplies do affift the Adverfaries, o-
thers with Victuals and Arms, others with their Advice and Authori-
ty, fupporting as it were the contrary Cauſe, fome alfo as Neuters be-
having themſelves, and others laftly neglecting their Oath do forfake
the Catholick Union and Caufe. We do therefore declare and judge
all and every fuch as do forfake this Union, do fight for our Enemies,
accompany them in their War, defend or in any other way affift them,
as giving them Weapons, Victuals, Counſel, or Favour, to be Excom-
municated, and by theſe Preſents do Excomunicate them; Provided
that this preſent Decree fhall be first publifhed in every Diocefs re-
fpectively, and having received admonition before hand, which fhall
fupply the treble admonition otherwife requifite, and we do hereby
declare,fo it be made in a place where it may eafiy come to theknow-
ledge of thoſe whom it toucheth. But as touching the Judgment
and Puniſhment of the Neuters we leave it to the Ordinaries of every
place reſpectively, fo that the Ordinaries themſelves be not contrary
to the Judgment and Opinion of this Congregation, in which caufe,
we Commit power to the Metropolitans or Archbishops to proceed
againſt ſuch Ordinaries, according to the common courfe of Law,
wherein they are to be very careful and ſpeedy, and if the Metropoli-
tans be found herein careleſs or guilty, let them be lyable to fuch pu-
niſhment as is ordained by the holy Canons,and let them be accufed to
the See Apoftolick.
18. We Ordain and Decree that all and every fuch as from the be-
ginning of this preſent War, have invaded the Poffeffions of Goods
as well moveable as unmoveable, fpiritual or temporal of any Catho-
lick whether Irish or English, or alfo of any Irish Proteftant being
not Adverſary of this Caufe; and do detain any fuch Goods, fhall be
Excommunicated, and by this prefent Decree we do Excommunicate
them if admonished they do not amend, and with the like cenfure
we do bind fuch as henceforward fhall invade or detain fuch Goods,
and not only them, but alſo all and every fuch as fhall keep Lands or
Poffeffions againſt publick authority, as alfo fuch as favour or affiſt
them therein. And we declare involved in this cenfure all and
of them, who directly or indirectly hinder or forbid to pay their due
Rents unto fuch as have poffeffed the faid Lands, from the beginning
of this War, and fuch likewife as without the Licenſe of fuch Poffef-
fors, do take or extort Rents or equivalent payment from the Tenants
of fuch Poffeffors under colour of paying Souldiers therewith, or other-
wife.
every
19. We command all and every the Churchmen, as well Secular as
Regular,not to hear the Confeffions of the aforefaid Excommunicated
perfons, nor to Adminifter unto them the Holy Sacrament,under pain
of Excommunication ipfo facto.
20. VVe will and declare all thofe that Murther, Difmember, or
grievously Strike, all Theives, unlawful Spoilers, Robbers of any
Goods, Extortors, together with all fuch as favour, receive, or any
way's
APPENDIX.
ways affift them, to be Excommunicated, and fo to remain, until they
compleatly amend and fatisfie no lefs then if they were namely Pro-
claimed Excommunicated, and for fatisfaction of fuch Crimes hither-
to committed to be enjoyned, we leave to the difcretion of the Ordi-
naries and Confeſſors, how to abſolve them.
21. Tradeſmen for making Weapons or Powder brought into this
Countrey,or hereafter to be brought in,fhall be free from all Taxations
and Cuſtoms; as alſo all Merchants, as fhall tranſport into this Coun-
trey, fuch wares as are profitable for the Catholick Cauſe, as Arms
and Powder, may lawfully traffick without paying any Cuſtom, for
Commodities brought out of this Kingdom, or tranſported hither
of that kind, and let this be Proclaimed in all Provinces, Cities, and
Towns.
22. We think it convenient, that in the next National Congrega
tion, fome be appointed out of the Nobility, and Clergy as Embaſ-
fadours to be fent in the behalf of the whole Kingdom, unto the
Kings of France and Spain, to the Emperour and his Holinefs,
and thoſe to be of the Church Prelates, or one of the Nobility and a
Lawyer.
23. We will and ordain, that Ordinaries, Dignitaries, and other
Properietors of Church livings, with the affiftance of the Colonel,
or fome other prime Gentleman of the County, Barony, or Pariſh,
as the Ordinary, and Dignitaries, or Proprietors fhall appoint, do
fet unto Tenants, the Lands, Houſes, Tenements, and Tithes, and
other Church livings, and let competent means be appointed for the
maintainance of the faid Ordinaries, Dignitaries and Proprietors, and
the rest to be appointed for the Souldiers until it be otherwiſe or-
dained.
24. Collectors and Receivers of the Rents of Church-livings, fhall
be appointed by the Ordinaries, with the confent of the Proprietors in
the prefence of the chiefeft Gentlemen of every County, Barony, or
Pariſh refpectively.
25. The Ordinaries and other Proprietors of Church-livings, may
take unto themſelves,the Houfes,Tenements and other Church Goods
pertaing unto their refpective Titles, with obligations to pay propor-
tionable Rent unto the Souldiers as aforefaid, or his payment of their
own competent maintenance, and lett the Houſes, Tenements, and
other Church goods be taken from the Catholicks, who heretofore
had them as Tenements or otherwife.
26. It is committed to the will and difpofition of the Ordinary whe-
ther and when to enter into the Churches and celebrate Maffes, there-
in we command all and every the general Colonels, Captains and o-
ther Officers of our Catholick Army to whom it appertaineth, that
they ſeverally punish all tranfgreffors of our aforefaid Command,
touching Murtherers, Maimers, Strikers, Thieves, Robbers, and if they
fail therein, we Command the Parish Prieſts, Curats or Chaplains, re-
ſpectively to declare them interdicted, and that they fhall be Excom-
municated, if they caufe not due fatisfaction to be made unto the
Common-wealth, and the party offended. And this the Pariſh Prieſts,
or Chaplains fhall obſerve under pain of Excommunication of fentence
given ipfo facto.
(F * z)
*
27. To
43
1
44
APPENDIX.
27. To the end that thefe Acts, Propofitions and Ordinances may
have more happy fuccefs; We thought it fittting to have recourſe un-
to God Almighty by Prayers, Faftings and Alms, We therefore will
pray and as far as it is needful, do command that every Prieft, as well
Secular, as Regular do celebrate one Maſs a week, and that all Lay-
men do faft upon Wedneſday, Friday, and Saturday in one week,
and thence forward one day a week, and upon that Wedneſday, or
Saturday, as long as the Ordinary fhall pleaſe, and that they pray
heartily unto God for the profperous ſucceſs of this our Catholick
War, for which they fhall gain fo many days indulgences, as every
Prelate fhall publiſh in their feveral Diocelles refpectively after the
Faſt of the aforefaid three days in one Week, having first confeffed,
and received the bleſſed Sacrament, and beſtowed fome Alms to this
effect.
28. In every Regiment of Souldiers, let there be appointed at leaſt
two Confeffors, and one Preacher, to be named by the Ordinaries and
by the Superiors of the Regulars, whofe competent maintenance we
commend and command to every Colonel, in their reſpective Regi-
ments. And to the end that all thoſe Ordinances and Statutes
may ef-
fectually be put in Execution, We will and decree that allArch-biſhops,
Biſhops, Apoftolical Vicars, and Regular Superiours, as well here pre
fent as abſent, may be very ſerious and careful of the Execution of the
aforefaid, as they tender not to incur difpleaſure,.wrath, and revenge,
and herewith we charge their Confciences.
29. Moreover, VVe pray and require, all Noblemen, Magiftrates,
and all other Marſhal Commanders, that with their helps and Secular
forces, they affiſt and ſet forward in Execution the aforesaid Statutes
in their feveral Precincts-reſpectively as often as it ſhall be needful; If
in any of the aforefaid Statutes any doubt or difficulty may by chance
arife, the explication thereof we reſerve to the Metropolitans in eve-
ry Province reſpectively, and to the Bishops in every their Dioceffes,
fuch of them as are no way contrary to this Caufe, no other perfon
may preſume to expound the aforefaid difficulties.
Hæc dicta, alta, ordinata,
fequentium Prælatorum.
statuta, fubfcripta erant nominibus
All thofe Judgments, Sayings, Acts, and Covenants, VVe fubmit
to the Judgment of the See Apoftolick.
Hugo Archiepifcopus Armachanus.
Thomas Archiepifcopus Caffelenfis.
Malachius Archiepifcopus Guamenum,
David Epifcopus Oforen.
Frater Boetius Epifcopus Elphinenfis.
Frater Patricius Epifcopus Waterforden.& Lyfmoren.
Frater Rochus Epifcopus Kildaren.
Johannis Electus Claunfarten.
Emerus Electus Dunen. & Conoren.
Frater Jofephus Everard, Procurator Archiepifcopi Dublinenſ.
Doctor Johannes Creagh Procurator Epifcopus Lymeriten.
David Bourck Willielmus O Connell Procurator Epifcopi Imolacen.
Donatus
· APPENDIX.
45
Donatus O Tearnan Procurator Epiſcopi Laonen.
Doctor Dionyfius Harty Decanus Laonenfis.
Doctor Michael Hacket Vicar. gener. Waterforden.
Gulielmus Devocer Vic.gener. Fernéfen.
Thomas Roch Vicar. Generalis Offoren.
Frater Lucas Archer Abbas Sanita Crucis.
:
Frater Anthonius de Rofario Ord. prad. Vicar. Provincial.
Robertus Nugent Societat. Jefu in Heb.
Frater Thadeus Connoldus Ang. pro Provinc.
Johannes Wareinge Decanus Lymericen.
Frater Patricius Darcye Guardian. Dublin.
Frater Thomas Strange Guardian. Waterford.
Frater Fofeph Landton, Prior Kilkenny.
Frater Tho. Tearnon Guard. de Dundalk.
Frater Johannes Reyly Guard. Kilkenny
Frater Boetius Egnanus Guard.Buttevant.
Jordanus Boork Archidiaconus Lymericenfis...
&
APPEN
46
APPENDIX VIII.
Fol. 98.
Orders made and eſtabliſhed by the Lords Spiritual
and Temporal, and the rest of the general Aſſem-
bly for the Kingdom of Ireland, met at the City
of Kilkenny, the 24th. day of October, Anno
Dom. 1642. and in the Eighteenth year of the
Reign of our Soveraign Lord the King Charles,
by the Grace of God King of Great Britain,
France and Ireland, &c.
'I
Mprimis, That the Roman Catholick Church in Ireland, fhall
and may have and enjoy the Priviledges and Immunities accord-
ing to the great Charter, made and declared within the Realm
of England, in the ninth year of King H. 3. fometime King of Eng-
land, and the Lord of Ireland, and afterwards enacted and confirmed
in this Realm of Ireland, and that the Common Law of England,and
all the Statutes of force in this Kingdom,which are not againſt the Ca-
tholick Roman Religion, on the Liberties of the Natives, and other
Liberties of this Kingdom, fhall be obferved throughout the whole
Kingdom, and that all Proceedings in Civil and Criminal Caſes fhall be
according to the faid Laws.
2. Item, That all and every perfon and perfons within this Realm,
fhall bear Faith and true Allegiance unto our Soveraign Lord King
Charles, by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, His Heirs and Succeffors, and fhall uphold and maintain his and
their Rights and lawful Prerogatives, with the utmoſt skill and
er of ſuch perſon or perſons againſt all manner of perfonis what-
foever.
pow-
3. Item, That the Common Laws of England and Ireland, and the
faid Statutes called the great Charter, and every Claufe, Branch and
Article thereof, and all other Statutes confirming, expounding or de-
claring the fame, fhall be punctually obferved within this Kingdom,
fo far forth as the Condition of the prefent times, during theſe times,
can by poffibilities give way thereunto,and after the War is ended the
fame to be obſerved without any Limitation or Reſtriction whatſo-,
ever.
4. In
砦
​APPENDIX.
4. Inafmuch as the City of Dublin is the ufual and principal
Seat of Juftice in this Kingdom, where the Parliament and ordinary
Courts were held, and fome other places where principal Councils
were ſometimes kept, and as yet poffeffed and commanded by the
malignant party who are Enemies to God and their King, and his Ma-
jefties well-affected Subjects: The Allembly is neceffitated during
this VVar in fome formalities and circumſtances to deviate from the
proceedings prefcrib'd by the faid Laws and Statutes; nevertheles
retaineth the fubftance and Effence thereof, fo far-forth as the endleſs
malice and cruelty of their Enemics, the faid malignant party, doth
permit, who fhut up the faid places and other pallages and ways to
his Majefties Juſtice and Mercy from his Majefties well-affected Sub-
jects of this Kingdom; for the Exaltation therefore of the holy Ro-
man Catholick Church, for the advancement of his Majefties Service,
and the preſervation of the Lives, Eſtates, and liberties of his Maje-
fties true Subjects of this Kingdom againſt the Injustice, Murders, Maf
facres, Rapes, Depredations, Robberies, Burnings, frequent breaches
of Quarter and publick Faith, and deftruction daily perpetrated and
acted upon his Majeſties faid Subjects; and advis'd, contriv'd, and
daily exercis'd by the faid malignant Party; fome of them managing
the Government and Affairs of State in Dublin, fome other parts of
this Kingdom to his Highneſs great differvice, and complying with
their Confederates, the malignant Party in England and elſewhere,
who (as it is manifeft to all the world) do complot, and practice to dif
honour and deſtroy his Majefty, his Royal Confort the Queen, their
Iffue, and the Monarchal Government, which is of moft dangerous
confequence to all the Monarchs and Princes in Chriſtendom.
The faid Affembly doth order and eſtabliſh a Councel by name
A Supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland, who
are to confift of the number of 24. to be forthwith nam'd by the Af
fembly, whereof 12, at the leaft, to be forthwith nam'd fhall refide
in this Kingdom, or where-elfe they fhall think expedient; And the
members of the faid Council fhall have equal Votes, and two parts of
the three or more concurring preſent Votes to conclude,and no fewer
to fit in Council than 9, whereof 7 at leaſt are to concur; And of the
24 a Preſident ſhall be nam'd of the Affembly, who is to be one of
the twelve refident; and if in caſe of his death, abfence, or ſickneſs,
the reſt of theſe who ſhall be refident, may name a Vice-prefident of
the 24.
3
And the faid Council fhall have the Power and preheminence fol-
lowing, viz. The Lords, Generals, and all other Commanders of
Armies, and Civil Magiftrates and Officers in the feveral Provinces
ſhal! obferve their Orders and Decrees, and fhall do nothing contrary
to their directions, and ſhall give them ſpeedy advertiſement and ac-
count of their proceedings and actions with as much expedition as
may be.
That the faid Council fhall have power to order and determine all
fuch matters as by this Affembly fhall be left undetermined, and
ſhall be recommended unto them, and their Orders therein to be of
force until the next Affembly, and after until the fame be revoked.
That the faid Council fhall have Power and Authority to do and ex-
*cute all manner of Acts and things conducing to the advancement of
the
47
48
APPENDIX.
the Catholick Caufe, and the good of this Kingdom, and concern-
ing this VVar, as if done by the Affembly.
And fhall have power to hear and determine all matters Capital,
Criminal or Civil, except the Right or Title of Land.
That the Generals and other Commanders of Armies, and all Go-
vernors and civil Magiſtrates, and all other perfons within this Realm
fhall obey the Orders and Decrees of the faid Council touching the
prefent Service.
That the Council fhall have for their Guard the number of
500
Foot and 200 Horſe, to be equally extracted out of the Armies of
the four Provinces.
5. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd, that in every Pro-
vince of this Kingdom there fhall be a Provincial-councel, and in e-
very County a County-councel: the Provincial-councel to be com-
pos'd of the number of two of each County, and the faid Provincial-
councel fhal chufe a Prefident for themſelves.
6. That the Provincial-councel fhall fit four times a Year, and oft-
ner if there be caufe for it. That they fhall have power and Autho-
rity to renew or reverſe the Judgment of the County-councel, the
party complaining, entring Security De adjudicat' (olvend'. And
fhall (during the trouble) have power to hear and determine all mat-
ters of the Crown as Judges of Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol-deli-
very were wont to do, fo that no Spiritual perfon be prefent at the
determining matters of blood. And fhall have power to hear and
determine all civil Caufes, and to eſtabliſh Rents and Poffeffions, fo
that they meddle not with the Title of Land, other than in caſe of
Dower and Joynture. And the Sheriffs, Provincial-generals, and all
Commanders of the Armies in cafe of Difobedience, are refpective-
ly required to execute the Decrees and Orders: And in cafe of Debts
and Accounts, great confideration is to be had of the diſabilities of
Creditors occafion'd by the VVar.
7. Item, In every County there fhall be a County-councel, confiſt-
ing of one or two of each Barony at the Election of the County:
and where there are no Baronies, the Councel of fuch County to con-
fift of the number of 12.
And the ſaid County-council fhall have power and Authority in all
points as Juſtices of the Peace to hear and determine all the matters
concerning the Offices of the Juftice of Peace, and all matters of the
Crown happening within every fuch County: and the Delinquent
may, if he pleaſe, have his Trial in the Province; and to hear and
determine Debts, Trefpaffes, and perfonal Demands, and to do all
things as Juſtices of the Peace were accuſtomed to do; and to reſtore
and eſtabliſh poffeffions taken by force or fraud fince thefe troubles.
And likewife to take a fpecial care that Tenants aud Farmers be kept
to their Farms where they were ufed, and to be preferv'd from Ex
tortion and Oppreffion. And that Trades, Tradefmen, Manufactures,
Agriculture, and Husbandry be maintained and duly kept
8. Item, In Cities and Towns Corporate, Juſtice is to be done, and
the Laws executed, as is accuſtomed.
9. Item, In every County there fhall be Coroners, High-Sheriffs,
High-Conſtables, and petty-Conftables and Gaolers, who are to do
their refpective Offices as accuſtomed; the High-Sheriff to be con-
firm'd,
1
1
APPENDIX.
firm'd or nominated by the Supream Council; and the High-Sheriff
is required to execute the Commands, Orders,and Decrees of the Pro-
vincial and County-council.
10. Item, In every County the High-Sheriff fhall be Provoſt-Mar-
fhal, and fhall have power to execute a Layman not worth 5 l. and
none other for Murther, Man-flaughter, Burglary, Theft, Robbery,
or other capital Offence; provided,the party to be executed may have
24 hours time to prepare his Soul: And that the Supream and Pro-
vincial-council, fhall and may name more Provoft-Marſhals as they
fhall think expedient, qualified with the like Authority.
I
11. Item, It is further order'd, that no Temporal Government or
Jurifdiction fhall be affumed, kept, or exerciſed in this Kingdom, or
within any County or Province thereof, during theſe troubles, other
than is before expreffed, except fuch Jurifdiction and Government as
is or fhall be approv'd by the General Affembly or the Supream
Council.
12. Item, It is further order'd, that whosoever hath enter'd fince
the first day of October, 1641. or fhall hereafter during the continu-
ance of the War in this Kingdom, enter into the Lands, Tenements,or
Hereditaments at or immediately before the firſt day of October,
either by himſelf or his Under-tenants, or by receiving the Rents,
Iffues, or profits thereof, fhall immediately reſtore, upon demand,
the faid polleffion to the party or parties fo put out, with fuch rea-
fonable damages as the Council-provincial fhall think fit. And if
the party do refuſe to reſtore the faid poffeffion as aforefaid upon
the Demand of the party fo put out, his Heirs or Affigns, made to
the faid poffeffor, his Servants and Adherents in the Premiſſes, or
publication of this Order in the Parish, where fuch Land lieth; that
upon his or their denial thereof, or default therein, he, his Heirs and
Affigns fhall be for ever after debarr'd and fecluded from all and e-
very Right, Title, Intereſt or Demand which he or they make, or
pretend to all or any the faid Lands, Tenements, Hereditaments.
And if after fuch Denial or Default made,the faid party, his Heirs, or
Afffens fhall not immediately reſtore the poffeffion of the faid Lands,
Tenements or Hereditaments fo gain'd to the party griev'd, his
Heirs or Affigns, That he, they, or his Adherents, in the premiſes
fhall be declared and proceeded with as Enemies: provided, and fo
it is meant, That if any of the parties fo put out, be declar'd a
Neuter or Enemy by the Supream or Provincial-councel, then the
party who gain'd the poffeffion as aforefaid, fhall give up the poffef-
fion to ſuch perſon or perfons as fhall be nam'd either by the faid
Council-provincial, or Supream Council to be difpos'd of towards the
maintenance of the general Cauſe upon the pain and penalty afore-
faid: And as for the Rents and mean profits of the faid Lands, Te-
nements and Hereditaments, and all kind of Rents, and the Goods or
Chattels taken or detain'd from any Catholick, as aforefaid, due fa-
tisfaction is to be made for the fame to the parties from whom the
Rents, Goods or Chattles, were, or fhall be detain'd fince theſe
troubles begun, as the Provincial and County-council fhall refpective-
ly order.
13. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſhed for the removal of
evil diforder and enmity, and to the end all Men may bend their
thoughts
(G*).
-
49
50
APPENDIX.
thoughts and actions to the common Caufe, that all poffeffions of
Lands and Hereditaments fhall continue and remain unto fuch as
have already join'd in this Union, as they have been for three
years
paft next before the beginning of thefe Troubles; And that no
Title of Lands fhall be drawn into any Debate or Queſtion until the
next Affembly, other than in cafe of Mortgages, Leafes, and particu-
lar Eftates de facto determin'd or determinable, by Effluxion or o-
ther determination thereof.
14. Item, For the avoiding of National diftinction between the
Subjects of his Majefties Dominions, which this Allembly doth ut-
terly deteft and abhor, and which ought not to be endured in a well-
govern'd Commonwealth; It is ordered and eſtabliſhed that upon
pain of the higheſt punishment, which may be inflicted by Autho-
rity of this Allembly, that every Roman Catholick, as well English,
Welsh, as Scotch, who was of that profeffion before the troubles, and
who will come and pleaſe to refide in this Kingdom and join in the
prefent Union, fall be preferv'd and cherish'd in his Life, Goods,
and Eſtates by the Power, Authority, and force (if need require) of
all the Catholicks of Ireland, as fully and freely as any Native born
therein, and fhall be acquitted and eas'd of one third part (in three
parts to be divided) of publick Charges or Levies rais'd or to be rais'd
for the maintenance of this holy VVar.
15. Item, And it is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd, that there fhall
be no diftinction or compariſon made betwixt old Irish, and old and
new English,or between Septs or Families, or between Citizens and
Townſmen and Countreymen, joyning in union, upon pain of the
higheſt puniſhment that can be inflicted by any of the Councils a-
forefaid, according to the nature and quality of the Offences, and Di-
viſion like to ſpring thence.
16. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd; that all new Con-
verts born in any of his Majefties Dominions or elſewhere, without
occaſion given by the perfons converted to the contrary, and joyning
in this Caufe, fhall be accounted Catholick Natives to all intents and
purpoſes..
17. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd, that all Artificers,
Artizans, Navigators, and Mariners not being Denizens, who fhall
pleaſe to refide in this Kingdom, fhall, during their Reſidence in this
Kingdom, after fuch time as they and their Families fhall be here ſet-
led, have and enjoy the free liberty and priviledges of Natives in all
respects.
18. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd, that in regard of
of the preſent Eftate and condition of this Kingdom, if any Catholick
or Catholicks are admitted of, or permitted to continue in the Inns
of Court; and to the end the laudable Laws of England may not
die amidſt the Diſaſters of thefe times; one Inn of Court fhall be
erected in ſuch a place of this Kingdom as to the Supream Council
fhall be thought fit, for the training of the Gentry of this Kingdom.to
the knowledg of thefe Laws.
19. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd, that no Lord,
Gentleman, or any other perfon, fhall raife or keep any Company of
Souldiers, but fuch as fhall be authoriz'd by the Supream Council,
Provincial-council, or County-council, or Magiftrate within their own
Cor-
APPENDIX.
Corporate Towns; And that the Statute againſt Seffe, and Coin or Li-
very be duly put in execution. And that no Company or Souldiers
whatſoever fhall be paid or reliev'd by the Countrey, except fuch as
are and fhall be inrolled in the Marſhal Lift; And none fhall be billeted
but by the Conſtable.
20. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd for the advancement
of Learning, that in every Province of the Kingdom Free-Schools
fhall be erected and maintain'd,fo many,and in fuch places, and in fuch
manner and form as by the Metropolitan of the Diocefs in their refpe-
ctive Provinces fhall be thought fit.
21. Item, It is further ordered and establish'd, that the King's Cu-
toms, Rents, Revenues, Arrears and Debts, And the Rents, Eftates
and profits of the Lands, Hereditaments, Goods and Chattels of the
Enemies which are or fhall be declared by the Provincial or Supream
Council, or by the General Council to be receiv'd and collected, and
be difpos'd for his Majefties ufe and fervice.
22. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd, that Church-lands
and Tithes impropriate in the Catholick-owners before theſe trou-
bles,and joyning in this Cauſe, may be left to them according to their
feveral Eftates, until the fame be diſpoſed of by Parliament; they in
the interim anſwering the Rents as accuſtomed.
23. Item, It is further ordered and eſtabliſh'd, that in every
County there be Collectors and Receivers to be approved in the
County council for the fame; And that they be accountable to the
County-council for the fame, which County-council fhall be account-
able to the Provincial-council therein half-yearly, and the Provin-
cial-council to the Supream-Council yearly, to the end the ſame may
not be conceal'd or mifapplied.
24. Item, It is ordered and agreed, where any Arch-bifhops, Bi-
fhops, or other Dignitary, or any other perfon or perfons whatfo-
ever hath, or enjoyeth any Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments,
Tithes, or other Church-Livings in one County or Province, or doth
or fhall keep his or their Refidence in another County or Province,
and hath his or their Creation, or Nomination in any other County
or Province where the faid Lands, Tenements, Hereditaments,
Tithes, or Church-Livings to the general ufe fhall be employed with-
in the faid County or Province, where the faid Lands, Tenements,
Tithes, or Church-Livings do lie, as by the feveral County-councils
respectively fhall be thought fit for the publick Caufe.
25. Item, It is ordered and eſtablifh'd by the general Affembly,
that any Woman being a Roman Catholick and Wife of any Pro-
teftant or Catholicks that hath forfaken his Houſes, Eftate, and Wife,
and adhered unto the Enemy, that every fuch VVife may enter into
her Jointure (if any be convey'd unto her), or may recover her
Thirds of her faid Husband's Eftate, as if her faid Husband were
actually dead; And that every fuch VVife fhall be in fuch condition
and capacity to fue and be impleaded, as if her Husband had been
exiled and banished the Realm by judgment of Law, except the Pro-
vincial-council, or Supream-Council in Particular Cafes order the
contrary.
26. Item, It is ordered and eſtabliſh'd, that the poffeffion of Pro-
teftant Arch-bishops, Bishops, Deans, Dignitaries, and Parfons in
(G2 *)
right
51
52
APPENDIX.
right of their reſpective Churches, or their Tenements in the begin
ning of theſe troubles, fhall be deem'd taken and conftrued as the
then Poffeffion of the Catholick Arch-bishops, Bishops, Deans, Dig-
nitaries, Paſtors and their Tenements refpectively, to all intents and
purpoſes; and that thofe Poffeffions are intended within the Preced-
ent Order for fettlement of Poffeffions.
27. Item, It is ordered and eſtabliſhed, that no man being Prifoner,
by Authority of any of the Councils aforefaid (without order of
the faid Councils refpectively) fhall be enlarged: And that no Pro-
tection be given to fervants and other men of the Enemies Party
without the like Order, or the Order of the chief Commander of the
Army in the feveral Provinces or Counties.
28. Item, Whereas abuſes have been committed in fome parts of this
Kingdom in taking of Arms, Ammunition, and other Merchandizes
from Merchants arrived in the Creeks and Harbours far from their in-
tended Port, by reafon of Tempeft, or the danger of Enemies, to the
greatdifcouragement of Merchants: It is therefore ordered and eſtabli-
thed that where any Ship or Ships, or otherVeffels,fhall come or arrive
in any Harbour, Bay, or Creek, within this Kingdom, loaden with
Arms, Ammunition or other Merehandize, that in fuch cafes all thofe
that are or ſhall be in Command in the adjacent Counties refpective-
ly fhall protect and defend the faid Merchants, procure Carriage for
the faid Goods, and fafely convey the fame to the faid Merchants in-
tended Fort, and not to ſuffer the fame, or any of the fame under
colour of paying for the fame, or otherwife, to be difpofed of or taken,
before the fame come to the intended Port, and be entred into the Lift
of the Commiffioners: And any that fhall Rob,Steal,or Violently take
away any of the faid Goods contrary to this Order, fhall be deemed
and punished as Enemies to the publick good of this Kingdom, and
fuffer death therefore.
29. Item, That certain Commiffioners hall be appointed in every
Port-Town of the Free-men and Refidents therein by the Provincial
or Supreme Council, for the viewing of all the Arms and Ammuni-
tion that ſhall be hereafter imported into this Kingdom from be-
yond Seas, and to certifie the fame to the Supreme Council withall
ſpeed, and to prevent abuſes in the Sale for iffuing or difpofing of
them.
30. Item, It is ordered and eſtabliſhed, that where Souldiers do
run from their Garrifons, or Commanders unto other Counties or
or Provinces, that the Commanders or chief Governours of the faid
County or Province, upon complaint made thereof, fhall fend back
the Fugitive Souldiers to their Commanders to be dealt withal ac-
cording to Juſtice..
31. Item, It is ordered and eſtabliſhed, that the Debts and other
Duties owing to Creditors of this Union being Neuters and Ene-
mies, fhall be paid out of the Goods, Lands, Tenements, and Here-
ditaments of the faid Neuters, and Enemies refpectively, before any
other publick charge be anſwered thereout.
32. Item, It is ordered and eſtabliſhed, that no Souldiers or other
Perfons, without Command from the County-Council, meddle with
the Lands or Goods of Neuters or Enemies.
33. Ilcin,
APPENDIX.
53
>
33. Item, it is ordered and eſtabliſhed, that to prevent the ſpring-
ing up of all National diftinctions, the Oath of Affociation or
Union be taken folemnly, after Confeffion and receiving the Sacra-
ment in the Parish Churches, throughout the Kingdom, and the
Names of all the Perſons of Rank and Quality in every Pariſh that
take the fame,to be enrolled in Parchment,and to be Return'd,Sign'd,
and Seal'd by the Pariſh Prieſt to the Ordinary of every Diocefs,
who is to keep the fame in his Treaſury, and to certifie a Copy there-
of under Seal to the Metropolitan, who is to keep that, and to cer-
tifie a true Copy thereof under his Metropolitical Seal to the Rolls of
the Kingdom, where the fame is to be enrolled.
APPEN
54
APPENDIX, IX.
Fol. 99.
By the Lords, Juftices, and Councel.
W. Parfons. Jo. Borlafe.
W
Hereas for (pecial reaſons of State moving Us thereunto,
We iſſued divers VVarrants, forbidding his Majefties
Army, to burn certain Houfes and Corn, and to forbear
pillaging, spoiling, and taking away Goods and Cattle of
divers perfons; And whereas alfo not only We the Lords, Juftices,
or one of Us, or our very good Lord the Earl of Ormond and Ollory,
Lieutenant General of the Army, but also the late and prefent Com-
mander or Commanders of his Majefties Forces in the City of Dublin, or
in Drogheda and other places within the Province of Lemfter (fome
of them having no authority or direction fo to do and iffued War-
rants admitting fundry perfons (many of which perfons by their
prefent ill demerits in this General Rebellion, might justly have
been forthwith profecuted with fire and fword) with fafety to
bring or fend to the Markets of Dublin, Drogheda, and other places,
Corn and other provisions, to be there fold, which was done in ex-
pectation that by that forbearance used towards them, when they
Jaw just vengeance taken on others for the fame adhering to, and re-
lieving those who in this Rebellion publickly carry Arms, and com-
mit open Acts of Hoftility, they might be moved to depart from ad-
hering to, or relieving thofe notorious Actors in the Rebellion, in
gratitude to his Majefty and this State, for fo much clemency used
towards them; yet so ungrateful have many or most of those perfons
been found, and fo infenfible of the duty and loyaltie of good Sub-
jects to his Majesty, as notwithstanding that clemency used to-
wards them, they have not returned the fruits of Loyaltie expected
from them, but on the contrary have run on in their former rebelli-
ous courfes, not fo much as having to this time offered any affiftance
to this State, or any the Governors or Commanders of the Army, and
have murdered many English and other Subjects in feveral parts:
it being obferved, that if any of his Majefties good Subjects, Soul-
diers or others, pass by, not strongly guarded, they are fet upon and
murthered in the High-ways and paſſages as they travel, the very
Plewomen
APPENDIX.
55
nor
Plowmen and those that keep Cattle, having continually Arms ly-
ing by them in the Fields, to murther thofe his Majefties good Sub-
jects when they find them weakly guarded; and on the other fide
when they find them firongly guarded, they feem to go on in their
Plowing and Husbandry, Thewing thofe Warrants for their fafely,
and feeming to be poor, innocent, and harmless Labourers. And al-
though the aforesaid open Rebels were frequently in fome of their
Houles, and continually round about them, they never gave us any
intelligence concerning the proceedings of thofe open Rebels,
of the places where they had often meetings, and where they might
be found to be fallen on by his Majefties Army, which they might
eafily have done, if their affections to his Majefty and his Govern
ment had been fuch as by the Laws of God they ought to be, or if
they defired to live humbly in obedience to the Laws, as some of
them pretend: And albeit in many of the faid VVarrants there
were conditions expressed, and in all of them Conditions implyed,
that the parties taking benefit thereby, fhould behave themselves
as becomes dutiful and Loyal Subjects, whereby We might justly
proceed.to their deferved Correction, without any violation on Our
parts of the faid VVarrants, or the word thereby given. And al-
beit also that most of thoſe VVarrants were not in themselves Pro-
tections to the parties, further than in giving them leave to bring
or fend Corn and other provifions to the Markets, whereby their
Servants, or Horfes, or Provisions fhould not be feized on by the
Souldiers when they came to the Markets, which admittance fell
out as well for their benefit, as intended for the furnishing of the
Market; Tet because We find that the further continuing of thofe
VVarrants, do now appear inevitably to induce a great inconve
nience to his Majefties General Service, and many of thofe people
do either ignorantly (or perhaps purpoſely) miſtake the true fenfe
and meaning of thofe VVarrants, and do give out to interpret
them to be Protections granted to them for the safety of their
Lives and Eftates,, how foul foever they are in their crimes
which is an interpretation that cannot justly be made out of the let
ter or meaning of those VVarrants; yet in regard We (who are
entrusted here by His Majefty for the government of this His King-
dom and People), are so tender of His Majefties Honour, as VVe
neither have done, nor will do any thing, that by any construction
can be interpreted a Breach of any word given by Us, neither
have defired or willingly permitted any violence or hurt to be
done to any Inhabitant, or any prejudice, other than for the necef
fary Defence and fafety of this State, and other His Majefties good
Subjects, against those that took up Arms against His Majefty. And
for that we are now neceffitated to refolve, not to fuffer this State
to be any longer deluded and abuſed, and His Majefties good Sub-
jects murthered (even as it were in our own view in fcorn and
affront of the State) and fome of the actors paſſing with impunity
under countenance of thefe VVarrants, VVe think fit before we
proceed to the just Correction of those who have fo declared
themfelves Enemies to the Peace of this Kingdom, hereby to pub-
lish and declare that the faid VVarrants fo granted by Us the Lords,
Juftices, or either of Us, or by Us the Lords, Juftices and Councel,
>
J
56
APPENDIX.
or by the faid Lieutenant General of the Army, or by the faid late.
or prefent Commanders of the Forces of this City, or by any His Ma-
jefties Commanders in Drogheda, or other places, to any person or
perfons within the Baronies of Caſtle-knock, Nethercrois, Balro-
thery or Coolock in the County of Dublin, or within the Baronies of
Duleeke, Skryne, Moyfenragh, Ratoath, Deece and Dunboyne in
the County of Meath, fhall from and after the four and twentieth
day of this Month, ftand void, and be annulled, repealed, and revo-
ked; and we do hereby accordingly from and after the faid day
revoke, repeal, make void and annul them, and every of them, to
all intents and purposes, as if they had never been granted, and do
order that from and after the faid day, they be of no force, nor
derive any benefit, Protection, or Security in the parties to whom
they were granted. And this Proclamation, we hereby require the
Major and Sheriffs of the City of Dublin, to caufe to be proclaimed
and published on two Market-days in and throughout the faid City
and Suburbs, and to be publickly fixed up in the Market-place, and
other publick places in the faid City and Suburbs, that ſo all men
may take notice thereof, and that hereafter (when by the power
and ftrength of his Majefties Army) Offenders receive due pu
nishment, they may appear inexcufable, and not have any colour to
pretend the leaft Breach of word in this State.
