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Rollin's Rom. Hist. Vol. XII.
Facing the Title.
F. Hayman inv, et delin.
C. Grignion Sculp
CICERO in his Exile meeting his
Daughter TULLIA at Brundusium.
Published March 25.1747 by T.&P.Knapton.
THE
ROMAN HISTORY
FROM THE
FOUNDATION of ROME
TO THE
BATTLE of ACTIUM:
THAT IS,
To the End of the COMMONWEALTH.
VOL. XII.
By Mr. CREVIER, Profeffor of Rhetorick in
the College of Beauvais, being the Continuation of
Mr. ROLLIN's Work.
Tranflated from the FRENCH.
LONDON:
Printed for JOHN and PAUL KNAPTON, at the
Crown in Ludgate-Street. MDCC XLVII.
Names of the CONSULS and of the
YEARS Contained in this Volume.
D. JUNIUS SILANUS.
L. LICINIUS MURENA.
M. PUPIUS PISO.
M. VALERIUS MESSALLA NIGER.
L. AFRANIUS.
Q METELLUS CELER.
C. JULIUS CAESAR.
M. CALPURNIUS BIBULUS,
L. CALPURNIUS PISO.
A. GABINIUS,
P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER.
Q. CECILIUS METELLUS NEPOS.
A. R. 690.
Ant. C. 62.
A. R. 651.
Ant. C. 61.
A. R. 692.
Ant. C. 60.
A. R. 693.
Ant. C. 59.
A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
A. R. 695.
Ant. C. 57-
CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS MARCELLINUS. A. R. 696.
L. MARCIUS PHILIPPUS.
CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS II.
M. LICINIUS CRASSUS II.
L. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS.
AP. CLAUDIUS PULCHER.
Ant. C. 56.
A R. 697.
Ant. C. 55-
A. R. 69S.
Ant. C, 54.
THE
THE
CONTENTS.
C
BOOK XXXVIII.
SECT. I.
ESAR Prætor. Cato Tribune. A compa-
rifon between them, by Salluft. Cæfar Save-
reign Pontiff. He endeavours to give Catulus
trouble on account of rebuilding the capitol, but
to no purpoſe. He is again impeached by Curius
and Vettius, as an accomplice in Catiline's con-
fpiracy. Several are condemned on the accufa-
tion of Vettius. Vettius renders himſelf fuf
pected. The Tribune Metellus Nepos attacks
Cicero, and is checked by the Senate. The fame
Tribune, fupported by Cafar, propofes a law
to recall Pompey with his army into Italy, to
reform and pacify the State. Cato demanded
the Tribunitian dignity, merely with a view of
oppofing the turbulent defigns of Metellus. A
mean, which he imagined would weaken the
· power of Cæfar. He refifts the law of Metel-
lus, with a conftancy that was almoſt a pro-
digy
CONTENT S.
digy. The Conful Murena refcues Cato from
danger. The enterprize of Metellus fails. Me-
tellus and Cæfar are forbid, by the Senate, to
exercife the functions of their employments.
Cæfar fubmits, and is re-established. Cato ob-
tains the fame favour for Metellus. What
part Cicero took in this whole affair. Pompey
repudiatės Mucie. The triumph of 2. Me-
tellus Creticus. The election of Confuls for the
year following. The Character of Clodius.
He profanes the mysteries of the good goddess.
Preparations for the process against him. Cicero
depofes against Clodius. The Judges fuffer them-
felves to be corrupted. Clodius is abfolved.
Cicero re-animates the courage of good men,
whom this judgment had dismayed. Pompey,
on his arrival in Italy, difbands his troops.
Cicero endeavours to engage Pompey to explain
himſelf favourably on his Confulship. The
equivocal conduct of Pompey. Pompey buys
the Confulship for Afranius. A fruitless at-
tempt of Pompey to gain over Cato. Indians
drove by a tempeft on the coafts of Germany.
The third triumph of Pompey, Page i
SECT. II.
The death of Catulus.
Cenfors. Games. The
bears of Numidia. The beginning of the cuf
tom to interrupt the combats of the gladiators,
by going to dinner. Motions in Gaul. The
expedition of Scaurus againſt Aretas, King of
one part of Arabia. 2. Cicero governs Ajia
for the space of three years. The Prætorship
of Octavius, father of Auguftus. His conduct
in the government of Macedonia. His death.
The characters of the two Confuls. The au-
A 3
thority
CONTENT S.
!
thority of the Senate was at that time weaken-
ed, and the order of Knights turned out of it.
Pompey demands the confirmation of his acts:
Lucullus oppoſes it in the Senate. A law pro-
pofed by a Tribune of the People, to affign lands
to the foldiers of Pompey. The ambiguous con-
duct of Cicero throughout this whole affair.
The Conful Metellus opposes the law. Motions
of the Helvetii in Gaul. The Conful is
put into prifon by the Tribune Flavius. The
conftancy of the Conful. Pompey allies with
Clodius. Clodius attempts to make himself a
Plebeian, to get the office of Tribune. Cæfar,
at the expiration of his Prætorship, having the
province of Ulterior Spain affigned to him, is
Stopped by his creditors, when he would have
gone thither. Craffus delivers him from the
most importunate. The faying of Cæfar con-
cerning a pitiful little town in the Alps. He
creates a war in Spain, and obtains feveral
advantages from it. An admirable action of
one of Cæfar's foldiers. Cæfar's adminiftra-
tion beloved. He returns into Italy, and de-
clines a triumph to gain the Confulship. He
forms the triumvirate. Is named Conful with
Bibulus. A law to abolish tolls and duties to be
paid upon entering Rome or any parts of Italy.
Combats of gladiators given by Fauftus Sylla in
bonour of his father. The Apollinarian games
given by Lentulus Spinther the Pretor. A
piece of painting in fresco brought from Lace-
demonia to Rome,
47
SECT.
CONTENTS,
SECT. II.
The faltious behaviour of Cæfar in his Confulship.
Two customs established or renewed by him, ac-
cording to Suetonius. The Agrarian laws pre-
fented to the Senate by Cæfar. The Senators
filent. The steadiness of Cato. Cæfar fends
Cato to prifon, afterwards releafes him. De-
clares in Senate, that he will go and addrefs
himſelf to the People. He tries in vain to gain
over his Collegue. Pompey and Craffus approve
of the law publicly. The law paffes maugre
the generous oppofition of Bibulus and Cato.
Bibulus is forced to shut himself up in his
own boufe for eight months entirely. Cæfar
alts as if he was fole Conful. An oath added
by Cæfar to bis law. Cato refufes at first to
take this oath; and afterwards fubmits to it.
The uncertainty of Cicero concerning the law of
Cæfar. In pleading for his Collegue Anthony,
be complains of the prefent ſtate of affairs. In
confequence of which Cæfar brings Clodius into
the order of the People. The affair and con-
demnation of Anthony. The territory of Capua
diſtributed by virtue of Cafar's law. Capua
made a colony. Cæfar grants the Knights who
farmed the public revenue in Afia the abate-
ment they required. He gets the acts of Pom-
pey's Generalfhip confirmed, and causes the
province of Affyria and Gaul to be given to
himſelf. A bold ſaying of Confidius to Cæfar.
Cæfar caufes the Kings Ariovistus and Ptolomy
Auletes to be acknowledged friends and allies
to the Commonwealth. The avidity of Cafar
for money. Cæfar marries his daughter to
Pompey. He marries Calpburnia bimfelf. Pifo
and
A 4
1
CONTENTS.
and Gabinius efcape from the feverity of justice
by the credit of Cæfar and Pompey. Hiftorical
anecdotes compofed by Cicero. His indignation
against the Triumvirate. His fentiments with
refpect to Pompey. The difcontent of the Peo-
ple against Pompey and Cæfar fhews itſelf at
the public fpectacles. Cicero's reflections upon
the impotent complaints of the Roman citizens.
