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BY
ASA GRAY
ODG
276
-692
Crevier's Rom. Emperors Vol.I.
to face the title.
Nero Claudius Caesar
when young.
Nero Claudius Cæsar
IV
Octavia Augusta
Sabina Poppaa Aug.
Ex Museo Florentino.
8136
}
1- 84
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
ROMAN EMPERORS
FROM
AUGUSTUS CONSTANTINE
By Mr CREVIER, Profeffor of Rhetoric,
in the College of Beauvais.
Tranflated from the FRENCH,
VOL. IV.
ILLUSTRATED WITH
Maps, Medals, and other Copper Plates.
LONDON,
Printed for J, and P. KNAPTON, in Ludgate-ſtreet.
MDCCLV.
LIST
OF THE
CONSULS Names, and of the
YEARS Comprehended in this
VOLUME.
NERO, EMPEROR.
A.R. 805.
aft. C.54.
M. ASINIUS MARCELLUS.
J
M. ACILIUS AVIOLA.
NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR AUGUSTUS. A.R.806.
L. ANTISTIUS VETUS.
Q. VOLUSIUS SATURNINUS.
P. CORNELIUS SCIPIO.
NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR AUGUS-
TUS, II.
L. CALPURNIUS PISO.
NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR AUGUS-
TUS, III.
VALERIUS MESSALA.
C. VIPSTANUS APRONIANUS.
C. FONTEIUS CAPITO.
NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR AUGUS-
TUS, IV.
COSSUS CORNELIUS LENTULUS.
C. CAESONIUS PAETUS.
P. PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS.
P. MARIUS.
L. ASINIUS GALLUS.
a 2
aft. C. 55.
A.R. 807.
aft. C. 56.
A. R.808.
aft. C. 57°
A.R. 809.
afi. C. 58,
A.R.810.
aft C. 59.
A.R.811.
aft. C. 60.
A.R. 812,
aft. C. 61.
A. R.813.
aft. C. 62.
C. MEM
1019
iv
LIST of the CONSULS Names, &c.
C. MEMMIUS REGULUS.
L. VIRGINIUS RUFUS.
A.R.814.
aft. C. 63.
C. LECANIUS BASSUS.
A.R. 815.
M. LICINIUS CRASSUS FRUGI.
P. SILIUS NERVA.
M. VESTINUS ATTICUS.
C. SUETONIUS PAULINUS.
C. LUCEIUS TELESINUS.
L. FONTEIUS CAPITO.
C. JULIUS RUfus.
C. SILIUS ITALICUS.
aft. C. 64.
A.R.816.
aft. C.65.
A.R.817.
aft. C. 66.
A.R. 818.
aft. C. 67.
M. GALERIUS TRACHALUS.
A. R.819.
aft. C. 68.
CON-
[v]
1
CONTENTS
TO THE
FOURTH VOLUM E.
CLA
BOOK X.
SECT. I.
LAUDIUS's death concealed ſeveral hours,
P. 3. Nero is acknowledged Emperor ibid.
Claudius placed among the gods: his funeral. Nero
pronounces his funeral oration, 4. Nero's de-
ference for Agrippina, 6. She caufes M. Silanus
to be poifoned, ibid. She forces Narciffus to kill
himself, 7. Burrbus and Seneca oppofe Agrippina.
Their power and union, 8. Nero's first speech to
the Senate, 9. Regulations made freely by the Se-
nate, 10. Inftances of Agrippina's inordinate am-
bition, ibid. Laudable speeches and actions of
Nero, II.
All the good Nero did must be impu-
ted to Seneca's and Burrhus's counfels, 13. What
Trajan faid of the beginning of Nero's reign
explained, 14. Caufe of Britannicus's death, ibid.
Nero in love with a free-woman, 15. Agrippina's
anger, 16. Difgrace of Pallas. Agrippina
grows furious again, 17. Sally of Britannicus,
18. Nero has him poifoned, 19. Nero endea-
a 3
Bours
vi
CONTENTS.
!
4
vours to hide the enormity of his crime, 22. Bur-
rhus and Seneca blamed for having under thofe
circumſtances accepted of the Prince's liberalities,
23. Agrippina's disgrace, ibid. She is accufed
of crimes against the ftare, 24. Nero is just
ready to have her killed that inftant, 26. She
justifies herself with haughtiness, 27. She obtains
the punishment of her accufers, and rewards for
her friends, 29. Pallas and Burrbus accufed
of crimes against the state. Pallas's arrogance.
The accufer is puniſhed, 30.
Nero's indiccent
diverfions, 31. Diſpute in the Senatc relating to
freemen. Their rights are preferved, 33.
Re-
gulations of the Senate relating to Tribunes and
Ediles, 34.
The custody of the public treasure
taken from the Questors, and restored to the Pre-
tors, 35.
Death of Caninius Rebilus and Volu-
fius, ibid.
A wooden amphitheatre built by
Nero, 36. The games he gave there coft the lives
of none, ibid. Sundry inftances of a good admi-
niftration, ibid. Affair of Pomponia Græcina,37.
Three perfons of confequence accufed, but with dif-
ferent fuccefs, 38. Nero grants penfions to fome
of the poor Nobility, 39. Suilius accufed and
condemned, not without fome flaw in Seneca's re-
putation, ibid. A Tribune of the people ftabs a
woman he was in love with, and is banished, 43.
Sylla baniſhed to Marseilles on a bare-faced ca-
lumny, 44. Tumult in Pozzuolo appeafed by the
authority of the Roman Senate, 45. Particula-
rity relating to Thrafea, 46. Complaints a-
gainst the farmers of the revenues, 47. Nero's
ordinances very equitable, ibid. Two old Procon-
fuls of Africa accufed and acquitted, 48. Ru-
minal fig-tree, 49.
SECT,
1
CONTENTS.
SECT. II.
The
Tiridates restored by Vologefes to the throne of
Armenia, 50. What the Romans faid of it,
51. Corbulo is chofen to conduct the war
against the Parthians, 52. Vologefes with-
draws his troops from Armenia, ibid. He
gives hostages to the Romans, 54. Two years of
calm. Corbulo difciplines his troops, 55.
war renewed, 57. Rafbness of a Roman officer.
Corbulo inflicts military punishment on him, 58.
Tiridates's incurfions checked by Corbulo, 59.
Tiridates's complaints, ibid. A conference pro-
pofed, but to no effect, 60. Three strong castles
taken by Corbulo in one day, 61. Tiridates
endeavours, but in vain, to molest Corbulo's
march to Artaxata, 63. That city furrenders,
and is burnt and razed, 64. Corbulo marches
towards Tigranocerta, 65. He becomes mafter
of that city, 67. Alliance between the Hyrca-
nians and Romans, 68. Armenia totally fubdued;
and given to Tigranes by Nero, ibid. Ger-
many is calm for feveral years, 69. Mole to
divert the course of the Rhine, 70. Project of a
canal to join the Saone and Mofelle, ibid. The
Frifons fettle in the lands left uncultivated by the
Romans, 71. An inftance of the German frank-
nefs with a dignity of fentiment, 72. The Fri-
fons are driven out, ibid. The Anfibari take their
place, and are likewife driven out, 73. War
between two German nations on account of the
Sala, 75. Conflagration occafioned by fire out of
the earth, 76.
A
a 4
SECT.
vii
viii
CONTENT S.
1
SECT. II.
Family and character of Poppea; her amours
with Otho, and afterwards with Nero, 78.
She Sets Nero against his mother, 81. Nero
refolves Agrippina's death, 82. Invention to
procure a shipwreck that would feem an acci-
dent, 83. She efcapes drowning, 86.
Nero
has her murdered in her bed, 87. Her funeral
and tomb, 91. It is faid it was foretold her
fon would kill her, ibid. Nero's trouble and
uneafinefs, 91. He writes to the Senate, 93.
Seneca is blamed for having compofed the letter
for him, ibid. The Senate's abject flattery, 94.
Thrafea's courage, ibid. Pretended prodigies,
95. Nero ftrives to regain the people's love, 96.
He comes to Rome, and is received with all
poffible demonftrations of joy and respect, ibid.
Private fatyrs against him, 97. Nero never
able to stifle his remorse entirely, 98. He gives
a looſe to his paffions after Agrippina's death, ibid.
He appears publicly in the character of a chario-
teer, and acts the musician, ibid. His tafte for
poetry, and manner of writing verſes, 103. He
laughs at philofophers, 104. He caufes his
aunt's death, 105. Good adminiftration, ibid.
Death of Domitius Afer, and M. Servilius. Re-
marks on each of them, 107.
games after the Greek fashion.
morals complain of it, 109.
art carried to it's highest perfection under Nero,
112. Comet. Rubellius Plautus is removed,
113. Nero bathes in the fource of the water
Marcia, 114. Sundry particular events, ibid.
Nero inftitutes
People of Stricter
The pantomime
BOOK
[ix]
воок XI.
SECT. I.
THE Britons, uſed tyrannically by the Romans,
form a league to recover their liberty, 118.
They take advantage of Suetonius Paulinus's ab-
fence, who was gone to attack the iſle of Mona,
to take up arms, 121. Three cities facked by
the rebels, and ſeventy thousand men killed, 122.
Suetonius gains a great victory, 125. Suetonius
is thwarted by the Intendant, in his endeavours to
fubdue the Britons entirely, 128. Polycletes, the
Emperor's freeman, is fent into Britain, 130.
Suetonius is recalled, ibid. The will of a rich
man forged. Puniſhment of the guilty, ibid.
Pedanius Secundus, Præfect of the city, affaffinated
by one of his flaves, 132. Caffius's Speech in fup-·
port of the law, whereby all the flaves of a mur-
dered mafter were condemned to die, 133.
opinion prevails, 135. Law Petronia, 136.
Tarquitius Prifcus condemned for extortion, 137.
Quit-rent and Poll-tax levied in Gaul, ibid.
Death and character of Memmius Regulus, ibid.
Gymnafium dedicated by Nero, 138. The Præ-
tor Antiftius accuſed of writing fatyrical verfes
against the Emperor, ibid. Law against high-
treafon put in force, 139. Thrafea's noble bold-
nefs, ibid. The accused is quit for being con-
fined to an ifland, 140. Fabricius Veiento con-
demned for a fatyrical libel against the Se-
nators and Priests, 141. Death of Burrhus,
142.
His
Fenius Rufus and Tigellinus made Pre-
torian
X
CONTENTS.
Seneca's credit declines,
torian Prefects, 143.
ibid. He defires leave to retire and give all his
riches to the Emperor, 144. Nero's anſwer, 147.
Seneca retires from court, 149.
His retire-
ment the finest part of his life: and the beſt a-
pology for his immenſe riches, 150. Sylla and
Rubellius Plautus killed by Nero's order, 152.
Nero ventures to repudiate Octavia and marry
Poppæa, 156. Octavia, after being cruelly and
unjustly uſed, is at length put to death, 157. Do-
ryphorus and Pallas poifoned, 163. Nero's care
to make plenty reign in the city, ibid. Three
men of Confular rank made Superintendants of
the finances, 164. Orders of the Senate to pre-
vent fraudulent adoptions, ibid. Another order,
fuppreffing the praiſes the provinces uſed to beſtow
on their Governors, 165. Death of Perfius;
his character, 168. Earthquake in Campania,
169. Nero becomes father of a girl, who does
not live quite four months, ibid. Nero fhews his
diflike to Thrafea, 170. Sundry things of lefs
moment, 171.
SECT.
CONTENT S.
xi
SECT. II.
Corbulo
Vologefes renews the war against the Romans,
173. Meaſures taken by Corbulo to receive him
properly, 176. He defires a General for Arme-
nin, ibid. The Parthians befiege Tigranocerta
without fuccefs, ibid. Treaty, in confequence of
which the Romans and Parthians evacuate Arme-
ma, 17. Cafennius Patus is charged with the
ffairs of Armenia, 179. The Parthians take up
erms again, ibid. Slight advantages gained by
Pætus, 180. Corbulo fortifies the borders of the
Euphrates, and throws a bridge over that river,
ibid. The Parthians turn their whole force a-
gainst Armenia, 181. Pætus defends himſelf
bealy, and is in great danger, ibid.
manches to his afftance. 184. Pætus concludes
a fhameful treaty with Vologefes, 185. Corbulo's
arnyy meets Patus's, 189. Agreement between
Corbulo and Volegefes, 190. Triumphal arches
at Rome, ibid. Vologefes's embaſſy to Rome, 191.
The war renewed, Corbulo is charged with it, 192.
Nero rallies Patus, 193. Corbulo's preparatives,
ibid. He fets out, ibid. The Parthians defire
peace, 194. Interview of Corbulo and Tiridates,
196. Tiridates depofes his crown at the foot of
Nero's fatue, 197. Tiridates's journey to Rome,
199. Nero goes to Naples to fing publicly on
the stage, ibid. Vatinius treats him with a
combat of gladiators at Beneventum, 201. Tor-
quatus Silanus is accufed, and kills himself, ibid.
Nero's levity and fickleness of mind, 202. At-
tempt to diſcover the fource of the Nile, 203.
His exceffive debaucheries, 204. Entertainment
given
2
xii
CONTENTS.
•
given by Tigellinus, 204. Rome burnt, 205.
Proofs how far Nero was concerned in it, ibid.
Golden palace, 209. The city rebuilt on a new
plan, 211. Extraordinary and odd projects of
Nero, 213. Nero's vain attempts to remove the
fufpicion of his being author of the fire, 214.
The Chriftians perfecuted, ibid. Nero's enormous
profufions, 217. His rapines and facrileges,
218. He joins fuperftition to impiety, 219.
Seneca wants to leave the court entirely, 220.
Slight infurrection occafioned by the gladiators in
Prænefte, ibid. Nero's too peremptory orders oc-
cafions a wreck. 221. Comet, ibid.
ο κ
BOOK
[ xiii ]
BOOK XII.
SECT. I.
CONSPIRACY against Nero, 223. Names of
the chief confpirators, ibid. Characterof Pifo, whom
they intended to make Emperor, ibid. Epicharis
communicates the plot to a fea-officer, 227. She
is betrayed, and kept in priſon, ibid. It is pro-
pofed to kill Nero at a country-feat of Pifo, whe
oppofes it, 229. Laft plan, on which the con
fpirators refolve, 230. The confpiracy is dif
covered, 231. Epicharis's courage, 234. Her
death, ibid. Pifo is advised to venture to try
the people and foldiers, 236. He rejects that ad-
vice, and waits quietly for death, 237. Death of
Lateranus, 238. Seneca's death, ibid. Paulina
wants to die with Seneca, 241. Nero prevents
ber, ibid. It is not certain that Seneca was in-
nocent of the confpiracy, 244. His prefumptuous
confidence in his own virtue, 245. He has been
too much praiſed, ibid. Fanius Rufus is at laft
detected, ibid. Subrius Flavius is likewiſe dif-
covered, 246. His heroic freedom and fortitude,
ibid. Death of Sulpicius Afper, 247. Death of
the Conful Veftinus, who however had no share
in the confpiracy, ibid. Lucan's death, 249.
End of the confpiracy, 250. Nero's liberalities
to the foldiers, 252. Nero acquaints the Senate
and people with the confpiracy, 253. Flattering
decree of the Senate, 254.
SECT.
Xiv
CONTENTS.
SECT. II.
Nero grows more cruel and outrageous than e-
ver, 256. Nero deceived by a ſtory of a pre-
tended treaſure, 257. Nero appears publicly on
the ftage, 259. His puerilities that way, ibid.
His tyrannical rigour with regard to the fpellators,
ibid. Poppaa's death, 262. Caffius banished,
263. Death of Silanus, ibid. Statue erected to
Silanus under Trajan, 266. Vetus, his mother-
in-law, and daughter, put to death, 267. Tem-
pests and epidemical fickness, 270. Lyons burnt,
271. Nero's liberality, ibid. Antiftius Sofia-
nus, an exile, accufes Anteius and Oftorius, who
are forced to kill themſelves, ibid. Reflection
on fo many bloody deaths, 273. Other victims of
Nero's cruelty, 274. Rufus Crifpinus, father
and fon, ibid. Mella, brother to Seneca, and fa-
ther of Lucan, ibid. Anicius Cærialis, 275.
C. Petronius, whom ſeveral have mistaken for the
famous Petronius, ibid. Silia banished, 278.
Death of Numicius Thermus, ibid. Condemna-
tion and death of Barea Soranus and Thrafea,
ibid. Two Apophthegms of Thrafea's, 294.
Fortitude of Paconius condemned to banishment,
295. Exile of Cornutus, ibid. Tiridates arrives
in Rome, 296. Ceremony of his coronation by
Nero, ibid. Great rejoicings on that occafion.
ibid. Nero's fruitless attempts convince him of
the folly of magic, for which he had a violent
paffion, 299. Projects of war in Nero's brain,
300. He fends Vefpafian to make war against the
Jews, 301. He goes to Greece to gain thea-
trical crowns, ibid. Death of Antonia, daugb-
ter
CONTENT S.
ter to Claudius, 332. Nero marries Statilia
Meffalina ibid. He vifits all the
He vifits all the games of Greece,
and carries off 1800 crowns, ibid. His mean
jealoufy becomes cruelty, 304. He declares Greece
free, but ravages it by his cruelties and rapine,
305. He vifits neither Athens nor Lacedæmon,
ibid. His anger against Apollo, 308. The
mouth of the oracle of Delphos clofed, ibid.
He attempts to pierce the Ifthmus of Corinth, ibid.
He gives up that enterprize, terrified by the news
be receives from Rome, 309. Cruelties exercifed
by Nero, or by his order, during his stay in Greece,
310. Death of Corbulo, and feveral others,
311. Nero's hatred to the Senate, 314. The
hatred of the Romans against him kid under a
fhew of attachment, ibid. Vinicius's confpiracy
difcovered, ibid. Nero's triumphant entries into
Naples, Antium, Alba, and Rome, 315. His
paffion for games and fhews is increaſed by the re-
wards he had gained in them, 317.
SECT.
III.
Re-
The Confuls both men of letters, 320.
volt of Vindex in Gaul, 321. Vindex writes to
Galba. 322. Birth and employments of Galba,
ibid. He defers declaring himself, 326. Vindex
raiſes great forces, and again follicits Galba, 327
Galba confults his friends, ibid. He declares him-
Self openly, 328. Nero, who was but little con-
cerned at the revolt of Vindex, is quite terrified
at the news of that of Galba, 329. He fets a
price on Vindex's head, and caufes Galba to be de-
I
clared
XV
xvi
CONTENTS.
clared a public enemy, 332.
Horrid projects
thought of by him, ibid. Nero prepares to march
against the rebels, 333. His puerilities, 334.
All who had any command in the Empire de-
clare against Nero,335. Virginius, tho' he will not
fupport Nero, marches however againſt Vindex,
who is defeated, and kills himself, 336. Virginius's
army offers him the Empire, which be refuſes, 337.
He likewife refuses to declare for Galba, ibid. His
reafons for fo doing, 338. Galba greatly per-
plexed, 339. Nero univerfally detefted for his
crimes, is likewife defpifed for his cowardice, ibid.
His various projects all dictated by fear, ibid.
Nymphidius Sabinus perfuades the Prætorians to
abandon Nero, and proclaim Galba Emperor,
340. Nero flies from Rome, and retires to a
country house belonging to one of his freemen, 342.
The Senate declares him a public enemy, and con-
demns him to fuffer death, 344. Nero, after
Shuffling a long time, kills himſelf, for fear of
Suffering the punishment to which he was con-
demned, 345. His funeral, age, and duration
of his reign, 347. In him the family of Au-
guftus is extinct, ibid. The memory of Nero was
bonoured by many, 348. Some Chriftians have
thought him the Antichrift, 349.
HIS-
HISTORY
OF THE
ROMAN EMPERORS
FROM
AUGUSTUS to CONSTANTINE.
NER O.
воок х.
SECT. I.
Claudius's death concealed feveral hours. Nero is
acknowledged Emperor. Claudius placed among
the gods: his funeral. Nero pronounces bis fu-
neral oration. Nero's deference for Agrippina.
She caufes M. Silanus to be poiſoned. She forces
Narciffus to kill himself. Burrbus and Seneca
oppofe Agrippina. Their power and union. Ne-
ro's firft fpeech to the Senate. Regulations made
freely by the Senate. Inftances of Agrippina's
inordinate ambition. Laudable fpeeches and ac-
tions of Nero. All the good Nero did must be
imputed to Seneca's and Burrhus's counſels. What
Trajan faid of the beginning of Nero's reign
explained. Caufe of Britannicus's death. Nero
VOL. IV.
B
in
1
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
men.
in love with a free-woman. Agrippina's anger.
Difgrace of Pallas. Agrippina grows furious
again. Sally of Britannicus. Nero has him
poifoned. Nero endeavours to hide the enormity
of his crime. Burrhus and Seneca blamed for
having under thofe circumstances accepted of the
Prince's liberalities. Agrippina's disgrace. She
is accuſed of crimes against the state. Nero is
just ready to have her killed that inftant. She
juftifies herself with haughtiness. She obtains
the punishment of her accufers, and rewards for
her friends. Pallas and Burrhus accufed of
crimes against the State. Pallas's arrogance.
The accufer is puniſhed. Nero's indecent di-
verfions. Difpute in the Senate relating to free-
Their rights are preferved. Regulations
of the Senate relating to Tribunes and Ediles.
The custody of the public treaſure taken from the
Questors and restored to the Pretors. Death of
Caninius Rebilus and Volufius. A wooden am-
phitheatre built by Nero. The games he gave
there coft the lives of none. Sundry inftances of
a good adminiftration. Affair of Pomponia Gra-
cina. Three perfons of confequence accufed, and
with different fuccefs. Nero grants penfions to
jome of the poor Nobility. Suilius accused and
condemned, not without fome flaw in Seneca's re-
putation. A Tribune of the people ſtabs a wo-
man he was in love with, and is banished. Sylla
baniſhed to Marſeilles on a bare-faced calumny.
Tumult in Pozzuolo appeafed by the authority of
the Roman Senate. Particularity relating to
Thrafca. Complaints against the farmers of
the revenues. "Nero's ordinances very equitable.
Two old Proconfuls of Africa accused and ac-
quitted. Ruminal fig-tree.
M. ASI-
Book X.
C'
NER O.
3
A.R.805.
aft. C. 54.
M. ASINIUS MARCELLUS.
M. ACILIUS AVIOLA.
cealed fe-
xii. 68.
LAUDIUS's death was concealed at Claudius'
leaſt ſeveral hours by Agrippina, that fhe death con-
might have time to take all poffible meaſures veral hours.
to fecure the Empire for her fon, before that Tac. Ann,
event was made public. Claudius was already Suet.Claud.
dead, whilft the Confuls, Priefts, and Senate af-45•
fembled, were offering up prayers for his reco-
very. Agrippina, who had taken care to fet
guards over all the avenues of the palace, pre-
tending excefs of grief, and want of comfort,
held Britannicus clofely embraced, kiffing him
with great tenderneſs, and calling him the pic-
ture of his father. Her view was to prevent
his going out of the palace, and the fame pre-
cautions were taken not to let his fifters, An-
tonia and Octavia, appear. In the mean time,
a report was ſpread abroad that the Prince was
fomewhat better, ftill to keep the people in fuf-
penfe. Every thing proper for a fick man was
carried into Claudius's chamber, and to his bed-
fide, as ufual in fuch cafes: even comedians.
were introduced, as if he had defired that diver-
fion. At laſt, all being ready, and the critical
minutes the Aftrologers had foretold would be
happy, came; about noon the palace gates were
thrown open, and Nero went out accompanied
by Burrhus.
Emperor.
The Pretorian Cohort on guard received the Nero is ac-
new Prince, prefented by Burrhus, with accla- knowledged
mations of joy. Some of the foldiers feemed, Tac. Se
however, to look for Britannicus, and afked c. vi.
where he was; but no-body anſwering, nor join-
B 2
ing
Suet. Ner.
4
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 805. ing them, they followed the torrent. From
aft. C. 54 thence Nero was conducted to the Pretorian
*
4.0%
Claudius
placed a-
mong the
gods. His
funeral.
Nero prob
tion.
*
camp, where he made a fhort fpeech fuitable to
the occafion, and promifed the foldiers a grati-
fication equal to that they had received from his
father, which was five thousand fefterces a
a man. The Pretorians having proclaimed him
Emperor, he repaired to the Senate, who con-
ferred on him all the titles of fupreme power;
and he received them all, except that of Father
of the country, which did not fuit his age.
The provinces foon followed the example fet
them by the capital, and Nero was univerfally
and quietly acknowledged Emperor.
His first care was to honour the memory of
his predeceffor and adoptive father. On his
propofing it, the Senate decreed divine honours
to Claudius, and placed among the gods a
nounces his Prince, who hardly deferved the name of man.
funeral ora- The ceremony of his funeral was regulated by
Tac. xii. 69. What had been done for Auguftus, Agrippina
& xiii. 3. piquing herſelf on imitating her great grand-
mother Livia's magnificence. Claudius's will,
however, was not read, becauſe the preference
he gave his wife's fon before his own might
have diſpleaſed many, and occafioned murmurs
and complaints.
Suet. Claud.
xlv. &
Ner, ix.
Nero pronounced the funeral oration, and
was himſelf ſerious as well as his auditors, ſo
long as he dwelt upon the Nobility of the de-
ceafed Prince's anceſtors, his Confulfhips and
triumphs, which it was cuftomary to fet forth.
He was heard too with pleaſure, praiſe Claudius's
application to the polite arts, the encouragement
he gave them, and the tranquillity the ftate had
enjoyed under his reign, not afflicted or diſturb-
ed
Book X.
NERO.
5
ed by any public calamity. But when he came A R. 805.
aft. C. 54-
to ſpeak of his prudence and wiſdom, none
could refrain from laughter. The diſcourſe was,
however, very well compofed; it was the work
of Seneca, the brighteft genius of the age,
whoſe ſtyle of eloquence was the delight of all
his cotemporaries. But the fubject was too
palpably bad for the orator to defcant upon.
He certainly was more in earneſt, and felt more
what he wrote, when he compofed the fatyr in
which he ridicules the apotheofis of Claudius,
and * transforms him into a pumpkin.
a
*That is the
fenſe of the
Old men, who, fays Tacitus, are fond of word Aasa-
comparing what they fee with what they have xxxNE;.
feen, obferved that Nero was the firſt Emperor
who had wanted the affiftance of another to
compoſe his ſpeeches. They did not at all like
it; for the art of fpeaking well was always
held in great eſteem both in Rome and Greece,
where the two effential points in the education
of Princes and all great men, were, to teach
them to ſpeak and to act well. Theſe accurate
obfervers called to mind all that had enjoyed
the fupreme authority in Rome, and faid, the
Dictator Cæfar was able for eloquence, to dif-
pute it with the greatest orators; that Auguftus
had always fpoken well, eafily, and with dig-
nity; that Tiberius would weigh his words, and
give his ftyle a proper force and energy, and
that his obfcurity was what he purpoſely affect-
ed; but well knew how to avoid if he had
pleafed. Neither Caligula's phrenzy, nor Clau-
dius's imbecillity, had prevented them from be-
ing, the one ftrong and vehement, and the o-
ther mild and elegant, in what fpeeches they
* Μύθων τε ρητῆρ' έμεναι, σρηκληρά τε ἔγγων. Hom. Π.'. 443.
B 3
had
រ
6
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
ŕ
A. R.805. had had occafion to make. Nero, who was full
aft. C. 54. of wit and vivacity, took a different turn,
Nero's defe-
rence for A-
grippina.
Chafing, painting, finging, and managing horfes
were his delight; and if at any time he fhew-
ed a taſte or relifh for literature, poetry was
the only branch that pleaſed him.
Nero being indebted to Agrippina for the
Empire, at firſt fhewed her great refpect and
Tac. xiii, 2. deference. The word he gave the firſt day to
the Pretorian officer, who came to take it, was,
To the best of mothers. Agrippina likewiſe re-
ceived from the Senate, the privilege of being
preceded by two Lictors, and the dignity of
Prieftefs of Claudius, whom fhe had poifoned.
She caufes
M. Silanus
to be poi-
foned.
The power fhe herſelf affumed was much
greater than all the honours that were confer-
red upon her. Claudius was no fooner dead
Tac. xiii. 1. than the prefumed, even without informing
Nero, to take away the life of a man of great
diſtinction, who, at that very time, held a high
poft. M. Silanus, Proconful of Africa, was
much more remarkable for his mildneſs, than
for his genius or talents; fo that other Empe-
rors had never thought of fearing him, and
even Caligula uſed to call him the Golden Lamb.
But Agrippina, who had caufed the difgrace
and death of his brother L. Silanus, contracted
to Octavia, apprehended his refentment; be-
fides that, fhe knew it had been faid by many,
that a ripe expérienced man, like M. Silanus,
whofe character was irreproachable, and in
whofe veins the blood* of Auguftus ran, was
much fitter to be Emperor than Nero, not yet
*We have already obferved,
that L. Silanus and his bro-
thers were grandsons to Julia,
who was grand-daughter to
Auguftus.
feven-
Book X.
NERO.
my
feventeen, and for whom a complication of A. R.805.
crimes and wickednefs had opened the way to aft. C. 54
the throne. Theſe fpeeches, in which M. Si-
lanus, whom they more immediately concerned,
had no part, yet proved fatal to him. Agrip-
pina ordered P. Celer, a Roman Knight, and
Helius, the Emperor's freeman, who had the
management of the Prince's revenues in Afia,
to poifon him. They did it fo publicly that no
one was deceived; the caufe of Silanus's death
was as well known as his death.
Narciffus
Nor was Agrippina in a leſs hurry to get rid She forces
of Narciffus, whom fhe had fo many reafons to to kill him-
hate mortally. That, indeed, was againſt Ne- felf.
ro's will, for he found in that freeman, a con-
fident quite proper for his, as yet concealed,
vices. But Agrippina prevailed, and forced Dio, 1. Iỵ,
Narciffus to kill himſelf, in the place he had
chofen for his retreat. He did, however, one
laudable action before his death. He had been
Secretary to Claudius, and as fuch had in his
cuſtody ſeveral papers of importance; he took
care to burn all fuch of them as Agrippina
could make any ill ufe of, to fatiate her animo-
fity, or love of revenge.
bundred
MONEY.
According to Dion Caffius, Narciffus died
poffeffed of four hundred millions of fefterces; About three
nor was that prodigious fortune amaffed by fru- millions true
gality or parfimony, for he was as prodigal as thousand
he was defirous of being rich. Infolent and pounds of ou
oftentatious to the higheſt degree, loaded with
crimes and infamy, he richly deſerved the fate
he met; tho' it cannot but be allowed, that on
fome remarkable occafions he fhewed a capa-
city, fortitude, and reſolution above his ſtation
of life.
B 4
This
8
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.805.
Burrhus and
pina. Their
power and
union.
Tac. xiii. 2.
This bloody commencement of the new go-
54 vernment would have been followed by other
Seneca op- excutions, had not Seneca and Burrhus pre-
pole Agrip vented it. Tho' both Agrippina's creatures,
yet both were forced to oppofe her, becauſe
they thought themſelves more obliged to ſerve
their Emperor and the ſtate, than to yield im-
plicit obedience to the will of a Princeſs, in
whom every vice of tyranny was united. Atb
that time they poffeffed Nero's confidence, of
which each had acquired an equal ſhare, by dif-
ferent means, and different kinds of merit.
Burrhus underſtood war, and was refpected for
his ſtrict aufterity. Seneca gave the Prince a
reliſh for learning, and ftudied to ally an agree-
ableneſs of manners with the folidity of virtue.
They uſed in concert the afcendant each in parti-
cular had over their mafter; a very uncommon
example among Minifters of ftate; and mutu-
ally affifted each other in endeavouring to mo-
derate the impetuofity of his youth, and vio-
lence of his paffions. If they could not bring
him over to virtue, they ftrove, at leaſt, to keep
him from great vices, and by indulging him in
leffer things, endeavoured to prevent his run-
ning into extremes.
That did not fuit with Agrippina's plan her
defign had always been to reign, in fact, under
her fon's name. She was backed by Pallas;
but that freeman's credit was on the decline.
Nero could not think of obeying flaves; and
b Hi rectores Imperatoriæ juventæ, et (rarum in foci-
etate potentia) concordes, diversâ arte ex æquo pollebant.
Burrhus militaribus curis, et feveritate morum: Seneca præ-
ceptis eloquentiæ, et comitate honeſtà: juvantes invicem,
quò facilius lubricam Principis ætatem, fi virtutem afper-
naretur, voluptatibus conceffis retinerent. Tac.
Pallas
!
Book X.
NER O.
9
Pallas had made himſelf infufferable by his fu- A.C.805.
percilious gloomy arrogance. Such was the aft. C. 54.
fituation of the court, divided into factions, by
which a foundation was already laid for thofe
dreadful cataſtrophes and horrid events we ſhall
hereafter meet with: but the public as yet knew
nothing of it.
govern-
to the Se-
Tac.xiii.4.
Claudius's funeral being over, and Nero quit Nero's
of that ceremonious duty, entered on buſineſs
firſt ſpeech
by a ſpeech to the Senate, fetting forth the nate.
maxims he propofed to follow in his
ment of the ſtate. He spoke firſt, of the man-
ner in which he had been raiſed to the Empire,
by the authority of the Senate, and the unani-
mous defire of the army; faid, what examples
he had before his eyes, and what good coun-
fellors he had the affiftance of, to learn to govern
well. His youth, he obferved, had not re-
ceived any of thoſe melancholy impreffions that
reſult from civil war, or domeftic difcord, and
that he brought to the throne, neither refent-
ment nor injuries to revenge againſt any one.
Tracing out his plan of government, he took
particular care to remove every abuſe that had
been complained of under his predeceffor. He
declared," he would never fet up for judge in
all caufes, and that criminal matters fhould
"not be decided in a private domeſtic tribu-
nal, by which the lives and honors of the
"citizens of Rome had been ſubjected to the
66
caprices of a few great and powerful men,
"That neither money nor favour fhould pro-
"cure an employment that ought to be the
"reward of merit. That the ftate and his
« houfhold ſhould not be confounded together.
"That he would have the Senate enjoy it's an-
"tient
f
10
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.805.
aft. C. 54.
Dio *.
tient rights and prerogatives; the affairs of
Italy, and the people's provinces, be laid
"before the Confuls; and that thofe magif-
"trates fhould prefent to an audience of the
"Senate, all fuch as, for whatever reaſon it
"might be, fhould defire to have recourſe thi-
"ther; that as
that as to him, his buſineſs ſhould
"be to manage the army entrusted to his
<< care.
دو
This fpeech, compofed by Seneca, and pro-
nounced by Nero, was received with great ap-
Suet.Ner.x. plaufe. Every one was charmed to find Au-
guftus's fyftem revived in it; and in order to
tie + Nero down by the engagements himſelf
had voluntary entered into, what he had faid
was ordered to be engraved on plates of ſilver,
and read over on the first of January every
year.
Regulations
by the Se-
nate.
Tac.xiii.5.
He kept his word at firſt, and let the Senate
made freely make ſeveral regulations as they pleafed, fuch
as, that whereby advocates were forbid receiv-
ing either fee or prefents from their clients, and
that too, by which Queſtors elect were difpenfed
from the neceffity of giving fights of gladia-
tors. Theſe regulations were contrary to what
had been enacted under Claudius, and Agrip-
pina oppoſed them, but in vain, Seneca back-
ing the Senate againſt her.
Inftances of
So ftrong was that Princefs's defire to govern,
Agrippina's
inordinate that, as fhe could not fit in the Senate, the re-
ambition. folved at leaſt to know what was doing there,
* I quote under Dion Caf-
fius's name Xiphilinus's a-
bridgment of him, in which he
preferves the very words of
bis original.
The Senate had before
taken the fame precautions with
regard to Caligula, and to as
little purpofe. See Vol. iii.
of this work.
without
Book X.
NERO.
11
without truſting to report. To fatisfy her, their A.R.805.
aft. C. 54.
affemblies were held in one of the great rooms
of the palace; where was a private door, behind
which Agrippina placed herſelf. There, tho'
fhe neither faw, nor was ſeen, fhe could hear
all as fhe ftood. Yet more, at an audience.
Nero gave the Ambaffadors of Armenia, A-
grippina ſtepped forward, as if to afcend the
throne with him. Every one preſent was quite
diſconcerted; Seneca only had prefence of mind
enough to defire the Emperor to rife and meet
his mother; by that appearance of reſpect,
preventing an indecency the whole Empire muſt
have bluſhed for. Thefe Ambaffadors were
come to Rome on account of fome new trou-
bles that had broke out in their country, of
which we ſhall ſpeak elſewhere.
actions of
Tac.xiii. 10.
Nero was ftudious to gain the eſteem of the Laudable
public, and to that end did feveral laudable speeches and
things. He fhewed his filial piety towards his Nero.
father Domitius, by defiring a decree of the
Senate to fet up his ftatue. He likewife caufed
the Confular ornaments to be given Afconius
Labeo, who had been his tutor; and at the
ſame time expreffing great modeſty in what
concerned himſelf perfonally. He refused the
ftatues of maffy gold and filver that were offer-
ed to be erected to him. The Senate had de-
creed the years ſhould begin from the month of
December, in which Nero was born; but he
would not fuffer the order of the Calendar to
be inverted, that being in fome meaſure confe-
crated and fanctified by religion. Nor would
he let the name of Carrinas Celer, a Senator,
accuſed by a flave, be infcribed in the regiſter
Ita fpecie pietatis obviam itum dedecori. Tac.
of
12
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.805. of accufed perfons; nor that of Julius Drufus,
aft. C. 54. a Roman Knight, whofe attachment to Britan-
nicus was his only crime.
>
Nero's outward appearance was all liberality,
clemency, popularity, and every thing that
Suet.ex. could render a Prince amiable. He gave con-
fiderable penſions to poor Senators, who had
not wherewithal to fupport their rank and dig-
nity. One day that a fentence of death was
brought him to fign, I could wifh, faid he,
dI
I did not know how to write." The Senate on
ſome occaſion, affuring him of their great gra-
titude, "I fhall depend on it, anfwered he,
when I deſerve it." "He promifed the people to
be prefent at their exercifes. He would often
declaim in public; and read verfes of his own
compofing to an audience affembled in his
pa-
lace. Suetonius gives us thefe particularities
without date, as is his cuftom; but they cer-
tainly appertain to the firft years of Nero's
reign, and we ſhall find fome of them ranked
in their proper places by Tacitus.
A.R. 806.
aft. C. 55.
Tac.xiii. 11,
He took the Confulfhip on the first of Janu-
ary next following his acceffion to the Empire,
and chofe Antiftius for his collegue.
NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR.
L. ANTISTIUS VETUS.
When the magiftrates took the ufual oaths to
obferve the inftitutions of the Emperors, Nero
would not fuffer his collegue to fwear to the ob-
fervation of his. That modefty gained him great
e
d Vellem nefcire literas. Sen. de Clem. ii. 1.
e Magnis Patrum laudibus, ut juvenilis animus levium
quoque rerum gloriâ fublatus majores continuaret. Tac.
applaufe
L
Book X.
NERO.
13
applauſe from the Senate, which was glad to give A.R.806.
aft. C. 55°
the young Prince every opportunity of taſting
and enjoying the pleaſure of doing good, even
in little things, to excite and encourage him to
deferve the fame glory in greater.
Tacitus
His indulgence to Plautius Lateranus was
likewiſe approved, in permitting him to return
to the Senate, after he had been juftly excluded
for his debauches with Meffalina. In f almoft
all the fpeeches he made to the Senate, he ſpoke
of nothing but clemency, folemnly promifing
and engaging to practife that virtue.
fuppofes Seneca, who compofed thofe fpeeches
for him, was glad to have the good leffons he
gave his auguft pupil recorded; nor was he
diſpleaſed at thofe opportunities of difplaying
his own parts. Why may we not, with full as
much probability, fuppofe that Seneca, perceiv-
ing Nero's bent to cruelty, ftrove to give him
another turn by the very maxims he put in his
mouth? It was certainly with that view, that he
wrote and infcribed to Nero, a treatife on
Clemency, which we ſtill have.
muſt be im-
Burrhus's
Nor fhall we be miſtaken, if we impute to All the good
his, and Burrhus's counfels, all the good that was Nero did
done under Nero's authority in the beginning puted to Se
of his reign. The young Prince thought of neca's and
nothing but his diverfions; he did not like bu- counfels.
finefs, idleness and licentioufnefs were all his de- Dio, ap. Ve-
light. Forced for a long time to obey an im-
perious mother, and awed by the refpect the
virtues and talents of the mafters who had edu-
cated him in his infancy could not but ſtrike him
f Clementiam fuam obftringens crebris orationibus, quas
Seneca, teftificando quàm honefta præciperet, vel jactandi
ingenii, voce Principis vulgabat. Tac.
with,
lef.
14
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
What Tra-
jan faid of
A.R. 806. with, he gave an entire looſe to the pleaſure he
aft. C. 55 felt in being mafter of his own perſon and ac-
tions. He therefore made no difficulty to let
Agrippina on one fide, and Seneca and Burrhus
on the other, affume the authority of govern-
ment, or contend which fhould have it. As
the two Miniſters foon got the better of the mo-
ther, and were men of uncommon merit and
wiſdom, the ſtate was well adminiftred, though
Nero did not, or rather becauſe he did not, in-
terfere; and fo long as they had any influence,
the government was, in general, well managed.
On that was founded the eſteem Trajan ex-
preffed for the beginning of Nero's reign. He
faid, few & Princes could boaft of equalling the
five first years of that odious and detefted Em-
peror. Yet it was in the courſe of theſe five
years that Nero poifoned his brother and killed
his mother. But Trajan made a diſtinction be-
tween the general management of affairs, and
the Prince's perfonal actions. Nero was, even
then, a monſter of vice and cruelty; but he
let his Minifters act, and they were wife and
prudent. The natural ferocity of his mind
Thewed itſelf plainly in the tragical death of Bri-
tannicus, which I am now to relate.
the begin-
ning of Ne-
ro's reign,
explained.
Aur. Vict.
Ner.
Caufe of
Britannicus's
death.
His death (who would think it?) was occa-
fioned by the fall of Agrippina's credit. She,
who had been Britannicus's moſt bitter enemy,
finding the circumſtances of things altered, now
wanted to make him her fupport and reſource
against her own fon. Herfelf brought on her
own difgrace by her paffionate violent temper,
nio.
Procul differre cunctos Principes Neronis quinquen-
which
Book X.
NERO.
15
which firſt broke out on account of an intrigue A. R.806,
aft. C. 55-
Nero had with one Acte, a free-woman.
with a free-
Octavia, Nero's wife, was young and virtu- Nero in love
ous; but, whether fate had fo decreed, fays woman.
Tacitus, or whether it were owing to the fu- Tac.xiii.12.
perior charms men are apt to find in whatever
is forbidden, Nero had an averfion to Octavia,
and fell in love with Acte, encouraged and led
into vice by two young debauchees, Otho and
Senecion, who being of his parties of pleafure,
and confidents of fuch fecrets as he did not
chufe to let his mother know, gained an entire af-
cendant over him, firft before Agrippina was
appriſed of it, and afterwards in fpite of all
her endeavours to part them, when ſhe knew
what they were about.
It is very fingular, that neither Burrhus nor
Seneca attempted to oppoſe the Prince's incli-
nation. Fearing contradiction might only ir-
ritate, and perhaps urge him on to attempt the
honour of the first ladies of Rome, they feemed
not diſpleaſed at his amufing himſelf with a
free-woman. Seneca went farther, fuffering
one of his friends, Annæus Serenus, to let his
name be made ufe of to cloak Nero's amours
with Acte. So defective is the virtue of all
theſe Pagans; ſo intermixed with ſpots and ble-
mifhes. Burrhus and Seneca thought, by giv- Die.
ing up a part, to fave the more effential reft;
but the paffions are not to be governed in that
manner; whatever is granted them is but an
allurement to go farther; and accordingly, Ne-
ro availing himſelf on the, at leaſt, tacit appro-
bation of thofe, who ought to have kept him
Fato quodam, an quia prævalent illicita.
i
within
16
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
anger.
Tac.xiii. 13.
t
A.R. 806. within bounds, thought he might do any thing,
aft. C. 55. and gave an entire looſe to all his defires.
Agrippina's Agrippina did not, like Seneca and Burrhus,
connive at what he was doing, but ran into the
other extreme. Inftead of waiting patiently
till her fon ſhould ſee his error, or perhaps be
cloyed and difgufted, fhe thundered out with
fury, What! fhall a creature that was a flave,
rival Octavia? Shall Acte be daughter-in-law to
Agrippina?" In that manner would ſhe rave,
and utter the bittereft invectives, which, far
from ſtifling, ferved only to encreaſe the flame.
The confequence was, that Nero, overcome by
his paffion, ſhook off the yoke of filial obedi-
ence, and put all his truft in Seneca. Sueto-
nius adds, that he had even fome thoughts of
marrying Acte, and, in order to prepare matters.
for that marriage, he attempted to make her
paſs for a defcendent of the antient Kings of
Pergamus, and had got men of Confular dig-
nity ready to perjure themſelves, and to fwear
to the truth of her forged pedigree.
Suet.Ner.
xxvi.
Dio.
Tao
Agrippina was then fenfible how wrong a
ſtep ſhe had taken, and endeavoured to atone i
for it by an affected fondneſs, as ill judged as
her rage had been. She told her fon fhe was
conſcious her ſeverity had been carried too far,
and even offered him the uſe of her apartments
for his interviews with Acte. Nero was not
the dupe of her pretended pacification, and his
friends adviſed him to be on his guard againſt
k
i Ut nimia fuper coercendo filio, ita rurfum intempe-
ranter demiffa.
* Quæ mutatio neque Neronem fefellit, et proximi ami-
corum metuebant, orabantque, caveret infidias mulieris
femper atrocis, tum et falfæ.
the
Book X.
NERO.
17
the fnares and treacheries of a woman, ever hot A.R. 806.
and violent, tho' fhe diffembled juft at that aft. C. 55.
time.
And accordingly, fhe foon returned again to
her real character, and took fire for a thing no
one could poffibly have fufpected fhe would be
offended at. Nero, looking over the diamonds,
jewels, and other valuable ornaments, that had
belonged to former Empreffes, picked out the
fineſt to ſend his mother. Agrippina received
the prefent as an affront. "His defign, faid
fhe, is not to adorn, but to ſtrip me. All is
mine, and my fon fends me but a part. Her
expreffions were told again, and, as uſual, ag-
gravated; and Nero, incenfed againſt thoſe that
encouraged and fed his mother's pride, turned
Pallas out of his employment of keeper of the
imperial treaſure, and adminiftrator of the fi-
nances, which he had held under Claudius, and
had kept ever fince his death.
1
""
grippina
Agrippina, after that blow, kept no mea- Difgrace of
fures; then it was that the imprudently talked Pallas. A-
of Britannicus in her heat and fury. She ven- grows furi-
tured to tell Nero to his face, that Britannicus
was growing up, and would foon be able to fill
his father's place, and fucceed him in a power
¹ Agrippina ruere in terrorem et minas, neque Principis
auribus abftinere, quominus teftaretur adultum jam eſſe Bri-
tannicum, veram dignamque ftirpem fufcipiendo patris Imperio,
quod infitus et adoptivus per injurias malas exerceret. Non ab-
nuere fe quin cuncta infelicis domûs patefierent, fuæ imprimis
nuptiæ, fuum veneficium. Id folum diis et fibi provifum, quod
viveret privignus. Ituram cum illo in caftra. Audiretur hinc
Germanici filia, inde debilis rurfus Burrhus et exul Seneca,
truncâ fcilicet manu, et profeſſoriâ linguâ, generis hmmani ex-
poftulantes. Simul intendere manus, aggerere probra; con-
fecratum Claudium, infernos Silanorum manes invocare,
et tot inrita facinora.
VOL. IV.
C
he
ous again.
18
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.806. he alone was worthy of, and right heir to, and
aft. C. 55. of which a ftranger, brought into the Imperial
Sally of
family by a fraudulent adoption, made no
other uſe than to injure and affront his mother.
"Yes, added fhe, I will confefs all the wrongs
"I have done that unhappy family, my incef-
"tuous marriage, and the poifon by which I
"fhortened Claudius's days. How happy
86
""
am I, what thanks ought I not to return
"the gods, that his fon is ftill alive! I will
go to the camp with him, and let the Pretori-
"ans fee and hear, on one fide the daughter of
"Germanicus, and on the other, a lame old
foldier, and a baniſhed philofopher, who, on
"the ſtrength of thoſe fine titles, pretend to
govern the univerfe." Her hand and action
threatened her fon all the time fhe was talk-
66
rr
ing at this rate. She called him all the oppro-
brious names fhe could think of, invoked the
avenging manes of Claudius and Silanus, and
upbraided him with all the crimes ſhe had com-
mitted for his fake, and for which fhe was fo
ill rewarded.
All Agrippina's rage and fury availed her
nothing, but was the ruin of Britannicus. Nero
was of himſelf but too much inclined to look
upon his brother as a dangerous rival; and a
late event added to his fears, by making him
ſenſible Britannicus began to feel himſelf. Dur-
Britannicus. ing the Saturnalian feafts, among other amufe-
ments the young Emperor, and others of his
age, were diverting themſelves with, they played
at who fhould be King, and it fell to Nero's
lot. He iffued his orders, which were neither
diſagreeable nor mortifying to any; but when
it came to Britannicus's turn, he was commanded
t
2
to
Book X.
NERO.
19
to ſtand up in the middle of the company, A. R.806.
and fing a fong. Nero expected the infant aft. C. 55
Prince, who had never been at any entertain-
ment, and far from having any notion of par-
ties of pleaſure and debauchery, was naturally
grave and ſerious, would be put out of coun-
tenance, and make them laugh. Britannicus,
not at all difconcerted, fung a couplet, the fenfe
of which was, that he had been robbed of the
fupreme rank which his father had held, and
belonged to him by right of inheritance. Every
one preſent was moved with compaſſion, and
fhewed it the more freely, as night and the
merriment of their play baniſhed all diffimula-
tion. It was foon talked of publicly, and this
well-timed fally of Britannicus, awakened, in
in the hearts of many, fentiments favourable to
him. Nero was ftrongly alarmed, and his ha-
tred encreaſed; wearied out too with his mo-
ther's menaces, and concluding the danger
muſt encreaſe with Britannicus's years, into the
fourteenth of which he was then juſt entering,
he refolved to defer no longer a crime on which
he thought his own fafety depended.
ed.
Suet. Ner.
But there was no poffibility of trumping up Nero has
any ſpecious accufation againſt Britannicus, and
him poifon-
Nero dared not ufe open violence againſt his Tac.xiii. 15
brother. He determined therefore to employ xxxiii,
poiſon; and to that end, applied to Julius Pollio,
Tribune of a Pretorian cohort, who had in his
cuftody the famous Locuſta, whom Agrippina
had fo effectually made ufe of to kill Clau-
* Tacitus fays he was just
compleating it; but I have be-
fore taken notice of the doubts
and difficulties concerning the
exact time of Britannicus's
birth. I follow the opinion I
have once adopted.
C 2
dius.
$
20
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.806. dius. There was no difficulty in getting the poifon
aft. C. 55. given to the young Prince, for care had long been
taken not to let an honeft man be near him.
Nay, thoſe that poiſoned him the firſt time,
were the very people who were to take care of
his education. But whether it was that nature
ſpontaneouſly eaſed herſelf by an immediate
evacuation, or that the poifon was purpoſely
prepared fo, as not to fhew it's malignity at
once, Britannicus feemed to have eſcaped with
only a flight indifpofition.
Nero, who could brook no delay, flew into
a violent paſſion againſt the Tribune and Lo-
cufta. He threatened the one terribly, ftruck
the other with his hand, and was very near
fending her to be executed. But on her repre-
fenting her deſign had been, by giving a weaker
doſe, to avoid noiſe, and conceal the deed,
"It is true, anfwered he, to be fure I fear the
"penalty of the law. It well becomes you to
keep folks from talking; and that you may
"have fomething to fay in your own defence, to
<<
66
proceed thus flowly, when your Prince's peace
"and quiet is at stake." They appeafed him, by
promifing Britannicus fhould die as fuddenly
as if ftruck by a thunderbolt. This new poi-
fon, compoſed of the moſt violent ingredients,
was prepared near the Emperor's chamber.
He made the firſt trial of it on a goat; but the
creature furviving it five hours, he ordered the
poiſon to be put on the fire again to encreaſe
it's activity; nor was fatisfied, till trying it
again on a pig, it died the very inftant. Fi-
nally, he reſolved to ſee himſelf how his orders
were executed, and to that end, fixed on his
own fupper for the fcene of that tragic action.
It
Book X.
NERO.
21
It was cuftomary for the children of Empe- A.R. 806.
rors to eat fitting, with other young Noblemen aft. C. 55.
of their age, under their parents eyes, at a fe-
parate table, more frugally ſpread than the great
one. Britannicus, therefore, had his little ta-
ble, for he ſtill wore the infant drefs. His cup-
bearer was in the fecret, and was to do the deed.
The ceremonial of tafting, which was obſerved
for the young Prince, was a difficulty; but it
was got over in this manner: Drink was given
him after being tafted as ufual, but fo hot that
he could not drink it, and the poifon was put
in the cold water that was added to it. The
effect was fo fudden, that Britannicus inftantly
loft his fpeech, and dropt down fenfelefs. The
whole company was alarmed; fome were im-
prudent enough to run away; but thoſe who
penetrated farther, examined Nero's looks,
who, without altering his attitude, but leaning
indolently on his couch, and pretending not to
know what was the matter, faid, it was a com-
mon thing with Britannicus; that he had been
fubject to epileptic fits from his infancy, and
would recover his fenfes by degrees.
Nero was not then eighteen years old; yet
his looks were as fteddy and unconcerned as thoſe
of the moſt hardened tyrant. But Agrippina was
ſo aſtoniſhed, horror and diſmay were ſo viſible
in her, notwithſtanding all her efforts to compoſe
herſelf, that every one was convinced ſhe was as
innocent as Octavia. And indeed fhe had
the greateſt room to fear, fhe loft her laft hope,
and readily conceived, the poiſoning of a bro-
ther was but a prelude to the murder of a mo-
ther. She recollected herſelf, however, after
her firſt ſurpriſe. Octavia, tho' young, had
likewife
C_3
22
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 806. likewife learnt to diffemble her grief, tenderneſs,
aft. C. 55. and every fentiment of nature; and Britannicus
being taken away, fupper was continued with
the fame eaſe and feeming gaiety as before.
Suet.
The fame night was witnefs to Britannicus's
death and funeral. Every thing had already
been prepared for the pile, and the Prince's bo-
dy was burnt and buried in the Campus Mar-
tius with very little ceremony.
Dion Caffius
fays, they had covered him from, head to foot
with plaiſter, to hide the marks of poifon that
already appeared outwardly, but that a violent
fhower of rain falling, wafhed it off, and ren-
dered fruitless the precaution his murderers had
taken. Tacitus fpeaks only of the rain, which
was interpreted as a fign of the wrath of the
gods for this dreadful crime. All that is of
little moment. But what fhews how apt men
are to form wrong and perverfe judgments, is,
that feveral did not think what had happened
at all ſtrange, alledging, to juftify it, former ex-
amples of enmities between brothers, and the
very nature of fovereign power, imcompatible
with a rival.
Nero endea-
vours to hide
the enormity
of his crime.
m
With Britannicus ended the Claudian family,
which, after fhining eminently in the republic,
had given Rome three Emperors. Locufta had
a confiderable eftate in land given her as a re-
ward for her crime; and, that the fatal art in
which fhe excelled might not be loft, Nero took
care to give her pupils to inftruct.
He would, however, if he could, have blind-
Adeo turbidis imbribus, ut vulgus iram deûm portendi
Tac.xiii. 17. crediderit adverfùs facinus, cui plerique etiam hominum
ignofcebant, antiquas fatrum difcordias et infociabile reg-
num exiftimantes.
ed
Book X.
NERO.
23
ed the eyes of the public. An edict was pofted A.R. 806.
up, faying, to excufe the precipitate hafte with aft. C. 55.
which the laft duties had been paid to Britan-
nicus, the old cuftom of fhortening the cere-
mony, and not making a fhew of the funeral
of fuch as were carried off in the prime of their
youth, had been followed on this occafion.
Nero added, that now he had loft his brother,
all his hopes centered in the republic; and that
the Senate and People ought on their fide, to
be doubly attached to their Prince, who alone
remained of a family born to command.
n
Seneca
thoſe cir-
the Prince's
His next ſtep was to be very liberal to the great Burrhus and
men of his court; among whom Burrhus and blained for
Seneca were not forgot. People were, with having under
reaſon, furprized to fee men, who pretended to cumſtances
fuch ftrict virtue, fhare, as it were, the fpoils accepted of
of the deceaſed Prince, and enrich themſelves liberalities.
with his town and country-houſes. Their only
excuſe, if in ſuch a cafe any thing could be an ex-
cufe, was, the Prince's exprefs command, who,
conſcious of his guilt, was willing to purchaſe
pardon by his liberalities.
Nor were they quite Dio, ap.Va-
eafy as to their own fates, when they found ef
Nero break loofe from them with a crime of
that magnitude. They did not, indeed, give
up the miniſtry, but refolved to continue doing
all the good they could, fince it was no longer
in their power to do fo much as they would.
But Agrippina was implacable; neither pre- Agrippina's
ſents nor careffes could move her. Her anger difgrace.
had certainly but too juft ground, had the
known how to keep it within due bounds, and
" Nec defuerunt qui arguerent viros gravitatem affeve,
rantes, quòd domos villafque id temporis, quafi prædas di-
vififfent.
Tac.
C 4
to
སྣ་
24
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
?
A.R. 806. to diftinguish between a becoming feverity, and
aft. C. 55. rage and audacioufnefs. She embraced Octavia,
She is accuf-
ed of crimes
had often private conferences with her friends;
and tho' ſhe had always been fond of money,
yet ſhe exerted herſelf now more than ever to
ſcrape it together from all quarters, as if pre-
paring a fund for fome great enterprize; fhe
received the officers and people of the army
graciouſly; and expreffed great regard and ef-
teem for the names and virtues of the Nobility
that ftill remained of the old Roman families;
in fhort, every ſtep ſhe took feemed to indicate
a defign to form a party againſt her fon, and a
defire to find a man fit to head them.
Nero was informed of it, and took away her
guard. To keep the courtiers from her, fhe
was removed out of his palace to that in which
Antonia, Claudius's mother, had lived. There
he fometimes went, and paid her a vifit, but
always furrounded by a troop of Centurions,
and after faluting her coldly, and ſaying a few
indifferent things, took his leave.
Nothing is more frail, fays Tacitus, nor
fubject to more fudden changes, than a borrow-
ed power that has no roots of it's own. Agrip-
pina's houſe was from that hour a perfect foli-
tude; no-body took the trouble of comforting
her, none came to pay their reſpects, unleſs it
were a few women; and moſt of them did it
more out of hatred than friendſhip.
Such was the motive that carried thither Ju-
against the nia Silana, a Lady of great birth, but more
state.
• Nihil rerum mortalium tam inftabile ac fluxum eft,
quàm fama potentiæ non fuâ vi nixa. Statim relictum A-
grippinæ limen. Nemo folari, nemo adire, præter paucas,
feminas, amore an odio incertum. Tac. xiii. 19.
beau-
Γ
Book X.
NERO.
25
beautiful than virtuous, formerly married to A.R. 806,
aft. C. 55.
Silius, who repudiated her, as I have before
faid, at Meffalina's requeſt. She had been in-
timately united with Agrippina, but that union
was turned into a fecret enmity, ever ſince the
latter had diffuaded Sextius Africanus, a young
man of an illuftrious family, from marrying
Silana, by telling him her conduct was bad,
and her age paſt it's prime. Agrippina did this
out of mere malice. For her defign was not
to keep Africanus for herſelf, but to prevent his
marrying richly, and fo much the more advan-
tageouſly, as the lady he thought of had no
children. Silana was greatly nettled at it; and
offences of that kind are never to be forgiven
by women. Agrippina's difgrace offered her
an opportunity of revenge, of which the re-
folved to make the utmoſt to ruin her. She un-
dertook therefore, not to revive old accufations
againſt her, which had already taken effect, nor
to blame her regretting Britannicus's death,
nor indiſcreetly pitying and bemoaning the in-
juries Octavia fuffered from an ungrateful huf-
band; but at once taxed her with a deſign to
raife Rubellius Plautus to the Empire; he, by
Julia his mother, daughter of Drufus, fon of
Tiberius, reckoning, as well as Nero, Au-
guftus for great-great-grandfather, and by mar-
rying him to aſcend the throne with him. Si-
lana fettled her plan with two of her dependents,
Iturius and Calvifius, who communicated it to
Atimetus, freeman to Domitia *, Nero's aunt
by his father's fide, Domitia and Agrippina
* We have already met with
a Domitia, aunt to Nero, put
to death under Claudius. She
we are now speaking of muſt
have been her fifter.
were
26
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 806. were jealous of each other, and at variance,
aft. C. 55. Atimetus was glad of an opportunity to hurt
Nero is juft
ready to
have her
killed that
inftant,
his miſtreſs's enemy; and in order to come at
the Emperor, and have the accufation laid be-.
fore him, he applied to Paris the Pantomime,
like him, a freeman of Domitia's, and who, as
he amuſed the Prince with his tricks, had free
entrance into the palace. Paris, without lofing
a moment, fet out directly.
The night was pretty far fpent, and Nero
was ſtill at table, drinking. Paris entered the
room with a doleful countenance, and related
every circumſtance of what he had been told.
Nero was fo affrighted, that the firſt thought
that occurred to him was to put both his mo-
ther and Plautus to death inftantly; and, ac-
cording to Fabius Rufticus, a cotemporary
writer referred to by Tacitus, to break Burrhus,
as being a creature of Agrippina's, and in con-
cert with her out of gratitude. Fabius added,
that the commiffion of Pretorian Prefect was
Sad. No. actually made out in favour of Cecina Tufcus,
Nero's nurfe's fon; and that Seneca's credit was
what faved Burrhus on that occafion. Whe-
ther that were fact or not, which Tacitus does
not ſay, at leaft it is certain, Nero could not
be diffuaded from ordering his mother to be
killed directly, but on Burrhus's promifing to
do it himſelf, in cafe fhe was convicted. But
that wife Miniſter reprefented to him, "That
"every perfon accufed, and much more a mo-
"ther, had a right to be heard in her own de-
35-
Tac.
fence. That her accufers did not appear.
"That hitherto Agrippina was charged only
"by a vague report fpread by her enemy's
"fervants; and that the thing was of fufficient
"impor-
Book X.
૮
NERO.
27
aft. C. 55-
importance to deſerve being examined into A.R. 806.
"with more care and coolness, than the re-
"mains of a night already far ſpent in feafting
"and pleaſure could admit of."
The Prince's fear being a little calmed, early
the next morning Burrhus and Seneca, with
fome of the freemen, went to Agrippina to in-
form her of the accufations fhe was charged
with, and warn her to prepare to anſwer them,
and clear her innocence, or elſe expect the pu-
niſhment juſtly due to fuch a crime. Burrhus
ſpoke, and in an angry threatening tone, ſo
little fuiting the refpect due to the Emperor's
mother, that it feems a confirmation of what
Fabius Rufticus faid of the danger Burrhus
himſelf was then in, which made him fear even
the leaſt fufpicion of being concerned with her.
The prefence of the freemen too, might be a
reafon for him to be on his guard, for fear of
giving thoſe low minded creatures room to make
any bad report.
Agrippina's haughtinefs was equal to the at- She juftifies
tempt made to humble her. "I do not won-
P
℗ Non miror Silanam, nunquam edito partu, matrum
affectus ignotos habere. Neque enim perinde à parentibus
liberi, quàm ab impudicâ adulteri mutantur. Nec fi Itu-
rius et Calvifius, adefis omnibus fortunis, noviffimam fufci-
piendæ accufationis operam anui rependunt, ideo aut mihi
infamia parricidii, aut Cæfari confcientia fubeunda eft.
Nam Domitiæ inimicitiis gratias agerem, fi benevolentiâ
mecum in Neronem meum certaret. Nunc per concubinum
Atimetum et hiftrionem Paridem, quafi fcenæ fabulas com-
ponet. Baiarum fuarum pifcinas excolebat, quum meis
confiliis adoptio, et proconfulare jus, et defignatio Confu-
latûs, et cetera adipifcendo Imperio præparentur.
exiftat qui cohortes in urbe tentatas, qui provinciarum fi-
dem labefactatam, denique fervos vel liberos ad fcelus cor-
ruptos arguat. Vivere ego Britannico potiente rerum po-
Aut
der,
herſelf with
haughtiness.
28
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
!
der, faid fhe, that Silana, who never had a
child, fhould be ignorant of the fentiments
"nature gives a mother. For a mother cannot
A. R.806. "
aft. C. 55.
'
change her children as a laſcivious woman
"does her galants. I fee the motive that
"makes Iturius and Calvifius act; ruined
..
by their debaucheries, their laſt reſource
"is to curry favor with an old woman, by
ferving her rage against me; but furely
"their mercenary accufation cannot have
weight either to impute a parricide to me,
or to make the Emperor commit one. As
tr
66
to Domitia, I ſhould think myſelf obliged to
"her for hating me, if that hatred proceeded
"from her emulation to outdo me in good of-
66
fices and tenderneſs towards my fon, inſtead of
"trumping up this tale, as abfurd in itſelf, as
"it is injurious and defpicable for the ſhare her
"favorite Atimetus, and that Pantomime.
Paris, have in it. She was bufied in embel-
.
t
66
liſhing and ſtocking her fiſh-ponds on the
"coaft of Baiæ, whilft I was labouring to have
my fon adopted by Claudius, to get him
"the Proconfular power, and have him ap-
"pointed Conful, with all the other prero-
gatives, fteps by which he has attained Em-
pire. If I must be guilty whether I am or
not, at leaſt let fome witneſs be produced
"to prove my having attempted to corrupt ei-
"ther the Pretorian cohorts within the city,
"or the legions quartered in the provinces, or
66
46
66
teram. At fi Plautus aut quis alius rempublicam judica-
turus obtinuerit, defunt fcilicet mihi accufatores, qui non
verba impatientiâ caritatis aliquando incauta, fed ea cri-
mina objiciant, quibus nifi à filio mater abfolvi non poffum.
Tac, xiii, 21,
"that
Book X.
NERO.
29
66
"that I have plotted with any perfon whatever, A.R. 806.
"either flave or freeman, any bad defign. Í aft. C. 55.
might have hoped to live under Britannicus,
had he been Emperor. But if Plautus, or
any other, held the reins of Empire, could
"there be accufers wanting who might juftly
66
tax me, not with a few indifcreet words, the
"effect of my too impatient fondneſs, but
even with crimes fuch as a fon only can for-
" give a mother."
66
ment of her
her friends.
So warm and earneſt a ſpeech made a ftrong She obtains
impreffion on all that heard it; and inftead of the punish-
infifting any farther on the accufation they en- accufers, and
deavoured to appeaſe Agrippina.
She defired rewards for
an interview with her fon, which being granted,
ſhe did not fet about to juftify herſelf, as if her
innocence could have been fufpected; nor did
ſhe ſpeak of what ſhe had done for him, nor to
ſeem to reproach it, but defired and obtained
the puniſhment of her accuſers, and rewards
for her friends. Fænius Rufus was made In-
tendant of the provifions; Arruntius Stella had
the management of the games the Emperor was
then making preparations for; C. Balbillus was
made Prefect of Egypt; and the government
of Syria promiſed Anteius; but the execution
of that promiſe was deferred under various pre-
tences, and Anteius remained in Rome. Silana,
Iturius, and Calvifius were baniſhed, and Ati-
metus put to death. Paris was too neceffary to
the Prince's pleaſures, not to be ſpared; and
the very next year Nero had him declared, by Tac.xii.27€
fentence of the judge, free by birth, not mind-
ing how much he affronted his aunt to favour a
comedian that diverted him, nor diveſting her
of her right of patronage over a man who had
been
30
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R. 806. been her flave.
As to Plautus, no farther no-
aft. C. 55. tice was taken of him at that time.
Tac.xiii.22.
Pallas and
cuſed of
crimes a-
gainſt the
ftate.
Pallas's ar-
rogance.
The accufer
puniſhed.
The bad fuccefs Agrippina's accufers met with,
Burrhus ac did not, however, prevent one Pætus from ac-
cuſing Pallas and Burrhus of crimes againſt the
ftate. He taxed them with having entered in
a confederacy to give the Empire to Cornelius
Sylla, to the fplendor of whofe name was joined
the quality of fon-in-law to Claudius, whoſe
daughter Antonia he had married. The accu-
fation was deftitute of all proof, nor was the
accuſer a perſon proper to give it any degree of
credit. He was a man of bad character, who
uſed to buy up forfeited eſtates fold by auction,
and by that means enriched himſelf at the ex-
pence of the unfortunate.
Pallas's innocence was not in the leaft doubted,
but his arrogance was very ſhocking; fome of
his freemen being named as accomplices with
him, he anſwered, that in his houſe he fignified
his will and pleaſure no otherwiſe than by a nod,
or motion of his hand; and that where any far-
ther inftruction was neceffary, he gave it in
writing, to avoid all talk with his fervants.
Burrhus, tho' accuſed, fat and voted with the
judges. The accufer was condemned to be ba-
nifhed, and the regiſters burnt which he made
uſe of to vex and harrafs the citizens under pre-
tence of feeing juſtice done to the public trea-
fury.
Towards the end of the year, Tacitus ob-
ferves, the Emperor purified the city by a reli-
gious ceremony called Luftration, becauſe the
thunder had fallen on the temples of Jupiter and
Minerva.
Nero
I
Book X.
NERO.
Nero named Q. Volufius and P. Scipio Con-
fuls for the next year.
Q. VOLUSIUS SATURNINUS.
P. CORNELIUS SCIPIO.
31
A.R. 807.
aft. C. 56.
decent diver-
Suct. Ner.
26.
Under theſe Confuls he thought of a diver- Nero's in-
fion unworthy the majefty of his rank, that was ons.
to turn ſtreet-robber. So foon as the night Tac.xiii.25.
came on, he fallied out diſguiſed, ſometimes in
one manner and fometimes another, with other Dio.
young people mad as himſelf. In that manner he
would ramble thro' the whole city, attack thoſe
he met, beat and wound fuch as refifted, and even
throw them fometimes into the fewers. He
would force open public houſes and places of
debauch, plunder and carry off all he found;
and what was thus ftolen in the night, was next
day publicly fold by auction in his palace to the
higheſt bidder, and the money divided among
his companions. He was not known at firſt,
and as he infulted people of all kinds, men and
women, often got a hearty beating, and in par-
ticular one, the marks of which he always bore
in his face. Montanus, a Senator, uſed him fo
roughly, that Nero was obliged to keep his
room. However, looking on the whole as a
joke, he never thought of taking revenge.
But Montanus, finding who it was he had beat,
was imprudent enough to write the Emperor a
letter, begging pardon for what had paft; to
which he received this thundering anfwer;
"How! is the man who beat Nero ftill alive?"
and was forced to kill himfelf. Nero became
not better, but more wary from that time; and
in his nocturnal expeditions was followed by
ſome of his Tribunes and foldiers, who were
ordered
བྷ2
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.807. ordered not to ſtir unleſs the quarrel came to
aft. C. 56. fome height, but then to affift him with their
arms. The worst of all was, that his bad ex-
Suet. Otb. 2, ample was followed by others. Otho had his
band; and his diverfion was to catch fuch as
thro' age or drunkenneſs could make no refift-
ance, and tofs them in a blanket. Several
more, making ufe of Nero's name, committed
the ſame, and even greater diſorders; ſo that
people did not dare ftir out at night. Nero
was ſo pleaſed with this unbecoming diverſion,
that he reſolved to enjoy it in the theatre at
noon day.
Tac.
The year before he had taken off the guard
that was to keep peace and order at that place,
with a view both to prevent any relaxation in
the military diſcipline by the performances ex-
hibited there, and likewife to give the people a
greater air of freedom and liberty. But that
liberty foon degenerated into licentiouſneſs.
The actors, jealous of each other, had their
Factions, and the fpectators, as filly as they, took
their parts.
Thence aroſe wrangles and frays,
which Nero took a pleaſure in ſtirring up, fome-
times mixing with the crowd, and at other
times heading and fpurring them on; and when
the quarrel was got to a height, and they fell to
tearing up benches and throwing them about,
he too would engage, and throw whatever was
next his hand at the people; on one of which
occafions he broke a Pretor's head. But as theſe
theatrical factions enflamed the whole city, and
might become of confequence to the govern-
ment, more prudent men prevailed on him to
put a stop to them. The Pantomimes were or-
dered
1
Book X.
NER O.
33
dered to leave Italy, and a guard was again fet A. R.807.
aft. C. 56.
over all the avenues of the theatre.
ing to free-
preſerved.