Given at his Majeſties Caſtle of Dublin the 10. of June, .1642.
Ormond Offory.
Rofcomon.
Ad. Loftus.
7. Temple.
Fra. Willoughby.
Tho. Lucas.
Ja. Ware.
Geo. Wentworth.
Tho. Rotherham:
Rob. Meredith.
God fave the King.
This
¿
APPENDIX.
This relates to what is mentioned in the end of the
fecond Paragraph Fol.102. Juftifying the State
in the revoking of Protections, given contrary
to their Order, and the Abuſe the Protected made
thereof.
By the Lords,Juftices,and Council.
W. Parfons. Jo, Borlafe.
W
Hereas in the beginning of this hideous and deteftable Re-
bellion, We the Lords fuftices and Council, defirous if it
might be to give (ome fudden ftop thereunto, fo to prevent
the spreading thereof, and the growth of it to that height to which it
bath fithence rifen, and conceiving that at that time the multitude
were by evil Council, or falfe rumors feduced to partake in that Re-
bellion, who not knowing the truth and depth of the Combination,
We did think, could not fo wretchedly fail in their Duty and Loyalty
to their most Gracious King and Soveraign, as so univerfally to per-
fist in their courfe of Disobedience to his Majesties Authority, but
would with treatable and fair admonitions, laying before them their
great danger and the iniquity of their enterprise, have returned to
their obedience, We therefore on the 27th. of October laft, authori-
fed divers perfons of quality and trust for the ſeveral Counties of
Down, Antrim, Armagh, Monaghan, Cavan, Tirone and Ferma-
nagh (amongst other Powers then entrusted with them) to parly
with the Rebels, or any of them, and by Proclamation, or otherwise,
to proffer his Majefties Grace and Mercy to them, or any of them, and
to receive fuch of them into his Majesties Grace and Mercy as fhould
Submit themselves and defire the fame. Yet We held fit then to accom-
pany the laid Commiffion with our Letters to the faid Commiffioners,
wherein We fignified to them, that although by the faid Commiffion We
gave them that power, yet We did then let them know that for those
who were Chief among the Rebels, and Ring-leaders of the rest to
disobedience, that We adjudged them less worthy of favour then the
others, whom they had mif-guided. And therefore for thoſe princi-
pal perfons We required them to take care not to be too forward
(without first confulting this Board) in proffering or promifing mercy
to thole, unless they the Commiſſioners saw it of great and unavoidable
neceffity. Which power entrusted by Us with the faid Commiffioners
was then granted,in respect of the conjuncture of affaires at thit time,
and to answer the then fudden extremities in the publick ſervice. And
whereas We have now received information that a long time after
the faid power entrusted with them, and when the State of the Coun
trey is far different from the Condition wherein it stood at the
(H *)
Jung
57
0
58
APPENDIX.
4
other
iſſuing of the faid Commiffion, and after the general Conspiracy was
fully discovered; and that the Rebels of all degrees and conditions
had with hateful and bloody obftinacy declared their purpose to
extirp the Brittish, throughout the whole Kingdom, without hope of
reconcilement, other then by the strength of his Majefties forces, fome
of the faid Commissioners (notwithstanding the premonition given
them by Our faid Letters, and without confulting this Board therein)
have given Protections of late to many of the faid Rebels being prin-
cipal perfons and freeholders, which Protections are (in fundry re-
Spects found to be a mighty hindrance to His Majefties Service in
thofe parts, and tending to His Majefties lofs and disadvantage.
And albeit We are informed that thofe perfons fo protected have by
their mis-behaviours fince the Protections granted to them, violated
the express or implyed conditions of all Protections, which befides the
unreasonableness of the granting of them, contrary to the intent of
Our direction in Our faid Letters, might justly give caufe to have
thofe Rebells immediately faln upon, and cut off. Yet in regard We
who are entruſted here by His Majesty for the Government of this
His Kingdom and People, are ſo tender of His Majefties honour; as
We neither have done, nor will do any thing, that by any conftruction,
can be interpreted a breach of any word given by Us, or any
authorized by Us. We think fit before we proceed to the just correcti
on of thofe Rebels, hereby to publish and declare, that all the faid
Protections granted fince the first of March last to any person or per-
fons whatsoever, in the County of Downe, or other Counties above
named, shall at the end of ten days next after the pubiſhing of this
Proclamation at Down-Patrick or Strangford in the faid County of
Down, or at any other publick place in any of the faid Counties re-
Spectively, ftand void and be annulled, repealed and revoked. And we
do hereby accordingly from and after the faid ten days revoke, repeal,
make void and annull them, and every of them, to all intents and
purpoſes, as if they had never been granted, and do Order that from
and after the Jaid ten days, they be of no force, nor derive any bene-
fit, protection or fecurity to any of the parties to whom they were fo
granted. And this Proclamation We require the Sheriff of the County
of Downe, and the feveral Sheriffs of the faid feveral Counties refpe-
ctively, to cause to be proclaimed and published at Down-Patrick and
Strangford aforesaid, and at fome publick places in the faid feveral
Counties respectively, that fo all persons whom it may concern,may take
notice thereof, and that hereafter when by the Power and Strength
of His Majefties Army the faid Offenders receive due puniſhment for
their high tranfgreffions, they may not have any colour to pretend the
leaft breach of word in this State or any the Minifters thereof.
Given at His Majefties Caſtle of Dublin the 19th day of August, 1641.
La. Dublin. J. Temple.
Ormond Offory. Tho, Lucas.
Cha, Lambert.
Ja. Ware.
Ad. Loftus.
Rob. Meredith.
Pope
APPENDIX.
59
Pope Urban the Eight's Grant of Indulgence to
"Owen Roe O Neal, referrable to Fol. 136. men-
tioned in Mahony's Difp. Apologet. p. 41.
Det
Dilecto filio Eugenio O Nello.
Ilecte fili, Salutem. Nullum prætermittere foles occafionem, quà
non Majorum tuorum Veftigiis infiftens Eximium Zelum, &
propaganda Ecclefiæ ftudium perfpectum facis, idque luculenter in
præfentia præftitifti,in Hiberniam proficifci cogitans,ut Catholicorum
rationibus præsto fis. Quam ob rem pergrata Nobis advenerunt
Litera, quibus Hujufmodi itineris deliberationem declaras, &rei
falicitèr gerende principium à cælesti ope aufpicatus, non minus
bumilter quam religiofe Apoftolicam benedictionem a Nobis postulas.
Præclarum hunc in te ardorem & conftantiam adverfus hæreticos, &
veræ fidei animum, non parum laudamus: tuæque jam pridem pieta-
tis confcii à te expectamus in hac opportunitate strenui atque excelfi
roboris documenta, que antehac fingularem nominus famam tibi com-
parârunt. Illorum paritèr commendamus Confilium, quos tuo exci-
tans exemplo fignificafti: fperamus autem fore, ut Altiffimus tua
caufæ præfto fit, ut Notam faciat in populis Virtutem fuam. Interim,
ut confidentius cuncta aggrediamini, Nos divinam Clementiam in-
definentèr orantes, ut adverfariorum conatus in nihilum redigat;
tibi cæterifque Catholicorum rem in prædicto regno Curaturis
noftram libenter impartimur benedictionem Univerfifqne & fingulis,
fi verè pænitentes confeffi fuerint, & Sacra Communione fi fieri
poffit) debitè refecti, plenariam fuorum peccatorum veniam remif-
fionem; atque in Mortis articulo Indulgentiam etiam plenariam
elargimur. Datum Rome fub Annulo Pifcatoris die 8. Octobris
1642. Pontificatûs Noftri Anno 20.
✰
(H 2 *)
APPENDIX
拳
​60
APPENDIX X.
Fol. 141.
By the Lords, Juftices, and Councel.
Jo. Borlafe. Hen. Tichborne.
Hereas We have lately feen a Printed Paper, intitled, a
W folemn League and Covenant for reformation and defence of
Religion, the Honour and happiness of the King, and the
Peace and safety of the three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, which feems to have been Printed at London, on the ninth
day of October 1643.
And forafmuch as in the faid League or Covenant, there are di-
vers things contained not only tending to a feditious Combination a-
gainst Hu Majesty, but also contrary to the municipal Laws of this
Kingdom of Ireland, and deftructive to the Church-Government
eftablished by Law in this Kingdom, And for that by the Laws
of this Kingdom, no Oath ought to be tendred to, or taken by any per-
fon or perfons whatfoever in this Kingdom, but before a Judge or
other person thereunto Lawfully Authorifed by His Majesty, and
for that the faid League or Covenant is now endeavoured to be fet on
foot in this Kingdom, without His Majefties Privity, Direction, or
Allowance. And in regard it is directly contrary to the Liberty and
Freedom of the Subject, to be by any fuch Oath or Covenant pre-enga-
ged, And for that the setting on foot at this time in this Kingdom the
Jaid League or Covenant, without His Majefties Allowance,may not cn-
ly beget much diftraction and unquietness amongst His Majesties good
Subjects, but also may prove very penal to all those who shall prefume
to tender or take the fame: We therefore for prevention of fuch mif
chiefs do in His Majefties Name ftrictly charge and command, all His
Majefties good Subjects of what degree or quality foever within this
Kingdom, upon their Allegiance to His Majefties, that they prefume
not to enter into or take the faid League, Covenant or Oath. And we do
likewife inhibit and forbid all His Majefties Subjects in this King-
dom, to impoſe, adminifter, or tender the faid League, Oath, or Cove-
nant. And if notwithstanding this our Proclamation, any person fhall
prefume to impofe, tender, or take the faid League, Oath or Covenant,
"We shall proceed against him or them with all feverity according to
the known Laws of the Land.
Given at His Majeſties Caſtle of Dublin, the 18.day of Decemb. 1643.
Ri.Bolton. Canc. Edw.Brabazon. Gerrard Lowther. Ja. Ware,
Ant. Midenfis. Tho. Rotherham. G.Wentworth,
Cha.Lambart. Fra. Willoughby.
La. Dublin.
Ormonde.
Roſcomon.
Geo.Shurley. Tho. Lucas.
GOD SAVE THE KING.
APPEN-
F
APPENDIX XI.
Fol. 141.
The Copy of a Letter written by direction of the
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons
in Parliament Affembled, to feveral Comman-
ders and Officers of his Majefties Army, and others in the
Kingdom of Ireland.
A
Fter our very hearty Commendations. The Lords and Commons
Affembled in Parliament, in this His Majesties Kingdom of
Ireland, have commanded us to fignifie unto you,that they have
Lately feen a Printed Paper, intituled a folemn League and Cove-
nant for Reformation and defence of Religion, the honour and hap-
pineſs of the King, and the Peace and fafety of the three Kingdoms
of England, Scotland, and Ireland, which feems to have been Printed
at London,on the ninth day of October 1643. That they have also seen
a Printed Proclamation, dated the eighteenth day of December last,
and fet out by the Right Honourable the late Lords Justices and
Council, expreffing diverse great and Weighty Reasons against the
Said League and Covenant, and therefore Commanding all his Ma-
jefties good Subjects, of what Degree or Quality foever within this
Kingdom, upon their Allegiance to his Majesty, That they prefume not
to enter into or take the faid League, Covenant or Oath, and inhi
biting and forbidding all His Majefties Subjects in this Kingdom,to
impoſe, adminiſter, or tender the faid League, Oath or Covenant, That
upon ſerious debate and confideration taken by the Lords and Com-
mons, of the faid League and Covenant, and Proclamation, They find
the faid Proclamation to have been fet out with great Wisdom and
Realon, and do highly Commend the Judgement of the faid Lords,
Juftices and Council therein, and as both Houses do fully concurr
therein in all the parts thereof, So they have exprefly Commanded us
to fignifie the fame unto you, and in their names to let you know, That
it is their express Pleaſure that you and all the Commanders,Officers
and Souldiers of His Majefties Army, and all others His Majefties
Subjects in this Kingdom, whom it may concern, do render all due
Obedience and Obfervation to the faid Proclamation in all the parts
thereof. And this being to nother end, We remain
Dublin Caſtle,
xviii.die April.
Anno Dom.
1644.
Your very Loving Friends
Ri. Bolton, Canc.
Maur. Euftace, Speaker
of the House of Commons.
Fol.
61
62
APPENDIX.
་
Fol. 142. There is mention made of the Proteftants Ar-
rival at Oxford, where they deliver'd to his Majefty this
Petition.
To the Kings molt Excellent Majeſty.
The humble Petition of divers of your Majeflies Proteftant Subjects
in your Kingdom of Ireland, as well Commanders of Tour Ma-
jefties Army here, as others whofe Names are fubfcrib'd, in the
behalf of themselves and other Tour Proteftant Subjects in this
Your Kingdom.
Sheweth,
T
HAT this Your Highneſs Kingdom (reduced with the vaſt Ex-
pence of Treaſure,and much effufion of Brittish blood, to the
obedience of the Imperial Crown of England) hath been
by the Princely care of your Royal Progenitors, eſpecially of Queen
Elizabeth, and of Your Royal Father of ever bleffed Memory, and
your Sacred Majefty, in many parts happily planted, great fums of
Moneys disburfed in Buildings and Improvements, Churches edified
and endowed, and frequented with multitudes of good Proteftants,
and your yearly Cuſtoms and Revenues rais'd to great yearly fums,by
the induſtry of your Proteftant Subjects efpecially, and great fums of
Money by way of Subfidies and Contributions chearfully paid unto
your Majeſty by your faid Subjects. In which happineſs this your
Kingdom hath flouriſhed in a long-continued Peace, and under your
Highneſs moſt glorious and happy Government, until that by the
prefent general Confpiracy and Rebellion rais'd out of Deteftation
of Your blessed Government, and for rooting out of the Proteftant
Religion: and fo for the difpoffefſing of Your Majesty of this Tour
Said Kingdom, without the leaft occafion offered by Tour Majefty
or Your Proteftant Subjects. And notwithſtanding that Your Ma-
jeſty immediately before, had enlarg'd beyond prefident Your Royal
favour and bounty to them, in granting all that their and our joint
Agents did defire of Your Majefty. And we continuing amongſt
them in all Love and Amity, without diftruft; Your Petitioners and
others who labour'd to oppoſe thoſe damnable Designs and Practi-
ces, have been driven from their Dwellings, Eftates, and Fortunes;
their Houſes and Churches burnt and demolished; All Monuments
of Civility utterly defaced, Your Majefties Forts and places of ftrength
thrown
X
}
63
APPENDIX.
thrown down, and the Common and Statute-Laws of this Your
Kingdom utterly confounded, by taking upon themſelves the exer-
cife of all manner of Authorities and Jurifdictions, Ecclefiaftical and
Civil, both by Sea and Land, proper and peculiar to Your Sacred
Majefty, being Your juft Prerogatives and the Royal Flowers of
Your Imperial Diadem, to the Difherifon of Your Crown, and Your
Royal Revenues brought to nothing, and the Proteftant Clergy
with their Revenues and fupport for the prefent deſtroyed; This
Your Kingdom in all parts formerly inhabited with Brittish Prote-
ftants, now depopulated of them, and many thouſands of Your Pro-
teftant Subjects moſt barbarouſly uſed, ſtripped naked, tortur'd, fa-
mith'd, hang'd, buried alive, drown'd, and otherwiſe by all barba-
rous cruel forts of Death murther'd; fuch as yet remain of them are
reduced to that extremity, that very few of them have wherewithal
to maintain a Being, and all of them fo terrified and afflicted with
thoſe barbarous and inhuman cruelties (the true report whereof
being now ſpread abroad into the Chriftian World); Your Suppliants
conceive fears, that Your Majefties Brittish Subjects will be difcoura-
ged from coming again to inhabit this Kingdom, and the remnant of
what is left will be forced to depart: All this being done by the Con-
fpiracy of the Papiſts, who did publickly declare the utter extirpa-
tion of the Proteftant Religion, and all the Brittiſh Profeffors there-
of out of this Your Majeſties Kingdom. And to the end it may the
better in fome meaſure appear, Your Suppliants have made choice
of Captain William Ridgeway, Sir Francis Hamilton Knight and
Baronet, Captain Michael Jones, and Mr. Fenton Parfons, whom
they have employed and authorized as their Agents to manifeft the
truth thereof in fuch Particulars as for the preſent they are furnish'd
withal, referring the more ample manifeftation thereof to the faid
Captain William Ridgeway, Sir Francis Hamilton, Captain Jones
and Fenton Parfons, or any three or more of them, and fuch other
Agents as fhall with all convenient ſpeed be fent, as occafion fhall re-
quire, to attend Your Majeſty, from Your Proteftant Subjects of the
feveral Provinces of this Your Kingdom.
>
VVe therefore, Your Majefties moſt humble, loyal, and obedient
Proteſtant-Subjects, cafting down our felves at Your Royal feet, and
flying to You for fuccour and redreſs in theſe our great Calamities,
as our most gracious Soveraign Lord and King, and next and imme-
diately under Almighty God our Protector and Defence moſt
humbly befeeching Your Sacred Majefty to admit into Your Royal
Prefence from time to time our faid Agents, and in Your great
VViſdom to take into Your Princely Care and Confideration the
diſtreſſed Eſtate, and humble defires of Your faid Subjects, ſo that
to the Glory of God, Your Majefties Honour, and the happineſs of
Your good Subjects, the Proteftant Religion may be reſtored through-
out the whole Kingdom to its luftre: that the loffes of Your Pro-
reflant Subjects may be repaired, in fuch manner and meaſure as
Your Majefty in Your Princely VViſdom ſhall think fit; and that this
Your Kingdom may be fetled as that Your faid Proteftant Subjects
hereafter live therein under the happy Government of Your
Majefty and Your Royal Pofterity with comfort and fecurity :
whereby Your Majefty will render Your felf through the whole
may
VVorld
64
APPENDIX.
VVorld a moſt juſt and Glorious Defender of the Proteftant Reli-
gion, and draw down a Bleffing on all other Your Royal Underta-
kings; for which Your Petitioners will ever pray,
Subfcribed by the
Earl of Kildare.
c.
Lord Viſcount Montgomery.
Lord Blany, and many others.
To which they received this Anſwer by His Majefties Command,
At Our Court at Oxford the 25th of April, 1644.
His Majefty being very fenfible of the Petitioners Loffes and
fufferings, is ready to hear and relieve them, as the Exigencie of his
Affairs will permit; and wisheth the Petitioners to propofe what
they think fit in particular for his Majefties Information, and the
Petitioners Remedy and future Security,
Edw. Nicholas.
Upon the reading of the Petition His Majefty was pleaſed to ſay,
That He knew the Contents of the Petition to be Truth.
The
1
勰
​65
APPENDIX, XII.
Fol. 142.
The Propofitions of the Roman Catholicks of Ire-
land, humbly prefented to His Sacred Majefty,
in purſuance of their Remonftrance of Grievan
ces, and to be annexed to the faid Remonstrance;
together with the bumble Answer of the Agents
for the Proteftants of Ireland, to the faid Propo-
fitions made in purſuance of Your Majefties di-
rections of the 9th of May 1644. requiring the
fame.
1. Pro.
I.
.T
HAT all Acts made againſt the Profeffors of the Ro-
man Catholick faith, whereby any reſtraint, penalty,
Mulct, or incapacity may be laid upon any Roman
Catholicks within the Kingdom of Ireland, may be repealed, and the
faid Catholicks to be allowed the freedom of the Roman Catho-
lick Religion.
Anfw. To the firft we fay, that this hath been the pretence of al-
moſt all thoſe who have entred into Rebellion in the Kingdom of
Ireland at any time fince the Reformation of Religion there, which
was fetled by Acts of Parliament above eighty years fince, and hath
wrought good effects ever fince for the peace and welfare both of the
Church and Kingdom there, and of the Church and Kingdom of En-
gland, and Proteftant party throughout all Christendom, and ſo hath
been found wholeſom and neceſſary by long experience, and the re-
pealing of thofe Laws will fet up Popery again, both in Jurisdiction,
profeffion and practice, as that was before the faid Reformation, and
introduce among other inconveniencies the Supremacy of Rome, and
take away or much endanger Your Majeſties Supream and juſt Au-
thority in Cauſes Ecclefiaftical, Adminiſtration of honour and power
not to be endured, the faid Acts extending as well to feditious Secta-
ries as to Popish Recufants; fo as by the repeal thereof, any man
may feem to be left to chufe his own Religion in that Kingdom,
which muſt needs beget great confufion; and the abounding of the
. ( I * )
Roman
66
APPENDIX.
+
Roman Clergy hath been one of the greateſt occafions of this late
Rebellion; befides, it is humbly defired that Your Majefty will be
pleaſed to take into Your gracious confideration a Claufe in the Act
of Parliament paffed by Your Majefties Royal Allent in England in
the 17th year of Your Raign, touching punishments to be inflicted
upon thoſe that ſhall introduce the Authority of the See of Rome in
any Cauſe whatſoever.
2. Pro. That Your Majefty will be pleafed to call a free Parlia-
ment in the faid Kingdom, to be held and continued as in the faid
Remonftrance is expreffed, and the Statute of the 10th year of King
Hen.7. called Poyning s Acts, explaining or enlarging the fame, be
fufpended during that Parliament, for the fpeedy fettlement of the
prefent Affairs, and the repeal thereof be there further confider-
ed of.
Anfw. VVhereas their defire to have a free Parliament called, re-
flecteth by fecret and cunning implication upon Your Majeſties pre-
fent Parliament in Ireland, as if it were not a free Parliament, we
humbly befeech Your Majefty to prefent how dangerous it is to make
fuch infinuation or intimation to your people of that Kingdom touch-
ing that Parliament, wherein ſeveral Acts of Parliament have al-
ready paſt, the validity whereof may be endangered if the Parlia
ment should not be approved as a free Parliament, and it is a point
of high nature, as we humbly conceive is not properly to be diſmiſ
fed but in Parliament; and Your Majefties faid Parliament now fitting
is a free Parliament in Law, holden before a perfon of honour and for-
tune in the Kingdom, compofed of good loyal and well-affected
Subjects to Your Majefty,who doubtlefs will be ready to comply in all.
things that fhall appear to be pious and juft, for the good of the True
Proteftant Religion, and for Your Majefties ſervice and the good of
the Church and State, that if this prefent Parliament fhould be dif-
folved it would be a great terrour and difcontent to all Your Ma-
jefties Proteftant Subjects of the Kingdom, and may be alfo a
means to force many of Your Majefties Subjects to quit that King-
dom, or peradventure to adhere to fome other party there, in op-
poſition of the Romish Irish Confederates, rather than to be liable
to their power, which effects may prove of moft dangerous confe-
quence; and we humbly offer to Your Majefties confideration Your
own gracious Expreffion mentioned in the grounds and motives
inducing Your Majefty to agree to a Ceflation of Arms for
one whole year with the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, printed at
Oxford, 19. Octob. 1643. And let all your good Subjects be affured,
that as we have for theſe reaſons, and with caution and delibe-
ration confented to the Propofition to peace, and to that purpoſe
do continue do continue our Parliament there, fo we shall proceed
in the accompliſhing.thereof with that care and circumfpection, that
we ſhall not admit even peace it felf otherways than it may be a-
greeable to Conſcience, Honour and Juftice. VVe alfo humbly de-
fire that fuch Laws as Your Majefty fhall think fit to paſs, may be
tranſmitted according to Poynings Law, and other Laws of explana-
tion thereof, or of addition thereunto now in force with great con-
tentment and ſecurity to Your Majeſties Proteftant Subjects; but if
the prefent Parliament be diffolved, we humbly reprefent unto Your
Majeſty,
1
APPENDIX.
67
Majefty, that ſo many of your ableft and beft Proteftant Subjects have
been murthered or banifhed by this Rebellion, the few or no Proteftant
free-holders will be found in the Countreys, Cities or Burroughs to elect
and chufe Knights, Citizens or Burgeffes, which will be mott dangerous
to your Majefties Rights and Prerogatives and good Subjects, and may
beget great difputes in after-times for the repealings of Poynings
Acts, notwithstanding their feigned expreflions of their loyaltie; yet it
plainly appeareth they do not repofe fuch truft in yourMajefties Juftice
as becomes loyal Subjects to do, (and fuch they pretend themſelves to
be) for that they feek thereby to prevent Your Majefty and your Coun-
cel of England and Ireland of fo full a view and time of mature confi
deration to be had of Acts of Parliament of Ireland before they pafs, as
in prudence is requifite, and hath been found neceffary by the experi-
ence of well near zoo years; and if their Intentions were fo clear
as they profefs, we know not why they fhould avoid the ſtrictest
view and tryal of Your Majefty and your Councels of both Kingdoms;
this their defire, tending to introduce a grand diminution to the
Royal and necellary Power for the confervation of Your Regal State
and protection of your good Proteftant Subjects there and elsewhere,
and what ſpecial uſe they aim at in feeking fuch a repeal, Your Pro-
teftant Subjects as they know not the particular, fo can they conje-
cture of none, unleſs the ſaid Confederates have fome deſign by way
of furprize to obtrude upon Your Majeſty in their new defired Par-
liament, fome Acts of juftification of their ill-done actions, and for
condemning fuch of your Proteſtant Subjects, as have in their ſeveral
degrees moſt faithfully ferved Your Majefty there, which we the ra-
ther believe, feeing they have vowed by their Oath of Affociation
and the Bull lately publiſhed in Ireland fince the Cellation, the de-
ſtruction of the Proteftants there, when they have the Sword in their
hands to put the fame in Execution.
3. Pro. That all Acts and Ordinances made and paffed in the now
pretended Parliament in that Kingdom fince the 7th day of Auguſt,
1641. be clearly annull'd and declared void, and taken off the File.
Anfw. VVe humbly defire that they may particularize thoſe Or-
ders and Ordinances, which may prejudice Your Majeſties fervice;
for we are well affured,that the Parliament now fitting in Ireland, on
fignification of Your Majefties pleaſure therein, will give Your Maje-
fty full fatisfaction, or repeal any unjuſt Orders or Ordinances what-
foever which may be prejudicial to Your Majefty: and there may
be fome Orders or Ordinances which may concern particular perfons
in their Lives, Liberties or Fortunes, that may fuffer unheard, by the
admitting of fo general a Propofition, which is meerly propos'd as we
humbly conceive to put a fcorn upon Your Majefties Parliament now
fitting there, and to difcourage your Proteſtant Subjects who have
faithfully ferved Your Majefty in that Parliament.
4. Pro. That all Indictments, Attainders, Out-lawers in the
Kings Bench or elſewhere fince the faid 7th day of August, 1641.
and all Letters, Patents, Grants, Leafes, Cuftodiums, Bonds, Recog-
nizances and all other Records, Act or Acts depending thereon, or in
prejudice of the faid Catholicks, or any of them, be taken off the File,
annulled and declared void, firſt by Your Majefties Proclamation, and
after by Act to be paffed in the faid free Parliament.
( I ½ *)
2
Anfw.
68
APPENDIX.
Anfw. This we conceive to be a very bold Propofition, not war-
ranted as we alſo conceive by any Example, and tending to introduce
an ill prefident in after-times,for that was never ſeen that the Records
were taken off the File, but where there was fome corruption or
fraud,or fome illegal or unjuft carriage ufed, or concerning the procu-
ring or making up of fuch Records; and the fame firit we'll prove upon
due Examination, and that may not only conceal, but in fome fort
ſeem to juſtifie their abominable Treafons,Murthers, Cruelties, Malfa-
cres and Plunders acted againſt your Majeſties Perfon, Crown and Dig-
nity,upon the perfons of your Majefties moſt loyal Proteftant Subjects in
that Kingdom, and encourage the Papiſts to do the like again; befides
the diſcouragement it may beget in your Majefties Officers & Subjects
to do their duties in the like infurrections which may happen hereafter,
which alſo may prove very prejudicial to Your Majeflies Rights and
Revenues, if the Records to fupport the Forfeitures wherein many of
them are or may be grounded,fhould be taken off the File and cancelled.
5. Pro. That inafmuch as under colour of fuch Out-lawers and
Attainders, Debts due unto the faid Catholicks, have been granted,
levied and diſpoſed of, and of the other fide that Debts due upon the
faid Catholicks to thofe of the adverſe party, have been levied
and diſpoſed of to publick ufe; that therefore all Debts be by Act of
Parliament mutually releaſed, or all to ſtand in fiatu quo, notwith-
ſtanding any Grant or difpoffeffion.
Anfw. VVe humbly conceive, that in time of peace and moſt ſet-
led Government, when the courfe of Law and Juftice is moft open
and beſt obſerved, that Debts due unto the Crown actually levied
and paid in to Your Majefties ufe ought not to be reſtored, though the
Records of the Forfeitures fhould be legally reverfed, which is far
from the prefent cafe, and this Propofition tendeth to croſs that juft
Right of Your Majefty, and to make the difpofition by the Confe-
derate Papiſts Rebels, of Debts due to Proteftants, and by the faid
Rebels by fraud and force levied and diſpoſed in maintenance of their
Rebellion, which cunningly they call by the name of Publick use,
to be in equal degree to the Debts owing by the Rebels, and by them
all forfeited, and many of them by Law duly levied, which is a moft
unequal and unjuſt thing, and the faid Propofition cannot, nor doth
make offer to have the Pope's Confederates cut off from the Debts
due to them which they have juftly forfeited, but only for a colour
of confideration to have the Proteftants lofe fuch Debts (juſtly due
to them) as have been unjuſtly taken from them, who have done no
act at all to forfeit them.
6. Pro. That the late Officers taken, or found upon feigned or old
Titles fince the year 1634, to intitle Your Majeſtie to feveral Coun
ties in Gonnaght, Thornond, the County of Typperary, Limrick and
Kelkenny, and Wicklowe be vacated and taken off the File, and the
poffeffors thereof fetled and fecure in their ancient Eſtates by act of
Parliament, and that the like Act of limitation of Your Majeſtics
Titles for the fecurity of the Eſtates of your Subjects in that King-
dom be paſſed in that Parliament, as was Enacted in the 21. year of
his late Majeſties Raign in this Kingdom.
Anfw. VVe know not of any Offices found, or feigned Titles, nor
what the Confederates may demand, in refpect of any graces promi-
fed
APPENDIX.
69
1
fed by your Majeſty which we intend not, nor have any occafion to
difpute, but do humbly conceive, that all thoſe who have committed
Treaſon in the late Rebellion, fubfequent to your Majefties promiſe
of thoſe Graces, have thereby forfeited the benefit thereof, together
with the Lands to which the faid Graces might elfe have related, and
fo their whole Eſtates are now justly fallen to your Majefty by their
Rebellion, which we conceive is of great importance for your Majefties
ſervice to be taken into confideration; as Firit, with regard of the
Statutes made in the prefent Parliament of England. Secondly
That neceflary increaſe of your Majefties Revenue decayed by the
preſent Rebellion; Thirdly, The abolishing the evil Cuſtoms of the
Irish, and prefervation of Religion, Laws and Government there.
Fourthly, The fatisfaction of the Proteftant Subjects loffes in fome
meaſure. Fifthly, The Arrears of your Majeflies Army, and other
debts contracted for the War, and for prefervation of that Kingdom
to your Majeſty. Sixthly, The bringing in of more Brittiſh on the
Plantation. Seventhly, The building of fome walled-Towns in re-
mote and defolate places, for the fecurity of that Kingdoin, and your
Maiefties good Subjects there.Eightly,The taking of the Natives from
their former dependency on their Chieftains, who ufurped an abſo-
lute Power over them, to the dimunition of all Regal Power, and to
the oppreffion of the inferiors.
7. Pro. That all marks of incapacity impofed upon the Natives of
that Kingdom, to purchaſe or acquire Lands, Leafes, Offices, or He-
reditaments, be taken away by Act of Parliament, and the fame to
extend to the ſecuring of Purchaſes, Leafes or Grants, already made;
and that for the Education of Youth, an Act be paffed in the next
Parliament, for the erecting of one or more Inns of Court, Univer-
fities, Free and Common-Schools.
Anfw. This we conceive concerneth fome of the late Plantations,
and no other part of that Kingdom, and that the reſtriction herein
mentioned is found to be of great ufe, eſpecially for the indifferency of
Tryals, ftrength of the Government, and for Trade and Traffick 90
and we humbly conceive, that if other Plantations fhail not proceed
for the fetling and fecuring of the Kingdom,and that if no reftraint be
made of Popiſh purchafing, or buying of the Proteftants out of their
former Plantations, where they were prudently fettled, though now
caſt out of their Eſtates by the late Rebellion, and unable to Plant the
fame again for want of means, and therefore probably upon eaſy
terms will part from their Eftates to the Confederates; that thofe
Plantations will be deſtroyed, to the great prejudice of your Majefties
Service, and endangering of the fafety of that Kingdom. Touching
bearing of Offices, we humbly conceive that their now conformity
to the Laws and Statutes of that Realm, is the only mark of incapaci-
ty impoſed upon them; we humbly conceive that they ought not to
expect to be more capable there, then the English Natives are here in
England: in like cafe for Schools in Ireland, there are divers ſetled in
that Kingdom already by the Laws and Statutes of that Realm; if any
perſon well affected, fhall erect and endow any more Schools there at
their own charges, fo that the School-mafter and Scholars may be
governed according to Laws, Cuſtoms and Orders of England,and the
reft of Free-Schools here; we cannot apprehend any juft exception
thereunto
APPENDIX.
70
thereunto, but touching Univerſities and Inns of Court, we hum-
bly conceive that this part of the propofition favoureth of fome de-
fire to become Independant upon England, or to make afperfion on the
Religion and Laws of the Kingdom, which can never be truely happy
but in the good unity of both in the true Proteftant Religion, and in
the Laws of England, (for as for matter of charge) fuch of the Na-
tives that are defirous to breed their Sons for Learning in Divinity,
can be well content to fend them to the Univerfities of Lovane, Doway,
and other Popish places in forreign Kingdoms, and for Civil Law or
Phyfick to Padua, and other places, which draws great Treasure
yearly out of your Majefties Dominions, but will fend few or none of
them to Oxford or Cambrige, where they might as cheaply be bred
up and become as Learned, which courfe we conceive is holden out
of their Pride, and difaffection towards this Kingdom, and the true
Religion here profeffed; and for the Laws of the Land which are for
the Common Law agreeable to England, and fo for the greatest part
of the Statures, the Inns of Court in England are fufficient, and the
Proteſtants come thither without grudging, and that is a means to
civilize them after the English cultoms, to make them familiar and
in love with the Language and Nation, to preferve Law in the Purity,
when the Profeffors of it fhall draw from one Original Fountain
and ſee the manner of the Practice of that in the fame great Channel
where his Majeſties Courts of Juftice of England do flow moft clearly,
whereas by ſeparation of the Kingdoms in that place of their princi-
pal inſtruction where their foundations in Learning are to be laid,a de-
generate corruption in Religion and Juſtice may haply be introdu-
ced and ſpread, with much more difficulty to be corrected and reftrain-
ed afterwards by any Difcipline to be uſed in Ireland, or punishment
there to be inflicted for departing from the true grounds of things,
which are beſt preſerved in unity, when they grow out of the fame
root, then if fuch Univerſities and Inns of Court as are propoſed
fhould be granted, all which we humbly ſubmit to your Majefties
moſt Pious and Prudent confideration and judgment.
8. Pro. That the Offices and Places of Command, Honour, Pro-
fit and Truſt within that Kngdom, be conferred upon Roman Catho
licks Natives, in equality and indifferency with your Majeflies other
Subjects.
Anfw. We humbly conceive that the Roman Catholicks, Natives
of Ireland, may have the like Offices and Places as the Roman Catho-
licks Natives of England here have, and not otherwife; howbeit we.
conceive that in the generality they have not deſerved fo much by
their late Rebellion, therefore we fee not why they fhould be endow-
ed with any new or farther capacities or priviledges then they have
by the Laws and Statutes now in force in that Kingdom.
9. Pro. That the infupportable Oppreffion of your Subjects, by
reaſon of the Court of Wards, and refpit of Homage, be taken away,
and certain revenue in Lieu thereof fetled upon your Majefty, without
diminution of your Majefties profits.
Anfw. We know of no Oppreffion by reafon of the Court of
Wards, and we humbly conceive that the Court of Wards is of great
ufe for the raiſing of your Majefties Revenues, the prefervation of
your Majeſties Tenures, and chiefly the Education of the Gentry in
the
"
APPENDIX.
the Proteftant Religion, and in Civility and Learning, and good
Manners, who otherwife would be brought up in ignorance, and
barbarifm, their Eftates be ruined by their Kindred and Friends, and
continue their depending upon their Chieftains and Lords, to the
great prejudice of your Majefties fervice, and Proteftant Subjects,
and there being no colour of exception to your Majefties juft Title to
Wardſhips, we know not why the taking away of your Court con-
cerning the fame fhould be preffed, unleſs it be to prevent the Educa-
tion of the Lords and Gentry that fall Wards in the Proteſtant Reli-
gion. For that part of this Propofition which concerns refpit of Ho-
mage, we humbly conceive that reaſonable, that fome way may be
fettled for that, if that ftandeth with your Majefties good pleaſure,
without prejudice to your Majefty, or your Majeſties Proteſtant Sub-
jects.