He gives himself up entirely to his pleading. He
is accufed, with Jeveral others, by a Scoundrel
fellow of having a defign to affaffinate Pompey.
The danger which threatens Cicero on the part
of Clodius. The behaviour of Pompey and Cæ-
far with regard to Cicero, in this conjuncture.
Clodius prevents Bibulus's haranguing the Peo-
ple, at his going out of his Confulfhip, 73
BOOK XXXIX.
SECT. I.
Materials wanting to furnish a detail of the
fecret intrigues which brought about the exile
of Cicero. Clodius Jupported by the two Con-
fuls. Their characters. The Triumvirs fa-
vour Clodius. Clodius, to prepare the way to
attack Cicero, propofes laws of different kinds :
For the free distribution of corn: For the re-
eſtabliſhment of fraternities of artifans: For
leſſening the power of the Cenfors: For abo-
liſhing the laws called Ælia and Fufià. Cicero,
deceived by Clodius, lets all these laws pass
quietly. Clodius proposes a law which con-
demns to banishment any one who caufes the
death
CONTENTS.
death of a citizen without the form of pro-
cefs. Cicero puts on mourning. Reflections
on this frep. All the orders of the State in-
tereft themselves for Cicero. A law propofed
by Clodius to affign governments to the Con-
fuls. The Senate, by public deliberation, put
on mourning with Cicero. Clodius arms all
the mob of Rome. The rage of Gabinius. An
ordinance of the Confuls, which enjoins the
Senators to quit their mourning. Pifo de-
clares plainly to Cicero, that he does not pre-
tend to defend him. Pompey abandons him.
An aſſembly of the People, in which the Con-
fuls explain themselves in a manner diſadvan-
tageous to the cause of Cicero. The double
danger of Cicero, from Clodius, and from the
Confuls and Cæfar. Hortenfius and Cato ad-
vife Cicero to retire. He leaves Rome. Cice-
ro's dream. A law brought against Cicero by
name. Obfervations on that law. It paffes,
and, at the fame time, that concerning the de-
partments of the Confuls. Cicero's goods fold,
and his boufes pillaged by the Confuls. Clodius
feizes on the land belonging to Cicero's houſe,
and confecrates a part of it to the goddeſs Li-
berty. Cicero, repulfed by the Prætor of Si-
cily, goes into Greece, and arrives at Dyrra-
chium Plancius gives him an azylum at
Theffalonica, The exceffive grief of Cicero.
His complaints against his friends. A juſtifi-
cation of their conduct. Cicero's apology for
the excess of his grief. The reflection of Plu-
tarch on Cicero's weakness. Cato and Cæfar
depart, one for the land of Cyprus, and the
other for Gaul. The claims pretended by the
Romans to Egypt and the iſland of Cyprus. Clo-
dius offended by Ptolomy King of Cyprus. The
lao
CONTENT S.
!
law of Clodius to reduce that iſland to a Ro-
man province. The King of Cyprus has not
the courage to throw his treasures into the fea.
He puts an end to his life by poison. The great
exactness of Cato in gathering together the
riches of this King. The precautions he took
in tranfporting them. His books of accounts
loft. His return to Rome. Clodius cavils
with him to no purpofe. The Edileship of
Scaurus. The incredible pomp of the games be
gave to the People. The games given by
Curio,
SECT II.
IIF
Mens favourable difpofitions in the cauſe of Ċi-
cero. Pompey infulted by Clodius, returns to
Cicero. The debate of the Senate, on the firſt
of June, in favour of Cicero. The oppofition of
the Tribune Ælius. Combats between Clodius
and Gabinius, who fided with Pompey. The
arrival of Cicero's brother at Rome. The ba-
tred of the public fhews itself all manner of
ways against Clodius. Clodius returns to the
party of the rigid Republicans. Pompey fear-
ing that Clodius might make fome attempt upon
his life, ſhuts himſelf up in his houſe. The
Confuls still continue in oppofition to Cicero.
The Magiftrates are appointed for the follow-
ing year. New efforts of the Tribunes in fa-
vour of Cicero without effect. Cicero is much
troubled at a decree of the Senate in favour of
the Confuls appointed. Sextius, one of the
appointed Tribunes, goes into Gaul to obtain
Cafar's confent to recall Cicero. Two Tri-
bunes of the new College gained by the faction
of Clodius. Lentulus propoſes Cicero's buſineſs
to
+
3
CONTENTS. ·
to the Senate. The advice of Cotta. The ad-
vice of Pompey, The Tribune Gavianus pre-
vents the conclufion of it. Eight Tribunes pro-
pofe the affair to the People. The violence of
Clodius. A great ſlaughter. Milo undertakes
to put a stop to the fury of Clodius. His
character. He accufes Clodius. He oppofes
force to force. A total ſuſpenſion of affairs in
Rome. The best part of the Commonwealth
take the business upon themselves. Lentulus
the Conful fends circular letters to all the Peo-
ple of Italy. The applauses of the multitude.
Incredible movements in Rome and all through
Italy in favour of Cicero. An affembly of the
Senate in the Capitol, and a Senatufconfultum
for ordering Cicero's being recalled. An affem
bly of the People, wherein Lentulus and Pom-
pey exhort and animate the citizens. A new
decree of the Senate in favour of Cicero. A
folemn affembly by centuries, wherein the affair
is finally determined. Cicero's abode at Dyrra-
chium for eight months. His departure from
that city. His triumphant entry into Rome.
His houfes in the city and in country rebuilt at
the expence of the Republic. By Cicero's ad-
vice, the fuper-intendance of corn and provi-
fions through all the Empire is decreed to Pom-
pey. The murmurings of the rigid Republicans
against Cicero. His anfwer. Pompey restores
plenty to Rome. The violences of Clodius a-
gainst Cicero and Milo. Clodius is chofe Edile.
The death of Lucullus. A character of the
eloquence of Callidius,
160
BOOK
CONTENTS.
BOOK XL.
SECT I.
A preliminary reflection. The boundaries and
divifion of Gaul. The manners of the
Gauls. The difference between the Aquita-
ni, the Belga, and the Celta. The Gauls
made use of the Greek tongue in their acts.
A multiplicity of people in Gaul form
ing one national body. Two factions divide
all Gaul. Particular factions among each
People, and in each Canton. Two distinguished
and illuftrious orders among the Gauls, the
Druids, and the Nobles. The People account-
ed as nothing. The Druids were the Priests,
the Philofophers, the Poets, and the Judges of
the Nation. Thé education of the Druids.
The chief of the Druids. The general affem-
blies in the country of Chartraine or Chartres.
The Nobles all fought on horseback. Continu-
ally engaged in war. The form of their 80-
vernment Aristocratical. Silence imposed on
private perfons concerning the affairs of State.
The barbarous customs of the Gauls. An
aimable character of the Genius of the Gauls.
Their valour. They want perfeverance. Their
levity. Their bodily advantages. The tafte
of the Gauls for magnificence. Much gold in
Gaul. The trade. The Religion of the Gauls.
Human victims: Their principal Divinities.
The Hercules of the Gauls. The Gauls pre-
tend to be the iſſue of the God of the dead.
They begin their natural day at the fetting of
the Sun. Their domeftic ufages. Sons did
not appear before their fathers in public, till
they
CONTENT S.
they were of age to bear arms. Their mar-
riages. Their funerals. The manners of the
Gauls like thofe of the antient people of La-
tium, defcribed by Virgil. The glory of the
arms of the Gauls. Cæfar, hitherto a factious
citizen, is beginning to be one of the greatest
warriors. His glory effaces that of all the
other Roman Generals. He makes himſelf
adored by the foldiers, and animates them with
bis fire. Some wonderful paffages on this fub-
ject. He knows how to reward with magni-
"ficence, and shew an example of the contempt
of dangers and fatigues. The weakneſs of bis
conftitution. His prodigious activity. The
cafineſs and fweetness of his manners. Exam-
ples of them,
SECT. II.