This year affords few public events. The moſt Difputeinthe
remarkable is a difpute that arofe in the Senate Senate relat-
relating to freemen, whofe infolence towards men. Their
their patrons required being checked. Several rights are
were of opinion, the only way to remedy it ef- Tac.xiii.26,
fectually, was to impower their patrons to reduce
them again to fervitude, whenever they proved
ungrateful. "The greateſt puniſhment, faid
"they, a freeman can now fear from his pa-
"tron, is to be fent twenty* miles from Rome,
"there to ſpend his time delightfully on the
"coafts of Campania; that is not fufficient to
"keep thoſe people within due bounds."
The Confuls thought this affair too important
for them to determine without knowing the
Prince's pleaſure, and accordingly would not de-
liberate on it till they had received his orders.
And indeed the body of freemen was very nu-
merous and powerful; they performed all the
lower offices of civil fociety; and even the
greater part of Knights and Senators could not
boaſt of a better origin. That is what thoſe
who were for the freemen obferve in Tacitus,
adding, "That there were two ways of giving
"a flave his freedom, the one lefs folemn,
"where the mafter might revoke what he had
"done; and the other authoriſed by the in-
"tervention of a magiſtrate, which could not
"be ſet aſide: that therefore mafters were to
"confider well before they granted a favour
"not to be recalled."
* Several of the most learned
interpreters are of opinion there
is a fault here in the text of
VOL. IV.
Tacitus, and that we should
read centefimum lapidem, a
hundred miles.
D
This
34
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
A.R. 807.
Vol. iii.
Book viii.
This opinion prevailed. Nero wrote the Se-
aft. C. 56. nate word, that when a patron thought he had
great and good cauſes of complaint againſt his
freeman, he was to be heard, and fuch judg-
ment given as the cafe required; but that it was
not proper to make any general law derogatory
to a right poffeffed time immemorial. That
was what Claudius did; he, as we have faid,
gave very fevere fentences againſt ungrateful
freemen, but yet without attacking the privi-
leges of the whole body. At the fame time
that Nero protected the freemen againſt the new
rigor of the propofed law, he took care to keep
them within the bounds of their ſtation.
a long time he would admit no freeman's fon
into the Senate, and thoſe whom his predeceſ-
fors had fuffered to creep in, were excluded the
honors.
Suct. Ner.
15.
Regulations
of the Se-
Tac.xiii.28.
For
The Senate had ftill the free exerciſe of their
power, at leaſt in matters wherein the Prince
nate relating
to Tribunes did not think it worth his while to interfere.
and Ediles. Vibullius, a Pretor, having ordered fome of
the ringleaders of the quarrels between the Pan-
tomimes to be carried to prifon, the Tribune
Antiftius releaſed them. Vibullius complained
to the Senate, who difapproved of what the
Tribune had done, and forbid his collegues
ever to encroach upon the rights of Pretors and
Confuls; and a regulation was drawn up, con-
fifting of feveral articles, to limit the power of
Tribunes, which had ſo often made the Senate
tremble under the republican government. The
power of Ediles, both Curule and Plebeian,
was likewife reftricted; a fum was fixed, beyond
which they could not fine any body; fo were
the punishments they were allowed to inflict.
Helvidius
Book X:
NERO.
35
The cuftody
en from the
restored to
Helvidius Prifcus, Tribune of the people, A. R.807.
had at the fame time a difpute with Obultronius aft. C. 56.
Sabinus, one of the Queftors, keeper of the of the public
public treaſury; and it was perhaps on that oc- treaſure tak-
cafion that the adminiftration of the treaſure Queftors, and
was again taken from the Queſtors, and given, the Pretors.
according to Auguftus's inftitution, to ancient
Pretors, whofe riper years ſeemed to make them
better qualified for fo important a truſt. We
have mentioned in their proper places all the
variations that happened in thoſe matters. The
order Nero eſtabliſhed was that which lafted
longeſt.
ninius Rebi-
Tacitus clofes his account of the events of Death of Ca-
this year with the death of two perfons of great lus, and Vo-
rank and birth. The one is Caninius Rebilus, lufius.
of Confular dignity, one of the heads of the
Senate for his great knowledge of the laws, and
vaft riches. Growing old and infirm, he de-
livered himſelf, by opening his veins, from a
life he was weary of, and the pains and ſuffer-
ings his debauched youth had entailed upon
him. He feems to have been the fame Cani-
nius Rebilus whofe prefents Julius Græcinus
refuſed, as we have faid, on account of the de-
pravity of his morals. L. Volufius, who died B. vii,
about the fame time, deferves more efteem.
By laudable means and good œconomy he had
acquired immenfe riches, and always behaved
with fuch prudence and moderation, that tho' he
lived under the worſt and moſt cruel of Empe-
rors, he attained his ninety third year.
Nero took a fecond Confulfhip, in which
L. Pifo was his collegue.
D 2
NERO
1
36
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.808.
aft. C. 57.
A wooden
NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR AUGUSTUS, II.
L. CALPURNIUS PISO.
The
૧
year of Nero's fecond Confulfhip affords
amphithea- again few events worthy to be recorded; un-
Nerouilt by lefs, a fays Tacitus, a writer chufes to amufe
himſelf with defcribing and praifing the foun-
dations and beams of a wooden theatre Nero
Tac. Ann. built in the Campus Martius. But, continues
Suet. Ner. that grave hiftorian, thoſe are trifles fit only
for daily effays; hiftory requires more elevated
fubjects.
xiii. 31.
12.
The games
he gave
of none.
there
As every act of mildneſs and humanity, every
coft the lives thing that tends to promote good morals, may
be thought great, we fhall here obſerve, after
Suetonius, that Nero did not ſtain his amphi-
theatre with blood; or, if in the games he gave,
fome blood was fhed from wounds, at leaſt nei-
ther any gladiator, nor criminal that fought
againſt wild beaſts, loft his life. Seneca was,
doubtless, the perſon who inſpired him with the
tenderneſs and regard he fhewed on this occa-
fion for the lives of men, for Nero himſelf is
not to be known again in it. But it was a leffon
thrown away, neither the Emperor nor the na-
tion being able to profit by it.
Sundry in-
good admi-
The facts Tacitus gives us this year, in general
ftances of a do honour to the government of Seneca and
niftration. Burrhus; the colonies of Capua and Nocera,
almoft extinct, were revived and ftrengthened
by a number of old foldiers fent thither with
9 Nifi cui libeat, laudandis fundamentis et trabibus, quis
molem amphitheatri apud Campum Martis Cæfar exftrux-
erat, volumina implere: quum ex dignitate populi Romani
repertum fit, res illuftres Annalibus, talia diurnis actis man -
dare. Tac.
the
Book X.
NER O.
*
Tac.
37
the fame prerogatives as the antient inhabitants; A. R.808.
a gratuity was given the people of four hun- aft. C. 57.
dred fefterces a man; the Emperor's exchequer *31. 12s.
lent the public treaſury, almoſt exhauſted, and
no longer able to maintain it's credit, † forty † 320,000l.
millions of fefterces. All magiftrates and Em-
peror's Intendants of provinces were ſtrictly for-
bid to give any feafts or fhews, that they might
not, by the allurement of thoſe public diverfi-
ons, prevail on fuch as were injured and oppref-
fed to complain; and by that means eſcape
with impunity. Nor is there any reaſon why
we fhould not rank among thofe good deeds,
the lenity fhewn Lucius Varus, a man of Con-
fular rank, formerly condemned for mifappli-
cation of fome public money, and now rein-
ſtated in his dignity of Senator.
lars,
I know not what the reader may think of a Spirit of the
pretended favour done the public, with a little B. xii. c. 7.
art and cunning, lefs applauded by Tacitus
than by a modern writer. The five and twenti-
eth part of the price every flave was fold for
was a tax paid by the buyer. By this new re-
gulation, it was ſaid, that tax ſhould be paid by
the feller. This was a palpable illufion; for it
was the fame thing in either cafe, fince the feller
would not fail to add to the price of his ſlave
the tax he was to pay out of it. But could that
illufion be of any real advantage? I fhall not
take upon me to fay.
Græcina.
The affair of Pomponia Græcina deferves Affair of
our particular attention. That lady, married Pomponia
to A. Plautius, to whom the leffer triumph had
been decreed for his victories in Britain, was
accuſed, fays Tacitus, of practiſing foreign fu-
perftitions; by which moft interpreters, not
without
D 3
→
38
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
}
A. R.808. without reafon, underſtand Chriftianity, at that
aft. C.57. time preached in Rome by St. Peter or his dif-
Three per-
fons of con-
cufed, but
fequence ac-
with differ-
ent fuccefs.
"
ciples. She was referred to her huſband's judg-
ment, who, in preſence of a meeting of rela-
tions, according to antient cuftom, examined
into the allegations againſt her, and with their
approbation pronounced his wife innocent.
The account Tacitus gives of Pomponia's
conduct and character, would reflect no diſho-
nour on Chriſtianity. She had formerly been
attached to Julia, daughter of Drufus, and when
that Princeſs perifhed in Meffalina's fnares,
Pomponia put on mourning, and wore it con-
ftantly during forty years that ſhe furvived her,
all which time her countenance fpoke the grief
her heart felt. Such conftancy of friendſhip
did her no hurt whilft Claudius lived; but
much honour under fucceeding Emperors.
Several perfons of diftinction, who had held
confiderable pofts in the Provinces, were ac-
cufed for the rapine and injuftice they had com-
mitted there. One only was condemned. Cof-
futius Capito, a man whofe reputation was blaſt-
ed, after having done the moſt ſhameful things
in Rome, and cruelly exercifed there the trade
of informer, thought he might tyrannize as he
pleafed over Cilicia, the government whereof
had fallen to his lot. The Cilicians profecuted
him with fuch vigor and refolution, that, fpight
of all his parts and impudence, he declined his
own defence, and was found guilty of extortion
and oppreffion.
Eprius Marcellus, another inftrument of ty-
ranny, was more fortunate tho' not lefs crimi-
nal. He was accuſed by the Lycians, whom he
had vexed intolerably: but formed fo ftrong a
cabal,
Book X.
NER
O.
39
cabal, that not he only was acquitted, but fe- A. R.808.
veral of his accufers were baniſhed.
As to Celer, a Roman Knight, and formerly
the Emperor's Intendant in Afia, Nero faved
him. Ĉeler was the inftrument Agrippina had
made uſe of to poifon M. Silanus. So great a
crime fecured his impunity whatever wrongs he
might have done the Afiatics. His judges
would not, however, venture to acquit him,
but, as he was old, fpun the cauſe out ſo long
that he died before it was determined.
Nero was Conful again the following year;
and had for collegue Haterius Meffala, whofe
great-grandfather, the famous orator Meffala,
had been Conful eighty nine years before with
Auguftus Nero's great-great-grandfather.
NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR AUGUSTUS, III.
VALERIUS MESSALA.
aft. C. 57.
A.R. 8c9.
aft. C. 58.
fome of the
poor Nobi-
The Emperor was very properly and timely Nero grants
liberal to his collegue Meffala, whofe virtuous penfions to
poverty ſtood in need of fome affiftance. He
affigned him a yearly income of five hundred lity.
thouſand * fefterces, to help to keep up the *4000 1.
fplendor of his name and family. He likewife
granted penſions to Aurelius Cotta and Hate- ·
rius Antoninus, tho' their cafe was very differ-
ent from Meffala's, for they had ſpent in lux-
ury and rioting great wealth that had been left
them by their fathers. Such are the particular
inftances Tacitus gives us of Nero's diſpoſition
to do good, which we before mentioned in ge-
neral after Suetonius.
cufed and
The public was extremely attentive to, and Suilius ac-
took great intereft in, the accufation of a very condemned,
famous perfon, who, tho' defervedly hated and not without
D 4
fome flaw in
de- Seneca's re-
putation.
Tac.xiii,42.
40
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.809. detefted by a great number of citizens of the
aft. C. 58. firſt rank, yet his condemnation could not be
compaffed without a flaw in Seneca's reputation.
We have often had occafion to mention Suilius,
whofe life had been a fcene of various adven-
tures, Queftor to Germanicus, baniſhed by Ti-
berius, recalled by Caligula, enjoying the
higheſt power and credit under Claudius by his
venal eloquence and great influence, his ene-
mies did not think him fufficiently humbled un-
der Nero, and he chofe rather to appear guilty
than to bend. Several were of opinion it was
with a defign to crush him that the law Cincia
had been revived the beginning of this reign,
with the penalties thereby decreed againſt all ad-
vocates who ſhould receive money from their
clients; and Suilius himſelf complained loudly
of it. He imputed it to Seneca, and being na-
turally proud, and emboldened by his great age,
uttered the bittereft invectives againſt him, which
I ſhall take from Tacitus as the language of an
enemy, who blackens and exaggerates matters,
and lays down malicious reports for facts; but
S
Non quantum inimici cuperent demiffus, quique fe no-
centem videri quàm fupplicem mallet.
s Nec Suilius queftu abftinebat, præter ferociam animi,
extremâ fenecta liber, et Senecam increpans infenfum amicis
Claudii, fub quo juftiffimum exfilium pertuliffet, fimul fludiis in-
ertibus et juvenum imperitia fuetum, livere iis qui vividam et
incomptam eloquentiam tuendis civibus exercerent. Se Quafiorem
Germanici, illum domús ejus adulterum fuiſſe. An gravius exife
timandum fponte litigatoris præmium honefta opera affequi, quàm
corrumpere cubicula Principum fœminarum? Qua japientiâ,
quibus philofophorum præceptis, intra quadriennium regia amici-
tia, ter millies feftertiûm paraviffet? Romæ teftamenta, et orbos
velut indagine ejus capi. Italiam et provincias immenfo fanore
hauriri. At fibi labore quæfitam et modicam pecuniam effè. Cri-
men, periculum, omnia potiùs toleraturum, quàm veterem ac diù
partam dignationem fubitæ felicitati fubmitteret. Tac.
I
1
in
هر
Book X.
NER
O.
4I
in whofe railings there may, however, be fome A. R.809.
aft. C. 58.
colour of truth.
He accuſed then Seneca of being the perfe-
cutor of Claudius's friends, under whom he
had ſuffered a baniſhment moſt juſtly deferved;
adding, that that profeffor, ufed to an indolent
kind of ſtudy, and knowing nothing more
than just how to give a ſcholar his leffon, looked
with envy on all whofe nervous and manly elo-
quence was exerted in defence of their fellow-
citizens. "I, faid he, have been Queſtor to
"Germanicus; and Seneca, the corruptor of
"his family. Which of the two is moft cri-
"minal, to receive the reward a client volun-
tarily offers for an honorable ſervice, or to
carry on an adulterous commerce with Prin-
"ceffes? Oh the wifdom! Oh the excellent
''
..
cc
૮.
philofophy! that teaches a man to get in four
"years of favour, three* hundred millions of fef- Tevo mil-
"terces. He fpreads his nets in Rome, where ions four
* they catch all the richeft inheritances, and he thousand
"is univerfal heir to all who have none of their
❝ own.
..
<<
His exorbitant ufury ruins Italy and
"the provinces. For my part I have but
"a moderate fortune, and that I have acquired
by dint of labour. Yes, I will answer the
"accufation, I will meet all dangers, rather
"than ſtoop from the rank and eſteem in which
"I have lived fo long, to pay homage to an
upſtart fortune, not yet four years old.
66
>>
Suilius, we fee, revives the old imputation of
Seneca's pretended adultery with Germanicus's
daughter Julia. Perhaps he meant to infinuate
too, that his enemy had at that very time connex-
ions of the fame kind with Agrippina. For that
was faid, tho' without any fhadow of truth;
nor
hundred
Dio,
42
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 809. nor does Tacitus give the leaſt hint of any ſuch
aft. C. 58. thing. It is with much more reafon that Sui-
lius upbraids Seneca with his immenfe riches.
We fhall have occafion to ſpeak of that elſe-
where, and fhall endeavour to weigh impartially
the reafons that opulent philofopher himſelf af-
figns in his own apology on that ſubject.
Suilius's fpeeches were all carried to Seneca
word for word, or, if they differed in any thing,
it was in their being made ftill more odious and
virulent. Revenge foon followed, and Suilius
was accuſed of vexations exerciſed againſt the
fubjects of the Empire, and of embezzling the
public money during his government of Afia.
But in order to profecute this accufation it was
neceffary to bring witneffes from Afia, by which
Suilius gained a year's time. His enemies
thought that delay too long, and therefore de-
termined to attack him for crimes committed
in Rome, to prove which they had their wit-
neffes at hand.
They accufed him therefore of having caufed
the death of Julia, daughter of Drufus, of Pop-
pæa, Valerius Afiaticus, and feveral other per-
fons of high diſtinction; of having procured the
condemnation of numbers of Roman Knights;
in a word, all the cruelties of Claudius's reign
were laid to his charge. Suilius alledged in his
defence Claudius's pofitive orders, which he
could not but obey. But Nero deprived him
of the benefit of that plea, by declaring it
plainly appeared by his father's regifters that no
one had ever been forced to become informer
or accuſer during his reign. Suilius, at a lofs
what to fay, laid the fault then on Meffalina;
but that was thought a very bad defence, and
he
Book X.
NERO.
43
he was aſked "For what reafon he, rather than A. R 809.
"any other, was chofen to be the inftrument aft. C. 59.
"of a lafcivious woman's cruelties? We muſt
puniſh, added his judges, the miniſters of
"tyranny, who, after having reaped the fruit
"of their crimes, endeavour to lay thofe very
"crimes on another."
Suilius was condemned to be banished; a
part of his eſtate was forfeited, and part given
to his fon and grand-daughter. The Balearian
iſlands were affigned him for his abode. But
he, neither during his trial, nor after ſentence
paffed, ever once abated any thing of his haugh-
tinefs; and the plenty he lived in during his ex-
ile, made it not difagreeable. The accufers
were for attacking his fon Nerulinus, as accom-
plice with his father in oppreffing and extorting
from the people; but Nero ſtopped them, ſay-
ing, public juſtice was fatisfied.
in love with,
At the fame time a Tribune of the people, A Tribune
called Octavius Sagitta, was hurried on by the tabs awe-
of the people
blind fury of a criminal paffion, to the murder man he was
of the woman he loved, and confequently to his and is ba-
own ruin. Falling violently in love with Pon- nifhed.
tia, a married woman, he prevailed on her, firft Tac.xiii.44.
to grant him favours, and then to feparate from
her huſband. Octavius's deſign was to marry
Pontia, and ſhe had agreed to it; but no fooner
faw herſelf free, but in hopes of finding a bet-
ter match, fhe retracted her promife. Her
lover, quite defperate, taking his freeman with
him, went to her, with a dagger concealed un-
der his robe; and after fome time ſpent in com-
plaints, reproaches, and menaces, killed Pontia,
and wounded her woman, who ran to her affift-
ance.
4
The
44
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
A.R. 809.
The murder was evident; but fuch was the
aft. C. 58 freeman's generous attachment to his mafter,
that tho' in a very criminal matter, he took all
upon himſelf, and faid, it was he that had killed
Pontia, to revenge the affront offered to his pa-
tron. The woman-fave's depofition cleared it
up; and Octavius, convicted, underwent the
puniſhment ordained by the Dictator Sylla's
law againſt affaffins, which was baniſhment and
forfeiture of goods and chattels; for fuch was
the mildness, or rather the imperfection of the
Roman laws, that they inflicted no heavier pu-
niſhment for the worft of crimes; it was in vir-
tue of their military power that the Emperors
ordered fo many bloody executions.
Sylla ba-
nished to
We have already feen in what manner the
Marſeilles on name of Sylla, Claudius's fon-in-law, was men-
a barefaced tioned in a pretended confpiracy imputed to
calumny.
Tac.xiii.47. Pallas and Burrhus. Nero had not forgot it,
and Sylla's want of parts and genius, far from
removing his fufpicions, encreafed them, be-
cauſe he imagined it only affected, the better to
conceal his real cunning and deceit. Where the
Prince fufpects, accufers are always ready. A
wretch of a freeman, called Graptus, who had
grown old in the fervice of the Cefar's family
ever fince Tiberius, and who by long experience
was verfed in all the tricks of the court, entered
into Nero's fecret views, and telling a barefaced
lie, accufed Sylla of having attempted the
Prince's life. The opportunity the calumniator
took advantage of was as follows.
The bridge Milvius, now called the Ponte
Mole, three miles from Rome, was at that time
a place where the gay licentious youth uſed to
meet on parties of pleafure, and would often
I
ftay
Book X.
NER O.
45
ſtay all night. Nero frequently went there to A.R. 809.
play his wanton tricks with more freedom than aft. C. 58.
he could in the city. He generally returned
before day; and once, as he was coming back,
turned out of the road to go to the gardens
that had formerly belonged to Sulluſt, Tibe-
rius's Miniſter. His attendants, coming without
him by the ufual road, were attacked by a fet
of young people out of a frolic, and only to
laugh at their fears.
On this adventure Graptus founded his plan of
accufation againſt Sylla. What was meant only
as a frolic, he faid, was a concerted ambufcade,
which the Prince happily eſcaped by the ſpecial
providence and protection of the gods; and
tho' not one of Sylla's flaves or vaffals had been
feen there, and his own feintheartedneſs and ftu-
pidity were fufficient proofs of his innocence,
yet Graptus infifted on his being author of the
pretended plot; and in confequence of fo
groundleſs an accufation Sylla was baniſhed to
Marſeilles, where he remained till Nero, grow-
ing bold enough to think he might do what-
ever he pleaſed, made no fcruple to ſhed the
blood of all that gave him the leaſt umbrage.
appeafed by
Pozzuolo was greatly diftreft by inteftine broils Tumult in
between the Senate and people, and the fedition Pozzuolo
went fo far as to throw ftones and threaten to the autho-
fet fire to the houſes; fo. that the city was in rity of the
danger of periſhing by the fury of it's own in- Senate.
* They were called Salluft's
Gardens. Perhaps they had
been formerly purchased by the
hiftorian Salluft; but undoubt
edly were embellished by his
grand nephew, Tiberius's mi-
nifter, and, during the firſt
years of his reign, his confident.
To me it ſeems most probable
that they took their name from
the latter.
habitants.
Roman
46
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 809. habitants. Deputies from both fides came to
aft. C. 58. the Roman Senate who directed the famous ci-
Particularity
Thrafea.
vilian Caffius to examine into the grounds of
their quarrels, and think of a proper remedy.
But fuch was that magiftrate's ſeverity, that he
made himſelf equally infupportable to both
parties; and on his requefting that commiffion
might be given to fome other perfon, the two
brothers Scribonius were appointed, with a
Pretorian cohort to attend and make them be
refpected. The fight of thofe troops ftruck a
damp on the mutineers, and the execution of a
few of the ring-leaders, foon reſtored peace
and tranquillity in Pozzuolo.
The Senate deliberating on a requeſt made
relating to by the Syracufans to have leave to exceed the
number preſcribed by law in their fights of gla-
diators, Thrafea Pætus oppofed it, and main-
tained his opinion with warmth againſt that of
the major part of the houſe. He was thought
the moſt virtuous man of the age, and every
action of his life was taken notice of. Many
were furpriſed that he, who never opened his
mouth when the moſt important affairs of ſtate,
peace, war, laws, and taxes, were agitated,
fhould condefcend to ſpeak on fo trivial an oc-
cafion as this. They wished he would chufe ei-
ther always to hold his tongue, or always to
fpeak. Thrafea was told what they ſaid, and
made his friends who gave him the account, a
(if I may be allowed to fay it) very frivolous
anfwer. It was, he faid, for the honour of the
Senate that he ſometimes fpoke in that manner
to things of little confequence, in order to
make people fenfible how careful that auguft
body muſt be in things of moment, fince fuch
ftrictness
1
{
F
Book X.
NER O.
47
ftrictneſs was obferved even in trifles. I had A.R. 809.
rather he had anſwered, and perhaps it was aft. C. 58.
what he meant, that he was willing to prevent a
preſcription; and that the Senate's deliberation
might not degenerate into mere cremonials,
was defirous to preferve, even in thoſe trivial
difcuffions, a right to vote likewife in matters
of ftate, whenever there fhould be occafion.
farmers of
This fame year the people complaining great- Complaints
ly of the intolerable tyranny of the farmers against the
of the public revenues, Nero had once a the revenues.
mind to make mankind the magnificent prefent
of an exemption from all duties. The thought
was more brilliant than folid; and the Senators,
at the fame time that they beſtowed the higheſt
praiſes on the Prince's magnanimity, reprefent-
ed, however, “That ſuch an exemption would
"be the ruin of the Empire, which could not
"fubfift without revenues. That if the duties
<<< on merchandize were abolifhed, the next
thing afked for would be not to pay the tri-
"bute each was taxed at in proportion to what
"he was worth. That moſt of the companies
"for levying the public monies had been eſta-
"bliſhed by the Confuls and Tribunes, during
'
'
the time that the Roman people enjoyed a
"democratic liberty; and that what had been
"added fince had been intended only to make
"the revenues equal to the expences of the
ftate. But that it was proper to put a ftop
"to the cupidity of the farmers, that they
might not, by new rigours, render odious
"taxes that had been paid willingly and with-
"out any complaint for fo many years."
CC
Nero followed this advice, and publifhed an Nero's ordi-
ordinance, confifting of feveral articles, all tend-nances very
ing to moderate the avidity of the farmers.
The
equitable,
A
48
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 809. The firft was, that the conditions of the leafes
aft. C. 58. made by the ftate to farmers for every kind of
tax or duty fhould be pofted up publicly, that
every one might know whether they acted be-
yond their authority. By the fecond, they were
forbid commencing any fuits for monies alledg-
ed to be due to them upwards of a year. The
Emperor likewife ordained, that in Rome the
Pretors, and in the provinces the Propretors or
Proconfuls, fhould hear whatever complaints
were made to them againſt the managers of the
revenues, and do juftice directly. The people
of the army were continued exempt from all
contributions towards maintaining and repair-
ing the roads, from all duties inward or out-
ward, unleſs it was on goods that themſelves
trafficked in. He abolished the impoft of two
and two and a half per cent, which the farmers
had laid, without any legal authority, on the im-
portation and exportation of all merchandize.
The provinces beyond fea that fupplied Rome
and Italy with corn, were eafed of certain re-
ftrictions that clogged that trade. Ships be-
longing to merchants were not to be reckoned.
part of their eftates, nor liable to any tax. Thefe
equitable regulations were received with great
demonſtrations of joy; but moſt of them laſted
only a fhort time, and were eluded by the very
frauds they were intended to prevent. Some,
however, ftill fubfifted when Tacitus wrote.
Two old
Two old Proconfuls of Africa, Sulpicius Ca-
Proconfuls merinus and Pomponius Silvanus, both accuſed
of Africa ac- of male adminiftration in their province, were
acquitted. acquitted by Nero. Only a few private men
cufed and
complained of the firft, and there appeared
more of rigour than avarice in their conduct.
Pomponius
Book X. ·
NER O.
49
Pomponius was attacked by a crowd of accufers, A.R. 809.
who begged for time to collect their proofs and aft. C. 58.
bring over their witneffes. The accufed defired
to be judged immediately, which was granted.
He was old, rich, and had no child; by which
means his credit and influence were great. He
outlived thofe that faved him in hopes of inhe-
riting his wealth.
Tacitus clofes this year with an account of a Ruminal
moft abfurd miracle, the illufion of which he fig-tree.
Tac.xiii. 58.
might eafily have found out. He fays that in
the Comitium, a part of the Roman Forum, the
ruminal fig-tree under which Romulus and Re-
mus were nurſed eight hundred and thirty years
before, withered away and then ſprouted out
again. Every body muft at once be fenfible
how contrary it is to the laws of nature for a
tree to laft eight hundred years. The truth is,
as Pliny fays, that the fig-tree in the Forum was Plin.xv. 18.
planted there in remembrance of that, under
which tradition faid Romulus and Remus were.
fuckled by a wolf. That tree was never cut or
pruned, but fuffered to die of age, after which
the prieſts planted another in the fame fpot.
I was willing to give the reader a full view of
Nero's government during the four firft years.
of his reign. The fame fpace of time likewife
affords feveral confiderable military events, ef-
pecially towards the Eaft, and in Parthia, of
which I fhall now give an account.
VOL. IV.
E
SECT.
↑
}
's
ري مرورا
*
50
A.R.805.
Tiridates
restored by
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
SECT. II.
Tiridates restored by Vologefes to the throne of Ar-
menia. What the Romans faid of it. Corbulo
is chosen to conduct the war against the Parthi-
ans. Vologefes withdraws his troops from Ar-
menia. He gives hostages to the Romans. Two
years of calm. Corbulo difciplines his troops.
The war renewed. Rafhness of a Roman officer.
Corbulo inflicts military punishment on him. Ti-
ridates's incurfions checked by Corbulo. Tiri-
dates's complaints. A conference propoſed, but
to no effect. Three strong castles taken by Cor-
bulo in one day. Tiridates endeavours, but in
vain, to molest Corbulo's march to Artaxata.
That city furrenders, and is burnt and razed.
Corbulo marches towards Tigranocerta. He be-
comes mafter of that city. Alliance between the
Hyrcanians and Romans. Armenia totally fub-
dued, and given to Tigranes by Nero. Ger-
many is calm for feveral years. Mole to direct
the course of the Rhine. Project of a canal to
join the Saone and Mofelle. The Friſons ſettle
in the lands left uncultivated by the Romans. An
inftance of the German frankness with a dignity
of fentiment. The Frifons are driven out. The
Anfibari take their place, and are likewife
driven out. War between two German nations on
account of the Sala. Conflagration occafioned by
fire out of the earth.
HAVE already faid how Vologefes King
of the Parthians wanted to reap the fruit
to the throne of Rhadamiftus's crimes, and force the crown.
Vologefes
of Armenia
Tac. xiii.
Ann, 6.
of
Book X.
NER O.
of Armenia from that wicked parricide, to be-
ftow it on his brother Tiridates. I have like-
wife faid the fuccefs Tiridates and Rhadamiftus
had was alternately good and bad: but foon
after Nero's acceffion to the Empire it was
known in Rome that the Parthians had got the
better, and were mafters of Armenia.
-'
16
of it.
51
This news coming juſt at the beginning of a what the
reign, gave people room to talk variouſly. Ta- Romans faid
citus gives us ſo natural an account of what
was ſaid, that one can hardly help thinking one
hears them. "How will it be poffible, faid
"fome, for a Prince hardly feventeen years
"old, to manage a war of this importance?
"What affiſtance can the Empire expect from
"a Chief, who is governed by a woman? (for
at that time Agrippina was omnipotent.)
His maſters dictate his harangues, and guide
"his ſteps on this occafion. But what ufe will
they be of to him in fighting battles, befieg-
ing towns, and performing all the other ope-
"rations of war ?" Others, again, maintained
there was room to hope better from the prefent
fituation of things, than if the weight of fuch a
war had fallen on Claudius, old and filly as he
was, and governed by his flaves. That after
all Burrhus and Seneca had given proofs of their
abilities in feveral great affairs; and the Em-
"peror himſelf, continued they, is he then fo
"far from having attained the vigour of his
"age? Pompey at eighteen, and Octavius Cæfar
"when but nineteen years old, conducted civil
❝ wars. Nor is the Emperor's perfonal pre-
"fence always neceffary. The orders he gives ·
"his Lieutenants, and their prudence in exe-
cuting them, are often fufficient. We ſhall
E 2
"
"fee
52
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Corbulo is
choſen to
.. a fee what kind of counfellors our Prince has
"about him, by the choice he makes of a Ge-
"neral to manage this war; whether it will be
a man of merit, and one that deferves it, or
"fome rich favorite that will have the com-
"mand."
૮
Every one had room to be fatisfied with Ne-
conduct the ro's choice. He pitched on Corbulo, the great-
war againſt eſt General the republic then had; and that
choice cauſed an univerfal joy. The Romans b
concluded virtue and talents could not fail to be
honoured and rewarded under the new govern-
the Parthi-
ans.
Vologefes
withdraws
his troops
nia.
5.
ment.
Whilft Corbulo was preparing to fet out, Nero
fent orders to Numidius Quadratus, Governor of
from Arme- Syria, to recruit his legions in the neighbouring
provinces, and lead them on towards Armenia.
He likewife put in motion fuch Kings, depen-
dents on the Empire, as were neareſt at hand, to
incommode the Parthians: of that number were
Jofeph. An- Antiochus King of Commagena, and Agrippa
tiq. xx. 3 & the younger, whom Claudius had made, firſt
King of Chalcida, in the room of his uncle He-
rod, but afterwards, removed from that to a
more confiderable ftate, compofed of the Te-
trarchy formerly poffeffed by Philip fon of the
Tac, xiii. 7. great Herod, and of Abilænum, governed by
Lyfanias with the title of Tetrach. Nero di-
rected Antiochus and Agrippa to collect their
troops, and enter the Parthian territories. The
fame orders were given to Ariftobulus, fon of
Herod, King of Chalcida, and to Soemus; both
a Daturum planè documentum, honeftis an fecus amicis
uteretur, fi ducem amotâ invidiâ egregium, quàm fi pecu-
niofum et gratiâ fubnixum per ambitum deligeret. Tac.
b Videbaturque locus virtutibus patefactus.
of
Book X.
NER O.
of whom he named Kings, one of the leffer
Armenia, and the other of Sophena.
At the fame time that the Romans and their
allies were making thefe preparations, Vardanes
fon of Vologefes revolted againſt his father;
which obliged the Parthian King to withdraw
his troops from Armenia, tho' not to give over
his defigns.
This beginning of fuccefs was celebrated by
the Roman Senate as if it had been a complete
victory. Supplications, or folemn thankfgiv-
ings to the gods were ordered, and during the
time they lafted the Emperor was to wear the
triumphal garb; he was to make his entrance.
into Rome with the honours of Ovation; and
to have a ſtatue erected to him in the temple of
Mars the Avenger, of the fame fize with that
of the god. A decree fo full of flattery plainly
fhews what kind of fpirit prevailed over the Se-
nate's deliberations at that time. There was,
however, fome fincerity in it; the Senators,
highly pleaſed at Corbulo's nomination, were
really glad to do honour to the Prince who had
made choice of a man fo univerfally efteemed.
Every one knew the war was not over; and
Nero divided the Syrian army between Quadra-
tus and Corbulo, fo that each of them had two
legions, and the fame number of auxiliary
troops. The cohorts and cavalry that had win-
tered in Cappadocia were added to Corbulo's
army. The Kings in the Roman alliance were
ordered to affift them both wherever there fhould
be occafion but they were by inclination at-
tached to Corbulo.
That General, in order to make the beſt ad-
vantage of fo favorable a difpofition, the con-
E 3
fequence
53
♪
1
54
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
He gives
hoftages to
mans.
fequence of which he was thoroughly fenfible of,
eſpecially in the beginning of an enterprize,
made all the hafte he could to the Eaft, where
The found near the city of Eges in Cilicia,
Numidius Quadratus, who was come to meet
him, not fo much out of a principle of honour
as of jealouſy. We have already feen how in-
differently that Governor of Syria behaved when
Rhadamiftus invaded Armenia. He feems to
have been a man of no great parts, and was
afraid if Corbulo entered Syria to take upon him
the command of the troops deftined for him, het
fhould be too much humbled even in his own
government by the compariſon that could not
fail to be made of him with that General, whoſe
fize and ſtrength of body were more than com-
mon, his elocution grand and florid, and to
whofe real merit was added an outward appear-
ance moſt fit to ſtrike the vulgar.
C
The two Generals fent each of them Depu-
to the Ro- ties to Vologefes, exhorting him to prefer peace
to war, to give hoſtages, and to pay, as his pre-
deceffors had done, a proper refpect and defe-
rence to the Roman people. Vologefes was
prudent, and whether it be that he was willing
to gain time to prepare better for war, or that
he was glad of an opportunity to remove fuch
as were fufpicious to him, by giving them as
hoftages, he agreed to what the Romans pro-
pofed, and delivered up the heads of the illuf-
trious family of the Arfacidæ, to the Centurion
Infteius, who firſt preſented himſelf to the Par-
thian King on Quadratus's behalf.
с
• Corpore ingens, verbis magnificus, et fuper experien-
tiam fapientiamque, ctiam fpecic inanium validus.
The
Book X.
NER
O.
The moment Corbulo was informed of what
had paffed, he fent Arrius Varus, Præfect of
a cohort, to demand the hoftages in his name.
The difpute was warm between the Præfect and
Centurion but that their quarrels might not
be a fubject of diverfion to ftrangers, they a-
greed to leave it to the deciſion of the hoſtages
themſelves, and of the Parthian Ambaffadors
who were with them. Enemies as well as allies.
had the higheſt opinion of Corbulo, and he was
preferred. Quadratus was greatly offended at
it, and complained loudly of his being robbed
of a glory that was the fruit of his advice. Cor-
bulo, on the other hand, faid, it was his name
alone that had turned Vologefes's hopes into
fears, and induced that Prince to give hoſtages.
In order to reconcile them, Nero caufed a de-
cree of the Senate to be rendered in their joint
names, fetting forth, that in confequence of Qua-
dratus and Corbulo's exploits, the Emperor's
fafces fhould be crowned with laurel. This de-
cree feems properly to belong to the year of
Nero's firft Confulfhip, and of Rome 806.
55
of caim.
We find nothing in Tacitus relating to the Two years
Armenian war during the years 807 and 808. Corbulo df-
The Parthians, who had juft given hoftages, ciplines his
probably remained quiet; and Corbulo took troops.
advantage of that calm to difcipline and form
his troops, of which there was great need for
the legions drawn out of Syria, who had feen
no war for a long time, were grown inactive,
and unable to bear. any fatigue.
In that army
were veterans who had never mounted guard,
who looked at a ditch and rampart with fur-
prize and wonder, as at things quite new to
them. Many of them had neither helmet nor
E +
armour ¿
f
56
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
armour; peaceably quartered in towns and ci-
ties, all they had done was to get money and
fine cloaths, and grow fat in idleness.
Such troops could by no means fuit & Cor-
bulo, who would often fay, the enemy must be
conquered by the hatchet, meaning military
toil and labour. The first thing he did was to
diſmiſs all thoſe whom old age or infirmities
rendered unfit for fervice; and to replace them,
he raiſed recruits in Galatia and Cappadocia. A
legion was brought him from Germany, together
with ſome bodies of auxiliary troops both horſe
and foot.
It was not fufficient to have men, without
making foldiers of them. Severity of difci-
pline feemed to Corbulo the moft proper means
to effect it. He kept his army in the field dur-
ing fo hard a winter, that the foldiers were
forced to break and carry off the ice that co-
vered the ground before they could pitch their
tents. Several loft the ufe of their limbs by the
violence of the cold, and fome murmured as if
ready to mutiny. A foldier who was carrying
a faggot of wood had his hands fo frozen, that
breaking off at the wrift, they fell to the ground
with his load. Corbulo feemed invulnerable
by the rigor of the ſeaſon; thinly clad, his
head always bare, he was at the head of every
thing, foremoſt in their marches, labours, and
military exerciſes; he praifed the brave, en-
couraged the weak, and was himſelf an exam-
ple to all.
e
a Domitius Corbulo dolabr, id eft, operibus hoftem
vincendum effe dicebat. Front. Strat. iv. 7.
e Ipfe cultu levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus,
frequens adeffe: laudem ftrenuis, folatium invalidis, ex
emplum omnibus oftendere. Tac.
So
B
Book X.
NER
0.
So hard a ſervice difcouraged feveral of the
foldiers, and they began to defert. Corbulo
remedied that evil by an inflexible ſeverity: for
the cafe was not the fame in his army as in
others, where a firft and fecond fault were par-
doned. Every deferter was fure to loſe his
head directly and f experience foon fhewed
what he did was right, not only in point of
diſcipline, but likewiſe in faving his men's lives;
for there were much fewer deferters from Cor-
bulo's camp, than from thoſe where the com-
manding officers were leſs ſevere.
5.7
Troops fo well prepared could not but be The war se-
very formidable to whatever enemy fhould dare newed.
to cope with them; and ſo the Parthians found
them the moment they began to ftir. Volo-
gefes had only yielded to the neceffity of the
times. He thought his honour concerned to
fee the crown he had given his brother, fet on
his head; and could not think of Tiridates's
being obliged to the Romans for it: for even
then that medium was talked of which at laft
ended the quarrel. But many battles were
fought before the Parthian King's pride would
fubmit to it.
Vologefes therefore was bent on war, and
Corbulo defired it of all things; afpiring at
the honour of recovering countries formerly
conquered by Lucullus and Pompey. And ac-
cordingly the Romans and Parthians, who, till
then had feemed mutually to fear each other,
entered into a war in earneft in the year of
Rome 809.
f Idque ufu falubre, et mifericordiâ melius apparuit.
Quippe pauciores illa cafira deferuere, quàm ea in quibus
ignofcebatur. Tac.
Hoftie
1
58
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Rafhness of
a Roman
officer. Cor-
nishment on
Hoftilities began by degrees. Armenia was
divided into two factions, the weakest of which
fided with the Romans, and the other with the
Parthians, their nearer neighbours, more like
themſelves in manners, cuftoms, and inclina-
tions, and whofe government was more agreea-
ble to the genius of the Armenians. Corbulo
entered the country to fupport openly the Ro-
man party, and Tiridates privately fent fuc-
cours to thofe who were in his intereft.
Their first fuccefs was owing to the raſhneſs
of the Roman officer whom they defeated.
bulo inflicts Corbulo kept his legions in the camp where
military pu- they had wintered, waiting for milder weather,
him. which does not come till very late in Armenia;
and had diſtributed the auxiliary troops in ad-
vanced pofts, with ftrict orders not to fight un-
leſs they were attacked. All thofe different de-
tachments were commanded by Pactius Or-
phitus, who had formerly been Captain of a
legion. He wrote his General word that the
Barbarians were not on their guard, but offered
him the fineſt opportunities to attack them.
Corbulo perfifted in his plan; and ſent freſh
orders not to fight till other troops arrived.
But Pactius was too hot to obey fo wiſe a com-
mand, and no fooner received a reinforcement
of horſe, but he fell on the enemy and was
worſted. Thoſe who fhould have affifted him,
alarmed at his defeat, ran away. Corbulo was
highly incenfed at this difobedience, which in
former times would have coft the delinquent
his head. However, fevere as that General was,
he only reprimanded Pactius, and condemned
him, his officers and foldiers who had fled be-
fore the enemy, to encamp out of the entrench-
ments.
Book X.
ments.
NER O.
That was a military puniſhment that
implied ignominy; and they were forced to un-
dergo it till the prayers of the whole army ob-
tained their pardon.
59
checked by
This fuccefs encouraging Tiridates, he threw Tiridates's
off the maſk, and joining his own vaffals to the incurfions
troops Vologefes gave him, made open war in corbulo.
Armenia, laying wafte the lands of thofe he
thought attached to the Romans, and, accord-
ing to the cuſtom of that nation, when troops
were ſent againſt him, retreating inſtantly to
avoid coming to action, and flying from place
to place, ſpreading the terror of his name even
where his arms could not penetrate.
Corbulo long attempted to bring on an en-
gagement, but not being able to force the ene-
my to it, he was of neceffity obliged to imitate
their manner of making war. He divided his ar-
my into different bodies, and ordered his Lieu-
tenants and Præfects to attack ſeveral poſts at
once. At the fame time the Kings and nations.
in alliance with the Empire began to act by his
command. Antiochus of Commagena was di-
rected to harrafs the regions bordering on his
territories. Pharafmanes, who had juft put his
fon Rhadamiſtus to death, voluntarily refolved
to fignalize his fidelity to the Romans, and fa-
tiate the hatred he had long conceived againſt
the Armenians. The Ifiqui, or Infequi, a na-
tion not much known, in concert with Corbulo,
fell upon the districts the most out of the way,
and leaft acceffible to the Roman arms.
Tiridates knew not what to do, finding all his ridate's
cunning turn against himself. He had recourfe complaints.
to remonstrances, the ufual refource of the
weak; and fent Deputies to Corbulo, complain-
ing
?
60
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A conference
to no effect.
ing that after having fo lately given hoftages,
after a renewal of friendship from whence he
had flattered himſelf to receive new favours, he
was on the contrary molefted in what he had
long been in poffeffion of, and in the enjoyment
of his right to the crown of Armenia. He
added, that if Vologefes did not ftir as yet, it
was out of pure moderation, and becauſe he
chofe to triumph by the juftice of his caufe,
rather than by force of arms. But that if they
were abfolutely bent on war, the Arfacide would
eafily find again the fame valor and fortune the
Romans had more than once fo woefully ex-
perienced.
Corbulo was the lefs moved by theſe me-
naces as he knew the revolt of the Hyrcanians
kept Vologefes fufficiently employed. The
only anſwer he gave Tiridates was, to adviſe
him to apply to the Emperor, and try by en-
treaties to obtain from him the lafting poffeffion
of a crown, the acquifition of which by any
other means would be, at leaſt very doubtful,
and at all events very bloody.
Several meffages were brought and fent on
propofed, but both fides, but nothing could be agreed on.
An interview was propofed, but with an evil.
deſign, by Tiridates, as appeared by the offer
he made to bring with him only a thouſand
horſe, and to let the Roman General have what
troops he pleaſed both of horſe and foot, on
condition the foldiers fhould be dreffed as in
time of peace without helmets or cuiraffes.
lefs able and experienced man than Corbulo
would have feen thro' the intended treachery.
It was very plain a troop of horſe fo expert at
managing the bow as the Parthians were, could
A
eafily
Book X.
NERO.
eafily overcome any number whatever of naked
and unarmed men. However, Corbulo did
not fhew any miſtruſt, but only anſwered, that
where the common intereſts of the two Empires
were concerned, the beſt way for them to fee
each other was at the head of their armies.
The day was fixed; and Corbulo took the
farne precautions as if a battle had been to be
fought. Tiridates, who probably was inform-
ed of it, did not appear till very late, and then
at fuch a diftance that it was much eaſier to fee
than hear him. Confequently there was no
conference. Corbulo ordered his troops to file
off, and Tiridates retired with ſpeed, either
fearing himſelf to be furprized, or with a view
to intercept the convoys the Romans fhortly
expected by the way of the Pontus Euxinus and
Trebizond. But care was taken to have thofe
convoys conducted by fafe roads, over moun-
tains well guarded, fo that all Tiridates's fchemes
proved abortive.
61
Corbulo purſuing and perfecting his plan of Three ftrong
operations, fet about forcing the ſtrong holds of cattles taken
by Corbulo
the Armenians, in order to reduce them to a in one day.
neceffity either of appearing in the field, or of
lofing all their deareſt and moſt valuable poffef-
fions. With that view he marched towards the
ſtrongeſt caſtle they had in the country where
he then was and coming before Volandum, (fo
the place was called) he firft went round it,
examining it's weakest parts, and from the na-
ture of the ground forming in his mind the
difpofition of his attack. Then drawing up his
foldiers, he repreſented to them in few words,
what kind of enemies they had to deal with,
vagabonds, who could neither keep peace nor
I
fight,
62
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
fight, and who, by continually flying from the
engagement, in which their main refource con-
fifted, owned themſelves equally cowardly and
perfidious. Strip them, added he, of thefe
"their lurking holes, and you will be fure to
"gain honour and plunder at the fame time.
"So faying, he gave orders for the attack, di-
"viding his army into four bodies.
A party,
forming themſelves into the military tortoife,
fet about fapping the foundations, whilft others
applied their ladders to the walls; a third divi-
fion fet their military engines to work, darting
lances and fire. The flingers and bow-men
were poſted on an eminence from whence they
commanded the whole town, and poured
down ſhowers of ftones and darts on fuch of
the inhabitants as attempted to give affiftance
where they were too warmly attacked. The
Romans behaved fo well, that in lefs than
eight hours all the walls were cleared, not an
enemy dared fhew himſelf, the works that de-
fended the gates were deftroyed, the ramparts
ſcaled, and the place taken by ſtorm. All that
were of age to bear arms, were put to the
fword: the women, children, and old men were
fold, and the reft of the plunder given up to
the foldiers. The conquerors did not loſe a ſin-
gle man, and had but very few wounded.
The fame day two other caſtles of leſs im-
portance were forced in the neighbourhood of
that, by detachments from the main army and
the taking of thoſe three places, fo fuddenly
forced, and fo feverely dealt by, was a warning
to others, who were glad to avoid the like mif-
fortune by a voluntary fubmiffion. Corbulo,
finding nothing refifted him, thought himſelf
ftrong
A
Book X.
NER Q.
ftrong enough to attack Artaxata, the capital
of Armenia. The river Araxes, which waſhed
the walls of that city, was firft to be paffed.
The Romans might have gone over a bridge
ready built for them; but in that cafe they
would have been too much expofed to the ene-
my's arrows, and therefore choſe a ford at fome
diſtance.
63
deavours, but
in vain, to
bulo's march
to Artaxita.
Tiridates was greatly embarraffed. To let Tiridates en-
Artaxata be taken without attempting to fave a
place of fuch confequence, would quite difcre- moleſt Cor-
dit his arms. On the other hand, he was afraid
to enter into a rugged uneven country, where
his cavalry could neither fpread themfelves nor
have room to act. Fear of fhame and lofs of
reputation at laſt got the better. He refolved
to come up with Corbulo in his march, and, if
he found a favourable opportunity, to attack and
give him battle; otherwife to try, by a fham
fight, to draw him into fome fnare, and to
take advantage of any irregular motion the Ro-
man army might make.
But he had to deal with an able vigilant Ge-
neral, who forefaw all that could happen, and
whom it was not poffible to furprize. Corbulo
difpofed his army fo that they could fight or
march with equal advantage; and his left wing
was ſo ſtretched out, that he could eaſily fur-
round the enemy if they advanced imprudently.
A thouſand horfe formed his rear-guard, and
were ordered to ftand firm if attacked, but not
to purſue if the enemy fled. In vain did Tiri-
dates keep dancing about the Roman army,
without coming however within bow-fhot; one
hour feigning to attack, and the next running
away as if afraid, to induce the Romans to
break
64
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
*
That city
break their ranks, and give him an opportunity
to attack them by feparating them from each
other. Not one ſtirred from his poft, except a
Captain of horſe, who advancing too far, was
inftantly pierced with arrows, and by his death
proved the wisdom and prudence of the Gene-
ral's orders, and was a warning to others. Night
drawing on, Tiridates retired.
and is burnt
Corbulo pitched his tent on the very ſpot
where he had been obliged to halt; and as he
was not far from Artaxata, concluding Tirida-
tes had retired thither, he was once minded to
to leave his baggage in the camp, and march
on in the night with his beſt troops, and inveft
the city, in hopes of fhutting the Prince up in
it, and becoming mafter of his perſon. But his
fcouts brought him word Tiridates had taken
another road, and it was uncertain whether he
would turn towards Media or Albania. Cor-
bulo therefore refolved to wait the return of
day.
The moment it began to dawn, he fent for-
furrenders, ward his light troops with orders to furround
and razed. Artaxata and begin the attack. The inhabi-
tants did wifely; they threw open their gates,
and by that means faved their lives and liberties.
But the city was burnt and razed.
As it was
very extenfive a confiderable garrifon muſt have.
been left, greater than the Roman army could
Spare. On the other hand, to abandon the
place after having taken it, would have been
to gain neither honour nor profit by the con-
queſt.
By Corbulo's exploits Nero merited the title
of Imperator, or victorious General. The Se-
nate ordered public thankfgivings to the gods,
and
NERO.
Book X.
and for the Prince, ftatues, triumphal arches,
and Confulfhips for feveral years to come. Nor
was that all, the day on which that * Victory
was gained, was to be ranked among their fef-
tivals, fo was that too on which the news was
brought to Rome, and that on which the Se-
nate was informed of it, with other flatteries fo
low and wretched, that C.Caffius could not keep
his temper. He was of the opinion of all the
reft in other things; but as to the new feftivals,
he faid, if thanks were to be returned † the
gods in proportion to the favours received from
Fortune, the whole year would not be fufficient
for it and that of courfe it was proper to dif
tinguiſh between days confecrated to religious
purpoſes, and thoſe deftined for buſineſs, that
men might acquit themſelves, both of their
duty towards the gods, and of what they owed
to themſelves and to each other.
65
wards Ti-
Corbulo having deftroyed Artaxata, refolved Corbula
to finish the conqueft of Armenia by taking Ti- marches to-
granocerta. That city, founded by the great granocerta,
King Tigranes, ruined by Lucullus, and with-
out doubt, rebuilt and repeopled by it's found-
er, to whom Pompey left the kingdom of Ar-
menia, lay pretty far fouth of Artaxata. Cor-
bulo did not march from one city to the other
in a hoftile manner: his defign was not to de-
* That is the term Tacitus
makes use of, and perhaps it
was that of the Senatûs con-
fultum too. By this victory is
undoubtedly meant the conqueft
of the city of Artaxata, which
however was not taken, but
furrendered without refiftance.
Flattery does not ſtick at ſuch
VOL. IV.
trifles.
+ I have again fuck to Ta-
citus's language here, tho' it
be inconfiftent to render the gods
thanks for what is the gift of
fortune. The Pagans had very
confufed ideas of all that related
to the Divinity.
F
ſtroy
66
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
ftroy Tigranocerta, and he was willing to give the
inhabitants room to hope he would treat them
mildly. But during the whole march he was
on his guard, and kept a ftrict look-out, well
knowing what a fickle inconftant people he had
to deal with, who having as little fidelity as
courage, were afraid of danger, and would not
fail to play him fome perfidious trick if an op-
portunity offered.
The Barbarians on his road behaved differ-
ently, and met with as different treatment.
Some came to implore his clemency, and thoſe
he received with bounty. Others left their
towns and villages, and fed to places out of his
way; they were purfued and brought back to
their habitations. Some thought they did very
wifely to go and hide themſelves in caves, with
all their moſt valuable effects. Corbulo had no
mercy on them, but ordered the mouths of
their caverns to be ftopt with cuttings of vines.
and other ſmall wood, and burnt them alive.
The Mardi, a people that lived by theft and
plunder, and thought their mountains a fafe
afylum, harraffed the fkirts of his army as he
paffed by their frontiers. He ordered the Ibe-
rians to ravage their country, revenging the
infults offered the Romans at the expence of
foreign blood.
If Corbulo and his troops had but few bat-
tles to fight, and fuftained no lofs in them, in
return they fuffered greatly by hunger and fa-
tigue. Want of bread and water, exceffive
heats and long marches, would have tired out
the patience of any foldiers, had they not ſeen
their General fhare all their hardſhips, and fuf-
fer
1
J
Book X.
NERO.
fer even more than the meaneft among them
did.
At laſt they came to a cultivated country;
the Romans gathered in the harveſt; and of two
caftles where the Armenians had taken fhelter,
one was carried by ftorm, and the other forced
to furrender after a fhort fiege.
From thence they entered the territories of
the Tauranti, where Corbulo was expofed to a
danger he did not at all fufpect. One of the
Chief men of that country was found armed
near the Roman General's tent: when ſeized
and put to the rack, he confeffed his deſign was
to murder Corbulo; that he had formed the
plot, and named his accomplices, who, like
himſelf, concealed their treachery under a fhew
of friendſhip. They were all put to death.
67
mafter of
Corbulo drew near Trigranocerta when De- He becomes
puties from thence came out to meet him, fay- that city.
ing, the city threw open it's gates to him, and
was ready to do whatſoever he fhould order:
at the fame time they prefented him a crown of
gold, as a token of hofpitality.
Corbulo re-
ceived them honourably, and exempted the city
from all acts of hoftility, that the inhabitants
by fuffering nothing might be the more inclined
to remain ftedfaft to the Romans.
The citadel did not follow the example of
the city. It was held by a garrifon of brave
men, who made a vigorous fally, and being
driven back, fuffered an affault and were taken
by ſtorm. If we credit Frontin, after having Frantin.
firſt refifted, they were induced to furrender, Satag.ii.9.
terrified at the fhocking fight of an Armenian
Nobleman's head Corbulo ordered to be thrown
in among them by means of an engine, and
F 2
which
68
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Alliance be
tween the
Hyrcanians
Tac. Ann.
xiv.25.
which fell in the very middle of the place
where they were holding a council on the preſent
ftate of their affairs. Corbulo's action will feem
lefs inhuman, if, with Lipfius, we fuppofe
that head to have been the traitor's who wanted
to affaffinate him.
The conqueft of Trigranocerta feems to be-
long to the year of Rome 810, tho' Tacitus
does not mention it till the year after; but he
feems to include two campaigns in one ac-
count.
Corbulo's fuccefs was greatly favoured by
the diverfion of the Hyrcanians who ſtill kept
and Romans. the Parthian forces employed. That nation
even went fo far as to fend Ambaffadors to the
Roman Emperor, requefting his friendſhip,
which, faid they, they thought themſelves in-
titled to for the refolution with which they op-
pofed Vologefes. When thoſe Ambaffadors
returned from Rome, Corbulo gave them a
guard to conduct them ſafely back to their own.
country.
Armenia to-
Tiridates attempted once more to penetrate
tally fubdu- into Armenia by the way of Media. But Cor-
ed;
bulo immediately difpatching his auxiliary
troops under the conduct of one of his Lieu-
tenants, himſelf followed with his legions to
meet that Prince, whom he forced to retire,
and give over all hopes of fucceeding at that
time by force of arms. He carried fire and
fword wherever he thought the people kept up
any intelligence with Tiridates, and by that
means put the Romans in full poffeffion of Ar-
and given to
menia.
Such was the fituation of things when a fha-
Tigranes by dow of a King arrived from Rome, for whom
Nero.
Nero
Book X.
NER O.
Nero deſtined the crown of Armenia.
His
69
name was Tigranes; he was defcended by
the males from Herod the Great; and by his
grandmother Glaphyra, was great-grandfon to
Archelaus, formerly King of Cappadocia.
Tacitus fpeaks of him with great contempt, Taca
and fays, he lived long at Rome as an hoftage,
was fawning and cringing, and had very low
inclinations. He was not acknowledged una-
moufly by the Armenians, fome of whom
could not forget the Arfacida; tho' the greater
number, if we believe Tacitus, chofe rather
to receive a King from the Romans, than
to fuffer any longer the pride and defpotic
rule of the Parthians. A detachment of the
Roman army, confifting of a thouſand legionary
foldiers and three cohorts of auxiliary troops,
with fix hundred horſe, was given Tigranes,
to ſupport him on the throne on which the Ro-
mans placed him. On this occafion the Ro-
mans did not forget their old cuftom of weak-
ening kingdoms by dividing them. Sundry
cantons of Armenia were given to three Princes,
for whom they lay convenient, and encreaſed
the little ſtates of Rhafcuporis, Ariſtobulus, and
Antiochus of Commagena. In that manner
were the affairs of Armenia fettled in the year
of Rome 811. But theſe regulations were but
of ſhort duration, becauſe Corbulo, who alone
could give his own work folidity, went to Sy-
ria, the government of which province, vacant
by the death of Numidius Quadratus, Nero
gave to him.
We have ſeen this fame Corbulo at the head Germany is
veral years.
of the legions in lower Germany, under Clau- calm for fe
dius's Empire, ſtop ſhort in the rapid progrefs Tac. x.
F 3
he
Asn, 51d
1
70
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
he was was making, by the command of an
idle indolent Prince. Thoſe who fucceeded
him in the command on the Rhine, looked up-
on that as a leffon to them, and were the more
readily induced to remain quiet, as they faw
the ornaments of triumph, the only reward they
could hope for, vilified and degraded by the
multitude of thofe on whom they had been
beſtowed without choice or diſtinction. They
thought it more truly honourable to maintain
peace and order, than to enjoy them. L. An-
tiftius Vetus, and Pompeius Paulinus, who had
the command of the legions under Nero, one
in upper, and the other in lower Germany, em-
ployed the leiſure hours of their troops in two
Mole to di- great works. Paulinus finished the mole Dru-
courfe of the fus had began fixty three years before, to * pre-
vent the Rhine, where it firſt divides, throw-
ing too much water into the Vahal, by which
the right arm of that river, which alone retains
the name of Rhine, and communicates with
the Iffel through Drufus's canal, would itſelf
have wanted fufficient depth of water.
vert the
Rhine.
Project of a
Vetus had formed a defign ftill more grand
canal to join and uſeful, which was, to join by a canal,
and Mofelle, the Saone and Mofelle, whofe fources are
the Sacne
pretty near each other in the mountains
of Vofga. That junction would in fact have
been a junction of the two feas, by going up
the Rhone and Saone, and then paſſing thro¹
the canal into the Mofelle, which empties itſelf
into the Rhine. Envy prevented the execution
*I follow Pontanus's in-
terpretation, adopted by Ryc-
kius. This mole will be ſpok-
en of again towards the end of
the 2d fection of the fifteenth
book,
of
..
Book X.
NER O.
of fo fine a ſcheme. Ælius Gracilis, who com-
manded in Belgic Gaul, reprefented to Vetus,
that in order to carry on that work he would
be obliged to take his legions beyond the limits
of his province; that befides, he would be
thought to court the affection of the Gauls,
which might render him fufpected to the Em-
peror. Thoſe confiderations, fo often fatal to
great enterprizes, ftopt Vetus. Lewis XIV.
had, as every one knows, the glory of doing
what the Romans failed in, joining the two ſeas.
The canal of Languedoc, by which a commu-
nication is opened between the Mediterranean
and the river Garonne, is one of the wonders of
that Prince's reign.
71
lands left
mans.
It was fo long fince a Roman army had been The Frifons
feen in the field, that the Germans began to fettle in the
conclude the Emperor had deprived his Lieute- uncultivated
nants of the power of making war. Full of by the Ro-
that thought, the whole nation of the Frifons
came with their wives and children to fettle on
the lands near the Rhine, which the Romans
had left uncultivated, referving them for their
foldiers. The only uſe they ſeem to have made
of them was to fend their cattle thither to
graze. The Frifons had already built up their
huts, fowed the ground, and in fhort, made
the fame ufe of thofe lands as if they had been
their own, when Dubius Avitus, who fucceed-
ed Paulinus, fent them word the Romans would
fall upon them if they did not return to their
old places of abode, or obtain the Emperor's
leave to fettle there. The Frifons, who faw no
difficulty in the thing, and could not conceive.
how any one could be jealous of the poffeffion
of a country of which no ufe was made, agreed
F 4
to
72
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
An inftance
man frank-
g
to apply to the Emperor. Verritus and Ma-
lorix, who governed the nation, fo far at leaſt
as the German liberty was capable of being go-
verned, undertook the deputation, and went to
Rome to endeavour to obtain from Nero a
grant of what they had been the first authors
and promoters of.
Whilft they were waiting the Emperor's
of the Ger- leifure for an audience, they were carried
nefs, with a about to fee the city where every thing was new
dignity of
to them. In particular they were fhewn Pom-
fentiment.
pey's theatre, and the games and diverfions at
that time exhibiting there. The plays did not
amuſe them, for they underſtood nothing of
them; but they took particular notice of the
form of the theatre, the feats diftinguiſhed from
the reft, and the places affigned Knights and
Senators. Perceiving fome men in foreign dreffes
fitting among the Senators, they asked what
was the reafon of it, and being told that was a
diftinction granted the Ambaffadors of nations.
remarkable for their valour and attachment to
the Romans, they inftantly cried out ¹, no peo-
ple on earth were braver nor more faithful than
the Germans; and immediately riſing from their
feats went and placed themſelves among the
Senators. Their fally pleafed, and was looked
upon as an inftance of the old franknefs of
heart, and a fign of a noble emulation.
The Frifors
are driven
out.
1
Nero made the two Princes burgeffes of
Rome; but rejected their nation's requeſt.
* Qui nationem eam regebant, in quantum Germani
regnantur. Tac.
Nulios mortalium armis aut fide ante Germanos effe.
¡ Quod comiter à vifentibus exceptum, tanquam impetûs
antiqui, et bonâ æmulatione.
1
The
Book X.
NERO.
The Friſons were ordered to leave the lands they
had poffeffed themſelves of without any legal
title; and on their refufing to obey, fome bo-
dies of foreign troops were fent, who compel-
led them by force. Such as perfifted in their
obftinacy were killed or made prifoners.
73
bari take
out.
The Friſons were hardly gone when the An- The Anfi-
fibari, another German nation, took their their place
places. They were in themſelves more power- wife driven
and are like-
ful than the Frifons, and feveral neighbouring
people affifted them out of pity, becauſe, driv-
en out of their own country by the Cauci, and
having no place of abode of their own, they
ſeemed in a manner entitled to an afylum where
they might live undiſturbed. Their Chief and
Advocate was an old and faithful ally of the
Romans, called Boiocalus, who reprefented,
that he had been put in irons by Arminius's
faction in the rebellion of the Cherufci; that
after that he had born arms under Tiberius and
Germanicus; and that to fifty years perfonal
ſervice he was willing to add a freſh proof of
his attachment to the Romans, by fubmitting
his nation to their Empire. He laid great ftrefs
on the little advantage the lands in difpute were
to the Romans, but a ſmall part of which was
made ufe, of to feed their cattle, whilft all the
reſt was abfolutely of no fervice. "Men who
"want bread, might furely, faid he, be pre-
"ferred to your cattle. But, fetting afide your
k
paſtures, why do you envy of what is of
"no ufe to you? ask the heavens to the gods,
"fo the earth was given to man. All of it
"that is unoccupied belongs in common to
* Sicut cœlum diis, ita terras generi mortalium datas :
quæque vacuæ, eas publicas effe,
“who-
$
1
74
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
"whoever wants it." The German ſpoke on
this occafion with a kind of enthufiafm, turn-
ing up his eyes towards the fun, and invoking
the ſtars as if they could have heard him; aſk-
ing them whether they were pleaſed with the
fight of an uncultivated foil, and befeeching
them rather to let in the waters of the fea upon
a land made barren by the injuftice of man.
Avitus, unmoved by fuch pathetic remon-
ftrances, anſwered churlifhly, "they muſt ſub-
"mit to the law of the ſtrongeſt; that the
"will of thofe gods they implored was to have
"the Romans be fupreme arbitrators of all
"things, and give or take away at their plea-
"fure without being accountable to any fupe-
"rior judge." That was the anſwer given the
Anfibari as a nation. But Avitus promiſed
Boiocalus to give him lands for himſelf as a
reward for his unfhaken fidelity to the Romans.
The generous Barbarian rejected his offer
with difdain, as a bribe offered to corrupt him;
"we may want land to live on, faid he, but
we ſhall always find a place to die in."
GC
1
Arms were to decide it; and at firft the
Bructeri, Tencteri, and other nations ftill more
remote, eſpouſed the cauſe of an unhappy peo-
ple, deftitute of a place of abode. But when
Avitus on one hand, and on the other Curti-
lius Mancia, who commanded the army on the
upper Rhine, paffed that river, and were pre-
paring to lay wafte the lands belonging to the
allies of the Anfibari, felf-love prevailed, and
fear of their own danger ftifled their pity for
Deeffe nobis terra, in quâ vivamus ; ita qui moriamur
non poteft.
others.
Book X.
NERO.
others. The Anfibari were left to fhift for them-
felves, and reduced to wander from place to place,
fuffering want every where, and every where
treated as enemies, till they were totally extir-
pated. The young men fell in battle, the wo-
men and children were made flaves. But their
name ſurvived. We find the Anfibari again
fome ages after among the people who formed
the league or nation of the Franks.
75
tween two
count of the
C. 5.
Tacitus fpeaks of a war between the Her- war be-
monduri and Catti, about the poffeffion of a German na-
river they thought very valuable on account tions on ac-
of the falt they imagined it furniſhed the coun- Sala.
try with.
Lipfius is of opinion it was the Cellar.Geogr.
Sala, and Cellarius makes no doubt of it. Not Ant. 1. ii.
that the waters of that river are falt; but near Tac.
it were falt-pans which ſtill ſubſiſt, and which
the Barbarians thought proceeded from that
river. They made this ſalt in a very eaſy man-
ner. Great piles of wood were fet on fire, on
which they threw feveral tons of falt water:
the watry parts were exhaled by the heat of the
flames, and the falt remained chryſtalized a-
mong the aſhes. As it was the cuſtom of
idolatrous nations to deify whatever was of fin-
gular benefit to fociety, the Germans thought
this river and the neighbouring woods particu-
larly agreeable to the gods, and imagined their
prayers could not reach heaven fo eafily, nor be
fo well received from any other place. Religion
therefore being joined to intereft, the Hermon-
duri and Catti fought with uncommon fury
and and animofity. The former were victo-
rious, and having devoted their enemy's army
to Mars and Mercury, they killed all that had
life neither men nor horfes were ſpared.
The
76
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Conflagra-
tion occa-
fioned by fire
earth.
*
The Ubii, in whofe country Cologn had
been lately built, fuffered an unheard of cala-
out of the mity, the circumſtances of which I do not pre-
tend to vouch for. Tacitus fays, that fires
coming out of the earth confumed the farms,
the corn that was ftanding, and was already
very near the walls of the colony. The ufual
remedies had no manner of effect to ſtop the
conflagration: neither the rains that fell, nor
the waters of the river that were thrown plen-
tifully upon it, could check the violence of the
fire at laft fome of the country people, out of
rage and deſpair, threw ftones at the flames,
and obferved it deadened them. They drew
nearer, and with whips and fticks fell to beat-
ing the obftinate flames as if they had been liv-
ing creatures. Then pulling off their cloaths
threw them upon the fire, and the dirtier and
greafier thoſe cloaths were, the more they ſmo-
thered and put it out.
Tacitus places all theſe events in Germany
under the year of Rome 809. which brings us
back to the order of time, beyond which we
have gone a little in the Armenian war.
* The editors of Tacitus
fay Juhonum civitas. But the
name of Juhones is quite un-
known: and it appears plainly
from the text of 'Tacitus care-
fully examined, that he intended
to ſpeak of the Ubii. See the
article Juhones in la Marti-
niere's Dictionary.
SECT.
+
Book X.
NERO.
SECT. III.
Family and character of Poppaa; ber amours with
Otho, and afterwards with Nero. She fets
Nero against his mother. Nero refolves Agrip-
pina's death. Invention to procure a shipwreck
that would feem an accident. She escapes
drowning. Nero bas her murdered in her bed.
Her funeral and tomb. It is faid it was fore-
told her fon would kill her. Nero's trouble
and uneafinefs. He writes to the Senate. Sem
neca is blamed for having compofed the letter
for him. The Senate's abject flattery. Thrafea's
courage. Pretended prodigies. Nero trives
to gain the people's love. He comes to Rome
and is received with all poffible demonſtrations
of joy and respect. Private fatyrs againſt him.
Nero never able to stifle bis remorfe entirely.
He gives a loose to his paffions after Agrippina's
death. He appears publicly in the character of
a charioteer, and acts the musician. His tafte
for poetry, and manner of writing verfes. He
laughs at philofophers. He caufes his aunt's
death. Good adminiftration. Death of Domi-
tius Afer, and M. Servilius. Remarks on each
of them. Nero inftitutes games after the
Greek fashion. People of stricter morals com-
plain of it. The pantomime art carried to it's
bigbest perfection under Nero.
lius Plautus is removed.
Source of the water Marcia.
events.
Comet. Rubi-
Nero baths in the
Sundry particular
C.VIPSTA-
77
78
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 810.
aft. C. 59.
Family and
character of
Poppea.
with Otho,
Nero.
Tac. Ann.
xiii. 45.
C. VIPSTANUS APRONIANUS.
C. FONTEIUS CAPITO.
NE
m
ERO was in the fifth year of his reign;
the heat and vivacity of his age, and the
flatteries of the corrupt courtiers that furround-
ed him, added to the " habit he had been in-
dulged in of enjoying a power without con-
troul, confirmed and encreafed his natural au-
dacioufnefs. His love of a lewd woman joined
to that difpofition, hurried him on to the worst
of crimes, parricide.
That woman, who brought down the greateſt
of evils on the Roman Empire, was, the too
Her amours famous Poppa, daughter of T. Ollius, who
and after-' perifhed with Sejanus, to whom he was at-
wards with tached, very young, before he had attained
any greater dignity than that of Quæftor. Ol-
lius's daughter ought naturally to be called Ol-
lia; but the preferred her mother's name, as
more illuftrious, on account of her grandfather
by the mother's fide, Poppæus Sabinus, who
had been Conful, and enjoyed the ornaments
of triumph. Her mother feems to have been
the fame Poppea who fell a victim to Meffali-
na's jealoufies in Claudius's reign.
The Poppaa" we are now ſpeaking of had
Vetuflate imperii coalità audaciâ. Tac. xiv. Ann. 1.
" Huic mulieri cuncta alia fuere, præter honeftum ani-
mum. Quippe mater ejus, ætatis fua feminas pulcritu-
dines prætergreffa, gloriam pariter et formam dederat.
Opes claritudini generis fufficiebant, fermo comis, nec ab-
furdum ingenium. Modeftiam præferre, et lafciviâ uti.
Rarus in publicum egreffus, nec nifi velatâ parte oris, ne
fatiaret adfpectum, vel quia fic decebat. Fame nunquam
pepercit, maritos et adulteros non diftinguens; neque af-
all
Book X.
NER O.