10. Pro. That no Lord not eſtated in the Kingdom, or eſtated,
and not refident, fhall have Vote in the faid Parliament,by Proxie or o-
therwiſe, and none admitted to the Houſe of Commons, but fuch as
fhall be eſtated and refident within the Kingdom.
Antw. We humbly conceive that in the year 1641. by the Graces
which your Majefty then granted to your Subjects of Ireland, the
matter of this Propofition was in a fair way regulated by your utter
aboliſhing of blank Proxies, and limiting Lords prefent and attend-
ing in the Parliament of Ireland, that no one of them ſhould be capable
of more Proxies then two, and prefcribing the Peers of that King-
dom not there refident to purchaſe fitting proportions of Land in Ire-
land within five years from the laft of July 1641. or elfe to loofe
their Votes, till they fhould make fuch purchaſes; which purchaſes
by reafon of the troubles hapning in the Kingdom, and which have
continued for two years and a half, have not peradventure yet been
made, and therefore your Majefty may now be pleaſed and may take
juft occafion to enlarge that time for five years more, from the time
when that Kingdom may again be fettled in a happy firm peace and
as to members of the Houfe of Commons, the fame is moſt fit as
we humbly conceive to be regulated by the Laws and Statutes of that
Kingdom.
II. Pro. That an Act be paffed in the next Parliament declaratory
that the Parliament of Ireland is a free Parliament of it felf, inde-
pendant of, and not ſubordinate to the Parliament of England, and
that the Subjects of Ireland are immediately fubject to your Majeſty,
eir right of your revenue, and that the Members of the faid Parlia-
ent of Ireland, and all other the Subjects of Ireland are indepen-
cut, and no way to be ordered or concluded by the Parliament of
England, and are only to be ordered and governed within that
Kingdom by your Majefty, and fuch Governours as are or fhall be
there appointed, and by the Parliament of that Kingdom according
to the Laws of the Land.
Anfw. This Propofition concerns your Majefties High Court of
Parliament, both of England and Ireland, and is beyond our abili-
tics (who are not acquainted with the Records and Prefidents of this
Nature) to give an anſwer thereunto, and therefore we humbly de-
fire your Majeflics pardon for not anfwering unto the fame.
12. Pro. That the affumed Power or Jurifdiction in the Council-
Board
71
72
APPENDIX.
t
Board of determining all manner of Caufes, be limited to matters of
State; and all Patents, Eftates and Grants illegally and extrajudici
oufly avoided there, or elſewhere, be left in ftate as before, and the
parties grieved, their Heirs or Affigns,till legal eviction.
Auf. The Council-Table hath aways excercifed Jurfdiction in
fome caſes ever fince the English Government was fetled in that
Kingdom, and is of long continuance in cafes of fome Nature, as the
beginning thereof appeareth not;which feemeth to be by preſcription,
and hath always been armed with Power to examin upon Oath as a
Court of Juſtice, or in the nature of a Court of Juftice in cafes of fome
natures, and may be very neceffary ftill in many cafes,efpecially for the
preſent till your Majefties Laws may more generally be received in
that Kingdom, and we conceive that Board is fo well limited by prin-
ted Inftructions, in your Majefties Royal Fathers time, and by your
Majeſties Graces in the feventeenth year of your Reign,that it needeth
for this prefent little or no regulating at all, howbeit they humbly re-
ferr that to your Majefties great wiſdom and goodneſs to do therein as
to Law and Juſtice hall appertain.
13.Pro.That the Statutes of the 11th.12th.and 13th. years of Queen
Elizabeth concerning the Staple Commodities be repealed, refer-
ving to his Majeſty lawful and juft Poundage, and a Book of Rates
be fetled by an indifferent Committy of both Houſes for all Como-
dities.
Anfw. The matter of this Propofition is fettled in a fitting and
good way by your Majefty already as we conceive, amongst the
Graces granted by your Majefty to your people of Ireland, in the
Seventeenth year of your Majefties Reign, to which we humbly re-
ferr our felves.
14.Pro.That infomuch as the long continuance of the chief Gover-
nour or Governours of that Kingdom, in that place of ſo
great eminen-
cy and power, hath been a principall occafion that much Tyranny and
Oppreffion hath been uſed and exercifed upon the Subjects of that
Kingdom; that your Majeſty will be pleaſed to continue fuch Gover-
nours hereafter but for three years, and that none once employed
therein be appointed for the fame again, until the expiration of fix
years next after the end of the first three years, and that an A&
pafs to difanul fuch Governour or Governours during their Govern-
ment, directly or indirectly, in Ufe, Truft or otherwiſe to make any
manner of Purchaſe or acquifition of any Mannors, Lands, Tene-
ments or Hereditaments within that Kingdom, other then from
your Majesties own Heirs and Succeffors.
Anfw. We humbly conceive, that this Propofition tendeth to
lay a falfe and fcandalous afperfion on your Majefties gracious Go-
vernment over Ireland, and that it toucheth very high upon your
Wifdom, Juftice and Power, and under colour of fuppofed Corrupti-
ons pretended to be in the greateſt Officer that Commandeth under
your Majefty there, if he continue fo long in his Government as may
well enable him to find out and difcover the true State of the King-
dom, and the dangerous difpofition and defigns of the Popish party
there, to prevent him therein, and to turne him out from doing Service
before or as foon as he is throughly informed and experienced how
to do the fame, and then to hold him excluded fo long, that in all
likelihood
$
APPENDIX.
73
1
likelihood he fhall not live to come to that place the fecond time,
which we humbly conceive will be a great difcouragement to any per-
fon of Honour and Fortune to ſerve your Majefty in that high Truft:
and for their purchafing Lands in that Kingdom, your Majelty may be
pleaſed to leave them to the Laws, and puniſh them feverely if they
commit any offence, or exercife any oppreffions under colour of pur.
chafing of any Lands or Eftates whatfoever.
15. Pro. That an Act may be paffed in the next Parliament, for the
railing and fetling of Trained-bands,within the ſeveral Counties of that
Kingdom, as well to prevent foraign Invafion, as to render them the
more ſerviceable and ready for your Majefties fervice, as cauſe ſhall re-
quire.
Anfw. The having of Trained-bands in Ireland for the prefent,can-
not (under favour) be for your Majeſties ſervice, or the fafety of
that Kingdom, for that the Proteflants by the faid ſad effects of the
late Rebellion are fo much deſtroyed, that the faid Bands muſt con-
fift in effect altogether of the Confederates, Catholicks; and to conti-
nue them in Arms, ftored with Ammunition, and made ready for fer-
vice by Muſtring and often Training, will prove, under colour of ad-
vancing your Majefties fervice againſt foraign Invaſions, a meer
Guard and Power of the Popish Confederates, and by force of Arms
(according to their late Oaths and Proteftations) to execute all their
cruel defigns, for extirpation of the Proteftant Religion, and English
Government, both which they mortally hate, however in cunning
they diffemble it, and to prevent the fetling an Army of good Pro-
teſtants, without which your Maiefties good Subjects cannot live fe-
curely there.
16. Pro. That an Act of Oblivion be paſſed in the next free Parli-
ament, to extend to all your Majefties faid Catholick Subjects and
their Adherents, for all manner of Offences, Capital, Criminal, and
Perfonal, and the faid Act to extend to all Goods and Chattels, Cu-
ftoms, Mefne Profits, Prizes, Arrears of Rents taken, received, or in-
curred fince theſe troubles.
any
Anfw. We humbly pray that the Laws of force be taken into con-
fideration, and do humbly conceive,that your Majeſty in Honour and
Juſtice may forbear to diſcharge or releaſe any Actions, Suits, Debts or
Intereſts, whereby your Majefties Proteftant Subjects, who have com-
mitted no offence against your Majefty or your Laws,fhould be barred
or deprived of any of their legal remedies, or juft demands, which by
of your Majefties Laws and Statutes, they may have againſt the
Popiſh Confederates, who are the only Delinquents, or any of their
party, for, or in refpect of any wrongs done unto them, or any of
their Anceſtors or Predeceffors, in or concerning their Lands, Goods,
or Eſtates, fince the contriving or breaking forth of the Rebellion, the
faid Confederates having without provocation ſhed fo much innocent
Blood, and acted fo many Cruelties as cannot be parallel'd in any
Story: and we conceive it to be high prefumption in them upon fo
weak grounds to propound an Act of Oblivion in fuch general terms,
fome of the Confederates having been Contrivers or Actors of ſuch
cruel Murthers, and other Acts of Inhumanity, as cry to God and
your Sacred Majefty for Juftice; and they having of your Majefties
Revenues, Cuſtoms, Subfidies, and other Rights of your Crown in
(K*)
their
74
APPENDIX.
* Fol. 142.
their hands, are disburfed by them to the value of two hundred thou-
fand pounds and more.
17. Pro. For as much as your Majefties faid Catholick Subjects
have been taxed with many inhumane Cruelties, which they never
committed, your Majefties faid Suppliants therefore, for their vindi-
cation and to manifeft to all the the world their defire to have all
fuch hanious Offenders punished, and the Offenders brought to Juflice,
do defire that in the next Parliament all notorious Murthers, breaches
of Quarter, and inhumane Cruelties committed of either fide, may
be queſtioned in the faid Parliament, if your Majeſty think fit, and
fuch as fhall appear to be guilty, to be excepted out of the ſaid Act of
Oblivion, and puniſhed according to their deferts.
Anfw. We conceive this Propofition is made but for a Floriſh, and
if the Confederates be fo defirous to try their innocency, (as they pre-
tend) they need not ſtay for another Parliament in Ireland, but fubmit
to that which is now in being, which is an equal and juſt Parliament, as
in fome of our Reafons touching that point is expreffed; and the
offering to draw it to a new Parliament, is in effect to defire that they
may be their own Judges; for as that Kingdom is now imbroiled, and
wafted, the chief Delinquents or their Confederates will be fo pre-
valent a faction in the next Parliament, that they will be able, and
doubtless will clear all the Popish party, how guilty foever, and con-
demn all the Proteftants how innocent foever.
Thefe Anfwers to the high and unexpected Demands of the Con-
federates, we have have framed in humble obedience to your Ma-
jeſties directions; but being very fenfible as of the weight and great
importance of the buſineſs, ſo alfo of our own weaknefs and want of
time, and well knowing that fome of your * Majefties Privy-Council-
lors, Judges and Officers of that Kingdom, are now in Town, fent for
over, and here attending by your Majefties Command, who by their
long obfervations and experience of the affaires and State of Ireland,
** Since prin- are better able to give your Majefty more full and fatisfactory An-
ted by Huf- fwers touching the premiſes then we can, and conceiving that **the
bandlede Collection in Answer to the faid Confederates Remonftrance, which
falle and can- we humbly prefented to your Majefty the 17th. of the laft Month of
dalous Remon- April, may in many things give your Majefty more light, then theſe
Anſwered; our Anſwers do or can; We humbly befeech your Majefty, that the ſaid
which (though Privy-Counsellors, Judges and Officers, as occafion fhall require, may
humbly deli-
red and fled to be called upon and heard to give your Majefty the more fatisfaction in
upon all occa- theſe particulars, and that to the fame purpoſe, the Book of the faid
fions) was not Collections may be peruſed and confidered of, as your Majeſty ſhall
read, p. 114. find moſt requifite.
1644.
entituled, The
ftrance, &c.
After reading of which Propofitions and Anſwers thereunto; the
King asked the Protefttant Agents, whether they had Anſwered unto
the Rebels Propofitions as they were to be granted by Him,in Law and
Juftice,and fit for the Security of the Proteftants of Ireland, or pruden-
trally as the times were? who humbly made Anſwer to his Majeſty,
That they looked upon the Rebels Propofitions as they appeared to
them deftructive to his Majefties Laws, Government, and Proteftant
Subjects of Ireland. Then the Earl of Bristol faid, That if they ask-
ed what by Law and Juftice was due from the Rebels, their Anſwers
were
1
APPENDIX.
were full; But now the King expected from the faid Agents what
prudentially was fit for his Majefty to do, feeing the Protellants were
not in a Condition to defend themſelves, And that the King would
not admit the Proteftants to joyn with the new Scots or any other that
had the Covenant. To which the Agents conceived not fit to An-
1wer more then what before in their Propofitions and Anfwers they
had Humbly offered, pretending not to be Judges but fubmiffive
Petitioners for what was committed to their Charge.
APPENDIX XIII.
Fol. 144.
The Humble Propofitions of your Majefties Prote-
ſtant Agents of Ireland, in purſuance of the bumble
Petition of your Majesties Proteftant Subjects, as
well Commanders of your Majefties Army there,.
as others prefented to your Majesty the 18th. day
of April 1644. and answered by your Majesty
the 25. of the fame.
I.
W
E moſt humbly defire the Eſtabliſhment of the true Pro-
teſtant Religion in Ireland, according to the Laws and
Statutes in the faid Kingdom now in force.
2. That the Popish Titular Arch-Bifhops, Bifhops, Jefuits, Friers and
Prieſts, and all others of the Roman Clergy,be banished out of Ireland,
becauſe they have been the ſtirrers up of all Rebellion, and while they
continue there, there can be no hope of fafety for your Majefties Pro-
teſtant Subjects: And that all the Laws and Statutes eſtabliſhed in
that Kingdom, against Popery and Popifh Recufants, may continue
of force, and be put in due Execution.
3. That Reftitution may be made of all our Churches and Church
Rights and Revenues, and all our Churches and Chappels re-edified,
and put in as good Eltate as they were at the breaking out of the Re-
bellion, and as they ought to be, at the Charge of the Confederate
Roman Catholicks, (as they call themſelves) who have been the oc-
cafion of the Destruction of the faid Churches, and poffelfed them-
felves of the Profits and Revenues thereof.
4. That the Parliament now fitting in Ireland may be continued
there, for the better fettlement of the Kingdom, and that all Perfons
(K2*Y
duly
1
75
"
76
APPENDIX.
•
duly indicted in the faid Kingdom of Treafon, Felonie, or other hei-
nous Crimes, may be duly and legally proceeded againft, outlaw'd,
tried, and adjudged according to Law: And that all Perfons lawful-
ly convicted and attainted, or to be convicted and attainted for the
fame, may receive due puniſhment accordingly.
5. That no Man may take upon him or execute the Office of a Ma-
jor or Magiftrate in any Corporation, or the Office of a Sheriff or Ju-
ſtice of Peace in any City or County in the faid Kingdom, until he
have firſt taken the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance.
6. That all Popish Lawyers who refufe to take the Oath of Supre-
macy and Allegiance, may be fupprefs'd and reſtrain'd from practice
in that Kingdom, the rather becauſe the Lawyers in England do not
here practice until they take the Oath of Supremacy; And it hath
been found by woful Experience, that the Advice of Popish Lawyers
to the people of Ireland, hath been a great caufe of their continued
Difobedience.
7.That there may be a prefent abfolute Suppreffion and Diffolution
of all the affumed, Arbitrary and Tyrannical Power, which the faid
Confederates exerciſe over. Your Majefties Subjects, both in Caufes
Ecclefiaftical and Temporal.
8. That all the Arms and Ammunition of the faid Confederates be
ſpeedily brought into Your Majeſties Stores.
9. That Your Majeſties Proteftant Subjects ruin'd and deſtroy'd
by the ſaid Confederates, may be repair'd for their great loffes out
of the Eſtates of the ſaid Confederates, not formerly by any Acts of
this preſent Parliament in England otherwife difpos'd of, where-
by they may the better be enabl'd to re-inhabit and defend the faid
Kingdom of Ireland.
10. That the faid Confederates may rebuild the feveral Planta-
tion-Houſes and Caſtles deſtroy'd by them in Ireland, in as good ſtate
as they were at the breaking out of the Rebellion, which Your Ma-
jeſties Proteſtant Subjects have been bound by their feveral Patents
to build and maintain for Your Majefties Service.
II. That the great Arrears of Rent due to Your Majeftie out of
the Eſtates of Your Majefties Proteftant Subjects at and fince Mi-
chaelmas 1641. may be paid unto Your Majeftie by fuch of the faid
Confederates, who have either receiv'd the faid Rents to the uſes of
the faid Confederates, or deftroy'd the fame by difabling Your Ma-
jefties Proteftant Subjects to pay the fame; And have alfo deſtroy'd
all, or the moſt part of all other Rents or means of fupport belong.
ing to Your faid Proteftant Subjects. And that Your faid Proteftant
Subjects may be diſcharg'd of all fuch Arrears of Rents to Your
Majeſtie.
12. That the faid Confederates may give fatisfaction to the Army
for the great Arrears due unto them fince the Rebellion, and that
fuch Commanders as have rais'd Forces at their own Charges, and
laid forth great fums of Money out of their own Purfes, and en-
gag'd themfelves for Money and Provifions to keep themſelves, their
Holds, and Souldiers under their Commands, in the due neceffary De-
fence of Your Majefties Rights and Laws, may be in due fort fatif-
fied, to the encouragement of others in like times and Cafes which
may happen.
13. That
APPENDIX.
77
13. That touching fuch parts of the Confederate Eſtates, as being
forfeited for their Treafons, are come, or fhall duly come into Your
Majeſties hands and poffeffion by that Title.; Your Majefty, after
the due fatisfaction firft made to fuch as claim by former Acts of Par-
liament, would be pleaſed to take the fame into your own hands
and poffeffion, and for the neceffary encreaſe of Your Majefties Re-
venue, and better fecurity of the faid Kingdom of Ireland, and the
Proteſtant Subjects living under your gracious Government there,
to plant the fame with Brittish and Proteftants upon reafonable and
honourable Terms,
14. That one good walled Town may be built and kept repair'd
in every County of the faid Kingdom of Ireland, and endow'd and
furnish'd with neceffary and fufficient means of legal and juft Go-
vernment, and Defence, for the better fecurity of Your Majefties
Laws and Rights, more especially the true Proteftant Religion in
time of Danger, in any of which Towns no Papiſt may be permitted
to dwell or inhabit.
15. That for the better fatisfaction of Juſtice, and Your Maje-
.fties Honour, and for the future fecurity of the faid Kingdom and
Your Majeſties Proteſtant Subjects there, exemplary puniſhment ac-
cording to Law may be inflicted upon fuch as have there traiterouf-
ly levied VVar, and taken up Arms againſt Your Majefties Prote-
ſtant Subjects and Laws, and therein againſt Your Majeſty; eſpeci-
ally upon fuch as have had their hands in the fhedding of Innocent
blood, or had to do with the firſt Plot or Conſpiracy, or fince that
time have done any notorious Murther or Covert Act of Treaſon.
16. That all Your Majefties Towns, Forts, and places of ftrength
deſtroy'd by the faid Confederates fince the faid Rebellion, may
be by them and at their Charges re-edified, and deliver'd up inte
Your Majefties hands to be duly put into the Government under
Your Majeſtie, and Your Laws of your good Proteftants; And that
all Strengths and Fortifications made and ſet up by the faid Confe-
derates fince the faid Rebellion, may be flighted and thrown down,
or elſe deliver'd up and difpofed of for Proteftant Government and
Security, as aforefaid.
17. That according to the Preſidents of former times in caſes of
General Rebellions in Ireland, the Attainders which have been duly
had by Outlawry for Treafon done in this Rebellion,may be eſtabliſh'd
and confirm'd by Act of Parliament to be in due form of Law tranſ-
mitted and paſſed in Ireland, and that fuch Traitors as for want of
Proteftant and indifferent Jurors to indict them in the proper County,
are not yet indicted, nor convicted, or attainted by Outlawry or o-
therwiſe, may upon due proof of their offences be by like Acts of
Parliament convicted and attainted, and all fuch offenders forfeit
their Eftates, as to Law appertaineth, and Your Majefty to be adjudg
ed and put in poffeflion without any Office or Inquifition to be
had.
18. That Your Majcfties Proteftant Subjects may be reſtored to
the quiet Poffeffion of all their Caftles, Houfes, Mannors, Lands,
Tenements, Hereditaments and Leafes, and to the quiet poffeffion
of the Rents thereof, as they had the fame before, and at the time
of the breaking forth of this Rebellion, and from whence without
due
78
APPENDIX.
+
due Proceſs and Judgment of Law they have fince then been put or
kept out, and may be anfwer'd of and for all the Mean Profits of the
fame, in the interim,, and for all the time until they ſhall be ſo re-
ftored:
19. That Your Majefties faid Proteftant Subjects may alſo be re-
ftor'd to all their Moneys, Plate, Jewels, Haufhold-ſtuff, Goods and
Chattels whatſoever, which without due Proceſs or Judgment in
Law have been by the faid Confederates taken or detain❜d from them
fince the contriving of the faid Rebellion, which may be gain'd in
kind, or the full value thereof, if the fame may not be had in kind;
and the like reſtitution to be made for all fuch things, which, during
the ſaid time, have been deliver'd to any perſon or perfons of the faid
Confederates in truft to be kept or preferv'd, but are by colour there-
of ſtill withholden.
20. That the eſtabliſhment and maintenance of a compleat Prote-
ftant-Army, and fufficient Proteftant-Souldiers and Forces for the
time to come be ſpeedily taken into Your Majefties prudent, juft, and
gracious Confideration,and fuch a courfe laid down, and continued ac-
cording to the Rules of good Government, that Your Majefties
Right and Laws, the Proteftant Religion and peace of that King-
dom be no more endanger'd by the like Rebellions in time to
come.
21. That whereas it appeareth in Print that the faid Confede-
rates, amongſt other things, aim at the repeal of Poyning's Law,
thereby to open an eafie and ready way in the paffing of Acts of
Parliament in Ireland, without having them first well confider'd of
in England, which may produce many dangerous Confequences both
to that Kingdom and to Your Majefties other Dominions; Your
Majeſty would be pleafed to refent and reject all Propofitions tend-
ing to introduce fo great a diminution of Your Royal and neceffa-
ry Power, for the confirmation of your Royal Eſtate, and protection
of Your good Proteſtant Subjects both there and elſewhere.
22. That Your Majefty out of Your grace and favour to your
Proteftant Subjects of Ireland, would be pleafed to confider effectu-
ally of answering them, that you will not give order for, or allow of
the tranfmitting into Ireland any Act of general Oblivion, Releaſe,
or diſcharge of Actions or Suits whereby Your Majefties faid Prote
ſtant Subjects there may be barred or depriv'd of their Legal Reme-
dies, which by Your Majefties Laws and Statutes of that Kingdom
they may have against the faid Confederates, or any of them, or
any of their party, for, or in refpect of any wrongs done unto them,
or any of their Anceſtors or Predeceffors, in or concerning their
Lives, Liberties, Perfons, Lands, Goods or Eſtates, fince the contri-
ving and breaking forth of the faid Rebellion.
23. That fome fit courfe may be conſider'd of to prevent the fil
ling, or over-laying of the Commons Houfe of Parliament in Ire-
Land with Popish Recufants, being ill-affected Members; and that
proviſion be duly made, that none fhall Vote or fit therein but ſuch
as fhall first take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy.
24. That the proofs and manifeftations of the truth of the
feveral matters contain'd in the Petition of Your Majeſties Pro-
teftant Subjects of Ireland, lately prefented to Your Majefty,
may
D
1
1
APPENDIX.
79
may be duly examined, difcuffed, and in that reſpect the final Con-
clufion of things refpited for a convenient time, their Agents being
ready to attend with Proofs in that behalf, as your Majelty fhall ap-
point.
In anſwer wereunto it was replied by the Committee of Lords and
others, of Irish affaires at Oxford.
1. That their Lordſhips did not think that the Propofitions prefent-
ed by the Proteſtant Agents to his Majefty, and that morning read
before their Lordships, were the fence of the Proteftants of Ire-
Land.
2. That thoſe Propofitions were not agreeable to the Inftructions
given the faid Agents, by the Proteftants of Ireland.
3. That if thofe Propofitions were drawn, they would lay a pre-
judice on his Majefty and his Minifters to Pofterity, thefe remaining
on Record if a Treaty fhould go on and Peace follow, which the
Kings neceffity did enforce, and that the Lords of the Committee
apprehended, the faid Agents did flatly oppofe a Peace with the
Irish.
4. That it would be impoffible for the King to grant the Proteftants
Agents defires, and grant a Peace to the Irish.
5. That the Lords of the Committee defired the Proteſtant
Agents to propoſe a way to effect their defires, either by Force or
Treaty, confidering the condition of his Majeſties Affaires in Eng-
land.
To the first, the Proteftant Agents replied, that they humbly
conceived that the Propofitions which they had prefented to his
Majefty, were the fence of of the Proteftants of Ireland.
To the Second, That the Propofitions are agreeable to the Inftructi- Fol. 144-
ons given to the faid Agents by the Proteftants of Ireland, and con-
duced to the well fettlement of that Kingdom.
To the Third, That they had no thought to draw prejudice on his
Majeſty or their Lordſhips, by putting in thofe Propofitions, neither
had they fo foon put in Propofitions, had not his Majefty by his An-
fwer to the Proteftant Petition directed the fame.
To the Fourth, The faid Agents humbly conceived, that they
were imployed to make proof of the effect of the Proteſtant Petition,
to manifeſt the inhumane Cruelties of the Rebels, and then to offer
fuch things as they thought fit for the Security of the Proteſtants in
in their Religion, Lives, Libertics and Fortunes; That the faid Pro-
teſtants had no difaffection to Peace,fo as puniſhment might be inflict-
ed according to Law, as in the Propofitions are expreffed,and that the
faid Proteftants might be repaired for their great loffes out of the
Eſtates of the Rebels, not formerly by any Acts of this prefent Par-
liament in England otherwife difpofed of, which the faid Agents
defired might be repreſented to his Majeſty and the Lords of the Com-
mittee accordingly.
Το
80
APPENDIX.
*
To the Fifth, That the faid Proteftant Agents were Strangers to
his Majefties Affairs in England, and conceived that part more proper
for the advice of his Councils then the ſaid Agents, and therefore de-
fired to be excufed, for medling in the treaty further then the mani-
feffing of the truth of the Proteftant Petition, and propofing in the
behalf of the Proteftants, according to the Inftructions given them,
which the faid Agents were ready to perform whenfoever they ſhould
be admitted thereunto.
Touching which and other Particulars there were many mo-
tions, but the Proofs they would have infifted upon (by the impor-
tunity of other Affairs) never came to their due difcuffion.
APPEN
1
An Account of what the fubduing the Rebellion of Ireland, begun the 23d. of October, 1641. hath coft, and what Damage the Prote-
ſtants there have ſuſtained thereby,and what Lands have been forfeited and difpofed of to Adventurers, Souldiers, and other Engliſh,
and what to the Iriſh, and now in their poſſeſſion: Abſtracted out of the Accounts of Moneys in the Exchequer, during ſuch time as
any regular Accounts were made up, and by probable and rational Eftimates, for the time in which no Accounts were kept, by rea-
fon of the general Rebellion and Confufion, and out of the Surveys, Decrees, and Settlements, made by his Majefty's Commissioners,
for executing the Acts of Settlement and Explanation in Ireland.
1. Moneys receiv'd and iffued? Tranſmitted out of England, in fpecie-
from the 6th. of July, 1649. to Affeffments in Ireland.
the ift. of November, 1656. be- Rents of forfeited and fequeftred Houfes,Lands,Fiſhings,&c.
ing 7 years and 4 months, accor-Tythes fequeftred
ding to an Account thereof, re- Cuftoms and Excife-
maining as a Record, in the Au-
ditor-General's Office in Ireland.
Preys of Cows,Horfes, and other Goods, taken from the Rebels,
and for other cafual Revenue
1. s.
s. d.
1566848 13 4
1309695 14 11;
I I
2
1. $. d.
0;
161598 8 74 3509396 17 0!?
135524 3 2,
252474 18-102
083258 18
7. S.
Money iffued in England towards tranfporting Armies, raifing Recruits, buying and fending over Provifions of all
forts for the Army, and other Moneys iffued by Warrant from the then Council, or the Committee of the Army in
England, which was not accounted for in Ireland, the Warrants and Accounts being never tranfmitted thither, of which
there is a Reference in the account of Record, in the Exchequer above-mentioned, which is eſtimated to be as much, if? 3509396 17
not more, than the above fum of 3509396 1. 17 5.o; d. In that all Cloths, Linnen and Woollen, Stockings, Shooes,
Boots, Horſes, Saddles, Arms, Ammunition, Tents, Bread, Cheeſe, and all other eating Provifions, were fent from
England, and the price thereof deducted from the weekly Pay of the Army, and not brought to Account, and ſo eſti-
mated as above-
1.
The Charges of the Armies in the feveral Provinces of Ireland, from the 23d. of October, 1641. the time the Re-
bellion broke out, to the 6th. of July, 1649. from whence the Account is ſtated, as above, being about 7 years and
9 months, when no regular Accounts were or could be kept, by reafon of the Confufion in which the Kingdom was by 3760068
the Rebellion, there may be by probable Eftimate added, without any Allowance, for Provifion of all forts, after the
Rate of what was paid the Army after the 6th. of July, 1649. when Provifions were deducted
The Lofs of Rents for 14 years, from October 1641. until the year 1655. reckoning the Land but at 12 d. an Acre?
yearly, is 76082641. 6 s. and reckoning all the Corporations,Houſes and Tithes,but at a Moiety thereof,comes to
1. S.
11412396 9
I. s. d.
22191258 30
Beſides the Lofs by the Devaſtation of Houſes, Orchards, Gardens, Improvements, Houthold-ſtuff, Corn, Cattel, and the impairing the value of Land un-
to that time, not to be eſtimated, but in reafon to be accounted, as much as before is computed for all other Charges, Loffes and Expences, if not much
more, the fame extending to the whole Kingdom.
2. By the Surveys of Ireland, there is in Ireland, as forfeited by the Rebellion, and pelonging to Proteftants, not forfeited, of Plantation-Acres, ac-
counting 21 Foot to the Perch, and 160 Perches to the Acre, in the refpective Provinces, the quantity of Land hereafter mentioned.
a.
Leinfter
Munſter
Vifter
Connaght
26035201 Acres
32558743 10868949
27778751
-2231680j
The which Lands are divided and diſtributed, as by the Surveys and Records of the Court of Claims will appear, as followeth :
To the Proteftants, and others, that proved their conftant good affection, including the Bogs, Loughs, and Mountains in Ireland-61102927
To Adventurers
a.
To the Officers and Souldiers
To the Officers that ferved his Majeſty againſt the Rebels in Ireland,before the year 1649.
3960547
1442839
278041
To his Royal Highness the Duke of York, as Regicides Lands—
111015 271754910868949
To Proteftants on Provifoes by the Acts of Settlement and Explanation
To the Bishops for their Augmentations, of which fome have poffeffion-
383975
118041
Reſerved.to his Majeſty as un-diſpoſed, upon the account of Lewis Dyke, and Thomas Conyngham, being fet out on frau-} 14006
dulent Adventures
Left of courfe Lands un-diſpoſed, the Title to the greateſt part whereof was doubtful
Reftored unto the Irish upon Decrees of Innocency-
Reſtored to them by fpecial Provifoes in the Acts of Settlement and Explanation-
735783
9652701
4080832041108
Set out upon their Tranſplantations of Connaght and Clare,over and above what is confirmed to Engliſh Proteftants, who} 667755
purchaſed Intereſts there from the Iriſh-
So-that the Irish, notwithſtanding the Rebellion, and their great complaints of lofing all their Lands, are reſtored unto, and poffeffed of, almoft one
half of all the Lands formerly accounted forfeited by the Rebellion. Befides, that the 2717549 Acres granted to the English, hath coft as before (befides
the lofs of hundreds of thouſands of Men murthered by, and killed in fubduing the faid Rebels) the fum of 221912581. 3 s. o; d. And accounting the
faid 2717549 Acres to be worth 12 d. per Acre, one Acre with the other yearly, they will come to 135876 1.9 s. which for the Purchaſe thereof, at 10
years Purchaſe, comes to 13587641. 10s. After which Rate, the Lands granted to the English and Proteftants, are not the 15th. part, of what the Mo-
ney expended in ſubduing the faid Rebellion, would have bought, and accounting the Devaftations, and the lofs of many thouſands of Mens Lives for no-
thing.
APPENDIX.
81
+
APPENDIX XV.
Fol. 120.
THE
SPEECH
Of His GRACE
James Duke of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
T
W
Here is no duty incident to the Place I have the Honour to
ferve the KING in, to which I come with lefs willing
neſs, or confcience, than to this of ſpeaking to fuch an Af
fembly: And by that time I have done, you will acknowledg I have
reafon to be unfatisfied with the neceffity impofed by cuſtom upon
all that fit in this Place, to make Speeches; a Custom perhaps reafona-
bly introduced by thoſe that did, or at leaſt thought they did it well ;
but fomewhat hardly continued upon thoſe that were fure they did it
ill. And yet though I am in the Number of the Laft, I will rather
obey the Neceffity, than hazard the Imputation of Sullennefs or Sin-
gularity. Belides, I do not know, but that to be filent at this time,
and in this Place, may be a greater Fault than any I hope I ſhall
commit in ſpeaking; for we are taught by Infallible Authority, and
enjoyned by Indifpenfible Precept, and it feems to be agreeable to
the Dictates of NATURE and REASON, as well as of R E-
LIGION and PIETY, that for all the Bleffings we receive from
the Divine MAJESTIE, we fhould make as proportionable
Returns as lie within our Power: And therefore Publique and Na-
tional BLESSING S, do require Publique and Solemn CĖ-
LEBRATIONS. This was it that induced the Tranfmiffion
of that Act for an Anniversary Thanksgiving for his Majefties moſt
Happy RESTAURATION; and this is it, which if it be dul-
ly, that is, fincerely performed, is moſt like to perpetuate to us, and
to our POSTERITY, all the Happineſſes conſequent to that
BLESSING.
(L *)
What
1
+
82
APPENDIX
4:
What thefe Happinees are, or at leaſt may be, if we Our felves
obftruct not the courſe of them, would be beft difcerned, and ſet off,
by a RETROSPECT into the ſtate of things for above twenty
years paft; and by oppofing to that Diſmal Object of Our remem
brance the Chearfulness and Serenity of the Prospect forwards.
If the Miferies and Defolations of thofe years could be enume-
rated in the time I mean to allow this Difcourfe; or if they could
be deſcribed to the Life, by fo ill an Orator as I am, they would be
fewer, and more fupportable, than I doubt the ſad experience of too
have found them to be.
many
I fhall therefore only put you in mind of fome more Remarkable
and Fundamental deliverances and Reftitutions, wrought by moſt
wonderful Providence, as a thankful acknowledgment fit, as I con-
ceive, to be the ſubject of the firſt Difcourfe from this place, where
I have the honour, how unworthily, and how unrefemblingly foe-
ver, to reprefent the Majeftie of my Great Mafter.
This very Seat of Royaltie is delivered from fome neglected Cor-
ner, or contemptible Uſe or from a Profanation worfe than ei-
ther, from the Ufurpation of mean and low Afpirers, who having
no fhadow of right to it, had no other way to afcend it, than by
treading down and deftroying whatever was ordained by God or
Man, to fence and guard it; their extravagant Ambition tranſport-
ing them, and darkning their understanding to that degree, as not to
confider how ſhort their poffeffion of that Throne must be, to the
difarming and violation of which, they themſelves had but newly
fhewn the way.
VVe fee this Throne now reſtored to its proper place, and Natu-
ral ufe, furrounded and fupported by Peers and Prelates, by Offi
cers, Magiftrates, and Judges, the Out-works, as well as Ornaments
of Majeftie.
VVe fee it reftored to the approach, and I doubt not to the delight
of the meaneft, of the Commons, whom you Gentlemen do, nor
ought not difdain to reprefent; for they are the Foundation upon
which Monarchy is built, the ftrength wherewith it is guarded, and
the wealth whereby it is fuftained, inriched and beautified.
JA
It is restored to the undoubted Lawful Poffeffour, the Offspring,
of a long-continued Race of Princes; in whom all the Contested
Titles of former Ages are met, without the pretence of a Competi-
tor, and in whom all the Vertues of the Princes of thofe Ages are
united, without the feverity (to fay no worfe) of fome of the
Great and Warlike.; and without the as harmful weakneffes of
others of more devout and peaceable difpofitions: A PRINCE
that hath given frequent proof, that though he loves and feeks peace
for his Subjects fakes, he fears not War for his own.
This Sword, the Inftrument of conferring Military Honour, and
the Emblem of inflicting Punishment, is delivered from the ridicu-
lous Stage-like Pageantry of later times, and from a more execrable
and Tragical Abufe, from cutting off the moſt Innocent, and defend-
ing the most guilty.