198
Motions of the Allobroges fome time before Ca-
far's entry into Gaul. The Helvetii, encourag-
ed by Orgetorix, refolve to leave their country,
and fettle themfelves elsewhere. Orgetorix af
pires at making himself King. Is about to be
profecuted, dies. His plan ftill followed. The
Helvetii begin their march. They ask leave of
Cæfar to pass the Rhone, which he refuses
them. They pass the Defile between Mount
Jura and the Rhone. Cæfar overtakes them at
the paſſage of the Soan. He beats the Tigu-
rins on this fide that river. He paffes it, and
pursues the body of that nation. An embaſſy
from the Helvetii. A battle of the horse,
wherein the Helvetii are Victors. The treafon
of Dumnorix the Eduen. Cafar pardons him
in confideration of his brother Divitiacus.
Through the fault of an Officer, Cæfar lofes an
opportunity
CONTENT S.
opportunity that he had managed to beat the
Helvetii. They came to attack Cæfar, and are
vanquished. The rest of the conquered army are
obliged to furrender. Cæfar fends them back to
their own country. He is defired by the Gauls
to undertake the war against Arioviftus. The
occafion of this war. Cæfar demands an inter-
view with Ariovistus, which he denies him.
Cæfar fends Ambaſſadors to him to make his pro-
pofitions. The haughty anfwer of Ariovistus. Ca-
far marches against Ariovistus. He makes him-
Self fure of Befancon. The terror which ſpread
itself through the Roman army. The admira-
ble conduct of Cæfar to re-animate the courage
of his men. The faccess anfwers to it, and the
troops march with confidence against the enemy.
An interview between Ariovistus and Cæfar.
The conference broke off by the perfidy of the
Germans. Cæfar, at the request of Ariovistus,
fends deputies to him. That Prince puts them
in chains. Cafar, feveral times, offers battle
to Arioviftus, who declines it. The fuperfti-
tious reafon for this refufal. Cæfar forces the
Germans to come to an engagement, and gains
the victory. He recovers his two deputies.
Cæfar goes to pass the winter in Cifalpine
Gaul,
228
SECT. III.
Cæfar's fecond campain in Gaul. The confede-
ration of the Belga against the Romans. Goes
to his army, and arrives on the frontiers of
the country of the Belga. The Rhemi make
their fubmiffion to Cæfar, and inform him of
the ftrength of the league, which confifted of
above three hundred thousand fighting men.
Cafar
CONTENT S.
}
Cæfar goes to incamp on the other fide the river
Aifne. Several enterprizes of the Belga, all
without fuccefs. They feparate and retire every
one to his own country. Cæfar pursues them,
and kills a great number of them. He re-
duces to obedience thofe of Soiffons, of Beau-
vais, and of Amiens. The pride of the Ner-
vii. They prepare themselves to receive the
Roman army. A bloody battle, wherein the
Romans, after having been in very great dan-
ger, remain conquerors. Cæfar attacks the
Aduatici, who endeavour to defend themselves
in their principal town. The furprize of the
Aduatici on feeing the Roman machines. They
furrender. Their fraud followed with the
worst fuccefs. The maritime coast of Celtica
fubdued by P. Craffus. Embaffies from the
German nations to Cæfar. Rejoicings ordered
for fifteen days at Rome, on account of Cæfar's
victories. Galba, Cæfar's Lieutenant, makes
war during the winter, with some people of
the Alps,
261
SECT. IV.
Cafar's fecret motives for going to Italy in the
winter. Ptolemy Auletes drove out of Egypt.
Theophanes, the friend of Pompey, fufpected to
have engaged the King of Egypt to retire.
Wholesome advice ineffectually given by Cato
to Auletes. Auletes comes to Rome. His
daughter Berenice is put upon the throne
by the Alexandrians, and is first married to Se-
leucus Cybiofactes, afterwards to Archelaus.
The Ambajadors from the Alexandrians at
Rome, affaffinated, gained over, or intimidated
by Ptolomy. The commiffion to re-establish the
King
CONTENT S.
King of Egypt given to Spinther by the Se-
nate, but fought for by Pompey. The pretend-
ed oracle of the Sybil, which forbad the en-
tering into Egypt with an army. The intrigues
of Pompey to procure the commiffion for re-
establishing Auletes. The affair remains in
fufpence: Cicero carries a good face through
the whole. Clodius being Edile, accufes Milo
before the People. Pompey pleading for Milo
is infulted by Clodius. The answer of the
Southfayers applied by Clodius to Cicero, and
retorted by Cicero on Clodius. Cicero takes
away from the Capitol the tables of the laws
of Clodius. A coolness, on this account, be-
tween Cicero and Cato. The fingular fituation
of Pompey, the butt of all parties. He is
bated by the common people. An object of jea-
loufy to the zealous Republicans. Miftrufts
both Craffus and Cæfar. Some bold paffages
of Cicero against Caefar. The uneasiness of
Cæfar. A new Confederacy between Cæfar,
Pompey and Craffus. Their interview. The
numerous Court of Cæfar at Lucus. Cæfar
complains of Cicero to Pompey. Reproaches
made by Pompey to Cicero. Cicero refolves to
fupport the interests of Cafar. He makes an
apology for this change. What were his real
fentiments. Cicero gives his vote in the Se-
nate for Cæfar's having the Government of
the two Gauls. Pifo recalled from Macedo-·
nia, Gabinius continues in Syria: Cicero em-
ploys himself much in pleading. The difpofi-
tions made by Pompey and Craffus to get the
Confulship. Three of the Tribunes, in concert
with Pompey, hinder the election of the Ma-
giftrates. The ineffectual endeavours of the
Conful Marcellinus, and the Senate, to over-
·
come
CONTENT S.
come the obstinacy of the Tribunes. Clodius in-
fults the Senate. The Conful would oblige
Pompey and Craffus to explain themselves.
Their answers. An univerfal confternation in
Rome. The interregnum. Domitius alone per-
fifts in demanding the Confulship with Pompey
and Craffus. He is removed out of the way
by violence, and through the fear of death.
Pompey and Craffus are named Confuls. They
prevent Cato's obtaining the Pratorship, and
caufe Vatinius to be preferred to him. Pompey
prefides at the election of Ediles. His robe is
made bloody there. The Tribune Trebonius pro-
poſes a law to give the governments of Spain
and Syria to the Confuls. The law paffes in
fpight of the oppofition of Cato and two of the
Tribunes. Pompey gets Cæfar continued in the
Government of Gaul for five years, notwith-
Aanding the reprefentation of Cato and Cicero.
A new difpofition introduced, by a law of
Pompey, in the choice of Judges. A law a
gainst canvaffing at elections. A scheme for a
new fumptuary law. The luxury of the Ro-
mans.
-
The theatre of Pompey. Games given
to the People by Pompey, at the dedicating his
theatre. The commiferation of the People for
the elephants killed in thefe games. The pro-
vince of Syria falls to Craffus, and that of
Spain to Pompey, who governs by his Lieute-
nants. The extravagant joy, and chimerical
projects of Craffus. The murmuring of the ci-
tizens against the war which Craffus was pre-
paring to make with the Parthians. The
dreadful ceremony made use of by one of the
Tribunes to load him with imprecations. A pre-
tended bad omen. Cauneas. Crafus before
his departure reconciles himſelf to Citera. Sçau-
VOL. XII
(b)
TAS
CONTENTS.
rus, Philippus, Marcellinus and Gabinius
fucceffively governors of Syria. Troubles excited
in Judea by Alexander the fon of Aristobulus.
Gabinius fettles matters there with great activity.
He demands the honour of Supplications, which
is refufed him. Marc Anthony begins to fig-
nalize himself. His birth. The original caufe
of bis hatred to Cicero. Very debauched in his
youth. He attaches himself to Clodius, after-
wards quits him to go into Greece. Gabinius
gives him the command of the horse in his army.