79
all the advantages poffible, the only truly efti- A.R. 810.
mable one, virtue, excepted. She had inhe- aft. C. 59.
rited from her mother, the fineſt woman of her
time, an extraordinary beauty and great re-
nown. Her fortune was equal to her birth:
her converfation engaging and fprightly, and
an air of modefty gave a higher relish to her
licentiouſneſs. She feldom went abroad, and
then her veil hung always half way over her
face, either to excite more curioſity in thoſe
that beheld her, or becauſe fhe thought it add-
ed to her graces. Her reputation was a thing
ſhe never valued, making no difference between
her huſbands and gallants. Nor was it her own
paffion nor that of others that fwayed her; in-
tereft was her rule of action, and what deter-
mined her inclinations.
She was married to Rufius Crifpinus a Ro-
man Knight, and Prefect of the Pretorian co-
horts under Claudius, and had had a fon by
him, when Otho, a young agreeable debauchee,
by which character he had attained the higheſt
favour with Nero, got acquainted with her,
and foon prevailed on her to commit an adul-
tery, fhortly after which they were married.
Otho, either thro' indifcretion, the natural con-
comitant of love, or that ambition had ftifled in
him every fentiment of honour, was continu-
ally praifing Poppea before Nero, and boaſt-
ing his happineſs in the moft paffionate terms.
Nero was foon on fire, and Poppea acted her
*
fectui fuo aut alieno obnoxia, unde utilitas oftenderetur,
illuc libidinem transferebat. Tac, xiii. Ann. 45.
* Suetonius, Oth. c. iii.
and Plutarch in his life of Gal-
ba, tell the story somewhat
differently. They fay, that
part
1
80
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.810. part like one confummated in the arts of co-
aft. C. 59. quetry;
At firſt ſhe pretended to be in love
with the Prince, and deeply fmitten with his
charms; then, when the found herſelf miſtreſs
of his heart, became proud and haughty. She
told him, "fhe was married, and would not
"forfeit her rank and character; that Otho
"deferved all her affection by his magnificence
"and generofity of behaviour, not to be e-
"qualled; and by which he really deferved
"the higheſt diftinction; whereas Nero, in
"love with a freewoman, could have learnt.
"from fo low an intercourſe nothing but low
"fentiments."
I enter into this detail of her criminal arti-
fices, not to teach any one to practiſe them, but
as a warning to ſuch as are not acquainted with
thofe tricks.
As to the magnificence Poppæa praiſed in
Otho, it was an oftentatious luxury fhe was
lt. Galb. right in faying Nero did not come up to. Plu-
tarch tells us, that Nero making ufe one day of
a coſtly perfume, and thinking he had been
very extravagant in pouring fome of it upon
Otho; the latter, giving the Emperor an en-
tertainment the next day, pipes of gold and
filver fuddenly appeared, and fpouting out that
fame perfume like water, wet the gueſts and
floor all over.
Ter.
Poppæa's fpeeches, juft mentioned, kindled
Nero falling in love with Pop-
pæa married her to Otho to
conceal his intrigue, I prefer
Tacitus's authority without dif-
ficulty to theirs. It is true even
Tacitus agrees with them in
2
the first book of his Hiftories,
n. 13. But his Annals were
wrote after his Hiftories, and
I prefume he had fufficient rea
fons to alter his firſt account.
jealoufy
Book X.
NER O.
0
81
Plut. Galb.
jealouſy in Nero's breaſt. Otho loft the Prince's A.R. 810.
familiarity, his credit, and acceſs to the palace; aft C. 59.
he was even in danger of lofing his life too, if
Seneca, who protected him, had not prevailed
on Nero to be content with fending him to Lu-
fitania, with the title of Governor of that pro-
vince. It is very remarkable that he became Tac.
there quite another man. He behaved with
an exemplary probity and integrity. Idlenefs
had been his bane; employment gave him room
to exert himſelf, it elevated his mind, and
brought forth the hidden feeds of love of fame
and glory. Otho fet out for Lufitania in the
year of Rome 809, and remained in that ho-
nourable exile till the revolution that ſet Galba
on the Imperial throne.
his mother,
Poppea was as yet but Nero's miftrefs, and she fets Ne-
wanted to be his wife. But ſhe could not hope to against
to fee Octavia repudiated whilft Agrippins Tac. Ann,
lived; for which reafon fhe ſtudied to anger xiv. 1.
and indiſpoſe the fon againſt his mother, afperf-
ing her by falfe accufations, and often rallying
the young Prince (for that fhe found the molt
effectual method :) She told him he was but a
child, dependent on the will of others, and that
fo far from being Emperor he was not even his
own maſter. For why, faid the, thould you
"defer marrying me? Is my beauty or my
"birth fo mean? Have I not given a proof of
"my fecundity? No, the true reaton is, they
"fear if once your wife, I fhall tell you freely
"under what rettraint Agrippina keeps the Se-
"nators, and how great her pride and avarice
66 are. If Agrippina cannot bear a daughter-
{
• Ubi non ex priore infami), fed integrè fanfiéque egit:
procax otii et poteflatis temperantior. Tac.
G
VOL. IV.
in-law
忄
​$2
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
'
A. R.810. “in-law who is not an enemy to her ſon, re-
aft. C. 59. ſtore me to my Otho; I will follow him
"to the world's end. I fhall at leaſt have the
"comfort of not feeing how ill the Emperor
" is uſed; I fhall only hear it by public
report, without fharing his dangers with
❝ him.”
Nero re-
<c
folves Agrip-
:
Theſe P fpeeches intermixed with feigned
tears, and envenomed with all the art a woman
like Poppea was capable of ufing, made a deep
impreffion on the Prince and none that were
about Nero ftrove to prevent it, for all alike
wifhed to fee Agrippina humbled, and had no
thoughts of guarding againſt a parricide, which
to them would have feemed an impoffibility.
Another crime, as improbable in itſelf, tho'
of a very different nature, required all their
attention; they were obliged to guard againſt
inceft; for it is afferted that Agrippina intend-
ed to have recourſe to that abomination to pre-
ferve her power: and that Acte was obliged,
by Seneca's order, to intervene, and reprefent
to Nero, that the thing began to take wind,
and the foldiers would refufe to obey a Prince
incestuous in the very higheſt degree.
In confequence of that remonftrance Nero a-
pina's death. Voided all private interviews with his mother;
and when ſhe went to her country feats at Tuf-
culum or Antium, he commended her for pre-
ferring the eaſe and quiet of the country to the
noife and tumult of the court. He thought of
Suet. Ner.
34.
P Hæc atque talia lacrymis et arte adulteræ penetrantia
nemo prohibebat, cupientibus cunctis infringi matris poten-
tiam, et credente nullo, ufque ad cædem ejus duratura filij
odia. Tac. xiv. 1.
every
Book X.
NERO.
83
every means he could to mortify her. If fhe A.R. 810'
ftaid at Rome he procured people to commence aft. C. 59°
fuits against her: when in the country he was
again difturbed there by fatyrical fongs and bitter
catches fung under her windows. At laft, not
content with flight revenge, and no longer able
to bear her, he refolved to take away her life.
He first thought of poifon, but found that
attended with great difficulties to give it her
at table would have been repeating what had
been practifed upon Britannicus, and confe-
quently diſcovering the whole. Befides, he did
not think it fafe to tamper with the fidelity of
the officers of a Princefs, who, herfelf long ac-
cuſtomed to crimes, knew all the cunning and
fineffes of them. It was well known too, fhe
guarded againſt that fnare by uſing counter-
poifons. That method therefore was reject-
ed as impracticable. On the other hand, if
fword or violence was made ufe of, how could
it be concealed? Could one depend on the
willingneſs of thofe that might be applied to,
to execute it?
ihipwreck
cident.
A complete villain helped Nero out of the Invention to
difficulty he was in. Anicetus a freeman, who procure a
had been with him in his infancy, and had fince that would
had the command of the fleet at Mifenum leem an ac-
given him, hated by Agrippina, and hating
her, offered to build a fhip in fuch a manner,
that when at fea part of it falling in of ittelf
fhould carry Agrippina with it into the water.
Nothing, added he, is more liable to acci-
"dents than the fea; and who will be unjuft
"enough to impute to crime what will be en-
tirely owing to the winds and waves? The
"Prince will get her a temple and altars de-
" creed
66
G 2
84
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
♦
A. R 810. "creed after her death, and will pay her me-
aft. C. 59.mory the moſt oftentatious refpećt."
Anicetus's fcheme was approved, and the
circumftances of things favoured it; for the
Emperor was to go to Baii on the coaft of
Campania, to spend there the feafts of Minerva,
which were days of merriment and rejoicing.
He wrote his mother word, that he was a kind
of priſoner at Antium, and invited her to Baii,
faying, he wanted to be reconciled to her. At
the fame time, he declared publicly at court,
many things ought to be borne from a mother,
and every thing done to appease her. His de-
fign was to have thofe fpeeches told again to
Agrippina, not doubting but they would take
effect, and make her think his defire of reconci-
liation fincere. For women, fays Tacitus,
are very apt to believe whatever pleaſes them.
૬
He was not deceived in his expectation. A-
grippina received her fon's invitation with joy,
and came by fea from Antium to Bauli, a coun-
try-feat not far from Baii. There Nero ftood
ready on the ſhore to receive her: he handed her
down from the fhip, and embraced her with
the utmoſt demonftrations of love and tender-
nefs. After refting a little in the houſe, it was
propoſed to go to Baii where the diverfions were
to be. A fhip finer and more richly orna-
mented than the reft was deftined to carry
Agrippina: but at that very inftant intelli-
gence was given her of the intended treachery.
Doubtful, and not knowing what to think of
it, ſhe took however the fafeft way, and was
carried to Baii in a litter.
Nero took care to remove her fears by a
4 Facili feminarum credulitate ad gaudia. Tac. xiv. 4.
thou-
4
!
Book X.
NER O.
85
fand endearments. At table fhe was feated in A. R.810.
the place of honour above him. In his dif- aft. C. 59.
courfe directed to her, fometimes he acted the
fon, unbofoming himfelf and pouring out all
his gaiety before his mother; a moment after,
putting on an air of majefty, he pretended to
impart to her fome of the moſt important fe-
crets of the ftate. It was very late before ſup-
per was over, and when the left him to return
to Bauli, where he was to lay, Nero again
feemed exceffive fond and loving. He could
not part from her, but followed her with his
eyes, either to act more completely the perfi-
dious part he was performing, or that notwith-
ftand his ferocity, the idea of his mother's fpee-
dy death, and of that being the laſt time he
was to fee her, gave him fome emotion. A-
grippina went on board the fatal fhip without
fufpicion.
r
The moon fhone very bright, and the fea was
perfectly calm, as if the gods, fays Tacitus, had
intended to render the crime palpably manifeft,
and to remove even the poffibility of it's be-
ing imputed to accident. Agrippina was ſtretch-
ed on a bed, talking to Crepereius Gallus, who
ftood pretty near the helm, and Acerronia,
leaning over the Emprefs's feet, was congratu-
lating her on the return of her fon's love, and
her own power and credit: when on a ſudden,
the fignal being given, the deck fell in with a
great cruſh, bearing with it huge weights of
• Profequitur abeuntem, arctiùs oculis et pectori hærens,
five explendâ fimulatione, feu peritura matris fupremus ad-
fpectus, quamvis ferum animum retinebat.
s Noctem fideribus illuftrem, et placido mari quietam,
quafi convincendum ad fcelus, dii dederunt. Tac.
G 3
lead
-
.
-~
86
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
A. R.810. lead it was loaded with: Crepereius was cruſh-
aft. C. 59. ed to death, and expired inftantly. Some of
She efcapes
drowning.
the beams jutting out fupported the deck over
Agrippina and Acerronia, who were not hurt :
nor did the fhip burft afunder, becauſe in the
hurry and confufion every one was in, thoſe
who were not in the fecret hindered the opera-
tions of them that were. The rowers were or-
dered all to one fide to make the veffel lean,
and the water come in. Even that was ma-
naged fo awkwardly that Agrippina and Acer-
ronia fell gently enough to fwim.
Acerronia crying he was Agrippina, and
calling out to the men to affift the Emperor's
mother, was foon diſpatched: inſtead of help-
ing, Anicetus's people knocked her on the
head with their poles, oars, and whatever in-
ftruments they could lay hands on. Agrip-
pina was filent, and therefore lefs liable to be
known; all the hurt fhe received was a bruiſe
on the shoulder. After fwimming fome time
fhe was taken up by a floop belonging to the
lake Lucrinus, and carried to her houſe at
Bauli.
There the reflected on what had happened,
recollecting all the circumftances, the kind in-
vitation fhe had received from her fon, and
the extraordinary honours done her, only to
entice her into this fnare. She obſerved the
ſhip had met with none of thofe accidents that
generally occafion wrecks, that it periſhed with-
out being beaten by the wind or ftriking on
a rock, but folely by the fall of a deck, like a
building badly put together; adding to that
Acerronia's death and her own wound, fhe was
fully convinced of the treachery, but concluded
the
Book X.
NER O.
87
the only chance ſhe had for life was not to feem A.R.810.
to know it.
aft. C. 59.
Accordingly fhe fent one of her freemen
called Agerinus to Nero, with orders to tell
him, "that by the protection of the gods, and
thro' an effect of the Emperor's good for-
"tune, ſhe had eſcaped a great danger. That
"fhe was fenfible of the uneafinefs it would
"give him, but begged he would defer a little
66
coming to fee her, becauſe fhe wanted reft."
At the fame time affecting the utmoſt ſecurity
and peace of mind, fhe had her wound dreffed,
took proper remedies, and did all that was fit
after fuch an accident. The only thing fhe
did really void of artifice, was to order Acer-
ronia's will to be looked for, and in the mean
time a feal to be fet on all her effects.
bed.
Nero, who waited impatiently to learn the Nero has
fuccefs of his horrid fcheme, was greatly dif- her murder-
turbed to hear Agrippina was alive, that fhe ed in her
had received only a flight hurt, and had been
in no greater danger than what was juſt ſuffi-
cient to convince her who was the author of it.
Fear is infeparable from guilt. Nero was in
the utmoſt conſternation, and thought all loft
beyond a poffibility of retrieving. He expect-
ed every moment to fee Agrippina, thirſting for
revenge, arrive at the head of her flaves armed,
or of fuch foldiers as the might intereſt in her
cauſe or elfe, that fhe would go and fhew her-
felf to the Senate and people, and afk juftice
from them for the fhipwreck and wound fhe
had fuffered, and for the death of her friends.
"How fhall I defend myfelf? added he: you
"Burrhus and Seneca think of fome means.
For he had fent for them directly to adviſe with
them ;
G4
52
88
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 809. them: and Tacitus doubts whether they were
aft. C. 58. not in the fecret from the very firft. Dion Caf-
fius, who never miffes an opportunity to fay
fome ill-natured thing of every virtuous Ro-
man, fays pofitively Seneca was, and pretends
he was the man who firit infpired Nero with
the defign of killing his mother. He fays too
much to be believed. Even Tacitus's doubt
feems fufficiently refuted by all the reſt of Se-
neca's and Burrhus's behaviour; tho' the rigid
virtue of both may have been infected by the
court air, yet were they incapable of being,
where there was no neceffity for it, the promo-
ters and inftigators of a parricide. We fhall
find them bad enough without making down-
right villains of them.
They remained filent for fome time, proba-
bly becauſe they thought it no longer poffible
to recede, and that after the ſteps that had been
taken, either Nero or Agrippina muſt periſh:
they did not dare to diffuade him from a parri-
cide now become a neceffity, nor would they
adviſe it. At laft Séneça, more bold, without
fpeaking a word, looked earneſtly at Burrhus,
as if to afk him whether the Pretorian foldiers
might not be charged with the execution. Bur-
rhus anſwered, "the Pretorians were entirely
"devoted to the family of the Cæfars; that
"the memory of Germanicus lived in their
"breafts, and they would never be induced
"to commit any violence on his daughter:
"that Anicetus had begun and he muſt end."
Anicetus did not heſitate a moment to defire
leave to put the finiſhing ſtroke to his work.
At that word Nero cried out, from that mo-
ment only he fhould think himſelf Emperor,
and
L
I
Book X.
NER O.
89
and indebted to him for that high favour. "Go, A. R.880.
"faid he, quickly, and take with thee the moft aft. C. 59.
"refolute and determined to do whatever thou
"fhalt bid them.'
""
At that inftant word was brought Nero that
Agerinus attended from his mother; on which
he immediately formed a plot to give a kind of
colour to the crime he had juſt ordered. Whilft
Agerinus was fpeaking to him he cauſed a
naked fword to be dropt between that freeman's
legs, and then commanded him to be put in irons
as if detected in the fact; that he might have a
pretence to ſay his mother had attempted to
have him murdered, but being diſcovered had
killed herſelf out of defpair.
In the mean time Agrippina's houfe was fur-
rounded by a multitude of people concerned
for what had befallen her. At firft it was re-
ported fhe had been fhipwrecked by accident,
on which every one ran to the fhore: fome got
on the mole, others into fiſhing-boats, and
ſeveral ran up to their middles in the ſea,
ftretching out their arms as if to receive and
help Agrippina. The whole coaſt reſounded
with lamentations, prayers, and confufed quef-
tions and anſwers, without being able to come
at the truth. The crowd encreaſed every mo-
ment; they ran about with lighted torches feek-
ing Agrippina. and when it was known fhe
was fafe, the whole multitude gathered about.
her houſe, teftifying their joy by loud fhouts
and cries. But that joy was foon changed into
fear by the arrival of a troop of armed men,
who difperfed the crowd.
Anicetus pofted foldiers all round the houſe,
and forcing the door, fecured every flave he
met
.90
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
-}
}
A. R.810. met till he came to Agrippina's chamber, which
aft. C. 59. he found badly guarded, moft of her people
Suet. Ner.
34.
Die.
Tate
having fled at the firſt noiſe of his breaking in.
The room was pretty dark, and Agrippina had
with her only one of her women, to whom fhe
was telling her fears and alarms, which in-
creaſed every moment, becauſe ſhe neither faw
Agerinus return, nor any one come from her
fon. She no longer heard thofe cries of joy
that pleafed and comforted her, and obferved
the mob had been filent, ever fince a fudden con-
fuſed noiſe that ſeemed to preſage the greateſt
of misfortunes to her. Whilft fhe was talking
thus the ſlave went away, and Agrippina ſaying
to her, "What? do you forfake me too!" at
the fame time looking towards her chamber
door, fhe perceived Anicetus followed by He-
racleus, Captain of a gally, and Oloaritus, Cen-
turion of a company of marines.
She ftill kept her prefence of mind in that
extremity, and addreffing herfelf to Anicetus,
faid; "If thou art come to enquire after my
"health, fay I am better; if thou comeſt with
any bad defign, I do not think my fon ca-
<<
..
pable of it; he cannot have commanded a
"parricide." The murderers furrounded her
bed, and Heracleus gave her the first blow with
a ſtick over the head, but it did not kill her.
The Centurion drawing his fword at the fame
time, the prefented her belly, faying, "ſtrike
"this body that bore Nero." They gave her
feveral ftabs and left her dead in bed.
Several
have faid, but the fact is not certain, that Nero
would fee his mother's dead body, and that he
infulted over her by railleries ftill more atroci-
ous than his parricide.
She
Book X.
NER O.
Her funeral
91
She was buried the fame night without any A.R. 810.
ceremony; not even a funeral-bed was allowed aft. C. 59.
her, but only a little truckle bed on which fhe was and tomb.
burnt. She had no tomb whilft Nero lived; but
after his death, the fervants that had been about
her built an indifferent one near the high road to
Mifenum, and not far from a country-houſe
formerly belonging to the Dictator Cæfar.
Whilft her body was burning, one of her free-
men called Mnefter ftabbed himſelf, and jump-
ed into the flames, either out of affection to
his miftrefs, or to avoid a death which could
not well have been more cruel than that he
gave himſelf.
her fon
Such was the tragic end of Agrippina, grand-
daughter, fifter, wife, and mother of an Em-
peror, as we have already faid, but who difho-
noured thofe auguſt titles by all the vices and
crimes a woman could be capable of. It is It is faid it
faid, this fatal death was foretold her, and the was foretold
defied the menace. For the foothfayers, whom would ki
ſhe confulted about her fon's future fate, having her,
faid he would reign, but that he would kill
his mother; "Let him kill me, faid the, pro-
"vided he does but reign." Such an anfwer
was well worthy Agrippina. The prediction
however is a little too precife to be eaſily cre-
dited. She was a Princeſs of fome learni
and wrote Memoirs of her life, referred to by
Tacitus and the elder Pliny.
I..
d. Hi
Nero'fhut his eyes on the enormity of the Nero's tra-
crime whilft it was to be committed; but when ble and ur-
↑ Sed à Cæfare perfecto demum fcelere, magnitudo ejus
intellecta eft. Reliquo noctis, modò per filentium defixus,
fæpius pavore exfurgens, et mentis inops, lucem opperie-
batur, tanquam exitium allaturam,
done,
esanois.
Tue.xiv.ro.
92
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.810. done, felt it. He ſpent the remainder of the
aft. C. 59. night in fullen filence, interrupted only by fud-
den ftarts of fear and terror that ſhook his
whole frame, and made him jump out of bed,
finding no reft there. In that fituation he wait-
ed the return of day, not as a comfort, but as
the fignal of his ruin. Confcious how much
he deſerved to be detefted by the whole uni-
verſe, he thought the univerfe ready to rife
againſt him.
Burrhus was the firft that gave him eafe, by
procuring him the flatteries of the Tribunes.
and Centurions of the Pretorian cohorts, who,
by their Commander's order, came to falute
the Emperor, kifs his hand, and congratulate
him on his eſcape from fo unexpected a danger
as the attempt his mother had made. The
chief perfons of his court repaired next to the
temples to return thanks to the gods; and the
towns and cities of Campania, following their
example, expreffed their joy by facrifices and
deputations.
Nero diffembled on his fide: he affected an
air of contrition, thinking, faid he, his fafety
too dearly bought at fuch a price; and when
his mother was named would fhed tears.
However, as the faces of places do not change
fo eafily as the faces of men, the fight of
thofe fhores, witneffes to his crime, perpetually
reminded him of it. There was a talk too of
thoſe frightful prodigies, ſpectres and apparitions
ſuperſtition ſeldom fails to join to all tragical
deaths. Trumpets, it was faid, were heard
founding on the neighbouring hills, and dole-
ful noifes and melancholy complaints proceed-
ing from the place where Agrippina's afhes
were
'
Book X.
NERO.
93.
were laid. Nero therefore retired to Naples, A. R. 810.
and from thence it was he wrote to the Senate. aft. C. 59.
nate.
The purport of his letter was, "That Age- He writes
“rinus, one of Agrippina's freemen, in whom to the Se-
"fhe had the greatest confidence, had been
"detected armed with a fword to affaffinate
"the Emperor, and that, confcious of her
"guilt, fhe had inflicted puniſhment on herſelf."
"Accufations of an older date were next fet
forth. "Nero taxed his mother with a de-
66
fign to ſhare the Empire with him, and ſaid,
"fhe had entertained hopes the Pretorian co-
"horts would fwear obedience to her, and the
"Senate and people join them in ſo baſe an
act. That diſappointed in her expectations,
"and enraged againſt thofe that would not
"ſtoop to her pride, fhe had oppofed the
"Prince's liberalities to the foldiers and peo-
66
66
66
'દ
66
LC
ple, and had projected the fall of ſeveral il-
"luftrious Senators. He took them to witneſs
what difficulty himſelf had had to prevent
her forcing the barriers of the Senate, and
giving audience to the Ambaffadors of fo-
reign nations. He went back to Claudius's
time, glancing at the defects of his govern-
ment, all the ſhame and indignity of which
"he laid to Agrippina's charge; and con-
cluded, that it was by an effect of that good
"fortune that had always attended the Roman
people, that ſhe had ceafed to live; and in-
"ftanced her fhipwreck as a proof the gods
were angry with her."
66
'
66
2
blamed for
There was not a Senator, who in his foul Seneca is
did not deſpiſe this letter when read.
one aſked himſelf who could be ftupid
Every having com-
enough pofed the
letter for
to believe this ſhipwreck in queftion had hap- him.
pened
94
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
V
A.R. 810. pened by mere accident, and that a woman,
aft. C. 59. juſt eſcaped from the waves, fhould fend a fin-
gle man with his ſword to attack the cohorts
and fleets that ſurrounded and guarded the Em-
peror? Nero was no longer accuſed; his
barbarity exceeded all poffible complaints. But
Seneca was the man blamed for drawing up
fuch an apology, which, properly ſpeaking,
was an acknowledgment of the crime.
in fact, that is perhaps the moſt inexcufable
part of his life.
The Se-
nate's abject
Aattery.
Thrafea's
@ourage.
And
Yet did all theſe worthy Senators, one only
excepted, prove they had as little courage or
honour as Seneca whom they fo juftly and fo
feverely blamed. Each ftrove to be foremoſt
in decreeing folemn thanks to be returned the
gods in all the moft frequented temples of the
city; annual games in the feafts of Minerva
during which the plot had been diſcovered;
a ftatue of gold to Minerva to be ſet up in the
place where the Senate met, and the Prince's
effigies next it. In fhort, the day Agrippina
was born to be marked in the calendar as an
inaufpicious day.
Thrafea alone refufed to partake in this
fhameful deliberation. So far as he thought
the Senate's flatteries fupportable, he either re-
mained filent, or in two or three words voted
with the reft; but the moment he heard Nero's
letter read, he ftarted from his feat and went
out of the Senate. A bold and dangerous ftep
for him to take, and of no fervice to the reſt,
not one of whom dared to follow him.
v Ergo non jam Nero, cujus immanitas omnium queſtus
anteibat, fed adverfo rumore Seneca crat, quòd oratione
tali confeffionem fcripfiffet.
>
He
Book X.
NERO.
Dio.
95
He was not ignorant of the danger; but his A.R. 810.
virtue, or, to ſpeak more properly, his love of aft. C. 59.
honour fuftained him. He faid to his friends,
"were I fure Nero would put to death none
"but me, I would readily forgive them whọ
"flatter him to excefs. But if feveral of thoſe
"vile fycophants have been, and will be vic-
"tims to his cruelty, why fhould I prefer a
"fhameful fall to a brave and glorious end?
My name fhall live to pofterity, whilft thofe
66
..
..
N
prodigies.
prudent, men who now take ſo much care of
"themſelves, fhall be known only by the pu-
"niſhments they will fuffer." He would of-
ten make uſe of this ftoical expreffion,
" Nero
may kill, but he cannot hurt me."
This was no time for Nero to think of re-
venge. Fearful and trembling, he fought only
how to guard himſelf againſt the fears and ter-
rors that continually tormented and alarmed
him, and which were greatly encreaſed by re-
ports of pretended prodigies. It was faid a Pretended
woman had been brought to bed of a fnake: .xiv. 12-
the fun was eclipfed the thirtieth of April, Tillem, Ner.
whilft the facrifices the Senate had ordained on
account of Agrippina's death were celebrating:
the thunder fell in each of the fourteen quarters
of the city. Tacitus, who is never apt to be
over religious, concludes w from the profperity
Nero enjoyed ſeveral years after, that the Di-
vinity did not interfere much in thofe events:
as if Providence was obliged to puniſh all wick-
ed deeds directly, under pain of not being ac-
knowledged by man.
W
Quæ adeo fine curâ deûm eveniebant, ut multos poft
annos Nero imperium et fcelera continuaverit.
Nero
I I.
96
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.810.
Nero ftrives
Nero undoubtedly reafoned like Tacitus, and
to regain the the wrath of heaven.
people's
love.
aft. C. 59. impunity began to calm his apprehenfions of
But ftill he greatly fear-
ed man; and in order to regain the public affec-
tion and render his mother's memory quite
odious, ftrove to prove by deeds, his govern-
ment more mild and indulgent fince her death.
With that view he recalled all thoſe Agrippina
had cauſed to be banished, both before and fince
Claudius's death; of which number were two
ancient Pretors, Valerius Capito and Licinius
Gabolus, of whom we know nothing farther;
two ladies of diſtinction, Junia Calvina and Cal-
purnia, whofe difgrace we have fpoken of un-
der Claudius's reign; and laftly Iturius and
Calvifius, Agrippina's accufers; Silana, who
was the promoter of that attack, would have
enjoyed the fame indulgence, but fhe died fome
time before at Tarentum, where fhe had been
allowed to fix her abode. Even Lollia was
not forgot, tho' fhe had been dead ten years.
Her afhes were carried to the tomb of her an-
ceftors, and Nero permitted a monument to
be erected to her.
He comes to
Rome, and
Notwithſtanding all this oftentation of cle-
is received mency, he remained in Campania, not daring
with all pof- to fhew himfelf in Rome, being uncertain how
fible demon- he fhould find the people affected, and whether
joy and re- the Senate was difpofed to obey him.
ftrations of
fpect.
His
courtiers, than which never was a greater num-
ber of more corrupt men, calmed his fears.
They told him "Agrippina's name was deteſted,
" and the love of the nation towards him en-
"creaſed by her death; that he might with all
fafety make a trial of it, and fee with his
"own eyes how much the public honoured and
<c
I
"revered
*
Book X.
NERO.
97
"revered him." The moft daring offered to A.R. 810.
go firſt. Nero believed them, and was not de- aft. C. 59.
ceived; every outward fhew of zeal and attach-
ment was ſtronger yet than what had been pro-
mifed. The Tribunes came out to meet him,
and fo did the Senate, all dreffed as for a high
feftival. Chorus's of women and children
fung his praiſes. Scaffolds were built wherever
he was to paſs, as if it had been to fee a tri-
umph. Such abject lowneſs ſo publicly ſhewn
by all, puffed him up, and looking on them
with contempt, as on fo many flaves, he af-
cended the capitol, and offered up facrifices of
thankſgivings,
X
him.
People, however, made themſelves amends private fa-
in private for theſe marks of reſpect extorted tires against
by fear. A fack, the inftrument of puniſh- Do.
ment for parricides, was found hung about the Suet. Ner.
neck of Nero's ftatue. A child was expofed 39.
in the ſtreets, and a label tacked to it with
theſe words, "I do not bring thee up, for fear
thou mayft one day kill thy mother. A
Greek verfe was pofted up in feveral parts of
the city, the purport of which was, "Nero', O-
reftes, Alcmæon, alike killed their mothers.
Suetonius mentions an Epigram, which, pun-
ing on a word peculiar to the Latin tongue,
faid, "None could deny Nero's being truly de-
fcended from Eneas, for that the one carried off
his father, and the other took off his mother."
Z
* Hinc fuperbus, et publici fervitii victor, Capitolium
adiit, grates exfolvit.
ο Νέρων, Ορέσης, Αλκμαίων, μητροκτόνοι.
Quis neget Æneæ magna de ftirpe Neronem?
*
Suftulit hic matrem: fuftulit ille patrem. Suet.Ner.39.
* The word fuftulit fignifies both to kill and to bear or carry off.
VOL. IV.
H
There
?
98
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 810. There were, however, men bold and aban-
aft. C. 59. doned enough to attempt to profecute the
Nero never
able to ftifle
his remorfe
entirely.
Suet. Ner.
34.
He gives a
looſe to his
Prince's pretended defamers, who had dared to
fay he was the author of Agrippina's death.
Nero acted more fenfibly, fuffering patiently all
their fatyrical invectives, and rightly judging
his appearing to be diſturbed, would only give
them more weight and credit. He followed
that maxim on ſeveral occafions, either for the
fame reaſon, or from infenfibility.
But he never was able to ftifle entirely the
remorfe of his guilty conſcience.
He often
owned his mother's ghoft tormented him, and
he faw furies with whips and flaming torches
purſuing him, and even applied to magicians
to endeavour to appeafe the manes of Agrip-
pina by their occult facrifices; nor did he,
when he went to Greece, dare prefume to be
preſent at the myſteries of Ceres Eleufina, from
which a herald warned all wicked and impious
people to depart. But theſe fentiments were
of no duration with him, nor did they at all
influence his conduct.
Agrippina was a kind of check upon her
paffions after fon, and whilſt ſhe lived kept him within fome
Agrippina's bounds. A remainder of conſtrained reſpect,
Tac.xiv.13. a dread he had not been able to ſhake off en-
death.
He appears
publicly in
the cha-
racter of a
charioteer,
and acts the
tirely, kept Nero a little in awe but when by
his a parricide he had once got the better of
that reftraint, he no longer knew any fenfe of
fhame, nor curb to his paffions.
He had always been exceffively fond of
horfes; it was his paffion from his infancy; nor
a Se in omnes libidines effudit, quas malè coercitas qua-
mufician. lifcumque matris reverentia tardaverat.
Suet. Ner.
22. & Tac.
had
Book X.
NER O.
99
had all his maſters been able to get the better of A.R. 810.
it with his fchool companions all his talk ran
aft. C. 59 ..
on the diverfions of the Circus. When Em--
peror, he had little chariots of ivory with which
he imitated the courfes in the Circus on a chefs-
board. The Circus delighted him to that de--
gree, that nothing could be done there, tho'
ever ſo trivial, but he would be preſent, at firſt
in private, but afterwards openly. At iaft, not
ſatisfied with being barely a fpectator, he ear-
neſtly wiſhed to be an actor, and to drive cha-
riots himſelf.
Another paſſion not lefs violent, nor carried
to a leſs indecent height, was his fondnes of
mufic. Being fenfible the Romans had never
prized that art, thinking it promoted floth and
effeminacy, he alledged in favour of it the ex-
amples of the old Grecian Kings and Generals,
who had ftudied it. "Poets, faid he, have
boafted it's excellence; and it is ufed in the
worſhip paid the gods. Apolio is the patron
of muſic, and that god, one of the firſt of O-
lympus, to whoſe ſhare the knowledge of fu-
turity fell, is reprefented not only by the
Greek, but in the Roman temples too, playing
on a lute." Nero had learnt the elements of Suet.Ner.
mufic in his infancy; and from the moment he 20. &
was made Emperor, fpared no pains to get the
moft famous mafter of that art then known;
he took leffons regularly, and did whatever was
done by people who made it their profeffion,
to preferve the voice or add to it's extent: tho'
his was weak and hollow, yet he thought he ex-
celled; and, unwilling to bury his talents, form-
ed the noble defign of appearing on the ſtage,
there to act the mufician and comedian,
H 2
All
Tac.
I
100
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
|
,
A.R. 810.
All his defires were ſtrong and violent; Bur-
aft. C. 59. rhus and Seneca, for whom he ftill fhewed fome
regard, ſeeing him fo paffionately bent on chariots
and mufic, thought it beft to give him his way
a little in one of them, that he might not by open
force take to both. A large ſpace in the valley
of the Vatican was therefore encloſed for him
to manage his horſes and drive his chariots in,
without admitting any but chofen fpectators.
But very foon the whole people was invited
without diftinction, and Nero's head was ftill
more turned by the applauſe of a giddy multi-
tude, ever fond of fights and diverfions, and
doubly charmed to fee their Prince at the head
of them. So that, far from being diſguſted,
as Seneca and Burrhus hoped he would have
been, by the ſhame of having every creature in
Rome for witneſs of his exerciſes, fo unbecom-
ing the dignity of Imperial majefty, the fuc-
cefs he met with ferved only to encourage him
to proceed ſtill farther, and diſplay on the ſtage
the talents he fancied he had for finging and
acting.
He did not, however, dare to take fuch a
ſtep at once, but prepared matters by degrees,
and by procuring examples to authorize and
keep him in countenance. By dint of
By dint of money
he prevailed on the defcendents of fome of the
moft ancient Roman Nobility, whofe indigence
forced them to accept his offers, to appear on
the ſtage. Tacitus, out of refpect to the vir-
tues of their anceſtors, does not mention their
b Ut eft vulgus cupiens voluptatum, et, fi eò Princeps.
trahat, lætum. Tac.
C
Quos ne nominatim tradam, majoribus eorum tribu-
names;
Book X.
NERO.
.101
names; and very juftly obferves the ſhame of A.R. 810.
what they did ought chiefly to reflect on him aft. C. 59.
who gave them money, not to keep them from
doing a low thing, but to force them to it.
Nero made ufe of the fame bait to induce Ro-
man Knights of diftinction to fight as gladia-
And even there too perſuaſion may be
faid to have had lefs fhare in it than conftraint;
a reward offered by him who can command,
being in fact an order and a neceffity.
tors.
d
Dio.
Before he proſtituted his voice on the public
ſtage, Nero took another ſtep, which was to
inftitute games to which the multitude was not
admitted, under the name of Juvenile games. Suet. Ner.
He took an opportunity of inftituting them, 11 & 12.
when the ceremony was performed of cutting
off his firſt beard, which he encloſed in a box
of gold enriched with precious ftones, and con-
fecrated it to Jupiter Capitolinus. On this oc- Tac.
cafion, as the Emperor himſelf was to perform a
part, neither birth, honours, rank, age, nor ſex,
were reafons fufficient to difpenfe with any from
being actors or actreffes. Men of Confular dignity
fung effeminate airs, and acted buffoonries un-
worthy any one who has the leaft fentiment or
feeling. A lady of fourſcore, of a noble fa- Dio.
mily, Elia Catulla, appeared among the
dancers.
This was not all. That every vice might be
collected in theſe games, Nero fet up in a little
wood, not far from the Tiber, a kind of fair,
public-houſes, and fhops, at which were fold all
endum puto. Nam et ejus flagitium eft, qui pecuniam ob
delicta potius dedit, quàm ne delinquerent.
d Nifi quòd merces ab eo qui jubere poteft, vim neceffi,
tatis affert.
Tac.
H 3
kinds
102
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.801. kinds of trinkets and things appertaining to fa-
¿ft. C. 59. fhions and luxury; and to enable fuch as enter-
ed into his pleaſures to become purchaſers, he
ordered money to be given them, which
the honeft, if any there were in fuch com-
pany, ſpent out of neceffity, as the voluptuous.
did their's out of oftentation. Thence pro-
ceeded infinite diforders. The Roman morals
had long been depraved and corrupt; but this
licentious medley of people, of all ſtations and
characters, completely ruined them. It is not
eaſy to be strictly virtuous, fays Tacitus, even
when one is employed in laudable occupations;
much leſs could chastity, temperance, probity,
and modeſty ſurvive a time wherein vice was
the only object of emulation.
In the midft of theſe mad frolics and tumultu-
ous pleaſures, Nero had at last the long wifhed
for pleaſure of fhewing himſelf on the ftage: he
appeared tuning his inftrument with great care,
and furrounded by his court. A cohort of
Pretorians formed his guard, and round about
him were Centurions, Tribunes, and Burrhus
with praiſe ready to flow from his lips, but grief
and vexation in his heart.
At
Then it was that Nero formed a company,
whoſe fole bufinefs it was to praiſe him.
firſt none were received into it but the youngeſt
and moſt vigorous of the Roman Knights, who
ftrove to be admitted, feme out of love of li-
Inde glifcere flagitia et infamia: nec ulla moribus
corruptis olim plus libidinum circumdedit, quàm illa col-
Juvies. Vix artibus horeftis pudor retinetur: nedum inter
certamina vitiorum, pudicitia, aut modeftia, aut quidquam
probi moris refervaretur. Tac.
f Et mærens Burrhus ac laudans.
centiouſneſs,
**?
Book X.
NER O.
go
103
aft. C. 59-
Suet, Nor
centiouſneſs, and others in hopes of making A. C.810.
their fortunes. They did their duty perfectly
weil, fpending whole days and nights in clap-
ping their hands and making a great noiſe, and
lavishing all the attributes of the Divinity on
the Prince and his fine voice. Every favour
due to virtue and merit was bestowed on thefe
mean flatterers. This troop, which bore the
honourable name of Auguftani, was confidera- 21. & D10,
bly encreaſed afterwards, and at laſt confifted
of upwards of five thousand men, taken indif
criminately from among the people; the only
neceffary qualification being ftrength of lungs
and a loud voice. They were divided into
chorus's, and practifed a kind of meaſure or
time in their applaufes, modulating their noiſe
in different manners, for which they had diffe-
rent names. The chief of each chorus had a
falary of forty thoufand fefterces.
£.3600
manner of
Poetry is, without doubt, a nobler ſtudy His tafte for
than the arts we have been fpeaking of; but poetry; and
would not much more become a Monarch who writing
fhould make a buſineſs of it. Nero valued him- verles.
felf on being a poet; and, to acquire the re-
putation of it without much trouble, uſed to
have meetings in his palace of men, who had
a turn for poetry, but were not yet well known
to the public. In his prefence they wrote in con-
cert, tacked together the lines each of them
brought ready made, or thoſe they made off
hand, and finifhed the fketches Nero's fallies.
fupplied them with. Tacitus had ſome of thoſe
Hi dies ac noctes plaufibus perfonare. Formam Prin-
cipis vocemque Deûm vocabulis appellantes, quafi per vir-
tutem, clari honoratique agere. Tac.
H 4
perfor-
104 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.810. performances in his poffeffion, and fays h, one
aft. C. 59. might eafily perceive in what manner they had
been compofed; that they were only fcraps
tacked together, no flowing vein, nor conftant
fire animating them.
Not but that Nero did fometimes write.
verſes himſelf, and without help. Suetonius
fays, he ſaw ſome original rough draughts
written with the Prince's own hand, with fcratch-
ings, and interlinings, that fhewed them to bet
the work of an author. It is eafy to reconcile
Suetonius with Tacitus, by fuppofing they
ſpeak of different performances.
Nero feems to have been fond of fonorous
words, a gigantic ftyle, and ftrong cadences,
at leaſt if we are to fuppofe the lines ludicrously
quoted in Perfius's firſt Satyr, to have been his;
as that poet's old ſcholiaſt aſſures us they were:
Suet. Ner. 39, nor does it feem at all improbable. We learn
from Suetonius, and I have already ſaid, that
Nero bore fatyr patiently enough; and tho' he
might, perhaps, have been more difpleaſed to
have his verfes attacked than his morals, yet his
indulgence in the latter cafe might influence in
the former.
He laughs at
›bilofophers.
A part of his time, after meals, was ſpent
Tat.xiv. 16. in hearing philofophers; but with a view rather
to divert himſelf at their expence, than to learn
from them. To that end, he purpoſely chofe
them of different fects, to laugh at the quarrels,
fometimes pretty warm ones, that were the
ufual confequence of their difputes: nor did all
i
hQuod fpecies ipfa carminum docet, non impetu et in-
ftin&tu, nec ore uno fluens.
Nec deerant qui voce vultuque trifti inter oblectamenta
regia fpectari cuperent. Tac.
the
NER 0.
195
aft. C. 59.
Book X.
the pretended gravity of thofe philofopers, A. R.810.
their apparent ſeverity, or their long beards,
hinder their being glad to appear at court, and
amuſe the prince.
death.
Nero's diverfions were no fufpenfion of his He caufer
cruelty his aunt found it fo a little after Agrip- his aunt's
pina's death, and before his beard was fhaved Suet.Ner.31.
the first time. Domitia being indifpofed, her & Dio.
nephew paid her a viſit: the fick lady careſſing
him, put her hand to his chin, and touching
his young beard, "I fhall be content to die,
"faid fhe, when I have received this young
"hair." Nero turning about to thofe that
were with him, "If that be the cafe, faid he,
"I will have it cut off immediately:" and di-
rected the phyſicians to give his aunt a ftrong
purge, that would foon end her days. He did
not even wait her death to take poffeffion of
what ſhe had, and particularly of an eftate near
Baie and Ravenna, where he erected magnifi-
cent trophies that ſtill ſubſiſted in Dion Caffius's
time. He fuppreffed her will, that he might
not be obliged to ſhare her inheritance with any
It is furpriſing Tacitus fhould make no
mention of Domitia's death.
one.
Tac. xiv.
A Ann. 27.
The adminiſtration of public affairs, in which Good admi-
Nero's paffions were not concerned, ftill bore a niftration.
good face, by the wiſdom of his miniſters.
combat of gladiators, given at Pompeia in Cam-
pania, by Livineius Regulus, who for feveral
years paſt had been degraded from the rank of
Senator, gave rife to a violent fedition, in which
many loft their lives.
A great number of the
inhabitants of Nuceria, a neighbouring town,
went to fee the fight. The Pompeians and Nu-
cerians began firſt to joke and rally one another,
from
J
106 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.810. from that they proceeded to invectives, and
aft. C. 59. from thence to throwing ftones, till at laft
T. ix.
fwords were drawn on both fides: and the Nu-
cerians, who were beat, applied to Rome for
juftice. Several of the maimed and wounded
were carried thither, and many more bewailed
the death of a fon or father. Nero, remembring
the promiſe he had made, not to take cogni-
nizance himſelf of all affairs, as his predeceffor
had done, referred the parties to the Senate,
who forbad the Pompeians ever having any
meeting of that kind for ten years. Livineius,
and the other chief promoters of the fedition,
were baniſhed.
The Senate fhewed a very proper ſeverity to
Pædius Blafus, who, whilft governor of Cy-
rene, had plundered the facred treaſures of Ef-
culapius's temple, and had been prevailed on
by money and intereft to commit many inju-
ries in levying foldiers. On the Cyreneans
complaints he was expelled the Senate.
The fame Cyreneans complained too, that
Acilius Strabo had wronged the exchequer. It
has been faid in the hiftory of the Roman
Republic, how Ptolemy Apion bequeathed his
kingdom of Cyrene to the Roman people. The
lands that were his demefnes, and which in vir-
tue of his will belonged to the Emperor, were
by degrees ufurped and taken poffeffion of by
people, for whom they lay convenient; and
the unjuft poffeffors pleaded prefcription. Acilius
was fent Commiffary by Claudius, with the
power of Prætor, to claim the lands fo ufurped.
His decifions difpleafed the Cyreneans, and
they accuſed him before the Senate; who, after
hearing both parties, declared, they ſhould not
take
ง
Book X.
NERO.
107
take cognizance of the commiffion given by A.R. 810.
Claudius to Acilius, but that the Cyreneans aft. C. 59.
might appeal to the Emperor. Nero declared,
Acilius had judged very properly; but that his
intention being to favour the allies of the Em-
pire in all things, he gave them up the lands of
which they were in poffeffion before the Com-
miffary's judgment.
Afer, and
The famous orator Domitius Afer died this Death of
year. I have had occaſion to ſpeak of him fe- Domitius
veral times; and have nothing to add to what M.Servilius.
has been already faid, except what the younger each of them
Pliny relates of him after Quintilian.
Remarks on
Plin. Ep. li.
In Afer's time, a cuftom, or rather fhame- 14.
ful abuſe, was creeping in, which afterwards
became of confequence. Eloquence had its
cabals, and advocates, more ftudious of vain
glory than of their client's interefts, took care,
when they pleaded, to have a great croud of
auditors, ready to applaud and clap their hands
as at the theatres. Afer's merit was fuperior
to fuch low tricks; he fcorned and left them to
men who wanted thoſe reſources: nor could he
forbear expreffing his indignation when he ſaw
it grow into a cuftom. Quintilian gives his
difciple Pliny the following account of it: "I
"went with Domitius Afer, faid Quintilian,
"and heard him plead before the Centumviri
<<
flowly and with gravity; for that was his
"manner. On a fudden his ears were ſtruck
"with an uncommon uproar, proceeding from
a neighbouring court, where caufes were like-
* A tribunal of Judges, con-
cerning which the reader may
confult M.Rollin's Differtation
4
on the functions of Prætors, at
the end of his fecond Volume of
the Roman Hiftory.
" wife
·
*
108
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
•
k
A.R.810.wife hearing. He ftopt, and when the noife
aft. C. 59. was over, continued his difcourfe. A fecond
"ſhout of joy interrupted Afer a ſecond time:
"the noife being repeated a third time, he aſked
"who it was that pleaded fo loud. He was told it
"was Largus Licinius, the first author of the
"abuſe we are fpeaking of. Afer dropping his
"cauſe for a moment, and addreffing himſelf to
"the Judges, Gentlemen, ſaid he, our profeſſion is
"ruined." Pliny tells us, that in his time this
abuſe was got to a great height. Troops of
applauders were kept in pay, who without hear-
ing a word, and often without fo much as lift-
ning, fet up a horrid noiſe the moment the fig-
nal was given them; fo that, fays he, 'tis the
eaſieſt thing in the world, now-a-days, to know
the merit of an advocate; only liften a moment
as you paſs by any of the courts, and you may
be fure, he that moſt noiſe is made for, is the
man that ſpeaks the worſt.
1
The ſame year, in which Domitius Afer died,
likewife robbed the learned world of M. Servi-
lius, whom Tacitus thinks equal to Afer for parts,
and far beyond him for probity. This Servi-
lius is doubtlefs the fame who was Conful un-
der Tiberius, in the year of Rome 786. Hẹ
pleaded with great reputation for a long time,
and after that fet about writing Hiſtory, in
which he met with equal applaufe: but what
is beyond that, he was an honeft man.
The uprightness of his conduct in thofe dark
times, is the higheſt praife that can be given
him.
k Centumviri, inquit, hoc artificium periit.
Scito eum peffimè dicere, qui laudatur maximè,
Tacitus
[
1
Book X.
NERO.
109
Tacitus fays nothing more of that illuftrious A.R. 810:
man. If he be the fame, as there is great rea-
aft. C. 59.
fon to think, with Servilius Nonianus, we find Plin. Ep. i.
fomething concerning him in Pliny's Letters. 23.
One day when he was reciting part of his works
to a numerous audience, Claudius, who was
walking in the palace, hearing a loud noiſe,
enquired what it was; and being told it was a
company applauding what Servilius Nonianus
was reciting, he went himſelf, without being Inftit. Or.
expected or invited, and liſtened like the reft. 1.
Quintilian fays, Nonianus had great parts and
a fertile imagination, but thinks his ſtyle leſs
concife than the gravity of Hiftory requires.
As the greateſt genius's have often their Plin. Nat.
foibles, fo Nonianus had his; and that was a
ſuperſtitious credulity for a pretended charm or
amulet. He ufed to wear about his neck a bit
of linen, in which was wrapped a paper, with
the two Greek letters P and A infcribed on it,
to preſerve him from fore eyes.
The year following, Nero entered on his
fourth Confulfhip with Coffus.
NERO CLAUDIUS CESAR AUGUSTUS IV.
COSSUS CORNELIUS LENTULUS.
Hift. xxviii
2.
A. R.811.
aft. C. 60.
tutes Games
He imagined he was Emperor only to mul- Nero infti-
tiply amufements and diverſions. Several kinds after the
of games were already ufed in Rome. Nero, Greek fafhi-
in his fourth Confulfhip, inftituted new ones, of ftricter
on. People
borrowed from the Greeks, to be celebrated morals com-
plain of it.
every five years. Theſe games, to which he Tac. xiv.
gave his own name, calling them Neronia, were Ann. 20.
at the fame time gymnaftic, mufical, and eque- Suet. Ner.22.
ftrian; that is to fay, there was boxing and Die.
wreſtling
1
?
110
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 811. wreſtling on one hand; eloquence, poetry, and
aft. C. 60. mufic on the other, and chariot races in the
Tac.
circus. The victor's reward was a crown of
different form, according to the different object
of contention.
m
Strict zealots for purity of manners were juſt-
ly alarmed at this new inftitution: They com-
plained, "That after the ancient difcipline
had been fo often violated, the defign muft
"now be to ruin all, by introducing a foreign
"licentioufnefs: that nothing the whole world
"can produce capable of corrupting, or of
"being corrupted, would now be wanting in
"Rome: that young men would prove effe-
"minate, and be enervated by the Greek ex-
"erciſes; they would foon be uſed to idleneſs,
keep company with wreftlers, and learn and
<<
<6
practiſe the worſt of debaucheries; and all
"this countenanced by, and under the autho-
"rity of, the Prince and Senate. The first no-
"bility of Rome, added they, under pretence
"of difputing the prize of eloquence or poetry,
m Abolitos paulatim patrios mores funditus everti per ac-
citam lafciviam, ut quod ufquam corrumpi et corrumpere
queat, in urbe vifatur, degeneretque ftudiis externis juven-
tus, gymnafia et otia, et turpes amores exercendo, Principe
et Senatu auctoribus, proceres Romani fpecie orationum
et carminum, ſceni polluantur. Quid fupereffe, nifi ut cor-
pora quoque nudent, et cæftus affumant, eafque pugnas
pro militia et armis meditentur. An inftitutos Auguſta-
nos, et decurias Equitum, egregium judicandi munus ex-
pleturos, fi fractos fonos et dulcedinem vocum peritè audif-
fent? Noctes quoque dedecori adjectas, ne quod tempus
pudori relinquatur; fed coetu promifcuo, quod perditiffimus
quifque per diem concupiverit, per tenebras expleat. Tac.
*The Text of Tacitus is faulty in this place. I have followed an e-
mendation that jems very probable.
‹‹ will
Book X.
NERO.
111
"will proſtitute themſelves on the ftage. What A.R. 811.
"can they do more, unless they take up the aft. C. 60.
"cæftus, and contend naked like Grecian
"wreftlers, fubftituting theſe frivolous exer-
"cifes in the room of the manly ones, that more
"immediately relate to war and arms? The
important office of Judge will be finely filled
66
<<
66
by men, who fhall have ſpent their lives in
"learning a tune, or reliſhing the quavers of
"an effeminate voice. To all the other dan-
gers of theſe feducing fhews, the nights too
"are added, that there may be no hour of
fafety for modeſty and chaſtity; but that li-
"centiouſneſs, favoured by the dark, may
triumph fecure, amidſt a confufed croud of
people, ftrangers to each other.”
66
66
66
We may readily conclude, pleaſure did not
want its advocates, who alledged a thoufand
reaſons foreign to the purpoſe, becauſe they
dared not own the true. The only folid obſer-
vation they made was, that the number of lights
would prevent all indecency in the Theatre
and Tacitus fays, that, in fact, nothing fcan-
dalous did happen there. But the general ef-
feminacy of manners, and extinction of every
fentirnent of dignity among the nobility, and
even of the regard they owed themſelves, were
evils not poffibly to be avoided, and of which
we fhall foon find but too many proofs.
Nero difputed the prize of eloquence and
Latin poetry againſt the first in Rome; but
they were too good courtiers to ſtrive to excel
their Emperor. From adverfaries, as they
were at firſt, they became admirers, and all
adjudged him the crown.
The Herald pro-
claimed Nero conqueror.
The
I 12
[
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS:
A. R.811.
The Panto-
mime art
higheſt per-
fection un-
der Nero.
The Pantomines were re-called on account
aft. C. 60. of the Neronian games, and carrried their art
to a furpriſing degree of perfection, under a
carried to its Prince fo fond of plays and all manner of di-
verfions. Lucian ſpeaks of an actor in that
way, who fingly would reprefent, by his gefts,
a ſcene of ſeveral perfonages, and in fo expref-
five a manner, that Demetrius, a Cynic philo-
fopher, who deſpiſed his performances, which he
had never feen, being one day prevailed on to
ſee him, was aftoniſhed, charmed, and cried
out, "I not only fee, but hear him his hands.
fpeak."
Lucian de
Saltat.
66
A foreign Prince, a barbarian, from near
Pontus, gave that Pantomime a character ftill
higher than the Cynic had done. Something
he had to requeſt from Nero, had brought that
Prince to Rome; and during his abode there,
he faw that Pantomime act; not fingly, but
with feveral others, who fung, whilft he made
his dumb fhew. The Prince, who underſtood
hardly a word of what they were finging, readily
conceived the whole by his figns. When he
took his leave of Nero, to return to his own
dominions, the Emperor fhewed him great
kindneſs, and bad him aſk whatever he had a-
mind. "You cannot, faid the Prince, make
"me a greater prefent than by giving me the
Pantomime I faw act." "What ufe would he
"be of, anſwered Nero, in your country
"Of very great ufe, replied the ftranger: My
neighbours are barbarians, who ſpeak diffe-
"rent languages, and I am often at lofs for in-
"terpreters to negociate with them. The Pan-
"tomime I afk for, would be an univerfal in-
terpreter by his actions."
66
?",
During
!
+
Book X.
n
NER
O.
113
Comet.
removed.
During the year of Nero's fourth Confulship A.R.811.
a comet appeared, which the fuperftitious vul- aft. C. 66.
garly looked upon as a prognoftic of misfortunes Rubellius
to them, and that they were to change their Plautus is
Emperor. Many thought the Empire already
as good as vacant, and were looking out for a
proper perſon to fill the throne. Unfortunately
for Rubellius Plautus, he was pitched upon.
He was, as I have before obferved, related to
the Julian family, his mother being grand-
daughter to Tiberius; but being fenfible of the
danger to which that honour expofed him, he
endeavoured to fhun it, by living quiet and
retired, with all the fimplicity of the ancients,
more like a philofopher than a nobleman, and
fuffering no noife or riotings in his houfe. Not-
withſtanding all his precautions, the more he
ftrove to be retired and forgot, the more he
was talked of. The reports that were ſpread
of him were ſtrengthened by an arbitrary inter-
pretation of a pretended prodigy. Whilft
Nero was fitting at table, at fome place in the
territory of Tibur, the thunder fell on the table;
from whence fome were weak enough to con-
clude, the Gods deftined Rubellius to be Em-
peror, becauſe his anceſtors came originally
from that place. This difpofition of the mob
was fomented and encreafed by fome of thofe
rafh men, whoſe turbulent uneafy minds can
never be at reft, and whofe ambition, often
°
n Omnium ore Rubellius Plautus celebrabatur, cui nobi-
litas per matrem ex Julia familia. Ipfe placita majorum
colebat, habitu feverus, caftâ et fecreti domo, quantoque
metu occultior, tanto plus famæ ad eptus.
O
Fovebantque multi, quibus nova et ancipitia præcolere,
avida et plerumque fallax ambitio eft.
VOL. IV.
I
fatal
114
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
î
A. R.811. fatal to themſelves, catches at the firſt glim-
aft. C. 60. mering of novelty, and makes them ready to
head a party before any is ſo much as thought of.
Dio.
Nero bathes
in the ſource
Marcia.
66
Rubellius was perfectly innocent of all the
talk and ſchemes his name gave rise to: but
with Nero it was a crime to be thought worthy
to reign. He would certainly not have fpared
the life of the man who gave him umbrage, had
he not been over-ruled by Seneca and Burrhus.
It was probably on that occafion that Seneca faid
to Nero, "Though you kill ever fo many,
you cannot kill your fucceffor." Rubellius,
however, was obliged to remove. Nero wrote
him a letter, exhorting him to take fuch mea-
fures as were fafeft for his own perfon and the
peace of the city, and moft proper to put a ſtop
to reports that injured him: "You have, add-
"ed he, lands in Afia: I would adviſe you to
"ſpend your youth there, remote from danger
"and fufpicion. Rubellius obeyed: he re-
tired to Aſia, with his wife Antiftia, and a few
friends, and there gave himſelf up to the ftudy
of the Stoic philoſophy, of which he was a
great admirer.
وو
A whim took Nero, to do a thing that highly
of the water incenfed the public, and brought a fit of fick-
nefs on himſelf. The water Marcia was one
of the most celebrated of all thofe that were
brought to Rome by aqueducts; and its fource,
according to the fuperftitious idea of paganiſm,
thought facred. Nero would bathe there: this
action was greatly difliked, and a fever he got
by it was imputed a judgment on him.
Sundry part:-
Some particular events will conclude what
cular events. more we have to fay under this year. The city
of Laodocie in Afia fuffered greatly by an
Tac. Ann.
xiv. 27.
earthquake;
¿
#
*
Book X.
NERO.
115
earthquake; but was rich enough to repair it- A.R. 811
felf without applying to the Prince or Republic aft. C. 60.
of Rome. In Italy, Nero added to the privi-
leges of the city of Pozzuola, and gave it the
title of * Auguft, or Imperial Colony. The colo-
nies of Antium and Tarentum were almoft de-
ſtitute of inhabitants. To prevent their total
decay, Nero fent fome old foldiers to live there,
but could not remedy the evil which proceeded
from two caufes.
For-
The firft was, that at that time, foldiers
were not at liberty to marry, nor were difmiffed
till after twenty, and ſometimes five and twenty
years fervice; during which they grew habitual
libertines, fo that few could afterwards think of
living in a family way with a wife and children.
Befides, a method quite different from what the
ancients had practifed, had been of late intro-
duced in the manner of fettling colonies.
merly a whole legion, foldiers and officers, uſed
to be ſent to form a colony: theſe all knew one
another, and had been ufed to live together.
The Emperors thought that method impolitic:
they feared if any diſturbance happened, thoſe
citizens would turn foldiers again, which in-
deed had often been the cafe. They therefore
compofed their colonies of veterans, taken from
all the different armies of the Empire; a con-
fufed medley, incapable of forming fuch a
connected fociety as the founding a new town
requires. The new inhabitants, unacquainted
with each other, foon grew tired; the confe-
quence of which was, that every one removed
* So Cellarius, Geogr. Ant. 1. ii. c. 9. underflands the
words of Tacitus, which are not very clear.
I 2
from
E
116 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 811. from it, chufing rather to live among his old
aft. C. 60. acquaintance in the province where he had
ferved.
The right of electing Prætors belonged to
the Senate by Tiberius's inftitution. This year
there were three candidates more than places to
fill, and of courfe great caballing, which Nero
put an end to, by giving the command of a
legion to each of thofe that were not made.
Prætors.
He added to the ſplendor and dignity of the
Senate, by ordering that all who appealed from
the ſentence of the firft Judge to the Senate,
fhould depofite the fame forfeiture as thofe who
appealed to the Emperor.
Vibius Secundus, a Roman knight, who
had been the Emperor's Intendant in Maurita-
nia, was accuſed of extortion by the people of
that Province. He was guilty, and all the
credit of his brother Vibius Crifpus, one of the
moſt famous orators of his age, could hardly
obtain a mitigation of punishment. He was
only baniſhed out of Italy, inſtead of undergo-
ing the penalty of exile, properly called, by
which all the rights and privileges of citizen
were forfeited.
BOOK
i
་
[ 117 ]
воок
SECT. I.
XI.
The Britons uſed tyrannically by the Romans, form
a league to recover their liberty. They take
advantage of Suetonius Paulinus's abfence, who
was gone to attack the ifle of Mona, to take up
arms. Three cities facked by the rebels, and
Seventy thousand men killed. Suetonius gains a
great victory. Suetonius is thwarted by the In-
tendant, in his endeavours to fubdue the Britons
entirely. Polycletes, the Emperor's freeman,
is fent into Britain. Suetonius is recalled. The
will of a rich man forged. Punishment of the
guilty. Pedanius Secundus, Præfect of the city,
affaffinated by one of his flaves. Caffius's fpeech
in ſupport of the law, whereby all the flaves of
a murdered mafter were condemned to die. His
opinion prevails. Law Petronia. Tarquntius
Prifcus condemned for extortion. Quit-rent and
Poll-tax levied in Gaul. Death and character
of Memmius Regulus. Gymnafium dedicated
by Nero. The Prætor Antiftius accused of
writing fatyrical verfes against the Emperor.
Law against high-treafon put in force. Thra-
fea's noble boldness. The accufed is quit for
being confined to an island. Fabricius Veiento
condemned for a fatyrical libel against the
Senators and Priests. Death of Burrhus.
I 3
Fenius
118
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS,
A.R.812.
aft. C. 61.
The Britons
uſed tyran-
nically by
form a
league to re-
Fenius Rufus and Tigellinus made Pretorian
Prefects. Seneca's credit declines. He defires
leave to retire and give all his riches to the Em-
peror. Nero's answer. Seneca retires from
court. His retirement is the fineſt part of his
life: and the best apology for his immenfe riches.
Sylla and Rubellius Plautus killed by Nero's or-
der. Nero ventures to repudiate Octavia and
marry Poppea. Octavia, after being cruelly
and unjustly used, is at length put to death. Do-
ryphorus and Pallas poifoned. Nero's care to
make plenty reign in the city.
Three men of
Confular rank made Superintendants of the fi-
nances. Orders of the Senate to prevent frau-
dulent adoptions. Another order fuppreffing the
praiſes the provinces uſed to beſtow on their Go-
vernors, Death of Perfius. His character.
Earthquake in Campania. Nero becomes father
of a girl, who does not live quite four months.
Nero fhers his diflike to Thrafea. Sundry thing.
of less moment.
C. CAESONIUS PAETUS.
P. PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS.
W
E have not fpoken of Britain fince the
laft years of Claudius's life. Under the
the Romans, Confuls Cafonius Pætus and Petronius Turpili-
anus the Romans fuffered there a bloody lofs;
which they brought on themfelves by their injuf
tice and violent tyranny with which they treated
xiv. 19. & a people not yet thoroughly fubdued. Tacitus
Agr. 14. & himſelf puts the following complaints in the
Britons mouths.
cover their
liberty.
Tac. Ann.
Dio.
a
All we gain by our patience is to make
Nihil patientià profici, nifi ut graviora, tanquam ex
..
“Our
NER 0.
Book XI.
119
"our maſters ufe us worſe, as if we were ca- A.R. 812.
aft. C. 61,
pable of bearing any thing. Formerly we
"had but one King; now two are ſet over us,
"the Emperor's Lieutenant and his Intendant,
"who divide between them the taſk of cruel-
ર
ty; the one exerciſe it on our lives, the other
on our fortunes. From one we fuffer all
"the outrages military licentiouſneſs can com-
"mit, and from the other infults and rapine.
"Whether thoſe two officers agree or difagree,
"we are equally fufferers. Nothing we have
"is fecure from their lawleſs paffions. In war
"it muſt be a ſtronger man than ourſelves that
"ftrips and plunders us: but here we are
"driven from our families and homes by cow-
"ards, who vex and torment us with levies of
* troops; as if our infenfibility could endure
every thing, but dying for our country."
:
A notorious inftance proves how juftly thoſe
complaints were made. Prafutagus, King of
the Icenians, dying, by will named the Empe-
ror his heir, jointly with his two daughters, hop-
ing by that means to entail on his fubjects and
family a powerful protection, that would fecure
them from all harm. The very contrary hap-
pened. His territories became a prey to the
facili tolerantibus, imperentur. Singulos fibi olim reges
fuiffe, nunc binos imponi, è quibus legatus in fanguinem,
procurator in bona fæviret. Æquè difcordiam præpofitorum,
æquè concordiam fubjectis exitiofam. Alterius * manus cen-
turiones, alterius vim et contumelias mifcere. Nihil jam
cupiditati, nihil libidini exceptum. In bello fortiorem effe
qui fpoliet nunc ab ignavis plerumque et imbellibus eripi
domos, abftrahi liberos, injungi delectus, tanquam mori
tantum pro patriâ nefcientibus. Tac. Agr. xv.
The text of Tacitus is very difficult here, and perhaps corrupted. The
fenfe I take it in feems agrecable to the circumſtance of things.
Roman
1 4
ร
120
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 812. Roman Centurions, and the Emperor's flaves
aft, C. 61. poffeffed themfelves of his houfe. He left a
widow generally called Boadicea, by fome Vo-
adica, and Bonduica. She herself was uſed
with great indignity, whipped, and her daugh-
ters defpoiled of their honour. The Romans
conſtrued Prafutagus's legacy to be a gift of his
whole country, and pretended he had bequeath-
ed them not only his own lands, but thofe of
his fubjects too; and on that fuppofition the
chief of the nation were robbed of their patri-
monies, and the King's neareſt relations treated
as flaves.
Dion Caffius adds another kind of vexation
exerciſed over the Britons by Seneca, who after
• Three bun- lending them* forty millions of fefterces at an
ufurious intereſt, at once demanded payment of
fand younds. that large fum, and thereby drove his debtors
to deſpair.
dred and
twenty thou-
I fhall not pretend abfolutely to deny the truth
of this laft fact, tho' Dion's inveterate hatred
to Seneca might give room to doubt the truth
of it. However that may have been, thus
much at leaft is certain, that the Romans ty-
rannized fo cruelly over that brave and warlike
people, that they, fearing ftill worſe would en-
fue, refolved to revolt. The Icenians privately
engaged their neighbours the Trinobantes, and
fome other nations of the Roman province not
yet accuſtomed to the yoke, to efpoufe the com-
mon caufe, join all their troops, and make a
brave attempt to recover their liberties. It was
not long before the Roman General offered
them a favourable opportunity, by removing
himſelf and his troops to the ifle of Mona: they
feize
Book XI.
NER O.
121
feized it inſtantly, took up arms, and moft A. R.812.
bloodily revenged their wrongs.
aft. C. 61.
advantage of
was gone to
ifle of Mona,
The Roman Commander was Suetonius Pau- They take
linus, a great warrior, and, in the opinion of Suetonius
the people, who leave no man unparralleled, the Paulinus's
rival of Corbulo. There had been an interval abience, who
of a year between him and Didius, the laſt of attack the
the Emperor's Lieutenants in Britain, of whom to take up
I have made mention, and that ſpace was filled arms.
up by Veranius, whofe fudden death prevented
his doing any great exploit. He had the high-
eft character for prudence and probity whilft he
lived, but at his death loft it by the flatteries
he beſtowed on Nero in his will, and by boaſt-
ing as vainly as a young coxcomb could have
done, that in two years more he would com-
plete the conqueft of the island. Suetonius,
who fucceeded him, really wished to emulate
Corbulo, and gain in the Britiſh iſles as much
glory as the other had reaped in Armenia. But
he did not imitate the prudence of that great
General, who never went forward without firft
fecuring what he left behind; and after gaining
feveral advantages, not dreaming of the plot
that was carrying on in the heart of the coun-
try, he fuffered his prudence to be lulled afleep, by
the pleafing idea of conquering the ifle of Mona,
a ftrong place, and an afylum for all fugitives.
That ifle, now called Anglefea, is feparated
from the main ifland only by a fhallow and very
narrow arm of the fea. Suetouius built flat
bottomed boats to carry over his infantry; the
cavalry waded, or, where it was too deep, the
horfes fwam.
The inhabitants oppofed his landing. The
ſhore was covered with troops, whofe very looks
infpired
1
122
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.812. infpired terror. Amidst the crowded ranks of
aft. C. 61. armed men were feen women running up and
Three cities
facked by
and feventy
the rebels,
thouſand
men killed.
down like furies; their drefs difmal, their hair
difhevelled, and lighted torches in their hands.
Round about were the Druids, who, lifting up
their hands to heaven, implored victory for
their countrymen, and curſes for their enemies.
The Roman foldiers, aftoniſhed at the novelty
of fuch a fight, remained fome time motionleſs.
But foon animated by their General's exhorta-
tions, and encouraging one another not to fear
a parcel of mad women and fanatical priefts,
they advanced, gained ground, and ſword in
hand beat down a great number of Barbarians,
whom they burnt in their own fires. The reſt
difperfed and fled. Suetonius left a garrifon in
the ifle, and cut down the woods confecrated
to inhuman fuperftitions: for it was the cuftom
of thoſe people to facrifice their prifoners at
the foot of their altars, and to confult the will
of the gods in the entrails of thoſe unhappy
victims.
Suetonius was bufied in fecuring his new
conqueft, when he learnt the revolt of the Bri-
tons, whoſe firſt exploit was the ruin of Cama-
lodunum, a colony lately founded by Oftorius
Scapula. The veterans fettled there had taken
care to render themfelves more odious than all
the Romans, driving the natives of the country
from their habitations, ftripping them of their
lands, and treating them like prifoners of war
and flaves: and the foldiers, then in actual fer-
vice, upheld the veterans in their infolence,
having the fame tafte and principles, and hop-
ing one day to enjoy the fame liberty. What
added to their grief was a temple built in Cama-
lodunum
Book XI.
NERO.
123
lodunum in honour of Claudius, which the A.R. 812.
Britons looked upon as a citadel intended to aft. C. 61.
perpetuate the Roman tyranny over them; and
the prieſts choſen from amongſt the natives to at-
tend that temple, were forced to ruin themſelves
by the extraordinary expences which the religious
rites and maintenance of the building required.
The eaſe with which their enterprize might be
executed was another, and a ſtrong motive.
The colony was not at all fortified, the Roman
Generals having been imprudent enough to
take more care to adorn and make it convenient,
than to render it ſtrong.
any
The Roman veterans were not unacquainted
with the motions of the Barbarians. They
were alarmed too with appearances of prodi-
gies, which Dion Caffius and even Tacitus
have taken the pains to relate. Suetonius be-
ing at too great a distance to give them af-
fiftance, they applied to the Intendant of the
province, Catus Decianus, who ſent them only
two hundred men, badly armed; themſelves
had been able to collect but a fmall number of
foldiers: their chief hope was in a part of the
temple, the walls of which were ftrong, and
that they fortified in the beſt manner they could.
But, prevented by traitors who fecretly favour-
ed the confpiracy, they never thought of mak-
ing a ditch or rampart, nor of difmiffing uſeleſs
mouths, and keeping only ſuch as were able to
defend the place. They were as unconcerned
and as little on their guard as if they had
been in times of fettled peace, when on a fud-
den they were furrounded by a cloud of Barba-
rians. The town could not hold out a mo-
ment, it was taken by ftorm, and burnt. The
temple,
2
124
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
"
A.R. 812. temple, in which the foldiers had fhut them-
aft. C. 61. felves up, refifted two days, but was forced.
Petilius Cerialis, whom we fhall fee by and
by turn out a great General, then but young,
made all the ſpeed he could to relieve the co-
lony with the ninth legion under his command.