VVe fee it now by the visible immediate hand of God reſtored,
and put into that Hand that only had His Commiffion to bear and uſe
it; and let it be Our Prayer, That he bear it long, and that he may
bear
1
APPENDIX.
83
*
!
}
bear it long, that he bear it not in vain, but to the terrour and ex-
termination of Evil-doers, and to the fupport and Protection of
thoſe that do well.
The Krag himself, whofe Throne and Sword theſe are, is account-
able to God, and we to God for him, for many and great deliveran.
ces; He is delivered from the Murtherers of his Father, and the U-
furpers of his Inheritance; from their reftlefs endeavours to deftroy
his Perfon, and to blaft his Fame; from their open violence, and fe-
cret contrivements against both; from Exile, and all the Afflicting
confequences of that miferable ſtate of a King; from comfortleſs
wandrings from Protections; from cold Receptions; from narrow
fupports; and from fuch applications for them, as were more unfup-
portable, than the want of them could be to him that was born, and
delights to give, rather than receive them. He is deliver'd from a
continual tormenting Anxietie for the danger of his Friends, and the
oppreffion and flavery of his Countrey; from the importunity of im-
pertinent Arguments, drawn from his misfortunes,to draw him from
his Religion; and from a neceflity of hearing, and bearing with the
Reproaches and Revilings caft upon our then Defolate Church, only
becauſe the was defolate,and made fo by her own unnatural Children.
From this dejected, defpiſed, and in all humane appearance, defpe-
rate condition, he is raiſed and reſtored to the Throne of his Fathers,
to his Native Countrey, become more dear and valuable to him,
by his Experience of others; to the free and uncontrol'd exerciſe of
the Religion he was bred in, to a capacity of making Royal Retri-
bution for any kindneſs he hath received abroad or from home: and
which is the greateſt earthly Felicity, fo good a KING as he could
wifh, he is not only reſtored to, but by the love of his People, with-
out the chargeable, and many times dangerous affiftance of Stran-
gers, who are not over-tender, nor much diſtinguiſhing betwixt the
party they come to affift, and that they come to fubdue, when they
are made Umpires in fuch Quarrels ; for they rarely employ their
Auxiliary Treaſure and Blood, purely out of Generofity and Ju-
ftice; which may in Romance be found the ultimate end of fuch Af
fiſtance, but ſeldom in the truth of History.
Here it may be obſerved, that if the revolt and deviation of our
Nations from their KING, and from Monarchy it ſelf, was the moſt
unreaſonable and prodigious that any Age hath known, their volun-
tary uncompelled Return to both, is as much without Example: nor
indeed could that Return have been fo miraculous, if the Revolt
had not been fo prodigious. And it may alſo be worth the obfer-
ving, that as the firſt moſt bloody Eruption from Peace to Rebellion,
took birth in this Kingdom, fo from hence came the firſt Overtures
to Peace and Submiſſion.
By and with the Kings deliverance and Reftitution, our Church is
delivered from Contempt, Sacriledge and Defolation, and reſtored to
a due veneration, a competent improving fupport, and to fair begin-
nings of Decency and Order.
Our Laws are delivered from corrupt, incompetent Interpreters,
from monftrous, unnatural expofitions and applications, and Juftice is
reſtored to the diftribution of upright, learned, lawfully fworn and au-
thorized Judges.
( L 2 * )
The
APPENDIX.
The nobleſt Acts of Loyaltie fhall now no more receive the judg-
ment due to the fouleft Treaſon, due to the unrighteous Judges, that
pronounced it without Authority in the Perfons, or Juſtice in the Sen-
tence. High Courts of Juftice fhall no more ufurp that name, nor
our Benches be crouded or oppreffed with the throng and wicked
weight of thoſe that ought rather to have ftood manacled at the
Bar. A happy change to thoſe for whoſe deſtruction thoſe extrava-
gant Tribunals were erected, and a fecure change to all; for it hath
been often an obſerved Method in God's never-failing Juſtice, to
catch Cruelty and Oppreſſion in thoſe very ſnares they had prepared
for others.
All Men are delivered from the intanglements of two-edged Oaths;
from the conflicts raiſed by them in Mens Brefts, betwixt Confcience
and conveniency, betwixt the proflitution of Conſcience, and the
ruine of their Fortunes; than which a harder, a more Tyrannical
choice cannot be obtruded upon Chriftians: For here the election
was not, Swear thus against your Conscience, or you ſhall have no
part in the Civil Government, no Office in the Army, no Benefice in
the Church; but, Swear thus, or you shall have no Houſe to put
your Head in, no Bread to fuftain your felves, your Wives and Chil
dren.
To conclude theſe Obſervations, who is not delivered from fome
Oppreffion, and reftored to fome Advantage? Even thoſe that ſhall
lofe the wages of iniquitie, their ill-got poffeffions, fhall be deliver-
ed from the oppreffion of a bad; and if they have any, fhall be refto-
red to a good Confcience; if they have none, they were not in the
Kings, and I hope will not be in Tour care.
Thoſe that fhall be kept out of their ancient Eſtates, the Inheri-
tance of their Fathers, through the defect of their Qualifications,
and by the All-difpofing Providence of God, who was not pleaſed to
make them active Inftruments in this Happy Change, are delivered
from Tyrannous Confinements, caufeleſs Impriſonments, and a con-
tinual fear of their lives: The good Land lies afore them, their in-
duſtry is at Liberty, and they are reſtored to the freedom of Sub-
jects, and protection of the Laws; If an Irish Papist be oppreſt,
they fhall relieve him; if the blood of the meaneft of them be ſhed,
it fhall be ſtrictly enquired after: Let this ftate be compared with
that they were in before the King's Reftitution, and it will be found
the greateſt loſer has got fomething by it.
As it is our duty thus thankfully to commemorate thefe great things
done for us; fo it is our duty to endeavour in our feveral Stations, to
improve and ſecure them to Our felves,and Our Pofterity: And fure
the moſt Natural way to that end, is to call to mind, and avoid thofe
Errours that brought us into thofe miferies from which we are re-
deemed.
Many are the causes too boldly affigned, for the Calamities theſe
Nations fo long laboured under; But in fuch Inquifitions the verdict
is ſeldom impartially brought in, the Jury are too often the Grimi-
nals: But I think I may fafely fay, that one, and that a fundamen-
tal caufe, was, that the late King was maliciously reprefented to the
People; I am fure the Freedom, Peace, Plenty, and Happineffes they
were told they thould enjoy without him, proved miferable and fatal
delufions.
Let
APPENDIX.
85
1
Let us miſtruſt thoſe that ſhall uſe the fame Arts, left they involve us
in the fame miſery; and let us judge of the King's intentions to His
People, by His Publique Acts of grace and bounty; by His mild and
eafy Government; by His defire and endeavours to make His Subjects
happy at home, and renowned abroad; and by the reluctancy of His
Nature to juſt ſeverity, when the wickedness or frenzy of the worſt
Offendors extort it from him.
That fomething will be amifs in the Adminiſtration of the moſt
perfect Government in this World, muft be expected; but whoever
ihall think that theſe things are to be rectified by force upon the Go-
vernment, and that effected, propofes to acquiefce, and return to Obe-
dience; cannot know himself fo well, as to be fure, that Opportunity
and fuccefs may not fuggeft more inordinate Appetites to him; And
there are thoſe alive that know, how far further than their first inten-
tion, the Reformers of our times were led on, till the unwarrantable
force they had raiſed, grew too ftrong for their Management, flew in
their faces, and in conclufion, acted thofe villanies, that I dare fay
their Souls abhorred; but neither their Policy or Power could re-
ftrain.
VVe have had fad experience, and let us be the wifer for it, in how
fhort a time, in how few days, the induftry of many years, nay, of an
Age, may be deſtroyed and laid wafte, when Rage and Rapine are let
loofe. If once Sedition grow too ſtrong for the Law, and Rebellion
for the Magiftrate, fo that the Law is filenced, or the language of it
corrupted, or inverted, and the Magiftrate removed as burthenfom
and unneceſſary, let us remember what variety of mifery and mischief
is brought upon the people; how unfupportable their fufferings are,
and how Intolerable their fears of fuffering they know not what
more, by whom, or how long. Let the people remember how many,
and how chargeable their Masters; nay how many and chargeable
the changes of their Mafters were, when once they foolishly affected
the mifery, indeed the impoffibility of having none.
VVhen Mifrepreſentations had taken place and root in the minds
of the people, their heart grew narrow and barren,towards the King;
thoſe that foon after rob'd them both, perfwading them to keep their
purtes full for them to empty.
This cloſe Oratory is feldom unsuccessful; but what the people got
by following this thrifty Counsel, fome have taken the pains to com-
pute, and it is found, that the Impofitions laid and levied upon the peo-
ple, to fupport Ufurpation and Tyrannie, in a few bad years came to
more, than the moſt chargeable Princes had raiſed in fome Ages to
conquer Enemies and Infidels abroad, whileft this was employed to
make Enemies of Friends, and little better than Infidels of Chriftians
at home.
I confefs this Animadverfion is not fo ſeaſonable now, or proper to
be applyed to you, who in your Liberalities have outgone all Ex-
ample,and prevented even the Kings wishes; nor are thofa Liberali-
ties the lefs, but the more valued by Him, that he intends to apply
them intirely to the fecurity and improvement of a true Proteftant,
and a right English Intereft in this Kingdom.
There is nothing that declares, indeed that conftitutes perfect U-
nion, and a happy Harmony, fo much as mutual trusts and confidence,
and
A
86
APPENDIX.
**
and the interchange of gifts and benefits; it is fo in private Friend-
Ship, and it is much more fo, in that good Intelligence which muit
make a King and His people happy.
The King has trufted you as far as ever King trufled Subjects;
and He has given you more than ever any King or Lord of Ireland
had to give.
had
You have truſted the King with all you had, and all you
to pretend to; and you have given Him more than he thought
of to defire; Let it not therefore be apprehended, that this
Commerce muſt ceafe by the Prodigality on both fides, as if there
were no more to be given or received: No, my Lords and Gen-
tlemen, protection from Forreign Invasion and Rebellion at home,
the due and uncorrupt adminiflration of Government, and of the
Laws, and under them the advancement and encouragement of
Piety and Learning, Trade, and all forts of Industry and Improve-
ments, are benefits that may to the end of time, defcend from the
Throne to you and yours: And a due fubjection to that Govern-
ment, and obedience to thofe Laws, and application to that
Piety and Learning, to that Trade and Induftry, and to thofe Im-
provements, may be as lafting Retributions from the People to the
Throne.
I ſhould here end this unuſual Exercife, but that I am command-
ed by the King to let you know, that as He is abundantly fatis-
fied with thofe demonftrations of Duty, Loyalty and Affection you
have given him, during the whole time of your fitting, fo he looks
with great Pleafure and Delight upon thofe Acts of Grace and
Bounty that have paft from him to you; and he commands me to
be fure not to forget to affure you, upon all Proper Occafions, that all
his Promifes fhall be inviolably obferved; and that he will confent to
whatever elſe may make this Kingdom flourishing and happy, whether
it fhall be the Enacting of new and profitable, or the repeal of old
unufeful, or burthenfom Laws.
To ſay any thing of, or from my ſelf in this place, may be Pre-
fumption; but to fay nothing to you, my Lords and Gentlemen,
to whom I owe fo much, muſt be Ingratitude. You have before
and fince My Arrival, been pleafed to make many and obliging Ex-
preffions of your Approbation of the Kings choice of Me for this
Government: I have great reaſon to fear, both the King and
confulted your Indulgence to Me, more than your judgement of
Me.
you
Yet without much Prefumption or Vanity, I think I may fay,
thus far the King and you may be excufable, that He chofe, and
You approved a Perfon, whofe Fortune and Family muſt profper
or decay, muft Ruine or Subfift by and with this Kingdom. This
has not perhaps always been the cafe, and it is poffible mean Abi-
lities thus ftimulated, may be more profitable and induftrious than
greater, actuated by lefs, or by contrary Incentives. There are
upon me all imaginable Obligations to apply all that is in me, to
the fafety and profperity of this Kingdom: Thoſe of duty, fidelity
and thankfulness to the beſt, and moſt bountiful Mafter in the
World; thofe of Retribution and Gratitude to you, for extra-
ordinary and liberal manifeftations of kindness and affection, and
thofe
APPENDIX.
87
thofe felf-prefervation and Happineſs: Hence it may be concluded
reaſonably and naturally, that my endeavours will be hearty and
faithful; and my failings, which fhall be as few as I can, unvolunta-
rily, and therefore the more pardonable.
You will presently, when I am retired, be at liberty to adjour
your felves to the time you defired..
1
+
4
1
>
{
卞
​Referrable
}
88
APPENDIX.
Anno Regni
Car. 2di. 14.
die 27. Sep.
1662.
Referrable to fol. 326.
A form of Divine Service to be uſed October 23d.
appointed by Act of Parliament Anno Regni
Car.2di. 14. die 27. Sep. 1662. to be kept and
Celebrated as an Anniverſary Thanksgiving in
this Kingdom of Ireland.
T
He begining of the Service to be according to the Form of the Co-
mon-Prayer: then proper Pfalms, as 3. 9. 12. 46. 144+
Proper Leffons for the Firft, 2 Chron. 13. or Jer. 30,
For the Second Leffon, Mat. 9. or A&s 5, or A&ts 2 2.
And after the Colle&t for the Sunday, this following Collect.
A
Lmighty God and heavenly Father, who out of thy most wife
and watchful Providence,and tender mercies towards us thine
unworthy Servants, haft been pleaſed, as at all other times, lo on
this day, to prevent the extreme malice, michievous imagination,
and bloody intention of our Enemies, by revealing so wonderfully,
and opportunely their Rebellion, and cruel Enterprises, plotted a
gainst our dread Soveraign Lozd the King, and the whole State of
this Realm, for the fubversion of this Government, and the utter
extirpation of the truth of thy Golpel, and pure Religion profelled
among us. We most humbly praiſe and magnifie thy glozious
name for thine infinite goodnels in this our marvellous deliverance.
We confels it was thy mercy, thy mercy alone (mof merciful Fa-
ther) that we were not conſumed. And therefoze not unto us, not un-
to us,D Lozd,but unto thy name be ascribed all honour and glozy, in
all Churches of the Saints throughout all Generations. Foz thou
Lozd dideft discover unto thy Servants the fnates of death; thou
didſt break them, and we were delivered. Be thou fill our mighty
Protecto2, and ſcatter our Enemies that delight in blood; infatuate
their Councils, enfeeble their ftrength; put fear in their hearts,
and accomplish this thy mercy in our fafety and future deliverance.
And to that end, ftrengthen the hands of our gracious King, the
Lozd Lieutenant, the Mobility, and Magiftrates of the Land
with Jugdment, Juftice,and Power to refrain luch workers of Int-
quity, who pretend Religion and practice Rebellion, and devour
thine Inheritance. This Lozd we crave at thy merciful hands, to-
gether with the continuance of thy powerful Protection over our
dread Soveraign, the whole Church, and thefe Realms, and the
Speedy Conversion of all our Enemies, and that for thy dear Sons
fake Jesus Chrift our only Mediatoz and Advocate. Amen.
After
APPENDIX.
89
O
After the Litany, this Prayer for the Second Colle&.
Eternal God, in whom we live, move, and have our being,
and by whom alone we are protected in all our Bangers and
Diftrees; we thy people, and sheep of thy Pafture, bo acknow-
coge our feives above all others, infinitely bounded unto thy
heavenly Majelly for thÿ many unspeakable benefits datly conferred
and heaped upon us; especially fog the enlightning us with thy hea.
venly truth, and planting thy Golpet among us; for placing over
us a molt gracious King, a faithful Profeffour, and Defender of
the same, a wife and vigilant Lieutenant. And as at this time elpe
cially we paile thee for the discovery and prevention of the bloody
and treacherous designs of the Enemies of thy Truth and People:
We laud and magnifie thy Slozious name for these thy Mercies
and will ever thaw forth thy pzaile from generation to generation :
foz it was thy goodness alone that we were not delivered over foz a
picy unto their Teeth. Thy prudence not our fozelight, thy love
not our merit, that we appear this day before thee: That the Ene-
my did not triumph in oyr utter deftruction, no2 root up the Wine
which thy right hand had planted. Lozd God of hoffs look down
from Heaven, and behold, and visit this thy Wine, water it with
thy bleifing, and make it to fill the Land to the astonishment of our
Enemies; but unto the joy of all that with well unto our Sion: So
will we not go back from thee;but will serve thee in fear and holiness
all the days of our lives, through Jesus Christ our Lozd. Amen.
The Third Colle& after the Litany.
Doft Spacious Lozd God, we of this Nation, whom thou
dioft fnatch as a band out of the fire of the late hoyid Haffa-
cre, we this day aflembled. befoze thee, do with thame, and lonow
acknowledge, and confess, That our Sins had moft justly provok-
ed thee to Whath, when thou didst suffer those men of blood to make
their Sword fat with the Slaughter of so many thousand Innocents-
And we may as justly fear, that our not being made better by thy
fozmer Judgements, thou mayeft be compelled to make thy Sword
sharper, and return upon us in greater fury, becauſe our fins are
greater, moze bold, może pzovoking: in particular our neglect and
contempt of thy facred Dzdinances, our vain and falle swearing(for
which the Land mourns)our unchziſtian uncharitablencls,and ſhame-
ful intemperance,our facriledge,and covetouliefs,hypocrifie,flander-
ing, and deep lecurity in the midft of all our fins and dangers. Thele
together with a glopping in our impieties, might in jullice have
brought upon us a ludden and hozible deftruction. But contrary to
the method of thy proceedings against others, thou haft (pared us,
thereby woing us to return unto thee by unfeigned Repentance.Thou
halt magnified thy mercy towards us, that we may magnifie thee, as
we do this day, this memozable day, D Lozd, for thy patience, and
long suffering, notwithstanding all our provocations: we repent
D pardon; we return, D vouchlafe to receive us, and enable us
to walk worthy of thy great paft deliverance, by a moze ikrict, and
baly
(M *)
N's
L
90
APPENDIX.
holy future obedience, for the merits of Jelus Chzift our only Savi-
our, and Redeemer. Amen.
At the fecond Service this Fourth Collect, to be faid after the Collect
for the King.
M
Dit merciful and bountiful LozdGod, leeing thou hast been gza-
ciouſly pleaſed to pzeserve thy most unworthy people from total
defolation, and dayly to follow us with the bleffing of peace and good
Government; make us therefoze, O Lozd,in all thankfulness to be
obedient to thy will in all things; to be faithful and`conftant in our
duty to the King, and to all that are in Authozity under him; to be
fincere in thy worſhip; zealous of good works; of one faith, and
one mind,ftudying to be quiet, fozbearing one another, and forgiving
one another, even as God foz Chifts lake hath forgiven us: so that
when every one in his leveral place hall labour to advance the good
both of Church and State, and by a through Reformation of our
lives, thall become a people whom thou mayeft take delight to blefs;
then thy Judgements which we have deserved,and there foze fear,may
be averted, and our finfül Souls faved in the day of the Lord Jesus:
Then with one heart and voice we may all pzaile thee in thy Church,
and always fing joyfully; that thy loving kindness is ever moze,
and moze towards us, and the truth of the Lozd endures foz ever.
Thele mercies, we most unwozthy to ask, humbly beseech thee to
grant, for the benefit of this Church and Nation, and gloyy of
thy Rame, though Jefus Chzift our only Saviour, and Redeemer.
Amen.
{
For the Epistle Nehem. 4. from ver. 7. to ver, 16. or 2 Cor. 1. from
ver. 3.to ver, II.
from ver.
For the Gospel. Mat. 14, from ver.23. to ver.34. or Mat. 15.
1. to ver. 13. or Mat. 5. from ver. 1. to ver. 14.
And then proceed as in the Book of Common Prayer.
Other Particulars We might add, but how can We conclude better
then with the voice of the Church for fo wonderful a deliverance from
fo unnatural and inhuman a Confpiracy, which hath produced (befides
other horrid effects) this Abbreviate of fo fad a Tragidy, and the expence
of fo vaft a Treaſure?
1
}
Omiffions
1
APPENDIX.
Omiſſions containing feveral Additions to the Hiftory.
F%
Ol. 9. line. 23. Crime ] which for the Honour of thoſe Gentlemen
(rather then that it's undeniably true) I would willingly believe,
it being eaſy to be made out, that many of theſe inſtigated, if not
headed, the Commonalty afterwards
Fol. 10.1.25. of Lands] though the Law heretofore was held other-
wife, and much of his Majefties Revenue ftands upon that Title.
Fol. 13.1. 39. Epiftle] which expreffion of his is the more to be took
notice of, in that (being a prime Inftrument of State) He hath more
Grounds then others to build theſe Conjectures upon.
Fol. 28. 1.12. Rebellion] the Commiffion Granted to the Lord Gor-
manfton was as follows.
By the Lords,Juftices,and Council.
W. Parfons.
7o. Borlafe.
Ight Truſty and well beloved. We greet you well. Whereas
divers and moſt difloyal and malignant Perfons within this King-
dom, have traiterously confpired againſt his Majefty, his Peace,
Crown, and Dignity; and many of them in Execution of their Con-
fpiracy, are traiteroufly affembled together in a Warlike manner, and
have moſt inhumanly made deftruction and devaſtation of the Perſons
and Eſtates of his Majefties good and loyal Subjects of this Kingdom,
and taken, flain and impriſoned great Numbers of them. We out of
our care and zeal for the common good,being defirous by all means to
ſuppreſs the ſaid Treafons and Traitors, and to conferve the Perfons
and Fortunes of his Majefties loving Subjects here in fafety; and to
prevent the further ſpoil and devaſtation of his Majeſties good People
here, do therefore hereby require and authorize you to Levie, Raiſe,
and Affemble all, every, or any the Forces, as well Footmen as Horſe-
men within the County of Meath, giving you hereby the Command
in chief of all the faid Forces, and hereby further requiring and au-
thorizing you as Commander of them in Chief to arm, array, divide,
diftribute, difpofe, conduct, lead, and govern in Chief the faid For-
ces according to your beſt difcretion; and with the faid Forces to re-
fift, purſue, follow, apprehend, and put to death, kill and flay, as well
by Battle as otherwaies, all and fingular the faid Confpirators, Trai-
tors and their Adherents according to your diſcretion; And according
to your Conſcience and difcretion to proceed againſt them, or any of
them, or by Martial Law, by hanging them or any of them till they
be dead, according as it hath been accuſtomed in time of open Rebel-
lion; and alfo to take, waft, and ſpoil their or any of their Caſtles,
Holds,Forts, Houſes, Goods and Territories, or otherwife to preferve
the lives of them, or any of them, and to receive them into his Ma-
jefties favour and mercy, and to forbear the devaſtation of their,or any
of theirCaſtles, Holds, Forts, Houſes, Goods, and Territories afore-
mentioned, according to your difcretion: Further hereby requiring
(M 2 )
and
9i
1
1
2
}
}
}
92
7
६
APPENDIX.
and authorizing you to do, execute and perform all and fingular fuch
other things for Examination of perfons fufpected, difcovery of Trai-
tors and their Adherents, parlying with, and granting protections to
them or any of them, taking up of Carts, Carriages and other Con-
veniences, fending and retaining Efpials, Victualing the faid Forces,
and other things whatfoever conducing to the purpofe aforemention-
ed, as you in your difcretion fhall think fit, and the neceffity of the
fervice require, further hereby requiring and authorizing you as
Commander in Chief, to conftitute and appoint fuch Officers and
Miniſters reſpectively, for the better performance and execution of
all and fingular the premifes, as you in your difcretion fhall think fit:
And do hereby require and command all and fingular his Majeſties
Sheriffs, Officers, and Minifters, and loving Subjects, of and within
the County of Meath, and the borders thereof, upon their Faith and
Allegiance to his Majeſty, and to his Crown, to be aiding, helping,
and affifting to you in the doing and Executing of all and fingular the
premiſes. This our Commiffion to continue during our Pleaſure on-
İy, and for the fo doing, this ſhall be your fufficient Warrant. Given
at his Majeſties Caftle of Dublin, November 1641.
To our very good Lord
Nicholas Gormanstowne.
Vic.Com.
R. Dillon. Jo.Temple.
Ja.Ware. Rob.Meredith.
Fol. 86. 1. 45. Osburn's Caſtle] as alfo of the notable ſervice of Bals
lially in the County of Clare, well defended by Bridgeman and Cuff,
though flenderly fuccoured by Bowatty (how oft foever invoked) of
whoſe neglect they were not a little fenfible.
Fol 88.1.39. a Careful General's] not upon diffidence that his Com-
mands (entruſted to others) would be the infufficienter executed: No,
his Souldiers had long experienced (even the best of Quality amongst
them) that no commands were to be difobeyed; But that the Souldier
(feeing his General to fhare in labour) might undergo the like with
more willingneſs and courage. Examples of hardship, born by fuch as
might have eaſe, wonderfully work on thoſe who can have no exemp
tion.
Fol. 97.1.4. Laws of the Land] This Oath of Affociation (the later
Paragraph excepted) was the 26th. of July 1644. in the General Af-
fembly of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland at Kilkenny decla-
red, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Knights and Bur-
other
geffes of that houſe, full and binding, without addition of any
words thereunto, and enjoyned to be took by all forts of People.
Fol. 104. 1. 28. That War] and (by fome fpeeches) it was appre-
hended that the drift in requiring fubfcriptions, was to engage the
Army againſt his Majeſty; in deteftation whereof fome Officers rent
the Book of Subſcriptions in pieces.
Fol. 105. 1. 303. 8000 men.] A neceffity the State was then unhap-
pily reduced to, and (as his Majefty takes notice) that his Miniſters
(who fuffered the return of his Army and their quartering in the Ci-
ty) were not to be blam'd if they durft not ſuffer the Souldiers to march
farr, or ſtay long in the Enemies Country, when there was but 40.
Barrels of Powder in all the Store.
Fol.
}
+
{
1
APPENDIX.
Fol. 106. 1. 14. their Weight] and afterwards by the King's ap-
probation with C. R. with a Crown on one fide, and the value on
the other.
Fol. tzo. l. 4. with 300l.] In as much as their General Bourk
(having a good opinion of his Gallantry) fent a Summons fignify-
ing, That He was commanded by the Councel of the Confederate
Catholiques of Ireland, to demand the delivery of the Caſtle to his
hands for the uſe of his Majefty, and if not deliver'd upon this Sum-
mons, Mercy was not be expected, although (for his part) He
defired not the effufion of Chriftian blood, yet if fuch a Paper-houfe
fhould be kept againſt him (who had fuch an Army, fuch Artillery
a day longer, he could not (by the practice of VVar) be cenfur'd
cruel if no Quarter were given a terrible Minace, and (confidering
the force he had and the Weakneſs of the Houſe) not irrational.
Fol. 140.1.32. their Concurrence ] In November 1643. the Parlia-
ment in Ireland fitting, the Houfe of Commons had in debate a Re-
monftrance declaring the Inhumanity of the Rebels, that it might be
recommended to the King, a Committee was fent from the Houſe to
the Lords Juftices, who advifing with the upper Houſe (at that time
very thin, and highly influenc'd) were anfwer'd, That there were
greater matters of State to be confidered, ſo nothing further proceed-
ed thereon.
1
93
Fol. 155. 1. 44. with the Rebels] which Perinchief writes* was *Fol. 61.
procured by the Scots to make their Ware more valuable.
claration for
-Fol. 156. 1.6. witneſſing the Conclufion] which, as the Ceffation,
His Majeſty profeffeth to have been forced to during the late trou-* In his De-
bles, and was compelled to give the Irish a full Pardon for what they the fettlement
had before done amifs upon their return to their Duty, and their of Ireland,
Fromife of giving Him a vigorous Affiftance, which (how anfwer'd fol. 10.
by their obedience) hereafter appears.
Fol. 167. 1. 39. into England] who carried with them theſe
Propofitions from the Lord Lieutenant to the Parliament of Eng-
land.
1. That the faid Lord Lieutenant will profecute the VVar againſt
the Iriſh Rebels as vigorously as he ſhall be enabled thereunto by the
Parliament of England, and that he will faithfully ferve the Crown
of England therein.
2. That whilft he hath the Government of this Kingdom and the
Command of the Armies therein, none of the fupplies of Men, Mo-
neys, Arms, Munition, Victuals or any other Provifions of what kind
or nature foever, which fhall by the Parliament of England be fent
over, or joined with the Forces already under his Command, nor any
of the faid Forces now under his Command, nor any other Forces
that ſhall be under his Command, hall in any wife be employed ei-
ther within this Kingdom, or without it, but by the expreſs Directi-
on of the faid Parliament of England.
3. That he will not upon any Command, or by virtue of any
Power or Authority whatsoever, enter into any Treaty with the faid
Irish Rebels, or conclude any Peace or Ceffation with them without
the confent and expreſs Command of the King and Parliament of
England.
4. He will engage himſelf to the true performance of all theſe things
by
}
94
APPENDIX.
1
•
A
1
by Oath or any other means that can be propos'd to a Man of Honour
and Conſcience.
Septemb. 26. 1646.
Ormond.
Which he frequently infifted on in his Treaty with the Parliaments
Commiffioners, who feem'd not (before) to be acquainted there-
with, or thought it expedient (upon the Treaty) to receive the
fame from him, which (however) as most important He infifted up-
on, as alſo to have Directions from His Majeltie ere he would deliver
up the Hoord, or render up the Garriſons (in his Power) to their
hands, waving (notwithſtanding) the first Propofition rather than
that ſhould be any lett to the Treaty, which (in conclufion) ended
in delivering up all to the Parliament.
Fol. 169. 129. in the Irish] concluding thereby that there would
not be only a loſs of the Kingdom, but of thouſands of Proteſtants,
and together with them the Proteſtant Religion alſo.
Fol. 177.1. 41. other Confiderations] As that the English Intereft
in Ireland must be preferv'd by the Engliſh, and not by the Irish.
Fol. 184. 1. 21. and Eloquence] as follows in theſe words.
"
To the Honourable Commiffioners from the Par-
liament of ENGLAND.
The humble Anſwer and Petition of the Proteftant Clergy
of the City of Dublin."
Humbly Shewing,
T
}
HAT whereas we having received from your Honours by An-
thony Dopping Esquire, a Meffage confifting of two branches;
one of Demand, Whether the Minifters will officiate in
their feveral Churches, not using the Book of Common Prayer?
The other a Conceffion to this effect; That fuch as will officiate,
may use the Directory, or fuch Service as is agreeable to the Word
of God; but not use the Book of Common Prayer.
VVe hereto with all meekneſs and lowlineſs of minds return this
our joint Anſwer.
1. That forafmuch as we fee and know, that the Proteſtants of
this City, for the most part, are much grieved in heart for the want
of the daily accuſtomed Service of God in the two Cathedrals, and
the Parish Churches of this City, and for their late being deprived of
us and our Miniftery, which they have long enjoyed; VVe are very
much troubled, and are very forrowful in our felves for their grief:
We acknowledg our felves bound to preach the Goſpel of Chrift unto
the People, and are fo far from a voluntary deſertion of our Churches,
People, Miniftery, and the exerciſe thereof, as that we fhall rejoyce
in
ľ
}
APPENDIX.
95
1
1
}
in nothing more, than that we may finifh our courfe with joy, and
the Miniftry which we have received of the Lord Jefus, to testify the
grace of God.
2. That we have been and ſtill are effectually debarred from our
Churches, and the exercife of our Miniftry by your Honours Injun
Etion and Command, bearing date the 24, of June, 1647. wherein you
require the diſcontinuance of the Book of Common-Prayer, and the
receiving of the Directory, &c. which Injunction lies ftill upon us,
with the danger of non-protection in cafe we difobey the fame.
*
3. That we cannot confent with a good confcience to the diſconti-
nuance of the Book of Common-Prayer, and receiving the Directory
in lieu thereof, or any other private form of publick Service for the
reaſons exhibited, and alledged in our* Anfwer the 22. of June laft, Which be
whereto we humbly annex thefe Reafons following, amongst others ing given in
which we debated upon in our mutual conference the 25. of June, copies cannot
and on the fame day touched fome of the Heads of them before your be recovered,
Honours.
writing, the
though the
main of what
I. VVe all at our Ordination or being made Presbyters, have (a- is there infift-
mong other things) made this folemn Promiſe before God, which ed on, is hare
we account the fame with or little different from an Oath, that we repeated.
would fo minifter the Doctrine and Sacraments, and Diſcipline of
Chrift, as the Lord hath commanded, and as this Realm bath recei-
ved the fame.
II. VVe have often taken the Oath of Supremacy, and fworn that
the King's ghness is the only fupreme Governour of this Realm,
as well in all spiritual and Ecclefiaftical things, or causes, as tempo-
ral, and that we shall affift and defend all furifdictions, Sc. granted
or belonging to the King's Highness, his Heirs and Succeffors, or uni-
ted and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Kingdom. Now
hould we receive a Directoy printed, or any other form without
Royal Authority, we do not conceive how this can ſtand with this
our Oath.
III. As the Act of Parliament 2 Eliz. ftill in force in this King-
dom, exprefly commands the ufe of this Book of Common-Prayer, fo
it forbids Common-Prayer or Adminiſtration of the Sacraments o-
therwiſe or after any other manner or form, with any private diſpen-
fation whereof we cannot comply, we being bound to the obedience
thereof, not only for fear of penalty, but for confcience fake, Rom.
13.5.
IV. VVhereas the Book of Common-Prayer is one main part of
the Reformation eſtabliſhed in the Churches of England and Ireland;
the laying afide thereof and the receiving of the Directory or any
other form would be, we conceive (confidering the prefent ftate and
circumſtances of things) a departing in this from the Communion of
the Church of England and Ireland.
V. It is evident, that as the Conſtitution of a Law in any matter
Ecclefiaftical, the order ever obferved in the Church fince Kings be-
came nurfing Fathers thereto, was, is, and ought to be this, That it
firſt paſs the confultation and determination of a lawful Ecclefiaftical
Council; and then, that it receive the fanction and confirmation of
the civil Supreme Magiftrate; for this gives it the formal ftrength
and vigour of a Law outwardly obliging, and that gives it materiali-
1
ty
96
APPENDIX.
}
ty and ſubſtance, and fupplies ground fufficient to make it a Law in-
wardly obliging Chriftian People to receive it. So in the promulga-
tion and execution of that Law, concerning a matter Ecclefiaftical,
there was and is this order obferved: Firft, the fupreme civil Magi-
ſtrate remands and recommends it to the Ecclefiaftical Governours,
and they deliver it to the rest of the Paftors, and they to the People.
So that the immediate actual reception of an Order Ecclefiaftical by
the Miniſters, is from the hand of the Bishop or Ordinary. And up-
on this is founded that folemn Promiſe made before God by every Mi-
nifter at his Ordination, That he will reverently obey his Ordinary,
and other chief Minifters, unto whom the Government and Charge
over him is committed, following with a glad mind their godly ad-
monitions, and fubmitting himſelf to their godly judgments.
Since then in this matter concerning the Book of Common-Prayer,
all the required premilles were fulfilled, and that any other form,
that for the prefent we can uſe, wants all of them, we cannot with-
out breach of our Promife forementioned, and diſordered anticipation
or neglect of the judgment of our Ordinances, receive any fuch or
other form, confidering the King's Command concerning the only
uſe of the Book of Common-Prayer expreffed in the Act of Parlia-
ment is ftill in force, and the Commands and Conftitutions of our
lawful Convocation of the Biſhops and Clergy, ftill live and fpeak
unto us, in the Canons made in the year 1634. whereof the third
thus exprefly, That Form of Liturgie or divine Servic and no other,
Shall be used in any Church of this Realm, but that which is establish-
ed by Law, and comprized in the Book of Common-Prayer, and Ad-
miniſtration of the Sacraments. VVhich Canon with all the reft is
confirmed and publiſhed by His Majeſties Authority under the great
Seal of Ireland.
VI It may be added, that the Reformed Church of Ireland, un-
der the Government of our dread Soveraign the King, is and ever
was reputed a free National Church, and not fubordinate unto or de-
pending upon the convocation of any other Church. And hence it
was, that till the Convocation held at Dublin, Anno 1634. the Ar-
Where by ticles of the Church of England were not held, or reputed the Ar-
what was con- ticles of the Church of Ireland, and when they were received, they
fome, (as if the were not received in any acknowledged fubordination to the Church
Reception of of England, but for manifeſtation of our agreement with that Church
the English
in the confeffion of the fame Chriftian Faith, and the Doctrine of the
lith the Irish) Sacraments, as is expreffed in the firſt Canon. Hence it is, beſides
it was evident that our Canons were not impofed by the Church of England, nay
fuch Intention. When fomewhat highly the Clergy was invited to fubmit to the
troverted by
Articles abo-
there was no
Book of English Canons, the Convocation utterly refufed the fame,
and framed a new Book of Canons for the Church of Ireland. Should.
we therefore receive or admit of any other form, without the Au-
thority of this Church, we fhould be held and eſteemed before God
and the World, guilty of unconscionably betraying of the Liberty of
the free National Church of Ireland.