IIe makes himself adored by the foldiers. His
exceffive liberality. Ariftobulus, kaving made his
eſcape from Rome, renews the war in Judea,
is vanquished and retaken. Gabinius leaves the
war against the Arabs, to carry it on with
the Parthians. Ptolomy Auletes brings him
back towards Egypt. Archelaus then reigned in
Egypt with Berenice. Anthony, feconded by
Hyrcanus and Antipater, forces the paffages of
Egypt, and takes Pelufium. The bafeness and
effeminacy of the Alexandrians. Archelaus is
killed, and Ptolomy re-established. New trou-
bles in Judea. The defeat of Alexander the
fon of Aristobulus. Gabinius is obliged to yield
the command of his army to Craffus. A gene-
neral difguft in the minds of men at Reme
gairft Gabinius. The characters of the two
Confuls. Gabinius returns to Rome. He is
accufed of the crime of public Lefe- Majesty,
and acquitted. The public indignation against
this infamous judgment. He is accuſed of ex-
tortion. Cicero pleads for him. Gabinius is
condemned. Vatinius defended in like manner
by Cicero, and acquitted. The great grief will
which Cicero is touched, in being obliged to de-
find his enemies,
a+
232
BOOK
齐
​Tru
CONTENTS.
1
BOOK. XLI.
SECT. I.
The State of the Gauls after Cæfar's two first
campaigns. The Veneti form a powerful
league against the Romans. Cæfar diftributes
his forces in different parts of Gaul, and goes
in perſon against the Veneti. A fea-fight,
wherein the Veneti are vanquished. They fur-
render at difcretion, and are treated with ri-
gour. The victory of Sabinus, Cefar's Licu-
tenant, over three nations allied to the Veneti.
The Aquitani fubdued by P. Craffus. Cæfar
undertakes to bring under his yoke the Mo-
rini, and the Menapii, but is stopped by the
bad weather,
352
SECT. II.
Gaul continues peaceable through neceffity. The
Ufipii and the Tendleri, People of Germany
pafs the Rhine. Cæfar marches against them.
A negotiation begun between thefe People and
Cæfar, but broke off by a battle, without its
being clear which fide was in fault. The Ger-
mans are furprized by Cæfar and entirely de-
feated. Cæfar refolves to pass the Rhine. His
motives for fo doing. The defcription of a
bridge built over the Rhine by Caefar. His
exploits in Germany, reduced to a small com-
pafs. He forms the defign of going over into
Great-Britain. His motives for it. He pre-
pares
;
CONTENTS.
pares every thing for his paffage. He departs.
The battle on his landing. The fubmiffive be-
haviour on the fide of the Barbarians. The
cavalry of Cæfar cannot land. His fleet is ill
ufed by the high tides. The Barbarians renew
the war. The use that they made of their
chariots in battle. A treaty between Cæfar
and thefe iflanders. Cæfar repaffes into Gaul,
363
BOOK
[ 1 ]
BOOK THE THIRTY EIGHTH.
"
THE
ROMAN HISTORY.
D
COMESTIC troubles. The first
Triumvirate, or league between Ca-
far, Pompey and Craffus. The fac-
tious and tyrannical behaviour of Cæfar during
his Confulfhip. Years of Rome 690-693.
SECT. I.
A comparison
Cæfar Prætor. Cato Tribune.
between them, by Salluft. Cæfar Sovereign
Pontiff. He endeavours to give Catulus trou
ble on account of rebuilding the capitol, but to
no purpoſe. He is again impeached by Curius
and Vettius, as an accomplice in Catiline's con-
fpiracy. Several are condemned on the accufa-
tion of Vettius. Vettius renders himself fuf
pected. The Tribune Metellus Nepos attacks
Cicero, and is checked by the Senate. The fame
Tribune, fupported by Cafar, proposes a law
to recall Pompey with his army into Italy, to
reform and pacify the State. Cato demanded
VOL. XII
B
the
N
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 690.
Ant. C. 62.
1
the Tribunitian dignity, merely with a view of
oppofing the turbulent defigns of Metellus. A
mean, which he imagined would weaken the
power of Cæfar. He refifts the law of Metel-
lus, with a conftancy that was almost a pro-
digy. The Conful Murena refcues Cato from
danger. The enterprize of Metellus fails. Me-
tellus and Cæfar are forbid, by the Senate, to
exercise the functions of their employments.
Cæfar fubmits, and is re-eſtabliſhed. Cato ob-
tains the fame favour for Metellus. What
part Cicero took in this whole affair. Pompey
repudiates Mucia. The triumph of Q. Me-
tellus Creticus. The election of Confuls for the
year following. The Character of Clodius.
He profanes the mysteries of the good goddeſs.
Inftructions for the proceſs againſt him. Cicero
depofes against him. The Judges fuffer them-
felves to be corrupted. Clodius is abfolved.
Cicero re-animates the courage of good men,
whom this judgment bad difmayed. Pompey,
on his arrival in Italy, difbands his troops.
Cicero endeavours to engage Pompey to explain
bimfelf favourably on his Confulship. The
equivocal conduct of Pompey. Pompey buys
the Confulfhip for Afranius. A fruitless at-
tempt of Pompey to gain over Cato. Indians
drove by a tempest on the coasts of Germany.
The third triumph of Pompey.
D. JUNIUS SILANUS.
L. LICINIUS MURENA.
Cæfar CA
CE
Prætor:
ÆSAR and Cato, this year, found them-
felves both employed, one as Prætor, the
Cato Tri- other as Tribune: and the difference there was
bune.
in their characters and principles, which had
already,
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
3
Ant. C. 62.
already, more than once, created mifunder- A. R. 690.
ftandings between them, particularly in the
debate upon puniſhing the Confpirators, car-
ried them, at the time I am now fpeaking of,
into a moft violent diffention, which could
not in its confequences but more and more
increaſe. Never were two men with great ta-
lents more oppofite to one another in maxims
and conduct. Salluft has compared them, but
in fuch a manner, as fhewed he had a mind to
flatter the picture of Cæfar.
66
tween them
They were very near equals, fays that A compa-
"Hiftorian (a), in birth, age, eloquence: a-rifon be-
"like in greatnefs of foul, equal in glory, by Salluft.
"but of very different kinds. Cæfar had ac-
"quired a great name, by his generoſity and
"magnificence; Cato by his unblameable
"manners. One was admired for the fweet-
"neſs of his temper, and his clemency; the
"other for his feverity. Cæfar had gained a
fhining character, by making large preſents,
(6
(a) His genus, ætas, elo-
quentia, prope æqualia fue-
re: magnitudo animi par,
item gloria, fed alia alii.
Cæfar beneficiis ac munifi-
centiâ magnus habebatur, in-
tegritate vitæ Cato. Ille
manfuetudine & mifericor-
diâ clarus factus: huic feve-
ritas dignitatem addiderat :
Cæfar dando, fublevando,
ignofcendo; Cato nihil lar-
giundo gloriam adeptus eft.
In altero miferis perfugium,
in altero malis pernicies. Il-
lius facilitas, hujus conftan-
tia laudabatur. Poftremò
Cæfar in animum induxerat
vigilare, laborare; negotiis
B 2
amicorum contentus fua neg-
ligere; nihil denegare, quod
dono dignum effet: fibi
magnum imperium, exerci-
tum, bellum novum exop-
tabat, ubi virtus enitefcere
poffet. At Catoni ftudium
modeftiæ, decoris, fed max-
ume feveritatis erat. Non
divitiis cum divite, neque
factione cum factiofo; fed
cum ftrenuo virtute, cum
modeſto pudore, cum inno-
cente abftinentiâ certabat :
effe, quam videri, bonus ma-
lebat: ita, quò minùs glo-
riam petebat, eò magis ad-
fequebatur. Sall. Cat.