He met the Barbarians, who, elated by the
victory they had juft gained, put his legion to
flight, and cut all the infantry to pieces. Ceri-
alis with his horfe got back to the camp, where
he defended himſelf behind the retrenchments.
The Intendant Catus terrified at this fecond
defeat, and knowing how much he was hated
in the province on account of his avarice,
which in fact had cauſed the revolt, prudently
left them and went over to Gaul.
In the mean time Suetonius arrived, and,
tho' but badly accompanied, boldly puſhed on
thro' the enemy's troops that overſpread the
country, and got to London, which, tho' it
had neither the title nor privileges of a colony,
was even then greatly frequented on account
of it's commerce. He was fome time in
doubt whether he fhould not make it his head.
quarters, during the war he had to carry on.
But, confidering how few troops he had, and
the bad fuccefs Cerialis's rafhneſs had met with,
he refolved to facrifice a city to fave a province.
The prayers and tears of the inhabitants could
not move him; the fignal was given to march,
and all that chofe to follow him were received
in his troops. Such as the weakneſs of their
fex or age hindered from removing, or who
would not abandon their poffeffions, became a
prey to the enemy.
A third
Book XI.
NERO.
*
125
A third place ſuffered the fame unhappy fate. A.R.812.
The Barbarians took and facked Verulamium. aft. C. 61.
They did not attack ftrong caftles in which
were garriſons able to refift: the hopes of plun-
der and eafy fuccefs made them prefer towns,
in which was much to be got, and little hazard
run.
b
Seventy thousand allies and citizens periſhed in
theſe three cities: for the fury of the Barbarians
was too great for them to think of making pri-
foners, or felling or exchanging them. They
put all to the fword without diſtinction: and
fuch as eſcaped the firft heat of their rage were
only referved for more cruel and ignominious
deaths, gibbets, fire, and the croſs. It ſeems
as if the Britons had expected foon to pay
themſelves the penalty of their revolt, and were
willing to revenge themſelves before-hand.
victory.
+
Suetonius had no fooner got together ten Suetonius.
thousand men, but he refolved to fight, tho' gains a great
the Barbarians were almoſt innumerable; Dion
Caffius fays two hundred and thirty thouſand.
To give his little army all the advantages the
ground would admit of, he drew his men up
in a paſs backed by a foreft. He knew he had
no ambuſh to fear, and that all the enemies he
had to fight were in front. The legions were in
the center, the light troops on the right and
left, and the cavalry formed the wings.
* The ruins of that place are fill called Verulam near
St. Albans.
b
↳ Neque enim capere aut venumdare, aliudve quod belli
commercium; fed patibula, ignes, cruces, tanquam red
dituri fupplicium, et præreptâ interim ultione, feftinabant.
Tac. xiv. Ann. 33.
dun.
The
126
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS:
A. R.812.
The Barbarians occupied an immenſe tract
aft. C. 61. of open country, which refounded with their
cries and fhouts of joy, and where their batta-
lions and ſquadrons formed a thouſand irregular,
motions. They thought themſelves fo fure of
victory that they had brought their wives to be
witneffes of it.
They were headed by a woman: for even
then the Britons made no diftinction of fexes in
the right to command. Boadicea, ſeated on a
chariot of war with her two daughters, went
through their ranks, exhorting them to behave
well. She was tall, her look ftern, and coun-
tenance martial; her hair hung down to her
waiſt, and a military mantle was thrown over
her fhoulders. The heroine, addreſſing herſelf
by turns to each of the nations her army was
compofed of, told them it was no new thing
for Britons to receive a woman's orders in bat-
tle; but that fhe defired they would not con-
fider her as a Queen, defcended from fo many
illuſtrious anceſtors, and who claimed the in-
heritance of her fore-fathers: "Were I, faid
"fhe, a woman of no diſtinction, ſhould I not
3
have a right to feek revenge for the lofs of
"liberty, for the infults I have fuffered per-
fonally, and for the difhonour of my daugh-
"ters? The Romans have carried their violence
"to that degree, that they put us on a level
"with flaves, whom they fubdue by blows
"they have refpected neither the age of a
Queen, nor the virtue of Princeffes: but at
length the gods declare for us and favour
"our juft revenge. The legion that dared to
fight was cut to pieces. The reft either
66
66
..
1
"hide themſelves in their camp, or are con-
66
fulting
Book XI.
26
NERO.
fulting more eafy means of flight.
127
Far A. R.812.
" from refifting our ftrength, they will not be aft. C. 61.
"able to bear the very fhout of fo many thou-
C
fands. Think how vaftly fuperior our
"number is to their's; think of the motives
"that have induced you to undertake this war;
"never was greater reaſon to hope for con-
"queft, nor ever fo ftrong a neceffity to con-
quer or to die. Such is the example a wo-
"man is refolved to fet you. Let men, if
they like it better, live and be flaves."
(6
66
The Roman General thought proper likewiſe
to encourage his troops at the approach of fo
great a danger. He exhorted them not to
mind the empty noiſe and ſtill more empty
threats of the Barbarians, and to deſpiſe an
army compofed of more women than warriors,
and in which even the foldiers had neither pro-
per armour, nor courage and refolution, but
would fly the moment their conquerors fhould
draw near. To remove the impreffion the
enormous difference of their numbers might
make on the Romans, he bad them confider
by how few combatants victory was determined
even in a numerous army, and how great an ad-
dition it would be to their glory to do with few
men the work of feveral legions; and lastly,
he told them how he would have them fight:
"Cloſe your ranks, faid he, and after darting
'
your lances, ruſh on the enemy fword in hand,
"and beat them down with your fhields. But
"above all, think of killing, only and not of
CC
plunder. The victory gained, all will be
• Si copias armatorum, fi caufas belli fecum expenderent;
vincendum illâ acie, vel cadendum effe. Id mulieri defti-
hatum. Viverent viri, et ſervirent. Tac.
+
CC
yours."
128 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
A.R. 812. "yours." The Romans fhewed fuch ardour
aft. C. 61. and ſpirits at that fpeech, that Suetonius, giving
the fignal, thought victory fure.
Suetonius is
thwarted by
the Inten-
dant in his
endeavours
to fubdue
the Britons
entirely.
At firſt the Legionaries kept their poft, the
narrowneſs of which was a rampart to them,
and let the enemy come on. Then diſcharg-
ing their lances, not one of which was thrown
in vain, and ſeeing the Britons in diforder, they
left their paſs, and advancing upon them, backed
by the light troops and horfe, foon broke thro'
the boldeſt and moſt refolute bodies of the Bar-
barian army; the reſt fled. But their flight
was obſtructed by the circle of carts and wag-
gons on which they had placed their wives all
round. The victorious troops, quite furious,
gave no quarter, not even to the women; even
the beafts of burden were killed, and encreaſed
the heaps of flaughter.
This victory may be compared to the moſt
famous the Romans ever gained even in their
greateſt glory. Eighty thoufand Britons are
faid to have perifhed. The Romans loft but
four hundred men, and had about the fame
number wounded. According to Tacitus, Boa-
dicea kept her word, and poifoned herſelf. Dion
Caffius fays, fhe died of fickneſs ſoon after.
A Roman officer, who commanded the ſecond
legion, refuſed to join his General. Being in-
formed of the victory gained without him, a-
thamed and confounded at having deprived his
legion of the fhare it would have had in the ho-
nour of that day, and fearing being puniſhed
for his difobedience, he ftabbed himself.
Suetonius, being mafter of the country, col-
lected all his troops; and having received a re-
inforcement fent him by the Emperor's order
from
Book XI,
NER O
129
from the army in Germany, he carried fire and A.R. 812.
fword every where, in order to get the better of aft. C. 61.
the infuperable obftinacy of the Barbarians,
moft of whom ftill remained in arms. They
began already to be greatly diftreffed by want,
becauſe naturally flothful and neglecting to till
and fow their lands; and beſides that, depend-
ing on making themſelves mafters of the Ro-
man magazines and provifions after the victo-
ry, they had depopulated the country to form
the numerous army juft defeated.
So many ills combining would have forced
them to ſubmit to the victor's laws, if Julius
Clafficianus, who fucceeded Catus as Intendant,
had not encouraged their obftinacy, not mind-
ing how much he prejudiced the Roman inter-
eft, provided he did but fatisfy his own pique
againſt the General. He caufed a report to be
fpread, that Suetonius would ſhortly be recalled,
and they would find it more for their advan-
tage to treat with a new General *, who, hav-
ing never made war againſt them, would not
look upon them as enemies, and would ſtudy
lefs the pride of victory, than mildneſs and cle-
mency in the conditions he ſhould preſcribe
them. At the fame time, in hopes of making
his prediction prove true, he wrote to Rome
that an end of the war was not to be expected
whilft Suetonius commanded in Britain; and
endeavouring to undervalue him at any rate,
imputed all that had happened amiſs to the bad-
nefs of his conduct, and the ſucceſs to the good
fortune of the Republic.
*Tacitus, in his life of A-
gricola, ſpeaks in the fame ftyle,
and taxes Suetonius with pride
and rigour. In this, as well
VOL. IV.
as on other occafions, I abide by
his Annals, which were his
lateſt work,
K
His
130
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 812.
aft. C. 61.
His letters, however, determined Nero to fend
Polycletes over a Commiffary into Britain; and to that
the Empe- end he pitched on Polycletes, one of his free-
man is fent men, from whom he expected great matters,
into Britain. not only in reconciling the Commander and In-
ror's free-
Suetonius is
recalled.
The will of
a rich man
tendant, but likewife in bringing about a laſt-
ing peace with the Britons. The noify often-
tation and magnificence of the freeman's train,
fpoke the importance of his commiffion; and
when he had croffed the fea, his pomp and
haughtiness made him formidable even to the
Roman foldiers. But the Britons laughed at,
and deſpiſed him. The liberty they enjoyed
was fuch, that they could form no idea of the
power of the freeman, nor fufficiently won-
der how a General and an army, who had juſt
put an end to fo great a war, could ftoop to
a vile flave.
Polycletes made a pretty favourable report of
Suetonius, and it was refolved at court to con-
tinue the General in his poſt. But fome little
time after, meeting with an accident at ſea, in
which he loft a few fhips and their crews, it
was imagined the war was not yet over, and
Petronius Turpilianus, being juſt out of his
Confulfhip, was appointed to fucceed him. He
d did not attempt to attack the enemy, who in
return did not provoke him, but fuffered him to
conceal a lazy inaction under the honourable
name of peace.
This year two crimes committed in Rome,
forged. Pu. One by Senators, and the other by flaves, made
nifhment of a great noiſe there.
the guilty.
Tac.xiv.40.
ent Pretor, was old,
ftrong allurements to
d Is non irritato hofte,
nomen fegni otio impofuit.
Domitius Balbus, an anti-
rich, and had no children,
thoſe that were fiſhing for
neque laceffitus, honeftum pacis
inheri-
NERO.
131
Book XI.
inheritances. He had a relation named Vale- A.R. 812.
rius Fabianus, who intended to fet out in the aft. C. 61.
road to honours, and thinking riches a ne-
ceffary means of fuccefs, forged Balbus's will.
The Roman law required the fignature of fe-
ven witneffes to conftitute the validity of a will.
Fabianus therefore gained over Vincius Rufi-
nus, and Terentius Lentinus, two Knights; and
they prevailed on Antonius Primus and Afini-
us Marcellus, both Senators, to fign it. Primus
was capable of doing any thing, and we fhall
fee him behave with the fame daring boldneſs in
war, where it better became him. Marcellus
was great-grandfon to the celebrated Pollio,
and was not thought a difhoneft man; but
looking on poverty as the greateſt of evils, he
carried in his heart the feeds of every crime.
The four I have named, and fome others lefs
known, fet their hands and feals to the will Fa-
bianus had forged.
e
The crime being detected and proved, Fa-
bianus, Antonius Primus, Rufinus, and Teren-
tius, fuffered the puniſhment ordained by Sylla's
law in cafes of forgery, and accordingly were
degraded from, and expelled their feveral or-
ders, which their fhameful conduct made them
unworthy to be any longer members of. As to
Marcellus, he eſcaped the puniſhment but not the
infamy, in favour of the glory of his anceſtors
and the Emperor's interceffion. Pompeius Æ-
lianus, a young man, who had gone through
the office of Queftor, being likewife proved an
accomplice, was baniſhed Italy and Spain where
he was born.
C
Neque morum fpernendus habebatur, nifi quod pau,
pertatem præcipuum malorum credebat. Tar.
K 2
The
132
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.8iz.
The criminals attempted to make uſe of a
aft. C. 61. fubterfuge to avoid being condemned. They
had prevailed on Valerius Ponticus to become
their accufer, and lay the matter before the tri-
bunal of the Pretor, appointed according to an-
tient cuſtom to judge all crimes of forgery.
That tribunal was grown a mere fhadow fince
the creation of the Prefect or Governor of the
city, who was become, under the Emperors,
judge in ordinary of all crimes committed in
Rome. Ponticus's aim therefore was to elude
the tribunal of the city Prefect, and then ma-
nage the affair before the Pretor fo that the
accuſed might be acquitted. He was banifhed
for his prevarication; and the Senate paffed a
law on that occafion, condemning prevaricating
advocates, and fuch as bribed them to preva-
ricate, to fuffer the fame puniſhment as falfe
accufers. This decree has great affinity with
the Turpilian law.
Pedanius Se-
fect of the
of his flaves.
The fecond crime I am to fpeak of is the
cundus,Pre- murder of Pedanius Secundus, Prefect of the
city, affaffi- city, affaffinated by one of his flaves. What
nated by one induced the murderer to commit that crime,
was, either that Pedanius refufed to fet him.
free, after having agreed to do it in confidera-
tion of a certain fum of money, or elſe an in-
famous rivalſhip between the mafter and the
flave.
Tac. xiii.
Gravina, de
The puniſhment of this crime became itſelf
Orig. Juris, a crime. For, according to an old cuſtom, as
1. c.109. far back as the times of the republic, confirmed
and enforced by fundry laws under the Empe-
rors, and particularly by an act of the Senate,
paffed in Nero's fecond Confulſhip, all ſlaves
in the houſe at the time their mafter was af-
Ann. 31.
Tac. xiv.
Ann. 42.
faffinated,
"
{
Book XI,
NER O.
133
faffinated, were, without diftinction of inno- A. R.812.
cent or guilty, to fuffer death. In this cafe aft. C. 61.
there were four hundred of thoſe unhappy
wretches, and the people, compaffionating their
melancholy fate, gathered together to protect
them, and even grew feditious. Several in
the Senate, too, found fault with the too great
rigour of the law: but the civilian Caffius fpoke
ftrongly in favour of it. I fhall venture to
tranfcribe his fpeech at full length, firft, be-
cauſe the character of that illuftrious man is
drawn in it, but more eſpecially to let the
reader fee what were the grounds and motives
of fo unjuſt and cruel a law.
fpeech in
the law
whereby all
"I have often heard things propofed in this Caffius's
affembly contrary to the cuſtoms and inftitu- fupport of
"tions of our anceſtors; and if I have not
"always oppofed them, it has not been for the flaves of
"want of being thoroughly fatisfied that in a murdered
"all cafes the old regulations are wifer and condemned
"better than any late alterations; but I did to die.
66
ત
not chuſe to ſeem, by too warm a zeal for
antiquity, to enhance and over-rate my ef
"teem for it. Nor did I, if my opinion be
"of any weight, think it was proper to deſtroy
"that weight by too frequent contradictions;
"I choſe rather to referve it all for occafions in
"which it might be of fome fervice to the re-
"public. Such is the cafe before you. I cannot
"now be filent when I fee the death of a man
❝ of Confular dignity, murdered in his own
"houſe, by his own flaves, ready to go un-
puniſhed. Not one defended his maſter:
"not one informed him of the confpiracy.
"And yet they all knew their lives were at
<<
.
K 3
"ftake,
maſter were
134
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.812.
aft. C. 61. «
ftake, and that a law, now in force, con-
demns them to die: a law which, once in-
fringed, none of you can ever after depend
"on the fidelity of your flaves, whom even
"the fear of death is not fufficient to keep
"watchful over you. Will any one place his
••
66
fafety in his rank and dignity? Pedanius
"was not fafe tho' Prefect of Rome. Shall
"the number of flaves be trufted to? Four
"hundred were about him; and yet he was
"affaffinated in the midft of them all.
"There ought to be no occafion for reaſon-
c ing to give fanction to a law made by men
"wifer than us. But were the point in quef
❝tion to be determined now for the first
"time, would you think it poffible for a
"flave to form the defign of killing his maſter,
"without fuffering one menacing word or
"look to eſcape, without committing any one
"indifcretion that might betray him? I will
" even allow him to have kept his defign a
"profound fecret, and to have procured arms
"without any one's being privy to it. But
"could he, without being perceived, paſs
<6
..
'
through the guards that watch in the outer
rooms of his mafter's apartment, open his
"chamber door, carry in a light, and, finally,
"commit the murder? Slaves fee afar off pro-
66
gnoſtics of fuch a crime. If they are faith-
ful and give us a true account of them, we
CC may live fingle amidſt a multitude, in fafety
"among the moſt turbulent: or, if we muſt
"die, at leaſt our death will be revenged on
"the guilty. Our anceſtors diftrufted their
"flaves, even when they had only fuch as
2
❝ were
I
Book XI.
..
NERO:
135
<< were born in their own houſes, under their A.R. 812.
aft. C. 61.
"own eyes, and in their own country-
feats, where attachment to their maſters was
"imprinted on them from the very hour of
"their birth. But fince we have taken into
our fervice flaves of all nations, fince we
"have kept legions of flaves, whoſe manners
"and cuſtoms are all different, whoſe religions
"are foreign to our's, or who have none at
"all, fear only can keep within bounds fuch
"confufed irregular crews.
f
"It may be objected to me, that in this caſe
"fome who are innocent may perish. But
<< when an army that has fled is decimated,
"the boldeſt draw lots with the moſt abject
"cowards. Every rigorous puniſhment, in-
"tended as an example, and to ſtrike a terror,
"will always be attended with fome injuftice:
"but the public benefit that accrues from it,
"is a compenfation for the hardships fome in-
"dividuals may ſuffer."
prevails.
Humanity is fhocked at the rigour of this His opinion
decifion and I dare fay, tho' few will be pleaſed
with Caffius for adhering fo ftrictly to the law,
yet they will be lefs pleafed with the law which
forced Caffius to be cruel. Though the Se-
nators were fo greatly interefted to follow this
opinion, yet compaffion for fo many unhappy
wretches excited a confuſed murmur of objec-
tions and complaints. The age, the fex, the
undoubted innocence of many, were very
moving circumftances: but death was the fen-
f Habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum,
quod contra fingulos utilitate publicâ rependitur.
K 4
tence.
3
ļ
136
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 812. tence. It was not, however, poffible to execute
aft. C. 61. it, fo great was the fury and indignation of
Law Petro-
nia.
Grav. de
the populace, ready to carry their violence to
the utmoſt extremes. The Emperor repri-
manded the people by an order pofted up
in the ftreets of Rome, and all the way to
the place of execution was lined with troops.
Cingonius Varro was for banishing from
Italy all the free men that lived under the
ſame roof with their murdered patron. Nero
thought it fufficient that the letter of the
law had not been infringed by pity, and
would not ſuffer any new rigour to be added
to it.
There is reafon to think the event I have
been ſpeaking of was the occafion of the
Orig. Juris, law Petronia, fo called from Petronius, Con-
1. iii, art.21. ful this year, which contained feveral arti-
cles in favour of flaves; as if it had been
intended to calm and pacify their minds,
greatly difturbed by the example of cruelty
they had juſt feen. One of the articles of
that law limited the power of maſters over
their flaves, and forbad expofing them to
beaſts without leave firft obtained from the
magiftrate, who was not to grant it but
for weighty reaſons, and after undoubted proof
of the crime. If I miſtake not, that was
the laſt law paffed according to the old form,
by the authority of the Confuls, and with
the confent of the people; excepting, how-
ever, the Lex Regalis, or Royal Law, which
was renewed at every change of an Emperor,
and was but a mere matter of form.
After
卤
​!
Book XI.
NERO.
137
aft. C. 61.
extortion.
After the puniſhment of Pedanius's flaves, A R. 812.
Tacitus mentions the condemnation of Tarqui- Tarquitius
tius Prifcus, whom we faw, towards the end of Prifcus con
Claudius's reign, become the accufer of Stati- demned for
lius Taurus, his Proconful, for which he was
deſervedly expelled the Senate. He was proba-
bly restored to his feat there, in confequence of
the indulgence Nero affected in the beginning
of his reign, and by Agrippina's protection.
He was even made Proconful of Bithynia: but
being guilty of oppreffion and extortion in that
poſt, was accuſed by the Bithynians, and, to the
great fatisfaction of the Senate, condemned.
Gaul.
An account was taken of the number of fouls, Quit-rents
and poll-tar
and value of their poffeffions, in Gaul, by three levied in
Commiffaries, appointed to levy the quit-rent
and poll-tax; Q. Volufius, Sextus Africanus,
and Trebellius Maximus. The two former,
proud of their nobility, and defpifing their affo-
ciate, by that very means raiſed him above
them.
a
Memmius
Memmius Regulus, who formerly, whilft Death and
Conful, had been charged with the execution character of
of Tiberius's orders againſt Sejanus, died this Regulus.
year, leaving behind him a great character
for honour and probity, after enjoying all the
diſtinction the Emperor's fpecial favour could
confer on a private man. Nero esteemed him
to that degree, that when ill, the flatterers that
ftood about his bed, faying, The Republic was
undone if fate difpofed of him: he anfwered,
The Republic had ſtill a refource. They begged
he would explain himſelf, and tell them what
Auctoritate, conftantiâ, famâ, in quantum præum-
brante Imperatoris faftigio datur, clarus.
that
138
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 812. that was. "I mean, anſwered the Emperor,
aft. C.61. Memmius Regulus."
Sobrare a token of
efteem was, however, no ways hurtful to the
perfon it immediately concerned; his love of
eaſe and quiet was well known, and the modern
date of his elevation, together with the ſmall-
nefs of his fortune, ſheltered him from envy,
and were a fafeguard to his perfon.
Gymnafium
dedicated by
Nero.
A.R. 313-
aft. C. 62:
The Pretor
cuſed of
fatyrical
verſes a-
gainst the
Tac. Ann.
Emperor.
Nero dedicated a Gymnafium, or building fet
apart for athletic exercifes, after the manner of
the Greeks; and made the Senators and Roman
knights a preſent of oil, of which great quan-
tities were uſed in thoſe exerciſes. He meant
it as an invitation to them to adopt thoſe diver-
fions, of which he was fond, tho' they had been
always thought unbecoming the Roman gravity.
Marius and Afinius Gallus were Confuls the
next year.
P. MARIU S.
L. ASINIUS GALLU S.
The firſt event Tacitus takes notice of under
Antiftius ac- this Confulfhip, is the accufation and condem-
writing nation of Antiftius Sofianus, at that time Pre-
tor, for compofing fatyrical verſes againſt the
Emperor, and reciting them at an entertain-
ment given by Oftorius Scapula. The reader.
may remember, in what manner Antiftius,
whilſt Tribune, abuſed the authority that office
gave him, to protect the feditious favourers of
the Pantomimes; on which occafion, the Se-
nate paffed an act to limit the power of the
xiv. 48.
b Vixit tamen poft hæc Regulus, quiete defenfus, et quia
novâ generis claritudine, neque invidiofis opibus erat.
Tribunes.
1
Book XI.
NERO.
139
high treafon
Tribunes. The fame petulance of temper made A.R. 813.
him commit this much more dangerous crime, aft. C. 62.
He was accuſed by Coffutianus Capito, who
fome years before was condemned for extortion,
but had crept into the Senate again with the help
of his father-in-law, Tigellinus, of whom
we ſhall foon have but too much occafion to
ſpeak. This was the first time of putting in Law againft
force, under Nero, the law againſt high treaſon, put in force.
fo odious to the Romans; and it was thought
the Emperor did not defire Antiftius's death,
but only to have him condemned by the Senate,
and afterwards to reprieve him in virtue of his
power of Tribune; fo to acquire the character
of being mild and merciful, at the fame time
that he revived a law thought tyrannical. This
plan was broke through by Thrafea.
nefs.
Every thing went at firſt as Nero wifhed. The Thrafea's
proſecution was ſet on foot; and, tho' Oftorius noble bold-
denied having heard any thing, the fact was fuf-
ficiently proved by other witneffes. Junius
Marcellus voting firft, as Conful elect for a part
of the year, condemned the criminal to be de-
graded from the rank of Pretor, and ftrangled
in priſon, which was affented to by thofe that
ſpoke next, 'till it came to Thrafea's turn; who
beginning with great encomiums on the Prince,
and highly blaming the lawleſs audaciouſneſs of
Antiftius, added," that tho' the criminal de-
"ferved the utmoſt rigour of the law, yet it
"was not proper to put it in execution under
"fo good an Emperor, who fuffered the Se-
"nate to vote with an uncontrolled liberty.
"That death and the executioner's infamous
"hand had long been laid aſide, where people
" of that diſtinction were concerned; and that
proper
140 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
<.
<c
d
A.R. 813. proper puniſhments were provided by law,
aft. C. 62. « without dishonouring the Prince's clemency,
"or reflecting on the Judges an imputation of
"cruelty. He concluded, by declaring it was,
" in his opinion, beſt to confine Antiftius to fome
"ifland, where by prolonging his life, he would
"only prolong his mifery, and at the fame
"time be a monument of the gentleneſs of the
government under which the Romans lived."
Thrafea's generous boldneſs, like a ſignal
roufed the reft from their flaviſh lethargy. His
opinion was that of the whole Senate, a few
flatterers excepted; among whom ftood fore-
moft Vitellius, afterwards Emperor, who,
like other low cowards, was for picking quar-
rels with men of good character, but held his
tongue the moment they answered him. As
things were circumftanced, the Confuls would
not take upon them to determine finally, but
wrote to the Emperor, telling him what was
the almoft unanimous opinion of the whole
body.
The accufed
quit for
being con
Fued to an
Hiland
C
The Emperor was nettled, but afhamed to
fhew it. After making them wait fome time
for his anfwer, he wrote the Confuls word,
"That Antiftius, without any provocation,
<4
had infulted him very grofsly that the Se-
"nate, who had been applied to for justice,
ought to have inflicted a puniſhment equal
" to the heinoufnefs of the offence. But that as
"to him, having before-hand refolved to mi-
"tigate the feverity of their fentence, had they
"left him room to do it, he by no means
• Libertas Thrafeæ fervitium aliorum rupit.
In quibus adulatione promptiffimus fuit A. Vitellius,
optimum quemque jurgio laceffens, et refpondenti reticens,
ut pavida in genia folent.
"blamed
F
Book XI.
CC
<c
NERO.
141
"blamed their indulgence. That they were at A. R 813.
liberty to determine whatever they thought aft. C. 62.
proper, and even to acquit him if fuch was
"their pleaſure." On reading this letter, all
were fenfible the Emperor was diſpleaſed.
They perfifted, however, in their ſyſtem, ſome
for fear the odium of a inore fevere puniſhment
might reflect on the prince, moſt of them, be-
cauſe they thought their great number protect-
ed them; but Thrafea, from his wonted con-
ſtancy and firm reſolution, from which nothing
could make him deviate. The Senate, there-
fore, paffed fentence, agreeable to Thrafea's fen-
timents; Antiftius was fent to an iſland we are
not told the name of, and his eftate forfeited.
Veiento
cal libel a-
and Priefts.
Another affair of the fame nature again re-Fabricius
quired the attention of the Senate and Emperor.condemned
Fabricius Veiento, making an ill ufe of the for a fatyri-
liberty the Romans were very apt to take, of gainst the
inferting in their wills whatever they thought Senators
proper againſt fuch as had diſpleaſed them,
publiſhed a writing, under the name of a codicil,
in which he defamed the Senators and all the
colleges of priests. He was hot and cauftic:
and had before given proofs of that turn of mind,
if he be the fame, as Lipfius thinks he was,
with a Fabricius, of whom Dion Caffius men-
tions a very fingular tranfaction. This Fabri-
cius, being Pretor, was to exhibit games; but
obferving how infolent the charioteers and
grooms belonging to the Circus were grown,
fince Nero countenanced them ſo much, he had
dogs trained up to draw chariots, and produced
ſeveral ſets of them at the games. This buf-
foonry cauſed a quarrel between the ordinary
Pars ne Principem objeciffe invidiæ viderentur, plures
numero tuti, Thrafea fuetâ fortitudine animi, et ne gloria
intercideret.
chariot-
Dis.
142 HISTORY
OF THE EMPERORS:
A. R.813. chariot-drivers. Two of the factious were for
aft. C. 62. doing their duty; but the other two obftinately
refuſed to enter the lifts, till Nero promiſed
the prizes, and became fecurity for them. It
was on that condition only that the games could
be executed in the ufual manner.
Tac.xiv. 50.
Death of
Burrh us,
Suet.Ner.35.
This laft
This piece of buffoonry feems to agree very
well with the fatyrical turn for which Fabricius
Veiento was profecuted. Tatius Geminus, his
accufer, taxed him likewife, with having fold
his intereft with the Prince to fuch as hoped by
his means to obtain employments.
head of accufation, gaveÑero an opportunity of
taking cognizance of the affair to himſelf. Vei-
ento was convicted and banished Italy, and his
writings condemned to be burnt. Tacitus fays,
they f were in great requeſt, and every body
wanted to read them, whilft they were prohi-
bited, and there was any danger in it: but that
they were neglected, and even forgot, the mo-
ment they were to be had eaſily.
Public evils increaſed daily, and the re-
fources againſt them grew proportionably lefs.
Burrhus was taken with a quincy, and died.
Dio. Tac. Many were of opinion his death was not natu-
ral, and that, under pretence of giving him
cafe, Nero had caufed a poiſonous liquor to be
poured down his throat. They added, that
Burrhus himſelf was fenfible of it, and for that
reafon, when the Prince came to vifit him,
turned his head afide that he might not fee him,
Conquifitos lectitatofque, donec cum periculo para-
bantur: mox licentia habendi oblivionem attulit.
Sed, gravefcentibus indies publicis malis, fubfidia mi-
nuebantur.
and
I
Book XI.
NERO:
143
and would return no other anſwer to the quef- A.R. 8132
tions Nero aſked him concerning his health, but, aft. C. 62.
"I am very well."
gellinns
fects.
Burrhush was doubly regretted, both for Fænius Ru-
himſelf, and by the compariſon of him with fus and Ti-
thoſe that fucceeded him in the poſt of Preto- made Pre-
rian Prefect. One of them was indolently torian Pre-
honeft; the other actively vicious to the higheſt
degree. For the command of the Pretorian
cohorts, which Burrhus had enjoyed alone,
was divided between Fænius Rufus and Sofo-
nius Tigellinus; the firſt was chofen in confi-
deration of the public eſteem his integrity, du-
ring feveral years that he had been Intendant of
the proviſions, had gained him: The merit of Tac. Hip.\.
Tigellinus, a man of obfcure extraction, and 72.
formerly baniſhed by Caligula for adultery with
Agrippina, confifted in his excefs of debauchery, Ann. 51.
and profound corruptnefs of heart, long inured
to vice and guilt; ftrong recommendations to
Nero, who put all his confidence in him; whilft
the good reputation Fænius maintained with
the foldiers and people, indifpofed the Prince
againſt him.
Tac. xiv.
credit de-
The death of Burrhus was a great blow to Seneca's
Seneca's credit. Good advice, deftitute of one clines.
of its two fupports, had no longer the fame
weight, and Nero's heart inclined him towards
the promoters of vice. Thoſe peſts of courts
h Civitati grande defiderium ejus manfit per memo-
riam virtutis, et fuccefforum alterius fegnem innocentiam,
alterius flagrantiffima vitia et adulteria. Tac.
i Mors Burrhi infregit Senecæ potentiam, quia nec bonis
artibus idem virium erat, altero velut duce amoto, et Nero
ad deteriores inclinabat.
were
$44
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.813. were bent on Seneca's ruin. The immenfe
aft. C. 62. fums of money he was poffeffed of, far exceed-
ing the fortune of a private man, and the care
he took to add daily to thoſe riches, were im-
puted to him for crimes. He was accufed of
attracting the eyes of the citizens, and of al-
moft furpaffing the Prince himſelf in the beauty
of his gardens, and magnificence of his coun-
try feats. His enemies faid, he thought him-
felf fole judge and maſter of eloquence; and
that he had taken to writing verfes fince Nero
had fhewn a turn to poetry. "As to the
"Prince's diverſions, added they, he declares
"open war againſt them. He defpifes your
dexterity in driving a car, and laughs at
He defires
<c
66
cc
your voice every time you fing. When *
"will a right or good thing be done in the go-
vernment, and the honour of it not given to
"Seneca? You are furely paft being a child,
you are now in the prime and vigour of
youth. It is time to fhake off the yoke of a
"mafter; your anceſtors are the only ones it
"becomes you to confult."
σε
ત
Some, who ſtill retained a regard for virtue,
leave to re- informed Seneca of the ill offices done him with
tire, and
give all his the Prince; and finding Nero behaved from day
riches to the to day more coldly towards him, he defired a pri-
Emperor.
vate audience, in which he ſpoke in the following
manner: "Cæfar, this is the fourteenth year fince
"the care of your infancy was intruſted to me,
"and the eighth fince your acceffion to the
"throne. In that time, you have heaped on
k Quem ad finem nihil in Republica clarum fore, quod
non ab illo reperiri credatur. Certè finitam Neronis pueri-
tiam, et robur juventæ adeffe. Excuteret magiftrum, fatis
amplis doctoribus inftructus majoribus fuis.
66 me
f
Book XI.
66
NERO.
145
"me fuch honours and riches, that the only A.R. 813.
thing wanting to compleat my fortune, is to aft. C. 62.
know how to moderate it. That is what I
"now intend to do; and to juſtify it, ſhall
..
46
alledge inftances of perfons of fuperior rank
"to me, but which I could wiſh you would
"think worthy your imitation. Auguftus,
"your great great grandfather was pleafed to
give Agrippa leave to retire to Mitylenum,
"and to permit Mæcenas to make himſelf a
"retreat in the midft of the city and thoſe
"two minifters, one of whom accompanied
"him in all his wars, whilſt the other bore
" for him in Rome the weight of the moſt im-
"portant affairs, and moft laborious cares,
doubtlefs received from him great rewards;
"but they were the rewards of great fervices.
"What, on the other hand, could your great
<<
generofity find worthy being taken notice of
"in me, unleſs my ftudies, peaceably culti-
❝vated in my own cloſet, the greateſt glory of
"which is, that they were dedicated to the
"inſtruction of your younger years? That
"in itſelf is a moft valuable reward. But
"what have you not done for me? You have
CC
given me great power and immenſe riches:
"fo that I cannot help faying often to myſelf,
“'What! I that was born but a fimple knight,
"in a remote Province, now rank with the greateſt
"in Rome! So modern a name as mine figures
"among Nobles who can boaft a long race of an-
] Egone equeftri et provinciali loco ortus proceribus ci-
vitatis annumeror! inter nobiles et longa decora præfe-
rentes novitas mea enituit! Ubi eft animus ille modicis
contentus! Tales hortos inftruit et per hæc fuburbana in,
cedit, et tantis agrorum fpatiis, tam lato fenore exuberet!
VOL. IV.
• ceſtors!
L
146 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.813. "cestors! What is become of that moderation on
aft. C.62.‹‹ which Iuſed to pride myſelf? Is the philofopher to
❝ be known again in theſe gardens ſo finely adorned,
"in theſe magnificent country feats, in thefe wide
"extended lands, and thefe prodigious revenues,
"the produce of my money? The only apology I
"can make either to myſelf or others, is, that
"I could not refuſe your liberalities. But we
"have both filled brim-ful the meaſure; you,
"in giving me all an Emperor can give the
"man he honours with his friendship; I, in
receiving every favour the Emperor's friend
"can receive. It is m time to ftop, and pre-
"vent envy. You, I own, it cannot attack:
"like all other worldly things it muſt fall be-
"neath the majefty of your rank; but on me it
..
<c
lights, and cruſhes me: I want affiſtance, as
"in the military fervice, or after a long jour-
"ney, fatigued and ſpent, I fhould defire help;
"fo now, in this journey through life, the end
"of which I have almoft attained, old, infirm,
"and no longer capable even of the ſmalleſt
"cares,
cares, unable to bear the burden of my riches,
"I implore your affiftance. Order your In-
"tendants to take care of them, let them be-
"come a part of your demefnes. Not that I
"mean to reduce myſelf to poverty and want,
"but after putting into your hands what I
m Cetera invidiam augent: quæ quidem, ut omnia mor-
talium, infra tuam magnitudinem jacet, fed mihi incumbit,
mihi fubveniendum eft. Quomodo in militia aut via feffus
adminiculum orarem, ita in hoc itinere vitæ, fenex et levif-
fimis quoque curis impar, quum opes mcas ultrà fuftinere
non poffum, præfidium peto. Jube eas per procuratores
tuos adminiſtrari, in fortunam tuam recipe. Nec me in
paupertatem ipfe detrudam: fed traditis quorum fulgore
perftringer, quod temporis hortorum aut villarum curæ fe-
ponitur, in animum revocabo.
"have
Book XI.
NERO.
147
"have too much, I fhall fpend, in endeavour- A. R.813.
"ing to make myſelf more perfect, the time the aft. C. 62.
' care of
my gardens and revenues now takes
up. You are in the prime of life, the expe-
"rience of many years has inftructed and
ftrengthened you. Old friends, like me, are
"able to return your goodnefs only by the tran-
quillity of their lives: nay, it " will do you
“honour too, to have raiſed to the higheſt
"pitch of fortune a man capable of returning to
"a middling ſtation."
66
<<
n
✶
anſwer.
Nero, feigning not to underſtand the drift of Nero's
this difcourfe, anſwered Seneca: "If I am
"able to return an immediate anſwer to a ſpeech
you have
have prepared and ftudied, it is to you
"I am indebted for it; to you, who have
"taught me not only to fpeak when I have
"time to prepare myfelf, but likewife to ſay at
"once what the circumftance of things require.
66
Auguftus did allow Agrippa and Maecenas
"to enjoy fome repofe after their great labours
"and fatigues; but he was then of an age, the
"ripeneſs of which fecured the rectitude of
"whatever refolutions he might take: but he
ſtripped neither of them of the rewards he
"had given them. You fay they deſerved them
by the perils they underwent at home and in
war. That was becauſe fuch were the occu-
CC
66
66
66
pations of Auguftus's youth. Your arm
"would not have been more fpared than
"theirs was, had I lived in the midſt of arms.
" Hoc quoque in gloriam tuam cedet, eos ad fumma
vexiffe qui et modica tolerarent.
* To ſpeak well was, as I
bave often obferved, a talent
infinitely and universally esteem-
ed by the Romans: On that is
founded Nero's reflection,not quite
fo conformable to our manners.
I 2
What
A
148
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.813.
What my fituation required, that you have
aft. C. 62. « done; you inftructed my infancy, and your
"reflexions and counfels have guided my
"youth. The gifts I have received from
"you, are by their nature immortal, and will
"laft whilft I live. Whereas, what you have
"received from me, gardens, incomes, and
66
country-houſes, are all liable to accidents;
"and great as your poffeffions may ſeem to be,
66
many men of much leſs merit, greatly ex-
"ceed you in that reſpect. I am aſhamed to
"mention even freemen richer than you are:
" and indeed I ought to blufh when I think
"that you, who hold the firft place in my ef
teem and friendſhip, have not alfo a fortune
fuperior to every other man. But I do intend
"to add to it: you are not yet paſt the en-
"joyment of life: your age is not yet ſo great,
"nor your ſtrength fo far decayed, but you
66
t
<<
may still manage riches and tafte the ſweets
"of them. I am but juſt entering on the ca-
"reer of Empire. Think you, you have attain-
"ed the height of elevation of a Vitellius
"thrice Conful? * or do you imagine the fa-
"vours I have done you fuperior to thoſe
"Claudius heaped on that friend? Volufius's
"œconomy was worth more to him than my
"liberalities have been to you. I beg you
P
• Et tua quidem in me munera, dum vita fuppetet,
æterna erunt; quæ à me habes, horti, et fœnus, et villæ,
cafibus obnoxia funt; et licet multa videantur, plerique
haudquaquam artibus tuis pares plura tenuerunt.
* I have made the most I could of the text of Tacitus, which
is very obfcure in this place.
r Quin, fi quâ in parte lubricum adolefcentiæ noftræ
"" will
¡
Book XI.
NERO.
149
"will not leave me at my age I may eafily A.R.813.
"be induced to go aftray: your wife counfels aft. C. 62.
"will keep me in the right road; and when
66
my mind fhall have imbibed the theory of
"your doctrines, you will aid and direct me
"how to practiſe them. If you give up your
"riches and remove from court, none will
..
praiſe your moderation and love of retire-
"ment; but I fhall be accufed of avarice and
"cruelty; and were you even fure of having
"the greateſt praiſes beſtowed on your mo-
"deration, it does not become a wife man, like
you, to deſire applauſe at the expence of your
"friend's reputation."
પડ
court.
To fuch obliging expreffions Nero added Seneca re-
all poffible demonftrations of regard and ten- tires from
derneſs. He embraced Seneca, and kiffed him
affectionately, nature having taught, and art
made him complete mafter of, the fecret of
concealing his hatred under feigned careffes.
Seneca withdrew, returning thanks, for that
was the end of all converfations with the So-
vereign. But he altered entirely the way of
life his vaft fortune had made him fall into; and
avoided every thing that favoured of the great
man and Minifter of ftate. His doors were
fhut to the crowd that came to pay their court,
and none were fuffered to accompany him by
way of adding to his train; he even appeared
but feldom abroad, under pretence of bad
*
declinat, revocas, ornatumque robur fubfidio impenfiùs
regis?
4 His adjecit complexum et ofcula, factus naturâ, et con-
fuetudine exercitus, velare odium fallacibus blanditiis.
r
Qui finis omnium cum dominante fermonum.
L 3
health,
150
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
'
}
A. R.813. health, or that all his time was employed in
ſtudy.
aft. C. 62.
His retire-
ment the
finest part of
his life:
And the beſt
riches.
beata, c.xvii.
& feq.
Seneca's retirement feems to me the fineſt
part of his life. It would be difficult to
excufe his complaifance for Nero on ſeveral
very nice occafions, whilft he was in the mi-
niftry. But the generous refolution he takes.
at the firſt notice, to return to a private ſta-
tion, the offer he makes to give up all his
riches to the Prince, the fortitude of mind
with which he bore his want of employ, with-
out being tired or difgufted, finding in the
ſtudy of wiſdom fomething more pleafing,
more fatisfactory, than in all the fplendor of
fortune he had enjoyed, was a ſtep truly laud-
able, and fhewed the great man.
It is likewiſe the beſt apology that can be
apology for made for the prodigious riches he has been
his immenfe fo often reproached with. He values himſelf
Suet. de Vita on having acquired them lawfully, without
doing injuſtice or wrong to any one, and fays,
he could throw open his doors, call in all the
citizens, and boldly bid "each of them take
whatever belonged to him." But not to fpeak
of ufury, which he thought no illicit means
of getting money, tho' no found morals will
ever allow it, the gifts he received from Nero
after Britannicus's death, if not contrary to
juſtice, are very repugnant to honour.
laf.
He tells us he made a good ufe of his riches.
Dio, ap. But what good ufe could he make of ſo many
flaves that himfelf did not know their number,
of the jewels his wife was covered with, of
five hundred tables of cedar fupported by ivory
feet, all alike and of the fame fize? Such lux-
ury, which himſelf acknowledges, and of
Sen.
which
1
Book XI.
NER O.
151
which I mention only fome of the chief arti- A. R.813.
cles, is a proof that if he did give, as he boafts, aft. C. 62.
to men of worth, or to thofe he hoped to ren-
der fuch, he might very eaſily have given much
more.
s
He is obliged in feveral points to give up.
his own defence, and to own his fpeculation
greater than his practice. "I do not pretend,
"fays he, to equal myfelf with the moſt vir-
"tuous, but to be fomewhat better than the
"bad. I endeavour to leffen my faults every
day, and to fhew my own weakneffes no
"favour."
66
CC
By what then fhall we diftinguiſh him from
a corrupt man? By poffeffing his wealth with-
out being attached to it. "It will deſpiſe alike,
fays he, riches, whether prefent or abſent:
"I will be neither more dejected when I fee
"them in other hands, nor more elated when
' they ſhine around me. Fortune fhall make
no impreſſion on my heart, neither when ſhe
"fmiles nor when the frowns. I will look on
every man's land as my own, and mine as
"the property of every man."
''
66
One might fufpect this language of much
vain boafting, did not the offer he made to
give up all he poffeffed to the Emperor, prove
it's fincerity. A Prince of Nero's turn might
have taken him at his word. He knew it, and
s Exigo à me, non ut optimis par fim, fed ut malis me-
lior. Hoc mihi fatis eft, quotidie aliquid de malis meis
demere, et errores meos objurgare. c. xvii.
t
Ego divitias et præfentes et abfentes æquè contemnam :
nec fi aliubi jacebunt, triftior, nec fi circa me fulgebunt,
animofior. Ego fortunam nec venientem fentiam, nec re-
cedentem. Ego terras omnes tanquam meas videbo, meas
tanquam omnium, c. xx.
L4
yet
c. xxiti.
152
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 813. yet ran the rifk. That ftep therefore proves
aft C. 62. he was not a flave to his riches, and that he
was capable of facrificing them without being
diſturbed.
fylla and
Rubellius
cr
He had therefore a right to repel, as he did,
the venomous attacks of detractors from virtue.
"It is the intereft of your vices, faid he to
"them, not to allow any man to be honeſt.
"Another's virtue is your condemnation.
"What rage, what difpofition fo at enmity
"both with gods and men, can thus induce
"you to afperfe virtue, and violate all that is
"moft facred by the malignity of your ſpeech-
"es? Praiſe the good, if you can; if not,
"let them be at peace. It is for your own
"fakes that I exhort you to reſpect virtue.
"Your judgments do not wound me: it is
"not me, but yourſelves they hurt. For he
"that hates and attacks virtue, muft for ever
"renounce all thoughts of becoming an honeft
"man."
Seneca, compofed in his retirement, part of
thoſe works we have of his. From this time
he had but a very ſmall ſhare in affairs of ſtate,
and will hardly appear again, but to die.
Seneca's removal left the field open for Ti-
Plautus kil-gellinus. His collegue Foenius Rufus was,
led by Nero's as I have faid, of a temper little able to counter-
order.
Tac.xiv.57.
ν
Expedit vobis neminem videri bonum, quafi aliena
virtus exprobratio delictorum veftrorum fit.-Quis ifte fu-
ror? quæ ifta inimica diis hominibufque natura eft? infa-
mare virtutem et malignis fermonibus fancta violare. Si
poteftis, bonos laudate: fi minus, tranfite. Quanquam
ifta me nihil lædant, veftrâ tamen vos moneo causâ, fufpi-
cite virtutem.-Exiftimatio me veftra non meo nominę,
fed veftro movet. Odiffe et larceffere virtutem, bonæ ſpei
ejuratio eft. cap. xix. 27. 26.
ballance
NER O.
153
aft. C. 62.
Book XI.
ballance him in Nero's judgment; and befides A. R.813.
that, had been protected by Agrippina, a very
bad recommendation to her fon. Tigellinus
became more powerful every day, and, as w a
wicked wretch like him, could not eſtabliſh
his favour more folidly than on guilt, he made
it his ſtudy to find out what ftill gave Nero
umbrage or uneafinefs. He foon difcovered
that Sylla, and Plautus, who had been baniſhed
fome time, the one to Marſeilles, the other to
Afia, were the chief objects of the Prince's
difquiet, and exhorted him to rid himſelf of
them. He exaggerated the danger of letting
live rivals of their rank, and neighbours, one
to the armies in Germany, the other to thoſe
in the Eaft. "I do not, ſaid he, like Burrhus,
depend on a multiplicity of hopes and re-
"fources. Your fafety is my only care. Con-
66
..
fpiracies carrying on in the city, might per-
haps be lefs dangerous, and would find an
"obftacle in your being prefent on the ſpot.
"But who can fecure you againſt the enter-
.
prizes of remote provinces? The Gauls trem-
"ble at a name that reminds them of a fa-
"mous Dictator; nor does the great-grandfon
"of Tiberius make a lefs impreffion on the
"minds of the Afiatics. Sylla's poverty fits
"him for any undertaking: he wears the maſk
"of indolence only till his ambition finds
room to act. Plautus is poffeffed of great
"riches, and does not even affect a love of
"tranquillity. He imitates the manners of
"the old Romans, and to that joins the phi-
Et malas artes quibus folis pollebat, gratiores ratus,
fi Principem focietate fcelerum obftringeret, metus ejus ri-
matur. Tac.
❝lofophic
154
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 813. " lofophic arrogance of a fect, that has ever
aft. C. 62. << produced perverfe and turbulent men."
cc
All the malignity of calumny is evident in
this difcourfe. One is to be killed becauſe he
is poor, and the other becauſe he is rich. The
ftupidity of the former is hypocrify: the merit
of the latter is to be feared. Nero eaſily re-
ceived theſe impreffions, and immediately fol-
lowed them. Orders were diſpatched, and the
murderers, crofling over from Afia to Marſeilles
in fix days, killed Sylla as he was fitting down
to table, before any intimation could be given
him of the danger he was threatened with.
His head was carried to Nero, who looked at
it, and laughed at his being bald before he was
old. In him ended the poſterity of the Dicta-
tor Sylla.
A much greater number intereſted themſelves
for Plautus. Befides the diftance he was at,
and the extent of fea to be croffed to go to
him, neceffarily occafioned a delay, by which
the fecret of the court was known before it
could be executed. It was already reported in
Rome that he had thrown himſelf into Corbu-
lo's arms, who commanded a great army, and
who, if glory and a great name were crimes
deferving death, was himſelf, more than any
one, expoſed to the like danger. It was added,
that Afia, where Plautus was greatly beloved,
had taken up arms to defend him; and that
the very foldiers who were fent to kill him, not
being ſtrong enough to execute their orders, nor
willing to do it, had taken party with his
friends idle reports that fpread from mouth
to mouth, and which the credulity of the vul-
gar did not fail to amplify.
2
So
Book XI.
NERO.
155
So far is true, that Plautus had intelli- A. R.813.
gence. One of his freemen, travelling fafter aft. C. 62.
than the Centurion who bore the Emperor's
bloody order, delivered Plautus a letter from
his father-in-law, L.Antiftius, in which he ex-
horted him, "to defend himſelf, and not be
<<
ઃઃ
acceffory to his own death by a fooliſh paſ-
fiveneſs, from which he could expect only a
"uſeleſs pity, when he ſhould be no more.
"Adding, that he ought to try every thing,
" and refuſe no aſſiſtance whatever. That all
"he had to do, was to repel the firſt onfet
"of a company of fixty men, and that if he
"fucceeded in that, before the news could
"reach Nero, and other foldiers be diſpatched,
"incidents might happen that might make a
"civil war break out. In a word, that by
"following this advice, either he would fave
"his life, or, at the worst, could but fuffer
"what was inevitable if he remained inac-
❝tive."
Plautus was not moved by theſe remon-
ftrances. Whether it be that he faw no re-
fource in a country where he was an exile, and
without arms, or that tired of living in conti-
nual fears, or very probably out of regard for
his family, and in hopes they would be uſed
more gently, if he did not irritate the Prince
by refiftance, he refolved quietly to wait for
death, and was confirmed in that refolution by
two philofophers who lived with him, Coranus
a Greek, and Mufonius Rufus a Tufcan.
The murderers found him about noon, per-
forming fome bodily exercife, and for that
reaſon naked. The Centurion killed him in
that condition, in the prefence of Pelagon an
eunuch,
156
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
ย
A.R. 813. eunuch, whom Nero had fent with the Centu-
aft. C. 62. rion and foldiers, as one in whom he could
Nero ven-
tures to re-
tavia and
confide, to be witnefs to, and give him an
account of the execution of his orders.
X
Plautus's head was carried to Rome: and
pudiate Oc- the Emperor, on feeing it, ſpoke theſe very
words: "What * fhould now hinder Nero,
mairy Pop-free from all fears, from celebrating his fo
"long deferred marriage with Poppaa, and
pza.
Sit. Ner.
••
getting rid of his wife Octavia, whoſe con-
"duct indeed is modeft and prudent, but who
" is a burden to him, on account of her fa-
“ther's name, and of the people's affection
"towards her ?”
His next ſtep was to write to the Senate
againſt Sylla and Plautus, without daring how-
ever to own, they had been killed by his or-
ders. He ſaid they were reftlefs turbulent
men, and protested the fafety and tranquillity
of the Empire was the greateſt of his cares.
The Senate, ever low and fawning, ordered
thanks to be returned the gods, and degraded
Sylla and Plautus from the rank of Senators:
a wretched farce Y, which however became a
very ferious evil to the republic; for fuch mean-
nefs only encouraged Nero to be more wicked,
as foon appeared by his divorce from Octa-
via.
He hated her to that degree, that, if we be-
lieve Suetonius, he was feveral times tempted
X
* Quin Nero, depofito metu, nuptias Poppææ ob ejuf-
modi terrores dilatas maturare parat, Octaviamque conju-
gem amoliri quamvis modeftè agat, et nomine patris, et
Hudiis populi gravem. Tac.
y
Gravioribus tamen ludibriis quàm malis.
dified a little Tacitus's thought.
I have mo-
t
to
*
2
Book XI.
.
NER O.
157
What A. R.813.
to ftrangle her with his own hands.
made him conceive that horrid thought, was,
without doubt, the difficulties he met with
in his defire to repudiate her. Burrhus could
not help faying to him on that occafion, "If
you put away Octavia, return her her fortune,
return her the Empire fhe brought you.” Nero,
at length, delivered from all fears and remon-
ftrances, turned her off, under pretence of her
being barren, and twelve days after was married
to Poppæa.
'
aft. C. 62.
ter being
is at length
put to death.
That ambitious and cruel woman, having octavia,af-
now attained the height of her wiſhes, did not, cruelly and
however, think her fortune and grandeur fuf- unjustlyufed,
ficiently fecure, whilſt Octavia, whofe place
fhe had ufurped, lived. Nero, whom the go-
verned as the pleaſed, came readily into a de-
ſign ſo agreeable to his own barbarous hatred :
and both of them in concert fuborned one of
her officers to accufe her of adultery with a
muſician, a flave, called Eucerus, an Alexan-
drian by birth. In confequence of this accu-
fation, Octavia's women were put to the rack,
and fome of them, not able to bear the torment,
impeached their miftrefs; but the greater
number, courageouſly perfifted in maintaining
her innocence. She was treated, however, as
if the crime had been fully proved. The di-
vorce, together with the motives of it, was
pronounced in form; Burrhus's houfe, and
and Plautus's lands were affigned her; fatal
gifts, fore-runners of a fate ſtill more melan-
Z
z Domum Burrhi et prædia Plauti, infaufta dona,
accipit.
lancholy
#58
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 813. lancholy than that fhe then fuffered. Nero
aft. C. 62. foon confined her to Campania, where ſhe was
clofely guarded.
The public a was highly provoked at fuch
unjuſt and odious proceedings. Men in place,
and thoſe whofe rank and fortune made them
confpicuous, murmured in private; the com-
mon people, who are more apt to follow the
impreffions of nature, and are leſs fufceptible
of fear becauſe they have lefs to lofe, com-
plained fo loudly, and with fuch freedom, that
Nero was afraid, and determined to recall the
Princefs. The people were tranfported with
joy the moment they heard the news; they
ran to the Capitol to return the gods thanks:
fome pulled down Poppaa's ſtatues, whilſt
others carried Octavia's in triumph, crowning
them with flowers, and fetting them in the
moſt honourable places in the Forum and tem-
ples. All united in praifing the Prince, beg-
ging he would be pleaſed to fhew himſelf, and
receive the affurances of every citizen's venera-
tion for him. In a moment the palace was fill-
ed with a multitude, who made it refound with
their fhouts and cries of joy: when the foldi-
ers falling upon them, ftriking fome, and
pointing their drawn fwords at others, foon dif-
perfed the crowd: after which every thing was
again put in order, and Poppaa's ftatues re-
placed.
This kind of fedition was the utter ruin of
Octavia. Her rival, who feared as well as
a Inde crebri queftus, nec occulti per vulgum, cui mi-
nor fapientia, et ex mediocritate fortunæ pauciora pericula
funt.
hated
Book XI.
NERO.
159
*
po.
hated her, apprehending either that the A.C.813.
pulace might grow quite furious, or that the aft. C. 62.
defires of the people expreffed in fo ftrong a
manner, might induce Nero to change his
mind, reſolved to make a bold puſh, and throw-
ing herſelf at the Emperor's feet, "It is no
" longer, faid fhe, my rank and ſtation that
"I am to defend. The honour I enjoy of
"being your wife, dearer to me than life, is
"not the only thing in danger. My very life
"is attacked by Octavia's flaves and followers,
"who, affuming the people's name, have in
"times of peace, committed greater outrages
"than even war could authorife. Be not de-
"ceived; it is againſt yourfelf this vile crowd
" is armed. All they want is a head, and
"that is foon found when once they grow de-
"fperate. Let her return from Campania;
"let her appear again in Rome, ſhe who, tho'
"abfent, can in a moment raiſe feditions., But
"what crime have I committed? Who has
"any right to complain of me? Would it be
"better to bring the offspring of an Egyptian
"fidler into the Imperial family, than to let
"me bear the Cæfars legitimate heirs? But
"after all, if your intereft requires it, ftoop
'
с
willingly to the yoke, rather than be forced
"to bend to it; or if you would avoid that,
b Quæ femper odio, tum et metu atrox.
c
Denique, fi id rebus conducat, libens quam coactus
acciret dominam, aut confuleret fecuritati juftî ultione.
Et modicis remediis primos motus confediffe: at fi defpe-
rent, uxorem Neronis fore Octaviam, illi maritum daturos.
A levi poft admiffum fcelus gratià, dein graviore odio:
quia malorum facinorum miniftri quafi exprobrantes ad-
fpiciuntur.
" and
は
​160
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
1
A.R. 813.
aft. C. 62, 6
and fecure your own fafety, it muſt be by
ſpeedy vengeance. Common remedies were
"fufficient to quell the firſt diſturbances; but
"if the mutinous fee no hopes of Octavia's be-
coming again the wife of Nero, they will
"find a huſband for Octavia."
$6
This ſpeech, intended to excite fear and anger
in Nero, had it's effect. Octavia's death was
reſolved: the only difficulty was what crime
to lay to her charge; for the imputation of
adultery with the flave Eucerus was viſibly
groundleſs, and refuted even by the anſwers of
her women when put to the rack. Some body
muſt be found who would own the crime, and
on whom a fufpicion might be laid of concert-
ing meaſures to bring about a revolution in
favour of the Princeſs. None appeared more
fit than the murderer of Agrippina, Anicetus,
the Commander of the Mifenum fleet, who,
at first but badly rewarded, was now become
odious; the uſual fate of all perpetrators of
great crimes, whoſe preſence is a conftant re-
proach to their employers.
Nero fent for Anicetus, and ſpoke to him in
the following manner :
"Thou haft already
"done me one fervice in preventing the fnares
my mother was laying for me. Another
"must now be done, to deliver me from a
"troubleſome wife, an enemy to my repofe.
"To that end, neither thy arm nor any wea-
<<
pon will be neceffary: thou haft only to con-
"fefs thyfelf guilty of adultery with Octavia.
"Not only no hurt fhall befal thee, but thou
"mayft depend on fure and ample, tho' pri-
"vate rewards. If thou refuſeft to obey me
"in this, thou haft not an hour to live." A-
nicetus,
"
Book XI.
NERO:
161
nicetus ; capable of every wickednefs and inu- A.R.813.
red to guilt, forged a ſtory that even exceeded aft. C. 62.
the orders he had received, and told it in pre-
fence of feveral of the Prince's friends met as
it were to hold a council. After which he was
fent to Sardinia, where he lived, baniſhed in-
deed, but unmoleſted, and in great opulence to
the day of his death: Nero took advantage
of Anicetus's infamous lye, and, by a declara-
tion publicly pofted up, accuſed Octavia of
having attempted to prevail on the Command-
er of the Mifenum fleet to back her with the
forces under his command, and of having
granted him criminal favours with that view.
Forgetting too the barrenneſs with which he had
lately reproached her, he taxed her with having
made herſelf miſcarry in order to conceal her
crime. He accordingly confined her to the
ifland of Pandataria *.
с
A little de-
between the
Never did exile draw fo many tears from fert iſland
Roman eyes. Many remembered feeing Agrip- islands of
pina the widow of Germanicus undergo the Ponza and
like treatment: nor could they be unmindful
• Ille infitâ vecordiâ, et facilitate, priorum flagitiorum,
plura etiam, quam juffum erat, fingit.
Non alia exful vifentium oculos majore mifericordiâ
affecit. Meminerant adhuc quidam Agrippinæ à Tiberio,
recentior Julie memoria obverfabatur à Claudio pulfæ:
Sed illis robur ætatis adfuerat; læta aliqua viderant, et
præfentem fævitiam melioris olim fortunæ recordatione le-
vabant. Huic primus nuptiarum dies loco funeris fuit,
deductæ in domum, in qua nihil nifi luctuofum haberet;
erepto per venenum patre, et ftatim fratre.
Tum ancilla
domina validior: et Poppea non nifi in perniciem uxoris
hupta: poftremò crimen omni exitio gravius. Ac puella
vicefimo ætatis anno, inter centuriones et milites, præfa-
gio malorum jam à vitâ exempta, nondum tamen morte
adquiefcebat.
VOL. IV.
M
of
Ifchia.
!
162
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 813 of Julia, daughter of the fame Germanicus,
aft. C. 62. banifhed, not long fince, by Claudius. But
thoſe Princeffes had ftrength of years to fup-
port them when they fell into difgrace: they
had enjoyed fome of the pleaſures of life; and
the remembrance of having feen happier days
might be ſome alleviation of the ills they fuffer-
ed. Octavia had felt nothing but misfortunes.
Her woes might be dated from the very day
of her marriage into a family which was foon
to poifon her father and her brother. A vile
flave had been bafely preferred before her. Pop-
pæa, a much more dangerous rival, not content
with robbing her of her huſband, had likewife
reſolved her ruin; and to compleat her mi-
feries, ſhe was cruelly afperfed by an accufation
worſe than death itſelf; and that young Princefs,
in the twentieth year of her age, was dragged
to a dreadful exile, furrounded by centurions
and foldiers. Every thing prefaged a ſpeedy
and fatal end as the only term of her misfor-
tunes.
Her fentence of death was fignified to f her a
few days after. She burft out into tears and
complaints as fruitlefs as they were juft; pro-
teſting fhe no longer defired to be called the
Emperor's wife; that he would be only his
fifter. She invoked the manes of their com-
mon anceſtors, and the memory of Agrippina,
in whofe life time, tho' fhe had not been happy,
yet her life was not in danger. But he was
f Faucis dehinc interjectis diebus mori jubetur: quum
jam viduam fe et tantum fororem teftaretur, communefque
Germanicos, et poftremò Agrippinæ nomen ciens, quâ in-
columi infelix quidem matrimonium, fcd fine exitio pertu-
liffet.
F
+
ſpeaking
1
Book XÍ.
NERO.
163
ſpeaking to barbarians, void of feeling. Her A. R. 813
arms and legs were tied together, and her veins aft. C. 62.
cut open; the fear fhe was ftruck with prevent-
ing the blood from flowing freely, fhe was put
into a bath fo hot, that the fteam fuffocated
her. Poppea would not be fatisfied, 'till fhe
had feen her rival's head. It was cut off, and
carried to her, that fhe might glut her eyes
with that diſmal fight.
After fo horrid an execution, joy was ftill
to be expreffed for it, and offerings were con-
fecrated to that effect in the temples of the Gods.
Tacitus tells us, that abominable cuftom be-
came a law. I would have every one, ſays he,
that reads the hiſtory of thoſe unhappy times,
know, that fo often as Nero ordered the death
or exile of any perfon of diſtinction, ſo often
thanks were returned the Gods; fo that what
ought by its nature to have been a proof and
the effect of the profperity of the Republic, was
become an infallible token of its calamities.
Doryphorus
Two of the Emperor's freemen, Doryphorus
and Pallas died of poifon this year, given, as and Pallas
was fuppofed, by their patron's orders; to the poifoned.
one, becauſe he had oppofed Poppæa's mar-
riage; and to the other, becauſe he was likely
to live too long, and fruftrate the Prince's avi-
dity of his immenfe riches.
Nero was fenfible how odious his crimes ren- Nero's care
dered him, and endeavoured to leffen the bad to make
impreffion they made, at leaſt with the people, in the city.
plenty reign
$ Quod ad eum finem memoravimus, ut quicunque cafus
temporum illorum nobis vel aliis auctoribus nofcent, præ-
fumptum habeant, quoties fugas et cædes juffit Princeps,
toties grates Deis actas; quæque rerum fecundarum olim,
tum publicæ cladis infignia fuiffe.
M 2
by
164 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.813.by his care to have the city plentifully fupplied
aft. C. 62 with every thing needful. In fact, provifions
Tac. Ann.
XV. 13.
Three men
were fo abundant, that notwithſtanding a great
quantity of corn ſpoiled by age, that was thrown
into the Tiber, and the lofs of three hundred
ſhips laden with corn, two hundred of which
periſhed in the port, and a hundred that had
come up the Tiber were burnt by accident, yet
the price of bread was not increaſed in Rome.
He was likewiſe defirous to gain the confi-
of confular dence of the public by a proper adminiftration
Superinten- of the finances. He appointed three men of
dants of the Confular rank, L. Pifo, Ducennius Geminus,
rank made
finances.
Orders of
and Pompeius Paulinus, Infpectors and Super-
intendants over whatever related to the levying
of impofts not without blaming the bad eco-
nomy of his predeceffors, whofe expences had
exceeded their revenues; whereas he made the
Republic a preſent every year of * fixty_mil-
lions of fefterces.
He permitted the Senate to exert its power
the Senate in making orders and regulations to prevent and
fraudulent remedy abuſes. A very great one then preva-
adoptions. lent was, that when the time for elections of
to prevent
magiftrates drew near, or vacant governments
of Provinces were to be filled up, people who
had no children of their own, made fictitious
adoptions of others, in order to enjoy the pri-
vileges granted by the law Papia Poppea to
fathers of families and after obtaining by the
help of that fraud, the pofts or employments
they wanted, would emancipate thofe very
children. Real fathers made ftrong remon-
ftrances to the Senate on that fubject, fetting
forth how repugnant fuch feigned adoptions,
and which lafted fo fhort a time, were to the
* Four hundred and eighty thousand pounds.
laws
66
66
66
NER O.
reap-
16.5
aft. C. 62.
Book XI.
laws of nature, and the pains and trouble A.R. 813.
the education of children gave their parents.
"Ought not, faid they, ſuch as have no heirs
"of their own to be fatisfied with ſeeing about
"them a numerous court that gives them great
“diſtinction, with obtaining whatever they
wish for, with fatisfying all their defires, and
enjoying eaſe undiſturbed by care? Whilſt we",
after waiting long for an opportunity of
ing the benefit of the law, at once fee our hopes
"fruſtrated by men, who become fathers with-
"out care or follicitude, and loſe their children
"without mourning or regret, fharing with us.
"the prerogatives of true and natural parents.
In confequence of theſe remonftrances, the Se-
nate paffed a decree, ordaining that all fraudu-
lent adoptions ſhould not avail fuch as made
them, neither to qualify them for honours, nor
to receive the whole of any inheritance that
might fall to them.
وو
Provinces
Governors.
The affair of Claudius Timarchus, a Cre- Another or-
der fuppreff-
tan, occafioned another regulation not lefs im- ing the
portant. Timarchus, very rich and powerful praiſes the
in the ifle of Crete, was accufed of oppreffing ufed to be-
and tyrannizing over his countrymen. Befides tow on thes
that, he had offended the dignity of the Senate
by boaſting infolently, that it was in his power
to make the Cretans grant or refuſe the Procon-
ful of that iſland the thanks and honourable ap-
plauſe they generally follicited at the cloſe of their
adminiftration. Thrafea made that opportu-
nity fubfervient to the public good, and af-
ter giving his vote in what concerned Ti-
marchus perfonally, whom he condemned to be
h Sibi promiffa legum diu exfpectata in ludibrium verti,
quando quis fine follicitudine parens, fine luctu orbus, longa
patrum vota repente adæquaret. Tac. xv. 19.
banished
M 3
J
"
166
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 813. banished from the iſle of Crete, he raiſed the
aft. C. 62. attention of the Senators to higher and more
important matters, addreffing them in theſe
words:
Ꭵ
"Experience i fhews us, that the wifeft laws
"and inſtitutions made by the beſt of men,
'' owe their rife to the vices of the wicked.
"The licentious rapaciouſneſs of advocates,
"the cabals of thoſe that aimed at poſts and
"employments, the oppreffions and extortions.
"committed by magiftrates in their feveral
"departments, gave birth to the fineſt laws
"we have; for the ill muft be before the re-
"medy: men correct only what is defective.
"The arrogant ftyle in which the provinces be-
"gin to talk to us, requires our putting fuch
66
a ſtop to their haughtiness, as, without
"taking off from the protection we owe our
"allies, may prevent our becoming dependent
.. on them, and fhew the world we have no
"other judges or arbitrators of our reputation
"but our own fellow citizens.
<<
Formerly not only Prætors and Confuls
"were refpected in the Provinces, but even
"private men were fent thither to examine into
"and give the Senate an account of the fubmif-
"fion of the people: and whole nations trem-
"bled at the fcrutiny and cenfure of one Roman.
Now it is ourſelves that flatter and pay our
court to ſubjects of the Empire; and fome one
"amongſt them more bold and powerful than
"the reſt, takes upon him to determine whether
our adminiſtration deferves to be praiſed or
impeached; ever moft ready to do the latter.
i Ufu probatum eft, P.C. leges egregias, exempla honefta,
apud bonos ex delictis aliorum gigni-Nam culpa quàm
pœna tempore prior, emendari quàm peccare pofterius eft.
"Let
I
1
Book XI.
NERO.
1609
"Let us leave them the power of impeaching; A.R. 813.
"but put a stop to all falfe and extorted praifes, aft. C. 62.
"as we would to cruelties and vexations.
r
k
"What we do in the government of
"vinces to pleaſe
obey us, is often
they hate us for.
<<
<<
pro-
thofe, whofe duty it is to
more criminal than what
There are even virtues
"that make us enemies, fuch as an inflexible
feverity, an integrity not to be moved by
"favour or follicitations. Thence it comes
"that our magiftrates always do their duty
beft at first, they grow more remifs towards
"the end, becauſe, like candidates, they want
"to pleaſe the people from whom they are to
"have a character. If we put a stop to that
"abuſe, their conduct in the provinces will
"be better and more confiftent. For as the
"law againſt extortions checked their unjuſt
"avidity, fo by forbidding all thanks and
praiſes to be given them, a ftop will be put
"to their undue complaifance."
'
Thrafea did but follow Auguſtus's idea, in
confequence of which that Prince required an see vol. i.
interval of fixty days between the expiration of b. iii.
the Governor's jurifdiction, and the praiſes
given him by the people.
That was rather
pointing out the evil than remedying it. Thra-
fea cut to the quick, and his opinion was re-
ceived unanimouſly with great applauſe.
But the Senators could not paſs it into a law,
becauſe the Confuls oppofed, faying, the mat-
k Plura fæpe peccamus dum demeremur, quam quum
offendimus. Quædam imo virtutes odio funt, feveritas
obſtinata, invictus adverfum gratiain animus. Initia ma-
giftratuum noftrorum meliora funt, et finis inclinat, dum,
in modum candidatorum fuffragia conquirimus.
M 4
ter
1
168 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.813. ter had not been properly deliberated on.
aft. C. 62. The Prince was therefore to be confulted: he
Death of
Perfius.
His cha-
racter.
Perf. Vit.
ap. Suet.
affented, and the decree was paffed. The fub-
ftance of it was, that it fhould not be lawful
for any one either to propofe in the affemblies
of the allies in the provinces, thanks to be
returned in the Senate to Propretors or Procon-
fuls, or to undertake any deputation to that
effect.
Perfius died towards the end of this year in the
flower of his age, being not quite twenty eight
years old. It is great pity the obfcurity of
his ſtyle renders his fatyrs, in which noble
fentiments and a love of virtue fhine, difficult
to be underſtood. They are full of the max-
ims he had imbibed by a cloſe application to
the ſtudy of the Stoic philofophy, the aufterity
of which was his rule of action, tho' it did
not affect the ſweetneſs of his temper and con-
verſation. The author of his life fays, he
was modeft, frugal, chafte, and bafhful as a
maid. He was born at Volterra in Tuſcany,
of an Equeftrian family, and notwithſtanding
the difference of their ages, was intimately
connected with the virtuous Thrafea; their
friendſhip for each other was founded on a con-
formity of tafte and inclination, more than
on their being related. He loft his father when
but a child; his filial piety towards his mother
and affection for his fifters are greatly com-
mended. We have in his fifth ſatyr a monu-
ment of his gratitude towards his maſter Cor-
nutus, who inculcated in him the precepts of
philofophy and formed him to virtue. Nothing
can be ſtronger than his expreffions of eſteem
and friendſhip, of which he gave him a laft
proof
Book XI.