VII. The Book of Common-Prayer hath been in ufe in this Church
from the beginning of the Reformation; we have preached for it,
and recommended it to the people as a form of God's publick Wor-
fhip
APPENDIX.
97
'
fhip and Service: the people of God in this City for the moſt part
generally do love it, have been edified by it, are loath to part from
it, and earnestly defire the continuance of it. Now fhould we con-
fent to the taking it away, and receive or ufe any other form not efta-
blished by Law, we fhould not avoid the guilt of Sin, it being all one
to destroy that which is well built, as to build that which a man once
destroyed, which in the Apoſtles judgement (Gal. 2. 8.) renders a
man a tranfgreffor.
And withall we ſhould, as matters ftand, give great offence and
ſcandal to the Confciences of our Brethren, and fo fin againſt them,
who deſerve better at our hand, and for whom Chrift dyed.
VIII. Laſtly, that reafon given by the Univerſity of Oxford in this
point is not to be forgotten, that by our leaving of the Book of Com-
mon-Prayer and receiving any other Form, we fhould condemn the
Church and State for the penalties and cenfures againſt Recufants
and juſtifie them in their accufations and imputations of injuftice and
tyranny, wherewith they boldly charge both our Churches of Eng-
land and Ireland.
>
The premiffes confidered, as we hope your Honours difcern here-
by, that we have not lightly or obftinately or out of faction, or any
fpirit of oppofition forborn the exercife of our Miniftry fince your Ho-
nours injunction; fo we do now with all humility preſent theſe our
fervent Petitions to your Honours.
1. That you would be pleased, in pity and compaſſion to the Pro-
testants of this City and to us the Minifters, who else by your Injunction
aforefaid, are indangered to be expofed to banishment, loss of eftate,
and of preſent fubfiftance, with our wives and families; to restore
us to our Churches, Ministry, and exercise thereof, by permitting of
us to uſe the Book of Common-Prayer, in our ſeveral Cathedral and
Parish Churches, as formerly we used the fame before your Injunction
aforesaid, and to grant us your Protection therein, till fuch time as
further order be taken by a Convocation of the Clergy, and an Act of
Parliament in this Kingdom: and in the mean time we shall ended-
vour to demean our felves in the whole courfe of our Miniftry, with
fuch Chriftian faithfulness and moderation, as that we shall (by the
help of God)give no juft occafion of offence.
2. That in cafe your Honours fhall be pleased to grant this Petition,
which we hope you will, if after our stay and refidence here, we, or
any of us ſhall be by the impofal of any thing against our Confciences
be forced hereafter to depart the Kingdom, we may then respectively
have free paffes and convenient time to remove our perfons, families,
and goods.
3. That during the time of our refidence here, we may enjoy the
profits, benefits and meanes of our feveral Church-livings for our ſub-
fistance, which are due or allotted to us by the Law of the Land and
Acts of State.
oned fol.77.
4. That whereas the * monthly faftobferved hitherto by command* 30. of April
of authority on a Friday, was grounded upon the horrid Rebellion 1642. menti-J
of the Irish Papifts, begun, and the danger we were all in, as on
that day, wherein the Rebells came to this Gity to furpriſe it, and
the evening of that day, was the time wherein that bloody treachery,
(N *)
and
98
APPENDIX.
7
* 342.
and confpiracy was difcovered, that we may be permitted still to
keep the monthly Fast on that day, being a day of preparation for
the monthly Communion according to our custom theſe five years past.
1
Delivered the 9th. day of July, 1647.
Subscribed as followeth.
Ed. Laonenfis.
And we ſhall ever pray,Sc.
Gilbert Deanë.
Jac.Margetfon. Since Armachanus. Dud. Bofwel.
Ben. Culme.
Ambr. Anngier.
Ja. Sybold.
Godf. Rhodes.
Hen. Hall. Since Ep. Academ.
Jof. War.
Jo. Brookbank.
Rob. Parry.
Joan. Creighton, Can.
Edw. Syng. Since Arfeitenfis.
Rob. Dickfon.
Rand. Ince.
Henry Byrch.
Rich. Powel.
Fol. 190. 1. 36. the Loyallifts An. 160,] After that the Nuncio was
driven to Galoway, He the 2d. of August took an occafion to expo-
ſtulate with the Marquefs of Clanrickard, about one of the Provin-
cial Fathers of the Francifcans being by the Preſidents Souldiers
clap'd up in Clare-Caftle, wondring fo pious and true a Catholick
fhould permit a Subject of the Apoftolick See(to which the Clergy are
only accountable) to be ſo uſed by Laicks; unto which the * 8th of
of Auguft the Marquefs excellently replied, That unknown to him
the Father was (at the Command of the fupream Council) taken, and
by their order was to be brought to Kilkenny; He reverenced the
Clergy, but could not recede from the Order of that Council, for that
the Holy Church gives not Protection to Criminals, or the God of
Peace Impunity tothe Seditious, enlarging well on that Subject; con-
cluding that if (under pretext or title of the Immunities of the
Church) any ſhould efcape unpunished, There would be ſoon an end
of the State and Temporal jurifdiction. And having been thus enter-
tained by the Nuncio, the Marquefs freely propofes to Him thefe
Queſtions*, That He might underſtand the difference betwixt the
Carul An. Hib. Temporal and Ecclefiaftical Authority.
* 344*
314'
Quædam percontationes Reverendiffimo Domino
Nuncio a Clanrichardia Marchione propofitæ.
1.
QU
Vâ potestate, vel Authoritate Nuncius Regia Magiftatis
fubditos à fide fua obedientia Statuto Regni, Regnique
Ordinibus debitâ abducat?
&
·2. Quâ poteftate vel Authoritate Tribunos & Centuriones creet,mi-
litemque confcribat, Qui nihil in communem hoftem molitus Catholico-
rum Majeftatis fubditorum caftella paffim expugnet, pradas agat, om-
nia compilat?
3. Quả
1
APPENDIX.
3. Qua poteftate vel ratione hominibus perjuru faveat, eofque
contra Rectores, univerfique regni Ordines teneat ac tueatur?
4. Quâ poteftate manifeftos profcriptos perduelles in retinendis ac
propagandis validis munitionibus contra eos. Qui Regni clavum te-
nent, animet & fuftentet?
5. Qua poteftate Regiæ Majestatis obfequium profeffos, Ejufque in
hoc regno proinde Præfectis adhærentes, quos poteft, excommuicatos
carceribus mancipet, aliofque omnes promifcue excommunicet?
To which no Anſwer (that I could ever difcover) was returned,
but his Will. Or that of Anaftafius, I will command but not be com-
manded.
し
​Fol. 190. 1. 49. The Pope Himfelf.] But before we proceed to
that, we fhall be fo juft, that wherein the fupream Council dif-
owned the Nuntio's Exorbitances, Oppreffions and
Oppreffions and Divifions
through his Infolency we ſhall manifeft their refentment: acquaint-
ing you firſt that the Nuntio (difliking the Ceffation) writes fome
what fharply to the Supream Council inveighing with more
then ordinary deteftation) againſt the Lord Inchiquin, telling them
that it was known through Europe how he had fack'd Cashell,
flain in St. Patrick's Church with horrible Sacriledge feveral Prieſts
and Women at the Altar, and afterwards compelled many Counties
to pay Contribution, and at laſt (even before the Walls of Kilkenny)
infulted over the chief Magiftrate: To which the Supream Council
having replied with much refpect and ingenuity, they (as to this of the
Lord Inchiquin) told the Nuntio that what he did he did as an Enemy.
But upon the Cellation (the means to induce a Peace) Cabell, the
Cathedral, and all the Churches thereabouts would fall into their
Hands, putting the Nuntio further in mind, That when there was but
a rumour (only) of agreeing with the Parliamentary Scots, he was
forward to encourage them to joyn in that Aſſociation; That their
Treaſure was low, that Jones had all neceffary fupplies from the Par-
liament, whilst they lack'd even Corn, That the Confederate Com-
miffioners (Ferns and Plunket) returned from Rome onely with fome
Reliques, but no Money. Which working nothing upon the Nuntio,
(who the 27.of May Excommunicated all that adhered to that Ceffati-
on) the fupream Council in their Declaration of the 3d.of June first ad-
moniſhed both feculars and Regulars (as all of their Aſſociation) That
they no wife moleft any of their reſpective Subjects, Prieſts, or Reli-
gious, for perfevering in their Loyalty or (in purſuance thereof) for
approving the late Ceflation made by them with the Lord Baron of
Inchiquin: Which not prevailing, they (in perfuance of the Oath of
Affociation) the 20th. of June 1648. enjoyned this Oath to be taken
by all the Confedrate Catholicks.
I A.B. do fwear and protest before God, and his Saints and Angels,
that I will to the uttermost of my power obferve the Oath of Affociati
on, maintain the Authority of the Supream Council, and the Govern-
ment established by the general Assembly of the Confederate Catholicks
of this Kingdom, notwithstanding the prefent Excommunication if-
Sued forth by the Lord Nuncio, and four Bishops, against the Conclu-
ders, Maintainers and Adherents thereof, and unto the Ceflation con-
cluded with the Lord Baron of Inchiquin, and notwithstanding any
(N 2 *)
wher
99
1
1
100
APPENDIX.
J
other Excommunication to be iſſued upon the faid Ground; against
which Excommunication, and those who illued it, I do appeal unto his
Holiness as the indifferent Judge. And I do further Swear, that
(to the Hazard of my life) I will fupprefs and oppose any Perfon or
Party that fall stand in Arms in oppofition of the Jaid Affociation.
So help me God.
And that their further fence (which they feemed to be much fa-
tisfied in) might be fully known, We fhall here give you their Pro-
locutors following Letter (who though he joyned with the Confede-
rates) we muſt (from our knowledge of his Parts and Affections)affure
you (in his own Nature) was not averfe to the English intereft.
Concilii Catholicorum Regni Hiberniæ Denun-
ciatio ad Nuncium.
Domine mi,
Ræceptum mihi eft ab hoc Generali Regni Conventu, Domina-
tioni tuæ fignificare varias Oppreffiones, Divifiones, Exorbitan-
tia Crimina, & Capitales Offenfas, Quas à Dominatione tua à tribus
annis jam penè elapfis in hoc regno commiffas, & hoc ipfo Tempore in
ineffabile Religionis Catholica detrimentum, Nationifque jam tam
Antique quam Catholica ruinam ac Subverfionem,fedifque Apoftolice
dedecus continuatas ac perpetratas, federati Hiberniæ Catholici ex
Jua Officiofa & filiali in fummum Pontificem reverentiâ nimiâ & in-
audita apud ullam Nationem patientia hactenus toleraverunt, & in
hunc ufque diem tolerant,tandem compuliffe hæc Generalia Comitia ad
valida legitima ejus Prefidia recurrere pro confervandis Reliquiis
Majorum Regni commodorum jam ad proximum integra Ruinæ pun-
Etum actibus tuis, pravaque rerum Adminiftratione redactorum. Qua-
propter Dominationem tuam certiorem faciunt, Declarationem,* ac
Proteftationem contra te paratam, & ad fuam Sanctitatem brevi mit-
Where the tendam effe, cujus argumenti partem aliquam (quam tibi placebit no-
cially Regul- tare) inclufum fcriptum continet, ac deinde ad iter Romam verſus
Jars) oppofed fufcipiendum, ibique te contra accufationem illam defendendam quam
Authority of primùm parare. Ac interim Dominatio tua fub interminatione pa-
the Confede- narum, cæteroqui tam divinarum quam humanarum legum vigore in-
currendarum, cavebit, ne per fe, aut per ullum aliud Inftrumentum,
directe, aut indirectè, ullis Regni fefe hujus rebus immifceat. Maneo
Kilkenniæ 19. Octobris 1648.
Of which and
the Confe-
quences there-
upon, fee walsh
f. 581. &c.
Clergy (efpe-
the Supream
rates,
Dominationis tuæ admodum amicus, de man-
dato Comitiorum Generalium,
Rich. Blaka, Prolocutor.
But we ſuſpect this Denunciation of theirs was rather delufive then
entire, for that afterwards we fhall finde many of the Members of this
Council (though it drove the Nuncio out of the Kingdom) ſtomach'd
his Majefties Authority feated in his Excellency,
Fol.
1
APPENDIX.
101
Fol. 228. 1. 46. or allay] In anſwer to whoſe Revolt it's faid (be-
fides what may be drawn from the Munfter Remonftrance) that Fol.146.
thoſe Towns declared (with the Lord Inchiquin) for the King, in
hopes that the Marquefs would fo have adjuſted the Differences be-
twixt them and the Trib, that there might have been fuch a viſible
power left in Him,as to have managed the Government anſwerable to
the Dignities of his Office, and the fecurity of the Proteftants and
their Religion: But when they perceiv'd that the firſt was flighted
and the latter not aſcertain'd (nay in effect at the Confederates mer-
cy) they again reflected on their own fecurity and their Religion, in
hope that though they adhered to the Parliament (who at that time
had fhaken off the Regal Power, whereunto they never affented)
there might yet be a poffibility (through a Change) to reinveſt all
again in the Royal Line with a Prefervation (in the interim) of them-
felves and their Religion, which were like wholly to be ruin'd by a
joint compliance with the Confederates.
Fol. 265. 1. 25. was Light] And had he done otherwiſe, his Pro-
voft Marſhal's Commiffion (being grounded on the King's Proclama-
tion of the first of January 1641. to profecute the Rebels with Fire
and Sword, and by Orders of the State forbidden alfo to allow any
Quarter to thoſe whom they found in Arms, eſpecially all Priefts,
known Incendiaries of the Rebellion and prime Actors of exemplary
Cruelties) might have been brought to have anſwer'd his Contempt
at a Councel of VVar.
Fol. 282. 1. 25. Power] touching the Articles of the Rendition,
of which fome Queſtions have rifen efpecially about Waterford, In
as much as Ireton in vindication thereof publiſhed There this Mani-
fest by way of Warning to fuch as he intended to free the City of,
which I am the willinger to infert, for that the Behaviour of the In-
habitants, the Nature of the Place, and the Genius of the Irish (de-
voted to Superſtition) are hereby more clear and fignificant.
WHE
CC
HEREAS upon the Rendition of the City of Waterford
to the State of England, Articles of Agreement between
Commiffioners on my part, and others of theirs, for and on the be-
half of the Soldiers and Citizens of VVaterford, it was agreed and
concluded (amongſt other things) that all the Inhabitants of the
"faid City fhould have liberty to carry away their Goods to what
place they pleaſe within this Dominion or beyond the Seas within
"the fpace of three Months, and fhould have them protected for their
ufe in the mean time, paying equal Contribution with the reſt of
"their Neighbours; And that fuch of them as fhould defire, and be
thought fit to ſtay, fhould enjoy their Goods there or diſpoſe of
them otherwife during their ſtay, paying the like Contribution
"and when they ſhould defire, or have warning to depart, fhould
"have three Months time from the warning given on their part for the
"removal of what they have remaining, with fafe conducts anfwer-
"able in the ſeveral cafes aforemention'd refpectively, as in the 7th.
"Article of the faid Agreement is expreft; I have now thought fit to
give them warning to depart according to the intent of the ſaid Ar-
ticle, whereof all the Inhabiters that then were and yet are within
the faid City, and have not had fuch warning perfonally otherwiſe,
(C
"C
are
;
102
APPENDIX.
are hereby to take notice of it, from the tenth day of February inſtant
at their perils, and though no other reafon need be given for the do-
ing of a thing fo confonant to, and agreeing with, both the letter,
and declared intention of the Article, yet (for more full, and clear
fatisfaction to all that defire it) I think it not amifs to publiſh and de-
clare the reaſons inducing me to it, as followeth.
First, I held my felf bound (in diſcharge of that truft I have from
them I ferve) to put all places of ftrength now within our power, into
fuch a poſture and condition, before our taking the Field, as that I
may (through the bleffing of God) give a good account of them to
thofe that have intrufted me. And this I thought I could not do
without timely giving of fuch warning to the people of this City;
who, by their principles and practices (at leaſt for the moſt part) do
appear, fo far difaffected to us, and the Cauſe and Intereſt we ferve
in, and fo unlikely to be faithful and trufty to us, (if we ſhould truſt
them to ſtay there) eſpecially confidering that there is yet no Caſtle,
or Cittadel, whereby that City can be fecured from being in the pow-
er of the people that inhabit it, without leaving great numbers of
Soldiers to overpower them. I need not fay much to demonftrate
their unfitneſs to be (in ſuch a cafe) confided in by us, their actions
fpeaking fo loud and large as they do, to that purpoſe, telling us,
they are our Enemies; witneſs their practices all the time of this
VVar, but more eſpecially in their carriage of late: As to the firſt, all
know, and they cannot be ignorant, that the City of Waterford hath
been one of the chief places in this Dominion which hath maintain'd
and upheld the trade of Piracy upon the Englife, both by receiving
the Goods fo taken by others from the English,and thereby much en-
couraging thofe Thieves and Robbers in their wicked Practifes, and
alfo by fetting forth and maintaining Ships or Frigats of their own
for the fame Pyratical trade. To their carriage of late (efpecially
fince our endeavouring the reducement of the place) their continued
obftinacy even almoſt to utmoſt extremity and their refufing all o-
vertures made to them for returning them to their due obedience, and
delivery up of that place upon good terms for themſelves (even
* Lord Gene when it was in their own power to have done it, having no Garri-
ſon at all in it to over-power them, till they received one from the E-
putting by the nemy, and fetch'd it in with their own Boats from the other fide of the
Marquefs of River in view of our Army then treating fairly with them) are fuffi-
cient arguments of their unfitneſs to be truſted by us in fo much
power of betraying fuch a place, to the party they fo much adhere
unto, in their judgments and affections. And to this purpoſe I fhall
defire them but to remember what was offered by the Lord Lieute-
* In December nant,and refuſed by them when we came * firſt againſt the City; and
1649. in con- what trouble,hazard, and expence they have put us to,then and fince
fidence of the As alfo what was offered by us a fecond time in the Treaty at Dunkit,
his Forces,and and by the Letters proceeding (that occafion'd it.). And how it was
the wetness of received by them, as fome of them yet prefent in the City, (acting
then as Commiffioners in the name of the reft) well know. And how
att laft they neceffitated us to march down with our whole Army and
Artillery againſt them before they would deliver, and we have no
reaſon to think, they had delivered then, but the extremity of fick-
nefs, and want of provifions (together with their own fears of dan-
ral Farrall,
vid. f. 230.
Ormond.
weakneſs of
the Seafon.
† August 20.
1652.
*
;
ger)
1
}
APPENDIX.
103
ger) induced them to it feeing us come prepared in every reſpect
through God's bleffing) to have forc'd them,if they had not yielded :
And whether perſons that do their utmoſt to the laft in holding out a
place againſt us, upon fuch an account as they did, be fit to be let ſtay
in that place with us (where they may have fuch opportunities of
betraying it, when the Army may be ingaged at a remote diſtance)
I leave to all rational men to judge, confidèring we are free by the
Articles to turn them out upon due warning.
*
of
A further ground leading me to conclude them unfit to be truſted
by us in fuch a cafe, and in the power of fuch a place, is, the confide-
ration of thoſe principles in their Religion (owned and purſued by the
people of this Nation more evidently than in many others, and fo by
them in that City) tending in endleſs violence, injuftice, falfhood
and treachery towards us, whereever they find opportunity, as That
Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks (which in their fenfe are all per-
fons not of their Religion) but that (at leaſt) where the keeping of
it is to the prejudice, and the breaking of it may be of advantage to the
Catholique caufe, it may be broken, and any thing (in a manner) is
lawful to be done for the advantage of that Caufe (at leaſt) if it be
with the allowance or difpenfation of their Ghoftly Fathers; And
how dangerous and unfafe it is to keep perfons of fuch differing and
deftructive principles to the Cauſe and Intereſt we ferve, in fuch pla-
ces of ſtrength and fo much in the power of the Inhabitants, I wiſh
them only to make it their own cafe, and then judge: And though
fuch principles be denied or difowned in the expreffions of fome, yet
fure I am, nothing hath been more clear in the practices of the gene-
rality of the people of that Religion in this Nation: as appears in the
feveral times of their Rebellion againſt the lawful authority which
God had fet over them (to whom they have feveral times fworn to The Chlef
be true and faithful, and as often broke their faith and obligations as every Sept
engaged) and eſpecially in this Rebellion, by the Murders and Maf- who formerly
facres of fo many innocent English Proteftants (in the beginning of
it) living in peace and Truft quietly by them: And that this is ftill K.
their practice (fuitable to fuch principles) I defire thoſe that queftion
it, but to look upon the late actions of many of thofe that (upon their
fair profeffions to us,and our trust in them for faithfulneſs or (at leaſt)
for innocent and peaceable demeanors towards us) have received
protection from us, who, notwithſtanding, do (moft of them) make
it their daily buſineſs to do us all the miſchief they can (wherever
they ſee an opportunity) and for that purpoſe do harbor, entertain
and encourage thofe many Tories, in every corner, that, otherwiſe
durft not come into our Quarters, nor could fubfift in them undifco-
vered, or do that miſchief as they do, and eſcape yet from all our
Forces and Garrifons (in every corner ready to purſue them) but
that (as they are affured and find) the protected people are friends
to them, and in their hearts Enemies and falfe to us, notwithſtand- Tories, wood-
ſtanding all their profeffions to the contrary: nay many of the pro- kerns, or any
tected people themſelves, upon every flight occafion or ground of that oppofe
hope of doing miſchief to us, do frequently run from their Habita-
tions, join with the Enemy in Arms, and deliver up their Caſtles to
them; And though, for the fhame and ill confequences of fuch
principles to themſelves (if owned and profeft by them) many do
*
1
dif
at the begin-
ning of each
fince the
Conqueft
(wore Alle-
giance.
*
the Parlia-
ment.
104
APPENDIX.
diſclaim any fuch opinions, yea perhaps (from the fence of thofe evil
confequences) may, in their prefent and private Judgments, con-
demn them; yet whilft they hold entire communion with that Ca-
tholick Church (as they account it) which maintains, or holds forth
the fame, and implicitly refolve their private judgments into the be-
lief or determination of that Church, or (however) do own and
adhere to a power (both forreign and adverſe to us) in their Pope,
and Clergy, which, they acknowledg, can bind and loſe their con-
ſciences without limitation; It muft needs follow, that upon the de-
terminations or allowance of that Church, or the injunctions or abſo-
lutions of that power, they muft, when it comes to trial, unlefs they
will renounce that Communion and Dependance, account themſelves
not only abfolvable thereby, from all obligations of humane right
or duty towards us, to the contrary; but alſo obliged, by an higher
bond, and duty, to anfwer and purfue any Injunctions of that
CHURCH, or power, in any ways of violence and treachery to-
wards us, which for the upholding or advancement thereof, fhall be
required, or warranted thereby, and they fhall fee any opportunity
for. Now though theſe and many more fuch confiderations and ex
periences may fuffice, both to juftifie us in, and awaken us to, the pro-
viding for fecurity to our felves and our Caufe, againſt fuch a genera-
tion, by all ways, to which, in common Juſtice, we are free (as by this
warning out theſe Inhabitants in this caſe) and not to trust them in fo
viſible a power and opportunity to betray or hurt us (as their continu-
ance in that City beyond the period of this warning they would
have) yet, in humanity and our common Chriftian charity we cannot
but pity Men, fo miferably blind-folded and captivated in delufions
(as the generality of them appear) and heartily wifh and pray, that
neither they nor any other might any longer be fo; and we do not
deſire their hurt or prejudice, further than juſtice and neceffity (for
our own and the publick fafety) do require; and therefore (even in
this warning given) we have not only confulted the juſtice and ne-
ceffity leading to it, but alſo the conveniency of time (as to them)
for doing of it, that it might be at ſuch a ſeaſon, as might be moſt
convenient or leaſt prejudicial to them alſo, which I judge the time of
the period of this warning to be, in regard that (being in the begin-
ning of May) it is the moſt fitting ſeaſon for perfons in fuch conditi-
ons, to provide for themſelves,either by hiring or building themſelves
places of Habitation in fome parts near adjoyning(to be allotted them
for that purpoſe) or to march, if they fo defire it, by Land, or take
a Voyage by Sea, to thofe places unto which they fhall defire to go.
And that all may fee, who do not wilfully fhut their eyes,that our end
is, not to ruin them and inrich our felves, but only, to act in order to
publique ſafety and fecurity, I do refolve (where I can find a fuffici-
ent Character or mark of diftinction concerning any perfon or per-
"fons, that have not had a hand in the first years Rebellion, and Maf-
"facres, or have diſcovered themſelves to be Friends to the Intereſt
"and People of England, or have not been known to have been emi-
"nently active in the profecution of the War or holding out of that
'City againſt us) to difference them (by favour and respect fhewn)
from others, and, in all other cafes, wherein mercy and favour
be fhewed (without prejudice to publick juſtice and fafety)
.
<<
66
may
"I do
ነ
APPENDIX.
105
<<
66
"C
"I do intend it, and particularly in that of Orphans and Aged and de-
crepid people and Widdows, whole condition is the most to be pitied
in regard many of them may not be able to help themſelves, but if
they should be turned out with the others immediately,might fuffer
"much by it, I fhall therefore take the beſt care and courſe I can for
them, to prevent any of thole inconveniences that may otherwife fall
upon perfons in their conditions, and to do for them, as near as I can
fuitable to what their neceflities may require, and the Condition and
State of Affairs under my charge can admit: as, either by continuing
them, or ſo many of them in Town, as fhall be thought fit, or (for
thofe of that condition that do go out) by allotting for them fome
plaçes, near hand, fuch as may (by induftry and care of
any Friends
in their behalfs)be,in moft refpects,equal to what benefits they have in
Town, or at least contribute competently towards their livelihood and
fubfiftence, at prefent, until either the ftate of our Affairs or frame of
their Spirits be known to be altered as may admit their return,or a fur-
ther proviſion for them. Given at Waterford, March, 1650.
H. IRETO N.
Fol. 316.1.23. Confideration] No mention yet of the King, He was
not to be named, though there were but few that faw Him not at a di-
ſtance improving each Gale to further his Return, in as much as they
continued till May 1660. then readily accepting of the Kings Decla-
ration from Breda.
*
Fol. 319. 1. 34. Eminent Sufferings] for regulating of whofe Inte-
refts a Court of Claims was afterwards inftituted, wherein if the ex-
act Method and Inſtitution ordered by his Majefties Commiſſion
(grounded on the Act of Settlement) were not regularly perfued, It's
agreed on by All, that the Commiffioners were no lofers by their Im-
ployment. And that the houſe of Commons (who knew beft their
own fenfe of fo important an Act) might have no excentrical proceed-
ings thereupon, they prefented to his Grace an Inftrument with *By their Spea
Rules and Directions for the Commiffioners proceedings "That dif- ker, 13. Ft.
"covering a Cloud (through the Interpofition of fome Malevolent
Planet)it might remain(whether perfued or no) as a Record of their
"Endeavours, That the hard Fate and Ruine of an English Intereſt
"in Ireland might not bear date under the beſt of Kings, under fo
"vigilant a Lord Lieutenant, under the firft, and if not prevented,
like to be the laſt Proteſtant Parliament there; Which Inftrument
hath fince magnified that houſe, juſtly ſenſible of intervening Evils.
1662.
(0*)
то
107
TO THE
}
READER.
Reader,
I
N the Preceding Hiftory we curforily
mention'd the execrable Barbarifms
1
Hift. f.51,52.
the Iriſh committed in their Infurre-
&ion,briefly reflected on in The* Re- * Cired in our
monftrance of the Clergy to the
Houſe of Commons in England 1642. out of
which, other Examinations, and Authentick Proofs
in the Archives at Dublin, we have collected the
enfuing Murthers, reducing them to Counties readi-
er for every ones view; Not mentioning the Rebels
Mercy, Plundering, Stripping, or Expofing the Eng-
lifh to Cruelties worse than Death: All being short
of that Number which (bad we time) would foon
compleat a Volume, especially could we have reco-
ver'd Archdeacon Biffe bis Examinations taken in
Munster (with greater Artifice than Justice Smo-
ther'd) who (as an Eminent and Worthy Perfon
on the fame Account the 12" of October 1678.)
was most inbumanly Murther'd by the Irifh (as He
by the late Confpirators) expreſſing that to be the
(02) Cauſe
108
}
To the Reader.
1
%
of Kilmore.
*
Cauſe, viz. The Examinations that were then
taken: Let what we have bere Collected, with Dr.
*Since (viz. Robert Maxwell's Examination (wbofe, Inte-
(viz.,
1643) Bishop grity and Candor None ever yet dar'd Questions) I
am confident exceeds the Martyrologic of former
Ages, and (as a folid Divine ingeniouſly, as well as
truly obferv'd on the Fast-day, Wedneſday the 13
of November, 1678.) is a Wonder, even to A
mazement, That more Arts of Cruelty bave been
found out by the Romish Clergy (propagating their
Religion) than the Heathen Perfecutors ever
reach'd to.
th
L
1
'
.
*
*
}
*
•
2.
A
}
着
​L
€
*
A Collection of Murthers in feveral Counties of
Ireland committed fince the 23 of October,
1641. abftracted out of certain Examinations
taken by Virtue of Commiffions under the Great
Seal of Ireland, which.faid Particulars are fin
gled (amongst infinite others of that kind ) point-
ing to the Circumstances, and the Names of the
Perfons (or fome of them) murthering or mur-
thered I be fuller Evidence of which may be
found (according to the Quotations) in the Ar-
chives of Dublin, now in Poffeffion of the Clerk
of the Council.
}
T
"
་
The County of Antrim.
HE Rebels confeffed to this Deponent
that they killed in one Morning 954 in
Armagh, p.Ì 1,12.
this County: And that befides them,>Dr. Maxwell's Examination,C.
they ſuppoſed they had killed 1100 or
1200 more in that County,
1
The County of Armagh.
L
Proteſtants in Multitudes forced over the
Bridge of Portne down, whereby at feveral
times there were drown'd in the River of
Banne above 1000.
J
Gertrude Carlisle, C. Tyrone,p.3.
Chriftian Stanhaw,C,Armagh,&
Owen Frankland, p.2.
Marg. Bromley,C. Armagh,p.1.
Elinor Fullerton, C.Armagh, p.2.
Rich.Newberry,C.Armagh, p.2.
Dr.Maxwell, C. Armagh,p.11, 12.
Henry Read, C.Monaghan,p.1.
Elizabeth Price, C.Armagh,p.1.
Fone Conftable, C.Armagh, p.3.
Thomas Green, C.Armagh,p.1.
william Clerk, G. Armagh,p.1.
Edw.Saltenftall C.Armagh, p.3
Geo. Littlefield C
Great
109
+
110
A Collection of feverdl Mürthers
}
Great Numbers of Proteſtants drown'd at) Dr.Maxwell, C. Armagh,p.12.
Corbridge and Kynard in the County of Ar-Alex.Creighton, C.Monaghan,p.i
will. Holland, C.Monaghan,p.3.
magh.
Mr. Fullerton, Clerk, Mr. Aubrey, Mr Glad-william Clerk, C. Armagh,p. I.
wich murthered in the way towards Porthe-John Montgomery, C.Monaghan.
down.
?
Many others Murther'd; 5 murther'd foon) Marg Fillis
after the beginning of the Rebellion; 50 mur-(Chrift. Stanhar
Owen Frankland C. Armagh,
ther'd at Blackwater-Church; 20 drown'd
Anne Smith
near the Water of Callon, and feveral others
murther❜d.
Margaret Clerk
P..
Elinor Fullerton, C.Armagh,p.2.
*
Edw. Saltenftall C. Armagh,
Mr. William Blundell drawn by the Neck
in a Rope up and down Blackwater at Charle
mont to confefs money; and three weeks after
He, with his Wife and feven Children,drown'd. Geo. Listlefield p.9.
Four and fourty at ſeveral times murther'd: A
Wife compell'd to hang her own Husband;with
ſeveral other notorious murthers.
and2
Mr. Robinson the Miniſter, his Wife, and Marg.Bromley. C. Armagb.
three Children, and ſeven more murther'd.
Two and twenty Proteftants put into a
thatch'd houſe in the Pariſh of Kilmore, and
there burned alive.
The Lord Caufield murther❜d.
Dr. Hodges, with 43 more, murther'd
within a quarter of a mile of Charlemont.
The Wife of Arnold Taylor great with
Anne Smith7
Marg. Clerk C.Armagh, p.t.
magh,
Marg Fillis
Chrift.Stanbar
Elin. Fullerton C. Armagh,p.2
G.Armagh,piz
Elinor Matchet S
Jone Constable, C.Armagh,p.1,2.
Capt. Jo.Perkins, C. Tyrone,p.3.
Eliq.Price, C.Armagh,p.1,2.
Child, had her belly ripp'd up, then drown'd. Eliz.Price, C. Armagh,p.8,9.
Thomas Mafon buried alive.
Seventeen Men, Women, and Children,caft)
into a Bogg-pit in the Parifh of Dumcrees:Thomas Green, C. Armagh, p.1.、
Many more murther'd.
Fifteen hundred murther'd in three Pariſh-James Shaw, C. Armagh,p. 1.
es; 27 more murther'd; Mr. Cambell drown'd. )
3
Three hundred Proteftants ftripped naked,
and put into the Church of Loghgall, where
of about 100 murther'd within the Church
amongſt whom John Gregg was quarter'd a-
live, his Quarters thrown into the face of Ri-
chard Gregg his Father. The faid Richard
*
was after there murther'd, having received fe- Alice Gregge, C. Armagh,p.r.
venteen or eighteen wounds, after cut into
Quarters in this Deponents (his Wife's Pre-
fence. Such as were not murther'd were
turn'd out a begging amongst the Irish naked,
and into the cold, moft of which were killed
by Irish Cripples, their Trulls and Chil-
dren,
i
་
ļ
One
"
1
committed in Ireland.
ILI
One hundred and eighty drown'd(at twice)
at the Bridge of Callon.
One hundred (fome fay two hundred) more
in a Lough near Ballimackilmorrogh.
Capt. Anthony Strafford, C. Ar-
magh,p.2.
Mr. Gabriel Conftable, and his Mother 802fone Constable,C.Armagh,p. I.
years old, murther'd.
Five hundred murther'd at Armagh, befides (Capt. Joby Perkins, C. Tyrone,p.6
48 Families murther'd in the Pariſh of Killa-Anth.Strafford, C. Armagh, p.2.
man.
Three had their Brains knock'd out with a
Hatchet within the Church of Benburb: 8
8
Women drown'd in a River under the fame
Church; Chriftopher Glover murther'd.
Jobn Parry, C.Armagh,p.2.
Lieutenant James Maxwell (by order from
Sir Phelim O Neil) was dragg'd out of his
Bed (raving in the height of a burning Fever) Dr. Maxwell, C.Armagh,p.9.
driven two miles and murther'd; his Wife, John Parry, C.Armagh,p.3.
great with Child, ftripp'd ſtark naked and
drown'd in the Blackwater, the Child half
born.
>
Dr. Maxwell, C.Armagh,p.9.
Mr. Starkey (about roo years old) and his
two daughters ftrip'd naked, the Daughters
forced to fupport and lead their Father (he Capt. John Perkins, C. Tyrone,
being not able to go of himself) and having
gone three quarters of a mile, were all three
drown'd in a Turfpit.
P.6,7.
Divers Engliſhmen in the Pariſh of Levile-2 John Cregge, C.Armagh,
gifh murther'd.
Jobi
Mrs. Howard, Mrs. Franklan (both great Katherine Harcourt,C.Armagh,
with Child) and fix of their Children mur-
ther'd.
The County of Caterlagh.
Richard Lake hang'd at Leighlin-bridge,
16 more hang'd near that Place, two mur-
ther'd near Cater lagh, two Women hang'd up
by the hair of their heads all night, the next James Shaw, C.Caterlagh,p.r.
day being found ftill alive, they were mur-
ther'd,
}
•
Dame Anne Butler, C.Caterlagh,
At or near Leighlin-bridge three Men with
their Wives and Children murther'd, one Wo-
man and her Daughter murther'd, a Woman
newly deliver❜d of two Children, the one of
them had his Brains beaten out against the
Stones, and after thrown into the River Bar-Jofeph wheeler Efq. C. Kilkenny.
row, the other deſtroy'd; about 40 English
Sir John Temple f. 129.
murther'd thereabouts. Almoſt all the Eng-
liſh about Gowran and Wells hang'd and mur-
ther'd.
p.1.