"
ir by
1
4
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 690.66 by protecting thoſe who fled to him for
Ant. C. 62. fuccour, and by fhewing himfelf always
ready to forgive; Cato by never fhewing
66 any
favour. One was the reſource of the
"unhappy, the other the fcourge of the
"wicked. The eafinefs of the firft was com-
"mended, and the conftancy of the ſecond.
"In fhort, Cæfar had made it a rule with him
"to fpare neither care or pains: taken up
with the interefts of his friends, he neg-
"lected his own. He never miſſed an oc-
«cafion to gratify and oblige whom he might.
"He wished for fome diftinguiſhed poft; a
"command in the army, a new war, where
his merit might appear to advantage. Cato,
"on the other hand, fhewed himſelf a lover
"of modefty, an obſerver of decency, and,
" above all, of feverity. He did not endea-
«vour to excel the rich in their, wealth, nor
"the factious in the ſpirit of faction and ca-
"bal; but he contended for magnanimity with
"the moſt couragious, for modeſty with the
"moſt reſerved; and with the moſt irreproach-
"able for difintereſtedneſs and integrity: he
fought more to be an honeft man, than to
66
66
appear fo; and by his conduct, the lefs he
"ran after glory, the more he feemed to look
"for it."
Nothing is jufter than the idea that Salluft
here gives of Cato. But with regard to Cæfar,
he ought to have drawn him, as he promiſed,
according (a) to the beſt that his genius would
allow him. He fhews only the fuperficial part
of Cæfar's conduct, without penetrating into
the principles upon which he acted. To have
(a) Quantum ingenio poffem.
finiſhed
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
5
Ant, C. 62.
finiſhed his picture he ought to have faid, A. R. 690.
that Cæfar made every thing fubfervient to his
own advancement; that he thought nothing
facred that ſtood in the way of his ambition;
that to him virtue was only a name, the public
good a chimera that never any one, with lefs
fcruple, trampled under foot, all that are called
laws, honefty, religion and principles: In a
word, if no man was ever more aimable in
converfation, there never was one with a heart
more corrupt in its morals, nor a citizen more
dangerous to the State. What I have here ad-
vanced concerning Cæfar, is already proved, in
part, by the facts that I have related, and will
be more and more fo as his projects are laid
open.
He added much the year before to the figure Cæfar ſo.
he already made, by the dignity of fovereign vereign
Pontiff, which he obtained from the People. Pontiff
This place, fole and perpetual, which puts the
perfon who is invefted with it at the head of
all religion, and of all the colleges of Priefts,
and the authority of which is fo great, that all
the Emperors from the time of Auguftus took
it upon themſelves, excluding all private per-
fons from it, this place was the object of the
ambition of the firft citizens of the Common-
wealth. It was juſt become vacant by the death of Dio. 1.
Metellus Pius. Servilius Ifauricus and Catulus, Plut. Cæf.
both of confular dignity, and very powerful in Suet. Cæf.
the Senate, were prepared to ask for it; but the c. 13.
authority of theſe two competitors fo redoubt-
able, did not hinder Cæfar from putting in for
it, who had never yet poffeffed any other curule
employment but the ædilefhip, and he foon
gave a brisk alarm to his opponents. Catulus,
who feared the affront of a denial the more, as
xxxvii..
B 3
he
6™
·
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
1
A. R. 690. he was more exalted in his dignity, offered
Ant. C. 62. him a very confiderable fum of money, if he
would defift from his pretenfions: but Cæfar
anſwered him, that he would expend a much
larger fum himſelf to fucceed in his defign.
In ſhort he made fuch prodigious largeffes, and
diſtributed fo much money among the Tribes,
that he had been loft without refource, and
muſt have banished himſelf from Rome, if his
enterprize had failed. This he declared himſelf
to his mother on the day of the election. For
when ſhe embraced him, with tears in her eyes
at the time he appeared in the Forum. My
mother, faid he, you will this day ſee your fon ei-
ther fovereign Pontiff or a fugitive. He was
very far from being in danger of the laft, for
he carried his point with fo high a hand againſt
the other candidates, that he had more fuffrages
in their own Tribes than they had in all the
Tribes put together.
I have related how Catulus went about to
revenge himſelf on Cæfar, by endeavouring to
involve him in the affair of the confpiracy.
Cæfar was not long before he turned the tables
upon him, and after the firft of January, when
he entered upon the exercife of the Prætorfhip,
he undertook to cite him before the People,
and to oblige him to give an account of the
He endea- money that had paffed through his hands for
ours to rebuilding the capitol, with which he was in-
Catulus on trufted, as I have faid in its place. He pre-
account of tended that Catulus had mifapplied a part of
rebuilding this money to his own ufe, and in confequence
the Capitol. demanded, that his name fhould be eraced from
trouble
the frontispiece of the temple, and that the fu-
per-intendance of that great edifice, and the
care of finiſhing what was yet to be done
fhould
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
7
Ant. C. 62,
fhould be transferred to Pompey. Cæfar hád A. R. 690.
taken his time to move this affair while the
chief members of the Senate were in the train
of the new Confuls, and affifting them to take
poffeffion of the capitol. The news of what
had paffed coming to Catulus, he ran to the
Forum to defend himſelf, and prepared to
mount the Tribunal but Cæfar, not fearing Cic. ad
to outrage fo illuftrious a perfon, ordered him Att. 11.
to ſtay below, as one accuſed of a crime. In 24-
the mean time the Senators, leaving the cere-
mony of the capitol, came and ranged them-
felves about Catulus, and they fo refolutely
oppoſed the injuftice that was going to be
done to one of the principal ornaments of
their order, that Cæfar was obliged to abandon
his defign.
He found himſelf, in his turn, not a little
embarraffed. The fufpicions, of which he had
never well purged himſelf, on account of the
part he might have had in Catiline's confpiracy,
were renewed. Q. Curius, he who had given He is again
fo much and fo good advice to Cicero, named impeached,
Cæfar, in full Senate, among the accomplices. and Vet-
A new accufer, Q. Vettius, a Roman Knight, tius, as an
by whom ſeveral of the culpable had been dif-accomplice
covered, impeached him alfo to Novius Niger in Cati-
the Quæftor, who, it is very likely, was charg- Spiracy.
ed with receiving the depofition of this Vet-Suet. Cef.
tius.
Cæfar talked in a high tone. He faid it
was mean and infupportable to have thoſe ac-
cufations renewed which he pretended were out
of date and already overthrown. He called
upon the teftimony of Cicero, to whom he
affirmed, that he had given lights concerning
the confpiracy and complained with great
warmth,
B 4
line's con-
C. 17.
8
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 62.
A. R. 690. warmth, that Curius had been deprived of thofe
rewards that had been promiſed him by the
Senate. As to Vettius, Cæfar did himself juf-
tice on him. He condemned that informer to
a fine, which according to the cuſtom of the
Romans, he would have forced him to give
fecurity for the payment of, and for want of
that, caufed his goods to be fold by outcry.
Not content with this, he turned him over to
the People, and after having expofed him to
the fury of the multitude, who were going to
tear him to pieces, he had him thrown into
prifon. He alfo fent the Quæftor Niger to
the fame place, for failing in the reſpect that
was due to him, and receiving an information
againſt a Magiſtrate his fuperior. We ſhall
find Cæfar, in his Confulfhip, producing this
fame Vettius to act a quite different part.
Several
are con-
At the time I am fpeaking of, Vettius ren-
demned on dered a very good fervice to the Common-
the accufa- Wealth, by facilitating the means of diffipating
tion of Vet-the remains of the confpiracy. For befides
vius..
thoſe who had fhewn themſelves again, and
who, having held ſeveral riotous affemblies in
different parts of Italy, were fuppreffed and
overcame by arms, many had kept themfelves
concealed, and were unknown: theſe Vettius
detected; they were arrefted, and, their pro-
ceffes being made out, they were condemned
either to death, or amercements. Cicero had
Salluft in a great fhare in thefe condemnations; and Sal-
Cic.
luft, at leaſt the invective that paffes under his
name, reproaches him with having erected a
tribunal in his own houfe, from whence he
paffed thoſe bloody fentences, in conjunction
with his wife Terentia. But the piece from
whence this fact is taken, is filled with fuch
atrocious
LICINIUS, JUNIUS, Confuls.