NERO.
169
proof in leaving him a fum of money and his A.R. 863.
books: fo great was his confidence in his mo- aft, C, 52.
ther and fifters that he only told them what his
defire was in that refpect, without tying them
down by any of the ufual formalities. Nor
was he miſtaken in his opinion of them; they
offered Cornutus the legacy, but he generouſly
refuſed the money, and would accept only the
books.
The Confuls for the following year were
Memmius Regulus, probably the fon of him
whofe death has been lately mentioned, and
Virginius, fo famous for refufing the Empire
after Nero's death.
C. MEMMIUS REGULUS.
L. VIRGINIUS RUFUS.
A.R. 814.
aft. C. 63.
nia.
On the fifth of February of this year a vio- Earthquake
lent earthquake happened in Campania, which in Campa-
deftroyed great part of the city of Pompeia at Sen. Nat.
the foot of mount of Vefuvius, and did con- Quæft. vi.1.
fiderable damage to Herculaneum. Nocera
and Naples felt only fome flight fhocks. A
flock of fix hundred fheep was fmothered; fta-
tues were ſplit aſunder: many people loft their
fenfes, either through fear, or by the malignity
of the vapours proceeding from the agitated
earth. Thofe evils were but the fore-runners
of much greater, though of the fame kind,
that country fuffered fome years after under
Titus's reign.
of a girl, who
Poppea was delivered of a daughter, and Nero be-
Nero's joy for that event knew no bounds. comes father
He gave the infant and it's mother the fur- does not live
name of Augufta; and the Senate who had quite four
made vows for Poppaa's happy delivery, per- Tac. xv.
formed Ann, 23.
months.
170 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 814. formed them with great magnificence; adding
aft. C:63. all the flatteries that could be imagined, folemn
Nero fhews
Thrafea.
thanks to the gods, a temple to Fecundity,
and games like thofe celebrated at Antium *,
the place where the child was born, as well as
Nero himſelf. For the fame reaſon Fortune,
the tutelar goddeſs of Antium, had her ſhare
in the honours; ftatues of gold were erected
to her, and placed on the throne of Jupiter
Capitolinus and laftly, annual courfes in the
Circus at Antium were inftituted in honour of
the Claudian and Domitian families, like thoſe
celebrated at Bovillum for the Julian. The
death of the child, who did not live quite four
months, put a stop to all theſe fine prepara-
tions. New flatteries again on that account:
She was made a goddefs of, with temple, prieft,
and bed of ſtate, like thofe of the first-rate
deities. Nero's grief was as exceffive as his
joy had been.
Whilſt the Senate was crouding to Antium
his diſlike to to congratulate Nero on the birth of his daugh-
ter, Thrafea was ordered not to appear before
the Emperor. He received, without being
fhocked, this fignal mark of difgrace which
ſeemed to portend a ſpeedy death: tho' Nero
let him live fome years longer, and even told
Seneca he was reconciled to Thrafea. The
glory of thoſe two valuable men encreaſed with
their dangers.
This year affords no other memorable events.
except thoſe that belong to the Parthian war, of
which I fhall ſpeak immediately.
*
I adopt Muretus and Grotius's emendation, and read An-
tiatis or Antiatium religionis, infiead of Atticæ.
Nero
Book XI.
NER O.
171
lefs mo-
ment.
Nero granted the inhabitants of the maritime A.R. 814.
aft. C. 63.
Alps the rights of Latium, that is to ſay, the Sundry
rights and privileges the Latins enjoyed when things of
they were only allies, and not yet citizens of
Rome. I am not certain whether it was at Tac. xv. 32.
the fame time that Nero. reduced the Cottian Suet. Ner.
Alps into a Roman province after the death of 18.
King Cottius.
The capital of the maritime
Alps was Embrun, and that of the Cottian
Alps, Suza.
The Cottian Alps and the Polemonia Pontus
are the two only countries Nero added to the
direct demefnes of the Empire. He was not
follicitous about enlarging his territories; but
Cottius's death and Polemon's voluntary cef
fion, gave him an opportunity of converting,
without trouble or danger, into provinces fub-
ject to the Roman jurifdiction, two ſmall king-
doms, till then governed by their own Princes,
but under the protection of the republic.
-
In the mean time Nero, as fond as ever of Tac.
all kinds of fhews and diverfions, fat apart
places of diftinction in the Circus for the Ro-
man Knights, who till then had enjoyed that
prerogative only in the theatres. Lipfius gives
feveral learned accounts of thoſe honorary dif-
tinctions, concerning which the curious reader
may, if he pleaſe, confult him. History aims
at higher objects.
Some combats of gladiators celebrated this
year were lefs remarkable for their magnifi-
cence, than for the utter extinction of all fenfe
of fhame and decency. Senators, and even
women of quality, fought in public.
Their madneſs that way was carried to fuch
a pitch, that, according to Suetonius, four hun-
dred
172
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.814. dred Senators and fix hundred Roman Knights
aft. C. 63. took up the infamous and bloody profeffion of
gladiators, or fought againſt wild beaſts. It
would feem incredible there could be fo many,
did one not know how far faſhion and example
will prevail. We may ſuppoſe too, that Sue-
tonius ſpeaks of all fuch of thoſe two orders as
appeared in that manner during the whole of
Nero's reign.
I come now to the affairs of the Eaſt, in
which I must return back three years.
SECT. II.
Vologefes renews the war against the Romans.
Meaſures taken by Corbulo to receive him pro-
perly. He defires a General for Armenia. The
Parthians befiege Tigranocerta without fuccefs.
Treaty, in confequeuce of which the Romans and
Parthians evacuate Armenia. Cæfennius Patus
is charged with the affairs of Armenia. The
Parthians take up arms again. Slight advan-
tages gained by Petus. Corbulo fortifies the
borders of the Euphrates, and throws a bridge
over that river, The Parthians turn their
whole force against Armenia. Patus defends
himſelf badly and is in great danger. Corbulo
marches to his affiftance. Pætus concludes a
Shameful treaty with Vologefes. Corbulo's army
meets Patus's. Agreement between Corbulo and
Vologefes. Triumphal arches at Rome. Volo-
gefes's embaſſy to Rome. The war renewed.
Corbulo is charged with it. Nero rallies Patus.
Corbulo's preparatives. He fets out. The Par-
thians defire peace. Interview of Corbulo and
Tiridates. Tiridates depofes his crown at the
foot
·
1
[
i
}
Book XI.
NER O.
Torquatus
Nero's
himself.
Attempt to dif
His exceffive de-
foot of Nero's ftatue. Tiridates's journey to
Rome. Nero's goes to Naples to fing publicly
on the stage. Vatinius treats him with a com-
bat of gladiators at Beneventum.
Silanus is accuſed, and kills
levity and fickleness of mind.
cover the fource of the Nile.
baucheries. Entertainment given by Tigellinus.
Rome burnt. Proofs how far Nero was con-
cerned in it. Golden palace. The city rebuilt
on a new plan. Extraordinary and odd pro-
jects of Nero. Nero's vain attempts to remove
the fufpicion of his being author of the fire.
The Chriftians perfecuted. Nero's enormous
profufions. His rapines and facrileges.
joins fuperftition to impiety. Seneca wants to
leave the court entirely. Slight inſurrection oc-
cafioned by the gladiators at Prænefte. Nero's
too peremptory orders occafion a wreck. Comet.
I
He
173
renews the
war againſt
Tac. xv.
T was with great grief Vologefes faw his Vologefes
brother Tiridates dethroned and driven ren
out of Armenia, a kingdom fo conveniently the Romans.
fituated for the Parthians, and to which they
had long pretended a right, given by the Ro-
mans to Tigranes. He thought himſelf bound
to repel the injury, and revenge the honour of
the Arfacidæ. On the other hand, when he
confidered the ftrength and power of the Ro-
mans, the trouble the revolt of the Hyrcanians.
gave him, in which they obftinately perfifted,
and the efforts he would be obliged to make
to reduce them to order, naturally flow, and
more prudent than bold, he was in fufpence
what to do.
A new
1
5
174
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Mo-
A new affront was neceffary to rouze his cou-
rage. Tigranes in a hoftile manner entered
Adiabenum, a country under the Parthian pro-
tection, and laid it waſte, not flying from
place to place, and endeavouring to avoid the
enemy, but with all the deliberation of a con-
queror fure of his fuperiority. The Chiefs of
the Parthian Nobility were highly incenfed to
find the Romans held them in too great con-
tempt to vouchſafe to attack them themſelves,
but made one of their flaves infult them.
nobazes, King of Adiabenum, joined his com-
plaints to their's, afking what refource was
left, and whofe affiftance he could implore.
“Armenia, ſaid he, is quite forfaken; the
"countries bordering on it are invaded. If
"the Parthians will not defend us, at leaſt
"we know the Roman fervitude is milder for
"thoſe who voluntarily fubmit to it, than for
"fuch as are conquered and forced." Tiridates
faid lefs, but his bare prefence was a reproach.
to his brother; tho' he would fometimes drop
very galling expreffions without entering into
particulars. Great Empires, he ſaid, had ne-
ver been fupported by cowardice, nor did he
think Princes ought to keep foldiers and arms.
to make no ufe of them. Full of thoſe bar-
barous notions that make glory conſiſt in vio-
lence; force, he faid, was a what among Princes.
conftituted right and juftice: that is, it was the
buſineſs of private families to preferve their
poffeffions, but that Kings ought to aggrandize
their's by conqueft.
a Id in fummâ fortunî æquius quod validius: et fua re-
tinere, privatæ domûs, de alienis certare regiam laudem eſſe.
Tac. xv. Ann 1.
4
Vologefes
A
Ĭ
Book XI.
NERO.
Vologefes yielding at length to fo many va-
rious motives, affembled a great council, and
placing Tiridates next him, ſpoke as follows:
My brother, whom you fee, having re-
<c
fpected in me the right of firſt-born, by
" which I was intitled to the throne of our
"common father, I placed the crown of Ar-
"menia on his head, which among us is
(6
<c
thought the third degree of honour and
power; for Pacorus was in poffeffion of that
" " of the Medes; and I rejoiced in the pru-
"dent ſteps I had taken to eſtabliſh union and
"concord in our family, and prevent the jea-
loufies and enmities too common amongſt
"brothers. The Romans oppofe it; and tho'
they never yet difturbed our peace without
being made to repent it, they now again
"break with us to their misfortune.
..
<<
66
I own
my first defires were to preſerve by equity
" rather than bloodfhed, by the juftice of my
"caufe rather than by arms, what our anceſtors
" left us. If I have committed any fault in
66
being over flow, my courage fhall make
"amends for it. As to you, your forces are
"entire, your glory is unfullied, and you
"have added to it the virtue of moderation,
" a virtue not to be defpifed by the moſt pow-
"erful of mortals, and which the gods them-
"are careful to reward."
So faying he fat the diadem on Tiridates's
head, and gave him what cavalry he had with
him, together with the fuccours furniſhed by
the Adiabenians. He gave the command of
this army to Monefes, one of the moft illuftri-
ous Noblemen of the nation, with orders to drive
Tigranes out of Armenia, whilft himfelf, fo
foon
175
势
​176
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
Meaſures
Corbulo to
He defires a
Armenia,
foon as he could make up his quarrel with the
Hyrcanians, would collect all the forces of his
kingdom and fall upon the provinces of the
Roman Empire.
Corbulo being informed of Vologefes's de-
taken by figns and of his whole plan of operations, pre-
receive him pared to face him on all fides. He ſent two
properly. legions under the command of Verulanus Se-
General for verus and Vectius Bolanus to affift Tigranes ;
whilft himſelf, remaining in Syria, encamped
his own legions along the borders of the Eu-
phrates, he raiſed forces in the province, built
forts and placed troops at every place by which
the enemy could enter: and as the country is
dry and wants water, he fecured ſome ſprings
for his own people, and ſtopt up the others with
heaps of fand.
The Parthi-
ans befiege
fuccefs.
He did
His defign, however, was not to push this
war, nor even to conduct it himſelf.
not care to expofe to new hazards the glory he
had acquired in former campaigns; but wrote
the Emperor word, that Armenia required be-
ing defended by a General who had only that
one thing to do, for that Vologefes threatened
to invade Syria. In confequence of that fyftem
he ſtrictly charged his two Lieutenants, whom
he fent to Armenia, to take particular care to
avoid all hazardous enterprizes, and be chiefly
on the defenſive.
Monefes immediately fat about executing
Tigranocer Vologefes's orders, and began his march di-
ta without rectly; but all his diligence could not over-
take Tigranes, who, being informed of his
approach, fhut himſelf up in Tigranocerta,
a ftrong city, provided with a good garrifon
and
1
Book XI.
NER O.
and all manner of provifions and ammunitions.
The river Nicephorius ran under it's walls on
one fide, and a deep wide ditch defended the
reft. Monefes gained at firſt a ſlight advan-
tage, killing in an ambufcade fome of the
enemy's foldiers, who advancing too far in or-
der to facilitate the entrance of a convoy,
were fuddenly furrounded. But when they
fet about attacking the city, the befieged laugh-
ed at the Parthians and their arrows: and the
Adiabenians, attempting to fcale the walls and
fet to work the engines then uſed in war, were
eaſily driven back: the garrifon made a briſk
fally, put them to flight, and killed a great
number.
น
177
of which
ans evacuate
Though this beginning of the war was not Treaty, in
favourable to the Parthians, and might give confequence
the Romans great hopes, yet Corbulo perfifted the Romans
in the plan he had firft laid down, and wrote and Parthi-
to Vologefes, complaining of the hoftilities Armenia.
he had committed againſt the Romans, declar-
ing, that if the Parthians did not raiſe the
fiege of Tigranocerta, he would enter their
territories at the head of his army. Cafperius,
a Centurion, who carried this letter, found
Vologefes near Nifiba, about thirty ſeven miles
from Tigranocerta, and delivered that and his
orders with great haughtiness.
Vologefes did not like being engaged in a
war with the Romans, and the fuccefs of
his firſt attempt did not much encourage him.
Befides, his cavalry, in which his whole
ſtrength confifted, could be of no fervice.
to him at that time, becauſe there was no fo-
rage at all for the horfes, every thing having
VOL. IV.
N
been
178 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Tac.xv.6.
been devoured by fwarms of locufts. Think-
ing it therefore moſt prudent to be mild and
tractable, he anſwered, he would ſend Am-
baffadors to the Roman Emperor, to defire
Armenia from him, and on that condition to
conclude a firm and lafting peace. At the
fame time he ordered Monefes to withdraw
his troops from Tigranocerta, and himſelf
retired towards the centre of his own domi-
nions.
So much of this negociation was made pub-
lic. It was fufpected, and with reaſon, that
in confequence of a private article of the treaty,
Tigranes was to leave Armenia. And indeed
we find no farther mention made of him in
hiftory, nor is he taken the leaft notice of
in the fubfequent difputes between the Romans.
and Parthians. What is more, the Roman
troops left Tigranocerta, and took up their
winter quarters, though very inconvenient
ones, in Cappadocia. So that there is no
room to doubt, but that Corbulo confented
the Parthians fhould have Armenia, on their
requeſting, for form's fake, the inveftiture of it
from Nero. It is not eaſy to ſay, what motives
could induce that General, in the height of
his profperity, to conclude a treaty fo little
to the honour of the Romans. The only one
I find in Tacitus is that I have already men-
tioned, a prudent referve, and the danger
of hazarding his paſt glory in a new war.
But that does not fatisfy me entirely. How-
ever, it would be in vain for us to look at this
diſtance of time for what Tacitus could not
find out.
I
This
Book XI.
NERO.
This treaty muft have been concluded in the
year of Rome 812.
179
charged with
of Armenia.
The Par-
ag in.
I have mentioned Corbulo's writing to Rome caſennius
to defire a General might be fent to take care Pætus is
of the affairs of Armenia in particular. Cæ- the affairs
fennius Pætus was chofen, and arrived in Cap-
padocia towards the beginning of the year 813. thians take
In confequence of his inftructions he divided up arms
with Corbulo the forces the Romans had in
the Eaſt, and took to his fhare three legions,
one of which had but lately been drawn out
of Mæfia. Corbulo likewife kept three to
defend Syria: the auxiliary troops were alfo
divided between them; and they were to con-
cert together all their military operations.
But Corbulo could not brook an equal; and
Pætus, thinking the ſecond rank beneath him,
deſpiſed and undervalued the exploits of that
great warrior.
"No enemy's blood, faid he,
has been fhed, the Roman troops have gain-
"ed no plunder: towns have been taken to
"no
no purpoſe. For my part, I will impofe
laws and tributes on the conquered; and
"inſtead of giving them a fhadow of a King,
"will make the country directly and imme-
"diately fubject to Rome, and reduce it to a
"province." The power of a Roman Gene-
ral ſhould ſeem by this to have been then as
extenſive as in the times of the republic, and
that they fixed as they pleafed the fate of
thoſe they conquered. In the mean time the
Ambaffadors Vologefes had fent to Rome
returned without fuccefs, and the Parthians.
renewed the war. Pætus received the news
with joy, expecting to furpafs all Corbulo's
exploits.
N 2
He
3
180
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Slight ad-
vantages
gained by
Pætus.
Corbulo for-
tifies the
borders of
tes, and
throws a
The
He croffed the Euphrates and entered Ar-
menia without being difturbed at any of thoſe
events the Romans took for bad omens.
Parthians had poffeffed themſelves of Tigra-
nocerta. Pætus refolving, faid he, to recover
a place of that importance, and lay waſte the
country Corbulo had fpared, fat out on a fud-
den and carried his army beyond mount Tau-
rus, without fortifying a camp for his winter-
quarters (which the Romans uſed always to
do) or providing any magazines. He took
fome caſtles, and might have been faid to
have gained fome honour and booty, had he
known how to fet a juft value on that honour,
or to make a proper ufe of the provifions he
took from the enemy. But ftill going for-
ward, and running over an extent of coun-
try he could not think of keeping, at laft, he
was at a loss how to fubfift; and winter draw-
ing near, which in Armenia comes on very
early, he returned back. Theſe were all his
exploits; and yet he fent triumphant difpatches
to Rome, as if he had put an end to the
war.
But he foon found it was nothing less than end-
ed. Corbulo, careful above all things to fecure
the Euphra- the borders of the Euphrates, had then been
doubly vigilant in forming redoubts clofe to
bridge over each other all along the river: he did more,
that river. undertaking to throw a bridge over it in order
to force the Parthians to be on the defenſive,
and guard againſt an irruption in their own
country. The Parthians oppofed it, and their
fquadrons flying about the plain on the other
fide the river, and annoying the Roman work-
men
Do
Book XI.
NERO.
men with their arrows, Corbulo fent againſt
them fome large veffels with machines and
engines that did execution farther than their
bows could fhoot. Keeping them by that
means at a proper diſtance, he finiſhed his
bridge, and immediately ordered fome of the
auxiliary troops to take poffeffion of the emi-
nences beyond the river, himſelf following
them with his legions.. The Roman army
made fo formidable an appearance, that the
Parthians, deſpairing of fuccefs on the Syrian
fide, bent their whole ftrength towards Ar-
menia.
181
thians turn
Armenia.
Pætus
and is in
Pætus was fo little on his guard that one The Par-
of his legions was in winter quarters at a great their whole
diſtance from him in Pontus; and he had force against
weakened the others by indifcreetly granting a de-
his foldiers leave of abſence; when on a fud- fends him-
den, he heard Vologefes was ready to arrive felf badly,
at the head of a numerous army. He had great danger.
only the fourth legion in the camp where he
then was. He fent immediately for the twelfth,
which was fo far from being complete, that
it rather betrayed his weakneſs than added
to his ſtrength. He might, however, have
ſpun the war out with thofe few troops, and
wearied the enemy, (who had fufficiently
experienced from Corbulo what a fmall ar-
my with conduct could do) if he had had
firmneſs and refolution enough to follow but
one plan, free from that felf-conceited vanity
which difcovers a weak Commander, and to
act uniformly and confiftently either with his
own opinions, or with thofe of others. But
as vain as he was timid, he confulted old
officers well acquainted with the art of war,
N 3
ind
X
182
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
and then, for fear of feeming to have wanted
the inftructions of another, did the very con-
trary to what he had been adviſed and every
new circumſtance making him take a new refo-
lution, his whole conduct was a continued fe-
ries of variations, which entirely ruined his
affairs.
His firſt ſtep was to leave his camp, proudly
crying out, Victories were to be won by bra-
very and arms, and not within ditches and ram-
parts; and led his legions on as if to give
battle; but loſing a centurion and a few fol-
diers, whom he had fent to reconnoitre the Par-
thian army, he marched back quite terrified.
Taking courage again, becauſe Vologefes had
not purſued him far, he pofted three thouſand
chofen men at a pafs of mount Taurus, to ftop
the king of Parthia's paffage with the fame
view he drew up his Pannonian cavalry, which
was exceeding good, in the plain: He fecured
his wife and fon in the citadel of Arfamofata,
where he fent a cohort to garriſon the place.
By dividing his troops in that manner, he gave
great advantages to an enemy, light, alert,
capable of ſtriking a bold ftroke, and of carry-
ing his quarters, but who could never have
made a breach in any confiderable body. It
was with great difficulty that he was prevailed
on to let Corbulo know his fituation: and Cor-
bulo, whofe conduct is not quite fo void of
blemish, as his experience in war was great,
was in no hurry, leaving the danger time to
increaſe, that his honour might be the greater
in removing it. He formed, however, a detach-
ment of three thouſand men, taking a thouſand
out of each of his three legions, eight hundred
horfe,
Book XI.
NER O.
horſe, and the fame number of auxiliary foot,
and ordered them to be ready to march at the
firft fignal.
Vologefes made greater difpatch than Cor-
bulo. Tho' he knew the road by which he
muft go to Pætus, was guarded on one fide by
three thouſand of the Roman infantry, and on
the other by the Pannonian horſe, he advanced
boldly, and by the great fuperiority of his
numbers, difperfed the Pannonians, and cruſh-
ed the Romans. Only one Centurion, called
Tarquifius Crefcens, ventured to defend a tower
where he was pofted, and made feveral fuccefsful
fallies. But the Barbarians fat it on fire, and
he periſhed in the flames.
The horſe fled without fighting, and confe-
quently without lofs. As to the foot, fuch of
them as were not wounded, took fhelter in the
forefts and narrow paffes of the mountains.
The wounded returned to the camp, where they
ſpread the panic their difafter had filled them
with. They exaggerated the valour of the
king of Parthia, the prodigious number and
ferocity of the nations that followed him, and
found their auditors equally afraid, and ready
to believe them. The General himſelf did not
pretend to refift the decrees of fate: abafhed and
quite difconcerted, he had given up all the
functions of his poft. His only refource was in
Corbulo, to whom he wrote again in the moſt
preffing manner, begging he would come in-
ftantly to fave the ftandards of the legions, the
Roman Eagles, and the deplorable remains of
an unfortunate army: adding, that as to him-
ſelf, he would be faithful to the Emperor whilft
he lived.
N 4
This
183
18+
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Corbulo
marches to
This was what Corbulo waited for. He de-
his affiftance layed no longer, but, leaving fome of hist
翱
​troops
in Syria to defend the caftles he had built on
the Euphrates, fat out with the greater part of
his forces, taking his road thro' Commagena
and Cappadocia, for the better convenience of
fubfiftence. He carried with him a great
number of camels, loaded with corn, that Pæ-
tus's army might be doubly relieved, from the
enemy and from famine. He was met on the
road by feveral of the fugitives, foldiers, officers,
and even a firſt captain of a legion, who came
to feek fafety under his protection. He ª or-
dered them back to their colours, without
vouchfafing to hear their excuſes. "Go, faid
"he to them, try to appeafe Pætus's juft in-
'
dignation. You will find no favour from
"me, till you have conquered the enemy.'
At the fame time going thro' the ranks of his
legions, he encouraged his men, reminding
them of their former glory, and telling them,
they might now acquire more. "A few Ar-
"menian towns, faid he, will not be the re-
"ward of this your expedition; a Roman
..
camp, and two legions, are to be preſerved
"for the Republic. If the honour of faving
"the life of a fingle citizen in battle be ſo great,
"that it is rewarded by a brilliant crown, given
"by the General's own hand; what muft ours
"be for faving a whole army!" Befides the
common danger that threatened all, many were
fpurred on with the thoughts of that their rela-
a Quos diverfas fugæ caufas obtendentes, redire ad figna,
& clementiam Pati experiri monebat. Se nifi victoribus
immitem effe. Tac. xv. 12.
tions,
P
r
1
Book XI..
NERO.
tions, brothers, and dearest friends were in.
Thoſe valiant troops, full of ardor, marched
on day and night, without hardly reſting
themſelves.
185
fhameful
This was a fufficient reafon for Vologefes to Pætus con-
preſs ſtill more clofely the army he had laid cludes a
fiege to.
Sometimes he attacked the Roman treaty with
camp, and fometimes the fort, into which fuch Vologefes.
as their fex or age rendered ufelefs in battle,
had retired. He even drew nearer than the
Parthians ufually do, to try, if by that means
he could induce the enemy to come to an en-
gagement. But the Romans, not leaving
their tents without difficulty and regret, were
fatisfied with defending their own retrench-
ments; fuch were their General's orders, to
which many fubmitted readily out of cowardice,
waiting for Corbulo's coming, and ready, if the
danger became too great, to make the treaties
of Caudium and Numantium their precedent.
They made no fcruple of faying it, nor of ob-
ferving, that neither the Samnites nor the Nu-
mantines were fuch formidable enemies as the
Parthians, thofe rivals of the Roman power:
that they ſhould be juſtified in their fubmiffion
by the example of renowned antiquity, which,
when fortune frowned, did not neglect its own
fafety.
Pætus, finding how much his troops were
difheartened, refolved to treat with Vologefes.
Accordingly he wrote to him, not yet as a fup-
plicant, but as one who had room to complain
At illi vix contuberniis extracti, nec aliud quàm muni-
menta propugnabant; pars juffu ducis, et alii propriâ igna-
viâ, aut metu Corbulonem opperientes, ac, fi vis ingrueret,
provifis exemplis Caudina ac Numantine cladis.Tac. XV. 13.
that
1
186
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
that the King of Parthia fhould, by force of
arms, conteſt the right the Romans had over
Armenia, which had long been fubject to them,
or to a King chofen by the Emperor. He re-
preſented to him, "That peace was equally
advantagious to both nations, and exhorted
"him not to confider the preſent fituation of
..
Co
things only but likewife to reflect, that all
"the forces of his kingdom were employed in
"attacking two legions, whereas the Romans.
"had the whole Univerſe to back and fupport
"them." Vologefes, in his anſwer to Pætus,
avoided entering into any difcuffion of their
mutual rights and pretenfions: but in the ſtyle
of a conqueror, declared he waited for his bro-
thers Pacorus and Tiridates, to confult with
them what would moſt become the Majefty of
the Arfacidæ to do with Armenia, and what
ſhould be the fate of the Roman legions.
Pætus then defired a conference with the
King, who did not think proper to come him-
felf, but fent Vafaces, who commanded his
horfe. The Roman fet forth the exploits of
Lucullus, of Pompey, and the power the Cæ-
fars had exercifed over Armenia. Vafaces faid,
the Romans had never had but a fhadow of
power in Armenia, and that the reality had al-
ways refided in the Parthians themfelves. After
feveral altercations, the conclufion was deferred to
the next day; and Monobazes, the Adiabenian,
was prefent, as witnefs to the articles of their
agreement, which were, That all hoftilities
fhould ceafe That the Roman troops fhould
evacuate Armenia: That the fortreffes, with
the proviſions in them, fhould be delivered up
to the Parthians, after which Vologefes was to
fend
Book XI.
NER
O.
fend an embaſſy to Nero. The Parthians like-
wife required the Romans fhould build them a
bridge over the river * Arfametes that watered
their camp. Pætus obeyed, pretending how-
ever, to conceal his fhame, that, he built that
bridge for his own ufe. But the event betrayed
him, for he took a quite different rout.
The treaty was in itſelf fhameful enough to
the Romans, but fame added to the ignominy,
by publiſhing, that they had fubmitted to the
yoke, and adding every circumſtance of a total
defeat. The Romans were, without doubt,
greatly humbled. The Armenians entered
their camp before they left it; and drawing their
troops up along the roads by which the army
filed off, they feized upon all the flaves and
beaſts of burden that had been theirs. They even
ſtripped and difarmed the Romans; and the
fearful foldiers fuffered any thing, rather than
be forced to fight.
Vologefes was willing to triumph too, but
with more decency. He was fatisfied with e-
recting a trophy of his victory, by laying in a
heap the arms and dead bodies of thofe that
had been killed: Nor would he be witneſs to
the flight of the Roman army. To me, there
appears great moderation and dignity in this
behaviour: I cannot, with Tacitus, think it an
*The text of Tacitus now
calls it Arfanias, in confequence
of a correction of Lipfius's,
which I do not fee fufficient
reaſon for. I therefore restore
the old reading. The Arfa-
metus of Tacitus feems to be
the Arfanus or Arfamus men-
tioned by Pliny, 1. v. c. 24.
from which the city of Arfa-
inofata, built on it, took its
name. The Arfanias is too
remote, and falls into the Eu-
phrates much higher up. The
reader may confult M. D'An-
ville's map of the Parthian
empire, at the beginning of toe
ſecond volume of this awork.
idle
187
188
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
C
idle affectation of modefty in the King of Par-
thia, after his pride had been fatiated.
A report was fpread, that the bridge the
Romans had thrown over the Arfametes was
not folid, and that they perfidiouſly had built
it on purpoſe, fo that when loaded, it ſhould
give way and fall in. This fufpicion made Vo-
logefes croſs the river on an elephant, and the
chief of his court on horſeback. Thofe, how-
ever, who dared to venture the bridge, had
no reaſon to repent it: it was well built, and
the Romans had done their buſineſs faithfully.
Every thing that can diſhonour an army and
a General, concurred to render the retreat of
the Romans fhameful. They had fuch ftore
of every thing, that when they went away, they
fat fire to their magazines. On the contrary,
Corbulo, according to the memorials Tacitus
had in his hands, affirmed the Parthians were
in the utmoſt diſtreſs, and ready to abandon
the enterprize for want of forage for their
horfes. He added, that he was but three days
march from them, fo that with a little more
patience, Pætus would have received fuccours
that would infallibly have relieved him. If any
doubt be made of the truth of what Corbulo
fays, becauſe the ſhame of Pætus would re-
dound to his glory, we cannot but allow the
following circumftance, Tacitus lays down for
fact, to have its weight. The Romans retired
with fuch precipitation, that their army march-
ed upwards of forty miles in one day, leaving
behind them the fick and wounded that could
Fama moderationis quærebatur, poftquam fuperbiam
expleverat. Tac.
not
Book XI.
NERO.
not follow nor was the diforder of their re-
treat lefs ignominious than if, like cowards,
they had fled from battle.
189
army meets
Pætus's.
Corbulo, with his troops, met this deplo- Corbulo's
rable army near the borders of the Euphrates.
He did not fuffer his men to appear with a bril-
liancy that might have feemed to reproach the
others with their misfortune. His foldiers,
with melancholy looks, bemoaning the fate of
their companions, could not refrain from tears:
they flowed in fuch abundance, that they could
hardly falute each other. Emulation and jea-
loufy, fentiments that become none but the
happy, were now quite laid afide: pity was the
only paffion they felt, and the fubalterns were
thoſe who felt it moſt.
The converfation between the two Generals
was fhort and dry. Corbulo complained of
the trouble he had taken to no purpoſe, and of
the opportunity he loft of putting an end to the
war by the defeat and flight of the Parthians.
Pætus anſwered, that things were ftill in the
fame fituation; that they had but to return
back, and with their joint forces attack Arme-
nia, which Vologefes had left without defence.
This propofal was a flagrant breach of faith
in the mouth of Pætus, if it be true, as Cor-
bulo afferted in his memoirs, that he fwore on
d Corbulo cum fuis copiis apud ripam Euphratis obvius,
non eam fpeciem infignium et armorum prætulit, ut diver-
fitatem exprobraret. Mæfti manipuli, ac vicem commili-
tonum miferantes, ne lacrymis quidem temperavere. Vix
præ fletu ufurpata confalutatio. Decefferat certamen virtu-
tis, et ambitio gloriæ, felicium hominum affectus: fola
mifericordia valebat, et apud minores magis. Tac.
the
190
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Agreement
Corbulo and
the Roman Eagles, and in prefence of Volo-
gefes's witneffes, that no Roman ſhould ſet
foot in Armenia till it was known, whether
Nero would ratify or fet afide the treaty. How-
ever that may be, Corbulo flatly refuſed it,
faying, "He had received no orders from the
..
Emperor concerning Armenia. That the
"danger the legions were in, was the only
"reafon he had left his province. But that
"now he was uncertain what the Parthians
"would do, and whether they would not at-
"tempt to break in upon Syria, he ſhould
"haften back thither; and think himſelf
...
happy, if, with his infantry, harraffed and
"wearied out by a long and painful march,
"he could get the ſtart of the enemies horſe,
"who had nothing but plains to cross over.'
All Pætus could do, was to end his winter
quarters in Cappadocia, and Corbulo returned
to Syria.
There he received news from Vologefes,
between who fummoned him to demolish the forts he
Vologefes, had built beyond the Euphrates, that that
great river might again become, as it had
always been, the boundary of the two Em-
pires. Corbulo, on his fide, infifted Volo-
gefes fhould evacuate Armenia; to which,
after fome difficulties, the Parthian king a-
greed and accordingly Corbulo razed his
forts beyond the Euphrates, and Armenia, left
to itſelf, was no longer difturbed by foreign
troops.
Triumphal
In the mean time, trophies were erecting at
arches at Rome as if the Parthians had been already con-
quered. Triumphal arches were built on the
Rome.
Capitolian
[
I
NERO.
€
Book XI.
Capitolian mount. The Senate, imprudently
precipitating matters, had ordered theſe works
whilft the war ſtill fubfifted, and was afterwards
afhamed to leave them imperfect, chufing ra-
ther to difown a notorious truth, than to con-
feſs what every one was inwardly convinced of.
The events I have been ſpeaking of belong
to the year of Rome 813.
IgI
In the fpring of the next year, Vologefes's Vologefes's
Ambaffadors arrived at Rome: their inftruc- embaffy to
tions were, "That the king of Parthia no
66
longer alledged his rights to Armenia, fo
"often remonſtrated, that quarrel being now
"in fact decided, and the Gods, the fupreme
"arbitrators of the most powerful people,
'
having rendered the Parthians maſters of
"that country, not without fome ignominy
"to the Romans. That Tigranes had ſuffered
"a fiege in Tigranocerta. That Pætus and
"his troops muft infallibly have perifhed, if
c
Vologefes had not been pleafed to fpare their
"lives, and give them leave to retire. That
'
having given fufficient proofs of his power
" and moderation, all that Prince now defired
"was a good and lafting peace. That Tiri-
"dates would not refufe going to Rome to re-
"ceive the crown of Armenia, if he was not
"detained on the fpot by the order of prieſt-
"hood he had received; but that he would
"repair to the Roman camp, and there, be-
"fore the Eagles and Images of the Emperor,
"and in preſence of the legions, take poffef-
"fion of the kingdom."
e Decreta ab Senatu integro bello, neque tum omiffa,
dum adfpectui confulitur, fpretà confcientia. Tac.
Vologefes
Rome.
192
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
The war re-
newed, Cor-
bulo is
it.
Vologefes's letters being read, and not at all
agreeing with the diſpatches received from Pæ-
charged with tus, which contained no account of any alte-
ration for the worſe, the Centurion, who came
with the Parthian ambaffadors, was queftioned
concerning the ſtate of affairs in Armenia. He
anſwered, that not a fingle Roman was left
there. They then found the Barbarians laughed
at the Emperor and the Empire, when they de-
fired the inveftiture of a kingdom they had al-
ready taken poffeffion of by force of arms.
Nero confulted the heads of the Republic,
whether a difficult war, or a difhonourable
peace was beft. All were for war, and to
avoid ſplitting on the fame rock Pætus's want
of capacity had wrecked him upon, they pitch-
ed on Corbulo, whofe capacity and great ex-
perience made him the moft fit of all men to
remedy the evil, and blot out the fhame from
the Roman name. The Ambaffadors were dif
miffed without any favorable anfwer, but with
preſents, and were given to underſtand, that
if Tiridates came in perfon to follicit what he
defired, he would not be refuſed.
At the fame time that Nero's minifters gave
the Parthians this opening for peace, they were
not lefs vigilant in taking the moſt effectual
meaſures for carrying on the war with vigour.
The * adminiftration of Syria was given to
Ceftius, that Corbulo, eaſed of the care of that
*I adopt Pighius's emen-
dation of the text of Tacitus,
which fays, Cincius or Cin-
tius, which is an error.
The
perfon Spoken of here is the
Ceftius, who began the war
against the Jews, and who
having laid fiege to Jerufalem
was repulfed with fhame and
lofs.
province,
L
}
Book XI.
NER O.
province, might devote himſelf wholly to the
war, and all the troops the Romans had in the
Eaft, together with a legion brought out of
Pannonia by Marius Celfus, were put under
that General's command. Letters were fent to
the Kings, Tetrarchs, and all who had any poft
or command in the neigbouring provinces;
and likewiſe to the Propretors who governed
them, to receive and obey Corbulo's orders:
fo that the power given him was almoſt equal
to that formerly granted to Pompey, in the
war againſt Mithridates.
193
Pætus.
In the mean time Pætus arrived at Rome : Nero rallies
and Tacitus fays, Nero only raillied and joked
him. "If pardon you at once, faid he to
"him, left fearful as you are, the leaft delay
ſhould throw you into a fit of fickness."
Such a fneer would hurt one of our officers.
more than the greateſt defeat. The Romans
were not quite fo nice about the point of
honour.
Corbulo formed his plan with great prudence Corbulo's
and judgment: his preparations were for- preparatives,
midable, and he would have been glad to
get the better of the enemy by the fole terror
of his name, and of the forces under his com-
mand. He fent back to Syria the legions
that had fuffered fo much under Pætus; who,
weakened by the lofs of their braveſt men,
and not having yet got the better of the im-
preffion their late difgrace had made on them,
were but unfit for battle. Inſtead of them,
f Ignofcere fe ftatim, ne tam promptus in pavorem lon-
giore follicitudine ægrefceret. Tac. xv. 25.
VOL. IV.
O
he
He fets out.
194
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS,
The Parthi-
peace.
he took two legions that had long been train-
ed up under him, and were inured to fatigue,
and elated by fuccefs. To them he added the
fifth legion, which, having been left by Pætus
in Pontus, had met with no defeat, and the
fifteenth, juft come from Pannonia to join him,
fome detachments of the Illyrian and Egyp-
tian legions, the auxiliary troops, both horſe
and foot, that generally went with the legions,
and the fuccours he had lately received from
the Kings and Princes of the Eaſt. With this
formidable army he drew near Melitena, in
order to pass the Euphrates. After reviewing
his troops with all the religious ceremonies
ufed on thoſe occafions, he harangued them,
fetting forth in the most pompous terms the
fortune attached to the happy aufpices of the
Roman Empire, and his own exploits, impu-
ting the bad fuccefs to Pætus's want of expe-
rience. Eloquence was not his talent, but
the dignity of his fentiments, and the noble
confidence he put in his own valour, made that
warrior fufficient amends for his want of ſkill
in the more florid arts of ſpeech. After that,
he marched on in the road Lucullus had before
taken, opening again the paffes that time and
various cauſes had ftopt up.
g
The Parthians were terrified, and Corbulo
ans defire foon had Ambaffadors from Vologefes and
Tiridates, who made overtures of peace. He
received them without harſhneſs or difdain;
and when they returned, ordered fome Roman
Multâ auctoritate, quæ viro militari pro facundia
erat. Tac.
Centu-
Book XI.
NERO.
Centurions to conduct them back, at the fame
fame time giving them pretty pacific inftruc-
tions, in which he ſaid, "The quarrel was
"not yet come to that height, but it might
"be ended without arms. That there had
"been on each fide viciffitude of fuccefs;
66
great advantages gained by the Romans,
"and fome given to the Parthians: power-
"ful leffons againſt pride. That Tiridates
"and Vologefes ought to take warning from
" them, and confider, the one, that it was his
"intereſt to avoid laying wafte a kingdom
"that might be given to him; and the other,
"that the Roman alliance would be of
"more fervice to the Parthian nation than
"fhedding each others blood. He added,
"that he was not ignorant of the feeds of
"diſcord ready to ſpring up in the Parthian
st
Empire, nor how intractable feveral of the
people Vologefes had to govern were.
"That on the other hand, the Roman Em-
r
>>
peror enjoyed every where a profound peace,
" and had but that fingle war to carry on.
Corbulo backed his counfels by hoftilities ca-
pable of intimidating, and on his firſt entrance
into Armenia, feverely chaftifed fome of the
great men of that country who had firſt aban-
doned the Romans, driving them from their
eftates, razing their fortreffes, and ſpreading
terror every where, and among people of all
ranks.
The Parthians did not look on Corbulo as
an implacable enemy; they had even a confi-
dence in his generofity, and thought his advice
good. Vologefes, therefore, whofe temper was
likewife
O 2
K
*
195
196
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Interview of
Tiridates.
likewife difpofed to mildnefs, made a ftep to-
wards peace, begging a truce in favour of fome
of his Satraps. Tiridates propofed an inter-
view, to which Corbulo agreed. A day, near
at hand, was fixed for it; and the Parthians
having chofen the very fpot where they had
kept the Roman legions pent up the year be-
fore, in order to remind them of that event,
Corbulo made no objection to it, being fenfible
the contraft of his fortune with that of Pætus,
could not but do him honour. In general, he
was not at all diſpleaſed at whatever tended to
encreaſe the fhame of that unfortunate Gene-
ral; as appeared by the orders he gave Pætus's
fon, who ſerved under him as Tribune, to take
fome companies of foldiers, and bury the bones
of thofe that periſhed in that fatal expedition.
Tacitus gives us an account of the whole
Corbulo and ceremonial of the interview, and the kind of
homage that was the refult of it. On the day
appointed, Corbulo fent two hoftages to Tiri-
dates's camp, to anſwer for the fafety of the
Prince's perfon. The hoftages were Tiberius
Alexander and Vivianus Annus, the firſt Phi-
lo's nephew, an apoftate Jew, as we have be-
fore ſaid, who ranked among the moft illuftri-
ous of the Roman Knights, and held a confi-
fiderable poft in Corbulo's army: the other was
Corbulo's fon-in-law, who, tho' too young to
have a feat in the Senate, had the command
of the fifth legion. Corbulo and Tiridates ad-
vanced toward the ſpot agreed on, each of them
having with him only twenty horſe-men. When
the King was in fight of the Roman General
he alighted from his horfe, and foon after Cor-
bulo
}
Book XI.
NER O.
bulo did the fame. They fhook hands in fign
of friendſhip. Corbulo praiſed the young
Prince for preferring a fafe and wife refolution
to more brilliant views attended with danger.
Tiridates, after boaſting his high birth, added,
with modefty, that he would, however, go to
Rome, and add to the Emperor's honour, by
throwing at his feet a defcendent of the Arfa-
cidæ, and that too, at a time when the Par-
thian affairs were by no means in a bad fitu-
ation. On the whole, it was agreed, that Ti-
ridates fhould lay his crown at the foot of the
Emperor's ftatue, and not refume it till receiv-
ed from his hand. A mutual kifs ended the
interview.
197
poles his
Nero's fta-
A few days after the ceremony, or, as I call Tiridates de-
it, homage, was performed with great pomp. crown at
The Parthian cavalry, with the ſtandard uſed the foot of
by that nation, was drawn up in fquadrons on tue.
one fide; on the other the legions, ranked as
if for battle, difplayed their eagles and other
enfigns. Tacitus adds, the ſtatues of their gods,
ſo diſpoſed as to form a kind of temple. In
the middle a tribunal of turf was erected, on
which a curule chair was placed, and in that chair
the ftatue of Nero. Tiridates approached it
with refpect, and, after offering up victims,
took the diadem from his own head, and laid
it down at the foot of the ftatue. The fpec-
tators were greatly ftruck at this fight, efpeci-
ally when they called to mind the ſtill recent
difafter and humiliation of the Roman troops.
"How different, faid they, is this day from
"that! Tiridates is now going to take a long
journey, to let all nations be witneffes to
..
0 3
"his
¡
198
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
"his fubmiffion to the Roman Empire, and
appear a fupplicant and almoſt a captive."
tr
Corbulo, covered with glory, treated Tiri-
dates with great politenefs, and gave him a
magnificent entertainment. The Prince, to
whom the Roman cuftoms were quite new, en-
quired into the reafon of all he faw; why a
Centurion came to acquaint the General with
the beginning of each watch; why a trumpet
was founded when dinner was over; why a
fire was kindled on an altar on the right hand
of the General's tent: and Corbulo, at the
fame time that he fatisfied his curiofity, took
an opportunity of giving him a pompous idea
of the Roman magnificence in all things.
The next day Tiridates defired time to take
leave of his mother and brothers before he fet
out for fo long a journey. He departed from
the Roman camp, leaving his daughter an hof-
tage, and a fubmiffive letter for Nero. He
faw Pacorus in Media, and Vologefes at Ec-
batana. The latter had been uneafy about the
reception his brother might meet with, and
had wrote to Corbulo, defiring him to require
nothing from Tiridates that might favour of
fervitude: that he might be allowed to wear
his fword, and be admitted to the kifs by Go-
vernors of provinces; that he ſhould not be
made to wait in their anti-chambers; and that
the fame honours fhould be done him in Rome
as were done to Confuls. On which Tacitus
makes this reflexion. Vologefes, accuſtomed
h
"
↳ Scilicet externæ fuperbiæ fueto non erat notitia noftri,
apud quos jus imperii valet, inania tranfmittuntur. Tac.
xv. 31.
to
养
​F
Book XI.
NERO.
to the ſuperb manners of the Eaſtern Monarchs,
was ignorant of the way of thinking of the
Romans, who are jealous of the effential rights
and prerogatives of Empire, but do not much
mind a vain ceremonial."
199
Rome.
Pliny tells us, that Tiridates, who was one Tiridates's
of the Magi, wanted to travel to Rome by journey to
land, becauſe his religion, in which water as Plin. xxx. 2.
well as fire was worshiped, did not allow him
to ſpit in the fea, nor pollute that element
with any filth; this fhews, that the reaſon al-
ledged fome time before by Vologefes to excufe
Tiridates's going to Rome, was not a mere
pretence. However, he was obliged to crofs
the Hellefpont; but the paffage is very fhort.
His march was troublefome and expenfive to
the provinces, on account of the great prepa-
rations made to receive him. He carried with him Die.
his wife and children, Vologefes's, Pacorus's, and
Monefes's children, all his houfhold, and three
thouſand Parthian horfe. A large body of
Roman cavalry, commanded by Annius Vivi-
anus, Corbulo's fon-in-law, likewife attended
him; fuch a train, though their expences were
defrayed by the Emperor, who to that end al-
lowed Tiridates* eight hundred thouſand fef- 6400 l.
terces a day, could not but greatly incommode
the inhabitants of the countries where they paf-
fed. He was nine months on the road, always
on horſeback, his wife too rode all the way,
with a helmet of gold on her head, that her
face might not be ſeen.
Naples to
Affairs of war were terminated, as we fee, Nero goes to
without Nero's interfering much in them. fing publicly
04
The on the stage.
200
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
The great power he gave Corbulo, and the
almoſt independent liberty with which that Ge-
neral acted, may in a great meaſure be afcribed
to his averfion to whatever required ſerious ap-
plication and thought. Pleaſure was Nero's
Tac.xv.33. fole occupation. Still mufic-mad, he did not.
think the juvenile games that were celebrated
in his palace or gardens, afforded fo fine a
voice as his a fufficient fcope. Nothing would
content him but to have the public hear it. A
reft of fhame would not, however, fuffer him to,
make his firſt public appearance in Rome, be-
fore the whole people affembled. Naples feem-
ed to him a more proper place, that being a
Greek city, and confequently more difpofed
to favour and encourage arts. His defign was
to go afterwards to Greece, there to gain, in
the Olympian, Pythian, and other celebrated
games of antiquity, refplendent crowns and
honours, the luftre of which fhould attract
the admiration of every citizen, and qualify him
for the Roman ftage. It was under the Con-
fuls Lecanius and Craffus that he began the ex-
ecution of this noble project.
A.R. 815.
aft. C. 64.
Suet.Ner.
20.
Tac.
C. LECANIUS BASS u s.
M. LICINIUS CRASSUS FRUGI.
We may eafily judge how much the place
was crowded when he appeared on the ſtage at
Naples. Befides the people of his court, and
his troops of guards, curiofity brought thither
not only all the inhabitants of the city, but
thofe of the neighbouring towns. Applaufe
was certainly not wanting. An earthquake
that
1
Book XI.
NERO.
201
that happened whilft he was finging, did not A.R.815.
prevent his going on with his part; and the aft. C. 64.
building chancing to fall in juft as the games
were over, and every body was happily got out,
Nero obferved, it was a fignal inftance of the
pleaſure the gods had taken, and compoſed
mufic and verſes to return them thanks.
i
treats him
diators at
From Naples Nero proceeded towards the Vatinius
Adriatic fea, in confequence of his defign to with a com-
embark at Brindium for Greece: he ftoped bat of gla-
at Beneventum to fee a combat of gladiators Beneven-
one Vatinius propoſed treating him with. Va- tum.
tinius did not derogate from the ſhame and
infamy that name had been branded with even
in the republican times. Brought up in a fhoe-
maker's fhop, his body deformed, his jokes
rude and clownish; he was firft called to Nero's
court to be the butt of it; but by inventing
calumnies againſt the honeſteft men there, foon
acquired fuch credit, weight, and riches, that
none were able to hurt him, and even the worſt
acknowledged him their fuperior in wickedneſs.
This wretch dared to declare himſelf an enemy
to the Senate, and would often fay to Nero,
"I hate you, Cæfar, becauſe you are a Sena- Die.
"tor;" that was his way of paying his court to
the Emperor.
When I faid pleaſure was Nero's fole occupa- Torquatus
tion, I meant that he did not trouble his head Silanus is
accuſed, and
kills him-
i Vatinius inter fœdiffima ejus aulæ oftenta fuit, futrinæ felf.
tabernæ alumnus, corpore detorto, facetiis fcurrilibus: Tac. xv. 35.
primò in contumelias affumptus, deinde optimi cujufque
criminatione eo ufque valuit, ut gratiâ, pecuniâ, vi nocen-
di, etiam malis præmineret. Tac. xv. 34.
about
202 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.815. about bufinefs, not that he had forgot his cru-
aft. C. 64. elty. Whilſt Vatinius was amufing him at
Nero's levity
and fickle-
neſs of
mind.
Beneventum, he was profecuting Torquatus
Junius Silanus in Rome for high-treafon. Tor-
quatus's real crime was that he was defcended
from one of the nobleſt and moſt antient Ro-
man families, and reckoned Auguftus for his
great-grandfather. But the minifterial emiffa-
ries and accufers taxed him with being prodi-
gally expenſive, faying, he was ruining himſelf,
and could have no hopes of retrieving his for-
tune, but by overturning the ftate. They added,
that his houfe was like the Emperor's, and
that he gave his fervants the fame titles as the
officers of the palace had. At the fame time,
the moſt faithful of his freemen were arreſted
and put in irons. Finding he was to be con-
demned, he had his veins opened: and Nero,
in his uſual ſtyle, wrote the Senate word,
"That guilty as Torquatus was, and though
" he had reaſon to defpair of being acquitted,
yet his life would have been ſpared if he had
"trufted to the clemency of his Sovereign
judge."
66
..
The project of a voyage to Greece was not
put in execution. Nero was too flighty to be
governed by any thing but caprice; there was
no folidity in any of his thoughts. On a fud-
den he returned to Rome; fome new whim
had ftruck him, for no reafon could be affigned
for altering his mind.
He then propofed tra-
velling into the provinces of the Eaſt and E-
gypt, and accordingly publiſhed a declaration
promifing not to be long abfent, and that the
peace and welfare of the republic fhould not
fuffer
Book XI.
NER O.
203
fuffer by it. But repairing to the Capitol, and A. R.815.
from thence to the temple of Vefta, to implore aft. C.64.
the protection of the gods on his journey, as
he was rifing up, after having faid his prayers,
his robe catched hold of fomething, which
was deemed a bad omen : at the ſame time he
was feized with a dizzineſs and trembling of
the whole body, proceeding either from a fud-
den indiſpoſition, or from an additional terror
the recollection of his crimes in that holy place
ftruck him with. Thefe accidents made him
aiter his refolution again. He declared, "That
"the love of his country prevailed over every
"other confideration. That he had obferved
"the melancholy looks of the citizens, and
heard their fecret moans. How would they
"be able to bear their grief at his taking fo
long a journey, if a few days abſence could
alarm them fo much; if they could not
"even for that ſhort time bear to be deprived
"of the fight of their Prince, their comfort
"and fafeguard againſt all ills that might oc-
"cur? He could not, added he, but yield
to the defires of the Roman people, who
"wanted to keep him at home, and whoſe
power over him was equal to that of near-
"eft relations over their deareſt kindred."
..
66
fource of
He remained therefore at Rome; and I am Attempt to
inclined to think it was at that time, that, to discover the
make himſelf fome amends for not taking the the Nile.
journey, he fent people to try to find out the Suet. Nat.
fource of the Nile. Two Centurions went up Quæft.vi.s.
that river by his order, and with that defign,
but were ftopt by the cataracts and marfhy
grounds.
Nero
A
204
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.815.
XV.
Nero was not quite miſtaken in fuppofing
aft. C. 64. the people were glad to have him refide in
Tac. xv. 36. Rome. The plays and diverfions occafioned
by his prefence, and eſpecially the uneafinefs
they would have been in about their provifions
if he was abſent, were powerful motives with
the multitude. The Senate and chief men of
the republic were in doubt whether his cruelty
was moſt to be feared when near or at a dif
tance; but as in all great evils, fo in this, the
prefent was thought the worft.
His exceffive
debauche-
ries. En-
given by
21.
Tac
k
Nero ftrove to anfwer, but in a manner wor-
thy himſelf, the affection the people fhewed
tertainment him; and to prove how much he delighted in
Tigellinus. Rome more than any other place, he made it
Suet, Ner. the feat of his pleaſures. His diffolute enter-
tainments were prepared in the public build-
ings, the open fquares, the Campus Mar-
tius, and the Circus, in fhort, the whole
city was to him as his own houfe. Tacitus
gives us, with fome reluctance, an account of
one of thoſe entertainments in which the great-
eft exceſs of debauchery was joined to the ut-
moft profufion. He mentions it as an inſtance.
by which one may form an idea of others, and
confequently fave him the diſagreeable taſk of
repeating fuch fhocking fcenes.
This entertainment, accompanied with mu-
fic and illuminations, was given Nero by Ti-
gellinus, on a piece of water called Agrippa's
pond. The table, covered with all the rari-
k Senatus et primores in incerto erant, procul, an coram
atrocior haberetur. Dehinc, quæ natura magnis timoribus,
deterius credebant quod evenerat. Tac.
ties
Book XI.
NERO.
205
ties the moſt remote parts of the earth and A.R. 815.
fea could afford, was placed in a boat drawn aft. C. 64.
by other boats, all adorned with gold and ivo-
ry, and rowed by the handſomeft young men
that could be found, but all difhonoured by
vice; their poſts were regulated according to
their feveral degrees of infamy. What fhall
be faid of the mixture of women of the loweſt
claſs with ladies of the firſt nobility, all con-
founded together, and all equally debauched
and impudent? Nero, the moft corrupt of
all this abominable troop, at a lofs what
wickedness to invent, married himſelf as wife
to one Pythagoras. The whole ceremonial
was punctually obferved, a veil thrown over
the Emperor's face, a dowry agreed on and
depofited. To return no more to fo difagree-
able and immodeſt a ſubject, I fhall add here,
that fome years after Nero acted a part juſt the Suet.Ner.28.
reverſe, folemnly taking an eunuch called Spo- Dio.
rus for his wife.
Suetonius fays, he did not believe there was Suet. Ner.
one chafte perfon in the world. The vicious 23.
are bad judges of virtue. Chriftianity, which
then began to take root in Rome, could have
produced feveral inftances of the moſt perfect
continence and virginity, whilft that mad Em-
peror did not think it poffible for any one to
be content with licit pleaſures.
far Nero
To become an incendiary was ftill wanting Rome burnt.
to complete Nero's crimes; and that he re- Proofs how
folved to be with diſtinction, to burn his own was concern-
country, the metropolis of the univerſe.
make no fcruple to lay to his charge the fire
that this year confumed upwards of two thirds.
I ed in it.
of
206
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
f
Tac. xv.
Ann. 38.
Suet. Ner.
36.
Dio.
A.R. 815. of Rome, though Tacitus doubts whether it
aft. C. 64. was owing to accident or the wickedness of
the Prince. Befides that Suetonius and Dion
Caffius both pofitively charge Nero with that
crime, Tacitus himſelf tells us fuch circum-
ſtances as plainly prove, that even if the fire
did at firſt break out by accident, yet it was
kept up and ſpread for feveral days by Nero's
orders, whereby Rome fuffered as forely as if
the city had been taken by ſtorm.
That hiftorian relates, that nobody dared ven-
ture to fuccour the buildings that were burning,
for that men unknown drove back all that at-
tempted to extinguifh the fire, threatening and
abufing them. Some even added to the flames,
throwing in lighted torches and combuſtible
matters, and ſaying, they were ordered ſo to
do. Tacitus indeed fufpects it was out of
knavery that a gang of villains acted and ſpoke
in that manner, to have an opportunity of rob-
bing and plundering. But if they had not
been fupported and backed, the trick muft foon
have been diſcovered in a cafe where every one's
intereft was concerned. Nero was at Antium
when the fire began, and ftaid there till the
flames were ready to reach his palace. Then
it was, and not before, that he returned to
Rome; and at that very time it was reported
that he, getting up to the top of a high tower,
faw from thence with pleaſure the whole city
in flames, and, putting on his theatrical dreſs,
performed a piece of mufic the fubject of which
was the fack of Troy; a near reſemblance of
the diftreffed condition Rome was then in.
I therefore fee no room to doubt Nero's being
concerned in burning Rome. Such a feat is
quite
Book XI.
NER O.
Dio,
207
quite conformable with the reſt of his inhuman A R. 815.
barbarous difpofition. He, as well as Tibe- aft. C. 64.
rius, envied the fate of Priam, who faw his
whole family deſtroyed, and his country laid
in afhes; and fome body one day quoting in
his hearing the Greek proverb, that fame Ti-
berius was perpetually repeating,
"When I Suet.
am dead let the earth be devoured with flames;"
ແ No, not when I am dead, cried Nero in-
ftantly, but whilft I live."
The ſcheme of burning Rome fuited too his Tac. & Sust,
idle vanity and madnefs for building. He
difliked the bad taste of the old houfes, the
narrow, crooked, dark ftreets, in which there
was no general plan, no fymmetry, but the
whole had been directed by the caprice and hur-
ry of the people, who had rebuilt as faft as
they could their dwellings burnt by the Gauls.
Nero wanted to make a new Rome, and was
even ambitious enough to give it his own
name; calling it Neropolis, or Nero's city. He 55.
purpofed enlarging his own palace in particu- .38.
lar, and as the walls of the public granaries,
very ſtrongly built, took up a ſpace of ground
he thought would be uſeful to him, battering
rams and other engines of war were added to
the flames to beat them down, as if they had
been an enemy's fortreſs.
Suet.Ner,
The fire began the nineteenth of July, the T.
day on which the Gauls had fet fire to the city
four hundred and fifty years before, and raged
with great violence fix days and feven nights:
nor did it abate at laſt but for want of fuel, af- Suet.
ter having deſtroyed every thing from the great Tac.
Circus at the foot of mount Palatine to the far-
ther
208 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 815. ther end of the Efquiliæ, where a prodigious
aft. C. 64. number of buildings was thrown down to pre-
vent its ſpreading farther. This was not all:
the fire that was thought extinguiſhed broke
out again, and if fewer people loft their lives,
it was becauſe the parts where it raged the ſe-
cond time were lefs inhabited and more open :
it confumed, however, finer and more fpacious
buildings, fuch as temples of the gods, and por-
tico's built for the ornament of the city and
convenience of it's inhabitants. It was in Ti-
gellinus's gardens that the fire began the fe-
cond time, and from thence ſpread all around;
a very fufpicious circumftance, and thought by
every one a plain indication from whence the
public diſaſter proceeded. An old inſcription,
Lipf.ad Tac. quoted by Lipfius, gives us room to think the
fecond fire lafted upwards of two days.
The damage Rome fuffered in theſe two fires
is ſcarcely to be imagined. Of fourteen dif-
tricts or quarters, into which the city was di-
vided, three were laid even with the ground;
four were not injured; the other feven retained
only the fad remains of half-burnt buildings.
Tacitus does not pretend to give an exact account
of the number of houfes, temples, and other build-
ings that were deftroyed. He mentions only,
beſides the Emperor's palace, fome buildings
venerable for their antiquity, and moft of them
confecrated to the Roman worship, fuch as the
great altar Evander is faid to have erected and
dedicated to Hercules, whilft alive and prefent
on the fpot, the temple of Jupiter Stator, built
by Romulus, Numa's palace, and the temple
of
Book XI.
NERO.
209
of Veſta, in which the houshold gods of the A.R. 815.
Roman people were kept. To theſe buildings, aft. C. 64.
add the lofs of the ſpoils taken from all the
people of the then known globe, the maſter-
pieces of the greateſt artiſts of Greece in paint-
ing and ſtatuary, the writings of old authors,
and the monuments of times paſt: all irrepara-
ble loffes, for which the beauty of the city, re-
built in a more modern tafte, made but poor
amends.
I have faid nothing of the horrid tumult
that reigned among fo many unhappy people,
fome of whom loft their lives, whilft others
were reduced to fly and wander about, not
knowing where to take fhelter or find relief,
many of them in an inftant ftripped of all they
had poffeffed in the world. Such a ſcene is
more eafily imagined than told. Nero made a
great ſhew of defire to relieve the people in this
calamity. He gathered together the fugitives
in the Campus Martius and buildings Agrippa
had erected there, and even threw open his own
gardens to receive them. Little huts were built by
his order for them to retire to. He ordered all
forts of neceffary furniture and proviſions to be
brought from Oftia for their uſe, and lowered
the price of corn to three as's a bufhel.
bufhel.
none were obliged to him for the relief he
procured againſt an evil of which he was the
cauſe.
*
But
Nero took advantage of the public calamity Golden pa-
to enlarge the circumference of his own palace, acc. &
* About a penny.
ters of our's.
VOL. IV,
lace.
Tuc.
The Roman bushel was about three quar-
Suet, Ner,
31.
P
which
C
210
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.815. which he extended as far as the Efquiliæ. That
aft. C. 64. was his fecond time of rebuilding it; he called
it the Golden Palace, becauſe it was adorned
all over with gold, mother of pearl, and preci-
ous ftones. The dining-rooms were wainſcotted
with ivory, which, turning on pins, formed
moving pictures. Down that wainſcot hung
wreaths of flowers, through the hollow parts
of which dropped the moft coftly perfumes.
The fineft of thofe rooms was round, and it's
perpetual motion imitated that of the celeftial
fpheres. The baths were filled either with fea-
water, or the warm fulphureous waters of Al-
bula*, which ever was beſt liked.
The rich ornaments of this fuperb palace
were not what was moft admired in it. The
Roman luxury was grown to fuch a height, that
what might have ſurpriſed at another time was
then common. The moſt extraordinary thing
in the golden palace was it's immenfe extent,
in which were included plowed lands, vine-
yards, meadows, fifh-ponds, forefts full of
wild beafts, and profpects as far as the eye could
Plin. xxxiv. reach. In the Veſtibule was a coloffus a hun-
dred and twenty foot high, the work of Zeno-
dorus the ftatuary, reprefenting Nero. Around
the building were porticos of prodigious length,
fupported by three rows of columns.
epigram, preferved by Suetonius, was made
the immoderate extent of this palace.
"Rome will be ſwallowed up by a ſingle
7.
on
с
*Now the baths of Tivoli.
• Roma domus fiet. Veios migrate, Quirites:
An
Si non et Veios occupat ifta domus. Suet. Ner. 39
"houle.
Book XI.
NERO.
211
"houſe. Romans †, go your ways to Veii; A.R. 815.
"but have a care that houſe does not take in aft C. 64.
"Veii too."
Yet Nero fpoke of it with a kind of contempt, Suet. Ner.
and when it was finifhed, faid, Now he fhould 31.
begin to be lodged like a man. He was din
the right of it, fays Pliny, ironically and with
great indignation; that indeed was like the ha-
bitations of thofe old conquerors of nations,
thoſe founders of the Empire, thofe illuftrious
triumphers who were taken from their plough
or little fire fide to head our armies. All the
riches of thofe great men often confifted in
a field of leſs extent than one of Nero's
rooms.
built on a
16.
The new city was built with care and judg- The city re-
ment. No man was fuffered to follow his own new plan.
fancy, but one general plan was laid for all.
The streets were wide and ftraight as a line. Tac.xiv.43.
A certain height was fixed for all the houſes; Suet. Ner,
within which court-yards were formed, and on
the outſides a portico reigned from one end of
each ſtreet to the other, with a flat roof for
the convenience of affifting their neighbours
in cafe of fire. Nero was at the expence of
thoſe porticos, as well as of clearing the
ground on which the proprietors of houfes
+ The author of the Epi-
gram alludes to the defign the
people once had of fettling at
Veii. The reader may confult
on that fubje& M. Rollin's Ro-
man Hiftory, vol. ii. b. vi.
fect. ii, iii, iv.
d Nimirum fic habitarunt illi qui hoc imperium fecere,
tantas ad vincendum gentes, triumphofque referendos, ab
aratro aut foco exeuntes, quorum agri quoque minorem
modum obtinuere, quàm fellaris iftorum, Plin, xxxvi. 15.
P 2
were
212
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
Saci, Ner.
ઉજ્જૈ.
A R 815. were to build. A generofity by no means.
aft. C. 64. void of intereft, for he appropriated to him-
felf whatever precious things were found in
the rubbish, without fuffering any one to
come near to fee or claim his own. That the
work might be carried on with greater dif-
patch, he propofed different premiums, ac-
cording to their different ftations and fortunes,
for fuch as fhould finish their buildings within
a certain limited time. He ordered quantities
of rough ſtones to be laid ready for the work-
men, and in a certain part of each houſe
would ſuffer no wood at all to be made uſe of,
nor any thing but Sabine or Alba ſtone, that
bearing fire better than any other. Particular
care was taken to have the water properly
diftributed, fome having attempted to in-
tercept and turn it off for their own private
ufe. The water was all made public, and
that it might be ready for every one in caſe
of unforeſeen accidents, every owner of a
houſe was obliged to have a ciftern always
full before his houfe. And laftly, the houſes
were all built at fome diſtance from each
other; none were ſuffered to be quite conti-
guous.
Theſe regulations, at the fame time that they
were a fafety were likewiſe a beauty and ornament
to the city: though feveral pretended it was
lefs healthy, becauſe the narrowness of the
old ſtreets, and height of the houfes were
a fhelter from the violent heat of the fun; to
which, by the new plan, the wide ſtreets and
open places left them greatly expofed.
1
Nero's
Book XI.
NERO.
e
213
Extraordi-
Nero's.
XV. 44.
Nero's firſt deſign was to make Rome as A.R. 815.
large in proportion as his own palace, and to tr
aft. C. 64.
extend its walls as far as Oftia, where he pur- nary and odd
poſed opening a canal to bring the fea into the projects of
heart of the city. Whatever was extraordinary Suct. Ner.16
and gigantic pleafed him; and he was ferved Tac. Ann.
to his mind by two bold architects, Severus
and Celer, who piqued themfelves on forcing
nature and attempting impoffibilities. One of
their projects was to form a navigable canal
from the lake Avernum to the mouth of the St. Ner.
Tiber a ridiculous mad enterprize, for the 31. & Tac.
whole ſpace, being upwards of a hundred and
fixty miles, is a dry parched foil, with feveral
mountains of hard rock, and no water at all
except that of the Pomptine marfhes and even
if thoſe difficulties had been furmounted by
dint of labour, fuch a canal would have been of
very little ufe. However Nero began to pierce
the hills near the Avernum, and had that work,
and the others I have fpoken of, fo much at
heart, that he caufed all the priſoners in the
whole extent of the Empire to be brought to
Italy, and would have even criminals be con-
demned to labour, inſtead of death. All his
endeavours and expences were uſeleſs: the
ſcheme of the canal, as well as of enlarging
Rome to that enormous fize, vanifhed away:
all it was productive of was, that by digging Plin. xiv. 6.
the earth of the Canton of Cecuta, the wine of
that growth, which was reckoned one of the
beſt in Italy, loft its quality.
€
Magiftris et machinatoribus, Severo et Celere, quibus
ingenium et audacia erat, etiam quæ natura denegaviffet
per artem tentare, et viribus Principis illudere. Tac.
P 3
Nero
214
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 815.
Nero's vain
Nero could not bear being hated by the
aft. C. 64 public as author of the fire. He wished it
attempts to poffible to remove the fufpicion that too juftly
remove the fell on him: and, with that view it was, that, as
fufpicion of
I before faid, he was fo laviſh of all that could
procure the people any eaſe. He added the
TheChrifti- ceremonies of religion, and, to make the cala-
ans perfecu- mity paſs for an effect of the wrath of the Gods,
Tac. xv. 44. practifed all the expiations and means of ap-
his being
author of
the fire.
peafing them that the pagan fuperftition could
invent. And lastly, finding all his attempts
fruitless, he thought of a thing worthy him-
felf, and undertook to throw all the odium of
the crime he was guilty of, on men not only
innocent of that, but whofe whole attention was
taken up with a very different object. The num-
ber of Chriftians was greatly increaſed in Rome
by the apoftolic labours of St. Peter and St.
Paul. As every novelty in religious matters
is fufpected, they were hated by thoſe who did
not know them. Nero, therefore, thought
them proper fubjects on whom to lay the atro-
cious imputation he wanted to clear himſelf of.
Such was the origin of the first perfecution the
church fuffered from the Roman Emperors.
And it is an honour to her to have had for an
enemy a Prince who hated all virtues.
But what is very deplorable is, that men of
the greateſt genius, the most celebrated writers,
were as blind as Nero in fo effential a point,
and became in fome meaſure his accomplices
by approving his cruelties against the Chriftians.
I do not here fpeak of Suetonius, tho' he
reckons the puniſhment that Prince inflicted on
Sut. Nar. them among his good deeds. 'Tis Tacitus I
am angry with, that fublime genius, that great
I
politician,
1
J
1
*
Book XI.
NERO.
215
politician, that avowed enemy of vice, who A.R. 815.
expreffes himſelf on this occafion with fuch vi. aft. C. 64.
rulence and brutality, as ought to warn us how
thankful we ought to be to God, for that he has
been pleaſed to deliver us from the darkneſs
that blinded the eyes of a man fo clear fighted
in other refpects. He fpeaks as follows:
"Nero, willing to fubftitute in his own
"ſtead victims to the public indignation on
"account of the fire, inflicted the moſt cruel
"torments on a fect of men already detefted
"for their crimes, vulgarly called Chriftians.
"The author of their fect was one Chrift,
"who was put to death by Pontius Pilate,
"Intendant of Judea, in the reign of Tiberius.
"Their damnable fuperftition, which for
"fome time had been kept under, began to
"break out again, and ſpread not only in
<<
Judea, where the evil firft arofe, but even
f Abolendo rumori Nero fubdidit reos, et quæ fitiflimis
pœnis affecit, quos, per flagitia invifos, vulgus Chriftianos
appellabat. Auctor nominis ejus Chriftus, qui, Tiberio
imperitante, per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum fupplicio
affectus erat. Repreffaque in præfens exitiabilis fuperftitio
rurfus erumpebat, non modò per Judæam, originem ejus
mali, fed per urbem etiam, quò cuncta undique atrocia
aut pudenda confluunt, celebranturque. Igitur primo cor-
repti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo in-
gens, haud perinde in crimine incendii, quàm odio humani
generis convicti funt. Et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut
ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut cruci-
bus affixi, aut flammandi, atque, ubi defeciffet dies, in ufùm
nocturni luminis urerentur. Hortos fuos ei fpectacula
Nero obtulerat, et Circenfe ludicrum edebat, habitu auriga
permixtus plebi, vel curriculo infiftens. Unde quamquam
adverfùs fontes, et noviffima exempla meritos, miferatio
oriebatur, tanquam non utilitate publici, fed in fævitiam
unius abfumerentur.
Tac.
P 4
*
C6
in
7
216
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
!