4
The
R
112
A Collection of feveral Murthers
}
A
The County of Cavan.
Many Proteſtants forced over the Bridge of
Belturbet in the County of Cavan, and there
drown'd.
Adam Bayly and ſeveral others murther'd
at Kilkolly in the County of Cavan.
William Rocket drown'd near Belhorbet.
Several Scotch Families deſtroy'd, two of
the Hovies and Abraham Jones murther'd,
with ſeveral other murthers committed at
Butlers-bridge.
1
<
william North, C.Cavan,p. 2.
John Whitfon, C. Cavan.
Arth.Culm Elq. Cavan, p. 6.
Rob. Bennet
Rich. Smith C. Cavan, p. 1.
Jone Killin
Symon Heftham, C.Cavan,p. 3.
Marm.Batemanson, C.Cavan,p.1.
John Stephenfon,C.Cavan, p.3.
Fane Cuthbertson C.Cavan,p.1.
Elizabeth Poke S
Mr.Rich.Parfons,C.cavan,p.6.
Jane Cuthbertson, C.Cavan, p. 1,2
Alex. Anderfon, C. Cavan,p.5.
Fennet Kerns, C. Cavan,p.a.
Symon Grame,p. I.
Sarah Ranfon,C.Fermanagh.
>Rich.Parfons, C.Cavan,p.5,6.
as
A diftracted Gentleman run through with a 2 symon wefnam,C.Cavan,p.3.
Pike, he laughing the while.
The County of Clare.
Chriſtopher Hebditch and fixteen more Eng-
}
liſh Proteſtants murthred at or near the Caſtle>Bertrice Hebditch,C.Clare,p.1,2
of Inchecrony.
The County of Cork
Thomas Lencome and his Wife hang'd at
their own door; John Seller a Miller cut in
pieces hard by Roß; John Carpenter and his
G. cork.
$
Wife hang'd in Mr. Morgan's Wood, and their Peter Perce of Ross-carborough,
3 Children ſtarv'd in the Place; Mary Tukef-
bury hang'd near thereunto; Mr. Tamufe a
Chirurgion-barber kill'd in the Streets of Roß
by one Chriſtopher Cloud.
The County of Donnegall.
William Mackenny and his Mother in Law
and his Wife great with Child, murther'd,(Ralph Dutton
his faid Wife having her belly ripped up, and Anne Dutton C.Donnegall, p.2
the Child cut out of the Womb.
J
Robert
committed in Ireland.
113
f
Robert Akins Clerk, and thirteen more
murther'd at Caftledoe.
Sixty perſons that came in Boats from Kil
Mulrony Carol, C.Donneg,p.I.
lala murther'd by the Mac Swines and Andrew Adair,Eſq.C.Mayo,p.s
Boyles.
The County of Down.
Eighty forced to go on the Ice on Logh-earn Peter Hill Elq. C. Down, p. 13,
till they brake the Ice, and were drown'd.
Mr. Tudge (the Miniſter of Newry) Lieu-
tenant Trevor and his wife,and 24 more (fome
count 50)murther'd and cut in pieces at thePals
of Ballonery.
Divers murther'd at Caftle-Ifland and
Down.
A Scotchman, an Engliſhman,& a Welchman
impriſoned in the Stocks at Newcastle, where
they lay without breeches upon raw Hides,
that their joints rotted, infomuch that when
two of them were afterwards hang'd, one of
their feet fell off by the Anckle.
A Scotchman being driven out of the New-
ry, was knock'd on the head by the Rebels;
yet recovering himſelf, came naked again into
the Town, whereupon the Rebels carried him
and his wife out of Town,cut him all to pieces,
and with a skein rip'd up his wives belly, fo as
a Child drop'd out of her womb.
A Dier's wife of Roß-Trevor was kill'd at
the Newry, and her belly rip'd up by the Re-
bels (fhe being great with Child of two Chil-
dren) who threw her and her Children into
a ditch, and that he, this Deponent, drove a-
way Swine from eating one of her Chil-
dren.
The Rebels confeffed that Col. Brian O
14.
Eliz. Pierce, C. Down,p.1.
Peter Hill Elq. C.Down, p.13.
Capt.Hen.Smith, C.Down, p. 7•
Arth. Macgennis, C. Down,p.I.
will.Gore,C.Down, p.1.
>Eliz. Pierce, C.Down,p.2.
owen Frankland of the City
of Dublin, Sir John Temple.
Hift.p.96.
Philip Taylor, C. Armagh,Sir Jo.
Temple Hift.p.97.
Neil kill'd about rooo in this County, be->Dr.Maxwell's Examination.
fides 300 kill'd at Killelagh.
At Seruagh-bridge 100 drown'd, more 80,
more 60, more 50, more 60, 27 men mur-
ther❜d.
Cap.Hen.Smith,C.Down‚p.7.
(P*)
The
(
114
A Collection of ſeveral Murthers
1
The County of Dublin.
About the 28th of December, 1641. the
wife of Jofeph Smithfon Minifter, was carried
from Deans-grange near Dublin to Stellor->Jofeph Smithſon,C.Dublin,p.1.
gan, from thence to Powerscourt, and there.
The and her fervant hang'd.
Henry Maudefley hang'd at Moore-town.
Mr. Pardoe a Minifter, and William Rim-
Geo. Cafhell,G.Dublin,p. 1.
mer a packet Poft, murther'd at Balrothery, Tho. Clitheroe Clerk, C. Dublin,
Mr. Pardoe being afterwards caft on a Dung-
hill, and his head eaten with Swine.
p.2.
Derrick Hubert of Holm-Patrick Efq.mur-Marg. Hubert, C.Dublin,p.I.
ther'd the 2d of December, 1641.
Nicholas Kendiff murther'd near Dublin ·John Johnſon,C.Dublin, p.1.
fince the Ceſſation.
Robert Fagan murther'd at Clunduff.
Marg. Fagan,C.Dublin.
The County of Fermanagh.
Patrick Bryan, C.Ferman.p.2.
(william Ban, p.2.
a-Rob. Aldrick, C.Monaghan.
Aldrick,
Arthur Champion and 16 more murther'd
at Shanock-Caftle; at another time 24; at
nother time two more murther'd.
One Fermency killed, and 14 hanged.
Seven hang'd at one time, and divers others
put to death.
Eighty (fome write 150) Men, Women,
and Children, burn'd and killed in the Caſtle
of Lifgorlin the County of Fermanagh.
Ninety Proteſtants murther'd at Moneagh-
Caſtle, 80 at Tullagh-Castle; near Cordiller
three hang'd; one more hang'd.
Mr. Middleton and 100 more murther'd by
Rowry Mac-Guire at Castleskeagh.
Fourteen Proteſtants hang'd.
Fourty Proteftants in the Parish of Newtown
murther❜d.
Eliz. Domsbury, C. Fermanagh.
S Eliz, Fletcher, C. Fermanagh,p.1.
Marg. Fermency,C.Fermanagh.
{
}
Eighteen (fome write feventeen) half?
Marg,Barlow, C.Fermanagh.
Matthew Brown, C. Monaghan.
Alice Champian, C. Fermanagh,
P.3.
Jo. Sympfon Gent.C.Fermanagh.
Tho.winflow,C.Fermanagh,p.1,2
Sir John Dunbar's Relation.
Rob.Flack, C.Fermanagh, P 2,3.
John Parry, C.Fermanagh,
hang'd in the Church of Clownish, and fo bu-Mrs. Aldrich, Sir John Temple
ried.
Thirty murther'd in the Parish of Clan-
kelly.
Twelve more murther'd in Newtown.
William Ogden murther'd.
Parfon Flack and 40 more (after promiſe
Hift.p.95.
Hugh Stokes, C. Fermanagh.
>High
Robert French, C.Fermanagh.
Anne Ogden his wife, C.Ferman.
of fafe conveyance to Balgfbanon, drown'd by Sir John Dunbar's Relation.
Rowry Mac-Guire and his Confederates.
One
committed in Ireland.
115
One hundred fifty and two(another fays 100) Rob. Aldrich, C.Monaghan, P.I.
murther'd at Tully, after quarter given or pro-Rich.Bourk, C.Fermanagh,p.1.
miſed them.
Fifteen hang'd at Lowtherſtown; two mur- Rich.Bourk, C.Fermanagh,p.1.
ther'd at Kynally.
A Child of Thomas Strattons of Newton?Marg. Parkin, Eliz.Bürfell, Síc
boild to death in a Chaldron.
John Temple's Hift. p.10f.
The County of Gallway.
Mr. Adam Novell and fix more, hang'd and
murther'd by the Lord of Clanmorris.
Hugh Langridge murther'd near Logbreog,
having received near fixteen wounds, and his
Son having nine wounds and left for dead, yet
recovered.
Swill.shuttleworth, C.Gallway.
Ralph Lambert,C,Gallway,p.1,3
Mr. Corbet an ancient Miniſter, had his head
cut off by two young Cowheards near Logh-Idem p.2.
reogh.
The Son of an Engliſhman murther'd; a
Child fo beaten as he died within three days.
Sixty five Proteſtants(fome fay eighty,fome
ninety, many of them Minifters) were mur-
ther'd' at the Bridge of Shreel aliàs Shruel,
Ludovicus Jones being amongſt the reſt hur-
ried there to that intent, but eſcaped and died
at Dublin 1646. aged 104.
idem p.2,3.
Hen.Bringhurt, C. Mayo, p.2,&c.
John Goldsmith Clerk, p.6.
Rob. C.Roscommon,
Hen.Langford
Rob.Brown
James Brown
Thomas Johnſon, C.Mayo,p.3.
Eliz. Bucanan, C.Mayo,p.1.
P.3.
Andrew Adaire Eſq.C.Mayo,p.5
Thomas Hawet, C. Maye, p.3.
The County of Kerry.
Mrs. Whittell, her husband, and eight more
murther'd on Sir Valentine Brown's Lands;
John and Simon Heard killed near Caffleha
ven; Goodman Cranbee his wife and children
nurther'd; ſeven drown'd by O Doinfaint's
Rebels.
Anthony Field's wife and feven more de-
ftroy'd by Sir Valentine Brown's Tenants.
Mrs. Burrill kill'd in her houſe by her own?
Servant; Laurence Parry,his two Siſters,and
Mr. Edward Laffell ftarv'd to death; Mrs.
Huffie, her fon and daughter, and many more
killed going from Macrone to Cork (with a
Convoy which the Lord Muskerry did allow
her) within a mile of Cork.
Jobn Heard and Fortune his wife
Job Heard and Fortune his wife
of Kilarney in the County of
Kerry-
Anthony Field, C. Kerry.
Eliz. wellington,C.Kerry.
(P₂ *)
2
}
The
116
A Collection of feveral Murthers
The County of Kildare.
Ralph Heyward (having turn'd to Mafs)7
was murther'd, his wife and children hang'd,
the one at her neck, the other at her girdle; a
Dog and a Cat hang'd with them.
Robert Woods fhot to death.
John Morley, his wife and children, and one
will. Hewetfon Clerk,C.Kildare
willy Collis, C.Kildare, p.1.
John Plivie (after they were turn'd to Maſs) >Robert Brown, C. Kildare,p.1.
murther'd.
The County of Kilkenny.
About the 20th of December, 1641. the?
Proteſtants were ſtripped naked at Kilkenny,
and whereas fome of thoſe ſtrip'd People with
Ropes of Straw covered fome part of their na-
Kilkenny, p.1,3.
1
•
kedneſs,the Rebels fet the Straw on fire, there-John Maior of the City of
by burning and grievously scorching them.Six
Souldiers and two Boys having quarter given
them, were nevertheleſs hanged at Kil-
kenny.
A young Girle ſtrip'd about Easter 1642.
in the City of Kilkenny by a Butcher, her bel-
ly rip'd up that her Intrals fell out; where the
Maior (upon Complaint of the Mother) bade
away with her and diſpatch her, whereupon
the mother received feventeen or eighteen
wounds,and her other Child was alfo extream-
ly wounded, and all forced out of the City by
Men, Women, and Boys, throwing ftones and
dirt at them, fo as the two Children died in a
Ditch.
At Kilkenny ſeven Engliſhmen hang'd, and
will.Parkinson, C.Kilkenny,p.4.
James Benn, City Kilkenny, p.1,
John Maire, City Kilkenny,p.2,
4.
3.
Sir John Temple Hift.p.96.
Anne Madefly, C. Kilkenny,
one Iriſhman becauſe he was taken in their >Anne Madefly,C. Kilkenny,p.1.
company.
Twelve murther'd at the Graige, one of
them (being a woman great with child) had
her belly rip'd up, the child falling out alive,
Kilkenny, P.5.
and a child of a year and a half old hang'd. A-Fojeph wheeler Efq. Commit.
nother of them named Robert Pyne (being
twice hang'd up) was caft into his Grave
where he fate up, faying, Chrift receive my foul,
and fo was buried quick.
up
2
An old man hang'd, and afterwards drag'd)
and down till his Bowels fell out.
Chriftopher Morley and two Engliſh boys at?
Idem p.5.
Caftle-Comer hang'd. Another had his head will.Parkinson, C. Rolkenny,p..
clove, and before he was dead, hung on his
Father's Teater-hooks.
Jo.
atkinson, Clerk Com. Kil-
Lenny, p.2.
About
committed in Ireland.
117
About fixty men,women,and children more
murther'd at the Graige; many of them bu-Jo. Maire City Kilkenny, p.3,4
ried alive.
At Balincolough, within four miles of Rofs,
April 1642. John Stone of the Graige, his
fon, his two fons in Law, and his two daugh-
ters were hang'd; one of his daughters being
great with child, had her belly rip'd up, her
child taken forth, and fuch barbarous beaftly
actions uſed to her, as are not fit to be menti-
oned.
one of his daughters being Owen Frankland of the City of
In Kilkenny, Richard Philips and five o-
ther Souldiers under Capt. Farrall ( a Cap-
tain on his Majeftie's Party) were (by the
command of the Lord Mountgarret) at the
end of an Houſe hang'd to death about Eaſter,
1642.
The King's County.
Mrs. Jane Addis of Kilcourfie (after her
Dublin.
p.I.
going to Mafs) murther'd in her Houfe in Fox Margery King, King's County,
Countrey Com. Regis, having a child not a quar-James Dowdall,K.C. p.3.
ter old; the Murtherers putting the dead wo-John wild, C.westmeath, p.I.
man's Breaſt into the child's mouth, bade it Thomas Fleetwood, C.westmeath,
fuck Engliſh baſtard, and ſo left it.
Arthur Scot murther'd at Laflooney, having
P. 5,6.
twenty wounds given him: Another English-Thomas Scot, C.Regis,p.2.
man hang'd at the fame place.
Two men murther'd at Philips-town,
Seven murther'd at the Birr.
Thomas Horam hang'd at Philips-town.
Henry Bigland and eleven more hang'd and
murther'd about Knocknemeis.
A woman aged eighty years ſtripped naked
James Dodall K.C.p.3.
Rich. wilkinſon, K.C. p.2.
Hugh Robert, K.C.p.1.
Rob. Bigland, K. C.
in froſt and fnow by two daughters of Rowry Henry Ayliff,K.C. p.1.
Coghlan of Fercall-wood, before whoſe door
The died.
ces:
John Lurcan murther'd and chopped in pie-ZIdem p.6.
Tho.Le Strange K.C. p.s.
Four Engliſh murther'd at Terence Coghlans
Houſe (Kilkolgan) about December 1641.
Two and twenty widows,and ſeveral ſtrip-
ped naked, who covering themfelves in a Houſe
with ftraw, the Rebels fired the ftraw, and
threw it amongſt them to burn them; and they fabel Porter aliàs Bryan, K. C.
had been burn'd had they not been reſcued by
others, who turn'd them out naked in froft
and fnow, fo as many died, yea the children
died in their mothers arms.
Magdalen Redmain,K.C. p.1.
P. 1,2,
The
118
A Collection of feveral Murthers
The County of Lytrim.
Mr.William Lifton and Mr.Thomas Fullerton
!
(Clerks kept two days without meat or drink, Andrew Adaire, C.Mayo, p.6.
and then murther'd near Mannor Hamilton
24 of January 1641.
An Engliſh child taken by the heels, had its Andrew Adaire,C.Mayo,p.6.
brains daſh't out againſt a block of Timber.
The County of Limerick.
A Miniſter, his wife, and four children mur-
ther'd by Hugh Kenedy and his followers near Anne Sherring, C.Tipper dry.
Limerick.
The County of Londonderry:
༔
Six hundred Engliſh murther'd at Gervagh2
by Sir Phelim O Neil.
Dr. Maxwells
The County of Longford.
Many cruelly murther'd at Longford after
quarter promifed.
William Steel and four others hang'd at a
Windmill near to Racleen till they were half
dead, and then cut in pieces by the Rebels.
The wife of Henry Mead hang'd; the faid
Henry himſelf being placed in a Ring amongſt
Rich, Martin, C.Longford, p.1.
Eliz. Trafford, C. Longford,p.2.
Ifabel Allen, C. Longford,p.1.
John Stibbs, C.Longford, p.1.
Suſanna Steel, C.Longford.p.2.
the Rebels, each ftabbing of him as he was safanna Steel, C. Lanford,p.a.
forced to flie from fide to fide, and fo continued
till his fhoulder and breaſt were cut in two
with a Bill-hook.
George Fofter, his wife and child, and the
wife of John Bizell murther'd at Ballinecorr; Eadem p.3.
one other drown'd; fome children there buri-S
ed alive.
1
The County of Lowth.
Eighteen of the Lord Moore's Servants mur-
?
ther'd at Mellifont by Col. Cole Mac Bryan, John Montgomery,C.Monaghan.
Mac Mahon and his Followers, who would not
fuffer them to be buried.
1
The
committed in Ireland.
139
{
The County of Mayo.
About feven and twenty Proteſtants, beſides
Children drown'd in the Bay or Harbour near>Hen. Bringhurst, C. Mayo,p.8.
Killala, by the Inftigation of the Friers.
Thirty or forty English(formerly turn'd Pa-John Goldſmith Clerk, p.8.
piſts) drown'd in the Sea near Killala,
A young boy (Mr. Montgomerie's fon) kil-
led by one that had been his School-maſter;
the boy the while crying, Good Mafter do not
kill me, but whip me as much as you will. A
man wounded and buried alive. A Minifter!
murther'd after he had gone to Maſs: another
hang'd near Ballyben.
Idem p.9.
Hen.Langford, C.Roſcommon, p.3,
At the Moyne aliàs Mogne, 59 Proteftants
ſtripped naked, and after barbaroufly mur-Tho. Hewet, C.Mayo,p.6.
ther'd; fome encreaſe the number much.
William Gibb and his wife (both very old)
murther'd at the Moyn.
One hundred and twenty men, women, and
children ſtripped naked, and after murther'd
at Bellick aliàs Belleeke.
Z
Jobs Shrewly Clerk, C. Şligo.
Andr. Adaire Elq, C. Maye,
Andr. Adaire Elq. C. Maye,
P.4, 5.
George Buchanan mortally wounded, was
near the Strade buried alive by Edmond Thom.Hewet,C. Mayo,P-5.
Maghery and his followers.
August 1643. the wife of John Gardiner of
the Barony of Carrogh, having leave, and a
Convoy of two Iriſhmen, to vifit her children
at Bellick, was by the faid Convoy cruelly
murther❜d.
At the Moyn the Rebels forced one Simon
Lepers wife to kill her husband, and then
cauſed her fon to kill her, and then hang'd the
fon.
the
Idem P.7.
John Rutledge, Sir John Tem
ple's Hift. p. 100.
The County of Meath.
Near Navan the fon of James Wignall mur-
ther'd about Novemb. 1641.
Mrs. Heglin and her daughter, with two
James Wignall C.Meath, p.1,2.
children, murther'd at Wilkins-town by two william Medcalf, C. Meath.
men hired thereto for two barrels of wheat;>James Pennicook C.Meath,p.2,3
and Robert Robin murther'd near Sir William
Hill's Houſe.
Mr. John Ware murther'd at Moylagh.
Four more hang'd at the Navan.
william Potter,p.1, 2.3.
at}
Dennis Kelly, C.Meath,p.1.
An Engliſh woman (á Papiſt) murther'd at James Dowdall, K. C.p.3.
Gerald Fitz-Gerald's Houfe at Clonard.
The
な
​120
A Collection of feveral Murthers
See for that part of a Letter
from Mr. Richard Tannison of
Trim, Minifter, April 13. 1674.
The murther of Thomas Preffick and others to an honourable and right re-
at Trim.
verend Perion. In the first
year of the late horrid Rebel-
lion, &c. as in annexed pa-
per.
The County of Monaghan.
Robert Branthwait.
Robert Boyle Clerk, p.1.
Many Proteſtants hang'd at Carrick-mac-) Jane Hughes
cross.
>p.2.
Eliz.williams P.2.
All of the County of Monag-
ban.
C.Mo-
nag-
Sixteen Proteſtants at once hang'd at Clou-) Rob. Aldrich,p.3.
nish; feveral others there alfo hang'd; and (James Gowen, p.2.
fixteen women and children drown'd in a Turf-Hencragh Beamond, p.1 Sban.
Francis winn, C.Fermanagh,p.r.
pit.
The Deponent's father and fon murther'd.
Richard Blancy Efq. hang'd.
Some murther'd in Monaghan.
Seven murther'd in the Fews, Enfign Lloyd
and others murther'd, and one buried quick.
John Hughes and 24 murther'd.
Eighteen murther'd.
Eliz. Northop, C. Monaghan,p.1.
Geo.Cottingham C. Monagh,
2
Hen.Steel
P. I.
Bridget Leigh, C. Monagh,p.1.
Jo. Mongomery, C. Monaghan,
p.II.
Jane Hughes, C. Monaghan,p.1.
John Martin, C. Monaghan,p.1.
Seventeen men, women, and children Eliz. Clerk, C.Monaghan, p.1.
drown'd at Ballyrofs.
Many murther'd, and four drown'd.
Cornet Clinton and his Grandchild drown'd ; will.Holland,C.Monaghan,p.2.
many others murther'd.
Geo.Cottingham,C. Monaghan.
Spill
The Queens County.
Five murther'd, wherof one was an Engliſh John Carpenter, Queen's Coun-
woman (turn'd to Maſs) great with child, who
was ſhot.
ty,p.2.
John Nicholson and his wife murther'd by?
Florence Fitz-Patrick and his Servants on the
Sabbath-day, the firſt Deponent hardly efca- walter Difhcome, Q.C. p.1.
ping death for burying them. Elizabeth Baf-Emanuel Beale, Q. C. p.1.
Thomas Berry Lo C. p.1.
kervile fays that Mrs. Fitz-Patrick blam'd John Berry
the murtherers becauſe they brought not Mrs. Eliz. Baskervile, Q. C. p. 2.
Nicholſons fat or greefe wherewith fhe might
have made Candles.
I
|
да
1
{
Thomas
+
1
121
committed in Ireland.
1
Thomas Keyes (a Juftice of Peace of the
Queens County) Efq. aged 66. and Thomas
Elinor Reges, Q. C. p. 1.
Dubbleday hang'd near Burroughs Castle, and Thom. Holt, Q.C. p.1,2,3.
Dubbleday fhot as he was hanging, both being(Samuel Ring, C. p.2.
firſt ſtripped naked, gored and pricked in feve-
ral Parts of their Bodies.
Amy Mamphins husband murther'd, and fhe
compelled to ftand in his blood, and fhe
being ftripped naked, was drawn by the Hair
through Thorns, and after fent away.
>Amy Mamphin, Q. C. p.i.
An English Girl half hang'd, and fo buried.
Six English hang'd by Florence Fitz-Pa-Jofeph #beeler Eſq. C.Kilk.p.2.
trick after quarter given 1641.
Near Kilfeckell an English man and his wife
and four or five children hang'd by command
of Sir Morgan Kavanagh, and Mr. Robert
Harpole, all afterwards caft into one hole, the?
youngest child (not fully dead) putting up the
hand, and crying Mammy, Mammy, yet buried
alive.
Mary Harding put in the Stocks and whip'd
to death, and her husband ſtarv'd to death by
Lieut Hen.Gilbert, Q.C. p.1.
william Parkinſon Eſq. C. Kil-
kenny, p.4.
Florence Fitz-Patrick and his Followers, af-Joan Bidel of Montrah.
ter they had given him áll their Goods in his
Promife to relieve them and theirs.
The County of Rofcommon.
Sixteen Engliſh hang'd at Ballilegue by O-
оз
Edw. Pierfon,C.Roscommon,p.r.
liver boy FitzGerald of Bellilegue.
Nine murther'd at Ballinafad, whereof
four were children,and one woman great with
child, through whofe belly the Rebels thruft Eliz. Holywell, C. Roscommon,
their Pikes as ſhe was hanging, becauſe (as
they faid) the child fhould not live.
P. I.
John Price and feveral others murther'd in 2 John Dodwell, C. Roscommon,p.2
Athlone.
William Stewart had Collops cut off him
being alive, fire coles put into his mouth, his
belly ripp'd up, and his entrals wrapped about
his neck and wriſts.
Andr. Adaire Eſq. C.Mayo,p.6.
1
(Q*)
The
122
{
{
A Collection of feveral Murthers
The County of Sligo.
Mr.Thomas Stewart Merchant, and feven
and thirty Proteftants put into the Goal of Sli-
go, all except two or three murther'd there
the fame night, by divers breaking in upon
them at midnight; for proof whereof fee the
Examinations of
Four murther'd that day in the Streets of
Stigo.
Elizabeth Beard was killed in the River
by a Friars man.
A Friar with fome Souldiers undertaking to
conduct Mr. Thomas Walker a Miniſter, his
Man, and two Gentlewomen from Roferk to
Abbeyboyle, the Friar riding away, they fell
into an ambuſh laid for them, where Mr.Wal-
ker (being on his knees at prayer) they cleft his
skull to his mouth, kill'd his man, and ſtripped
the women,one of which was afterwards mur-
ther'd at Ballymoate.
|
Edw.Braxton, C.Sligo,p.i.
Amy Hawksworth, C. Roscommon
Ralph Lambert C. Gallway, p.3.
Hen.Langford
Reb. Brown
>C.Rofc.p.1, 2,3.
James Brown
will.welsh,C.Sligo, p.3.
John Harrison Elq. C.Sligo,p.1.
John Goldsmith Clerk, C.Mayo,
p.8.
Jane Stewart, C. Sligo, p. x. as
her Examination before Sir
George Shurley.
John Shramly Clerk, C.Sligo,
P.I, I.
Five and forty men, women, and children2Idem p. 2.
murther'd and deſtroy'd near Ballyfekerry
Mr. William Ollifant Clerk, ſtripp'd half
naked at Temple-houſe, and after drag'd with
a rope about his neck at a Horſe-heels up and
down, becauſe he would not turn Papiſt; a-
nother Miniſter at the fame time murther'd,
1641.
Andrew Adaire,C.Mayo, p.4.
Jane Brown, p. 7.
John Harrison Efq. p. 1.
At Ardneglas and Skreen about thirty Pro- Hen.Langford, C. Roſc.p.3.
teſtants, men, women, and children mur-
ther'd.
Ten men, women, and children buried a-2 Andr.Adaire Eſq. C. Mayo p.4
Teemen, women,
live near Titemple or Temple-houfe.
In Sligo the Rebels forced one Lewis the
younger to kill his Father, and they hang'd
the Son.
1
John Rutledge, Sir John Temple's
Hift. p. 100.
2
The
*
committed in Ireland.
"
The County of Tipperary.
January 1641. fifteen men, women, and?
children, Proteſtants, murther'd in Caſhell,and
near Cafbell three or four Children murther'd Edw.Banks Clerk, p.1, 2.
by a Convoy.
Anne Sherring, C. Tipperary,p. I.
Four and twenty Engliſh (after they had re-
volted to the Mafs) murther'd at the Silver-william Tims, C. Tipperary, p. I.
John Powell, C.Tipperary, p.1.
william Tims, C. Tipperary.
mines.
James Hooker Gent. and Mr. John Stuckley
and fix more murther'd on Sir Richard Eves
ret's Land ; Mr. Richard Walker and ten more
hang'd at Rathell. George Crawford and a-
bove fifty more murther'd. Joyce a Maid of
Examination.
Mr. Walkers buried alive; Mr. Carr, Mr. Car-Anne Long widow, C.Tipper ary3
ter, and fome eighteen more hang'd and mur
ther'd near Cabell; Mr. Dashwood (to whom
the Rebels gave Quarter and Convoy to Mi-
chaels-town) by one Prender-gaft-Prender
murther'd on his own Land.
The County of Tyrone.
Robert Bickerdick and his wife drown'd in7
the black Water; Thomas Carlisle put to death; Gertrude Carlisle C.Tyrone,p.2;3
James Carlile and his wife alfo murther'd; and
fo were about 97 more.
The murther of Mr. John Mather and Mr.
Blyth (both Clerks) in or near Dungannon,
though Mr. Blyth had Sir Phelim O Neils
Protection; and fixty Families of the Town
of Dungannon murther'd.
John Perkins Elq.C. Tyrone,p.i.
Anthony Stratford, C. Armagh,
p.I.
Near three hundred murther'd in the way
to Colrain by direction from Sir Phelim Idam Perkins, p. 6.
Neil and Firlagh his Brother.
In and about Dungannon three hundred
and fixteen murther'd; between Charlemont
and Dungannon above four hundred murther'd; Idem Stratford, p.1.
drown'd at and in the River of Benburb and
Blackwater 206.
Thirteen murther'd one morning by Pa-
trick mac Crew of Dungannon; Two young
Rebels did murther in the County of Tyrone Idem Stratford,p.1-
one hundred and forty women and children;
the wife of Bryan Kelly of Loghgall murther'd
five and forty with her own hands.
(Q² *)
At
123
124
A Collection of feveral Murthers
At a Milpool in the Parish of Killamon were
drown'd in one day 300.
>
Idem p. 2.
Eighteen Scotch Infants hang'd on Clothiers
Tenterhooks; and one young fat Scotchman
murther'd, and Candles made of his Greaſe;
another Scotchmans belly ripp'd up, and the Idem p. 3.
end of his ſmall guts tied to a Tree, then he
drawn about till his guts were pulled out, that
they might try (faid they) whether a Dogs or
à Scotchmans guts were longeft.
The County of Westmeath.
In Kilbeggan a boy and two women hang'd,
one of them having a fucking child, defired it
might be buried with her, knowing it would>John Naghtin,C. Westmeath, p. 2
fuffer afterwards, but it was caft out and ſtar-
ved to death.
William Sibthorp Parish-Clerk of Mollingar Thomas Fleetwood Clerk,
hang'd; Edmund Dalton and Mr. Mooreheads
Son murther'd.
wefimiath, p. 6,7,8.
The County of Wickloe.
Edward Snape and two others hang'd2 Thom.Hollway, C.wickloe.
(Nov. 1641.) in Knockrath-Park.
John the Son of William Leefon, ftripp'dwill. Leeson, C. wickloe
and hang'd at Balligarny, Nov. 1641,
A young child of Ca year and quarter old )
the Deponents taken from her back, thrown
and trodden upon that it died, the Mother and
SElix. Leeson, C.Wickloe
p..
three other children ſtripp'd naked, fo as the Anne Hill, C.Catherlagh.p.1.
faid Children died; this was done upon the
Lands of Bordkillamore about the 11th of No-
vemb. 1641.
*
C.
The Scene of which Murthers was ever fo deeply impreft on the
English, that, though they were fufficiently enclined to be generous
where they found the Irish refolute and gallant, yet they never took
any confiderable City, Fort, or Caftle by Agreement, but it was con-
ftantly inferted (amongſt the Articles) that the benefit of whatever
they allow'd ſhould not extend to any that had been Guilty of mur-
thering the English, or adhering to them fince the 23 of October,
1641. Nor to any Officer or Souldier that had taken away the Lives
of any of the Engliſh, or others after quarter given, or to fuch as
fate in the firſt General Affembly or Council, or acted
upon any Com-
miffions
1
committed in Ireland.
125
miffions or Powers derived from either; and that all (who com-
manded in the first year of the Rebellion) fhould be liable to a Trial
at Law for any Action committed fince the 23 of Octob. 1641. But
how far thefe Provifoes were obferv'd, when his Majeftie's gracious
Declaration the 30th of Novemb. 1660. (for the Settlement of each
Intereſts) came in force, is better underſtood by the Records of the
Age, then to be defcanted on now.
t
}
磕
​An Alphabet of the Counties where-
in fuch Murchers (as are here men-
tioned) were committed.
}
A
Counties.
Ntrim
Armagh
Catherlagh
Cavan
Clare
Cork
fol. Counties
fol.
109 Leytrim
118
ibid. Limerick
ibid.
:
III Londonderry
ibid.
112 Longford
ibid.
ibid. Lowth
ibid
ibid. Mayo
119
Donnegall
Down
Dublin
Fermanagh
1
Gallway
Kerry
Kildare
Kilkenny
Kings County
1
ibid. Meath
113 Monaghan
114 Queens County
ibid.
I 20
ibid.
ibid. Rofcommon
121
115 Sligo
122
ibid. Tipperary
123
116 Tyrone
ibid.
ibid. Westmeath
124
117 Wickloe
ibid.
1
Dr.
"!
126
tors joy'd at
dejected at
their going
out from New-
castle.
Dr. Robert Maxwell (fince Bishop of
Kilmore) bis Examination, worthy deliberate
and ferious Reflexions, but not here to be flied to
as quoted in the Abstract, That only to be fought
for in the Archives of Dublin.
D Armagh,
Octor Robert Maxwell, Rector of Tynon in the County of
Armagh, fworn and examined: and firſt touching the nature
of the Rebellion, depofeth and faith, that (to begin higher
than the 22th of Octob. 1641.) at the coming in of the Scots
The Confpira- to Newcastle, he obſerv'd Sir Phelim O Neil, Tirlagh oge O Neil his
the coming in Brother, Robert Hovenden Efq. deceaſed, and generally all his Po-
of the Scots, pifh Neighbours overjoyed; and at their peaceable disbanding as much
caft down and dejected, calling the Engliſh bafe degenerate Cow-
ards, and the Scots difhonourable Bragadochies, who came into Eng-
land not to fight, but to ſcrape up wealth, merchandizing their ho-
nours for fums of money. But he, this Deponent, did not much
heed thoſe diftempered ſpeeches, as every where rife in thoſe days,
and as proceeding from bankrupt and difcontented Gentlemen; and
the rather becauſe many in Ireland at that time, meaſuring the Scots
Laws by their own, accompted the Scots ſubjection not much better
than Rebellion, although fince by the Event their Judgments are
now rectified; yet he asked what they meant to be thus fad at good
News, but joyful at evil? They ſaid, if the two Kingdoms had gone
by the ears, they hoped the Earl of Strafford (whofe Government
had been moſt avaritious and tyrannical) would (in regard of his
forwardneſs) have periſhed in the Combuſtion. But this he, the De-
ponent, thought not worth the informing, becauſe what they faid
moſt men thought from the disbanding of the Scots, until the break-
ing out of the preſent Rebellion. He obferved alfo frequent and ex-
traordinary meetings of Prieſts and Fryars almoſt every where under
colour of Vifitations, and at the firſt fummons of Fryars(to the num-
ber of two or three thouſand in a Company)they would uſually meet
The Iriſh be- together for a twelvemonth before the Rebellion, who, with others
grand Erupti- of the fame ftamp,borrowed what fums of money they poffibly could
on,borrowed from the Brittish, ane often without any apparent neceflity; neither
what they did it afterwards appear what they did with the money fo borrowed,
English. for they would not pay any man a penny. And the Deponent further
faith, That in April 1641. there went a report amonft the Irish (the
Deponents next Neighbours) that the Earl of Tyrone was feen with
fore their
could of the
Sir
1
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
127
3
› Efq.
disford,
therwiſe then
with) foor-
* A Favour
not the first of
Sir Phelim O Nezl in the Wood of Ballynametafh, but upon Exami-
nation they denied it; yet fince the Rebellion they told the Deponent,
That a great man out of Spain was at that time with him, but they
would not name him; and about three years before that, one Priest
mac Cafe came from Rome with the Pope's Bull for the Parish of Ty-
non, and (being kept out by Sir Phelim) talked freely of a Rebellion
plotted and intended by him and others: Upon which the Priest went
to Dublin to inform the Lord Deputy * thereof, by whom (being * Chriftopher
examined) he either faid nothing to the purpoſe,or was not believed,
kor was taken off by Sir Phelim. And further faith, That Sir Phe-
lim O Neil (a little before the Rebellion) brought two Hogsheads
of Gunpowder from Dublin, under colour of Wine, by Patrick O
by Patrick O Powder (0-
Dogherty Vintner of Kynard; he bought a great part thereof by by fuch little
ten or twelve pounds in the name of molt of the Gentry in the Coun- Quantities not
try. This he bragged of to the Deponent afterwards; and that he to be parted
likewiſe told this Deponent, (when the Lord Magwyre, and o- dered by the
ther Rebels, were taken in Dublin) his man, James Warren, and State.