9
3
}
·
atrocious and fenfelefs calumnies, that it does A. R. 690.
not deſerve any credit.
Ant. C. 62.
Vettius was a very difhoneft man, and foon Vettius
gave reafon for fome extraordinary fufpicions a- renders
gainſt himſelf: for having prefented the Senate himself
fufpected.
with a lift containing the names of the confpi-
rators he knew, he afterwards afked for it back
again, to add fome new names to it. It was
apprehended, that there was fome fraud in this
demand, and therefore it was refufed him. He
was ordered to declare, viva voce, the names of
thofe that he remembered, which gave him a
good deal of confufion and perplexity. More-
over, this fatal lift being kept fecret, gave much
uneafineſs to many citizens, who apprehended
that their names might be found it. The Se-
nate, to deliver the innocent from fuch alarms,
publiſhed the lift, by which mens minds were
fatisfied.
bune Me-
nale.
It is reaſonable to fuppofe, that Cicero could The Tri-
not but be rendered odious by all theſe en- tellus Ne-
quiries. The Tribune Metellus Nepos, in con- pos attacks
cert with Cæfar, continually declaimed againft Cicero, and
him, and prepared to accuſe him and cite him is checked
by the Se-
before the People, for having put to death fe-
veral citizens, without proceeding against them Dio.
according to due form of law. The caufe of
Cicero was that of the Senate. They were very
fenfible of it, and confirmed and ratified a-new
what had paffed in his Confulfhip, declaring,
that whoever went about to give him any
trouble thereon, fhould be looked upon as an
enemy to his country. This decree impofed
filence on Metellus with regard to Cicero.
But, ſtill ſupported by Cæfar, he ſtarted a The fame
new affair, which partly tended to the fame Tribune,
end, and excited the moſt violent commotions. Supported
He by Cafar,
proposes a
10
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 62.
army, into
A. R. 690. He propofed the recalling Pompey into Italy
law, to with his army, to reform and pacify the State.
recall Metellus was brother or coufin to Pompey's
Pompey wife Mucia, and fought his own elavation in
with his that of fo near an ally. Cæfar followed the
Italy, to fame ſcheme of advancing himfelf under the
reform and ſhade of Pompey, and of raifing that citizen,
pacify the who already overftopped all the reſt, to as great
a height as poffible, that he might, by his
credit at laft, obtain means to fupplant him.
Both of them aimed at deftroying the power of
Cicero, whom they uſed tyrannically.
State.
Dio.
Plut. in
Cæf. &
Cic. &
Cat.
It was happy for Cicero and the Republic,
that Cato was Tribune of the People: but this
Cato had was not the effect of blind chance; it was the
demanded wifdom and courage of that excellent citizen
the Tribu- that had determined him to take that employ-
nitian dig- ment upon him, merely to oppofe the rage
ly to oppoſe of Metellus, which he had forefeen: for in the
the turbu- preceding year, when every thing was quiet,
lent defigns and his friends exhorted him to demand the
of Metel- Tribunefhip, he would not give ear to it, be-
nity, mere-
lus.
cauſe he was willing to reſerve himſelf for a
time, when the Commonwealth might have
need of his fervices. He even went out of
Rome, and having taken his books and fome
philofophers for his companions, was actually
on the road, with a defign to paſs a time in
Lucania, where he had lands, when he met a
large train of horfes and baggage in his way,
and, upon enquiry, found they belonged to
Metellus Nepos, who, coming from the army
of Pompey, was going to Rome to demand
the Tribuneſhip. He ftopped for a moment,
and after having a little reflected with himſelf,
he ordered his people to return towards the
city. His friends were aftoniſhed at this fud-
den change. Do you not know, ſaid he to them,
that
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
I I
Ant, C. 62.
that Metellus is a furious man, from whom every A. R. 690.
thing is to be feared? And now he comes hither in
a good understanding with Pompey, it may produce
a ftorm that will fall upon the Common-Wealth,
and overturn every thing. It is not therefore a
time for me to taste the pleasures of leifure, nor
take a journey to my lands; but to overcome this
furious man, or die with courage in defence of li-
berty. Nevertheleſs Cato fuffered himſelf to be
prevailed upon to go through his journey; but
he ftayed but a very little time before he re-
turned to Rome.
He arrived in the evening, and the next
morning, put himſelf among thoſe who ſtood
for the Tribunefhip. At first he had but a few
friends with him: but when his intentions were
known, all the beſt citizens and every good
man crouded about him, exhorting him, in-
couraging him, and proteſting to him, that
they did not think it was Cato that would
be obliged to them for giving him the em-
ployment, but that the Commonwealth would
have great obligations to Cato, who had
fuffered the time to paſs wherein he might have
enjoyed the tribunitian dignity in perfect tran-
quility, and now pretended himſelf to combat,
not without danger, in defence of liberty and
the laws.
would
He was accordingly named Tribune with 4 mean
Metellus Nepos, and eight others; and before which be
he entered on his office, befides the ſignal fer-imagined
vice he did the Commonwealth, by determin- weaken the
ing the fuffrages of the Senators with refpect power of
to the punishment of the confpirators, he Cajar.
rendered it ſtill another, which tended directly
to weaken the power of Cæfar: For the Præ-
torfhip of the laft was dreaded, who had all
the populace at his command, and eſpecially
the
12
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
A.R. 690. the moſt unworthy, men who are always ready.
Ant. C. 62,
with a
to give themſelves up to any who offer them
wherewithal to relieve their wants.
Cato per-
fuaded the Senate to order a free diſtribution
of corn by the month, which in reality load-
ed the ſtate with an expence of * five millions
five hundred thousand drachma's each year;
but which nevertheleſs was looked upon as
very uſeful, fince it took from Cæfar a great
number of Partifans, and cooled the zeal of the
reft.
Cato contributed very much to render inef-
fectual the perfonal attacks that Metellus made
upon Cicero. He extolled his Confulfhip to
the heavens, and I have already ſaid, after Plu-
tarch, that he gave Cicero the glorious title of
Father of his country. But it was principally
against the law which recalled Pompey into
Italy, that he contended with his greateſt
ftrength, and ran the greateſt danger.
He refifts The return of Pompey, with a powerful
the law of army to Rome, which was indeed to make
Metellus himself master of the Commonwealth, was fuf-
conftancy, ficiently dreaded; therefore Cato had great
that was reaſon to oppofe the law of his collegue.
almost a
However he at firft tried the way of gentle-
prodigy.
nefs and perfuafion. He made reprefentations
to him, in the fenate, full of friendſhip: he
even condefcended to befeech him, much praif-
ing, at the fame time, the conftancy with which
Metellus's family had always maintained Arif-
tocratical principles, and exhorting Nepos not
to degenerate from the glory of his anceſtors.
Nepos it feems was of a mean fpirit, who fee-
ing himſelf courted, became the more haughty,
* About 137,500!. fierling.
and
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
13
Ant. C. 62.
and imagined he was feared. He therefore A. R. 690.
grew obftinate, uſed menaces and rodomon-
tades, and pretended that he would bring about
what he had undertaken, in ſpite of the Senate.
Cato then altering the tone of his voice and his
countenance, declared, in more expreſs terms
than ever, that as long as he lived, Pompey
ſhould not enter, with any army, into the city.
The difpute grew to fuch an height, that they
both feemed to be befide, and not to know,
themſelves. But it might be eaſily diſtinguiſh-
ed, fays Plutarch, that this tranſport in one
was a real fury whofe origine was vicious, and
whofe end would have been fatal to the Com-
monwealth; and that in the other it was the
enthufiafin of a virtuous mind, ſtruggling in
the cauſe of juftice and liberty.