A.R. 81.
aft. C. 64.
cr
CC
in Rome, the fink into which is received
every vice and infamy from what part foever
"it comes. Some of them were arreſted, and
"owned themſelves Chriftians, and on their
"informations a great number were taken, whom
"it was lefs eafy to convict of being incen-
diaries, than of obftinately hating all man-
..
‹‹
kind. Their puniſhment was made a ſport
"of: fome were covered with fkins of beafts,
"to make dogs devour them: others were
"crucified; and others again, wrapped up in
"cloths covered with pitch and brimftone,
"were burnt in the night by way of torches.
"Theſe puniſhments were inflicted in the
ઃઃ
Emperor's gardens as a fight, whilft he di-
"verted the people with chariot races, mixing
"with the croud in a coachman's dreſs, or
"feated on a carr, and holding the reins.
"Thence arofe the pity that was felt for a fet
"of men, really guilty and deferving the worſt
"of puniſhments, but who on that occafion
"were facrificed to the inhuman pleaſure of
one, and not to the good of the whole."
It is very remarkable, that Tacitus himſelf
attefts the innocence of the Chriftians at the
fame time that he loads them with reproaches.
He only taxes them in general with being ene-
mies to mankind, from whofe corruption they
ſeparated themſelves. We may likewiſe ven-
ture to affirm he was quite miſtaken when he
fays, they informed againſt one another. All ec-
clefiaftical hiftory witneffes they were ever ready
to confefs openly the name of their heavenly
mafter, and to fuffer with joy the greateſt tor-
ments the cruelty of their judges and executio-
2
ners
Book XI.
NERO.
217
ners could invent, rather than betray their bre- A.R.815.
thren to perfecution.
aft. C. 64.
fufions.
The expences Nero was at for the different Nero's enor
works I have mentioned, were a pretence to mous pro-
exerciſe the moſt odious rapine. Prodigality Suet.Ner.30
was one of his great vices. The only uſe he
knew for riches was to be madly profufe. He
thought it mean and fordid ever to account
with one's felf; and thofe who made the worſt
ufes of their money and threw it away like dirt,
were moſt entitled to his eſteem and praiſe. He
was perpetually commending his uncle Cali-
gula, and propoſed him for his model in every
thing; but what he thought moft of all worthy
admiration in that monſter, was, his having
diffipated in fo fhort time the immenfe treaſures
Tiberius had left him.
And accordingly every opportunity of ſpend-
ing or laviſhing away money, delighted Nero:
he knew no bounds in it; not to mention the
prodigious luxury of his table, nor the immenfe pio.
expences of the circus and theatres; he was
fond of furprizing by the fingularity of his en-
terprizes, and would often unite in the fame
day, and fame place, fhews of different, and
even contrary kinds: fo that a vaſt baſon of
water, in which great fea fish were feen fwim-
ming, would, the moment after a fea fight had
been performed on it, be inftantly drained,
and become a field of battle, for land troops.
or gladiators. Dion Caffius mentions an in-
ſtance of the ſcene being changed in that man-
ner four times in one day.
That was not all: when the games were over Suet. No-
Nero diftributed among the people every thing 11. & Dio.
that could be given them; uncommon birds of
all
218 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.815.all kinds, corn, ſtuffs, gold, filver, jewels,
aft. C. 64. pictures, flaves, horfes and mules, wild beafts
Suet. Ner.
30.
32.
tamed, and, in fhort, fhips, houſes, and lands.
As moſt of theſe things could not be divided
amongſt a multitude, the Emperor threw little
balls, on which was wrote the name of the
prize it intitled the bearer to, which, whoever
could catch one of them, went and received.
Suetonius fays, Nero gave a muſician and a gla-
diator the eftates and houfes of illuftrious Sene-
tors decorated with the ornaments of triumph.
He was as fond of a monkey as Caligula was
of his horfe; and accordingly gave the animal
houſes in town, and lands in the country, and
when it died, buried it with royal pomp. He
never wore the ſame cloaths twice. He gamed
exceffively high: he fiſhed with a golden net,
the cords of which were purple. Whenever he
travelled, not lefs than a thouſand carriages fol-
lowed; the mules that drew them were all fhod
with filver, and the drivers dreffed in the richeſt
ftuffs, with a multitude of blacks and running
footmen, each with a rich fcarf and bracelets.
If to thefe profufions we add the rage of
building, ftill more ruinous than all the reſt,
we fhall readily conceive how the revenues of
the Roman Empire could not fuffice Nero ;
Suet. Ner. nor fhall we wonder at his being fo diftreffed as
not to have money to pay the troops and re-
ward the veterans. As he was determined not
to retrench, rapine and extortion was his only
refource. No low chicanery could be thought
His rapines of which he did not practice to fqueeze money
and facri- from private men as well as from the public.
He never gave an employment without faying
to the perfon he beſtowed it on, "You know
leges.
"what
1
Book XI.
NERO.
219
"what I muſt have ;" and exhorted them allA.R.815.
to plunder as much as they could; "Let us aft. C. 64.
"contrive matters fo, faid he, that no-body ac. xv. 48-
66
may have any thing left." The neceffity of
rebuilding Rome was a fpecious pretence to
exact fuch immoderate contributions as ruined
Italy, the Provinces, the allies, and all that
belonged to the Empire. He made no ſcruple
to commit facrilege; the very temples of the
city were not fpared; he robbed them of
all the gold the old Romans had confecrated
there, either when they returned the Gods
thanks for their fuccefs, or when they implored
their protection in times of need. In Greece
and Afia, not only the gifts and offerings,
but even the ftatues of the Gods became his
prey. Acratus and Secundus Carinas were
fent into the Provinces on that fhameful
expedition one of them was a freeman,
ready to prove his fervile obedience by any
crime; the other a man of letters, verfed in
the ſciences of the Greeks, with which he had
adorned his mind, without bettering his heart. Paufan, I..
Even the temples of Jupiter Olympias and of & x.
Apollo at Delphos, were not fpared: Nero's
emiffaries took from the latter five hundred
ſtatues of bronze of men or gods.
impiety.
Nero, as we fee, openly profeffed impiety, He joins fu-
and yet at the fame time, thro' an oddity, un-perftition to
accountable, tho' inftances of that kind are not Suet. Ner.
uncommon, was fuperftitious. He once had 36.
a fingular veneration for the Syrian goddeſs, of
s Ille libertus cuicunque flagitio promptus; hic Græca
doctrinì ore tenus exercitus, animum bonis artibus non
imbuerat. Tac.
whom
220 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
*Row. Hift.
voi, xiii.
A.R.815-whom I have fpoken elſewhere; but flying
aft. C. 64- from one extreme to another, afterwards treated
her ftatue with the utmoft indignity. A new
fuperftition fucceeded that: fome one of the
lower clafs of people, had made him a preſent
of a little image of a young girl, telling him it
would preferve him from all fnares and treachery.
The confpiracy, I am going to relate, happen-
ing to be difcovered foon after, Nero conceived
the greateſt veneration for that image; it be-
came his fovereign deity, and he conftantly
offered up facrifices to it three times a day.
Seneca
wants to
leave the
Jy.
Tac.
Nero grew fo habituated to vice, that Seneca
refolved, if poffible, to leave the court entirely,
court entire- which hitherto he had not been able to obtain
leave to do. He feared his prefence might
feem to authorize his pupil's odious conduct,
and therefore defired leave to retire to a diſtant
eftate he had in the country. That being re-
fufed, he counterfeited fickneſs, and kept his
room, under pretence of having the gout.
Tacitus had in his poffeffion authors who faid,
that one of Seneca's freemen, called Cleonicus,
was ordered by Nero to poifon him: but that
the crime did not fucceed, either becauſe the
freeman told his patron of it, or that it was
prevented by the precautions Seneca took, and
the furprizing abftemioufnefs with which he
lived, fruits and water being his only food.
Slight infor- Two events of leſs importance cloſe this year.
rection oc- The one was an infurrection occafioned by fome
the gladia gladiators that were kept in the city of Prænefte.
zors in Pre- The people, who fear, and yet wish for
cafioned by
pefte,
h
Ꮒ
po-
Jam Spartacum et vetcra mala rumoribus ferente
pulo, ut el novarum rerum cupiens paridufque. Tac.
zv. 46.
tumults,
Book XI.
NER O.
221
tumults, expected a new war like that of Spar- A. R.815-
tacus, and ills equal to thofe that famous gla- aft. C. 64
diator made Italy fuffer. The guard in Præ-
nefte was fufficient to put a stop to it.
The
peremptory
wreck.
Nero's too peremptory orders were the caufe Nero's two
of a wreck. He had commanded the fleet in orders occa-
the Tuſcan fea to be off Campania on a day he fions a
pofitively fixed, without making any allowance
for ftrefs of weather or dangers of the ſea.
fleet fet fail accordingly from Formii in a very
high wind, and attempting to double Cape Mi-
fenum, was drove with fuch violence on the
Cumaan fhore, that moſt of the great gallies
with many ſmaller veffels were loft.
I fhall not ſpeak of the prodigies Tacitus
mentions towards the end of this year; but fhall
only obſerve, that a comet appeared, which, Comet,
according to the prejudices of thofe times, was
thought a very bad omen. Nero took care to
offer up the moſt illuſtrious blood of Rome to
appeaſe the angry Gods.
BOOK
[ 222 ]
"
ranus.
BOOK XII.
SECT. I.
Confpiracy against Nero. Names of the chief con-
Spirators. Character of Pifo, whom they in-
tended to make Emperor. Epicharis communi-
cates the plot to a fea-officer. She is betrayed,
and kept in prison. It is propofed to kill Nero
at a country-feat of Pifo, who opposes it. Laft
plan, on which the confpirators refolve. The
confpiracy is difcovered. Epicharis's courage.
Her death. Pifo is advised to venture to try
the people and foldiers. He rejects that advice
and waits quietly for death. Death of Late-
Seneca's death. Paulina wants to die
with Seneca. Nero prevents her. It is not
certain that Seneca was innocent of the confpi-
racy. His prefumptuous confidence in his own
virtue. He has been too much praiſed. Fani-
us Rufus is at last detected. Subrius Flavius is
likewife difcovered. His heroic liberty and for-
titude. Death of Sulpicius Afper. Death of
the Conful Veftinus, who however had no share
in the confpiracy. Lucan's death. End of the
confpiracy. Nero's liberalities to the foldiers.
Nero acquaints the Senate and people with the,
confpiracy. Flattering decree of the Senate.
P. SI-
Book XII.
NERO.
P. SILIUS NERVA.
M. VESTINUS ATTICUS.
223
A.R. 816.
aft. C. 65.
ERO was in the eleventh year of his Confpiracy
of
NE
a
Tac. Ann.
37.
reign, and enjoyed the fruits of his crimes against Nero.
unmoleſted, when Silius Nerva and Veftinus xv. 48.
Atticus were made Confuls. He even gloried Suet. Nern
in them as fo many exploits that added to his Die.
grandeur, and faid, none of his predeceffors
had ever known the extent of the Imperial
power. A powerful confpiracy, formed againſt
him this year, made him fenfible of the dangers
to which a bloody-minded Prince could not
but be expofed, at a time when fhedding a ty-
rant's blood was thought the moſt glorious of
deeds.
Such was the ſpirit that reigned in every part
of this confpiracy, according to the account
Tacitus has left us of it. Each word fhews
how much that hiſtorian himſelf approved the
defign. His expreffions are fo ftrong, that I
muſt take the liberty to foften fome of them,
which carry that doctrine rather too far.
the chief
they intend-
The plan of the confpiracy was formed the Names of
year before, and every one had fhewn the great- confpirators.
eft eagerness to be admitted into it. Senators, Character of
Knights, warriors, and even women, prompted Pifo,whom
by their hatred to Nero, and love of Pifo, ed to make
whom they propofed raifing to the Empire; Emperor.
were defirous to ſhare an enterprize they thought
equally noble and beneficial to their country.
Flatus inflatufque tantis velut fucceffibus negavit quem-
quam Principum fciffe quid fibi liceret. Suet. Ner. 37.
Pifo,
224
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.816.
Pifob, whofe name fpeaks his nobility, and
aft. C. 65. who was related to the greateſt families in
Rome, had gained the affection and eſteem of
the people by his virtues, or qualities that
looked like virtues. His eloquence was
diſplayed in defending the caufes of the citi-
zens; liberal towards his friends, polite and
affable even to ftrangers; to thoſe engaging
qualifications was added a pleafing form of per-
fon, an advantageous fhape and fine phifiogno-
my. But neither gravity of manners, nor mo-
deration in pleaſure, was to be required from
him; an indulgent mildnefs, magnificence,
and even luxury were what he delighted in.
Moſt people liked him the better for it; fuch
was the general habitude of vice, that feverity
would have been dreaded if allied to fupreme
power.
A man of Pifo's character feems not very fit
to form a confpiracy: nor was he author of
that we are ſpeaking of. It is uncertain who
firit broached it. Hatred to Nero was fo uni-
verfal a fentiment, that that alone was fuffici-
ent, without chief or other fignal, to make
multitudes form at once the deſign of killing
him. Subrius Flavius, Tribune of a Preto-
rian cohort, and Sulpicius Afper, a Centurion,
b Is, Calpurnio genere ortus, ac multas infignefque fa-
milias paternâ nobilitate complexus, claro apud vulgum
rumore erat, per virtutem aut fpecies virtutibus fimiles.
Nam, ut facundiam tuendis civibus exercebat, largitionem
adverfus amicos, et ignotis quoque comi fermone et con-
greffu. Aderant etiam fortuita, corpus procerum, decora
facies: fed procul gravitas morum, aut voluptatum par-
fimonia. Lenitati ac magnificentia, et aliquando luxui
indulgebat. Idque pluribus probabatur, qui in tantâ vitiorum
dulcedine fummum imperium non reftriétum nec perfeverum
volunt. Tac.
were
Book XII.
NER O.
225
were the moſt zealous, if we may judge by the A.R. 816,
intrepidity with which they fuffered death after aft. C. 65.
the enterprize was diſcovered and failed.
The poet Lucan, and Plautius Lateranus,
Conful elect, likewife entered into the plot
with great warmth and inveterate hatred. A
perſonal motive animated Lucan. Highly jea-
lous of the honour of his poetry, he was vexed
to fee the fuccefs of his works thwarted by Ne-
ro, who, as we have feen, likewife valued him-
ſelf on writing verfes. Among other things he Aut. Vi•.
was particularly nettled at the Emperor's hav- Luc.
ing come one day as if to hear him recite one
of his performances, and maliciouſly leaving
him in the middle of it, under pretence of go-
ing to the Senate, but in reality with a view to
difconcert him. Lucan's firft revenge was
that which poets always have at command:
and after having fawningly flattered that cruel
Prince in his Pharfalia, fo far as to ſay, that
if the horrors of civil wars were neceffary
"to make way for Nero, even the crimes and
"difafters that were the confequences of them
56 C
'
were benefactions when fo rewarded;" he
tore him to pieces in lampoons and fatires.
Not content with that, he refolved the fword
fhould right him of the injuries he thought he
had received, but, as we fhall fee, periſhed in
the attempt. Lateranus had no private pique
againſt Nero; love of his country, and the
public good, was what alone warmed his
breaſt.
c Quod fi non aliam venturo fata Neroni
C
Invenere viam
Jam nihil, O fuperi querimur, fcelera ipfa nefafque
Hic mercede placent. Luc. Pharfal. 1. xxv.
VOL. IV.
Two
Tac.
226
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. S16.
Two Senators, Flavius Scævinus and Afra
aft. C. 65 nius Quintianus, behaved on this occafion very
differently from the general character they had
of being flothfully effeminate, for they readily,
and at the very firft, efpoufed a caufe that re-
quired the greateft intrepidity. Tacitus does
not ſay what reafons Scævinus had. Anger
was Quintianus's motive, Nero having defamed
him in fome verſes, by ſo much the more bitter
as they contained nothing but truth.
Such were the chief promoters and heads of
the confpiracy; and by hints properly dropt,
and ſeaſonable reflexions on the Prince's crimes,
the danger the Empire was in of being totally
ruined, and the neceffity of feeking a remedy
for fo great an evil: feveral Roman Knights
were induced to enter into their views, the moſt
remarkable of which were Tullius Senecion,
and Antonius Natalis. Senecion was extremely
familiar with Nero; his fituation was confe-
quently very delicate, to be forced to divide
his time and connexions between the Prince and
thoſe that conſpired againſt his life. Natalis
was Pifo's intimate friend and confident.
The confpirators were joined by fome other
officers of the Pretorian cohorts befides the two
already mentioned; but the foul of their un-
dertaking feemed to be the Prefect Fænius Ru-
fus, a man of unblemished conduct and cha-
racter, and for that very reafon hated by his
collegue Tigellinus, whofe credit was greater
with Nero becaufe he was more vicious; and
who endeavoured to ruin Fænius, by accuſing
him of having been guilty of adultery with
Agrippina, and confequently of regretting and
thinking how to revenge her death. Fear
I
therefore
!
ཝཱ
Book XII.
NERO.
227
therefore was what determined Fænius to en- A. R.816.
gage in a defperate act from which alone he aft. C. 65.
could hope for fafety; and as his poſt gave him
a great power, and afforded feveral means to
facilitate the fuccefs of fo hazardous an enter-
prize; the moment he opened his mind to the
confpirators, he gave them freſh courage, and
they began to confider ſeriouſly of the proper-
eft time and place for the execution of their
plot.
d
Much time need not have been ſpent in de-
liberating, if all had been as intrepid as Subrius
Flavius. He propoſed attacking Nero whilſt
he ſhould be finging on the ftage, or in his
nocturnal rambles thro' the city. The chance
of meeting with him but flightly attended was
what made Subrius think of the latter expedi-
ent; and in the other cafe, the multitude of
1pectators who would be witneffes to fo glori-
ous a deed, inflamed his great foul that thirfted
after glory. Hope of impunity, the bane of
all bold enterprizes, made his propofal be re-
jected.
communi-
is betrayed
Whilſt they were thus debating, fometimes Epicharis
hoping for a happy moment to crown their at- cate
tempt with fuccefs, and then again with-held plot to a fea
by fear, a woman called Epicharis, who till icer. She
then had led no very honourable life, being and kept in
informed, how is not known, of the confpi-
racy, fpurred on by exhortations and reproaches
thoſe that were concerned in it. At laft, tired
with the flowneſs of their proceedings, fhe rc-
d Hic occafio folitudinis, ibi ipfa frequentia tanti deco-
ris teftis, pulcherrimum animum exftimulaverant, ni im-
punitatis cupido retinuiffet, magnis conatibus femper ad-
verfa. Tac. xv. 50.
Q 2
folved
prifon.
228
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.816. folved to exert herſelf; and accordingly, being
aft. C. 65. in Campania, propofed founding the chief of-
ficers of the Mifenum fleet, to try to bring
them over to her ſcheme. To that end fhe ap-
plied to the Tribune Volufius Proculus, who
did not think the reward he had received equal
to the crime he had committed in being one of
Agrippina's murderers. That officer, talking
with Epicharis, (whether he had known her
long or not is uncertain) complained of Nero's
ingratitude, and went fo far as to expreſs a de-
fire to be revenged if a proper opportunity of-
fered. Epicharis concluded the had found what
fhe wanted, and made no doubt of fecuring
him, and by his means many more; the con-
queſt ſhe had made appeared to her by no
means contemptible. The fleet offered many
opportunities of attacking Nero, who was fond
of failing about Mifenum and Pozzuolo. She
catched therefore at what Volufius faid; enume-
rated all the Prince's cruelties, and added,
"That the Senate could bear with him no
*.
66
longer, and that meaſures were taken by a
great number of good citizens to make Nero
" atone for all the ills he çaufed mankind;
"that if Volufius would join fo many brave
"men, and help them with fome of his beſt
"foldiers, no reward could be greater than
"what he might expect. She faid no more,
دو
and took care not to mention the names of the
confpirators. Her difcretion was very lucky;
for Volufius no fooner left her but he went im-
mediately to Nero, and told him what he had
heard. Epicharis was fent for and confronted
with her accufer; but as there were no wit-
neffes fhe eaſily refuted him. Nero, however,
would
Book XII.
NERO.
229
aft. C. 65.
would have her remain in prifon, fufpecting, A. R.816.
with reaſon, that what was not proved might
however be true.
ed to kill
Nero at a
oppoſes it.
This accident alarmed the confpirators, It is propof-
who, fearing they ſhould be diſcovered, re-
folved to make hafte, and propofed exe- country-feat
cuting their defign at Pifo's country-feat of Pifo, who
near Baii, where Nero went frequently, becaufe
he liked the place. There he uſed to bathe
himſelf and dine and fup familiarly, laying afide
his ftate and difmiffing even his guards. Pifo
would not agree to it, alledging the odious cir-
cumſtances of violation of hofpitality, of the
religious ceremonies of the table polluted by
the blood of a Prince, undoubtedly criminal,
but whoſe death would in fuch a cafe be thought
an impious perfidy. That idea, he ſaid, terrified
him, adding, that after all, a deſign formed
for the public good ought to be executed in a
public place, or in that very palace that was
built on the ruins of the city, and adorned with
the ſpoils of the univerfe. That was but a pre-
tence; the true cauſe of Pifo's refufal was, that
he feared a rival in L. Silanus, whofe name,
the honour he had of being defcended from
Auguftus, and the most excellent and polite.
education he had received from his uncle
C. Caffius, entitled him to afpire to the high-
eft poft; and if the murder of Nero fhould
be taken ill by the public, if the confpirators
fhould give room to think they had violated
the moſt facred laws, Silanus might chance to
reap the benefit of a deed in which he had no
concern, and be raiſed to the Empire by thoſe
who had no fhare in the confpiracy. Many
• Omiffis excubiis, et fortunæ fuæ mole, Tac. xv. 52.
Q3
were
230
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A R. 816. were of opinion too, that Pifo likewife feared
aft. C. 65. the Conful Veftinus, who was not in the plot,
Lait plan, on
which the
confpirators
refolve.
and whofe enterprizing genius might induce
him either to be tempted by the charms of li-
berty, or to make choice of another Emperor,
who fhould owe his elevation to him. Pifo
therefore was not willing to give Veftinus room
to aſperſe him, nor to prejudice the Senate the
moment the news of Nero's death fhould reach
Rome, and put the whole city in combuſtion.
After deliberating a long time, the confpi-
rators at laſt, agreed to execute their defign
during the games in the Circus, which were
celebrated the twelfth of April in honour of
Ceres. They pitched on that day, becauſe
Nero, who feldom appeared in public, but ge-
nerally kept within his palace and gardens, fel-
dom miffed the diverfions of the Circus, where
accefs to his perfon was moſt eaſy on account
of the joy and freedom that reigned on thoſe
occafions. Lateranus undertook the moſt dan-
gerous part, the opening of the tragic fcene.
Under pretence of requeſting money to fettle
his own affairs, he was to throw himſelf at
Nero's feet, and as he was a tall, ftrong man,
and full of courage, was to catch hold of his
legs and pull him down. The Centurions and
Tribunes of the guard who were in the fecret
with the other confpirators, were then to rufh
upon and ftab him, whilft Lateranus kept him
down. Scævinus begged he might give the
tyrant the firſt ſtab, and deſtined to that uſe a
dagger he had taken out of a temple, and al-
ways wore about him, (without doubt under
his garment) as confecrated to fome great deed.
Pifo was to wait the event in the temple of
Ceres,
*
Book XII.
NERO.
↑
231
Ceres, where the Prefect Fænius and the reft A.R. 816-
of the confpirators were to take and carry him aft. C. 65⋅
to the Pretorian camp. Pliny, who wrote
a Hiſtory of Nero, added, according to Taci-
tus, that Claudius's daughter Antonia was pre-
vailed on to revive her pretenfions to the throne
by marrying Piſo, and that ſhe promiſed to be
with him in that critical moment to ſecure him
the favour of the foldiers and people. Tacitus.
thinks it not at all probable either that Antonia
ſhould expofe herſelf to fuch certain danger
for fuch uncertain hopes; or that Pifo, who
was exceffively fond of his wife, and confe-
quently could not be difpofed to contract ano-
ther marriage, fhould agree to any fuch thing:
f unleſs it be faid, that ambition and thirft after
grandeur will prevail over every other fentiment.
covered.
It is furpriſing with what fidelity the fecret The confei-
was kept a long time by fo many perfons of dif- racy is dif-
ferent ages, fexes, orders, and conditions. The
firſt intelligence Nero had, came from Scævinus's
family. The evening before the day fixed for
the execution of the enterprize, Scævinus, after
a long conference with Antonius Natalis, re-
turning home, made his will. He drew the
dagger in queftion, and finding fault with the
bluntneſs of the point, bid Milichus, one of
his freemen, fharpen it. He ordered a grand
entertainment to be got ready with unuſual care
and expence; fet free fome of his favourite
flaves, and gave money to others. Himfelf
ſeemed loft in thought, and taken up with fome
very important confideration, tho' he affected
to ſeem gay, and to talk of trivial matters. Laſt-
ly, he ordered the fame Milichus to prepare
f Nifi fi cupido dominandi cunctis affectibus flagrantior
Tac.
eſt.
Q4
bandages
232
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 816. bandages for wounds, and whatever was necef-
aft. C. 65. fary to ſtop blood.
Whether Milichus was before-hand appriſed
of the confpiracy, or, which is more probable,
that the fingularity of his patron's behaviour
made him fufpect fomething, thus much at
leaft is certain, that the expectation of the
great rewards he might hope for by revealing
fuch a fecret, foon tempted him. He confult-
ed his wife, who did not heſitate a moment,
but terrified him with the thoughts of any one's
being before-hand with him. "You are not
"the only one, faid fhe, that has feen all you
"tell me of. Other freemen and feveral flaves
"were witneſſes to it as well as yourſelf. It
"will be to no purpoſe for you to keep the fe-
"cret; but the reward will be for him that
gives the first intelligence."
66
At break of day Milichus ran to the Servi-
lian gardens, where Nero then was. At first
he was refuſed admittance; but infifting he had
fomewhat to impart of the utmoſt confequence,
he prevailed on the Ufhers to carry him to Epa-
phrodites, the Emperor's freeman, whofe bufi-
nefs it was to receive the petitions of private
perfons. Epaphrodites introduced him to Ne-
ro, and Milichus declared a horrid confpiracy
was carrying on, thewing the dagger defigned
to ftab him, and offering to maintain what he
faid to his patron's face. Scavinus was immedi-
ately fecured by a party of foldiers and brought
before Nero, where he defended himfelf ex-
extremely well at firft. He faid, "the dagger
"for which he was accufed, had long been the
object of his fore-fathers veneration, and that
his freeman had privately taken it away from
%
''
«his.
+
Book XII.
NERO.
233
his bed-chamber. That he had made his A.R. 816,
"will often, according as the fituation of his af- aft. C. 65.
"fairs required, and without any diſtinction of
66
..
days. That he had likewife, on many other oc-
"cafions, given money to his flaves, or fet fome
"at liberty and if he had then been more li-
"beral than ufual, it was becauſe he feared the
"bad fituation of his affairs, and the proceed-
"ings of his creditors might caufe his will to
"be fet afide. That as to the entertainment
"he had given, that was a moſt frivolous ob-
jection; for he had always loved good living,
"and to enjoy the pleafures of life, tho' he was
"ſenſible ſome rigid cenfors found fault with
"him for it. In the laft place, he flatly denied
"the article of bandages and remedies, main-
"taining that to be an invention of Milichus's
"who, confcious how little ftrefs could be laid
"on the reft of his accufation, in which he was
"both informer and witnefs, added that cir,
"cumftance to give it fome weight." To theſe
anſwers, ſpecious in themfelves, he added an
intrepid look and tone of voice; calling his
freeman an ungrateful wretch, with fuch an air
of conſcious innocence, that Milichus was quite
confounded, if his wife had not reminded him
of Scævinus's conference with Antonius Nata-
lis the evening before, and that both of them
were Pifo's intimate friends.
Natalis was fent for, and both he and Scævi-
nus were examined feparately, touching the fub-
ject of the converfation they had had together.
Their answers not agreeing, the fufpicions a-
gainſt them of courfe encreafed; they were put
in irons, and the rack prepared to lay them on.
The fight of that terrified and made them con-
fefs the truth. Natalis yielded firft, and named
Pilo,
2.34 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.816. Pifo, then Seneca, whether with reaſon or not
aft. C. 65. is uncertain, as accomplices. Tacitus thinks
Epicharis's
courage.
Natalis accufed the latter only with a view to
pleaſe Nero, who had long hated Seneca to
death, and tried every method to undo him.
Scævinus, being told Natalis had confeffed his
crime, did the fame, and thinking all was dif-
covered, declared part of what he knew, and
gave an additional lift of accomplices. Lucan,
Quintianus, and Senecion, denied the accufa-
tion for fome time; but at laſt, prevailed on
by the hopes of impunity which was promiſed
them, they too confeffed; and, to juſtify their
having fo long perfifted in being filent, accuſed
even thoſe they had the greateſt reaſons to re-
fpect and ſpare. Lucan impeached his mother
Atilla; and the two others intimate friends.
Nero recollecting Epicharis detained in prifon
Her death, in confequence of Volufius Proculus's charge,
ordered her to undergo a fevere torture. He
made no doubt but that the violence of the pain
would eaſily get the better of a woman. But
he was miftaken. Epicharis's refolution was
proof againſt any trials it could be put to. Nei-
ther whips, nor fire, nor all the cruelties the ex-
ecutioners could invent, could force a word.
The next day fhe was to be laid on the rack a-
gain, to which end fhe was carried to it in a
chair (for all her limbs were fo diflocated that
ſhe could not ſtand.) To avoid a repetition of
that puniſhment, and not to deviate from the
conftancy fhe had fhewn from the beginning,
the tied the handkerchief that was about her
neck in a flip-knot, faftened one end of it to the
back of the chair fhe was in, and leaning for-
ward with all her weight, foon deprived herſelf
of the little life fhe had left.
Tacitus
1
Book XII.
NER O
235
Tacitus extols this invincible generoſity of mind A. R.816.
ina & freewoman, who, under fuch cruel circum-aft. C. 65.
ftances, refolutely perfifted in protecting ftrang-
ers, almoſt unknown to her, whilft men, who
were born free, Knights and Senators of Rome,
terrified by the bare thought of pain, and even
before they felt the leaft, gave up to death and
torinents all that the world contained moſt dear
and valuable to them: for Lucan, Quintianus,
and Senecion, proceeded in naming fuch num-
bers of accomplices, that Nero was terrified,
tho' he had doubled his guard, and taken every
precaution poffible for his own fafety. The
whole city was filled with foldiers, and the
gates, walls, river, and fea were guarded. No-
thing was to be feen in the ftreets, houfes, coun-
try about Rome, and neighbouring towns and
villages, but parties of foldiers and Pretorian
horſe, mixed with Germans, on whofe fidelity
Nero depended chiefly, becauſe they were fo-
reigners.
Thefe detachments brought in from every
part, perfons accuſed, loaded with chains. They
arrived in troops one after another, almoft
without interruption, and were kept crouded
up againſt the gates of the garden where the
Prince was, 'till they were admitted to be ex-
amined. Then the fmalleft fign of joy that
had ever been fhewn at the fight of any of the
confpirators, the leaft converfation, an acciden-
tal meeting, or having chanced to be invited
8 Clariore exemplo libertina mulier in tanta neceffitate
alienos et prope ignotos protegendo: quum ingenui et viri,
et Equites Romani, Senatorefque, intacti tormentis, carif-
fima fuorum quifque pignorum proderent. Tac. xv. 57.
to
236
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 816. to the fame entertainment, were fo many
aft. C. 65-crimes in whoever it had happened to. Beſides
Pifo is ad-
viſed to ven-
ture to try
Nero, who prefided in perfon at thoſe exami-
nations, affifted by his faithful Tigellinus,
Fænius Rufus was very ftrenuous in preffing and
interrogating the accuſed, having himſelf as
yet been impeached by none, and affecting to
behave with cruelty towards his friends, the
better to conceal his intelligence with them.
Subrius Flavius, that brave Tribune, who was
one of the chief promoters of the confpiracy,
was feated next Fænius Rufus, and, like him,
employed in examining the criminals. He whif-
pered Fænius, defiring leave to draw his fword,
and inftantly put the intended murder in exe-
cution. The Prefect anſwered him by a fignał
of diſapprobation, and checked the ardour of
that officer, whofe hand was already on the hilt
of his fword.
The confpiracy, we fee, was not yet entirely
diſcovered, nor the danger Nero was threatened
the people with, removed. The very inftant the firſt in-
and foldiers. telligence of it was given him, whilft Milichus
was yet under examination, and before Scavinus
had made any confeffion, fome of Pifo's friends
advifed him to go to the Prætorian camp, or
mount the Tribunal for harangues, and try how
the foldiers and people were affected ". It',
h
66
h Si conatibus ejus confcii aggregarentur, fecuturos ctiam
integros, magnamque motæ rei famam, quæ plurimum in
novis confiliis valeret. Nihil adverfum hoc Neroni provi-
fum. Etiam fortes viros fubitis terreri: nedum ille Sceni-
cus, Tigellino fcilicet cum pellicibus fuis comitante, arma
contrà cieret. Multa experiendo confieri, quæ fegnibus
ardua videantur. Fruftra filentium et fidem in tot confcio.
rum animis et corporibus fpectari. Cruciatu aut præmio
cuncta pervia effe. Venturos, qui ipfam quoque vincerent,
4
Taid
Book XII.
NERO.
237
"faid they, thofe who are in the fecret join A.R. 816.
r you, they will be followed by many others; aft. C. 65.
"the very boldneſs of fuch a ftep will bring
"numbers over to your fide. In fuch an en-
"terprize, to begin well is doing all. Nero
"is not prepared to refift fuch an attack; even
"the bravest men are at a lofs, when unforę-
"feen dangers fall fuddenly upon them: much
"lefs will that comedian, backed by Tigel-
"linus's feraglio, dare to have recourfe to arms.
(6
Things that feem dangerous to the fearful,
"often fucceed with the bold. It would be in
"vain for you to hope, fuch numbers of ac-
CC
complices will keep your fecret: torture or
"reward will extort it. You will foon fee fol-
"diers coming hither to load you with irons,
"and bear you away to a moft cruel and igno-
"minious death. How much more glorious
"will it be for you to fall whilft nobly ſtriving
"to fave the Republic, and invoking the affift-
"ance of all good citizens in defence of li-
berty? Even if the foldiers and people ſhould
"forfake you, at leaſt your death, worthy your
" anceſtors, will be applauded by poſterity."
""
and waits
Pifo was not moved by thofe ftrong exhor- He rejects
tations, but, after fhewing himſelf a little in that advice,
public, fhut himſelf up, waiting quietly for quietly for
his doom. His houſe was ſoon inveſted by fol- death.
diers, purpoſely chofen by Nero from amongſt
the lateſt recruits, for he was afraid the old
troops might have been gained over.. Pifo
poftremò indignâ nece afficerent. Quanto laudabilius peri-
turum, dum amplectitur Rempublicam, dum auxilia liber-
tati invocat, dum miles potius deeffet et plebes defereret,
dum ipfe majoribus, dum pofteris, fi vita præriperetur,
mortem approbaret? Tac.
cauſed
238
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 816.cauſed his veins to be laid open, leaving a will,
aft. C. 65. wherein he beſtowed the moſt abject and fhame-
Death of
ful flatteries on Nero. They were dictated by
his love for his wife, who little deferved the
affection of an honeft man; her conduct being
as bad as her beauty was great. Arria Galla,
for that was her name, was first married to Do-
mitius Silius, a friend of Pifo's, who took her
from him. Domitius's weakneſs and Galla's
lewdneſs, covered Piſo with eternal ſhame.
Plautius Lateranus, Conful elect, was the
Lateranus. fecond victim of Nero's revenge. He was
treated with more rigour than Pifo. Neither
the choice of death, nor a fhort time to em-
brace his children, was allowed him. He was
dragged to the place were criminals that were
flaves were commonly executed, and there
had his head ftruck off by a Tribune, who
himſelf was in the confpiracy. Lateranus ge-
nerouſly forebore upbraiding him, for being at
Epia. 1. i. the fame time his executioner and accomplice.
The firſt blow not taking off his head, he pre-
fented it again with the fame intrepidity as
before.
Arrian.
Seneca's
death.
It was impoffible Seneca fhould efcape Nero's
hatred. We have already feen how that un-
Tac. xv. 60. grateful and barbarous Prince attempted, ac-
cording to fome, to have his preceptor poiſon-
ed. But even tho' that fact fhould be allowed
to admit of fome doubt, there can be none in
thinking Nero glad of an opportunity of getting
rid of a troublefome cenfor: that which the
i Manu Statii Tribuni trucidatur, plenus conftantis fi-
lentii, nec Tribuno objiciens eamdem confcientiam.
Tac, xv. 60.
confpi-
$25
Book XII.
NERO.
*
239
confpiracy offered was too fair a one to be A. R.816.
miffed.
aft. C. 65.
Seneca was not, however, convicted of being
concerned in it. None but Natalis accufed him,
nor did his accufation amount to much. He
ſaid he had been fent by Piſo to Seneca, to com-
plain that he had not feen him; and that Se-
neca had returned for anfwer, it was not for
either of their interefts to keep up a correſpon-
dence together, but that his fafety depended on
Pifo's life. Granius Silvanus, Tribune of a
Pretorian cohort, was ordered to go and ac-
quaint Seneca with Natalis's depofition, and to
afk him him whether there was any truth in it.
Seneca, either accidentally, or by defign,
was that day returned from Campania, and had
ſtopt at a feat of his about four miles from
Rome. The Tribune arrived there towards
evening, and pofted guards round the houſe.
He found Seneca fitting at table, with his wife
Paulina, and two friends, and acquainted him
with the Emperor's commands. Seneca anfwer-
ed, "It was true Natalis did come to him
"from Pifo; but that for his part, he had
"excufed himfelf only on account of his bad
"ftate of health, and becaufe he was fond of
retirement and repofe. That he had no rea-
"fon to make his fafety depend on the life of
any private man; nor was he naturally in-
"clined to flatter. That none was more fenfible
"of it than Nero, who had experienced from
him many more marks of freedom than of
" fervitude."
* Nec fibi promptum in adulatione ingenium, idque nulli
magis gnarum quam Neroni, qui fæpius libertatem Senecæ,
quam fervitium, expertus effet. Tac.
The
24.0
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 116.
1
""
The Tribune returned with this anſwer, which
aft. C. 65. he delivered to Nero in prefence of Poppaa
and Tigellinus, the Prince's Privy Counsellors
in all his mad and furious fits. Nero afked
Granius, whether Seneca was preparing for
death. "He fhewed no fign of fear, anſwered
"the officer: I faw nothing melancholy
"either in his words or looks.' "Go back
"then, faid the Emperor, and let him know
"he is to die." Granius returned by another
road, in order to call on the Pretorian Pre-
fect, Fænius Rufus, and to afk him whether
he fhould obey his orders; which Fænius ad-
vifed 'im to do. So m great, fays Tacitus, was
the cowardice of them all: for Granius too was
one of the confpirators, and yet added to the
crimes he had engaged to take vengeance of.
He would not, however, be himſelf the odious
minifer of fuch a meffage; but fent in a Cen-
tunen, who fignified the Emperor's commands.
to Seneca.
ง
Seneca, without being diſturbed, aſked for
his will, to add fome legacies for his friends.
then prefent; but the Centurion would not
permit him. "Well ", faid Seneca, turning
"towards his friends, fince I am not allowed
"to fhew my gratitude for the fervices you
n
} Poppaa et Tigellino coram, quod erat fævienti Prin-
cipi intimum confiliorum. Tac.
Fatali omnium ignaviâ. Nam et Silvanus inter conju-
ratos erat, augebatque fcelera in quorum ultionem confen-
ferat. Tac.
n Converfus ad amicos, quando meritis eorum referre.
gratiam prohiberetur, quod unum jam tamen et pulcher-
rimum habeat, imaginem vitæ fuæ relinquere teftatur: cu-
jus fi memores effent bonarum artium, famam tam conftan-
tis amicitiæ laturos. Tac.
<< have
Book XII.
NERO.
241
"have done me, I leave you the only, and moft A.R. 816.
"valuable thing I can, the example of my
aft. C.65.
"life. Be mindful of it, and be true and con-
"ftant friends." Seeing tears trickle down
their cheeks, he endeavoured, partly by ex-
hortation and partly by reproof, to infpire them
with more reſolution. "Where are, faid he,
"thoſe maxims of wiſdom that you have ſtudi-
"ed? When will you practiſe the reflections
"with which you have laboured to ſet your
minds againſt adverfity? Could you be ig-
"norant of Nero's cruelty? After killing his
"mother and his brother, what had he more to
"do but to inflict a violent death on the man
"who inftructed and took care of his in-
“fancy.”
.
о
:
withSeneca.
Then embracing his wife, he could not but Paulina
be moved at bidding her this laft farewell. He wants to die
was very fond of her; of which we have a proof Neo pre-
in one of his letters: "For my dear Paulina's vents her.
"fake, fays he, I value my health. As I
"know her life depends on mine, I preferve
myfelf in order to preferve her and whilft
my years have ftrengthened me with regard
"to many things, I lofe with her that benefit
"of age. For, old as I am, I remember I
"have a young wife, of whom I ought to
"take care; as I cannot prevail on her to love
66 me with more fortitude, fhe induces me to
"love myſelf with more care and attention."
66
o Hoc ego Paulina mea dixi, quæ mihi valetudinem
meam commendat. Nam quum fciam fpiritum illius in
meo verti, incipio, ut illi confulam, mihi confulere. Et
quum me fortiorem fenectus ad multa reddiderit, hoc be-
neficium ætatis amitto. Venit enim mihi in mentem, in
hoc fene et adolefcentem effe cui parcitur. Itaque, quo-
niam ego ab illa non impetro ut me fortiùs amet, impetrat
illa à me, ut me diligentius amem. Sen. Ep. 104.
VOL. IV.
R
It
242
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A T.8.6.
It was natural for Seneca's tenderneſs to re-
aft. C. 63. vive in thefe laft moments: but at the fame
time it was mixed with fortitude and conftancy.
He begged P and conjured Paulina to moderate
her grief. "Do not, faid he to her, fpend
<6
your days in continual affliction. Think of
"the virtuous life I have always led. That is
"a comfort worthy a noble mind, and will al-
"leviate your grief for the lofs of your huf-
"band." Paulina anſwered, fhe was refolved
to die with him, and defired the officer, who
was prefent, to help her to execute that defign.
Seneca was quite an enthuſiaſt for ſuicide; and
befides that, feared to leave a perfon fo dear to
him, expofed to a thouſand hardſhips after his
death. He confented therefore to what Paulina
defired. "I have fhewn you, faid he, by
what means the bitterness of life may be fof-
"tened. You prefer the glory of dying. I
"will not envy you the honour of ſetting fo
"fair an example. We will die, perhaps with
66
૮.
q
equal conftancy; but yours will be the great-
"eft and moſt refplendent glory." Both had
the veins of their arms opened at the fame time.
Seneca being old, and weakened by the au-
ftere and abftemious life he had lived, his blood
ran but flowly and even with difficulty, which
obliged him to have the veins of his legs and
hams likewiſe cut. His pains were long and
violent and that his wife might not be witnefs
to them, nor himſelf be diſturbed by the fight of
Rogat oratque temperaret dolor, ne ternum fufcipe-
ret, fed in contemplatione vitæ per virtutem actæ, defide-
rium mariti folatiis honeftis toleraret. Tac.
4 Vitæ delineamenta monftraveram tibi : at tu mortis de-
çus mavis: non invidebo exemplo. Sit hujus tam fortis
exitus conftantia penes utrofque par: claritudinis plus in
tuo fine. Tes.
what
Book XII.
NERO.
243
what the ſuffered, he adviſed her to retire to A.R.816.
another room. His eloquence did not forfake aft. C. 65.
him even in this cruel extremity: but ordering
his fecretaries to attend, he dictated to them
things which we fhould be very glad to have:
But Tacitus has fuppreffed them, becauſe in his
time they were in every body's hands; and by
that referve has deprived us of them.
Nero was informed of the refolution Paulina
had taken: As he had no reaſon to hate her,
and was moreover fenfible how odious that
lady's death would make his cruelty appear, he
ordered her life to be faved, if it was not yet too
late. Accordingly the foldiers exhorted Pau-
lina's freemen and ſlaves to fuccour their miſtreſs.
Her arms were bound up, and the blood ſtopt,
either with her confent, or whilft fhe was too
weak to have the uſe of her fenfes: For fuch
is the malignity of men, that many were of
opinion the affected the glory of dying with her
huſband only whilft fhe thought Nero's anger
implacable: but finding her miſtake, was pretty
eafily prevailed upon to live. Thus much,
however, is certain, that during the few years
ſhe ſurvived, her behaviour was always agree-
able to that heroic defign. She s had always
the higheſt veneration for the memory of her
huſband, bearing in the extreme paleneſs of
her countenance an indifputable proof of her
affection for him, and of the great quantity of
blood ſhe had loft.
Seneca, tormented by violent pains, which Dio.
however did not end his life, and hurried by Tai.
J
Ut eft vulgus ad deteriora promptum. Tac.
Laudabili in maritum memoriâ, et ore ac membris in
eum pallorem albentibus, ut oflentui effet multum vitalis
Spiritus egeftum. Tac.
R 2
the
244 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
就
​A.R.816. the foldiers, who wanted to be gone, aſked his
aft. C. 65. phyfician and friend Statius Annæus, for the
poifon he had taken the precaution to provide
long before. The poifon was hemlock which
Seneca took, but to no effect, his body being
too much chilled, and the veffels fo relaxed,
that it could not act upon him. He then or-
dered his people to put him into a bath of
warm water, hoping that would either make
the blood flow or the poifon operate. On his
entrance into it, he took up fome of the water,
with which he ſprinkled the flaves that were
about him; and, alluding to the cuſtom of
concluding their repafts by libations, in honour
of Jupiter the faviour: "Let us, faid he, per-
"form our libations to Jupiter the deliverer."
At laft he was carried into a hot bath, the ſteam
of which fuffocated him. He was buried in a pri-
vate manner, as himſelf had ordered by a codicil
to his will, made in the zenith of his profperity.
It is not cer- It has been faid, that Subrius Flavius, the
tain that Se- Pretorian Tribune, who acts fo great part in
nocent of this confpiracy, had, with Seneca's confent, pri-
the confpi- vately agreed with feveral Centurions, after
making ufe of Pifo's name to kill Nero, to kill
Pifo himſelf, and give the Empire to Seneca,
as to a man void of blame, and who would owe
his elevation to his virtue only. Subrius was
reported to have faid on that occafion with ſome
warmth, "What fhall we gain by getting rid
"of a fidler, if an actor is to fucceed him ?"
For Pifo too acted on the ftage in tragedy.
neca was in-
racy.
Tacitus mentions this as a report, for the truth
of which he does not pretend to vouch. But
Seneca's returning to the neighbourhood of
Non referre dedecori, fi citharœdus amoveretuf, et tra
gadus fuccederet. Tac.
Rome
:
Book XII.
NER O.
245
Rome the very day the confpiracy was to have A. R.816.
been executed, ftrengthens the fufpicion againſt aft. C. 65.
him. Confequently, tho' Seneca was not con-
victed of being concerned in the confpiracy,
yet he is not entirely cleared of it; and his
death, fo boaſted of and applauded, may pof-
fibly have been no more than a puniſhment he
justly deſerved.
ſumptuous
Another flur on his death is, the prefump- His pre-
tuous confidence with which he propofes his own confidence in
life to his wife and friends, as an example for his own
them to imitate, though many parts of it, as I virtue.
have taken care to obferve, ftand in need of
great indulgence, and others are abfolutely in-
excufable.
praifed.
It is therefore without any reafon that Lipfius, He has been
and other admirers of the Stoics, have beftow-
ed fuch unbounded praiſes on Seneca. Thofe
who have fuppofed him a Chriftian, and having a
literary correſpondence with St. Paul, were ſtill
more blind. What Chriſtian could he be who
V
made his Sage greater than God, becauſe the
perfection of God refults from his own nature.
and effence, and the Sage's from his own free-
will and choice!
detected.
- Hitherto not one of the military officers en- Fænius Ru-
gaged in the confpiracy, had been detected. fus is at laft
But at laſt the horrid proceedings of Fænius Ta. xv. 66.
Rufus, who was always moft forward to tor-
ment his accomplices, was more than they
could bear and as he was interrogating and
preffing Scævinus with menaces, the latter an-
ſwered him with a fneer, "Nobody knows what
you aſk me better than yourfelf. Speak, and
"fhew your gratitude to fo good a Prince."
Eft aliquid quo fapiens antecedat Deum. Ille naturæ
beneficio non timet: fuo fapiens. Sen. Ep. liii,
R 3
66
• At
246
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
w
A.R. 816. At thefe words, Fænius was difconcerted,
aft. C. 65. turned pale, and could not ſpeak, nor dared to
hold his tongue. His faultring voice and inar-
ticulate founds, betrayed his fear; and Cervarius
Proculus, a Roman Knight, with fome other
prifoners, attacking him, with a refolution to
convict him, the Emperor commanded a very
ftrong foldier called Caffius, who was prefent,
to ſeize the Prefect, and put him in irons.
Subrius Fla-
vius is like
ered.
His
dom and for
The fame perfons next accufed the Tribune
Subrius Flavius, who at firſt flatly denied the
wife difcov accufation, alledging in his defence, the dif-
heroic free- ference of his character and profeffion, and
titude. faying, a military officer like him ought not to
be fufpected of affociating with cowards and
effeminate people, men who had never known
how to handle a fword. But when more cloſely
preffed, he boldly owned the fact, and gloried in
it and when Nero afked him what could induce
him to forget the military oath he had taken
to be faithful to his Emperor, he anſwered:
"Thou haft forced me to hate thee. No of-
"ficer, no foldier, could be more attached to
"thee, than I was fo long as thou deſervedſt
"to be loved. My affection turned into ha-
"tred from the hour of thy becoming a par-
"ricide, killing thy mother and wife, a coach-
man, comedian, and incendiary." Nothing
in the whole confpiracy ftung Nero fo much.
..
w Non vox adverfum ea Fænio, non filentium: fed ver-
ba fua præpediens, et pavoris manifeftus. Tac.
* Oderam te: nec quifquam tibi fidelior fuit, dum amari
meruifti. Odiffe cœpi poftquam parricida matris et uxoris,
auriga, hiftrio, et incendiarius exftitifti. Nihil in illà
conjuratione gravius auribus Neronis accidiffe conflitit, qui.
ut faciendis fceleribus promptus, ita audiendi quæ faccret
infolens erat. Fac.
2
as
:
[
Book XI.
NERO.
247
aft. C. 65.
as thoſe words: he was uſed to commit crimes, A.R. 816.
but not to be reproached with them.
Subrius fuffered death with great intrepidity.
Veianus Niger, a Tribune who was charged
with the execution, having ordered a grave to
be dug for Subrius in a field hard by, the latter
laughed at it, faying, it was neither wide nor
deep enough; and turning to the foldiers,
What! do not you know your trade? faid he
to them. Niger begging he would hold his
head ſteddy, "I with, replied Subrius, thou
"mayft have as fteddy a hand to ftrike." And
in fact, Niger was fo terrified, it was with dif-
ficulty he cut of his head in two blows; of
which he made his boaft to Nero, as of a re-
finement of cruelty; ſaying, he had killed Su-
brius in a blow and a half.
Afper.
Sulpicius Afper, a Centurion, imitated the Death of
brave example Subrius had fet him. When Sulpicius
Nero aſked him, why he had conſpired againſt
his Emperor's life, he anſwered, "I did it out
"of love to you; there was no other way to
That
"ftop the progrefs of your crimes."
officer, and the others who were in the fame
cafe, met death with equal intrepidity. Not
fo Fænius Rufus, whofe lamentations reached
even to his laſt will.
tinus, who
Nero expected impatiently, and waited for Death of the
fome body to accufe the Conful Veftinus whom Contul Vel-
he looked upon as a man of a violent temper, however
and a perfonal enemy to him. He had for- had no share
merly been intimately connected with him, and fpiracy.
y Neronis odium adverfus Veftinum ex intimâ fodalitate
cœperat, dum hic ignaviam Principis penitus cognitam de-
fpicit, ille ferociam amici metuit, fæpe afperis facetiis il-
lufus, quæ ubi multum ex vero traxere, acrem ſui memo-
riam relinquunt. Tac. xv. 68.
R +
from
in the con-
248 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.816. from thence fprung their hatred: for, Veftinus
aft. C. 65. difcovering the bafenefs of Nero's character
held him in great contempt, and Nero dreaded
the pride of a friend who had often attacked
him with very keen farcafms: an offence of
an unpardonable nature when founded on truth.
Beſides, Veftinus had lately married Statilia
Meffalina, though he well knew the Prince was
one of thoſe who kept up a commerce with that
lady. For theſe reafons, Nero wifhed for a
fair opportunity of laying hold of Veſtinus.
But the confpirators had not let him into their
fecret; fome, becauſe they had long been at
variance with him, and the greater number,
for that they miſtruſted his untractable temper,
which made it very difficult to keep well with
him. As nothing was laid to his charge,
nor any one attempted to accufe him, Nero
could not proceed againſt him by form of law,
but found out an expedient in virtue of his
military power: calling the houſe Veftinus lived
in a citadel, becauſe it overlooked the Forum,
and pretending to be afraid of his legions of
flaves, all young, well made, and about the
fame age, he fent the Tribune Gerelanus at the
head of a cohort with orders to prevent the
Conful's bad defigns.
Veftinus had that day performed all the
functions of his office; and, either not fearing
any thing, or in order to conceal his fears, gave
a great entertainment. On a fudden the foldi-
ers arrived, and told him the Tribune wanted.
him. He immediately went out to him, and
found every thing preparing for his death with
great diligence; the furgeon was ready, and he
was fhut up in a room where his veins were
opened, and full of life, he was plunged into
a bath
I
Book XII.
NERO.
249
bath of warm water: all this was done with- A.R. 816.
out his uttering the leaft complaint. In the mean aft. C. 65.
time, his gueſts who were at table were fur-
rounded by the foldiers who guarded them, till
Nero, gueffing what terror they must be in,
and laughing at it, at laft fent word pretty
late in the night, that they might go to their
homes, faying, they a had paid dear enough for
the honour of fupping with the Conful.
death.
Lucan's death followed that of Veftinus. Lucan's
Having loft a great quantity of blood, and
finding his feet and hands grow cold, and the
extremities of his body almoft dead, whilſt
the parts nearer the heart ftill retained their
natural warmth, he recollected the defcrip-
tion he had given in his Pharfalia of a death
much like his own, and repeated the lines,
which Lipfius rightly judges were the follow-
ing b:
Soon from the lower parts the ſpirits fled,
And motionleſs th'exhaufted limbs lay dead:
Not fo the nobler regions, where the heart,
And heaving lungs their vital pow'rs exert;
There ling'ring late, and long conflicting, life
Roſe againſt fate, and ftill maintain'd the ftrife:
Driv'n out at length, unwillingly and flow,
She left her mortal houſe, and fought the
fhades below. Rowe's Tranf.
a Satis fupplicii luiffe pro epulis confularibus. Tac.
b
Pars ultima trunci
Tradidit in letum vacuos vitalibus artus.
At tumidus quâ pulmo jacet, quâ vifcera fervent,
Hæferunt ibi fata diu: luctataque multùin
Hâc cum parte, viri vix omnia membra tulerunt.
Luc. Pharf. iii. 638.
Thofe
250
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.816.
Thoſe were Lucan's laft words; ftill intent
aft. C. 65. on his poetry, as we fee, to his lateſt moment.
End of the
By
a codicil to his will he directed his father
AnnæusMella, Seneca's brother, to correct ſome
parts of his works. He was not thirty years.
old when he died. His Pharfalia is certainly the
work of a great genius; but it is a hiftory, not
a poem: nor has his ſtyle any other merit than
ftrength and energy; it has not the graces of
poetry. Quintilian thinks, Lucan ſhould be
ranked rather among the orators than poets:
to which we may add, that he is an orator only
by the ftrength and boldneſs of his thoughts
and expreffions, but that nature, fweetnefs, and
fimplicity are not to be found in him.
C
The death of the other confpirators afforded
Tacitus nothing worthy being recorded. He
only obſerves, that Sævinus Quintianus and Se-
necion died with more refolution than could
have been expected from the effeminate luxu-
rious life they had lived. It was common for
the Romans in thoſe times to hold death in con-
tempt, and the Tribune Granius Sylvanus, tho'
pardoned, ftabbed himſelf.
d
The city was not more filled with funerals,
confpiracy. than the Capitol with victims. The fathers, bro-
thers, relations, and friends of thoſe who perifh-
ed, returned thanks to the gods, adorned their
houſes with garlands and branches of laurel,
and ran to throw themſelves at the Prince's feet,
C
Lucanus magis oratoribus quam poetis annumerandus.
Quintil. Inft. Orat. x. 1.
d Compleri interim urbs funeribus, Capitolium victimis.
Alius filio, fratre alius, aut propinquo, aut amico, inter-
fectis, agere gratias deis, ornare laureâ domum, genua
ipfius advolvi, dextram ofculis fatigare. Tac. xv. 71.
and
H
F
1
Book XII.
NERO.
M
251
and kifs his hand. Flattery had fo blinded A.R. 816.
Nero, that he thought thofe demonftrations of aft. C. 65.
joy real and proceeding from the heart: and by
that induced to ſhow fome lenity, he granted
a free pardon to Antonius Natalis, and Cerva-
rius Proculus, in confideration of the readineſs
with which they had confeffed their own guilt,
and informed against their accomplices. Mili-
chus, who firſt diſcovered the confpiracy, receiv-
ed great riches from the Prince, and took the fur-
name of Soter, which in Greek fignifies Saviour.
Such of the accufed as were only fufpected
but not convicted, and againft whom Nero
had no particular hatred, were not treated with
rigour. Several Tribunes of the Pretorian co-
horts, were quit for lofing their pofts. Novius
Prifcus, a friend of Seneca's, was baniſhed, and
his wife Antonia Flaccilla followed him. Glici-
us Gallus, accufed by Quitianus, had the fame
fate and the fame comfort. His wife Egnatia
Maximilla followed him in his exile, and fo
long as the was fuffered to enjoy her own per-
ſonal eftate, fhared it with him. When that
was taken from her, fhe fhared her huſband's
mifery. Cadicia, Scævinus's widow, and Ca-
fonius Maximus, one of Seneca's friends, knew
nothing of their being accufed till fentence was
pronounced against them. They were baniſhed
Italy. Cæfonius had fhewn a generous attach-
ment to Seneca when in difgrace, and probably
during his exile in Corfica. In return he found
a faithful friend in Ovid, of whom we know
nothing farther, but whom Martial greatly
commends on that occafion. "Nero con-
e Hunc Nero damnavit, fed tu damnare Neronem
Aufus es, et profugi, non tua fata, fequi.
66 demned
252
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
મ
A. R.816." demned your friend, fays Martial to Ovid,
aft. C. 65. but you was not afraid to condemn Nero,
Suct. Ner.
36.
Nero's libe-
ralities to
the foldiers.
"nor to follow the fate of a baniſhed man.
"You bore him company in his diſgrace,
"tho' you would not whilſt he was Procon-
"ful."
Rufius Crifpinus was likewife baniſhed under
pretence of the confpiracy. He had formerly
been married to Poppaa; that was enough to
make Nero hate him.
Every one any ways eminent was fufpicious
to him. Two men of diftinguiſhed learning,
Virginius Flaccus, and Mufonius Rufus, the
one a Rhetorician, the other a Philofopher,
were baniſhed, to reward them for the care they
took to form and inftruct youth. Tacitus
mentions fome other exiles of whom we know
nothing more than the names. Atilla, Lucan's
mother, without being either acquitted or con-
demned, was left in oblivion. Suetonius affures
us, that the children of thoſe who fuffered death,
were expelled the city; and that ſeveral of them
were impriſoned or ftarved.
A final end being put to the confpiracy,
Nero, careful to fecure the affection of the
Tac.xv.71. Pretorians, made an harangue, without doubt,
in praiſe their fidelity, and gave them two
thoufand* fefterces a man. To that he added,
a gratification to perpetuity, and would have
them for the future receive their corn as a pre-
* About 167.
Æquora per Scyllæ magnus comes exfulis ifti,
Qui modo nolueras Confulis effe comes.
Mart. Epigr. vii. 44:
fent
Book XII.
NER O.
253
fent from the Emperor, whereas they uſed to A. R.816.
provide it themſelves and pay the market price aft. C. 65.
for it.
quaints the
Senate and
people with
the confpi-
racy.
He afterwards convened the Senate, as if Nero ac-
he had wanted to impart fome victory gained
over the enemies of the republic. The firft
thing he did was to beftow the ornaments of
triumph on Petronius Turpilianus, a man of
Confular dignity, on Cocceius Nerva, Pretor
elect, who, doubtlefs, is the fame Nerva that
reigned after Domitian, and on Tigellinus the
Pretorian Prefect. The two latter were like-
wife honoured each of them with two ftatues,
one erected in the Forum, the other in the
Imperial palace. Nymphidius, of whom we
fhall foon have occafion to ſpeak, and who
ſeems to have been Tigellinus's collegue in
the room of Fænius Rufus, received the or-
naments of Conful.
Nero, after having congratulated himſelf
in the Senate for the difcovery of the con-
fpiracy, addreffed a declaration to the peo-
ple on the fame fubject, and publiſhed the
trials of the criminals. He thought that
precaution neceffary to put a stop to the
malice of popular reports, by which he was
accuſed of having confounded the innocent
with the guilty. The confpiracy itſelf is an
indifputable fact. It was proved at that
very time and the co feffion of thofe who
returned from exile after Nero's death, fets
it beyond any poffibility of doubt.
Whilft every one in the Senate exhauſted
all his flattery on Nero, and the moſt for-
rowful endeavoured to appear moſt glad, Ju-
nius
→
1
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS,
254
}
A.R. 816. nius Gallio, Brother to Seneca, and for that
aft. C. 65. reaſon trembling for his own fate, was at-
tacked by Salienus Clemens, who called him
a public enemy and parricide. But the Se-
nate all united to impofe filence on that
wretched perfecutor, who wanted to make
the public ills fubfervient to his private re-
venge, and open again a fore the Prince's cle-
mency was faid to have cloſed for ever.
Flattering
decree of
The Senate paffed a decree, by which of
the Scrate, ferings and thankſgivings to the gods were
ordered, and eſpecially to the Sun, to which
planet an ancient temple ftood dedicated,
near the Circus, where the crime was to
have been committed: fo that it was vifible
the protection of that deity was what had
brought to light the dark myſtery of the
confpiracy. It was likewife ordered that the
number of chariot races ſhould be encreaſed
on the day the games were celebrated in the
Circus in honour of Ceres; that being the
day the confpirators had pitched upon to
execute their defign. That the month of
April, in which the confpiracy was diſcover-
ed, fhould be called Nero's Month; that a
temple thould be erected to Safety, on the
pot where Scavinus took his dagger. Nero
himfelf confecrated that dagger in the Capitol,
with this infcription, To MARS THE AVENG-
Anicius Cerialis, Conful elect, propoſed
building directly at the public expence, a
temple to the god Nero. The two laſt particu-
iarities were thought to prefage Nero's fall.
The former, becaufe he who firft made the
Prince totter on his throne was called Julius
ER.
Vindex.
Book XII.
NERO.
255
Vindex. Vindex in Latin fignifies Avenger, A.R. 816.
Cerialis's propofal was interpreted in the fame aft. C. 65.
fenfe, becauſe it was not ufual to decree an Em-
peror divine honours till after his death.
13
SECT. II.
Nero grows more cruel and outrageous than ever.
Nero deceived by a story of a pretended treaſure.
Nero appears publicly on the ftage. His puerili-
ties that way. His tyrannical rigour with regard
to the fpectators. Poppaa's death. Caffius baniſh-
ed. Death of Silanus. Statue erected to Sila-
-nus under Trajan. Vetus, his mother-in-law,
and daughter, put to death. Tempeſts and epi-
demical fickness. Lyons burnt. Nero's libera-
lities. Antiftius Sofianus, an exile, accuſes
Anteius and Oftorius, who are forced to kill
themſelves. Reflection on fo many bloody deaths.
Other victims of Nero's cruelty, Rufius Crif-
pinus father and fon. Mella, brother to Seneca,
and father of Lucan. Anicius Cærialis. C.
Petronius, whom ſeveral have mistaken for the
famous Petronius. Silia banished. Death of
Numicius Thermus. Condemnation and death
of Barea Soranus and Thrafea. Two Apoth-
thegms of Thrafea's. Fortitude of Paconius con-
demned to banishment. Exile of Cornutus. ``Ti-
ridates arrives in Rome. Ceremony of his coro-
nation by Nero. Great rejoicings on that occa-
fion. Nero's fruitless attempts convince him
of the folly of magic, for which he had a vio-
lent paffion. Projects of war in Nero's brain.
He ſends Vefpafian to make war againſt the Jews.
He
*
1
256
A.R. 816.
aft. C. 65.
Nero groes
more cruel
and out-
rageous than
ever,
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
He goes to Greece to gain theatrical crowns.
Death of Antonia, daughter to Claudius. Nero
marries Statilia Meffalina. He vifits all the
games of Greece, and carries off 1800 crowns.
His mean jealoufy becomes cruelty. He declares
Greece free, but ravages it by his cruelties and
rapine. He vifits neither Athens nor Lacedæ-
mon. His anger against Apollo. The mouth of
the oracle of Delphos clofed. He attempts to
pierce the Ifthmus of Corinth. He gives up
that enterprize, terrified by the news he receives
from Rome. Cruelties exercifed by Nero, or by
his order, during his ftay in Greece. Death of
Corbulo, and feveral others. Nero's hatred to
the Senate: The hatred of the Romans against
him hid under a fhew of attachment. Vinicius's
confpiracy difcovered. Nero's triumphant en-
tries into Naples, Antium, Alba, and Rome.
His paffion for games and fhews is increafed by
the rewards he had gained in them.
TH
HE confpiracy made Nero grow ftill
more fufpicious, and the feas of blood he
had already fhed, confirmed him in a habitude
of cruelty. His paffion for mufic and chariot
races increaſed in proportion. Finding nothing
refifted him, that whatever he did was applaud-
ed, and that each new crime he committed,
each new indignity by which he debaſed him-
felf, was attended with new praiſes, he reſolved
to make his public appearance on the ſtage: the
celebrity of the moſt folemn games could alone
fatiate his defire of infamy. Such is the idea
the reader is to form of all we have remaining
to fay of Nero's reign, to the time of the revo-
lution that delivered mankind from him: the
whole
ま
​Book XII.
NER O.
257
whole a ſeries of cruelty and excefs of indecency. A.R. 816.
Very few events occur of a different kind, and aft. C. 65.
even thoſe are ſtamped with fome vice. So in
the adventure I am going to relate, his incon-
fiderate levity, and love of money, made him
the dupe of a viſionary, and a laughing ſtock
to the whole world.
ceived by a
treaſure.
31.
Cæfellius Baffus, by birth a Carthaginian, Nero de-
and, according to Suetonius, a Roman knight, ftory of a
came to Rome in confequence of a dream he pretended
had; and giving the Prince's officers money Tac. Ann.
to obtain an audience, he told Nero, "He had xvi. 1.
"diſcovered in a corner of his eftate, a prodi- Suet.Ner.
"gious deep vault, in which was buried an
"immenfe quantity of gold, not coined, but
"in ingots.
That the treaſure, concealed
"there for many ages, was referved to add to
"the happineſs of his reign: and that there
"was no room to doubt but that it had been
"buried there by Dido, when ſhe founded
"Carthage, in order either to prevent her ſub-
"jects from making an ill uſe of ſuch great
"riches, or for fear the Numidian Kings, by
"whom he was hated, fhould be tempted to
"declare war against her on that account."
Nero, without enquiring into the character of
the man who told him this ftory, or confidering
how for it was probable, or fending people on
whom he could depend to examine into it on
the ſpot, was immediately blinded by the
thoughts of fo rich a booty; his own ideas and
talk making it ſtill much greater; and accord-
ingly fitted out immediately a fquadron of
feveral gallies, manned with the beſt failors and
ableft rowers that could be got, and the com-
mand of it was given to Cæfellius.
VOL. IV.
S
Nothing
}
358
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.816. Nothing was talked of in Rome but this
aft. C. 65 treaſure. The vulgar believed it, but wifer
a
men ſeemed to doubt. Orators and poets took
occafion from thence to be lavifh of their flat-
teries. They ſaid, " The earth, no longer con-
"tent with producing fruits, or bearing in
"its bowels mines, wherein the ore was mixed
"with other matters, now enriched the world
"by a new production, and that the Gods gave
"the Prince gold ready prepared and refined:"
with other fuch like expreffions; in which, ſays
Tacitus, they fhewed their wit, but much more
their fervile adulation, laughing without ſhame
or fear at Nero's facility in being made a
dupe.
In the mean time Nero's prodigality increafed
in proportion to the expected treafure. His
preſent riches were diffipated, as if ſure of a
ſupply that would laſt numbers of years: Gifts
and gratuities were affigned, payable out of that
treaſure; by which means, the ſtate was ut-
terly impoverished on the faith of chimerical
riches.
Cæfellius, with the foldiers and a multitude
of country people, day labourers, dug up the
whole field, and feveral others near it, with-
out finding any thing, and at laft he owned
his illufion. Aftoniſhed and confuſed, be-
a Non tanti folitas fruges, nec metallis confufum aurum
gigni: fed nova ubertate provenire terras et obvias opes deferre
Deos: quæque alia fummâ facundiâ, nec minore adulatione
ferviliter fingebant, fecuri de facilitate credentis.
Glifcebat interim luxuria fpe inani: confume banturque
veteres opes, quafi oblatis quas per multos annos prodigeret.
Quin et inde jam largiebatur: et divitiarum exfpectatio
inter caufas paupertatis publicæ erat. Tac.
caufe
Book XII.
NERO.
259
cauſe his dreams, faid he, had never deceived A.R. 816.
him, to avoid the fhame of fo mad an enter-aft. C. 65.
prize, and the punishment he had reafon to
expect, he killed himſelf. Others fay, he was
fecured and put in irons, and that his liberty
coft him all he had.
pears pub-
nical rigour
tators.
The time was now drawing near for celebra- Nero ap-
ting a fecond time the games inftituted by licly on the
Nero five years before, and he was preparing at ftage. His
puerilities
laft to make his public appearance on the Ro- that way.
man ſtage, there to act the part of a finger His tyran-
and comedian. To prevent that fhame, the with regard
Senate propoſed decreeing him the reward for to the ſpec-
finging; and, fenfible how unworthy an Em- Tac. xvi. 4.
peror that crown was, would have added the
premium of eloquence. Nero oppoſed it, ſay-
ing, "He would have no favour fhewn him,
" and that the Senate's orders were out of the
queftion. That he would enter the lifts on
an equal footing with his competitors, and
"owe the crown to the equity of his judges
only."
56
(6
t
b
21.
He opened on the ſtage with a declamation
of verfes of his own compofing. After which,
the mob begging him earneſtly to difplay all Suet. Ner.
his talents, (thofe were the words) he prepared Tar.
to fing and play on the lute. Having given in
his name to be infcribed on the lift of muficians,
he came forward on the ftage in his turn, fub-
mitting to all the rules preſcribed on thofe occa-
fions as fcrupuloufly, as he daringly violated
every law of juftice and humanity.
would not fit down, tho' ever fo much tired.
The fweat was not to be wiped off his face with a
• Ut omnia ftudia fua publicaret. Tac.
Ś 2
He
handker-
260
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
23,
& 24.
:
A R. 816. handkerchief, but with his fleeve, or the ſkirts.
aft. C. 65. of his robe. He was neither to ſpit nor blow
his nofe and lastly, bending his knee, and
faluting the audience with refpect and venera-
tion, he waited the decifion of the judges with
a fear and uneafinefs, that Tacitus calls a mere
Suet. Ner. farce, but which Suetonius feems to think real
and unfeigned; for Nero looked on thoſe things
as matters of very great importance. He
watched his competitors as if they had been his
equals, laid traps for them, and cried them
down underhand: when he met them off the
ftage, either he would abuſe them, or, if they
excelled in their profeffion, would try to
bribe them, to let him get the better. He
would fay to the judges before they gave their
votes, "I have done my duty; but the event
"is in the hand of fortune. Wife men, like
you, gentlemen, are to fet afide what de-
pends on the mere caprice of fate." If they
bid him take courage, he was delighted. He
fufpected of prejudice and malice thoſe, who,
bluſhing for him, held their tongues.
He
thought himſelf ſo far ſubject to all the laws of
the ſtage, that one day as he was acting a part
in a tragedy, his truncheon or fcepter flipping
out of his hand, he picked it up in a violent
hurry, greatly afraid it had been taken notice
of, and that he fhould be excluded for that
fault; nor could he be eaſy till the actor that
ftood next him vowed and protefted, every
one was ſo intent on applauding, that none
had ſeen it. Such is the account Suetonius
gives of Nero's behaviour at all places where
he entered the lifts.