Friar Paul O Neil, were apprehended amongst them, having fent † See the Hi-
them thither a little before to affift and attend the Iffue of the bufi- ftory, f. 20.
neſs, but ſaid, that upon Examination at Council-table, they were
both diſmiſſed contrary to his expectation. He faid alſo, that ſome
Lord or other spoke for them. This Deponent further faith, That
he heard Sir Phelim O Neil (upon his firſt return from Strabane) that kind.
fay, that this Plot was in his head five or fix years before he could
bring it to any maturity: but faid that after it was concluded by
the Parliament (meaning the Popish party) he was one of the laft
men to whom it was communicated. He faid likewiſe, That to bring
about his own ends, he had formerly demeaned himself as a fool in all
great mens Company, but that he hoped (by that time) the great-
eft of them faw, that Sir Phelim O Neil was no fuch fool as they
took him for: And further faith, That he,this Deponent,heard Sir Phe-
lim's Brother Tirlagh oge O Neil fay, that this buſineſs (meaning
the Rebellion) was communicated by the Irish Committee (meaning
the Popish Irish) unto the Papifts in England, who promiſed their The Engliſh
affiftance; and that by their advice, fome things formerly refolved Papifts charg'd
upon were altered; faying, it was a good Omen, and undoubted fign knowledge of
of Divine Approbation, that the Parliament here should (end over a the Irish Re-
Committee, the major part whereof were Papifts. He alfo affirmed,
that when the Proteftants of the lower Houfe in Ireland withdrew
themſelves apart unto Chichester-Hall, The Papists at the fame time,
(never dreaming the Deponent fhould live to tell it again) debated,
concluded, and figned a combinatory Writing of this Rebellion under
their hands in the Tollbooth or Tolfell; which (he faid) that Seffion
drew on, and haftned fooner than it was intended: and when the
Deponent anſwered, That the Papiſts in all former Parliaments
which either of them had ſeen )ufually, and without exception, con-
fulted apart as often as they pleaſed: He replied in great choler, But
fo did never the Proteftants before. And this Deponent further faith,
That in Decemb. 19. 1641. he the Deponent heard Sir Phelim in his
own Houſe, and in the hearing of Mr. Joseph Traverse, and others, The Gentry
(befides thoſe
fay, That if the Lords and Gentlemen (meaning Popish) of the Om of ulſter) ac-
ther Provinces, then not in Arms, would not rife, but leave him in cufed.
the
with the
bellion.
1
3
?
"
128
Truth, that.
his Horſes in
dy furnished
and in good e.
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
the lurch for all, he would produce his Warrant figned with their
bands, and written in their own blood, that should bring them to
the Gallows; and that they fate every day at Council-board, and
whispered the Lords Fuftices in the ear, who were as deep in that
buſineß as himself. And faith alfo, That on the third day after this
Rebellion began, Torilagh oge O Neil's wife (a moft bloody woman,
It is a known and natural Daughter to the late Earl of Antrim) told this Depo-
though he nent, that all Ireland was in the fame cafe with Ulster; for (faid
took not the fhe) my Brother the Earl of Antrim, hath taken the Caftle and City
Caftle, yet all of Dublin, having lately moved thither for the fame purpofe, and
the Stable not to pleaſe the Dutchefs (as was given out) and my brother Alex-
were both rea- ander mac Donnell (according to the general Appointment) hath
taken the Town and Caftle of Carrickfergus. He, the Deponent,
quipage, which then asked what they meant to do with thofe whom they had dif
by leveral was armed and pillaged? She faid, as long as their prefervation fhould be
wonder'd at. deemed confiftent with the publick fafety,they thould injoy their lives;
when otherwife, better their enemy perifh than themfelves which
was but a very cold comfort to a Freshman prifoner (as my felf was).
And alſo faid, That Sir Phelim O Neil told this Deponent in De-
cember last, that his ſtock in money amounted to 8ocoo fterling.
wherewith he faid he was able to maintain an Army for one year,
though all shifts elfe failed. And that Captain Alexander Hoven-
den told him, that as foon as his brother Sir Phelim was created Earl
of Tyron, and great O Neil, he wrote Letters, and fent them by Fri-
ars to the Pope, and Kings of Spain and France, but would not dif
cover the Contents. And further faith, That about the firſt of March
*As is evident laft, the faid Alexander told the Deponent,that the Friars of* Drog-
in the Hiftory, heda (by Father Thomas brother to the Lord of Shane) had the fe-
obſerv'd and
f.63.
cond time invited Sir Phelim thither, and offered to betray the Town
unto him, by making, or difcovering (the Deponent knoweth not
whether) a breach in the Wall, through which he might march fix
men a breast. The Deponent faw this Friar the fame time in Ar-
magh, whom Sir Phelim took by the hand, and brought to the De-
ponent, faying, This is the Friar that faid Maßs at Finglafs upon
Sunday morning, and in the Afternoon did beat Sir Charles Coote at
Swords. I hope, faid the Friar, to fay Mafs in Chrift-Church Dub-
lin within eight weeks. And further Depofed that he, this Depo-
nent, asked many, both of their Commanders and Friars, what chief-
Reasons why ly moved them to take up Arms: They faid,Why may not we as well,
the Rebels af and better fight for Religion, which is the Subftance, than the Scots
fumed Arms. did for Ceremonies, which are but Shadows? and that my Lord of
Stratford's Government was intolerable. The Deponent anſwered,
That that Government, how infupportable foever, was indifferent,
and lay no heavier upon them, then on him, and the rest of the Brit-
tith Proteftants. They replied, That the Deponent, and the rest of
the Brittish, were no confiderable part of the Kingdom; and that
over and above all this, they were certainly informed, that the
Parliament of England had a plot to bring them all to Church, or to
cut off all the Papifts in the Kings Dominions, in England by the
English Proteftants (or as they call them, Puritans) in Ireland by
the Scots. And further depofeth, That he asked (as feeming very
careful of their faftery) what hope of Aid they had? and from whom?
as
t
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
129
1
ment in the
came to be
to be nam'd.
as alſo what diſcreet and able men they had to imploy as Agents to
their Friends beyond the Sea? They ſaid, if they held out this next
Winter, they were fure and certain in the Spring to receive Aid from
the Pope, France, and Spain; and that the Clergy of Spain had al-
ready contributed five thousand Arms and Powder for a whole year
then in readineſs. They faid, their best and only Agents were their
Priests and Friars, but especially the forenamed Paulo Neil, upon Paul O Neil, a
whofe coming (with advice from Spain) they prefently opened the prime Inftru
War; and that fince the War began, in the very dead of Winter, he Rebellion.
both went with Letters, and returned with Inftructions from Spain
in one Month, profeffing the good Caufe had fuffered much prejudice
if he had been banged in Dublin. And this Deponent further faith,
That he demanded why fometimes they pretended aCommiffion from
the King, at other times from the Queen, fince all Wifemen knew How the King
that the King would not grant a Commiffion against himſelf, and the and Queen
Queen could not. They being Commanders and Friars, faid, That charg'd with
it was lawful for them to pretend what they could in advancement the Rebellion,
of their Caufe: That many of the Garrifon Souldiers (now their
Priſoners, whom they determined to imploy in the War, and to train
others) would not ferve them in regard of their Oath, unleſs they
were made fo to believe: That in all Wars, rumours and lies ferved
many times to as good purpose as Arms, and that they would not dif
claim any advantage. But they faid for the Queen (in regard, as Reafons why
a Catholick, fhe had enemies enough already) they would command the Queen not
their Prieſts publickly (at Mafs) to diſcharge the people from ſpeak-
ing of her as a Caufe, or Abetter of the prefent Troubles. And the
Deponent also asked Sir Phelim O Neil, what his demands were Sir Fh.0 Neil's
without which his Lordship and the reft would not lay down Arms?
At firſt he told this Deponent, That they required only Liberty of
Confcience. But afterwards as his Power, fo his Demands were mul-
tiplied. They must have no Lord Deputy, great Officers of State
Privy Councellors, Fudges, or Justices of Peace, but of the Irish
Nation; no standing Army in the Kingdom; all Tythes payable by
Papifts to be paid to Popish Priests; Church Lands to be restored to
their Biſhops; All Plantations, fince primo Jacobi,to be difannulled,
none made hereafter; no payments of debts due to the Brittish, or
reftitution of any thing taken in the Wars; all Fortifications and
Strengths to be in the hands of the Irish, with power to erect and
build more, if they thought fit; all Strangers (meaning Brittilb) to
be restrained from coming over; all Acts of Parliament againſt Po-
pery and Papifts, together with Poynings Act to be repealed, and the
Irish Parliament to be made Independent. But faith, that others
told him, this Deponent, that although all thefe Demands were
granted, yet Sir Phelim for his own part was not refolv'd to lay down
Arms, unleſs his Majefty would confirm unto him the Earldom of *Commiffions
(however fo
Tyrone, with all the ancient Patrimony and Priviledges belonging to farge without
the O Neils *. And further faith, that in March 1641. Alexander the title of o
Hovenden, by Sir Phelim's direction, fent from the Camp before not fatil-
Drogheda af Prophecy faid to be found in the Abbey of Kells, im-
porting that Tyrone, or Sir Phelim (after the Conqueft and Settle- tThe Vanity
ment of Ireland) fhould fight five fet Battels in England; in the laſt heightned
whereof he ſhould be killed upon Dunsmore-heath, but not before with.
(R *)
he
Motives to the
Rebellion.
Neil)
factory.
Sir Phelim was
130
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
The perfidi-
oufnefs of the
City Alder
men to the
Stare.
he had driven King Charles, with his whole Poſterity, out of Eng-
land, who fhould be afterwards profugi in terra aliena in æternum.
The Paper it felf, with the Deponents whole Library, to the value
of feven or eight hundred pounds, was lately burnt by the Scots under
the Conduct of the Lord Viſcount Montgomery: fince that Prophe-
cy the Deponent faith,he hath often feen Captain Tirlagh mac Brian
O Neil, a great man in the County of Armagh, with many others,
no mean Commanders, drinking Healths upon the knee to Sir Phelim
O Neil, Lord General of the Catholick Army in Ulfter, Earl of Ty-
rone, and King of Ireland. But the Deponent profeffeth (in verbo
Chriftiani) he did never pledge that Health; although ſometimes he
fled it with hazard of his life,it he had been obferved. And this De-
ponent further faith, That Art oge O Neil his eldeſt Son (whofe
name if it be not Art, he hath forgotten) now, and of a long time
a Captain, and one of the ftouteft Rebels in the County of Armagh,
was, as he told the Deponent, in Dublin at School, and dieted at an
Aldermans houſe, whoſe name he alſo doth not remember in the be-
ginning of the rebellion, and that being found in Dublin, the Alder-
man aforefaid became bound at Council-board in one thouſand pounds
for his forth-coming; but afterwards feeing how buſineſs forted, he
came unto this young man, and faid, Boy, get you gone, and shift for
your felf: Alas, faith he, Sir, you are bound for me in one thouſand
pounds. No matter Boy, faid he, Imaft looſe that and many thou
Jands more: whereupon he faith he fled upon foot, and eſcaped to
the Army about Drogheda that fame night. And further faith, That
in May 1642. Captain Walter White told Edward Bleeke an Engliſh-
man, and the Deponent, in Hovenden's Garden,that amongst others,
Roger Moore, or Moore and Bryan O Neil were defigned to take,and
man the Poſtern door of the Caſtle of Dublin; and that he was in
Dublin,and himſelf of the Plot, that told them this of his own know-
ledge. It may be enquired if there were any more Bryan O Neils
in Town at that time then one; the Deponent durft not ask what
Sir Phelim O Bryan he meant. And further faith, That Tirlogh oge O Neil told
him in Armagh, three or four days before the Irish Army went to
Strabane, that the Lady of Strabane had by Letters invited Sir Phe-
lim thither, affuring that the Town fhould be betrayed unto him, or
yielded, he knoweth not whether: And Sir Phelim himſelf (at his
return from taking Strabane) told him the fame over again; yet he
faid, when he came to the Caftle to avoid fufpicion, they fhot ten or
twelve ſhots over him. He told the Deponent likewife, that no-
thing withſtood his preſent marriage with the faid Lady, but the
want of a Difpenfation impetiable from their Lord Primate for a Vow
which ſhe made not to marry for three years to come. He ſaid alſo,
That at his entrance into the Caſtle, the Ladies Prieſt (a Scotch Je-
fuit) exacted, and miniftred an Oath unto him, that he, and thoſe
his noble Cavaliers, came thither for the propagation of the Catho-
lick Faith, and not in any way to violate the Lady, fince it is report-
ed very credibly that they are married. Captain Alexander Hoven-
den told the Deponent, that when Sir Phelim brought her to Kynard
from her own Caſtle of Strabane, fhe did pray him to burn and raze
it, leaſt thereafter it might be uſeful to the Scots, and was of opinion
Sir Phelim did very ill in neglecting fo good advice. The Deponent,
Neil's carriage
at Strabane.
and
1
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
131
Яed to have
and the reft of the Brittish, expected much favour by her means, but
immediately after her coming to theſe parts, the Sword was let fly,
whether at her intreaty or not, the Deponent cannot affirm. More
the Deponent hath heard, but becauſe it is not Treaſon, and ſhe is a
Lady nobly defcended, he will not publiſh it. And further the De-
ponent faith, That in March last a Footman of the Earl of Antrims
was denied lodging, as was reported by Mrs. Hovenden, Sir Phelim's
mother, which gave much occafion of Difcourfe in the Country, and
that he heard Dr. Daly fay, That Sir Phelim would never have un- The Earl of
dertaken the Province of Ulfter, if he had not been perfwaded that Antrim expe-
the faid Earl would have taken up Arms as foon as himself; and he
joyn'd with
himſelf hath heard others fay, that his approbation of the bufinefs Sir Phelim O
was as much as theirs; but that when it came to Action, he durft not Neil.
fhew his face in the field for fear of difcompofing his clothes: And
that Owen mac Clymon (at his parting from the Earl in March laſt,
as himſelf reported to divers in the Country) told him that the com-
mon Caufe fuffered by his Non-concurrence: But he replied, The bu- The Reason's
fineß was already spoiled, especially in Ulfter, by bloodshed and why Antrim
robbery; and that he would not declare himself, either one way or complied nor
other, until after May-day following. And the Deponent hath heard
many of the Rebels call Sir Phelim a Confident of the Earls, for let-
ting him go when he was taken Prifoner by the Captain of Charle-
mont, faying, That he deferved to looſe his Head for fome words he
fpake, going through Armagh, about the laſt of April, or first of
May lalt, viz. That he faw nothing amongst them but defolation and
execrable cruelty; for which God's wrath, and the King's just re-
venge hung over their heads, and would very speedily overtake them.
As he rode through the Pariſh of Derenoofe, he would very gladly
(although the Deponent is a ſtranger unto him) have ſeen him the
faid Deponent, but could not procure the Friars Guides to fend a mef-
fenger for him; they were afraid (as fome of them told him after-
wards) that he would have reſcued the Deponent, but he the De-
ponent thinketh, they more feared, leaft he might have laboured to
divert his Lordſhip from joyning with them, which was then pre-
fently expected: fo that a man can fee no part of this Tragedy where-
in there is not a Devil or a Friar, or both. And the Deponent fur-
ther faith, That he was certainly informed by the chief of the O
Donnellies and O Lappans, and many others, whereof fome were
very near unto Sir Phelim, and it is generally reported in thoſe
parts, where the Deponent lived, that Mrs. May, Widow to Mr.
Edward May late of Dublin (a meer Iriſh woman, whom the Ge-
neral long kept for his fancy, and thereafter married out of Confci- Mrs. May of
ence) is and was ever (fince the Rebellion began) Sir Phelim's chief Dublin, Sir Phe-
and unfufpected Intelligencer; that he addreffed all his Packets fent gencer.
to Dublin unto her, and by her means, and for the moſt part by
Owen mac Clymon aforefaid, and other of her Servants received An-
fwers ; perhaps the truth may be found out by fuddain ſearch for Let-
ters, or unexpected examination of her and her Servants apart. And
alſo faith, that he hath heard many of the Rebels fay amongst them-
ſelves, that they feared nothing fo much, as the corrupting and fpoil-
ing of their Harveſt: and that if G. M. Monroe had put three thou-
fand men in the Towns of Armagh, Dungannon, and Monaghan,
(R 2 *)
}
be-
1
lim's Intelli-
Monroe's Neg
le&t.
132
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination,
thoſe who had
complied.
154000
flaughtered by
the Priests
eſtimate.
before they were burnt, he had made himſelf abfolute Maſter of all
the Corn in the three Counties, without which they could not poflì-
bly ſubſiſt this Winter. And faith moreover, That Sir Phelim O
Neil, his deputed Lieutenants and Governours (in all their Commif
fions, Paffes, and Warrants) leave out theſe words (in his Maje-
fties name) yet if any be tendred by the Brittish in the old ftile, they
feldom except againſt them de nomine, and as feldom fign them.
The laft that And the Deponent alfo faith, that the laft, who were devoured, were
fuffered were Apostates through fear, and Revolters to Popery, who (though but
a very handful) yet fuch was their infatiable thirst of blood, they
could not spare them. And further faith, That it was credibly told
him, that the Rebels (leaft they ſhould hereafter be charged with
more murthers then they had. committed) commanded their
Prieſts to bring in a true account of them; and that the perfons fo
flaughtered (whether in Ulfter, or the whole Kingdom, the Depo-
nent durft not enquire) in March laft, amounted unto one hundred,
fifty four thousand. Sir Phelim O Neil asked the Deponent very
fcornfully once in Armagh, and in the hearing of many, why the
Scots in fo many weeks came not to relieve or revenge the Death of
their Countreymen? The Deponent durft not reply in this fo danger-
ous a queſtion; but one that stood by faid, That they did wifely to
Stay until his Lordship made them more elbow room. This Riddle
was ſoon after interpreted upon the March of the Scottiſh Army from
the Newry back to Carrickfergus, by the bloody Maffacre of above
five thousand of the Brittish in three days. About two hundred per-
fons, within ſeven weeks after, that were relieved by the Lord Con-
ways Army, fent for the fame purpoſe, ſo that the Deponent doth
confidently fay, that now of all the Royal Plantation in Ulfter,there
doth not remain alive two hundred more amongſt the Rebels. And
further faith, That a Nephew of Art. O Neil's, Brother to Henry O
Neil Lord of the Fewes, told him, this Deponent, that his Uncle
the faid Art. had but one Scotchman upon his Land, and that about
two days foregoing, gave directions to have him murther'd, thereby
to give to Sir Phelim a proof of his zeal in the common Cauſe, from
which there was a fufpicion he meant to Revolt. And further faith,
that there went a common report amongſt the Iriſh in Armagh, that
Sir Phelims de- the Biſhop of Derry had undertaken to betray the Town of Derry
unto Sir Phelim O Neil, which he remembring, or being put in
of mind thereof at Strabane, as he told the Deponent upon his return,
he reſolved from thence to have written unto him a Letter, promiſing
to be with him ſuch a night, and defiring admittance at the Gate ap-
pointed. This Letter, faid he, I intended to fend by a Prifoner, with
whom (upon ſearch finding this Letter) the Scots (without more
examination) would have cut the Biſhop into Collops, but he faid
ſomewhat put this project out of his head. He may in time do as
much for others, as then he intended to do for the Biſhop, wherefore
the Deponent thought this paffage not worthy the inferting. And
the Deponent further faith, That Tirlagh oge O Neil, then Go-
vernour of Armagh, caufed an Engliſh Ditcher to be killed upon a
proof made, that he ſhould ſay he was a better preacher then James
Uber Primate of Armagh: this he did (as he faid) to fupprefs
Brownisme in his Government. And further faith, That amongſt
The Scots de-
ftroyed.
fign to have
cut off Dr.
Bramhall Bp.
Derry.
the
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
133
:
murther'd, and
Watson roafted
ther❜d.
the Rebels he hath ſeen ſome laugh and wonder at the English for
keeping their words or proteftations given to the Irish; and fome faid
in mockery, that this was a fecret Confeffion of the Proteſtants, that
the Papiſts were not Hereticks: and for fome inftance of extream cru-
elty uſed by the Irish in Ulster, the Deponent faith, that by fpecial
command from Sir Phelim O Neil, they dragged the Deponents bro-
ther, Lieutenant James Maxwell, out of his bed in the rage and The Depo-
height of a burning Fever, and leaft any of his Acquaintance or nents Brother
Friends fhould bury him, they carried him two miles from any Church, his wife
and there cruelly butchered him, when he knew neither what he did drown'd.
or faid and thus Sir Phelim paid him two hundred and fixty pounds
which he owed him. And that his Wife Grizell Maxwell, being in
Child-birth, the Child half born, and half unborn, they ftript ftark
naked, and drove her about an arrow flight to the Blackwater, and
drowned her. The like they did to another Englishwoman in the
fame Pariſh in the beginning of the Rebellion, which was little infe-
riour (if not more unnatural and barbarous) then the roafting of Mr:
Watfon alive, after they had cut a Collop out of either Buttock. That alive.
a Scotchwoman was found in the Glyn-wood lying dead, her belly rip-
ped up, and a living Child crawling in her Womb, cut out of the Others barba
Cawl. That Mr. Starky, Schoolmaster at Armagh, a Gentleman roufly mur-
of good parentage and parts, being upwards of one hundred years
of age, they ſtripped naked, caufed two of his Daughters (Virgins)
being likewiſe naked, to fupport him under each arm,not being able to
go of himſelf, and in that poſture carried them all three a quarter of
a mile to a Turf-pit, and drowned them,feeding the luft of their eyes
and the cruelty of their hearts with the ſelf fame objects at the fame
time. At the Siege of Augher, they would not kill any Engliſh beaſt, Cruelties to
and then eat it, but they cut Collops out of them being alive, letting Beaſts.
them there wafte till they had no more fleſh upon their backs; fo that
ſometimes a beaft would live two or three days together in that Tor-
ment. The like they did at Armagh, when they murther'd Hugh
Echline Efq. they hang'd all his Irith Servants, which had any ways
proved faithful or uſeful unto him during this Rebellion. And as
touching exemplary conftancy in Religion, the Deponent faith, that
Henry Cowell Efq. a gallant and well-bred Gentleman, was mur-
thered, becauſe he would not confent to marry a beaſtly Trull, Mary
ny Neil, a near Kinfwoman of Sir Phelim's: He was proffered his Echline and his
life without the Blowfe if he would have gone to Mafs, but he chofe Son conftant
rather to dye then do either. There was made the like proffer of life in the Faith.
for going to Mafs unto Robert Echline,Son to the above-named Hugh
Echline, a Child of eleven or twelve years of age, but he alfo refu-
fed it, faying, He faw nothing in their Religion for which he would
change his own. And the Deponent further faith, That his, and the
reſt of the Brittiſh chief and beſt Friends amongst the Rebels were,
Mrs. Katherine Hovenden Widow, Mother to Sir Phelim O Neil: the Sir Phelim's
preſerved four and twenty Engliſh and Scots in her own houſe, and Mother chari-
fed them for ſeven and thirty weeks out of her own ftore; and when table.
her Children took her away upon the approach of an Army, the left
both them, and this Deponent, to their liberty, and gave them free
leave to eſcape: many more fhe would have faved, but that while fhe
lay fick ten weeks of an Ague, none of them were fuffered to come
near
134
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
Hovenden's
good Service.
The Prote-
were betray'd.
-
near her, ſhe ſwooned twice, as was faid, when ſhe heard that fix
and fifty were taken out of the Deponent's Houſe, and murther'd in
Captain Alex. one day. She used often to fay, she had never offended the Engliſh,
except in being Mother to Sir Phelim and Captain Alexander Hoven-
den, Son to Mrs. Hovenden, and half Brother to Sir Phelim; he con-
ducted five and thirty Engliſh out of Armagh to Drogheda, whereof
fome were of good quality, when it was thought he had fecret dire-
ctions to have murthered them: twenty more he fent fafe to the
Newry, and would truſt no other Convoy then himſelf. It is to be
obferv'd, that all others perifhed under colour of Convoys, except
ftants truſting only thoſe whom he undertook. At the Deponents Requeſt he fa-
to Convoys, ved Armagh twice from burning, and would have faved it the third
time, but that he lay fick of a Fever. When he beheld the Ruins
thereof, but eſpecially of the Church, 'tis faid he wept bitterly, fay-
ing, Who will ever trust the Irish again, who have neither kept their
promises to God, nor proteftations to men? When he (viz. Captain
Alexander Hovenden) faw Sir Phelim's Warrant for the laft general
Maſſacre, after the taking of the Newry,he folemnly ſwore he would
never draw his Sword again in Sir Phelim's quarrel or cauſe, curfing
(in his paffion) the Brittish, if ever they fpared Irish man, woman,
or child. He was defirous to fubmit himſelf to the King's mercy up-
on the Lord Montgomery his protection, offering to root out that
bloody Sept of the Huges, with his own Followers and Arms, out
of Ireland: But the motion was rejected; perhaps worfe will be
admitted. He never had his hand in blood out of Battel. That this
Deponent knoweth he is not yet (which may plead fome favour) full-
two and twenty years of age, and doth not pretend to one foot of
Some fenfible Inheritance. Dr.Dally preached fo vehemently againſt murthering,
of the Prote- that in the end he was forced to fly himſelf for a ſafeguard of his life.
Patrick Kelly, and Gilduffe mac Tynny, would fuffer nothing rob-
bed from the Brittish to come within their doors. And this Deponent
further faith, That very many of the Brittish Proteftants, the Rebels
buried alive, and took a great pleaſure to hear them fpeak unto them,
as they digged down old Ditches upon them. Except thofe, whom
they thus buried, they (the Rebels) buried none of the Proteftants,
neither would permit any, who furvived, to perform the duty for
them. And further faith, That the Rebels would fend their Chil-
dren abroad in great Troops, and efpecially near unto Kynard, arm-
ed with long wattles and whips, who would therewith beat mens bo-
dies about their privy Members, until they beat, or rather thrashed
them off; then would return in great joy to their Parents, who re-
ceived them for ſuch ſervice, as it were in triumph. And further
faith, If any women were found dead, lying with their faces down-
ward, they would turn them upon their backs, and in great flocks
go unto them, cenfuring all parts of their bodies, but eſpecially fuch
as are not to be named, which afterwards they abuſed fo many ways
fo filthily, as chaft ears would not endure the very naming thereof.
And further faith, That many of the Proteftants the Rebels would
not kill outright, but being half dead, would leave them, intreating
for no greater favour at their hands, two or three days after, but to
kill them out-right, which fometimes was granted, fometimes deni-
ed. A young youth having his backbone broken, was found in a field,
ftants conditi-
on.
Dead women
abuſed.
having
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
135
One not able
to ftir forced
to eat grals.
'having like a beaſt eaten all the grafs round about him. The Depo-
nent could not learn that they killed him, but that they removed him
to a place of better pafture: fo that in theſe moſt bloody and execra-
ble wretches, that of the Holy Ghoft is clearly verified, The very
mercy of the wicked is cruelty. And further faith, That the Rebels
themſelves told him, this Deponent, that they murthered nine hun-
dred fifty and four in one morning in the County of Antrim; and
that befides them, they fuppofed they had killed above eleven or
twelve hundred more in that County. They told him likewife that
Colonel Bryan O Neil killed about one thouſand in the County of
Downe, befides three hundred killed near Killeleagh, and many hun-
dreds both before and after in both thoſe Counties. At Sir Phelim's
return from Lifnegarvy fome of his Souldiers forced about four and Some burned
twenty Britiſh into a Houfe, where they burned them alive, whoſe alive.
terrible out-cries they delighted very much to imitaté and exprefs un-
to others; and faith, that he heard Sir Phelim likewife report, that
he killed fix hundred English at Garvagh in the County of Derry,
and that he had neither left man, woman, nor child alive in the Ba-
rony of Muntulony in the County of Tyrone, and that betwixt Ar-
magh and the Newry in the feveral Lands and Plantations of Sir Ar-
thur Atcheson, John Hamilton Efq. the Lord Cawfield, and the Lord
Mountnorris. And faith alfo, that there were above two thouſand
of the Britiſh murther'd in their own Houſes, for the most part, and
that he was informed hereof by a Scotchman, who was in thefe parts
with Sir Phelim, and faw their Houfes filled with their dead bodies.
In the Glenwood, towards Drummore, there were flaughtered (as
the Rebels told the Deponent) upwards of twelve hundred, who
were all killed in their flight to the County of Downe. The number
of people drowned at the Bridge of Portadowne are diverfly reported,
according as men ftayed among the Rebels. The Deponent (who
ſtayed as long as any, and had better intelligence then moſt of the
Engliſh amongſt them) had better reafon to know the truth, and Drown'd at
faith there were by their own report one hundred and ninety drown- Bridge.
ed with Mr. Fullerton. At another time they threw one hundred
and forty over the faid Bridge; at another time fix or feven and thir-
ty'; and ſo continued drowning every day, more or fewer, for feven
or eight weeks, ſo that the feweft, which can be fuppofed there to
have perished, muft needs be above one thouſand, befides as many
more drowned betwixt that Bridge and the great Lough of Mountjoy,
beſides thoſe who perished by the Sword, Fire, and Famine in Clan-
brazill, and the English Plantation adjacent, which in regard there
eſcaped not three hundred out of all thofe quarters,muft needs amount
to many thouſands. Near unto the Deponents own Houfe, fix and
thirty perſons were thrown from the Currbridge at one time; at ano-
ther time eighteen or nineteen; at another time fix and fifty men, other places.
women, and children, all of them being taken out of the Deponents
own Houſe; and at ſeveral other times feveral other numbers beſides
theſe, who were drowned in the Blackwater at Kynard: In which
Town and Pariſh of Tynon, whereof the Deponent was Rector, there
were drowned, flaughtered, and died of Famine, and for want of
Clothes, about fix hundred. And faith, he might add to theſe ma-
many thouſands more, but the Diary, which he the Deponent wrote
amongſt
叔
​Portadown
Drown'd in
}
136
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
over Porta
down.
amongſt the Rebels, being burned with his Houſe, Books, and all
his Papers, he referreth himſelf to the number in grofs, which the
Rebels themſelves have upon enquiry found out and acknowledged,
which notwithſtanding will come fhort of all that have been murthe-
red in Ireland,there being above One hundred fifty and four thousand
now wanting of the Britiſh within the very Precinct of Ulfter. And
the Deponent further faith, that it was common Table-talk amongſt
Apparitions
the Rebels, that the Ghofts of Mr. William Fullerton, Timothy
of thofe flung Jephes, and the moſt of thoſe who were thrown over Portadown
Bridge, were daily and nightly feen to walk upon the River, fome-
times finging of Pfalms, fometimes brandishing of naked Swords,
and fometimes fcreeching in a moſt hideous and fearful manner. The
Deponent did not believe the fame at firft, and yet is doubtful whe-
ther to believe it or not; but faith, that divers of the Rebels affured
him, that they themſelves did dwell near to the faid River, and be-
ing daily frighted with thofe apparitions (but efpecially with their
horrible fcreeching) were in conclufion forced to remove further into
the Country. Their own Prieſts and Friars could not deny the truth
thereof,but as oft as it was by the Deponent objected unto them,they
faid, That it was but a cunning flight of the Devil to hinder this
great work of propagating the Catholick Faith, and killing of Here-
ticks; or that it was wrought by witchcraft. The Deponent him-
ſelf lived within thirteen miles of the Bridge, and never heard any
fo much as doubt of the truth thereof; howfoever the Deponent
obligeth no man's faith, in regard he ſaw it not with his own eyes, o-
therwiſe he had as much certainty as morally could be required of
Thoſe of the fuch a matter. And the Deponent further faith, That the Degene-
rated Pale-English were most cruel amongst the British Proteftants,
being beaten from their own Lands, and were never fatisfied with
their blood, until they had in a manner feen the last drop thereof,
affrighting Sir Phelim O Neil every day with their numbers, per-
fwading him that while they (meaning the Proteftants) lived, there
would neither be room for them, nor safety for him. It was cafie to
fpur on the cowardly bloody Rebel; yet no fooner were the Prote-
ſtants cut off, but contrary to their expectation, the meer Iriſh took
preſent poffeffions of their Lands and Houſes, whereat they (of the
Pale) very much grumbled, and faid Sir Phelim had not kept pro-
*How this mife with them; howfoever they were forced to ſwallow thofe and
many other injuries. And further faith, That he knew one boy near
unto himſelf, not exceeding fourteen years of age, who killed at
Kynard in one night fifteen able ſtrong men with his Skean, they be-
ing difarmed, and moſt of their feet in the ſtocks. Another not a-
bove twelve years of age killed two women and one man at the fiege
Cruelties in of Augher. A woman, Tenant to the Deponent, killed ſeven men
which their and women of her English Fellow-tenants in one morning: And it
children were was very uſual in all parts for their children to murther the Prote-
encouraged. ſtants children; and fometimes with lath Swords, heavy and well
Pale cruel.
was reſented,
fee the Hifto
ry f. 69.
man
*
fharpned, they would venture upon men and women of riper years;
cruelties not to be believed, if there were not fo many Eye-witneffes
of them. And the Deponent further faith, That the first three
and
days and nights of this preſent Rebellion, viz. Octob.23,24, 25.
it was generally obferved, That no Cock crew,or any Dogg was heard
to
1
A
1
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
to bark, no not when the Rebels came in great multitudes unto the
Proteftants Houſes by night to rob and murther them: and about
three or four nights before the fix and fifty perfons were taken out of
the Deponent's Houſe and drowned, and amongst thoſe the Depo-
nents brother, Lieutenant James Maxwell,in the dark of the Moon,
about one of the clock at night, a Light was observed in manner of
a long Pillar to fine for a long way through the Air, and refracted
upon the North Gabel of the Houfe. It gave fo great a light about
an hour together, that divers of the watch read both Letters and
Books of a very ſmall Character thereby, The former the Deponent
knoweth to be moſt true both by his own Experience, and the general
obfervation of as many as the Deponent met with within the Coun-
ty of Armagh. The later was feen by all thoſe of the Deponents
Family, and befides by many of his Irish guard. For fome of them
at that time were drunk, and could fee nothing, who interpreted the
fame to be an immediate expreſſion, and token of Divine Provi-
dence and watchfulneſs over the Proteftants, affirming that many
times the Rebels had purpofed to deftroy the Deponent, and his Fa-
mily, but were always hindred and interrupted, but which way
themſelves could not tell ; But the Deponent (as is well known) made
a far contrary interpretation thereof, which fhortly after fell out
to be the truer of the two, for (prefaging thereby that bloody Maf-
facre which ensued) the Deponent (with the rest of his Family)
gave themſelves to Fafting and Prayer, expecting each hour that u
niverſal cutting off, which fell out very fhortly after.
137
Depoſed 22 August 1642.
John Watson.
William Aldrich.
+
Robert Maxwell.
(*`S)
Poft-
i
138
Dr. Robert Maxwell's Examination.
Poft-Information the 7th of July, 1643.
1
ND further this Deponent faith, that the Rebels having ex-
poſed the murthered bodies of the British fo long unto the pub-
lick view and cenfure, that they began to ftink, and infect the
Air (which commonly being a thing very ftrange, would not
fometimes happen until four or five weeks after the murthers commit-
ted) they ufually permitted fome of their bodies to be removed, and
caft into Ditches, but fo, as they muſt ever be laid with their faces
downward; the reafon whereof this Deponent not underſtanding,
asked the Rebels themfelves what was meant thereby, who readily
anſwered that they fo placed them to the intent they might have a
proſpect and fight of Hell only, and therefore, when they killed any
of us, they uſed always thefe words, Animi Dewll, which is, thy
foul to the Devil. And this Deponent further faith, That notwith-
ſtanding all the moderation formerly pretended by the forenamed A-
lexander Hovenden, and the many real favours done by him unto
many of the British, and in particular to this Deponent, that yet he
heard him both fay and fwear, That he wished them all damned, both
body and foul, who were against them in this caufe. Further, this
Deponent faith, That it was ufual fport with one mac Mahon, Capt.
of the Caſtle and Town of Monaghan (as le faid Mr. Mahon confef
fed before Mr. Hugh Echline and many others) to take a wooden
Prick or Broach, and thruft it up into the Fundament of an Engliſh or
Scotchman, and then after drive him about the Room with a Joynt-
ftool, until through extream pain he either fainted or gave content to
the Spectators by fome notable skips and frisks, which rare invention
he ofered to put in practice at the lame time, and in the fame place
where he boaſted thereof, but that the faid Mr. Echline prevailed
with him to omit it, as fufficiently (without any further demonftra-
tion) believing the excellency of the fport. And it is further of un-
deniable truth, That the faid mic Mahon, and other Rebels in the
Caſtle of Monaghan, after a great Feaft there held, took an Engliſh
or Welſhman, and bound him naked upon the Table, at which they
drank after dinner, and at every Health gave him a gafh or wound
(but not mortal) until his whole body became (as it were) one con-
tinued wound, and thereafter flung him out upon the Dunghill, where
he died, partly of his faid wounds, and partly of famine, none daring
to relieve him.