The day now approached, wherein the Peo-
ple, according to the ſcheme of Metellus, were
to give their fuffrages; and this Tribune, re-
folving to have the law pafs by violence, had
provided a quantity of arms, and got together
foreign foldiers, gladiators, and flaves, a part
of whom he had taken care to diftribute in
different parts of the Forum the evening be-
fore. He had for him a great part of the
People, always defirous of novelties; and
Cæfar fupported him with all his credit, and
with all the authority that was given him by
the Prætorfhip. Cato was almoft alone. The
firft People in the city thought as he did, and
inwardly favoured him, but they ſcarce affifted
him with any thing but their wishes. All his
family were in affliction and alarms. His
friends were fo much overcome with grief that
they could ſcarce eat; they paffed all the even-
ing together in reafoning to no purpoſe on the
prefent
+
14
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 62.
A. R. 690. prefent circumftance; his wife and his fifters
lamented him. Tranquil and intrepid himſelf,
he comforted thoſe whom he faw afflicted a-
bout him. He fupped at his ufual hour, and
paffed the night very quietly, infomuch that
he was yet aſleep, when Minucius Thermus,
the only one of his collegues who acted in con-
cert with him, came in the morning to give
him notice, that it was time to be in the Fo-
rum, or rather field of battle. They went there
together, accompanied by very few People;
and were met by many who came on purpoſe
to caution them of the danger they were run-
ning into.
When Cato arrived there, he turned his eyes
on all fides, and ſeeing that the temple of Caf-
tor was filled with foldiers, the ſteps that led
to the tribunal guarded by the gladiators, and
Metellus feated on high with Cæfar, he re-
turned towards his friends: O the audacious man!
faid he to them; and cowardly at the fame
time, to have affembled fo many in arms agains
one man unarmed! He advanced with Ther-
mus, and thoſe who guarded the avenues,
having opened to them, he paffed on with his
collegue; but Metellus's People immediately
cloſing again would fuffer no other perfon to
pafs by them, only Cato taking Munatius, one
of his best friends by the hand, with fome dif-
ficulty brought him up alfo. He then went,
and feating himſelf between. Metellus and
Cæfar, interrupted their converſation. An air
of confufion was immediately viſible in their
countenances. On the contrary, the ferenity
and conftancy of Cato inſpired the good citi-
zens with courage, and gave them confidence
to approach one another, and exhort one ano-
ther
".
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
15
Ant. C. 62,
ther to unite, and not abandon the cauſe of A, R. 690.
liberty, or him who fought for it.
Then the Regiſter would have read the law,
according to cuftom, but Cato forbad him.
Metellus took the paper, and would have read
it himſelf. Cato fnatched it from him, and,
at the fame time, Thermus put his hand upon
his mouth, becauſe, as he knew his law by
heart, he was prepared to pronounce it with-
out book. Metellus, thus hard put to it, gave
the fignal to the armed people he had diftri-
buted about the place. The Affembly imme-
diately difperfed; and Cato was left alone, ex-
poſed to rude attacks from clubs and ftones.
The Conful Murena, who had been accufed
by him, came to his fuccour. He covered
him with his gown, and crying out to the fu-
rious rabble to defift, at length perfuaded Ca-
to himſelf to retire into the temple of Caftor.
danger.
This generoſity of Murena, without doubt, Toe Con-
was very laudable. But it may be faid, that ful Murena
Cato deferved it, becauſe he had ufed him refcues Ca-
to from
with no incivility or aufterity, but merely as
the juſtice of the caufe required. He fhewed
no malice on fuch occafions, to the perfons,
but friendſhip and benevolence even to thoſe
whom he found himſelf obliged to offend.
Murena, who was a worthy man, and of a
gentle difpofition, diftinguishing this behaviour
of Cato, and forgetting all that was perfonal to
him, admired his virtues, and conducted him-
felf in all things by his counfels.
Metellus, feeing his adverfaries put to flight, The enter
thought he had gained the victory, and fend-prize of
Metellus
ing away his attendants, reckoned that all would
go on quietly, and that his law would have
been received. But thoſe who oppofed it, re-
affembling
fails.
16
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 62.
A. R. 690. affembling, ran about with great outcries.
Metellus and his people were altogether difcon-
certed; they feared, that their adverſaries had
got arms privately, fo took to flight in their
turn, and left the field open to Cato, who
preſently aſcended the tribunal of harangues,
and by a ſpeech fuitable to the occafion, forti-
fied and encouraged the minds of the people.
·
This refiftance of Cato gave freſh vigour
to the Senate, who, by a decree, gave charge
to the Confuls to watch for the fafety of the
city, and with Cato, to oppoſe a law which
Metellus gave it trouble. The Senate even went fo
and Cafar far, as to forbid Metellus and Cæfar to exerciſe
are forbid the functions of their offices. Theſe would
to exercife at firft have refifted it; but their faction was
the fun fo intimidated, that all that Metellus could
tions of
their em- do was to inveigh againſt the pretended tyran-
ployments. ny of Cato, and to threaten the Senators, that
they ſhould repent of having confpired againſt
Pompey, and affronting fo great a man. After
which he went out of Rome, and began his
march to go into Afia, although, as Tribune,
it was not allowed him to leave the city, or lie
one night out of it.
As to Cæfar, he conducted himſelf with
more prudence. After having founded the
ford, and finding himſelf on the weakeft fide,
he fubmitted with a good grace, fent back his
Lictors, and, having laid afide the toga pra-
texta, fhut himfelf up in his own houfe. He
Cafar fub-
mits, and did more: he refufed the offers of a multi-
is re-efta- tude who gathered together of themſelves,
blished. and fhewed they were difpofed to maintain
him by force, in the dignity of his office.
The Senate, who did not expect ſo much mo-
deration from him, were charmed with it.
4
They
1
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
17
They fent for him, and re-eſtabliſhed him, A. R. 690.
giving him many praiſes, and ordering the de Ant, C. 62.
cree of his interdiction to be blotted out of the
regifter. This indulgence fhewed to Cæfar ex- Cato ob-
tended alfo to Metellus, and Cato contributed tains the
greatly thereto by his repreſentations. This
This Jame fa
vour for
conduct did him honour. It was feen, that he Metellus.
had both generofity enough not to infult a
vanquished foe, and prudence enough not to
irritate Pompey. Metellus, who, it is very like-
ly, was not got far, returned to Rome, and
re-entered upon his office.
xviii. 7.
Cic. ad
In all this affair, Cicero feemed to act but What part
little, although he was very much intereſted in Cicero took
it. He oppofed great moderation to the in this
whole of-
tranfports of Nepos, preferving, nevertheless, fair.
his rank and his dignity; for he refifted with
vigour when he found himſelf attacked, and
even pronounced a diſcourſe againſt him, which
is loft. But when he was to give his opinion Cic. ad
in the Senate, he always followed the mildeft Att. I 13.
counfels. This we learn from himſelf, in a very A Gell.
fine letter to Metellus Celer, brother or coufin
of Nepos. Celer, had reproached him with a Fam. v. 2.
good deal of pride. Cicero anſwered him bet-
ter, juſtifying himſelf without meanness, and
refuting him without rudeness. This caution
of Cicero with regard to Nepos, without
doubt, was owing to Metellus Celer, who was
a perfon of merit, and eſpecially to Pompey,
who was allied to them both. This did not
prevent his living, for a time, with Nepos on
the foot of an enemy. But he gathered the
fruits of his moderation in the end, when the
other employed his intereft in getting him re-
called from baniſhment, as we ſhall obferve in
its place.
VOL. XII.
C
Ac
18
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 690.
At the end of this year, Pompey, on his
Ant. C. 62. return from the war he had made in the Eaft,
Pompey
repudiates and approaching Italy, broke the alliance be-
tween him and the Metelli, by divorcing his
wife Mucia, of which I have fpoke elſewhere.