Tac. xvi.
66
CC
This fight was quite a novelty in Rome, on
the occafion Tacitus fpeaks of, and he ob-
ferves,
1
Book XII.
NERO.
261
ferves, that the people of that city, accuftom- A.R.816.
ed to take the part of one or other player, ap-
aft. C. 65.
plauded theEmperor by gefts and modulations of
voice fet to mufic. They feemed delighted,
and perhaps were fo in reality, not fenfible of
the diſhonour it reflected on there public. But
the ſpectators, who came from other parts of
Italy, and ftill retained fome fentiments of de-
cency and the old Roman aufterity, as well as
thofe, whom their own private affairs or the de-
putations they were charged with, brought
thither from remote Provinces, could not bear
the fight of fuch bafe indignity. They were,
however, forced to applaud like others: but
did it fo awkwardly, that they kept no time,
for which they often got blows from the foldiers,
who were pofted from ſpace to fpace, with or-
ders to keep up one continued peal of applaufe,
and not to fuffer the leaft interval of cold filence,
or feeble and unequal acclamations.
The croud was fo great, that Roman Knights
were ſqueezed to death in the narrow paffages.
Many who perfifted in keeping their feats twenty
four hours running, met with bad accidents
and violent fits of illneſs: for Nero, fo fubfer-
vient himſelf to all the laws of the ftage, was
Et plebs quidem urbis, hiftrionum quoque geftus
juvare folita, perfonabat certis modis plaufuque compofito.
Crederes lætari: ac fortaffe lætabantur,per incuriam publici -
flagitii. Sed qui remotis è municipiis, feveraque ad huc et
antiqui moris retinente Italiì; quique per longinquas pro-
vincias, lafciviæ in experti officio, legationum aut privatâ u-
tilitate advenerant, neque ad fpe&tum illum tolerare, neque
labori inhonefto fufficere: quum manibus nefolis fatifcerent,
turbarent gnaros, ac fæpe a militibus verberarentur, qui per
cuneos ftabant, ne quod temporis momentum impari cla-
more, aut filentio fegni præteriret. Tac.
S 3
a perfect
1
262
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
*
A.R.816.a perfect tyrant to the audience. None were
aft. C. 65 allowed to leave the houfe, nor even to ſtep out.
on any account whatever. Public infpectors,
and a much greater number of private fpies,
took notice of every one's looks, whether gay
or melancholy, and an exact account was kept
of them. On their informations, ſeveral of the
common people were put to death; and men of
the greateſt diftinction felt, fooner or later, the
effects of the Prince's difpleaſure. Vefpafian,
at that time paft the Confular chair, falling
afleep, is faid to have been feverely reprimand-
ed by one of Nero's freemen, called Phoebus ;
and had he not begged very hard, and with him
feveral people of great confequence, who inter-
ceded with the freeman, and prevailed on him
not to take notice of it, he certainly would have
Suet. Ner. perifhed. Suetonius fays, that feveral of the
fpectators on thofe occafions, wearied out and
unable to ſtay any longer, feigned being dead,
in order to be carried away, and that women
were delivered there.
23.
Poppæa's
death.
Tac. xvi. 6.
It were needleſs to ſay, that Nero always
gained the prize. Poppaa, who was with child,
died after the games, of a kick her huſband
gave her in one of his paffions. Some writers
faid he poiſoned her; but Tacitus thinks there
could be no room for fuch an accufation, but
in their hatred to Nero, who certainly loved
his wife, and wanted to have heirs. Poppæa's
body was not burnt according to the Roman
cuftom. Nero had it embalmed after the man-
ner of the Orientals, and depofited in the
Julian tomb. The funeral ceremonies were
obferved in other refpects, her obfequies
were celebrated by all the orders of the ftate,
the
་
"
!
Book XII.
NERO.
d
263
the Emperor himſelf pronounced her funeral A. R. 816-
oration, in which he praiſed her beauty, the aft. C. 65.
honour ſhe had had of being mother to a child
numbered amongſt the gods, and other gifts
of fortune, which in her held the place of vir-
tues. Nero, ever prodigal, confumed for that plin. xii. 18.
funeral more perfumes than Arabia produces
in a year.
Luxury and effeminacy were the leaſt of
Poppæa's vices: yet even thoſe ſhe carried to
fuch a pitch, that the girths of the mules that
drew her carriages were gilt with gold, and ſhe
bathed herfelf every day in the milk of five
hundred affes, to make her ſkin ſmooth and
white. It was faid, that not liking one day
the appearance fhe made in her looking-glafs,
fhe wiſhed to die before old age robbed her of
her charms. Her wifh was fulfilled, undoubt-
edly beyond her defires.
Silanus.
Great grief was pretended in public for Pop- Caffius ba-
pæa's death though in truth, every one was nifhed.
glad to fee the ftate delivered from a lewd and Death of
cruel woman. Nero, as if he had intended to
give the Romans fome juſt cauſe of grief, at
that very time gave C. Caffius, that learned and
virtuous Civilian, warning of his impending
fate, by forbidding him to be preſent at the
Emprefs's funeral. L. Silanus, his pupil, and
his wife's nephew, was the companion, and
perhaps the primary caufe of his difgrace: for
*
d Laudavitque ipfe apud roftra formam ejus, et quòd
divinæ infantis parens fuiffet, aliaque fortunæ munera pro
virtutibus. Tac.
* In conformity to our cuſtoms I have elfeschere called Caflius
Silanus's uncle.
S 4
that
264 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.816. that was the Silanus on whom many had fixed
aft. C. 65. their eyes, as has been obferved in the account
of the confpiracy, as worthy to be Emperor.
Nero was not ignorant of it, nor was any
ftronger motive wanting to induce him to de-
ftroy two illuftrious Senators, unleſs it be, that
one of them was poffeffed of very great here-
ditary riches, and was highly reſpected and
eſteemed for the purity of his morals; and the
other, a youth, joined the ftricteft virtue and
modefty to a noble birth.
The Emperor fent the Senate a memorial
againſt Caffius and Silanus, wherein he taxed.
Caffius with keeping with great reſpect and ve-
neration among the images of his anceſtors,
that of C. Caffius, Cæfar's murderer, with a ſe-
ditious infcription annexed to it. "Thoſe,
*
"added the memorial, are the feeds of civil
"wars, and a commencement of rebellion
"againſt the family of the Cefars. And at
"the fame time, that he renews the dangerous
"remembrance of an enemy's name, he affo-
"ciates with L. Silanus, a young man of high
"birth, but haughty turbulent difpofition,
"who would fain act the Emperor already,
" and, like his uncle Torquatus, gives his
"freemen poſts and titles like thofe of the of-
"ficers belonging to the Imperial family."
•
* Tacitus mentions the in-
fcription, DucI PARTIUM:
To the head of parties: but
head of a party,in our language
conveys an odious idea; where-
as the Latin Dux partium im-
plies fomething great and noble,
otherwife Nero could not have
made a crime of it. The ſenſe
in which Nero took it, and
which is meant by it, is, To
the defender of liberty. So
I might have rendered it, were
it not rather too remote from
the literal expreſſion.
J
What
Book XII.
NERO.
of
aft. C. 65.
265
What he taxed Silanus with was as falfe as A.R. 816.
it was frivolous: for that young Senator, warn-
ed by Torquatus's unhappy fate, behaved with
great circumfpection, and took particular care
to avoid whatever had been made a pretence
to deſtroy his uncle. Their trial, however, Jav. Sar. i.
1. v.
v. 33. &
was proceeded on in form, and, to the fhame ibi ve Schül.
of philofophy be it fpoken, among the witnef- Tac.
fes appeared Heliodorus the ftoic philofopher,
who was wretch enough to depofe againſt his
innocent difciple. Other informers accuſed
him of inceft with his aunt Lepida, Caffius's
wife, and of occult and magical facrifices.
Vulcatius Tertullinus, and Cornelius Marcel-
lus, Senators, were faid to be his accomplices,
together with Calpurnius Fabatus, a Roman
Knight, whofe grand-daughter was afterwards
married to the younger Pliny.
The three laft efcaped the Senate's condem-
nation by appealing to the Emperor: and Ne-
ro's thoughts being taken up with crimes of a
higher nature, forgot them. Caffius and Si-
lanus were fentenced by the Senate to be ba-
nifhed the judgment of Lepida was referred
to the Emperor; but we are not told what be-
came of her. Caffius was tranfported to Sardi-
nia, to which place exiles were frequently fent
on account of the badnefs of the air of that
iſland, nor could he from his great age be ex-
pected to live long. However, he furvived Pompon. de
Nero, and was recalled by Vefpafian, or rather Orig. Juris.
Galba.
As to Silanus, under pretence of fending Tac,
him to the iſland of Naxos, he was carried to
Oftia; and afterwards the town of Bari was
allowed him for his prifon. There he fupported
his
266
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 816. his hard fate with refolution, when a Centurion
aft. C. 65. arrived with orders to kill him. The officer
Statue
erected to
adviſing him to have his veins opened, Silanus
anfwered, he was refolved to die, but that he
would not let him have the honour of feeming
to render ſervice to the man he came to mur-
der. The Centurion, finding him full of vi-
gour, and rather irritated than daunted, was
afraid to attack him, though quite unarmed,
and therefore ordered his foldiers to fall upon
him. Silanus defended himſelf, as well as he
could with his hands and arms, without any
weapon, warding off fome blows, and giving
others, till at last he dropt, down dead of the
wounds he received, all in the fore-part of his
body, as if in battle.
Lipfius thinks, with great probability, that
this laft of the Silanus's is the fame whom Ti-
der Trajan. tinius Capito, a faithful friend, long after e-
Plin. Ep. i. rected a ftatue in the Forum, with Trajan's
Silanus un-
7.
permiffion. The younger Pliny, to whom we
are indebted for the knowledge of that fact,
accompanies it with reflexions which well de-
ferve a place here. "It is, fays he, a noble
"and very commendable deed, to make ufe
"of one's credit with the Prince to do honour
e Pulcrum et magnâ laude dignum, amicitiâ Principis in
hoc uti, quantumque gratià valeas, aliorum honoribus ex-
periri. Eft omnino Capitoni in ufu claros viros colere.
Mirum eft quâ religione, quo ftudio imagines Brutorum,
Caffiorum, Catonum, domi, ubi poteft, habeat. Idem
clariffimi cujufque vitam egregiis carminibus exornat.
Scias ipfum plurimis virtutibus abundare, qui alienas fic
amat. Redditus eft L. Silano debitus honor, cujus immor-
talitati Capito profpexit pariter et fuæ. Neque enim magis
decorum et infigne eft ftatuam in Foro populi Romani
habere, quàm ponere. Plin.
66 to
Book XII.
NERO.
267
"to the memory of a deceafed friend, and A. R.816.
"add to the luftre of another's name, rather aft. C. 65.
"than one's own. Such is Capito's invariable
"maxim. He thinks it a duty incumbent on
"him to reſpect illuftrious men; nor is it to
"be imagined with what veneration, what
<< zeal and ardour he honours in his own
"houſe (where only he can) the images of a
Brutus, a Caffius, and a Cato. He records
"too, in very fine lines, the glorious actions
"of great men of all ages. He who fo cor
..
dially cheriſhes virtue in others, muſt cer-
tainly be virtuous himſelf to a degree of
" eminence. Silanus deferved the honour he
"received, and Capito has immortalized him-
"felf with him. For it is not more glori-
"ous to have one's ftatue fet up in the Roman
"Forum, than it is to erect a ftatue there
"to one's friend."
mother-in-
to death.
The maffacre of a whole noble family im- Vetus, his
mediately follows Silanus's death in Tacitus. law, and
L. Antiftius Vetus, his mother-in-law Sextia, daughter,put
and his daughter Antiftia, all ſuffered death at Lic. xvi.
the fame time, to fatifsy Nero's unjuſt hatred, Ann, 10,
their lives reproaching him with the murder
of Vetus's fon-in-law, Rubellius Plautus. The
accufers were two infamous wretches, one of
them a freeman belonging to Vetus, who hav-
ing robbed his patron, fought to eſcape puniſh-
ment by accufing him. The other was one
Claudius Demianus, whom Vetus, whilſt Pro-
conful of Africa, had imprifoned for his crimes,
and whom Nero fet at liberty to reward him
for accufing his judge.
Nero hated Vetus, being perhaps not igno-
rant of the advice he had fecretly fent his ion-
in-law
I
268
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.816. in-law to defend his life to the laft, and endea-
aft. C.65. vour, if poffible, to ftir up a civil war.
f
The
accufation therefore was received; and Vetus,
finding he was put on a level with his freeman,
retired to an eftate he had near Formii, where
he was foon befet by foldiers, who privately
furrounded his houfe. With him was his
daughter, in whom the preſent danger encreaſ-
ed the grief of heart fhe had ever felt fince the
fatal hour her huſband Plautus was butchered
before her eyes. After embracing him all
bloody, ſhe carefully preſerved the linen and
cloaths ſtained with his gore, giving herſelf up
to grief, and taking only what nouriſhment
was barely fufficient to keep her alive. At this
time fhe went, by her father's directions, to
Naples, where Nero than was; and, not being
able to obtain an audience, waited in the paf-
fage till he came out, and then begged he would
pleaſe to hear the defence of an innocent man,
and not give up to a vile freeman one who had
enjoyed the honour of being his collegue in
the Confulfhip. She repeated that juſt requeſt
feveral times, one while in an humble and ſub-
miffive manner, and then again with a bold-
nefs above her fex. Nero was inexorable: nei-
ther prayers, nor the fear of making himſelf
odious could move him. Antiftia, therefore,
returned back to her father with the melancho-
ly news that no hopes were left; at the ſame
time Vetus was informed the Senate was pro-
f Aderat filia fuper ingruens periculum longo dolore
atrox, ex quo percuffores Plauti mariti fui viderat : cruen-
tamque cervicem ejus amplexa, fervabat fanguinem, et
veftes refperfas, vidua implexa luctu continuo, nec ullis
alimentis, nifi quæ mortem arcerent. Tac.
ceeding
፣
Book XII.
NERO.
269
ceeding againſt him, and that a rigorous con- A.R. 816.
demnation was all he had to expect. Some, aft. C. 65.
who valued themſelves on their prudence, ad-
viſed him to make a will, and leave Nero a
great part of what he was worth, in order
to ſecure the reſt to his grand-children: but he
refuſed to diſhonour, by fuch a meannefs, a life
ſpent in the cauſe of honour and liberty. He
divided what ready money he had among his
flaves, and likewife gave them the furniture
of his houfe, which he adviſed them to carry
off, referving only three beds, one for himſelf,
another for his mother-in-law, and the third
for his daughter.
They all prepared to die together, and had
their veins opened in the fame room; after
which they were immediately put in a bath,
with ſuch precautions as modefty requires, and
there & looking wifhfully at each other, and ex-
preffing the moſt tender concern, each of them
called on death to take a fleeting life, and let
the deareſt of friends furvive, though but for a
few moments. They died according to their
ages; Sextia firft, next Vetus, and laft of all
his daughter. Notwithstanding this, the Se-
nate proceeded in their trials, and condemned
them to be executed. Nero, adding infult to
cruelty, fet afide that fentence, and gave them
leave to chuſe their deaths.
P. Gallus, a Roman Knight, who had been
an intimate friend of Fænius Rufus's, and ac-
quainted with Vetus, was banished. Vetus's
¤ Pater filiam, avia neptem, illa utrofque intuens, et
certatim precantes labenti animæ celerem exitum, ut relin-
querent fuos fuperftites et morituros. Tac.
two
270
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 816. two accufers received, as a reward for their
aft. C. 65. fervices, a place of diftinction in the theatre.
Nero's name had already been given to the
month of April, and the two following months
were to be called, one after Claudius, and the
other after Germanicus. Cornelius Orfitus,
who first made that motion, infifted par-
ticularly on the neceffity of aboliſhing the name
of June, as odious and execrable on account of
the crimes of the two Junius's (Torquatus and
Silanus) both of them lately put to death.
Tempeſts
and epide-
nefs.
This year h, already fatal by fo many acts
mical fick of cruelty, became ftill more fo, fays Tacitus,
by the wrath of the gods, who vifited Italy
with ſtorms and epidemical ſickneſs. Campa-
nia was laid wafte by a hurricane which blew
down houſes, tore up trees by the roots, de-
ftroyed the corn, and was felt in the neighbour-
hood of Rome. The plague raged in the city,
and no one could account how that dreadful
ſcourge had been brought thither. The effects
of it were terrible: the houſes were filled with
dead bodies, and the roads covered with fune-
rals. No age nor fex was fpared. Slaves and
citizens of the lower clafs expired in a very
ſhort time, amidſt the cries and fhrieks of their
wives and children, who, by tending them,
often catched the diftemper, and were burnt
on the fame pile. Though numbers of Sena-
tors and Knights died, they were lefs pitied;
they were even thought happy, in preventing
the Prince's cruelty by paying the debt of
nature.
h Tot facinoribus foedum annum etiam dii tempeftatibus
et morbis infignivere. Tac.
This
;
Book XII.
NERO.
271
aft. C. 65,
rality.
Tac.xvi. 31.
This fame year too, recruits were raifed in A.R. 816-
Narbonnefe Gaul, Afia, and Africa, to com-
plete the Illyrian legions, from which ſuch as
age or infirmity rendered unfit for fervice, were
diſcharged.
Among fo many cruelties committed by Lyons burnt,
Nero, we have, however, one good deed of Nero's libe-
his to mention. The city of Lyons, one of Sen. Ep. xci.
the moſt flouriſhing of the Roman colonies,
though it had not been founded much above a
hundred years, had lately been almoſt entirely
confumed in one night by a dreadful fire. Nero
made the inhabitants of that unfortunate city a
prefent of four millions of fefterces (about thirty
two thouſand pounds) towards repairing their lofs.
They were ſo much the more deferving of that
liberality, as they had offered the fame fum
to ſerve the Republic on ſome urgent occafion,
but what Tacitus does not fay.
The next year had for Confuls C. Suetonius,
probably fon of Suetonius Paulinus, whofe ex-
ploits in Britain we have ſpoken of; and Tele-
finus, who, Philoftratus fays, was a difciple of philoſtr.
Apollonius Tyanæus.
C. SUETONIUS PAULINUS.
C.TELESINUS.
Apollon. Liv.
c. 40.
A.R. 817.
aft. C. 66.
exile, accuses
who are
Under theſe Confuls an exile merited Nero's Antiftius So-
favour, by procuring him an opportunity of fianus, an
getting rid of two men who were obnoxious Anteius and
to him. Antiftius Sofianus was banifhed, as Oftorius,
I have faid, for writing fatyrical and defama-
tory verſes againſt the Emperor.
much informers were in favour,
fily Nero was induced to ſhed blood; being
forced to kill
Seeing how
and how ea-
themſelves.
Tac.xvi. 14-
likewife
272
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
A.R. 817. likewiſe himſelf of an intriguing reſtleſs difpo-
aft. C. 66. fition, he found means to infinuate himſelf in-
to the confidence of one Pammenes, like him
an exile, and confined to the fame ifland. Pam-
menes was a great Aftrologer, and in confe-
quence of his art, had fecret connexions and
correfpondence with feveral people of diftinc-
tion he often received letters and meffages,
which made Sofianus, who clofely watched his
motions, fufpect fomething more than common
was carrying on. It was not long before that trai-
tor difcovered that P. Anteius allowed the Af
trologer a yearly penfion. Anteius had for-
merly been protected by Agrippina, and from
thence was odious to Nero: befides that, he
was immenſely rich, a ftrong temptation to
the Prince's avarice. Sofianus, informed of all
thoſe circumſtances, intercepted Anteius's let-
ters, and privately ftole from Pammenes fome
papers relating to Anteius and Oftorius Sca-
pula, containing the theme of their nativity,
and predictions of what was to happen to each
of them. Oftorius had a right to expect fome
gratitude from Sofianus in return for having
kept his fecret. But fuch a motive has little
power over a wretch like Sofianus, who being
poffeffed of the letters and papers juſt men-
tioned, wrote to court defiring leave to re-
turn to Rome, for that, he had fecrets to
reveal which concerned the Emperor's life and
fafety. Some light veffels were immediately
diſpatched, to bring him with all ſpeed.
The public was no fooner informed how
matters ſtood, but Anteius and Oftorius were
both given up as dead men; ſo much that
none would fign as witneffes to Anteius's will,
till Tigellinus removed that difficulty, advif-
ing
J
Book XII.
NERO.
273
ing the teftator, however, at the fame time to A.R. 817.
be quick. His advice was followed: Anteius fet- aft. C. 66,
tled his affairs as faft as he could, took a dofe
of poiſon, and, to make ſtill greater diſpatch, had
his veins cut open. He well knew Nero would Suet. Ner.
admit of no delay in fuch caſes; and that if
thoſe whofe death he had ordered did not imme-
diately diſpatch themſelves, he was fure to fend
furgeons to treat them, as he called it.
37.
Ŏftorius was then on the confines of Ligu- Tac
ria, where a Centurion was fent with foldiers
to kill him. Nero feared him as a warrior,
who had acquired a great character for arms,
having merited the honour of a civic crown
under his father, who commanded the Roman
army in Britain: befides which, he was ftrong
and robuft, fo that Nero, whofe crimes, and the
confpiracy lately difcovered, rendered timid,
apprehended he might endeavour to raiſe fome
difturbance. Oftorius had not time to attempt
any fuch thing, had he been ever fo much dif
pofed to do it: he was furprized by the Cen-
turion, who, pofting guards at all the avenues
of his houſe, went in and notified the Empe-
ror's commands. Oftorius turned againſt him-
felf the courage he had fo often fignalized a-
gainſt the enemy; and the blood running but
flowly through the openings of his veins, he
ordered a flave to hold a dagger firm to his
throat, then taking hold of his hand, ran upon
it, and killed himſelf.
So many bloody deaths, the circumftances Reflexion on
of which are much alike, are a very diſagree- fo many
able and melancholy fubject to treat of. I will deaths.
not, however, fay, with Tacitus, that i the fer-
i Patientia fervilis- tam fegniter pereuntes.
VOL. IV.
T
vile
bloody
274 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 817. vile bafenefs of thofe who fuffered themſelves
aft. C. 66. to be butchered in that cowardly manner, is
Other vic-
tims of Ne-
what muſt difguft the reader moſt of all. We are
governed by other principles, which, without
excufing Nero's horrid cruelties, would render
the patience of thofe victims laudable, had the
motive of it been fubmiffion to the will of
Providence. Such perfection is not to be found.
in Pagans: they had not even an idea of it: a
fpirit of revolt, had it been practicable, ani-
mated them all. Nero himſelf at laft brought
it about, but many illuftrious heads were firſt
lopt off.
Four men of diftinction loft their lives one
ro's cruelty. after another in the ſpace of a few days, Ru-
Rufius Crif- fius Crifpinus, Annæus Mella, Anicius Cæri-
and fon. alis, and C. Petronius. Crifpinus had been,
pinus, father
Mella, tro-
ther to Se-
neca, and
father of
Lucan.
Tac.
as I have faid, married to Poppæa, and was
Pretorian Prefect under Claudius. He was ba-
niſhed to Sardinia under pretence of being con-
cerned in the confpiracy, and there received
ſentence of death, in confequence whereof he
killed himſelf. It was probably at that time
that Nero ordered the fon of Crifpinus and
Poppea to be drowned, a young child, who
incurred his diſpleaſure only for playing with
other children of his age at making Captains
and Generals of armies.
Annæus Mella was brother to Seneca, and
out of a refinement of ambition, would not
afk for any poft, in order to rival thofe of Con-
fular rank in weight and influence, without be-
ing more than a Roman Knight: Befides, he
looked upon an employment in the finances,
from which the dignity of Senator was an
exclufion, as the fureft way to grow rich.-
His
Book XII.
NERO.
275
His fon Lucan added greatly to the honour of A. R.817.
his name, and was the cauſe of his death. For, aft. C. 66,
the covetous father, unwilling to loſe the leaft
part of his fon's inheritance, and making the
ftricteft perquifitions after whatever might be
owing to him, found an accufer in one who had
been an intimate friend of Lucan's, and might
perhaps be in his debt. His name was Fabius
Romanus : being dunned by Mella,he taxed him
with having been concerned in the confpiracy,
and to prove his affertion, produced pretended
letters from Lucan, whoſe hand-writing he had
forged. Nero, who longed to poffefs Mella's
immenſe riches, fent him thofe letters.
underſtood the meaning of the Prince's meffage,
and accordingly had his veins opened, after
making a codicil to his will, by which, in hopes
of fecuring his eftate to his heirs, he left con-
fiderable legacies to Tigellinus and his fon-in-
law Coffutianus Capito.
Mella
A moſt abominable ufe was made of this co- Anicius
dicil. Two lines were added to it, in which Carialis,
the teftator was made to complain of his hard
fate, and fay he died innocent, whilft Rufius
Crifpinus and Anicius Cærialis furvived, tho'
enemies to the Prince. That malice could not
hurt Crifpinus, he being dead, but it was fatal
to Cærialis, who was forced to kill himſelf. He
was the lefs pitied, fays Tacitus, becauſe it
was he that revealed Lepidus's confpiracy to
Caligula.
feveral have
C. Petronius was fingular both in his life and c Petro-
death. He was a profeffed Epicurean, but with nius, whom
wit and delicacy could give vice a moft fedu- miftaken
cing glofs, and make it pleafing to men of for the fa-
tafte, without piquing himself on any fcrupu- nius,
T 2
lous
mous Petro
276 'HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
k
A.R. 817. lous reſpect to virtue. He deſtined the day to
aft. C. 66. fleep, and the night to bufinefs and pleafure.
Others advance themfelves by labour and acti-
vity he gained a reputation by indolence and
effeminacy and the carelefs air with which he
did or faid a thing, gave it all the graces of
feeming nature. He gave proofs, however,
both of his vigour and capacity for buſineſs,
when Governour of Bithynia, and when Conful.
After which, returning to his former pleaſures,
either from inclination, or out of policy, he was
of all Nero's parties, and became his maſter and
tutor in the art of refined luxury, the Emperor
thinking nothing agreeable or elegant but what
pleaſed the exquifite tafte of Petronius. Tigel-
linus grew jealous of him, and began to fear a
rival, who furpaffed him in the ſcience of vo-
luptuouſneſs, and, in order to remove him, fet to
work the Prince's favourite paffion, cruelty,
making Nero ſuſpect Petronius, as having been
a friend to Scævinus. A flave was fuborned to
broach the information: the accufed was not
allowed to defend himſelf, and moſt of his fer-
vants were arreſted and thrown into prifon.
Petronius himſelf, clofely guarded, unable to
bear the uncertain alternative of hope and fear,
refolved death fhould end it: but the manner
in which he executed that defign, is, I think,
Ac
k Illi dies per fomnum, nox officiis et oblectamentis
vitæ tranfigebatur: utque alios induftria, ita hunc ignavia
ad famam protulerat : habebaturque non ganeo et profliga-
tor, ut plerique fua haurientium, fed erudito luxu.
dicta factaque ejus quanto folutiora, et quamdam fui negli-
gentiam præferentia, tanto gratius in fpeciem fimplicitatis
accipiebantur. Proconful tamen Bithyniæ, mox Conful,
vigentem ſe et parem negotiis oftendit: mox revolutus ad
1
not
Book XII.
NER
O.
277
not to be paralleled. He did nothing haftily; A.R.817.
for caufing his veins to be opened, after bleed- aft. C. 66.
ing fome time, he had them tied up, then bled,
and ſtopt the blood again, repeating that ope-
ration ſeveral times with as much eaſe and tran-
quillity as if it had been only a common bleed-
ing for his health. He talked and converſed
with his friends all the time, not on ferious or
philofophical fubjects, but about pretty verfes,
and the more gay kind of poetry, fuch as is
moft apt to pleaſe and amufe. To fome of his
flaves he gave money, ordered others to be
chaſtiſed, walked about, and went to bed
to fleep: ſo that his death, tho' violent, had
all the appearance of a natural one. In his will
he did not imitate the fawning tricks of thoſe,
who, in his fituation, flattered Nero, Tigelli-
nus, and all the bufy bodies of the court, by
loading them with praifes, or leaving them le-
gacies. On the contrary, he wrote a fatyr,
wherein he defcribed, under fictitious names,
all the debaucheries of the Prince and his cour-
tiers, and fent it fealed up to Nero, after break-
ing the ring he had fealed it with, for fear fome
ill uſe might be made of it to hurt the in-
nocent.
Many are of opinion that this was the piece
of which we have fome fragments under the
title of T. Petronii Arbitri Satyricon. That is not
clear, nor is it worth examining into. It caufed,
vitia, feu vitiorum oftentationem, inter paucos familiarium
Neroni affumptus eft, elegantiæ arbiter, dum nihil amœ-
num ac molle affluentiâ putat, nifi quod ei Petronius appro-
baviffet. Unde invidia Tigellini, quafi adverfus æmulum,
et fcientiâ voluptatum potiorem. Tac.
however,
T 3
i
278 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
aft. C. 66.
Silia baniſh-
ed.
A.R. 817. however, the difgrace of a lady with whom he
was very intimate. Silia, a Senator's wife,
who frequently was of Nero's parties of pleaſure,
was fufpected of having revealed to Petronius
feveral particularities mentioned in his fatire,
and was baniſhed.
Death of
Numicius
Numicius Thermus, an ancient Prætor, one
Thermus. of whoſe freemen had dared to attack Tigelli-
nus, and accufe him, we are not told of what,
was delivered up to that favourite's revenge.
The freeman paid for his boldneſs by under-
going a fevere torture, and his innocent patron
was put to death.
Condemna-
tion and
and Thrafea.
XVI. 21.
Plat. Polit.
Tacitus, when going to give an account of
death of Ba- the death of Barea Soranus and Pætus Thrafeal,
rea Soranus does not fcruple faying, Nero wanted to ex-
Tac. Ann. tirpate virtue itfelf, when he took away their
lives. He had long hated, tho' he could not
help eſteeming them, of which he had but late-
ly given a proof with regard to Thrafea: for,
hearing him accuſed of injuſtice by a man who
loft his fuit depending before him: "I wiſh,
"faid the Emperor, Thrafea had as much af-
"fection for me as he has equity in his judg-
Tac.
"ments.
..
Nero was convinced Thrafea hated him, be-
cauſe he well knew no honeft man could love
him he had ſeveral other caufes of complaint
againſt him, all of which do honour to Thrafea,
tho' he fell a facrifice to them. Thrafea, as
the reader may remember, left the Senate im-
mediately after the reading of Nero's apologetic
1 Trucidatis tot infignibus viris, ad extremum Nero vir.
tutem ipfam exfcindere concupivit, interfectis Barea Sorano
et Thrafea Pato. Tac.
f
1
t
letter
Book XII.
NERO.
279
aft. C. 66.
letter againſt the memory of Agrippina. He A.R. 817.
was but a cold admirer of the juvenile games:
which Nero was the more offended at, as the ſame
Thrafea had himſelf appeared on the ftage as
actor in a tragedy performed at the games cele-
brated at Padua, where he was born, and which
were ſaid to have been inftituted by Antenor the
founder of that city. Befides that, when An-
tiftius Sofianus was tried for writing fatirical
verfes againſt the Emperor, Thrafea oppoſed
thoſe who were for putting him to death, and
propoſed a milder puniſhment, which was a-
greed to. And lastly, he did not come to the
Senate-houſe the day divine honours were de-
creed Poppæa, nor was he even preſent at her
funeral.
Nero remembered full well all theſe grie-
vances; and even if he had been capable of for-
getting them, his memory would foon have
been refreſhed by Coffutianus Capito, that de-
clared enemy to virtue, who likewife had a pri-
vate pique againſt Thrafea for having backed
the Cicilian deputies, at whofe fuit he was con-
demned for extortion. That calumniator add-
ed freſh heads of accufation, all founded on
the refolution Thrafea had long fince taken not
to go any more to the Senate. He put the
worſt of conſtructions on his conduct, making
Nero obſerve, “That
"That every firſt day of the year
"Thrafea eluded taking the folemn oath, by
"which all the Senators bound themfelves to
"obferve the ordinances of the Cæfars. That
"he did not participate in the vows made every
"third of January for the Prince's profperity,
"tho' he had received the order of priesthood,
"in virtue of which his miniſtry was required in
"that
T 4
280
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
A.R.817.
aft. C. 66.
'
'
that ceremony. That he never had offered
up a facrifice either for the Emperor's pre-
"fervation or for his divine voice. That former-
"ly he was indefatigably affiduous in attend-
"ing on the Senate, and uſed to ſpeak with
"warmth even in the moſt trifling affairs; but
"that for three years paſt he had not once fet
"his foot there; and that but very lately, at a
"time when every member of that company
"thought himſelf indifpenfably obliged to fhew
"his zeal for the Prince, by helping to check
"the wicked attempts of Silanus and Vetus,
"Thrafea choſe rather to bufy himſelf with the
"private affairs of his clients. That, added
Capito, is plainly declaring himſelf head of a
party it is enough to breed a civil war; all
he wants is a fufficient number of partizans.
As in former times this city, ever fond of
"difcord, was divided between Cæfar and
"Cato, ſo now the eyes of all are fixed on
"Nero and Thrafea. He has his followers,
"or rather fatellites, who indeed do not yet
"imitate his untractable republican way of de-
66
..
'
.
:
liberating in the Senate, but who copy his
"manners and looks, affecting a rigid exterior
"to reproach you with your love of pleaſure.
"He alone has no feeling for either the prefer-
"vation of your facred perfon, or your fuc-
"cefs in the more polite arts. If he looks on
έσ your profperity with fo indifferent an eye,
"at leaſt his hatred ought to be ſatisfied by the
grievous loffes you have fuftained in your
family. How ſhould he honour Poppæa as
"a goddeſs, who ſeems to doubt the divinity
"of the founders of this monarchy, who fears
(c
4C
66 to
BOOK XII.
NERO.
281
"to fwear to the obſervation of what has been A.R.817
"ordained by Cæfar and Auguſtus? He con- aft. C.66.
"temns the religion of the ftate, and defpifes
"its laws. The Provinces and armies are fond
"of reading the journals of what paffes in Rome,
"to know what Thrafea has done. Either let
“us fide with them, if they are right: or, let
"us not fuffer a giddy people, fond of novelty,
"to have a chief ready to collect them under
"his banners. That fect it was that produced
"the Tubero's and Favonius's, fufpicious
.
66
names, odious even to the old Republic. Do
"they want to deftroy monarchy? The caufe
"of liberty is their pretence. That done, they
"attack liberty itſelf. In vain have you re-
"moved Caffius, if you fuffer an emulator of
"Brutus. After all, I do not defire you to
"write to the Senate againſt Thrafea, I will
lay that affair myſelf before the affembly, you
"have only to leave it to their decifion.
..
"
Capito had worked himſelf up, as we fee, to
a pretty high pitch. Nero's exhortations heated
him ftill more, and a worthy coadjutor was
given him in the perfon of Eprius Marcellus.
An accufation was already lodged againſt
Barea Soranus. On his return from the Procon-
fulſhip of Afia, a Roman knight called Ofto-
rius Sabinus, taxed him with having been a
friend to Plautus, and with having behaved
purpoſely fo, as to gain the affection of the
people under his government, with views juftly
fufpected of ambition. This pretended crimi-
nal behaviour confifted, however, in nothing
more than, that he had diſcharged all the
duties of his function with care and integrity,
doing
I
282 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
'
A.R. 817.doing equal juftice to all, and being ever ready
aft. C.66 to grant the people their lawful requeſts. He
had opened the port of Ephefus, and left the
inhabitants of Pergamus unpunished, for refift-
ing the outrages committed by the freeman A-
cratus, fent by Nero into Afia, to take away
all their paintings and ftatues.
Thoſe were
crimes great enough with Nero. He chofe to
fet on foot this odious perfecution againſt two
men, who were the glory and ornament of the
Roman Senate, the very time when Tiridates
was drawing near to Rome, in order to receive,
in the moſt folemn manner, the crown of Ar-
menia: intending either to make one impreffion
efface another, and to fmother the indignation
his cruelty muſt excite in every breaſt, under
the rejoicings and feaſts with which the King of
Parthia's brother was to be received: or, out
of a barbarous vanity, was willing to make a
fhow of his grandeur, by facrificing, in the pre-
fence of a foreign Prince, victims of that im-
portance. Tiridates joined Nero at Naples,
from whence they proceeded together to Rome.
Whilft duty on one fide, and curiofity on the
other, brought the whole city out to meet them,
Thrafea received orders not to appear before the
Prince.
Without being at all difconcerted, he wrote
to the Emperor, defiring to know what were
the crimes laid to his charge, and affuring him,
he would juſtify himſelf fully, if he would
pleaſe to hear his defence. Nerom opened the
m Eos codicillos Nero properanter accepit, fpe exterritum
Thrafeam fcripfiffe per qua claritudinem Principis extol-
letter
1
Book XII.
NER O.
283
letter eagerly, imagining Thrafea, at leaft in- A.R. 817.
timidated, had altered his ftyle.
He would aft. C. 66-
have triumphed, could he have forced that
great man to diſhonour himſelf by any mean-
nefs. Reading the letter he found his miſtake:
nay, himſelf was intimidated by Thrafea's firm-
nefs, and dreaded ftill more an audience, in
which that illuftrious man would have ſpoken
with all the boldneſs, innocence and virtue could
inſpire Not daring therefore to run that hazard,
he laid the affair before the Senate, convened for
that purpoſe.
cr
Thrafea confulted with his friends, whether
he ſhould appear to defend himſelf, or think fo
vain and fruitleſs an attempt beneath him. Opi-
nions were divided. Thoſe who adviſed him
to go to the Senate, faid, They did not in
"the leaft doubt his bearing the fhock with
k a becoming fortitude: That they were fatis-
"fied not a word would efcape him, which
"ſhould not add to his glory. That cowards
66
only ought to bury their laft moments in
"obfcurity. n Shew the people added they,
"an intrepid fage advancing to meet death:
"let the Senate hear you ſpeak a more than
leret, fuumque famam dehoneftaret. Quod ubi contra
evenit, vultumque et fpiritus et libertatem infontis ultro
extimuit, vocari Patres juffit. Tac.
Ω
Adfpiceret populus virum morti obvium: audiret
Senatus voces quafi ex aliquo numine fupra humanas.
Poffe ipfo miraculo etiam Neronem permoveri. Sin cru-
delitati infifteret, diflingui certè apud pofteros memo-
riam honefti exitûs ab ignavia per filentium pereuntium.
Tac. xvi. 25.
"mortal
284
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.817. "mortal language, ſentences worthy an orator.
aft. C. 66. « Nero himſelf may be ſhaken by ſuch a won-
"der. If he perfifts in his cruelty, at leaſt
(6
pofterity will know how to diſtinguiſh be-
tween a noble and a generous death, and the
"low cowardice, with which others periſh and
"are forgot."
Theſe arguments did not feem conclufive to
many, who, without doubting Thrafea's un-
fhaken fortitude and refolution, were, however,
unwilling he ſhould expofe himſelf to the infults,
affronts, and perhaps rougher means, and
blows his enemies might make ufe of. "When
"o the bad, faid they, begin out of infolence,
"the good fometimes follow out of fear. Save
"the Senate, of which you have been fo great
66
an honour, the fhame of fo vile a deed.
"Let it remain in doubt, what reſolution the
"Senate might have taken had they feen the
"accuſed Thrafea. To think Nero's barba-
rity can ever be moved, is a mere illufion.
46
..
66
"There is much more room to fear your ge-
nerous proceeding may wound him to the
very foul, and he may reek his vengeance on
your wife, your family, and all that are dear
"to you. Preferve your reputation unfullied,
"and let the fages, whofe maxims and exam-
ples you have followed living, find their
glorious deaths equalled in yours.
At this little council was prefent Arulanus
Rufticus, a young man full of fire and viva-
city, and greatly defirous to fignalize him-
(6
C6
وو
• Etiam bonos metu fequi. Detraheret Senatui, quem
præornaviffet, infamiam tanti flagitii: et relinqueret incer-
tum quid vifo Thrafeâ reo decreturi Patres fuerint. Tac.
ſelf.
+
Book XII.
NERO.
285
cr
aft. C.66.
felf. As he was at that time Tribune of the A. R.817.
people, he offered to oppofe the Senate's jurif-
diction in virtue of his poft. Thrafea checked
his ardor. "Do not, faid he, attempt a vain
"refource that would be of no fervice to me,
"and muſt prove fatal to yourſelf. My days
" are ended, and I cannot now deviate from
"the principles I have followed fo many
"years.
As to you, you are juft entering on
"the career of magiftracy, and may ftill
"chooſe what road you like beft to purfue.
"Confider well within yourſelf before you fix
"on any plan of political conduct in theſe
unhappy times." Rufticus yielded to this
remonftrance, fo far as related to his defign of
oppofing the Senate. With regard to his own
perfonal interefts, the fequel of this hiftory will
Thew, how little he dreaded confequences: we
ſhall fee him treading in Thrafea's footſteps,
and, like him, meet death with intrepidity
under the reign of another Nero, I mean, Do-
mitian. Thrafea, finding his friends were of
different opinions in the point on which he
confulted them, faid, he would determine for
himfelf: the refolution he took was not to go
to the Senate.
66
The next day two Pretorian cohorts took
poffeffion of the temple of Venus, built by
Cefar. The entrance to the Senate was occu-
pied by a body of the guards, in their habit of
peace, but they did not much endeavour to
conceal the fwords they had under their gar-
ments. Troops were pofted at every avenue.
The Senators paffed through the midſt of
this terrifying fight to the hall deftined for
their affemblies. The Prince's Queftor, whofe
functions
286 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.817. functions may be compared to thofe of our Se-
aft. C. 66. cretaries of ftate, read a memorial, whereby
the Emperor, without naming any one, com-
plained in general, that the Senators were not
affiduous enough in the public fervice, and that
they fet the Roman Knights a bad example
of remiffneſs, which became contagious. And,
to point out Thrafea more particularly, he add-
ed, the abufe was fo great, that Senators, who
had been promoted to the Confulfhip, and were
prieſts, preferred embellifhing their gardens to
the duties of their offices.
That was a handle given to thoſe, who, in con-
cert with him, were to be the accufers. They
laid hold of it, and Coffutianus beginning,
Eprius Marcellus feconded him with great ve-
hemence, adding to Thrafea, Helvidius Prifcus
his own fon-in-law, Paconius Agrippinus, fon
of Paconius, put to death by Tiberius, and
Curtius Montanus, a young nobleman of dif
tinguiſhed merit and abilities. Marcellus raif-
ing his voice, cried out furiouſly, "That
"the public welfare was at ſtake: That the
"rebel pride of inferiors, did violence to the
"natural mildneſs of the Prince. Yes, faid
he, the Senate is too indulgent in fuffering
"Thrafea to brave it with impunity; to let
"him form a party, in which he affociated
"Helvidius Prifcus the companion of his fa-
ther-in-law's furies, Paconius Agrippinus,
who has inherited his father's hatred to the
"Emperors, and Curtius Montanus, author
4 of moſt deteftable poems."
Marcellus only juſt named the three laſt, but
vented all his rage on Thrafea. "What?
P Requirere fe in Senatu confularem, in votis facerdotem,
<<
can
Book XII.
NER O.
287
"can be thought, faid he, of a man of Con- A.R. 817.
<fular rank, who abfents himſelf from the aft. C. 66.
"Senate; of a Prieſt, who does not appear
"when all are offering up their vows; of a ci-
"tizen, who eludes taking the oath of fide-
"lity? Does not Thrafea, by that behaviour
violating all the civil and religious cuſtoms
ર
of our anceſtors, openly declare himſelf a
"traitor and an enemy to the ftate? Let him
"refume his old ways: let him come and tell
66
us, what it is he would alter or reform. We
"will bear a particular cenfure on each article,
"much rather than a filence which condemns
"all without diftinction. What is there in
"the prefent fituation of things that diſpleaſes
him? Is it the peace that reigns throughout
"the whole univerfe? Is it the victories we
66
gain without any lofs fuftained by our ar-
"mies? The happinefs of the ſtate is what
"he repines at: the public places, theatres,
"and temples, ftrike him with horror, as if
(
they were frightful folitudes: he threatens
"us that he will banifh himfelf. And fhall
"we fatisfy his ftrange and obftinate ambi-
"tion? Since he will no longer acknowledge ei-
"ther Senate, magiftrates, or republic, death
"muſt fnatch him from a city from which he
"has long fince feparated himlelf by his ha-
"tred to it, and of which he cannot now bear
"even the fight!"
in jurejurando civem: nifi contra inftituta et cærimonias
majorum, proditorem palam et hoftem Thrafea induiffet.
Denique agere Senatorem, et Principis obtrectatores pro-
tegere folitus, veniret, cenferet quid corrigi aut mutari
vellet. Facilius perlaturos fingula increpantem, quàm
nunc filentium perferrent omnia damnantis. Tac.
The
288
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 817.
The Senate was thunder-ftruck at this horrid
aft. C. 66. a fpeech, which Marcellus animated with me-
nacing geftures, a vehement tone of voice, and
anger flaming in his eyes. It was no longer
that heavy melancholy only, which, from re-
peated accufations, was become habitual to that
body, but a violent terror too that then ſeized
on every Senator, at the fight of the armed
foldiers, by whom they were furrounded: and
the reſpect they could not but have for Thra-
fea's virtue, the venerable image of which, then
ſhining in it's full luftre, carried their grief to the
greateft height. They could not help compaf-
fionating likewife, thofe whom malignity made.
the companions of his misfortune, Helvidius
Prifcus, on the point of falling a victim to an
innocent alliance; Paconius, whoſe only crime
was the misfortune of a father, as innocent as
himſelf, and unjustly condemned to death by
Tiberius; and Curtius Montanus, whofe vir-
tuous youth had never been noticed, but for
his innocent turn to poetry.
To complete their woes, Oftorius Sabinus,
the accufer of Soranus, next preſented himſelf.
The crimes laid to his charge, were, as I have
faid, his attachment to Rubellius Plautus; a
fufpicious conduct during his government of
the province of Afia, in being too complai-
fant to the people, and more careful of his
own glory than the public welfare. To theſe
old accufations was joined a new one quite re-
2. Quum per hæc atque talia Marcellus, ut erat torvus et
minax, voce, vultu, oculis ardefceret, non illa nota, et
celebritate periculorum fueta jam Senatûs mœftitia, fed
novus et altior pavor, manus et tela militum cernentibus :
fimul ipfius Thrafeæ venerabilis fpecies obverfabatur. Tac.
cent,
Book XII.
NER O.
289
cent, by which his daughter was involved in A.R. 817.
the ſame danger with her father. He accufed aft. C. 66,
Servilia (that was the young lady's name) of
having given money to magicians; and that
indeed was true. Servilia, alarmed at the dan-
ger her father was in, and confulting her ten-
derness for him more than a prudence that
could not be expected from her age, did con-
fult magicians, but only to know what would
be the fate of her family, whether Nero would
relent, and whether Soranus's trial, that was
carrying on before the Senate, would be at-
tended with any bad confequences.
k
Servilia was ordered to attend the Senate.
On one fide appeared before the tribunal of the
Confuls, a father ftricken in years, and on the
other his daughter, not yet twenty, who had
k Accita eft in Senatum: fteteruntque diverfi ante tribunal
Confulum grandis ævo parens, contrà filia infra vicefimum
ætatis annum, nuper marito Antonio Pollione in exfilium
pulfo vidua defolataque, ac ne patrem quidem intuens, cu-
jus oneraffe pericula videbatur. Tum interrogante accuſa-
tore, an cultus dotales, an detra&tum cervici monile venum
dediffet, quo pecuniam faciendis magicis facris contrahe-
ret, primùm frata humi, longoque fletu et filentio, poft,
altaria et aram complexa, Nullos, inquit, impios deos, nullas
devotiones, nec aliud infelicibus precibus invocavi, quàm ut hunc
optimum patrem, tu, Cæfar, et vos, Patres, fervaretis inco-
lumem. Sic gemmas, et veftes, et dignitatis infignia dedi, quo
modo fi fanguinem et vitam popofciffent. Viderint ifti antehac
mihi ignoti, quo nomine fint, quas artes exerceant. Mibi nulla
Principis mentio, nifi inter numina, fuit. Nefcit tamen miferri-
mus pater: et fi crimen eft, fola deliqui.
Loquentis adhuc verba excipit Soranus, proclamatque,
Non illam in provinciam fecum profectam, non Plauto per æta
tem nofci potuiffe, non criminibus mariti connexam. Nimia tantum
pietatis ream fepararent : atque ipfe quamcumque fortem fubiret.
Simul in amplexus occurrentis filiæ ruebat, nifi interjecti
lictores utrifque obftitiffent. Tac.
VOL. IV.
U
juſt
290 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 817.juft fuffered a moſt ſevere affliction by the exile
aft. C. 66 of her huſband Annius Pollio, fufpected of
being concerned in the confpiracy. Reduced
in a manner to a itate of widowhood, and al-
ready a prey to grief for the abſence of her huf-
band, the dared not lift up her eyes towards
her father, to whofe danger fhe feemed to have
added. The accufer afking her whether the
had not fold her wedding ornaments and pearl-
necklace to make up a fum of money neceffary
for the magic facrifices? She proſtrated herſelf
on the earth, and remained there a long time
drowned in tears, without being able to fpeak.
At length raiſing herſelf up, and embracing
eagerly the altars of the divinities worshiped
in the place where the Senate affembled,
"I have, faid fhe, invoked no god whofe
worſhip is impious, nor practifed any cere-
"mony tending to a criminal end; nor have I
"in the unhappy prayers I am now reproached
"with, defired any other thing, than that you,
"Cæfar, and you, illuftrious Senators, might
..
..
.
cc
preſerve the life of a father, worthy of all
my tenderneſs. I gave my jewels and all
"my other ornaments, as I would have given
my blood and my life, had they been requi-
"red from me. I did not know thoſe people :
"let them anfwer for the name they bear, and
"the art they profefs. For my part, I never
"made ufe of the Prince's name, but as I
"would that of a divinity. After all, my
"unhappy father knows nothing of what I
"have done, and if it be a crime, I alone am
guilty."
66
She had not ceafed fpeaking whenSoranus raif-
ing his voice obferved, "That his daughter was
not
Book XII.
NERO.
291
"not with him in the province of Afia; that A.R. 817.
"ſhe was too young to have been acquainted aft. C. 66.
"with Plautus: that he was no ways con-
"cerned in the fufpicions thrown on her huf-
"band and that her only crime was an exceſs
"of filial piety. Separate her cauſe from
mine, faid he, and difpofe of me as you
"may think proper. At the fame time
he ran to embrace his daughter, who advanced
towards him. The Lictors ftept between, and
parted them.
66
"
1
The depofitions of the witneffes were next
proceeded on: among them Egnatius Celer
raiſed the indignation of every one. He was ¹
a pretended philofopher, a client of Soranus's,
but, bribed by money, maintained with a fto-
ic gravity the falſe evidence he gave againſt his
patron: a complete hypocrite, who, under the
fpecious appearance of virtue, of which he had
ftudied to wear the maſk, hid a perfidious
heart, devoured by ambition and love of mo-
ney. The baſeneſs of his behaviour on this
occafion unmasked him, and was a leffon to
men, fays Tacitus, not only not to truft declared
villains who profefs fraud, and are ready to
commit every fhameful action, but likewife
thofe, who, under fuch fair appearance, deceive
fo much the more certainly, as one is not
guarded against them. Juvenal's fcholiaft
1 Cliens hic Sorani, et tunc emptus ad opprimendum
amicum, auctoritatem Stoicæ fectæ præferebat, habitu et
ore ad exprimendam imaginem honefti exercitus, ceterùm
animo perfidiofus et fubdolus, avaritiam et libidinem oc-
cultans. Quæ poftquam pecuniâ reclufa funt, dedit exem-
plum precavendi, quomodo fraudibus involutos, aut flagi-
tiis commaculatos, fic fpecie bonarum artium falfos et ami-
citiæ fallaces. Tac.
U 2
makes
1
292 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.817. makes Egnatius guilty of a ftill blacker per-
aft. C. 66. fidy; faying, it was he that directed Servilia to
Dio, Ner.
iv. x. & xl.
Tac. xvi.
Ann. 35.
the Magicians, and then became the infamous
informer against a crime he himſelf had ad-
viſed.
Another witnefs in the fame affair acted a
very different part. Caffius Afclepiodorus, a
man of the firſt diſtinction in Bithynia for his
rank and riches, fhewed Soranus when accuſed,
the fame regard and friendſhip he had profeffed
for him in his profperity, at which the Prince
being difpleafed, he was banifhed: fo m indif-
ferent, fays Tacitus, are the gods, about good
or bad examples, vice or virtue. This Epicu-
rean reflexion is the more diſplaced here, as in
the cafe we are fpeaking of, Providence took
care to juſtify itſelf to the eyes of all mankind.
Dion Caffius affures us, Afclepiodorus was re-
called from exile under Galba: and we ſhall
relate, after Tacitus himſelf, the condemnation
and puniſhment of Egnatius.
Thrafea, Soranus, and Servilia were con-
demned to die, with liberty to chooſe their
kind of death. Helvidius and Paconius were
baniſhed Italy. The Emperor pardoned Mon-
tanus, at his father's requeſt, on condition he
fhould be excluded from all public employ-
ments. The accufers ferved Nero too well,
not to be rewarded. Coffutianus and Marcel-
$40,000 lus received each of them five * millions of
fefterces: twelve hundred thouſand were given
to Oftorius, with the ornaments of Queftor.
Thrafea had ſpent the day in his gardens
with a numerous company of perfons of dif-
m Equitate dem erga bona malaque documenta. Tar.
tinction
Book XII.
NER O.
293
tinction of both fexes; converfing chiefly with A. R.817.
Demetrius the cynic philofopher, of whofe aft. C. 66.
praiſes Seneca is full. Their converfation turn-
ed, as far as could be judged by their ferious
looks, and fome words that were over-heard,
on the nature of the foul, and it's feparation
from the body when Domitius Cæcilianus, one
of Thrafea's intimate friends arrived, and
brought the news of what the Senate had or-
dained. Every one preſent burst into tears
and bitter complaints. Thrafea begged they
would retire with ſpeed, and not endanger their
fortunes with that of a condemned man.
wife wanted to imitate the example of the fa-
mous Arria, whofe daughter fhe was, and die
with him. He prevailed on her to relinquish
that defign, to preferve herſelf for their daugh-
ter, and not deprive her of the only reſource
ſhe had left, when robbed of her father by
death, and of her huſband by exile.
His
After fettling his affairs, he left the garden,
and went towards a gallery where he faw the
Conful's Queftor coming to fignify his ſentence,
and be witneſs to the execution of it. Thrafea
accoſted him with an air that ſpoke joy,becauſe
he knew his lon-in-law Helvidius was only ba-
niſhed and receiving the copy of the Senate's
decree, ftept directly into a room with the
Queftor, his fon-in-law, and the philofopher
Demetrius. There the veins of both his arms
were opened; and, like Seneca, he fprinkled
the floor with his blood, faying, "Let us of-
"fer up our libations to Jupiter the Deliverer."
Then, addreſſing himſelf to the Queſtor, whom
he had defired to draw near, " Mark me well",
Specta, juvenis et omen quidem dii prohibeant,
66 young
1)
U 3
294
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
}
A.R. 817.
..
young man, faid he to him; May the gods
aft. C. 66. ‹‹ avert this bad omen from you. But you
"live in a time, wherein it is neceſſary to ſteel
your foul by examples of fortitude." Death
did not make him wait long, but his pains were
violent. That is all we know of Thrafea's laſt
moments, for here Tacitus fails us. We have
loft the end of the fixteenth book of his Annals,
which contained the reſt of Nero's reign.
For the fame reaſon we can give no circum-
ftantial account of the deaths of Barea Sora-
nus, and his daughter, which Tacitus undoubt-
Two apoph-
thegms of edly took care to relate at large.
Thrafea's.
Inſtead of thoſe accounts, more curious per-
haps. than uſeful, I fhall infert here two apoph-
thegms of Thrafea's, recorded by the younger
Pliny, which may be confidered as important
leffons. That great man was full of mild-
nefs, the characteriſtic of a noble mind, and
would often ſay, "He that hates vice, hates
all mankind:" a maxim very proper to
be remembered by all good people, to prevent
their giving way to an ill-judged zeal, which
too often induces them to attack perſons inſtead
of things. Thrafea's other faying, relates to
advocates, and the different kinds of caufes,
which, according to him, it was fit for them
to undertake. Thofe he would have be, the
cauſes of their friends, of people in diſtreſs,
p
Ceterum in ea tempora natus es, quibus firmare animum
expedit conftantibus exemplis.
Ο
Mandemus memoria quod vir mitiffimus, et ob hoc
quoque maximus, Thrafea crebro dicere folebat; qui vitia
odit, homines odit. Plin. Ep. viii. 22.
r Sufcipiendas effe caufas aut amicorum, aut deflitutas,
aut ad exemplum pertinentes. Plin. Ep. vi. 29.
and
Book XII.
NERO.
295
and fuch as might tend to fet good examples, A.R. 817.
and purify the morals. Without doubt he aft. C. 66.
fuppofed them founded on right and juftice.
The profeffion of an advocate was exerciſed with
great nobleness among the Romans; it was
not a means of growing rich, at leaſt to thofe
who piqued themſelves on being ſtrictly ho-
neft.
condemned
Paconius Agrippinus was, as I have faid, Fortitude of
condemned with Thrafea, but only to be ba- Paconius,
nifhed. We learn from Arrian, with what to banish-
extraordinary coolness and fortitude he behaved ment.
Arr. Epict
on that occafion. Whilft the Senate was pro-
ceeding on his trial, fome body coming to ac-
quaint him with it, "Be it fo, faid he, but this
66
is my time of bathing and taking my ufual
"exercifes, I do not fee why that fhould inter-
"fere with them." Another coming ſoon af-
ter, and telling him he was condemned,
"To what? anſwered he. Baniſhment, or
"death? To baniſhment, replied the other.
“And my eſtate, Is it forfeited? No. Why
"then let us go dine at Arricia." There is
no need to obſerve, that a mind ſo tempered was
formed in the Stoic ſchool.
Dio.
Another Stoic philofopher, Cornutus, maf- Exile of
ter to Perfius and Lucan, was likewife banish- Cornutus,
ed, but for a different caufe. Nero had taken
it into his head to write the whole Roman Hif-
tory in verfe; but before he begun, was confi-
dering how many books he ſhould make his
He confulted on that occa-
poem confiſt of.
fion fuch as were thought men of learning and
taſte, among whom was Cornutus. One of
them adviſed making four hundred books of
it.
“That is a great many, faid Cornutus, no
U 4
"body
296
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
(C
"
56
<<
A. R 817. body will read them." He was anſwered,
aft. C. 66. that Chryfippus, his favourite author, had writ-
ten a great many more. "The difference is very
great, replied Cornutus. The works of
Chryfippus are uſeful to mankind, and pro-
per to form their morals." Nero was fo irri-
tated at this franknefs, that he was very near
ordering Cornutus to be put to death. How-
ever, he only baniſhed him.
Tiridates ar-
rives in
remony of
his corona-
on that oc-
cafion.
<<
Such were the preludes to the magnificent
Rome. Ce- feaſts, and fplendid pomp, Nero made for the
reception of Tiridates. The Parthian Prince
tion by Ne- Waited on him at Naples, as I have faid. When
ro. Great he first came into his prefence, he kneeled down,
rejoicings
croffed his arms, called him his Lord and Maf
ter, and, in fine, adored him. But he could not
be prevailed on to lay afide his fword; on the
contrary, he had nailed it into the fcabbard;
and Nero eſteemed him the more for it. On
their way to Rome, the Emperor entertained
him with a combat of gladiators at Pozzuolo;
Patrobius, one of the Emperor's freemen, be-
ing at the expence of it. When they entered
Rome, the whole city was illuminated, and the
houſes adorned with wreaths and garlands.
But above all, nothing was fpared to add to
the luftre of the day, on which Tiridates re-
ceived the crown of Armenia from Nero's
hand.
Dio, se
Suet. Ner.
C. 13°
The ceremony was performed in the Forum,
the middle of which was filled with an innu-
merable multitude of people, ranked according
to their feveral tribes, in white robes, and
crowns of laurel on their heads. The Preto-
rian cohorts, with their burniſhed arms, and
colours flying, were drawn up all round in
great
{
Book XII.
NERO.
297
aft. C. 66.
great order. The roofs of the houſes were A.R. 817.
covered with ſpectators. All were placed in
that order in the night, and early in the morn-
ing Nero arrived, clothed in a triumphal dreſs,
and attended by the Senate and his guards.
Afcending the tribunal for harangues, he feated
himſelf in his curule chair. After him came
Tiridates with all his train, and paffing thro' a
double rank of foldiers, approached Nero, and
kneeled before him; at which the multitude
gave fuch a fhout, that Tiridates, who did not
expect it, was fo terrified he remained fpeechlefs.
But filence being made, Nero raiſed him up
and kiffed him: The Parthian Prince recover-
ing himſelf, made a ſhort ſpeech, far from favour-
ing of the pride of the Arfacidæ.
"Though
"I am the defcendent of Arfaces, faid he, and
"brother to the Kings Vologefes and Pacorus,
"I own myfelf your flave. You are my god,
" and I am come to adore you, as I adore the
"Sun. My deſtiny is to be determined by
your fupreme and omnipotent will: for I
"depend on you, as on fate and fortune." An
ancient Prætor interpreted this fpeech to the
people.
66
Nothing can equal the lownefs of it, unleſs
it be the arrogance of Nero's anſwer.
<<
"You
have done well, faid he, to Tiridates, to
come hither to receive in perfon my fa-
. vours. What your father could not leave.
"you, nor your brothers, after giving you,
preferve, that my liberality now grants: I
"make you King of Armenia, that the whole
"univerſe may know it belongs to me to give,
"or take away crowns." Nero having fo faid,
Tiridates was feated on a ftool at his feet, and
the
298 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
A.R. 817. the Emperor fat the diadem on his head, the
aft. C. 66. air refounding with repeated acclamations of
the ſpectators.
The ceremony was cloſed with games incre-
dibly magnificent. The ftage on which they
were performed, and all the infide of the vaſt
building that contained the fpectators, were
lined with gold. Gold glittered on the deco-
rations, and every thing that was made ufe of
on that occafion; for which reaſon that day
was called The golden day. Over the ſtage was
fpread, to keep off the heat of the fun, a co-
vering of purple, on which was embroidered
a repreſentation of Nero driving a carr, the
ground-work ftars of gold. Thofe diverfions
being over, Nero gave Tiridates a fumptuous
entertainment: and, that the foreign Prince
might not be ignorant of any of his merits, he
performed ſome of his mufic on the ſtage, and
a race in the Circus, dreffed in his
fac and poftilion's cap.
green caf-
He received the reward he was juſtly enti-
tled to, for fuch oftentation mixed with fo
much meanness, the contempt of Tiridates;
who, comparing fuch a Prince with Corbulo,
could not fufficiently wonder, how ſo great a
General could condefcend to receive orders.
from fo unworthy a fovereign. He could not
conceal his furprize even from Nero, nor help
telling him one day, "He had an excellent
"flave in Corbulo." But Nero, either did
not, or would not underſtand his meaning:
for we fhall foon fee he was but too fenfible
how much Corbulo was to be feared.
Tiridates, however, made his court very dex-
trouly to Nero, and took care to make him-
felf
Book XII.
NER O.
299
*
felf agreeable by flatteries, for which he was A.R. 817.
well rewarded. The gifts he received from aft. C.66.
him, amounted to the value of two hundred
millions of fefterces. He likewiſe obtained leave
to rebuild Artaxata, and in order to have that
great work done in tafte and properly executed,
he took with him from Rome a great number
of workmen, ſome of whom Nero gave him,
and others were induced to go by his invita-
tions, and the prefents he made them. But
Corbulo would fuffer none but fuch as had the
Emperor's leave to ftir out of the Empire: a
wife precaution, and a proof that Corbulo was
as good a politician as he was an able General:
nor could Tiridates but efteem him the more
for it.
Tiridates learnt at Rome to get the better of
his fcruples. He had furmouted his ſuperſti-
tious reſpect for the fea, and made no difficulty
of embarking at Brindium to go to Greece.
On his return to Armenia, he rebuilt Artaxata,
and changed it's Rome to Neronia.
Nero made as great a trophy of the homage
paid him by Tiridates, as if he had gained a
great victory. He was faluted Imperator on
that occafion, carried a branch of laurel in
great pomp to the Capitol, and affuming the
honour of having pacified the univerſe, cloſed
the temple of Janus.
Nero's fruit-
convince
He had a great defire to learn magic from
Tiridates. One of his greateſt paffions was to lefs attempts
be a learned magician; he was as fond of that him of the
deteſtable art, as of mufic and chariot races, folly of Ma
Every thing fubmitted to his will, and confci- which he
*
gic, for
had a violent
paffion.
About a million fix hundred thouſand pounds of our money Plin, xxx. 2.
ence
1
300
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.817. ence was a thing that never troubled him, fo
aft. C. 66. that he had fpared neither expence nor crimes.
Projects of
war in Ne-
Dio.
Suet. Ner.
one.
to attain his end; but all his endeavours had
been fruitlefs. Nero concluded he had at laſt
found what he had fo long fought for when
Tiridates arrived, bringing with him feveral of
the Magi from his country, himſelf being alſo
The Parthian Magi exhauſted all their
fkill to fatisfy him; but all he gained by it
was, a thorough conviction of the emptinefs
of their art. Pliny, who gives us this account,
concludes ¶ from fo remarkable an inſtance, that
magic is as vain and idle as it is criminal; and
that if thoſe who pretend to be Magicians, do
fometimes perform extraordinary things, it
muſt be owing to the natural effect of fome un-
known drugs, and not to the deceitful art they
profefs.
Nero was fo pleafed with receiving the re-
ro's brain. fpects and homage of Tiridates, that he want-
ed to repeat fomething of the fame kind with
Vologefes. Accordingly he often preffed the
King of Parthia to come to Rome, till the
latter, tired with his importunities, wrote him
word; "You can crofs the fea with much
39.
more eaſe than I can. Do you come over
"to Afia, and then we will fettle matters for
an interview." Nero, incenfed at this an-
fwer, thought of declaring war againſt the Par-
thians. His head was full of other chimæras:
he fent people to reconnoitre, on one hand, the
Ethiopians, and on the other, the nations bor-
dering on the Cafpian fea, as if he had intended
Proinde ita perfuafum fit, inteftabilem, irritam, ina-
nem effe, habentem tamen quafdem veritatis umbras : fed
in his veneficas artes pollere, non magicas. Plin.
I
to
#
Book XII.
NER O.
Tac. Hift.
301
to make conquefts in thofe remote countries. A. R.817.
He draughted ſeveral detachments out of the aft. C. 66.
German, Britiſh, and Illyrian armies, and or- i. 6.
dered them to march towards the Eaft: and
raiſed a new legion in Italy, compofed of fine Suet.
men, all fix foot high; he called this body A-
lexander the Great's Phalanx.
make war
Jews.
Had he not been as cowardly as he was vain, He fends
a fine opportunity offered to fignalize himſelf Vefpafian to
in arms. This very year the revolt of the Jews against the
broke out. But inſtead of going in perfon to
Jof. de Bel.
reduce them to obedience, and feek to deſerve fud. ii. 25.
a glorious triumph, he charged Vefpafian with & iii. 4.
the conduct of a war, too difficult and dange-
rous for him to think of. I fhall give elfe-
where a proper account of that great event;
the ruin of the Jews, and the fiege and fack of
Jerufalem. Not to interrupt here the order of
facts; I return to Nero, whofe great projects
end in a voyage to Greece to gain theatrical
crowns.
gain thea-
Suet. Ner.
Suetonius gives the following account of He goes to
what induced him to take that voyage. The Greece to
Grecian cities, in which the mufical
games and trical
theatrical entertainments were celebrated, had crowns.
laid it down as a rule to fend him all the mufi- 22.
cal crowns. He received them with infinite.
fatisfaction, and the Deputies that brought
them were fure of being the firft that obtained
audience; he would make them fit down to
table with him in a familiar manner.
On one
of thoſe occaſions ſome of the Deputies defired
he would be pleafed to fing; and of courſe
praiſed his performance mightily: On which he
cried out, the Greeks were the only judges of
mufic, and the only people worthy to hear
him.
302
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
OF
A.R. 817. him. He fet out therefore for Greece towards
aft. C. 66.
the end of this year, and remained there almoſt
all the next, in which Capito and Rufus were
Confuls.
Death of
Antonia,
daughter to
Claudius.
Suet. Ner.
35.
Nero marries
Statilia Mef-
falina.
I think the death of Antonia, daughter of
Claudius, of which no mention is made in what
we have remaining of Tacitus, muſt have hap-
pened before that voyage.
Nero wanted to
marry that Princefs; but on her refufal, fuf-
pecting the concealed fome ambitious defign,
had her killed.
It was probably at that time that he married
Statilia Meffalina, with whom he had long liv-
Suct. Ibid. ed in adultery, and whofe hufband Veftinus.
Atticus he had put to death.
A.R. 818.
aft. C. 67.
He vifits all
carries off
1800
L. FONTEIUS CAPITO.
C. JULIUS RUFUS.
Nero took with him in his expedition to
the games of Greece, a retinue, numerous enough to have
Greece, and
conquered Parthia and the Eaft, had it been
compoſed of military people. His attendants
were indeed foldiers, worthy fuch a General as
Suet. Ner. him, and their arms, inftruments of mufic,
maſks, and dreffes for the ſtage.
crowns.
Dio.
23,24.
He landed at Caffiopea in the iſle of Corcy-
ra, where the first thing he did, was to fing
before the altar of Jupiter Caffius. From
thence he ran to all the games of Greece, hav-
ing ordered them to be celebrated in the fame
year, without any regard to the difference of
time that had always been obferved for thoſe
folemnities. So the Olympian games, which
Pbiloftr.A- were to have been celebrated in the month of
pol. v. 7. June of the year of Rome 816, were by his
command
L
{
Book XII.
NER O.
303
command poftponed till his arrival: and con- A. R.818.
trary to all order, he added mufic to them, tho' aft, C, 67.
there was not even a ſtage at Olympia, nor any
thing but a place for chariot races and wreft-
ling: he was defirous to encreaſe the number
of crowns, and do honour to his favourite
paffion, mufic. Always fond of any thing ex-
traordinary, he undertook to drive a carr drawn
by fix horſes round the Stadium; though in
one of his pieces of poetry, he had accufed
Mithridates of rafhnefs for fuch an attempt.
He fucceeded very badly: he fell from the
carr, and being again feated in it, was unable
to bear the violence of the motion, but was
forced to get down before his race was ended.
He was, however, declared conqueror, and
crowned accordingly. He difputed likewife
the prizes at the Ifthmian, Pythian, Nemæan,
and all the other games of Greece, and gained
on theſe occafions eighteen hundred various
forts of crowns.
Himſelf always folemnly proclaimed his
own victories: that was properly the function
of the heralds, and always uſed to be done by
thoſe of that profeffion. Nero, whofe noble
emulation extended to every thing that had any
connexion with fhews and games, ftood candi-
date with the heralds alfo to perform that cere-
mony, and we may readily judge, could not
fail being preferred. Dion Caffius gives us
the form of thofe proclamations, for the intel-
ligence of which, it is neceffary to obſerve, that
in thoſe fo renowned games, the victor's ho-
nour reflected on his country, and the crown
was deemed adjudged to the place of which
he was a citizen. The form of proclamation
ΟΠ
+
304
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.818. on this occafion was as follows: NERO 'CAESAR
aft. C.67. IS VICTOR IN SUCH A COMBAT (naming it)
CROWN FOR THE RO-
His mean
jealouſy be-
comes ciu-
elty.
AND HAS GAINED THE
MAN PEOPLE, AND THE UNIVERSE, OF WHICH
HE IS MASTER.
His love of preheminence on all occafions,
degenerated into low jealoufy. Unwilling to
ſhare with any one the honour of thoſe victo-
ries, of which he was fo proud; he ordered to
be pulled down, deftroyed, and thrown into
ditches, all the ftatues of thoſe who had for-
merly been victorious in the four great games,
called facred, of which I have given a par-
ticular account: and forced one Pammenes,
who had diſtinguiſhed himſelf under Caius, but
was then old and had retired, to make his ap-
pearance again, and enter the lifts with him,
that by vanquishing a worn-out adverfary, he
might have a kind of right to treat his ftatues
with ignominy.
I have faid elſewhere, how ftrictly he obferv-
ed all the rules and orders prefcribed on
thefe occafions, and the refpect and deference
he fhewed his judges. But his rivals always
Lucian Ner. found him Nero. A Greek, an excellent finger,
but bad politician, entering the lifts againſt
him, and imprudently difplaying all his talents,
and obftinately difputing the prize, woefully
experienced it. Whilft he was finging, the
whole affembly being delighted with his voice,
Nero called in the Lictors, who attended him in
the execution of the performance. They feized
the imprudent Muſician, and clapping his back
- Νέρων Καῖσας νικᾷ τόνδε τὸν ἀγῶνα, κατεφανοῖ τόν τε τῶν Ρως
μαίων δήμον, καὶ τὴν ἰδίας οἰκεμένην.
againſt
Book XII.