Robert Maxwell.
Furat. ut fupra.
William Aldrich.
John Watson.
The
#
THE
INDEX.
1
T
А
fol.
He Abby of Multifarnan the place
where the Confpirators first con-
fidered what to do after they had
rais'd a Rebellion.
25
An Anniverſary Act to be obferv'd on
the 23 of October.
323
An Addreẞ of certain Commiffioners to
the King about Ireland, and his An-
fwer..
122
Affairs why they proceeded fo flowly in
1642.
Agent's fent to Kilkenny.
ΙΟΙ
233
from the Confederates fent to
the Duke of Lorrain. 286
The Earl of Antrim fent by the Confe-
derates (with others) to the Queen
at Paris.
199
Arguments why the Trif Souldiers
Jhould not be transported to Spain.
8&c.
The Army of 8000 foot and 1000 horfe
rais'd in Ireland.
1
4
disbanded. They being too good
Englishmen to wish that a standing
Army fhould be kept in the Bowels
of that Country.
10
67
Atherdee taken by the Engliſh.
Sir Arthur Aflon made Governour of
}
Tredagh,
flain.
fol.
223
ibid.
The General or National Aſſembly
begins.
95
justifies the Commiſſioners.172
agree with the Congregation at
Waterford.
ibid.
Alts when the Earl of Clan-
rickard is Deputy,
279
Affembly at Clanmacnoife convene
234
their acts from 235.to 239
B
Aggatrath ordered to be fortified,
BA
Balintober Battel
219
81
88
Sir James Barrie's account of King
Charles the First's Letter of a Plot.
8
Lieutenant General Barry beaten be-
fore Cork.
Colonel Barry imploy'd to compofe Dif
ferences with the Greatest. 233
The Earl of Barrimore's Succeß at
Cloghleigh.
Bealing's repulfe at Lifmore. 85
is fent to Rome, brings in the
Nuncio
(S 2 *)
86
153
Dr.
The Index.
t
Dr. Bedel Biſhop of Kilmore his In-
formation of the Papifts Infolencies
2
Death and Character. 32
Belfaſt ſurrendred to the Parliamenta-
rrans
The Bishop of Clogher defeated
225
his Death 253
Character
of Fern's infolent Letter
touching the M. of Clan-
rickard.
Ollory's Excommunicati-
On
Rofs hang'd.
Murtogh O Bryan stood longest in Re-
bellion.
Lieut.Col.Byron goes to Tredath
286
163 DR.
240
The Bishops at James-town publish an
Excommunication.
261
a malicious Declaration.ib.
The Lord Blaney,&c. give Intelligence
of the Rebels Proceedings. 27
Sir John Borlafe Senior (and others
bath Letters directed to him to re-
gulate affairs.
6
7
when instituted Lord
Justice.
receives a Letter from
Sir Henry Vane of a
Plot.
ibid.
his answer to the Par-
liaments Committee of
Ireland for Arms: 12
bath the Plot diſcover-
ed to him.
20
is again made Lord Ju-
ftice.
121
quits his Jufticeship.141
Sir John Borlate Junior goes to Tre-
dath.
29
his Service there. 63
is fent to the State
from thence.
64
returns.
ibid.
his Service at Colp.66
in Lowth and
Meath. 101
his Regiment reduced. 180
disbanded.225
The Lord Broghill gallantly defends
85
Lifmore.
defats Muskery in a pitch'd
315
29
is one of the Commiffioner's
from Tredath to the State.
64
his excellent Service at
Tallaghallon.
Priſoner at Tredath. 195
C
66
45
R. Cale brings Propofitions to the
State.
is fent with Propofitions to
the Rebels.
48
86
Cappaquim Battle.
Carrickmacrofs order'd to be demo-
lifbed.
Cavan's Remonstrance, and the History
of that County.
102
The Treaty of Ceflation begings at Caſtle-
Martin
125
proceeds at Sigginſtown, 127
is concluded.
130
begets Heats betwixt King
and Parliament.
134
139
145
14
is broken by the Iriſh.
is renew'd.
The Character of the Iriſh.
The Marquiß of Clanrickard's good u
fage of the English.
his fidelity to the Lord Lieu-
tenant.
76
179
mediating Col. Prefton figns to
come in.
170
made Lieutenant General of
the Army
171
is defired Governour but till
an Affembly.
275
accepts of the Government.279
bis Proclamation to inhibit
any to leave the Irish Quarters
281
284
routed by Coot.
impowers a Committee to treat
with Lorrain's Agent. 285
his Reply to him.
286
his excellent Letter to the
Duke of Lorrain.
290
Battle.
283
the Bishop of Rofs. 240
his Reaſons against complying
with the Confederates clan-
deftine
}
The Index.
1
deftine proceedings with Lor-
rain, evidencing his integrity
to his Prince and Nation. 292
deceived by the Irish in their
obedience.
demands Justice against Geo-
ghehan..
ibid.
293
301
notwithstanding affists the I-
rish at Gallway.
after the Surrender of Gall-
way perfues the King's Inter-
eft
is beaten by Coot
quits the Kingdom?
his Character
m}
169
Commiſſioners from the Parliament
treaty about Surrendring
Dublin. The Effect
of Trust constituted
diffent from the L.
Lieutenant 227
204
fufpected not to be
entire
233
their address to the
Marq. of Ormond's
Letter.
The Convention called
302
303
how long it lafted
ibid.
The Proteftant Clergies Remonftrance
to the Parliaments Commiffioners 184
The Popish Clergy foments misconceits
of the Lord Lieutenant
233
their reply to the Lord
Lieutenant from James-
town, from 258 to 260
Cloaths bestowed upon the ftrip'd Pro-
teftants of Ireland
94
Sir William Coles Information of the
fufpicion of Troubles
19
what it gave to the
King
D. of York:
Glocefter
249
316
A Confederacy betwixt the Irish and
old English of the Pale,the Oath 56
The Confederates treat about a Peace
152
unite with the Lord
Lieutenant
168
are treacherous, fo the
Lord Lieutenant agrees
with the Parliament
Service at Eniskellin 87
Commiſſions to raise forces for the
Spaniards Service
141
173
fend Agents to Oxford
8
Munſter 27
Connagh
Sent into the North
of Martial Law granted
to feveral Papists
28
Most of the Irish Committee engaged in
the Rebellion
13
103
The Parliament of England's Commit-
tee arrive in Ireland
depart, fo neceffities encreafe,105
The Committee from the Councel-board
in Ireland at Oxford much troubled
betwixt the Proteftant and Con-
federate Agents
142
Commiſſioners authorized to ftate the
Condition of the deplorable English 15
Sent from the Parliament in
England into Ireland
151
as alſo 256
Supream Councel
to Waterford 164
forreign Princes
174
their high demands
142
the King's admoni-
tion to them 143
Agents behaviour at
their return to Ireland
145
come to the Lord Lieu-
tenant at Carrick 201
defire a Privy Councel
242
meet at James-town 256
think to treat with Ire-
ton
280
cherish good opinion of
the Independents 293
in Munſter meditate a
compliance with the
Parliament
201
161
The Congregation at Waterford declare
the Peace of 1646. void
The Conspiracy though discovered, yet
the Mallacres continued
30
Sir
1
The Index.
Sir Charles Coot Senior Governour of
Dublin ·
2.7
his fucceß in Wickle 38
vindicated from the
Rebels afperfions
41
beats the Enemy from
Clantarf
The Covenant or Solemn League dif-
own'd
141
The Supream Councels infolent Letter
to the Lords Justices
120
Letter touching the
Scots
137
to the Pope toucl-
43
Swords
52
with the Lord Lifle re-
·lieves the Lady Offalia
78
takes Trim ibid.
ibid.
is killed
After whofe death much was not at-
tempted till the Battle of Rofs
where the Gallantry of the Englift
and the Life of their General won-
derfully appeared
80
Sir Charles Coot Junior profpers a-
gainst Con ORourk,&c.
21 Connaght
1
f
50
beats the Rebels in Con-
naght****
76
relieves Athlone ibid.
his good Service inCon-
naght
146
his Reply to the Presby-
tery at Belfaſt 207, 208
cenfured for complying
with Owen O Neil 217
takes Colrain
218
befieges Carickfergus
ibid.
229
routs the Scots in Ul-
fter
beats the Marquis of
Clanrickard 284
defeats a Party of Fitz.
Patricks and Odwyrs
forces
300
Streightens Gallway 301
has it delivered to him
ibid.
impeaches feveral 316
his and other Officers
memorable Declaration
ing the Nuncio
154
Col.Crafford beats the Enemy from Fin-
glass
43
his good Service at Kilrush
75
his Service at Monafter,
even with 1300 foot, not
【 3000
112
against those who a-
Larm'd Dublin' 128.
Cromwell appointed the Parliaments
Lord Lieutenant in Ireland
Henry
Lands at Dublin
storms Tredath -
takes Trim
Carlingford
Newry
returns to Dublin
209
222
223
}
ibid.
225
ibid.
takes Wexford, &c.
his Affurance that Mass was
not to be allow'd in the Par-
liaments Quarters
takes Rofs
226
227
is beaten fromWaterford 229
goes to Dungarvan, having
taken Paffage-Fort
begins the Campaign
takes Clonmel
230
239
ibid.
difturbs the Rebels Councel
in V Veſtmeath
ibid.
is fummoned into England 241
to be pray'd for,not the King,
by Popish Injunction ibid.
Cromwell goes for Ireland
indulges Learning
is well accepted 316
yields up all to Steel
leaves Ireland
ibid. The Rife of Cuftodiums.
Captain Richard Coot's Service in
Connaught
}
120
Lord Coftiloe preſents to the State the
Longford Letter
goes for England
* 34
ibid.
AN
D
98
N Abbreviate of the Parlia
ments. Declaration of the mifera-
ble condition of Ireland
124
The
{
The Index.
6
The Lord Dillon, one of the Lord Ju-
stices, foon dilplaced
Dowdall's Depofition touching the uni-
on of the Pale and the Northern Re-
bels
Dundalk recovered by the English 67
The Lady Dowdall's magnanimous dc-
fence of Kilhnny-Cattle
E
39
Col. Flower's Regiment reduced, 180
disbanded 225, fent Prifoner to Che-
fer
87 G A
Pon Edge-bill fight the Supplies
for Ireland fail'd 103
By what means the English proceeded
in the Warr
from 8910 92
Ever mac Mahon difcovers to the Lord
Deputy VVentworth a Plot 2
Exceptions taken against the Irish Com-
miffioners Title and Caufe 126
The Excommunication against the Mar-
quifs of Ormond, why fufpended
268
The Clergy's Excommunication not for-
cible against the Commons refolve to
deliver Limerick to Ireton 295
FA
F
1
Anning difplaces the Maior of
Waterford, and by the Rebels is
made Maior.
161
is countenanced by the Nuncio
ibid.
The Lord Forbes against Gallway 82
Sz
Forces going to ftrengthen Tredath bea-
ten at Gellingſton-bridge
37
Under Col. Venables, Hnnks,
and Reynolds land at Dublin
}
A Faft Proclaimed
218
38
54
by the King's Order the
8th. of Jan.
to be observed Monthly 77
Fitz-Gerald Edict ftating his Caufe.
App.8
її
The Anniversary Form of Prayer for
the 23 of Octob.
App. 88
The Fate of those who had egregiously
fail'd in their Duty to the King in
Limerick.
Fleetwood goes for Ireland 302
encourages the Sectarians
300
315
G
195
Albreth gives fecurity, being found
to have made fictitious Matters
152
The Garrisons in Munſter revolt to the
Parliament
Geoghehan's Infolency against the
State
Gibſon takes Carickmam
228
293
73
83
goes into VVickloe
Glamorgan's Agency with the Rebels
diforen'd
145
Gormanfton General of the Pale 42
Defects of Government happily corre-
ed (though Carue in his Annals of
Ireland, p. 389. will have it thất
the King promoted One in Ireland,
Ex mero odio in hibernos ad tantam
honoris amplitudinem, an Expreſ-
fion like himself. The Perfon ha-
ving been entire to his Principles
and Allegiance)
16,18
Several Graces vouchsafed to the Irish
6
Sir Richard Greenvile's good Service
in Kilruth Battle
75
at Raconnel fos
Rofs
H
109
Ir Frederick Hamilton's Service at
Mannor Hamilton
Enfign Hammond firft enters Carrick-
main
73
Sir Simon Harcourt arrives at Dub-
lin
52
his Expedition into
VVickloe
72
73
death at Carrick-
main
The Herauld at Arms barbarouſly used
at Limerick
160
King Henry the Eighth's Cenfure of
the Popish Clergy
зог
A
The Index.
A
A High Court of Justice erected in Ire-
J
land
303
where first inftituted
304
cut not off above two
hundred Perfons 315
I
Ealoufies arife in the Lord Lieute-
nants Army when the Munfter Gar-
rifons are delivered up to Cromwell
228
The L.Inchequin appointed Prefident
of Munſter
}
89
his carriage at the Battle of
Lifcarrel
ibid.
and the Munſter Forces with-
Stand the Ceffation
146
bis Letter and De-
claration
to 150
revolt to the Parl.
how taken
articled against 168
187
Letter to the Speak-
151
er
his good Service at Knock-
nones
188
joyns with the Marquifs of
Ormond
190
his cellation with the Irish
209
Attempts to bring over Jones
209
213
beats a Party of Jones's
Horfe
routs Col.Chidley Coot ibid.
takes Tredagh
beats Farrall
takes Dundalk
Trim
214
215
ibid.
217
Suspecting Cromwell would
land in Munfter, went there
219
is address'd to by the Irish as
One acceptable to his Coun-
try
leaves Ireland2
his character S
245
278
Instruments of State not to be cenfured
by every Capacity
3
Intermiffion of Legal Proceedings a-
gainst the Papifts, the cauſe of the
Irish Infolencies
I
Quo tempore Carolus VValliæ Princeps
in Hifpania immorabatur,omnes Re-
ligiofi Ordinis Pontificia Religionis
fibi domicilia pro divino Cultu cele-
brando Extruxerunt,quæ tamen poſt-
modum juffu Regis Vice-comes
Faulkland tum Hibernia Prorex in
Coronæ profanos ufus convertit. So
belches Carue in his Annals of Ire-
land
318
Col.Mich. Jones arrives at Dublin 180
is made Governour thereof,
and Commander of the Lem-
fter Forces
ibid.
beaten by Preſton 186
gains the Battle at Dungan-
hill
ibid.
his good Service with Monk
187
195
fortifies Dublin
fends feveral fufpected into
England
ibid.
his Anfwer to the L. Lieu-
tenants Letter
209
L. Inchequin's
Letter ibid.
beats Clanrickard's Regi-
213
ments
his intention to beſiege Tre-
dagh binder'd
his Victory at Rathmines
bis death
character S
222
221,222
230
Sir Theophilus Jones return'd with a
Supply into Ireland
210
made General of Dublin 223
with Col, Reynold's Service
in VVeftmeath
240
beats Phelim mac Hugh co
ming to relieve. Finagh
283
Seizes Dublin-Caftle 316
The bleeding Iphigenia anfwer'd in re-
ference to a Calumny on the State
55
his Doctrine of the law-
fulness of aſſuming Arms
to prevent an Evil, confu-
ted by Andrew Sall in
bis
14
bus Book entituled-
The Index.
16
Ireland never fubdued till the Laws
were as communicable to the Irish
as English
neglected
Ireton, left by Cromwell his Deputy
takes VVaterford
I
93
241.
255
282
his fervice at Kilkenny
fits down before Limerick 283
takes Limerick
dies there
290
300
his Reaſons (after he had ta
ken VVaterford) why he put
out the Irish
App.1
The Irish pretend a commiffion under
the broad Seal
29
cruel before the Parliament
medled with their Religion
50
taunt the Lords of the Pale
with old miscarriages 69
hearken not to the Cefation
whilst they storm'd Caſtle-
120
Coot
petition upon the Ceflation to be
admitted to their Houfes 140
Intentions fufpected 153
as falfe to Clanrick as Ormond
284,285
upon their Heats with the
Marquifs of Ormond, threa
ten to return to their confede-
racy
furrender on the Kilkenny Ar-
ticles
272
302
charg'd with the guilt of Roy-
al Blood
303
transplanted into Connaght
}
315
Agents admitted to inspect the
Act of Settlement 320
carriage and difmiſſion 321
The Judges Reafons for the Contina-
ance of the Parliament
The Lords Juftices equal Government 7
cheerfulness to comply
with the request of both
Houſes
1 3 1
13
adjourn the Parliament
to the 9th of Nov. ibid.
Summon the Lords of the
Pale to confult what to be
done
40
Proclamation of the 28 of
Decemb.
45
Mercy to fuch as fhould re-
turn to their obedience in
time
51
Letter to the Speaker
touching Rols Battle 106
Letter to the King of the
Affairs of Ireland
Kruh Battle
K
122
from 73 to 75
14
KCharles I.cenſure of the Rebellion
refers the care of Ireland to
the Parliament of England
36
Jends Arms and Ammunition
out of Scotland into Ireland
38
his speech checking the Par-
liaments flow proceedings 44
his fecond Speech to that In-
tent
ibid.
his offer to raife 10000 Vo-
luntiers for the Irish fervice
45
his Proclamation against the
Rebels
53
his Reasons why it came
forth no fooner
54
his Letter of Grace to the I-
6
rish
oflers to go into Ireland 70
his Refentment of that Re-
bellion
92,93
his Commiffion to hear the
Rebels Remonftrance 114
his firft Letter about the Gef-
fation
118
his fecond Letter to that In-
tent
121
his third Letter to the fame
purpoſe
124
his fourth Letter for the
Jame
130
his fifth Letter for it, and
ordering how the Souldiers
Should be difpos'd of 132
his motive to the Gellation 130
K.Charles
(T *)
The Index.
K.Charles I.his answer to the Parlia- The Lord Lifle's expedition into Weſt-
ment touching Ireland
200 meath
his Letter to the Marquifs of
Ormond
ibid.
his Reafons for the Peace
1648
202
his Judgment on Glamor-
gans Agency
153
K. Charles II.upon the Defeat of Rath-
maines is diverted from Ireland 222
being inform'd of the difo-
bedience of the Irifb, permits
the L. Lieutenant to with-
draw his Authority
Declaration in Scotland a-
gainst the Peace 1648. 269
his Proclamation touching
the Rebels
246
318
81
Captain King's good Service at Balin-
tober fight
Lord Kynalmechy flain at the Battle
of Liſcarroll
Th
L
89
He Laity (even those who would
be thought the greatest Royalists)
where the Clergy were concern'd
would not punish without the Bi-
Shops Cooperation
Lambert thought on for Ireland,but dıf-
appointed
267
301
A Letter from Sir Henry Vane to the
Lords Juftices intimating a Confpi-
racy
102
good ſervice at Rofs 109
voted Lord Lieutenant
by the Parliament
his Arrival
Service
Return
168
ibid.
Lifnegarvey Fight
38
The Lords of the Pale except against
words in the first Proclamation 22
Sir Thomas Lucas arrives at Dublin
29
is in a Councel of War at
Tredagh
67
his Service in the Expe-
dition towards Kilrufh
73
at the Battle of
Kilrufh 74,75
Rofs
109
prifoner at Tredath 195
admitted to have (be-
fides Officers) 30 Soul-
diers in his Troop
141
301
Ludlow fucceeds Ireton
Lowther one of the Commiffioners from
Ormond to Oxford
the Parliament
142
167
his excellent Speech at the tri-
al of Sir Phelim O Neil 305
M
The Earl of Leiceſter defign'd Lord The Lord Macguire's Examination
Lieutenant, not permitted to go.
5
However afterwards by the Act of
Trial
ExecutionS
Trial 2
ExecutionS
23
320
200
20
99.
27
Settlement his Arrears were al- Mac Mahon's Examination
low'd, 6. but that was not fo fatif-
factory to him as his miffing an op-
portunity to express his vertue and
courage was really unhappy
Limerick refractory, 251. govern'd by
the Clergy, 244. delivered upon Ar-
296
governed by Sir Hardr. VVal-
ler for the Parliament 299
The Lord Lifle lands at Dublin 77
relieves the Lady Offalia
78
The Mayor of Dublin and his Brethren
Scarcely advance 501.
Dr. Maxwell's large Examination
touching the Plot
App. 126
Means to reduce Ireland to Peace and
Quietness
ticles
·
beats the Rebels from
Trim
79
46
Mellifont befieg'd by the Rebels 37
Active Men of the House of Commons
8
Proteftant Members of Parliament in-
veigled by the Papifts to ſeek cafe
and redress
IO
Money
}
The Index.
ל ו
&
Money appointed for Ireland misappli- The Nuncio arrives in Ireland 153
ed
33
Lieut.Col.Monk arrives in Ireland 52
his Advance at Kilrush Battle
75
relieves Balanokill
105
his Expedition against Preſton
128
feizes Carrickfergus, Colrain,
Belfaſt
/ 195
his Ceſſation with O Neil dif-
allowed of by the Parliament
215
difmiffed the Parliament's
Service
ibid.
Monro's Letter in disgust of the Ceffa-
tion
136
The Lord Moore enters Tredagh bo
his excellent Service
there
63
in Meath IOI
appears before Port-
Leiceſter-Mill
his death
character
TH
128
129 on
ibid.
A Motion to call in a Forraign Prince
174
The Lord Moungarret head of the Mun-
fter Rebels
84
bus exorbitant carriage 161
befieges Dublin
162,166
forbids thofe delegated to
treat with the Lord Lieute-
nant about the Peace, to pro-
ceed on cenfure of Excommu-
nication
163
190
his Excommunication 165
is perfued by the Confederates
to Gallway
a Narrative of his infolent
carriage in Ireland 191
bis Anfwer to it, from 192
to 194
Summons a National Synod
190
Quits the Kingdom ibid.
O
He Oath of Affociation, with fe-
veral Acts depending thereup-
95 to 98
of 'the Confederates against
the Nuncio
App.99
against the Peace of 1646.
taken by the Officers in Tre-
dagh
The Lord Muskery joyns with the Re- Owen O Conally's Examination
bels
Munſter Service
ibid.
93
Murther why a greater offence in Ire-
311
land then England
A Collection of Murthers from f. 119
in the App. to 125. in which (viz.
f. 120) there is mention made of the
Murther of Thomas Preſtick, the
proof of which is referred to a Let-
ter accidently left out, but (on occa
fion) may be ſeen in my hands.
L
!
N
4I
Uke Nettervile and others affemble
at Swords
Some of the Nobility defire the King
to compofe Extreams betwixt the
Proteftants and Confederates 145
The Northern Scotch Forces refuse to
aid ours in Lemfter
62
20
fent to the Parliament
with Letters
rewarded
fain
27
36
225
The Lady Offalia's generous carriage
against the Rebels
77
Certain Officers out of Ireland their
Addreẞto the King
II 2
receive his Aufwer 113
Offers made to the Parliament dif-
own'd by Inchiquin
196
Sir Phelim O Neil's cruelties in the
North for his Repulfe at Tredagh 68
83
(T2*)
befieges Charlemont 28
preſent at Loghrefs when
the Plot was determin'd
approaches Lifnegarvy
24
38
beſieges Tredagh
59
83
affift's
is beaten near Raphoe
The Index.
affifts Clanrickard 302
his Trial at the High
hang'd
Court of Justice
304
drawn, and
quarter'd
327
his character
ibid.
Daniel O Neil moves his Excellency to
come with an Army into England
P.
152
Sent by his Excellency to
win over his Uncle 227
Owen O Neil endeavours to furprize
the Lord Lieutenant 161
his Declaration for the Ca-
tholick Religion, King, &c.
194
perfued by the Confederates,
retires to the great Towns
190
196
endeavouring to relievePort-
Falkland worsted
offers to be entertain❜d by the
Parliament
ibid.
falls upon Clanrickard's Par-
ty
201
and the Parliaments party
214
agree
his Service in relieving
Londonderry
217
agrees with the Lord Lieu
tenant,but before he brought
his Forces to him,dies 228
The Order of Parliament of England
concerning Ireland
The Earl of Ormond made Lieutenant
General of the Army
visits Tredagh
Gallantry at Kilrufh
36
37
67
75
108
The Marquiẞ of Ormond's Expediti-
on to Rofs
III
just Edict against plunder-
ing
unwillingneẞ to yield to the
Rebels unjust demands 153
concludes the Peace 1646.
155
Lord Lieutenant goes to Kil-
kenny
159
besieged by the Nuncio in
Dublin
167
makes a fhev to deliver the
City to the Parliament ibid.
forced to return to Dublin
172
his Reaſon for his delivery
up of his Power to the Par-
liament
177
bath the King's conceffion 179
delivers up Dublin
goes into England
183
ibid.
has free acceß to the King
184
is fufpected by the Army 185
Meditates to return to Ire-
land
lands in Ireland
189
197
his Declaration then ibid.
Letters to the Councel of
Kilkenny
200
is congratulated by the Su
pream Councel
ibid.
concludes the Peace 1648.
his Speech then
202
ibid.
endeavours to win Jones to
his Party
209
his Difficulty in forming his
Army
2II
215
218
Marches towards Dublin 212
appears before Dublin 213
his Declaration touching af-
fairs in Ulfter
blocks up Dublin
after Rathmines defeat re-
tires to Kilkenny
not obey'd by the principal
Towns
222
224
intends to fight Cromwel 226
ufes means to bring in Owen
O Neil
227
his endeavour to impede
Cromwell's return to Dublin
230
his Gallantry in relieving
fuch who intended to fur-
prize Paffage
231
denied leave to but his men
under Waterford
232
gives the King an Account of
the Affairs in Ireland ibid.
demonstrates to the Commif
fioners of Trust his ill ufage
233
receives the Grievances of
theⓇ
{
The Index.
the Deputies of the Counties
goes to Limerick
239
ibid.
Summons the Romish Bishops
thither
242
Conference with them ibid.
receives not outward Civi-
lity there
243
calls an Affembly at Logh-
reogh, its Effects, ibid. 244
another Aembly at
Loghreogh
245
is addressed to by them 246
Answer worthy himſelf 247,
248
Propofals to be received in-
to Limerick
251
is ill uſed by the Maior of
that Town
town
252
his Commiſſion to the Bishop
of Clogher on O Neils death
ibid.
Refentment of the Bishops
voluntary meeting at James-
257
Answer to the Bishops De-
claration at James-town 261
clears himself of their Ac-
cufation from 261 to 267
Declaration upon the Confe-
derates Refentment of the
Declaration made in Scot-
land against the Peace 1648
269,272
273
is affronted by the Guard at
Gallway
his reply to the Confederates
reaſons for the removal of
his Authority in him
join to infeft Dublin
ibid.
after the Relief of
Tredagh offer to come
in
66
rejected, and why ib.
Petition fent to the King 112
The Parliament at Dublin why called
3
meets 32
prorogued 35
's of Ireland Declaration to
the Parliament of England
178
Remonftrance to the
Lord Lieutenant 182
of England declares all Trai-
tors who deferted the Ser-
vice of Ireland
223
AParliament fummon'd at Dublin, 319
under the Precedency of Sir Maurice
Euſtace and the Earl of Orrery
Lords Juftices, and continued under
the Duke of Ormond
its Acts 320
Sir William Parfons Lord Justice 6
accuſed of mifde-
meanors
123
Amiscreant Party, no true Proteftant
ever justly, charg'd with the King's
Murther
The Peace of 1646. concluded
304
155
156
's Articles
as neceſſary as the Cef-
fation
difclaim'd at Waterford
1648. concluded
's Articles
159
་
160
204.
205
from 273 to 277
refuſed by O Neil, An-
trim and the Scots 206
Deputes Clanrickard Depu
278 The Peoples devotion to the Clergy 267
departs the Kingdom ibid. Pope Urban the Eighth's Bull 135
Indulgence to Owen Roe
ty
P
THe Papifts ready to contribute that
a toleration might enfue
I
of the Pale equally involv'd in
the Conspiracy
41
countenanced the Rob-
beries,&c. at Clantarf
and Skerries
43
136
Milo Power's good Service to the Lord
Lieutenant
231
The Presbytery at Belfaſt endeavour to
draw Sir Charles Coot to their
Party
207
The President of Connaght esteem'd
remifs
IOI
Preston
}
The Index.
1
Preſton and O Neil's Letter and De.
mands to the L. Lieutenant 166
beats Jones
186
A Proclamation by the Lord Falkland
against the Popish Clergy
22
difcovering the Plot
forbidding ftrangers the Ci-
ty
28
Querie whether the Proteftant Agent's
at Oxford acted by the Proteftant
Committee of the Parliament of Ire-
land at Dublin
144
Queries expounded by feveral Mem-
bers in a Committee of the House of
Commons against the fenfe of the
Judges
12
publiſhing the King's dete-
ftation of the Rebellion 30
City
against people flocking to the
prizing Corn
R
32
48
ibid. R
Aconnel Battle
ibid.
99
against Pillagers
prohibiting the Souldiers to
return to England
A Proclamation calling in Protections
for the Peace 1646. 156
Propofitions from the Rebels by Sir
Thomas Cary and Dr. Cale 45
by Fitz-Williams about the
Peace with the Queens con-
Sent
154
Protections granted by Commiſſioners
revoked
102
105
The Lord Rannelagh pent up in
Athlone till reliev'd by the Lieute-
nant General
Rathmines Difafter
44
221.
Reasons why O Neil confulted not with
the Councel at Kilkenny
The Irish Rebellion discovered
254
19
its fuccefs in Ulfter 27,60
progress inLemfter 38
breaks out in Munſter 49
Connaght,ibid.
Remonftrance preſented at
Trim
114
The Proteftants Petition for Agents to The Rebels tear the Order of Parlia
go to Oxford
140
to the King, App. 62
allow'd by his Ma-
sty
140
Agents to go to Oxford 142
receive a
a gracious
promife from his Ma-
jesty
143
Agency question'd by
the Councel-board 144
of Ireland acknowledg'd by
the King to bear a great part
in his Reftauration 316
How Proteftant Hereticks are to be
buried
Q
م
171
264
Varter not to be given to any in
arms, especially Priests
The Queen Regent of France thought a
convenient Perfon to procure the
Peace
152
of England her Answer to
to the Irish Agents 199
ment
35,55
Mercy was cruelty 50,51
flanders caft on the English
profligated
57
endeavour to make them-
felves Mafters of Lemfter 59
of Longford. Letter by Cofti-
lough
Unskilful in Sieges
Cruelties
App.25
71
ibid.
Send Agents to forreign
Princes
98
receive Minifters from them
ibid.
are declared Subdued 303
Several Rebellions
14,&c.
Five Regiments arrive at Dublin 52
Not the Defence of Religion,Preroga
tive, or Liberty, but the Extirpa-
tion of the English Intereft, princi-
pally aim'd at by the Rebels,10,&c.
The Officers Remonftrance threatning
much danger
Col. Reynold's takes. Carrick
Rofs Battle
III
227
109
Sir
1
The Index.
Sir Benjamin Rydiard's Speech in de-
fence of Religion
35
touching Collections for
Ireland
S
27
Ir William Saintleger Preſident of
Munſter
Str
49,83
his good Service there ibid.
at Talloe 85
his Letter to the Lord Lieu-
tenant
App.35
85
88
takes Dungarran
his vigilance and faithful-
ness
death
ibid.
Upon the recalling the King's Ships,
principal Commanders land in Ire-
land
83
The Scots thought the King's Offer to
go for Ireland a great Demonftration
of his Care
70
Yet the Scotch Councel, as well as the
two Houſes, interceded earnestly a-
gainst this design,pretending the ha-
zard his Sacred Perfon would be in
163
Burnet
The meer Scots did little in Ireland,the
English Scots did good Service 101,
152
The Scots beaten at Benburgh
162
195
in Ulfter join with Hamilton
to invade England
Declaration against the ftand-
ing Army in Ireland
Souldiers Jent into England
nant expreſſing the Jad Con-
dition they were in 43
Captain Stutfield's good Service in the
relief of Tredagh
Colonel Synnot's Propofitions for the
delivery of Wexford
T
63,64
226
The Lord Taaff goes for England 34
returns to Ireland
beaten by Inchequin
123
187
is at Rathmines Battle 190
helps to expel the Nuncio 22 1
goes to the D. of Lorrain 285
Tecroghan delivered to the Parlia
mentarians
255
Sir Hen.Titchbourn fent Governour of
Tredagh
29
certifies the Lord Lieute-
nant that Mellifont was be-
fieged
37
his excellent Service at
Tredagh 61,62,&c.
Lord Justice
at Dungan Hill
121
186
Sir Arthur Tirringham gives the State
notice of the Rebellion
27
his Conduct at
Lifnegarvy 38
Tool of Wickloe accufed by Relie 315
Tredagh forewarn'd to be befieg'd by
the Reverend and Vigilant Dr.
Jones
28
59
besieged by the Rebels
relieved with Provifions, 63,
210
138
64
Col. Trevor beaten by Captain VVilli-
am Meredith
224
New Troubles meditated in Ireland
226
V
Str
Ir Charles Vavaſor lands at You
hall
Youg
receive an Outh
ibid.
difobey what Preſton engaged
for
171
The Spaniard prevails with the Irish
to fend no men into England 160
Stafford betrays Wexford-Caſtle to
Cromwell
The States first dispatch to the King at
225
27
Edenburgcond diſpatch to the King
30
his Warrant to the Earl of
Ormond and Offory to fight
the Rebels
his excellent Service at the
Comroe
takes Cloghleigh
is taken Prisonner
116
117
118
Captain William Vaughan's refolution
42 in relieving Carrickmacros
Letter to the Lord Lieute-
102
Knighted
105
1
The Index.
his Service at Rofs Battle
flain at Rathmines
110
220
The pious and learned Primate Usher's
Prophecy of the Rebellion
24
be old Irish of Ulfter, under Lieu-
tenant General Farrall
VVendesford Lord Deputy
agreement with Bishop Bram Viscount
hall
goes for England
3
25
Col. Venables lands at Dublin 218
appearing at Rathmines Defeat (a
few days after) with exemplary
Vertue, he goes with Cromwell to
229,230
6
his Affection to the Earl
of Strafford, dies ibid.
VVentworth, Lord Deputy z
2,3
his Government
made Earl of Strafford
Lord Lieutenant
4
of Ireland 3
bis Trial
Death
5
ibid.
the fiege of Tredagh, where the Af Sir Francis VVilloughby Governour of
failants having been twice beaten
off, he (the third time) forced his en-
trance into the Town over the bodies
of the flain, Cromwell following. At
the Bridge (in the midst of the
Town) he found some confiderable op-
pofition, which would have been
more,could they within have drawn
up the Draw-bridge,which his Capt.
Lieut. Thomas Chetam, and Enfign
Done hinder'd with a fet of Pikes;
fo the Town being taken, he was fent
to oppoſe George Monro in the North
L
224
he is ſet upon in his March by
ibid.
Col. Trevor
has Belfaſt ſurrendred to
him
225
takes in Charlemont and o-
ther Garifons
ᏙᏙ
vv
255
Ieut.Col. Waineman goes to Tre-
dagh
Dublin Caftle
27
is fent from the Marq. of
Ormond Commiffioner to
the Parliament
167
his eldest Son,Capt.VVil-
loughby, Governour of
Gallway-Fort
82
his Son, Col.Francis Wil-
loughby's Regiment re-
duced
180
disbanded 225
is fent Priſoner
to Cheſter by
Jones 195
230
Colonel VVogan Governour of the Fort
of Duncannon
Major VVoodhouſe returns unsatisfied
from England
VVolf's Infurrection in Limerick when
the Lord Lieutenant should have
enter'd
Y
105
258
Aptain Yarner lands in Ireland 29
is at Kilrush Battle 73
his Service at Marlington66 CAptain
Dundalk 67
An Abbreviate of the War in Munſter
1642.
from 83 to 89
1643.
from 115 to 119
Connaght 1642.
from 8 to 83
C
1643. from 119 to 120
Waterford content at last to receive a
Supply of Souldiers, fo they might
UPLICAL F
B.M.
1818.
Z
Olonel Zanckey routs the Party
which intended to retake Paſſage
SZ
MYSEVM
BRITANNICVM
231
affifts in the taking of
Arkenon,&c. 240
A-
MAI
BOUND
APR 20 1933
UNIV. OF MICH.
LIBRARY
!
"