NERO.
305
againſt a pillar, ſtabbed him in the throat with A. R.818.-
little poignards they had concealed in their aft. C. 67.
pocket books.
but ravages
rapine.
To make Greece amends for the harveſt and He declares
crowns he had reaped there, Nero declared the Greece free,
country free, himfelf proclaimed it fuch at the it by his
Ifthmian games, pretending to revive the ex- cruelties and
ample of Quintius Flamininus, the conqueror Di.
of Philip of Macedon. But if the favour Fla-
mininus formerly granted the Greeks confifted
more in the name of liberty than in the real en-
joyment of it, as, in the Hiftory of the repub-
lic, we have feen it did, that gift from Nero
had ſtill lefs reality in it. Dion Caffius affures
us, fome few private perfons only received gifts
from him, and they were foon after taken back
by Galba. All that Greece gained by Nero's
preference was to have it's nobility murdered,
the eftates of it's rich men forfeited, and it's
temples plundered.
mia.
Paufan. Ach.
It muft, however, be acknowledged no fmall Plut. Fla-
advantage to the Greeks to be governed by their
own laws and magiftrates, and exempted from
paying any tribute. Plutarch and Paufanias
mention it as fuch, and are far from defpifing
the favour Nero did to Greece. But it was not
long enjoyed, Veſpaſian ſoon put things again
on their old footing.
It may not be improper to obferve, that as
Achaia was one of the people's provinces,
Nero thought himſelf obliged to make them
amends, by giving them Sardinia in exchange.
thens nor
He vifited neither Athens nor Lacedæmon: He vifits
which was imputed to his remorfe of confci- neither A-
ence, that made him dread inAthens the temple Lacedemo.
erected to the Eumenidæ, and in Lacedæmon,
VOL. IV.
X
Lycurgus
306 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
His anger
pollo. The
the oracle of
Delphi
clofed.
Suet. Ner,
49.
A. R.818. Lycurgus and his wife laws. I have already
aft. C. 67. faid, how, for a like reafon, he did not dare
be preſent at the myſteries of Ceres Eleufina.
He went to Delphi, and confulted the ora-
against Acle of Apollo; by which, according to Sueto-
mouth of nius, he was warned to beware of feventy
three years. Nero took it, that he was to live.
to that age, and as he was not then thirty was
very well fatisfied with the promiſe of ſo long
a life. But Apollo was laying a fnare for him,
and meant Galba; who foon after fucceeded
him, and was feventy three years old. All
ΑΠ
that ſeems very fabulous; and if the Pythian
did at firſt tell him fome pretty things, fhe foon
altered her ſtyle, ranking him with Alcmeon and
Oreftes, murderers of their mothers; which
ſo incenſed him againſt the God, that he confif-
cated his territory Cirrha, which the temple of
Delphi had enjoyed for many ages: and, in
order to profane the mouth of the oracle, which
was a hole in the ground from whence vapours.
exhaling inſpired the prieſtefs with a pretend-
ed prophetic fury, the blood of feveral men,
butchered on the very ſpot by his orders, was
poured down it; after which the opening was
clofed.
Dio.
Lucian,Ner.
He attempts
A thought that might have been uſeful, ſtruck
to pierce the him whilft he was in Greece. He refolved to
Ifthmus of
Suet.Ner.19.
Pbiloftr.
Apol.
Corinth. pierce the Ifthmus of Corinth, which is but five
Dio. & miles over, to fave navigators going round the
Lucian Ner. Peloponnefus, when they want to pafs from the
Ionian to the Egean fea. The fuperftition of the
people oppofed that defign; they were afraid
of violating the laws of nature, by joining what
fhe had feparated. Facts, either magnified,
or intirely the offspring of fear, were alledged
4
in
+7
Book XII.
NERO.
307
in fupport of that opinion. It was faid, that, A. R.818.
at the firſt ſtroke ftruck into the earth, blood aft. C. 67.
had guſhed out; that groans had been heard as
if from fubterraneous caverns, and that phan-
toms had appeared to the inhabitants of thoſe
parts. The vulgar were not the only ones
prejudiced. Pliny, who is far from being fu- Plin. iv. 2.
perftitious, ſpeaks of the attempt to pierce
the Ifthmus, as of a fatal rafhnefs, and alledges
the unhappy end of four Princes who ſet about
it, Demetrius Poliocrates, Cefar, Caligula, and
Nero.
a
;
The latter was not terrified by idle fears
and to remove all fcruples, after haranguing
the Pretorian foldiers, and encouraging them
to work, himſelf lent them a hand, but in fuch
a manner as was quite of a piece with the reſt
of his character. Coming out of the tent that was
pitched for him on the fhore, he fung a hymn to
Neptune and Amphitrite, and a fhort invitation
to Leucothoe, and Melicerta, fea-gods of the
ſecond order. The Intendant of Achaia then
preſenting him a golden pick-ax, he ſtruck it
thrice into the earth, amidſt the applauſes and
acclamations of an infinite multitude of fpec-
tators. Then putting a little duft into a baſ- Lucian, Ner.
ket, and clapping it on his fhoulder, marched
off, thinking, fays an ancient author, he had
outdone all the labours of Hercules.
C.
The number of workmen was immenfe. Jof. de Bel.
Jud. iii,
Nero had collected them from all parts, taking c. ult.
all the prifoners out of every jail in the Em-
pire; and Vefpafian, Jofephus fays, furnifhed
* Perfodere alveo navigabili anguftias eas tentavere De-
metrius Rex, Dictator Cæfar, Caius Princeps, Domitius Nero,
infaufto (ut omnium patuit exitu) incepto. Plin.
X 2
him
308
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.818. him with fix thouſand Jews, all ftrong young
aft. C. 67. men, chofen out of a much greater number
he had made priſoners.
Phulofr.
Apolion. v.
19.
Id. ib. iv.
The work was divided amongst them, fo
that the earth and good foil fell to the foldiers
fhare; the ftony and difficult parts were allotted
thoſe that were compelled to labour as crimi-
nals or flaves.
Of that number, if we may credit Philo-
ftrates, was the philofopher Mufonius Rufus,
a Roman Knight, banished from Rome, as I
have faid, on account of Pifo's confpiracy,
confined in the iſland of Gyara, and from thence
brought to the Ifthmus to work among the
flaves, loaded with irons. Demetrius the Cynic,
who had fled to Greece to avoid Nero's wrath,
knew Mufonius again in a fituation fo unwor-
thy his rank and virtue, and feemed greatly
moved at his melancholy fate. Mufonius, con-
tinuing to dig on heartily, anſwered, "Thou
66
art afflicted at ſeeing me help to pierce this
"Ifthmus for the benefit of Greece! Wouldft
"thou rather have me fing and fiddle on a
ſtage, like Nero ?"
66
The work was began on the fide next the
Ionian fea, at a place called Lechaum, a lea-port
belonging to Corinth, and was carried on with
great diligence for * feventy five days, in which
time was dug the length of four ftadia, which
was about a tenth part of the breadth of the
Ifthmus. On the feventy fifth day, came a
fudden order from Nero, who remained at
Corinth, to give over the work.
* Ladopt M. de Tillemont's conjecture, who, in the text of
Lucian, inflead of down win, fecenth and fifth,
reads Gloµmx7wv is aiyalm, the ſeventy fjih.
kỳ
Two
Book XII.
NERO.
fied by the
Rome.
309
Two reaſons were at that time given for this A.R.818.
aft C. 67.
fudden change. It was faid, that fome Egyp- He gives up
tian mathematicians confulted by the Emperor, the enter
having taken the level of the two feas eaſt and prize, terri-
weft of Peloponnefus, found the waters of the news he re-
Ionian higher than thoſe of the Egean fea : fo ceives from
that there was reafon to apprehend, in cafe a Lucian Ner.
communication ſhould be opened by means of
a canal cut across the Ifthmus, the iſland of
Ægina, and the low lands on the fide of the E-
gean fea, would be overflowed and deſtroyed.
But that allegation is refuted by all the laws of
hydroftatics; for as thofe two feas do commu-
nicate fouth of Peloponnefus, it follows that,
their waters muſt be on a level. Befides, Nera
was fo little difpofed to give way to any re-
monftrances, that Thales himſelf, and Archime-
des, would have difplayed all their mathema-
tical rhetoric in vain, had they attempted to
diffuade him from a refolution he had once
taken: and that we are fpeaking of, delighted
him infinitely, as being an extraordinary and
moft arduous undertaking, in vain attempted
before by three powerful Princes. It is there-
fore much more probable, that fear of what
might be the confequence of the diſturbances
the Prince's abfence began to occafion in Italy,
was what made Nero abandon his enterprize.
The danger of an inundation was the pretence Suet. Net
he made ufe of, to conceal his real motive. 23. & Dio,
His freeman Helius, whom he had left in
Rome with full power, had often written him
word how neceffary his prefence was in that
city. But Nero, whom none but frivolous
objects could charm, and who valued premi-
ums of muſic and races beyond every other
X 3
thing,
310
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
''
A.R.818. thing, had anſwered him in theſe words, "Tho'
aft. C. 67. ‹‹ e you adviſe and wiſh for my ſpeedy return
to Italy, you ought rather to defire me to
"make my appearance there with a glory
worthy Nero." At last, Helius greatly
Cruelties ex-
ercifed by
Nero, or by
his orders,
during his
ftay in
Greece.
..
alarmed, went over to Greece himſelf, and in-
forming Nero of a confpiracy that was plotting
in Rome, terrified and prevailed on him to de-
part. But before we follow him to Italy, as I
have hitherto ſpoken only of his amufements
during his ſtay in Greece, it is proper likewiſe
to give fome account of his cruelties.
I impute to him thofe which Helius exerci-
fed, and with reafon, becauſe that freeman
acted only under his authority. Nero, as I
have faid, left him a full power. That power
was fo unlimited, that, according to Dion Caf-
fius, the Romans had then two Emperors, Ne-
ro and Helius; and it was a matter of doubt
which of the two was worft. Only there was
more meannefs in Nero's degrading himſelf fo
low as to act the mufician, than there was in
the freeman's acting the tyrant. Helius, with-
out waiting for Nero's orders, confifcated the
eftates, and took away the lives, not only of the
middling fort of people, but likewiſe of Knights
and Senators. By that means periſhed Sulpi-
cius Camerinus, father and fon, under the fri-
volous pretence of the furname of Paticus
which they bore, and which had for many ages
been hereditary in their family. The pronun-
ciation of that word founding pretty much like
Quamvis nunc tuum confilium fit et votum celeriter re-
verti me; tamen fuadere et optare potius debes, ut Nerone
dignus revertar. Suet.
Pythicus,
}
Book XII.
NERO.
311
Pythicus*, which may be interpreted Victor in A.R. 818.
the Pythian games, Helius pretended it was a aft. C. 67.
facrilegious ufurpation in them to take a name
that belonged to none but the Emperor.
Rapine and cruelty went hand in hand. Po-
lycletes, another freeman, plundered Rome,
whilft Helius drowned it in blood: and Nero
too had taken a Harpy with him, Galvia Crif-
pinilla, a Lady of quality, who did not bluſh
to be Governante to the infamous Sporus, then
married to Nero; and who divided the fpoils
of Grecce with that vile eunuch.
What Nero executed in great, that ſhe did
in fmall. Immenfe fums of money were requi-
fite for that mad Emperor's wild enterprizes,
and boundleſs prodigality: and the umbrage he
took at every great man in the Empire, joined
to his covetoufnefs, induced him, by means of
his fatellites, to kill, or force to kill themfelves,
the richeſt and moſt illuftrious of thoſe who till
then had eſcaped his cruelty.
feveral
Corbulo had too much merit not to excite Death of
the jealous miſtrufts of that cruel Prince. It Corbulo, and
is true, that, had he been capable of giving way others.
to ambition, the Romans would have placed
him on the throne. But, inviolably true to his
truft, he had even taken care to fend his fon-
in-law Annius Vivianus with Tiridates, there
to remain as a kind of hoftage of his fidelity
to Nero. Death was the reward of a conduct
ſo conſpicuouſly void of blame. Nero fent for
him by a letter, wherein he called him his be-
nefactor and father, and expreffed his regard
*The Romans pronounced the diphthong x, and the letters
or y, nearly alikė.
X 4
in
312 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.818. in the ſtrongeſt terms. Corbulo obeyed; but
aft. C. 67. was hardly arrived at Cenchreæ, a Corinthian
port of the Egean fea, when he received or-
ders condemning him to die. Finding then
with what black ingratitude his virtue was re-
paid, and unenlightened by that doctrine which
fets men above all human events, "I deferve it,"
faid he, and drawing his fword, ran himſelf
thro' the body.
Nero imagined his ſtay in Greece, and ab-
fence from the capital, afforded him a more fa-
vourable opportunity of difplaying all his cru-
elty; and with that view had taken with him,
or afterwards fent for, feveral perfons of great
diftinction, whom he hated and fufpected. Of
that number were two brothers, of the name of
Scribonius, the one furnamed Rufus, the other
Proculus, who had always lived in the ſtricteſt
union. Their way of life was the fame; the
fame houſe and table ferved them both; they
had made no divifion of what their father left
them, but enjoyed it in common: their fteps
too were equal in the road of honour, both
were made Governours at the fame time, the
one of upper, and the other of lower Germa-
ny.
Nero looked on this cordiality, fo lauda-
ble between brothers, as a conspiracy againſt
him. Their birth and riches made him think
them formidable. He fent for them; and when
they arrived in Greece in confequence of his
orders, harraffed and wearied them out by ca-
lumnious imputations. The accufed defired
leave to defend themſelves, but could obtain
neither audience nor other means of juftifica-
tion, and were forced to have their veins cut
open,
I think
Book XII.
NERO.
Tac. Hift.iv.
313
I think we may place here the death of Craf- A.R. 818.
fus, of which no mention is made either in aft. C. 67.
Tae. Hift.
Dion Caffius, or in the Annals of Tacitus; 1. 14. & 48.
but who, however, perifhed under Nero. He
was defcended from a family, as unfortunate as
it was illuftrious, and on which Craffus and
Pompey, the authors of it, feemed to have en-
tailed the misfortunes attached to their names.
His father Craffus, his mother Scribonia, his
brother Cn. Pompeius Magnus, had all been
put to death by Claudius. Himſelf was ac- 42. & Plin.
cufed by Aquilius Regulus a young man of a i. Ep. 5.
moſt miſchievous difpoficion, and who knew
no other uſe of the talents he poffeffed but to
do ill. Craffus was condemned and died a vi-
olent death; leaving behind him two brothers,
whofe fate, as we fhall hereafter fee, was not lefs
hard than his, Craffus Scribonianus and Pifo,
at that time in exile, but afterwards, unhappily
for him, adopted by Galba. The accufer re-
ceived as a reward for his infamous miniftry,
the ornaments of Conful, a gratification of ſe-
ven* millions of fefterces, and a priesthood, * 56,000 7.
of what kind we are not told.
Even thoſe who contributed to Nero's plea-
fures, were not ſkreened from his cruelty. He Suet. Ner.5:
put the Pantomime Paris to death, becauſe he
could not learn his art; or, which is much the
fame, becauſe he found in him a better actor
than himſelf.
Cæcina Tufcus, his nurfe's fon, whom he Suet. Ner.
had made Prefect of Egypt, was treated with 35. & Dia.
humanity, and without doubt, thought himſelf
well off in being only condemned to banish-
ment. His crime was, having made uſe of
the
314
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
A. R.818. the baths built at Alexandria for Nero, when
aft. C. 67. he was expected there in his way to Egypt.
Nero's ha-
tred to the
Senate.
Suet. Ner.
57.
The hatred
of the Ro-
attachment.
But above all, the Senate was the object of
his implacable hatred. After having banifhed
or put to death fo many members of that illuf-
trious body, he made no fecret of his defign to
extirpate them all, and give the government of
provinces and command of armies to the Ro-
man Knights and his freemen. It was obferv-
ed, that in the prayer which he pronounced with
a loud and audible voice, when the works for
piercing the Ifthmus of Corinth were firft be-
gun, he fuppreffed the name of the Senate, and
only requfted the gods to be favourable to him
and the Roman people.
+
Nero took fuch pains to deferve to be every
mans against day more and more the object of the public detef-
him, hid un- tation, that there was not a citizen who did not
der a fhow of with his death. When it was known, that he was
returning from Greece, the weather being very
bad, every one hoped he would be loft in the
paffage. They were diſappointed, for he land-
ed fafe in Italy, where great rejoicings were
made, with very forrowful hearts.
Dio.
Vinicius's
difcovered.
The Senate had taken care to have the moſt
flattering decrees ready for him, ordering thanks
to be returned the gods, for his victories in the
Grecian games, and fo many feftivals, that the
whole year was not long enough to celebrate
them.
Whilft he was intoxicated with thofe de-
confpiracy ceitful praiſes, Vinicius was forming a con-
fpiracy against him: for I do not fee where
I can place more properly that event, which
Suetonius only mentions, without relating any
Suet. Ner.
36.
par-
Book XII.
NERO.
3.15
particulars. It was probably, a confuſed know- A.R. 818.
ledge of that danger, that had cauſed Helius's aft. C. 67.
alarms. The plot was diſcovered at Beneven-
tum, when Nero paffed through that place in
his way to Rome. It were needleſs to ſay, he
fhed feas of blood on that occafion. His cru-
elty did not want fo legitimate a motive.
umphant en-
tium, Alba,
25. & Dio.
Being delivered from that uneafinefs, all his Nero's tri-
thoughts were bent on the triumphs he thought tries into
he had merited in Greece. Naples was the firft Naples, An-
place where he celebrated them with great and Rome.
pomp; becauſe that city was the firft in which Suet. Ner.
he had made a public trial of his talents. A part
of the walls was thrown down by his orders,
according to the cuftom obferved in honour
of victors in the facred games of Greece, and
he made his entry through the breach in a carr
drawn by white hories. He entered Antium,
where he was born, and in the fame manner
Alba; but Rome was the place where he chiefly
intended all his glory fhould fhine. The crowns.
he had won, to the number of eighteen hun-
dred, were borne before him, with infcriptions.
denoting the names of the games, and nature
of the combat, in which each had been gained,
the adverſaries he had vanquished, and other
fuch like circumftances: the fame infcriptions
added, that Nero Cefar was the firft Roman,
who, fince the world fubfifted, had ever ac-
quired thofe brilliant rewards paid to talents and
merit. Then came the Emperor ſeated on the
fame carr Auguftus had made ufe of for his
triumphs. He was clothed in a robe of
ple with a mantle covered with ftars of gold.
On his head he wore the Olympic crown com-
pofed of wild olive, and in his right hand held
pur-
the
316
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.818. the Pythian crown, made of a branch of lau-
aft. C. 67. rel. A mufician called Diodorus fat by him.
The carr was followed by a legion of hired ap-
plauders, who fung the triumpher's praiſes, cry-
ing out they were the foldiers of his triumph.
The Senate, Knights, and people accompanied
the fhameful pomp, and rent the air with ac-
clamations, which Dion Caffius gives us in their
own words: LONG LIVE THE VICTOR OF THE
CLYMPIC GAMES! LONG LIVE THE VICTOR OF
THE PYTHIAN GAMES! LONG LIVE THE EMPE-
ROR! NERO IS A SECOND HERCULES! NERO IS
A SECOND APOLLO. HE ONLY HAS BEEN VIC-
TORIOUS IN EVERY KIND OF COMBAT, ANd of
GAME HE ALONE SINCE THE COMMENCEMENT
OF TIME HAS DESERVED THIS GLORY. CELES-
TIAL VOICE! HAPPY THOSE WHO HEAR YOU!
The whole city was illuminated and adorned
with wreaths and garlands: incenſe burned in
every place. Wherever the triumpher paffed,
victims were offered up, the streets were ftrew-
ed with powdered faffron, flowers were thrown
over him, with ſtrings of crowns; and, what to
us muft appear extremely odd, birds and pieces
of pastry. A part of the great Circus was thrown
down, through which the whole train paffed,
proceeding on to the Forum, and from thence
to the temple of Apollo Palatine. Other tri-
umphers carried their laurels to the Capitol.
Nero choſe to honour the god of arts with his.
The ceremony being over, in order to per-
petuate the remembrance of his victories, he
placed in his chamber the crowns gained at
the facred games: and indicating games in
the Circus, carried thither thofe he had gained
at others, and hung them up on the Egyptian
obelifk
1
፡
I
1
Book XII.
NER Q
obelisk that was erected in the
drome.
317
Hyppo- A.R. 818.
aft. C. 67.
courage His paffion
fhews is in-
he had gained
Plutarch fomewhere fays, that
when founded on a folid ſerious character, is forgamesand
elated and encreaſed by honorary rewards, which, creafed by
like a favourable gale, inceffantly bear it for- the rewards
ward towards that beauty of virtue, whofe charms at them.
are all laid open. With fouls of fuch a
ftamp, the reward is not a falary received, but
a pledge given by them. They are afhamed
ever to fall fhort of that glory; and even not
to go beyond it in a repetition of thoſe acti-
ons, by which it was firft deferved. The re-
verſe of this obſervation is verified in Nero.
The more he heaped of infamy on himſelf,
the fonder he grew of it: and the ample pro-
vifion he made of it in his voyage to Greece,
made him covetous of acquiring ftill more.
25. & D10
Statues of him were made in bronze and Suet. Ner.
marble, and his effigies was ftampt on the coin,
with the dreſs in which muſicians appeared
on the ftage. He was fo very careful of his
voice, that he would no longer harangue the
troops himſelf, but, though prefent, made an-
other ſpeak for him. Whether he was taken
up with ſerious bufinefs, or only his amufe-
ments, he never was without a Moderator at
his fide, who warned him to take care of
his lungs, and keep a handkerchief before his
mouth. As he confounded himſelf abſolutely
with muſicians by profeffion, he was not af
λόν.
• Τὰ ἐμβριθῆ καὶ βεβαια φρονήματα αύξεσιν αἱ τιμαὶ καὶ λαμ
πρύνεσιν, ὥσπερ ὑπὸ πνεύματα ἐγειρόμενα πρὸς τὸ φαινόμενον και
Οὐ γὰρ ὡς μισθὸν ἀπολαμβάνοντες, ἀλλ' ὡς ἐνέχυρον διδόνα
τες, αἰσχύνονται τὴν δόξαν καταλιπεῖν καὶ μὴ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔργοις
biglanedan. Plut. Coriol.
fronted
318
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.818. fronted at one Larciuswho was to exhibit games,
aft. C. 67. offering him a million of fefterces to fing. It
Suet. Ner.
45.
is true, he did not take the money: but Ti-
gellinus infifted on having it, and the Empe-
ror performed his part on the ſtage. Though
he had refuſed the falary, yet, out of an incon-
ceivably odd turn of mind, he looked upon it
as a reſource in time of need; and when his A-
ftrologers, or perhaps thoſe who forefaw what
muſt be the inevitable confequence of his
crimes, foretold him, he would one day be
abandoned by all, his anfwer was, "A man f
"that has a good trade may live.”
That every thing opprobrious might centre
in his perfon, he took great pains to learn to
wreſtle, and a report was fpread that he intend-
ed to enter the lift of wreſtlers at the next O-
lympic games. Rivalling Apollo by the me-
lody of his voice, and the Sun by his dexterity
at driving a carr, he wanted likewife to imitate
the labours of Hercules: and we are affured,
he had a lion brought up purpofely with a view
to fight him naked in the Circus before all the
people; and then knock him down with a club,
or fmother him in his arms.
Mankind, tired at laft with fuffering fuch
a monſter, was delivered from him by a revo-
lution, of which the revolt of Vindex was the
fignal, as I am going to relate.
* Το τέχνιον πᾶσα γαῖα τρέφεια
SECT.
Book XII.
NER O.
319
SECT.
III.
The Confuls both men of letters. Revolt of Vin-
dex in Gaul. Vindex writes to Galba. Birth
and employments of Galba. He defers declaring
himself. Vindex raifes great forces, and again
follicits Galba. Galba confults his friends. He
declares himself openly. Nero, who was but
little concerned at the revolt of Vindex, is quite
terrified at the news of that of Galba. He fets
a price on Vindex's head, and caufes Galba to be
declared a public enemy. Horrid projects thought
of by him. Nero prepares to march against the
rebels. His puerilities. All who had any
command in the Empire declare against Nero.
Virginius, tho' he will not fupport Nero, marches
however against Vindex,who is defeated, and kills
himſelf. Virginius's army offers him the Empire,
which he refufes. He likewife refufes to declare
for Galba. His reafons for fo doing. Galba
greatly perplexed. Nero univerfally detefted for
bis crimes, is likewiſe deſpiſed for his cowardice.
His various projects all dictated by fear. Nym-
phidius Sabinus perfuades the Prætorians to a-
bandon Nero, and proclaim Galba Emperor.
Nero flies from Rome, and retires to a country
house belonging to one of his freemen. The Se-
nate declares him a public enemy, and condemns
him to fuffer death. Nero, after shuffling a
long time, kills himself, for fear of fuffering the
punishment to which he was condemned. His
funeral, age, and duration of his reign. In
him the family of Auguftus is extinct. The me-
mory of Nero was honoured by many. Some
Chriftians have thought him the Antichrift.
C. SICILIUS
320
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.819.
aft. C. 68.
The Confuls
both men of
letters.
Plin. l. iii,
Ep. 7
•
Quintil.
Inftit. Or.
5.
C. SILIUS ITALICU S.
M. GALERIUS TRACHALUS.
ILIUS Italicus and Galerius Trachalus,
S the
the two Confuls for the laſt year of Nero's
reign, were both remarkable for their learning.
Silius is ftill well known by his poem on the
wars of Hannibal: It is a hiſtory in verſe. Poetry
was only the amufement of his old age: the
law was his firft ftudy, in which he acquired
fome reputation as an orator: but under Nero,
gave men room to form a difadvantageous idea
of his probity, by accufing feveral perfons,
without having even the bad excuſe of compul-
fion to alledge in his juftification. He after-
wards wiped off that ſtain by a conduct void of
reproach.
3
Trachalus was an orator too, but his chief
x. 1. & xii. eloquence depended on his perfon, fo that he
loft greatly by being read. He poffeffed all
outward advantages to a high degree. He was
tall and well made, his eyes full of fire, his
countenance majeftic and impofing, his action
expreffive, and his voice the fineſt, fulleſt, and
moft fonorous one would wish to hear. Quin-
tilian relates as a fact, of which he had often
been witneſs, that when Trachalus pleaded in
the Julian Bafilic, where four courts of juſtice
fat at the fame time, he was liftened to, fal-
lowed, and, which muſt have been very morti-
Tac. if. fying to his brother advocates, applauded from
each of the four courts at the fame time.
ftyle answered the emphafis with which he
1. 90.
Ilift.
a Auditus tamen major.
His
↳ Genus orandi, ad implendas populi aures latum et
fonans. Tac
opened
[
Book XII.
NERO.
321
opened his difcourfe. He was fond of pompous A.R. 819.
expreffions, fonorous words and phrafes that aft. C. 68.
filled the mouth. We fhall have occaſion to
fay more of him hereafter.
Vindex in
Dio.
Nero, intent on nothing but the indecent Revolt of
pleaſures by which he degraded himfelf, was Gal
returned to Naples to act a play, when he learnt Suet.Ner.40
the revolt of Vindex in Gaul. What authors Plut. Galb.
we have remaining, affign no other cauſe for
that rebellion, the confequences of which were
fo terrible, then the horror the Prince's crimes
and tyranny inſpired every one with. C. Julius
Vindex, by birth a Gaul, of the province of
Aquitania, defcended from the ancient Kings
of that country, but whofe father becoming a
Roman Senator, by a grant from Claudius, had
left him expectations and a title to the fame
dignity, poffèffed every qualification that could
make him formidable to a tyrant. He was ac-
tive, intelligent, experienced in war, bold, and
enterprifing, and to thofe advantages, joined a
fine perfon and heroic look. Nero's exceffes of
all kinds filled him with indignation; and he
knew his countrymen, the Gauls, bore but
impatiently the heavy taxes they were loaded
with. As he had a command in Gaul, he con-
vened an affembly of the chief people of that
country, wherein he exclaimed bitterly againſt
Nero, painting him in all the odious colours fuch
a monfter deferved; but infifted chiefly on his
vilifying the Imperial Majefty, fo far as to per-
fonate the fhameful character of muſician and
comedian. "I have heard him, faid he, fing
"and play on the ftage: I have feen him act
"all forts of parts in the plays that are per-
"formed there. Let us no longer call him
VOL. IV.
Y
Cæfar,
322
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.819.
aft. C. 68.
Vindex
writes to
Galba.
cr
Cæfar, Emperor, or Auguftus, nor profane
thofe facred names. He himſelf chufes to
"be called Thyeftes, Oedipus, Alcmæon, O-
"reftes: and thoſe are the names that beſt be-
"come him. Shake off this fhameful yoke :
Revenge yourſelves; revenge the Romans;
"reftore the world to liberty.
66
Vindex was fenfible he ftood in need of help,
and to that end fecretly applied to Galba, then
Suet. Galb. Governor of the province of Tarragon in Spain,
whoſe high birth and great reputation entitled
him to afpire to the higheſt poft if vacant.
2-9.
Birth and
employ-
ments of
Galba.
Galba, whom we have already had occafion
to mention more than once, but whom it is now
proper to make the reader more particularly ac-
quainted with, was defcended from the Sulpicii,
a family as ancient as Rome, and greatly diftin-
guiſhed from the firſt eſtabliſhment of the Re-
publican government, immediately after the
expulfion of the Kings. His mother, Mummia
Achaica, was by her father's fide deſcended
from Mummius the conqueror of Corinth;
and her grandfather, by her mother's fide, was
Q. Lutatius Catulus, one of the greateſt orna-
ments of the Roman Republic; and who was
leſs powerful than his cotemporaries, Pompey
and Cæfar, becauſe he was more virtuous.
Galba efteemed it a fingular honour, that he
could reckon that great man amongſt his an-
ceftors: and in his titles never omitted that of
GREAT GRANDSON OF Q. CATULUS CAPI-
TOLINUS.
He was born the twenty-fourth of December,
in the year of Rome 747, eighteen months be-
fore the death of Auguftus. Being protected
by
Book XII.
NER O.
323
by Livia, to whom he was * related, honours A.R.819.
were conferred on him before the age prefcribed aft. C. 68.
by law. He was Conful under Tiberius in the
year of Rome 784, and it was obſerved, that he
fucceeded in that poft Cn. Domitius, father of
Nero, his predeceffor in the Empire; and was
himſelf fucceeded in the Confulfhip by the father
of Otho, who reigned after him.
Caligula gave him the command of the le-
gions in Upper Germany, and we have ſeen
with what great ſkill in the art of war, and
what ſeverity of diſcipline he acquitted himſelf
of that truft: and how wifely he rejected the
follicitations of thoſe, who, after Caius's death,
urged him to think of the Empire.
Claudius, who was pleafed at that example
of moderation in him, gave him, without o-
bliging him to draw lots, as was the cuſtom, the
Proconfulfhip of Africa, that peace and tran-
quillity might by his good conduct be again re-
ftored to that province, then torn by inteſtine
broils, and harraffed by the incurfions of Bar-
barians. His government, which laſted two
years, procured the people all the advantages,
and the Prince all the fatisfaction, that could be
defired. He fhewed the strictest adherence to
juſtice and love of order. His care extended
even to minute objects; of which, perhaps,
he was more capable than of greater views.
Suetonius mentions two inftances of it, the one
a laudable feverity, the other a happy turn of
thought.
Livia Ocillina, Galba's
father's fecond wife, adopted
bis fon-in-law, zuho confe-
I
quently in his youth was called
Livius Ocella.
Provifions
324
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
+
A.R. 819.
Provifions falling fhort in fome expedition
aft. C. 68 they were upon, and being very dear, a foldier,
who had faved a bufhel of corn out of his allow-
about 30 ance, fold it for a hundred denarii. Galba,
juſtly incenfed at his inhuman avarice, ordered
no corn to be fold to that foldier whenever he
fhould want; by which means he was ſtarved.
The other affair is of lefs moment.
The pro-
perty of a beaſt of burden was contefted by two
men. Neither party being able to prove his
right, Galba ordered the beaſt to be led blind-
folded to his ufual watering place, the covering
to be then taken off his eyes, and he left at li-
berty; by which means he found it belonged
to the man whom the beaſt ran up to on coming
out of the water.
He likewife maintained his military glory in
Africa; and fome advantages gained over the
Barbarians, who moleſted that Province, re-
viving the remembrance of his former exploits
in Germany, he obtained the ornaments of
Triumph; and, on his return to Rome, was
honoured with three of thoſe Priesthoods, which
none but the firft citizens could hold. After
that, he ſpent feveral years in private life,
taking care of his family, managing his ex-
pences with oeconomy, and piquing himſelf
on imitating the ancient Roman frugality, for
which, whilſt a private man, he was commended,
but, after his elevation to the throne, it was
thought avarice and narrowneſs of foul.
Galba's tafte for fimplicity, his love of quiet
and retirement, fkreened him from many
dangers. That was, without doubt, what pro-
tected him against the fury of Meffalina, by
whom
J
Book XII.
NERO.
325
whom ſo many illuftrious perfonages were A.R. 819.
deſtroyed; and from the vengeance of Agrip- aft. C. 68.
pina, who thought herſelf perfonally offended
by him. For, when fhe was widow of Domi-
tius, Galba being very rich, fhe had projected
marrying him, tho' he, at that very time, was
married. She made great advances towards
him, and follicited him with fuch impudence,
that Galba's mother-in-law publicly reproach-
ed that Princefs with it, in a numerous com-
pany of ladies, and even ftruck her. Agrip-
pina had it in her power to revenge that affront,
when married to Claudius: but he was taken
up with other thoughts, and the life Galba led,
made him almoſt quite forgot.
He did not, however, think himſelf free from
danger, as appears by the precaution he took
whenever he went out, either to go to a jour-
ney, or to take the air, to carry with him a
million of fefterces in gold, as a uſeful and ne- 8000. l.
ceffary refource, in cafe he fhould be fuddenly
obliged either to fly, or to bribe thofe that might
be fent to kill him.
He likewiſe choſe to live in obſcurity when
Nero gave him the government of Tarragon,
in the year of Rome 812. Burrhus and Seneca
had ſtill ſome influence at that time, and they
made uſe of it to provide for merit.
1
Galba governed that province at firft with
his ufual activity, and rigid feverity. He or-
dered the hands of a fraudulent banker to be ·
cut off; and, to make the example more noto-
rious, had them nailed to the delinquent's
counter. He condemned a guardian who poi-
foned his ward, whofe heir he was, to be cruci-
fied:
Y 3
326
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 819.fied and when the criminal, who was a Roman
aft. C.68.citizen, appealed to the laws to obtain at leaſt
He defers
declaring
himſelf.
& Dio.
a lefs cruel and ignominious death; Galba,
pretending to fhew fome regard to his remon-
ftrances, ordered, by way of diſtinction, a
crofs higher than ordinary, and painted white,
to be made for him. He performed all the
other functions of his office with the like
rigor.
But finding Nero, by giving way to bad
counfels, and his own wicked inclinations, be-
came every day more and more an enemy to
all virtue, Galba began to fear that cruel
Prince might fufpect him, if he did his duty
too well. He therefore grew purpoſely ne-
gligent, and avoided whatever could make
him remarkable. He faid there was no law to
compel a man not to be inactive. Inſtead of
fuppreffing the injuftice of the collectors of the
revenues, who harraffed the Province by their
rapine and extortions, he was content with fay-
ing how much he pitied the people; who on
their fide thought themfelves obliged to him
for his complaifant mildneſs, being fenfible.
that was all he could do. Nor were they lefs
pleafed at the liberty he left them to write,
publiſh, and fing fatyrical lines, of which
Nero's tyranny was the fubject.
Galba's fidelity could not be very ſtrong,
nor could Vindex meet with any extraordinary
Suet. Plut. difficulty to make him break it. However,
out of prudence, reſerve, and a natural timi-
dity, encreaſed by age, Galba returned no
anſwer to the first letters he received from the
head of a rebellion, fo ftrongly difpofed to fa-
vour
↓
Book XII.
NERO.
327
vour him. Only he kept the fecret, and did A.R. 819.
not behave like fome other commanders of Le aft. C. 68
gions and Provinces, who, when follicited by
Vindex, betrayed him and the cauſe they them-
felves afterwards favoured and fupported.
forces, and
cites Galba,
Vindex underſtood Galba's filence perfectly Vindex
well, and, depending on him, profecuted his raifes great
deſign with the utmoſt vigor. He raiſed a again folli-
great number of the people of Gaul, among Tillem, Ner.
whom are particularly named, the Eduans, Se- 28.
quani, and Avernians. Thoſe of Lyons re-
mained faithful to their benefactor Nero: and
for that very reaſon the people of Vienne their
eternal rivals, eſpouſed with greater warmth the
cauſe of Vindex, who foon faw himſelf at the
head of a hundred thoufand Gauls. He made no Suet Galb..
doubt but fuch a force muft remove all Galba's ix 10.
fcruples; and again wrote to him, preffing
him to come to fuccour the Empire, and take
upon him the command of a powerful league,
that waited only for the fanction of his name.
At the fame time Galba received a letter from
the Emperor's Intendant in Aquitania, defiring
he would join him againſt Vindex.
Plut. Galb.
friends.
He was then at Carthagena, where his high Galba con-
days were kept. He called a council of his fults his
moft trufty friends, and defired their advice in
this important affair. Some heſitated, and ad-
viſed ſtaying till he heard what effect the in-
furrection of the Gauls would have in Rome.
T. Vinius, who commanded, under him, the
only legion that was in the Province, decided
the queſtion beyond all reply. "To delibe-
"rate whether we fhall remain faithful to
Nero, is, faid he, an actual breach of faith.
(c
Y 4
" We
328
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
66
A.R. 816. We muſt therefore from this moment look
aft.C.65. upon him as our enemy, and confequently
"embrace Vindex's friendship: unleſs we
"rather chufe to become his accufers, and
"make war againſt him, for no other reafon
"than becauſe he would have the Roman
"people have Galba for their Emperor, rather
He declares
himſelf
operly.
than Nero for their tyrant." This fpeech,
fo decifive in itſelf, was ftrengthened by the
intelligence Galba received, that private orders.
were ſent to the Intendants to kill him. Being
therefore reduced to the neceffity of chuſing
either Empire or death, he foon determined to
revolt againſt Nero.
That he might have an opportunity of fhew-
ing his refolution, he indicated a day on which
he would give audience to all mafters who
choſe to ſet their flaves free; and at the fame
time privately caufed a report to be ſpread
of his real defign, which brought about his
tribunal a concourfe of people of all ranks,
whofe prayers and wishes were for a revo-
lution.
Taking his feat, he declared his fentiments
by a remarkable action. The effigies of a great
number of thofe Nero had condemned and put
to death, were carried before him; and at his
fide ſtood a young exile, of a noble family,
whom he had purpofely fent for from one of
the Balearic Islands. Obferving joy and ferenity
in every countenance, he feconded that action by
a fpeech, wherein, throwing aſide the maſk,
he enumerated Nero's crimes, deploring the
unhappy fate of the republic, and of fo many
illuftrious perfonages, who had fallen victims
I
to
}
Book XII.
NER O.
329
to that tyrant's cruelty. All applauded, and A. R.819.
with one voice proclaimed Galba Emperor. aft. C. 68.
But he would not of his own private authority
afſume that title of fupreme power, but con-
tented himſelf with the more modeft one
of Lieutenant to the Senate and Roman
people. It appears from Dion Caffius*, that
Galba made this declaration on the third of
April.
His next care was to proceed in fuch a
manner as fuited the ftep he had taken. He
raiſed troops in the province and formed a
Senate compoſed of the moſt refpectable per-
: fons about him, for their rank, prudence, and
age and likewife a guard of young Roman
Knights.
!
given
news
e
was but lit-
tle con-
revolt of
fied at the
Suet. Ner.
Nero was thunder-ftruck when he heard of Nero, who
Galba's revolt. That of Vindex had
him no great concern; he received the cerned at the
of it at Naples, with fuch indifference and Vindex, is
compofure of mind, that it was even thought quite terri-
he was glad of it, as an opportunity, by which news of that
he would have a pretence to plunder in right of Galba.
of war the rich provinces of the Gauls. He 40.
went as ufual to the theatres and places of di- Plut. Galb
verfion, and was as intent on feeing a wreſtling
match, as if he had had nothing elfe to think
of. Other couriers arriving with news that the
danger encreaſed, he was not at all more con-
cerned, and only threatened the rebels he would
* Dion Caffius makes him
reign nine months and thirteen
days. Galba was killed the
fifteenth of January of the year
following, whence it follars,
that the declaration I am ſpeak-
ing of was made on the third
of April, which is what M.
de Tillemont likewife thinks.
make
Dio.
330
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 819. make them repent it. In a word, eight whole
aft. C. 68. days paffed, before he would return any answer,
give any orders, or take the leaſt precautions,
nor did he, during that time, mention a fyllable
of what was doing.
Rouzed at laft from his indolence, by the
bitter libels Vindex pofted up in every city of
Gaul, and of which he fent copies to Rome,
Nero wrote to the Senate, exhorting them to
revenge, the infults offered to their Emperor,
and the Republic. But ftill he was fo far from
being ſeriouſly concerned at that event, that he
did not ceaſe his boyish tricks. Ever fond of
his darling voice, he excufed his not going to
Rome, becauſe, faid he, he had got a cold that
obliged him to take care of himfelf. What
hurt him moſt in Vindex's atrocious invectives,
was, being ſtyled a bad muſician, and called A-
hænobarbus, inftead of Nero; he declared
pofitively he would refume his family-name,
with which he was reproached, and quit his
adoptive name: and as to the firſt article, he
ſaid, it was palpably falſe, and therefore alone
fufficient to refute all his enemy's other imputa-
tions he could not conceive how it was
poffible for any one to tax him with being ig-
norant in an art he had ſtudied with fuch care
and application for fo many years, and ap-
pealed to all that were about him for the truth
of what he ſaid, aſking them, whether they
knew a better muſician than him.
Every day brought worfe and worfe news,
and Nero in great trouble and uneaſineſs, re-
turned at laft to Rome in a great hurry. An
omen he met on the road, which Suetonius
himſelf laughs at, comforted that Prince, as
fuper-
!
2
Book XII.
NER O.
331
fuperftitious as he was wicked and impious. A. R.819.
He obferved on an old monument the reprefen- aft. C. 68.
tation of a Gaul conquered by a Roman fol-
dier, who was dragging him by the hair of the
head. At that fight he leaped for joy, and
thanked heaven for fending him fo favourable
an aufpice. Quite fecure and ſatisfied with
having fuch folid hopes to depend on, he nei-
ther convened the Senate, nor harangued the
people, on his arrival in Rome; but only fent
for fome of the chief Senators, and, after talk-
ing a little with them, fhewed them a curious.
organ which was to be played upon by water.
The invention was not new, but had lately
been improved: and Nero explained to thofe
grave Senators every part of the inftrument,
it's uſe and difficulties, adding, with a fneer,
that if Vindex would give him leave, he would
introduce that organ on the ſtage.
Galba's revolt put an end to thoſe comic
fcenes. His reputation was fuch, that the mo-
ment Nero heard he had declared againſt him,
he gave himſelf up for loft. He received the
news whilſt at table, and immediately kicking
down what ſtood before him, broke two cryftal
vafes of very great value. A kind of fainting plin,xxxiii.
fit fucceeded that firft ftart of paffion. He 2.
dropt down, as if dead, without uttering a fin-
gle word and at laft, when he recovered his
fenfes, rent his garments, and beat his head,
crying his fortune and life were at an end. His
nurfe undertook to comfort him, faying, Other
Princes befides him, had met with the like
misfortunes. No, "faid he, my misfortune ex-
ceeds all example: to me alone it was referv-
"ed
Suet. Nor
42.
332
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.819. "ed to live to fee my empire given to an-
aft. C. 68.
He fets a
price on
Vindex's
caufes Galba
to be declar-
ed a public
enemy.
Plut.Galb.
Dio.
Suet. Ner.
49.
other.'
""
He was, however, fenfible that all thefe la-
mentations could not guard him from danger;
head; and and, to fhew fome little kind of vigor, offered
a reward to whoever fhould bring in Vindex's
head, and made the Senate declare Galba a
public enemy.
public enemy. In confequence of that decree,
he confiſcated, and put up to fale, all that Galba
poffeffed in Rome and Italy, and imprifoned
Icelus his favorite freeman, who in his abſence
took care of his affairs. None were intimida-
ted by theſe acts of revenge. Galba made re-
prifals, and fold Nero's demefnes in Spain, for
which a croud of purchaſers offered: and Vin-
* 80,000 7. dex boldly faid, "Nero promifes ten* milli-
"ons of fefterces, to whoever fhall kill me,
" and I promiſe my own head to whoever
brings me Nero's.'
Horrid pro-
of by him.
Suet. Ner.
33.
..
The Emperor's fury did not attack thofe
jects thought only who were his declared enemies. If we
are to credit the reports that prevailed at that
time, and in which I fee nothing inconfiftent
with his character and inclinations, the moſt
horrid and bloody deeds that can be imagined
were thought of by him. He was for killing
all the Governours of provinces, and Generals
of his armies, as joint confpirators against him;
talked of fending orders to the iſlands to maſ-
facre all that were baniſhed there; of extermi-
nating every family in Rome of Gaulifh extrac-
tion; of giving up all Gaul to be plundered
by his foldiers; and, in fhort, of poiſoning the
whole Senate, and fetting fire to the city, after
turn-
1
{
1
BOOK XII.
NERO.
333
turning loofe numbers of wild beaſts upon the A.R. 819.
people during the conflagration, to prevent aft. C. 68.
their extinguiſhing of it. And it is added,
that if he did not put thefe dreadful defigns in
execution, it was not repentance, but the dif-
ficulty of doing it, that prevented him.
march a-
Tillem, Ner.
At laft, however, he fixed on the only refo- Nero pre-
lution fuitable to the circumſtances of things, pares to
which was, to prepare to oppofe the rebels in gainſt the
perfon. He formed a legion out of his ma- rebels.
rines, recalled the detachments of the German, 28.
British, and Illyrian armies, who were march-
ing, by his order, for the intended war againſt
the Albanians: he named his Generals, and
amongſt others Petronius Turpilianus, whom
he diſpatched at the head of a body of troops, Suet. Ner,
whilft himſelf remained in Rome, in order to 43-45
collect a greater force. But first of all, he or-
dered the two Confuls to abdicate, and fubfti-
tuted himſelf in their room, as if the Gauls
were not to have been conquered but by a fin-
gle Conful.
He harraffed the city exceffively by levies of
men and money. His firft ftep was to enroll all
the citizens, as had been practiſed in antient
times, citing them to appear in the order of
their reſpective tribes. Then, diffatisfied with
thoſe that came, he infifted on every mafter's
furniſhing him with a certain number of flaves
for foldiers, taking none but the handſomeſt
and beſt of them, and not excepting even thoſe
whoſe miniftry is moft neceffary in a family,
and moſt difficult to replace, fuch as ftewards
and ſecretaries. He laid a general tax on all
the inhabitants of Rome, in proportion to the
rank each of them held in the ftate; all te-
nants
334
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
1
aft. C. 68.
A. R.819. nants of houſes were ordered to pay immedi-
ately into the exchequer one year's rent: and,
as if thoſe exactions had not been of themſelves
fufficiently burdenfome, he was very difficult
about the ſpecies of money he would receive
in payment, taking none but the fineſt gold,
and all new coined. This rigour occafioned
great murmurings: numbers agreed to refuſe
payment, faying, it would be much more juft
to make informers refund what they had got
at the expence of the lives of the citizens. A
dearth, which then began to be felt, greatly
added to the univerfal diffatisfaction of the
peo-
ple; and the more fo, as at that very time, a
ſhip arrived from Alexandria, loaded, not with
corn, of which there was great want, but with
fand from the Nile for the ufe of the court-
wreſtlers.
His puerili-
ties.
The ufe that was made of the money levied
on the people, was by no means fit to appeaſe
the public clamour; for the first thing Nero
thought of, when preparing for his expedition,
was, to chufe proper carriages for his inftru-
ments of mufic, and to prepare Amazonian
dreffes for the concubines he intended to take
with him he thought of nothing lefs ferious than
of war, and, ftill returning to his puerilities,.
told his friends, "That on his arrival in the
<<
province, he would preſent himſelf before
"the rebels unarmed, and cry heartily before
"them. That by that means he would bring
"them back to a fenfe of their duty, and the
"next day, in the midſt of the joyous united
"armies, himſelf too, joyful, gay, and trium-
phant, would celebrate his victories by fongs
"and hymns, which he that inftant fet them
"about
66
Book XII.
NERO:
Siret, Ner.
335
"about helping him to compofe." And, AR. 819.
whereras it had been cuftomary for the ancient aft. C. 68.
Romans, to vow facrifices and temples to the 54.
gods, when in any imminent danger, he vowed
that if he preferved his fortune and empire,
he would, on the ſtage, play on the flute, the
hydraulic organ, and bagpipe, and conclude,
by acting a part in a play, and likewife in a
pantomime entertainment.
any com-
Dio.
Whilft his frivolous mind was thus bufied All who had
with childish fancies and chimæras, even in mand in the
matters where the moft ferious attention would empire, de-
clare againſt
have been requifite, the danger encreaſed every Nero.
hour. Galba's declaration was a fignal to the Plut. Gall.
whole Empire; not one who had any command
remained faithful to Nero. Otho, formerly
the companion of his pleaſures, and for ten
years paft confined to Lufitania with the title
of Propretor, was the first that joined Galba,
eſpouſing his party with great warmth, but, as
we ſhall hereafter fee, not without intereſted
views. He carried him all his gold and filver
plate to make money of, and as Galba's flaves
did not know how to wait on an Emperor, O-
tho gave him ſeveral of his, who were well ac-
quainted with the manners and cuftoms of the
court.
Otho's example was followed by all the Go-
vernours of provinces, and Generals of armies,
two excepted, who, though they fhook off
Nero's detefted yoke, yet did not declare for
Galba. Clodius Macer in Africa, wanted to be
himſelf head of a party. Virginius
Virginius Rufus,
who commanded the legions on the upper
Rhine, had different views, but imperfectly ex-
plained by what Hiftorians we have remaining.
As
336 HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.819. As he acted a very great part in the revolution
aft. C. 68. we are fpeaking of, it is neceffary to collect
with care, whatever relates to his perfon, and
the fingularity of his conduct.
Virginius,
tho' he will
Nero,
marches,
gainſt Vin-
Virginius's birth was not extraordinary, his
not fupport father being only a Roman Knight. But that
did not prevent his becoming Conful in ordi-
however, a- nary under Nero, and obtaining afterwards the
dex, who is important poft of Commander of the legions
defeated, and in upper Germany. To his activity and ex-
felf. perience in war, he joined a great moderation,
Tac. Hift. i. and ftrict adherence to the laws and found max-
Plut. Galb.
kils him-
52.
Dio.
ims of the ſtate. In confequence of that way
of thinking, without being difpofed to favour
Nero, whofe monftrous tyranny made every
man his enemy, he did not approve of Vindex's
revolt; without doubt, thinking it a bad ex-
ample to let the Gauls, fubdued by Roman
arms, undertake to give Rome an Emperor.
He looked upon that ſtep as an attempt againſt
the majeſty of the Republic, and refolved to re-
venge it.
He marched therefore with all his forces, and
laid fiege to Befançon, which place had de-
clared for Vindex. The latter advanced to fuc-
cour the befieged. But, as his anger was a-
gainſt Nero, and he made no doubt but Vir-
ginius had the fame fentiments with regard to
that Prince, he was willing to try what could
be done by negociation, before he ventured a
battle. The firft overture feemed to promife
fuccefs. After reciprocal meffages, the two
Generals met, and, fo far as Nero was concerned,
agreed. We know nothing farther; the reſt of
Tacitus in this place being loft; for which rea-
fon, without attempting to penetrate a myſtery
•
we
NERO.
aft. C. 68.
Book XII.
337
we cannot diſcover, we fhall keep to naked A.R. 819.
facts. Vindex, in concert with Virginius, was
entering Befançon, when the Roman legions,
ignorant of the agreement concluded between
the two Generals, thought the Gauls were com-
ing to attack them; and their old hatred again
breaking out, they fell on them with fury. The
Gauls were not prepared for fuch an onfet.
They bore it, however, bravely; and a battle
enfued in ſpite of the Generals, who could not
keep back their troops. Victory was long dif-
puted, but at laft, declared in favour of the
legions. Twenty thoufand Gauls loft their
lives, and Vindex killed himſelf out of defpair.
him the Em-
pire, which
It was then in Virginius's own power to be Virginius's
Emperor. His victorious troops, after break- army offers
ing to pieces, and trampling upon the ſtatues
of Nero, with repeated acclamations gave their he refafes.
General all the titles of fovereign power. On
his refuſing them, a foldier wrote on one of
the ſtandards, in large characters, VIRGINIUS
CAESAR AUGUSTUS. The modeft General or-
dered it to be effaced, and told the foldiers, with
an air of firmneſs and reſolution, that left them
no hopes of prevailing on him, that it did not
belong to them, but to the Senate and Roman
people, to difpofe of the Empire.
refufes to de-
The army, highly diſpleaſed at being refuf- He likewife
ed, was almoſt ready to turn back again to care for
Nero, for the troops had no great liking to Galba.
Galba, nor did Virginius himſelf in the leaft
try to make them love him. It was contrary
to his principles to ſupport an election made
in a tumultuous manner, and to which the au-
thority of the Senate and people had given no
fanction. And accordingly, though follicited
VOL. IV.
Z
by
F
338
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.819. by Galba, who had wrote to him fince the
aft. C. 68. death of Vindex, inviting him to join him,
and act in concert, he would take no ftep
in his favour, but declaring againſt Nero, and
indifferent for Galba, fhewed no attachment to
any thing but the Republic.
His reafons
This haughty conduct was, without doubt,
for to doing, founded on, Virginius's thorough conviction
that the greateſt misfortune that could poffibly
befal the Empire, was to accuftom the army to
difpofe of it as they thought proper.
Let us
not tarniſh an example of moderation not to
be matched in hiſtory, by ſuſpecting ſelf-inter-
Tac.Hiſt.i.8. eft to have been the motive. Tacitus fays it was
doubtful, whether Virginius himſelf did not
aim at being Emperor. It is true, he would
not have deviated from his maxims, if he had
accepted the Empire from the Senate and Ro-
man people; but on the other hand, it is plain
from facts, that he might have been Emperor,
had he been abfolutely bent upon it, and not
over nice about the means of attaining it. He
always declared, and his whole conduct fhewed
it was his real fentiment, that the Senate and
people had the fole right of making an Empe-
ror. We cannot doubt, but that he thought
it the foldiers duty to obey, and not to pretend
to give a mafter to the ſtate. He was fenfible
of the effential defect of the monarchy of the
Cæfars, founded on force and not on law; firſt
eſtabliſhed by the foldiery, and afterwards propt
up and fupported by the Senate's decrees. He
wanted to correct that fault, and to reſtore
the civil power to the fuperiority it ought
to have over the military. The whole chain of
events, will but too much evince the rectitude
of his views.
2
To
Book XII.
NER O.
339
Galba great-
To theſe reflexions we may add, that per- A. R.819.
haps Virginius, who had penetrating eyes, faw aft. C. 68.
into Galba's incapacity, of which his weak and ly perplexed,
unhappy government foon after gave convinc-
ing proofs. It is at leaſt certain, that he did
not declare for him; and Galba, having loft
Vindex, who was his chief fupport, and finding
no other to back him, was extremely perplexed.
Half his cavalry had already fhewn a readineſs
to leave him, and had been prevailed on to ſtay,
with great difficulty. He had likewife narrowly
efcaped being affaffinated by fome flaves, intro-
duced into his houſe by a freeman of Nero's.
Alarmed at ſo many dangers that furrounded
him, he retired with fome friends to * Clunia,
where he was more taken up with regretting
his paſt tranquillity, imprudently facrificed to
an idle hope, than with providing properly for
the fuccefs of his enterprize: nay, if we credit
Suetonius, he was very near renouncing life.
verfally de-
Suct. Ner.
If Nero had been lefs univerfally detefted, Nero, uni-
he could not have had a more favourable op- tefted for his
portunity to retrieve his affairs. But tho' his crimes, is
rival was not in a fituation to be feared, himſelf likewife de-
ſpiſed for his
was in a much worſe. His vices were his moft cowardice.
formidable enemies, and they alone were enough
to ruin him. None of the armies remained
faithful to him, the Roman people ſtrongly
declared the hatred they had long been obliged
to conceal; and Nero completed his own ruin,
by forcing them likewife to defpife him for his
cowardice.
47.
Leaving his palace, and taking with him in His various
projects, all
dictated by
* Formerly a confiderable Conde, between Aranda di fear.
torn, but now only a village
called Crufia, or Corufia del
Z 2
Duero and Oſma.
a gold
340
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.819. a gold box, a poifon prepared by Locufta, he
aft. C. 68. retired to the Servilian gardens, already menti-
oned. There, thinking of nothing but flying
to Egypt, he fent fome of his most trufty free-
men to Oftia, with orders to have a fleet fitted
out inftantly; whilſt himſelf undertook to found
feveral Centurions and Tribunes of the Pretorian
cohorts, whether they were difpofed to bear
him company, but all excufed themſelves under
various pretences; and one of them anſwered
him with this line of Virgil, Ufque adeone mori
miferum eft? "Is it then fo terrible a thing to
""" die ?"
Nymphidi-
us Sabinus
rians to ab-
That reſource failing, a thouſand other pro-
jects, the fruits of his fears, fucceeded one an-
other. He thought of throwing himſelf into
the arms of the Parthians, or even of Galba
himſelf. An idea on which he dwelt longer,
was to mount the Tribunal for harangues, and
there aſk pardon for what was paſt; and, if he
could not obtain entire forgiveneſs, to beg they
would, at leaſt, make him Prefect of Egypt.
A draught of a ſpeech to that purpoſe was found
in his pocket after his death. But he did not
dare venture to put it in execution, for fear of
being torn to pieces by the mob before he could
reach the Forum.
The Pretorian cohorts, firmly attached to the
perfuades family of the Cæfars fince their firſt inſtitution,
the Preto- and confirmed in that attachment by Nero's
andon Ne-liberalities, in which none of the troops had had
ro, and pro- fo great a fhare, till then remained faithful,
Imperor. and continued their functions about the Prince's
perfon. He was deprived of that laſt ſupport
by Nymphidius Sabinus, one of the Pretorian
Prefects, as great a villain as him that he betray-
claim Galba
ed,
Book XII.
NER O.
34I
ed, and well worthy to give Nero the fatal A.R. 819.
blow.
aft. C. 68.
Plut. Gulb.
This man, whofe mad ambition dared
to afpire to touch the pinnacle of fupreme
power, was of very low extraction, being the
fon of a free-woman, whofe conduct was ſuch,
that it never was clear who was his real father. Tac. Ann.
He pretended to be Caligula's fon, faying, xv. 72. &
that Prince had fometimes not difdained to take
up with a courtezan; and in fact he had the
fame gigantic ftature and wild look: but the
time of his birth, according to Plutarch, refu-
ted that claim; and he was more generally
thought the fon of a gladiator called Marcianus,
all whoſe features he had ftrongly. We know
not by what ſteps fo unworthy a man obtained
the poſt of Pretorian Prefect, in which, as al-
ready ſaid, he fucceeded Fænius Rufus. So
long as Nero's favour was neceffary, he endea-
voured to fecure it, by imitating all his vices;
but when he ſaw him forfaken by all, and ab-
andoning even himſelf, he too refolved to
hurry him down the precipice, in hopes of
raiſing himſelf on his ruin. Being, however,
fenfible how much the vaft difproportion be-
tween his obfcure birth and Empire muſt ſhock
every one, if his defigns were known, he con-
cealed them, under the fpecious pretence of
ferving Galba.
Tac. Hift.
Great addreſs was requifite to detach the Pre-i. 5. & Plut.
torians from Nero: fo great was their venera- Galb,
tion for the name of Cæfar. He took advan-
tage of the ſcheme that Prince had formed of
flying into Egypt, of which thofe troops were
not ignorant; and as Nero's fears prevented his
ſhewing himſelf, Nymphidius perfuaded them,
Z 3
he
342
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 819. he was already fled: At the fame time promi-
aft. C. 68. fing them immenfe fums in Galba's name. By
£. 240.
£. 40.
Nero flies
from Rome,
and retires
that means he corrupted their fidelity and by
the baſeneſs of the motive, fays Plutarch, tar-
niſhed an action, which in itſelf would have
been laudable; and made a treaſon of that,
which might have been fervice done to all man-
kind. Tigellinus too acted like himſelf on this
occafion; as cowardly as he was mifchievous,
after forming Nero to tyranny, he abandoned
his difciple in his difgrace: and more guilty.
than the Prince himſelf, left him to fuffer fingly
for the crimes he had made him commit.
The reward Nymphidius promiſed was enor-
mous: no less than thirty thouſand fefterces
for each Pretorian, and five thouſand for every
legionary foldier, throughout all the armies of
the Empire. Plutarch obferves, that to have
fulfilled this monftrous promife, the Empire
muſt have fuffered a thoufand times greater
ills than ever Nero caufed. Accordingly, it
never was fulfilled But that was the very
thing that ruined Galba after Nero, and which
brought on moſt dreadful and rapid revolutions,
which, like violent convulfions, were very near
deftroying the Republic totally, and for which
Nymphidius, the firſt author of the evil, was
likewife the firſt that ſuffered.
The Pretorians being prevailed upon to aban-
don Nero, retired to their camp, where they
to a country proclaimed Galba Emperor. Nero, awaking
about midnight, was greatly furprized to find
he had no guards. He jumped out of bed, and
house be-
longing to
one of his
freemen.
Suet.Ner.
47. & Dio.
8 Κάλλισον ἔργον διαβαλὼν τῷ μιθῷ τὴν ἀπὸ Νέρωνος αποςασίαν
προδοσίαν γενομένην. Plut.
fent
Book XII.
NERO.
343*
ſent to all his friends, begging they would come A.R. 819.
to adviſe him, and receiving no anfwer, he aft. C. 68.
went himſelf, with a few of his freemen or flaves,
from houſe to houſe to call them. Every door
was fhut, no body would anſwer him, and
whilſt he was out, the officers belonging to his
bed-chamber went away, after plundering his
bed and furniture, and carrying off the box of
poiſon. On his return, driven to defpair, he de-
fired fomebody would fetch his favourite gladi-
ator, or any other, to kill him. But finding
none ready to do him that fatal fervice: "What,
"faid he, have I then neither friend nor
"enemy!" His next thought was to throw him-
felf headlong into the Tiber: but love of life
ftill prevented him, and he wiſhed for ſome
obfcure retreat, where he might remain con-
cealed, and have time to recollect himſelf.
Phaon, one of his freemen, offered him a little
houſe of his, about four miles from Rome.
Nero accepted it, and juſt as he was, without
fhoes or ſtockings, having only his tunic on,
he wrapt himſelf up in a brown coloured cloak,
covered his head, clapped a handkerchief before
his face, and rode away with only four attend-
ants, one of whom was the wretch Sporus.
Tho' he had but a little way to go, he met
with feveral adventures. He was terrified by
an earthquake, and a flaſh of lightning full in
his eyes. He heard the noife and tumult of
the Pretorian camp, and the cries of the fol-
diers, curfing him and praying for Galba. Some-
body meeting him on the road, with his little
troop, faid, "Theſe people are fearching for
Nero." Another aſked him what news there
was of Nero in the city? His horſe ſtarting
at the ſmell of a dead body that lay on the
road,
Z4
344
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R. 819. road, the handkerchief fell from before his
aft. C. 68. face, and an old Pretorian foldier knew him,
and faluted him.
D
The Senate
declares him
At laft he drew near to Phaon's houſe, but
would not go in at the gate for fear of being
feen alighting therefore from his horfe, he
took a by-path, acroſs a field full of reeds, and
which in feveral places was fo full of thistles
and briars, that he was often obliged to lay his
mantle on the ground for fear of tearing his
feet. At last, coming to the foot of the wall,
where a hole was to be made for him to creep
thro', Phaon adviſed him to hide himſelf in a
gravel-pit till that was done : but Nero declared
he would not bury himſelf alive, and chofe rather
to conceal himſelf among the reeds. Hap-
pening juft then to be very thirſty, and taking
up in his hand fome water out of a puddle,
hThis, faid he, muft now be Nero's drink." In
the mean time the hole being made in the wall,
he crept through on his hands and knees, and
laid down to reft himſelf in a little room belong-
ing to one of the flaves, on a bed compofed of
an old mattrafs and a ragged quilt. There, be-
ing hungry and thirsty, he defired fomething
to eat and drink. Brown bread was brought
him, which he refufed, and only drank a little
warm water.
So foon as it was known in Rome that the
Pretorians had declared for Galba, and that
nemy, and Nero had fled, the Senate affèmbled, and re-
a public e-
condemns
him to fuf-
fer death.
was the first in-
h Hæc eft Neronis deco- fays, xxxi. 3
&ta. This expreffion fignifies ventor of that nice way of
water that has been boiled drinking water,
at the Same
and afterwards cooled in time cold and wholeſome.
fnow. Nero himself, as Pliny
I
fuming
Book XII.
NERO.
345
*
fuming the exercife of the fupreme power, of A. R.819.
which the laſt depoſitary had rendered himſelf aft. C. 68.
unworthy, declared him a public enemy, and
ordered him to be puniſhed to the umofti feve-
rity of the ancient laws. At the fame time
Galba was acknowledged Emperor by the Se-
nate, and all the titles and powers, which unit-
ed, conftituted that fupreme dignity, were de-
creed him with the approbation and applauſe of
the whole people. The city refounded with
fhouts of joy, the temples fmoaked with in-
cenfe, and ſeveral wore hats, as a' fymbol of
liberty regained.
fhuffling a
for fear of
to which he
Thofe who followed Nero in his retreat, Nero, after
foreſeeing what muft happen, did not ceafe long time,
exhorting him to prevent, by a voluntary kills himself
death, the infults and indignities with which fuffering the
he was threatened. Nero could not refolve puniſhment
upon it, tho' he faw it was abfolutely ne- was con-
ceffary. His confcience then upbraided him demned.
with all his crimes; and with a melancholy
look and voice, he repeated a line he had often
before declaimed on the ftage, when acting
the part of Oedipus, "My wife, my mother,
"and my father condemn me to die." But
incapable of taking a vigorous refolution, he
fought every pretence to gain time. He order-
ed a grave to be dug in his prefence of the fize
of his body; fome bits of marble to be picked
up to make his tomb, and wood and water to
be brought, with all other things neceffary for
his funeral and at each order he gave of that
* See what has been faid ment established by Auguſtus.
of the nature of the Govern- Vol. i. B. i. &c.
More majorum.
κ Θανείν μ' άνωγε σύγγαμο, μήτηρ, παλής. Suet. 46.
kind,
346
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A.R.819. kind, wept plentifully, crying out, with a grief
aft. C. 68. one cannot help fmiling at, "How' hard a
"fate for fo fine a muſician!"
Whilft all theſe tedious preparations were
making, one of Phaon's fervants brought the
Senate's fentence. Nero took it from the flave,
and having read it, afked what it was to be
puniſhed to the utmoſt rigour of the ancient laws?
The kind of puniſhment implied by that ex-
preffion, was explained to him. He was told
that the perfon condemned was to be ſtript
naked, that his head was to be faftened between
a forked piece of wood, where he was to be
whipt to death. Nero terrified, catched up
two daggers he had brought with him, and
after trying both their points, put them up
again in their ſcabbards, faying, The fatal mo-
ment was not yet come. Now exhorting Spo-
rus to begin the funeral lamentations it was
cuſtomary to make over the dead; now again,
begging fomebody would be fo kind to encou-
rage him to die, by fetting him an example :
and then again, reproaching himſelf with his
own cowardice, "I live, faid he, but to my
"fhame. It does not become Nero to behave
"thus no, it does not at all become him.
"This is no time to trifle; come, take cou-
"rage."
It was time he fhould: for the foldiers fent
to take him were at hand. Nero heard them
coming.
The noife of the feet of horſes,
cc n
1 Qualis artifex pereo. Suet. Ner. 49.
m Vivo deformiter ac turpiter. Οὐ πρέπει Νέρωνι, ὦ πρέ
πω· νήφειν δεῖ ἐν τοῖς τοιύτοις, ἅγε ἔδειρε σεαυτόν. Suet. 49.
ο Ιππων με ὠκυπόδων ἀμφὶ κλύπα γάτα βάλλειο
Iliad. x. 535:
faid
Book XII.
NERO
347
faid he, reciting a line of Homer, «ftrikes A.R. 819.
'' my ears." Then taking up a dagger, he aft. C. 68,
ftruck it into his throat, but fo gently that his
freeman and Secretary Epaphroditus, helped
him to ſtrike it in deeper. Nero was ftill alive,
when the Centurion came to arreft and carry
him to Rome. That officer clapping the
fkirts of his garment to the wound to ftop the
blood, and pretending he was come to affift
him, "You are come in fine time, indeed,
"anſwered Nero. Is this the fidelity you owed
"me" fo faying, he expired.
Before his death, he begged earneſtly that his His funeral,
head might not be delivered to his enemies, but
his body burnt entire. To that end, application
was made to Icelus, Galba's freeman, who, after
being thrown into prifon at the beginning of
the diſturbances, now began to enjoy a power
that afterwards was greatly encreaſed. He
granted what was defired; and Nero's funeral
was celebrated without pomp, but with de-
cency. His two nurfes, and his concubine
Acte, gathered up his afhes, and carried them
to the tomb of his paternal anceſtors, the
Domitii.
reign. In
guftus is ex-
Nero died in the thirty first year of his age. Age, and du-
Eufebius fays, he reigned thirteen years, feven ration of his
months, and twenty eight days: which, reck- him the fa-
oning from the thirteenth of October, the day mily of Au-
on which he began to reign, fixes the eleventh tinct.
of June for the day of his death. It has been Eufeb.Cbron:
obferved, that it was on that very day, fix 57.
years before, that he put to death his wife Oc-
tavia. In him ended the family of Auguftus,
a wife Prince, whofe misfortune it was to la-
bour for a pofterity very unworthy of him, and
to
Suct. Ner.
348
HISTORY OF THE EMPERORS.
A. R.819 to give, in all the fucceffors of his blood,
aft. C. 68. nought but ſcourges to the world, and objects
of horror or contempt.
The memo-
was honour-
1
I have omitted all the pretended prodigies,
which, according to Hiftorians, were the fore-
runn Nero's cataſtrophe. As to the pre-
'diction of the extinction of the family of the
Cile
nay confult what I have
faid on th....., in the fifteenth volume of the
Hiſtory of the Roman Republic, towards the
end of the fiftieth book.
1
I have but one thing more to obſerve of
ry of Nero Nero, which is, that tho' fo juftly detefted
ed by many, during his life, and at the time of his death,
Suet. Ner. yet, when gone, he had his partiſans, zealous
ibi Cauſabon, to honour his memory. Some of them for ſe-
57. &
veral years decked his tomb with flowers:
others, ftill more daring, placed his ſtatues in
the robe Prætexta on the tribunal for ha-
rangues, and publiſhed edicts in his name, as
if he had been living, and was foon to appear
again to revenge himſelf on his enemies.
name was refpected by many of the people and
foldiers feveral impoftors affumed it, as a
means of recommending themſelves, and in
fome meaſure fucceeded.
His
The general corruption of manners is the
only cauſe that can be affigned, and perhaps
no infufficient one, for ſo ſtrange and depraved
a way of thinking. Nero's liberalities and re-
miffneſs in point of difcipline, had gained him
the foldiers hearts: he had pleaſed and amuſed
the people by the licentious entertainments in
which he had fo indecently taken part. Every
vice was fure of finding a protector in him.
There is no room therefore to be furprized,
that,
!
Book XII.
NERO.
349
that, in an age wherein the old maxims were A. R 819-
forgot, and even ridiculed, wherein virtue was aft. C. 68-
thought mifanthropy, and met with the greateſt
difcouragement, and wherein pleaſure was the
fupreme law; the vicious, who ever form the
greater number, fhould be fond of a Prince
who favoured and encourageration
eſpecially, when his cruelties H. Lager
feen, and his misfortunes moved the compaf-
fion all men are naturally inclined to feel for
the unhappy.
187
tians have
chrift.
Chriſtians, who fet a more juft value on Some Chrif
virtue and vice, have never varied in their opi- thought him
nion of Nero. They have always expreffed for the Anti-
his crimes the horror they deſerve. This fen-
timent, in itſelf fo juft, has led fome into an
innocent error. It was a pretty generally re-
ceived opinion in the firft ages of the church,
that Nero lived, and was referved to be the
Antichrift.
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