Cicero tells us, that this divorce was very much
Att. I. 12. approved of.
Mucia.
Cic. ad
The tri-
cus.
Q. Metellus Creticus, whofe triumph had
umph of been for a long time retarded by the intrigues
Metel and chicanery even of Pompey, at length ob-
lus Creti- tained it, and it was celebrated on the first of
Frein- June. But it wanted what would have been
fhem. ciii. the principal ornament of it, I mean the van-
quifhed Cretan chiefs, Lafthenes and Panares,
whom a Tribune of the people claimed as the
prifoners of Pompey.
· 8.
M. Pupius Piſo, the Lieutenant and creature
The elec-
tion of
of Pompey, took his time early to demand
Confuls for the Confulfhip; and Pompey, who thought
the year nothing could be denied him in the height of
following.
glory and power he then was, wrote to the
Senate, to defire they would defer the affem-
blies, wherein the election of magiftrates was
to be made, that he might have time to come
to them, and fupport in perfon the intereſt of
his Lieutenant. In the Senate they were in-
clinable enough to grant his requeſt: but Cato
oppoſed it; not that he looked upon the thing
as very important of itſelf, but that Pompey
might not be authorized thereby to pretend
to give laws. The affemblies therefore were
held at the ordinary time, which did not hin-
der Pompey's recommendation from having.
its effect, Pupius was unanimoufly elected,
and had M. Valerius Meffalla given him for his
Collegue.
All
JUNIUS, LICINIUs, Confuls.
19
Ant. C. 62.
All things were calm, and the ftroke that A. R. 690.
was given by the factions to fhake the plan of
government eſtabliſhed by Cicero in his Con-
fulfhip, fell, with difgrace, upon the authors
of it. The conclufion of this year was marked
with an adventure horrible in itſelf, and which
in its confequences embroiled the ftate of af
fairs, and gave the worst citizens the upper-
hand again.
Clodius.
I have already fpoke of Clodius, and had The cha-
occafion to make his character known. Never racter of
was a man ſeen with more raſhneſs, more pe-
tulance, or more corruption. Without referve
or modefty, vice, only vice feemed to have
any charms for him. Notwithſtanding this
affemblage of bad qualities, his name, his birth,
and his alliances gave him great credit; and for
much the more, as he had talents neceffary to
gain the multitude, a popular eloquence, and
a prodigality, that regarded neither the public
funds, nor his own private fortune, provided
he could make himſelf creatures by his lar-
geffes.
He loved Pompeia, the wife of Cæfar, who,
on her fide, had not fenfe enough to repulfe
him but Aurelia, the mother of Cæfar, a fe-
vere and virtuous lady, watched her daughter-
in-law fo clofely, that the intrigues of Clodius
and Pompeia were very much reſtrained. The
myſteries of the good goddeſs, which were this
year celebrated in the houfe of Cæfar, feemed
a fair opportunity to them both. Theſe pre-
tended myfteries were actually accompanied
with fuch infamous deeds, that it is no wonder
that they ſerved for the fcene of an invitation
to their adultery.
C 2
It
20
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 690.
Ant. C. 62.
}
It is known, that the houſe where this feaft
was celebrated, was entirely given up to the
Clodius women, All the men, even the maſter of it
prophanes himself, were obliged to go out of it. All
the myste- the male animals were drove away; and they
ries of the
Good God-carried the nicety fo far, as to cover every
defs. picture that had any reprefentations of them.
The darkneſs of the night, the frantic and dif-
folute rejoicings, the dances with inftruments
and mufic, were all circumſtances that ſeemed
to favour the defign of Clodius. As he was
yet but young, and had very little beard, he
hoped, that by putting on the habit of a wo-
man, and dreffing himſelf like a minſtrel, he
might enter unknown; which he did effectu-
ally, being introduced by a flave of Pompeia's,
who was in the fecret. But this flave having
left him, to go and acquaint her miſtreſs with
what ſhe had done, as fome time paffed,
Clodius found himſelf a good deal embarraf-
fed. He could not reft where he was, nor
did he care to go out of the way. While he
ſhifted about from place to place, to avoid
the lights, another flave, who belonged to
Aurelia, obferved him, and took him at firſt
for a
woman: But having conceived fome
fufpicion from his borrowed air, fhe examined
him, and Clodius was obliged to anſwer.
His voice betrayed him. The flave was
ftrangely furprized and frightened, and run-
ning to the place where the lights and the
company were, cried out there was a man in
the houſe. Aurelia immediately cauſed the
myſteries to ceafe, covered the ftatues and the
repreſentation of the deities, and having order-
ed the doors to be fhut, fhe began to fearch
every where with flambeaux. Clodius was at
length
JUNIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
21
Ant. C. 63.
length found in the chamber of the flave who A. R. 690-
had introduced him and all the women ga-
thering about him he was driven out of the
houfe.
It is eaſy to imagine what a noife fuch an ad-
venture as this made in Rome, when it was
known. All the women informed their huf
bands of it the fame night, and the next day
there was a general outcry full of indignation
againſt Clodius, as an impious wretch, whom
the Gods and the Commonwealth were both
intereſted to puniſh. The Veftals renewed
the facrifice; and Cæfar repudiated his wife, Cæfar re-
who had but too much deferved it. She pudiates
his wife.
was grandaughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus, Suet. Cæf.
and of Sylla, who had been Confuls together, c. 6.
and of courſe the daughter of that young Q
Pompeius, who was killed under the Conful-
ſhip of his father, and father-in-law, in the fe-
dition excited by the Tribune Sulpicius.
The fequel of this affair relates to the year
when Pupius Pifo and Meffalla were Confuls.
M. PUPIUS PISO.
M. VALERIUS MESSALLA NIGER:
A R. 691.
Ant. C. 6г.
Theſe two Confuls are characterized by Ci- Character
cero, in one of his letters to Atticus. "The of the two
Confuls.
one, (a) Pifo, fays he, is of a mean fpirit, Cic. ad
GC
(a) Conful parvo animo
& pravo-facie magis quàm
facetüs ridiculus; nihil agens
cum populo, fejunctus ab
optimatibus ; à quo nihil
fperes boni Reipublicæ, quia
*
Att I. 13,
non vult; nihil metuas mali,
14, 16.
quia non audet. Ejus autem
collega, & in me perhono-
rificus, & partium ftudiofus
ac defenfor bonarum. Cic.
ad Att. I. 13.
* The editions have it, cum Republicà. I have followed
the conjecture of Muret, avho ſeems to express what Cicero
means. Pifo, according to him, is wrong-headed, infulate,
who is neither popular, nor a partifan of the Senate's.
C 3
and
22
"
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls,
Ant. C. 61.
A. R. 691. and the little wit he has, is of a bad turn,
"He endeavours to be pleaſant, but is only
"ridiculous. He is no popular Conful, and
"feparates himſelf entirely from the chiefs of
"the Aristocracy. The Commonwealth has
"no good to hope from him, becauſe he is
"not capable of doing any, nor any ill to
fear from him becauſe he has not fpirit
❝enough to undertake it. His collegue does
❝ in no wife refemble him: He treats me very
honourably, and is attached to the beft
"party."
The affair of Clodius very much employed
thefe Confuls, for it was brought before the
Senate by Q. Cornificius. He delivered a
preparatory edict, which imported that the
college of Pontiffs fhould be confulted on
the nature of the action. The answer was,
that it was an impiety. Then the Senate or-
dered the Confuls to propofe a law to the Peo-
ple, to eſtabliſh an extraordiary commiffion,
which fhould fit in judgment upon the fact
of the profanation committed in the myſteries.
of the good goddefs. Pifo was Clodius's
friend; therefore at the fame time, that he
propoſed a law in obedience to a decree of the
Senate, he ſtarted objections, and endeavoured
to hinder its paffing.
Clodius was in a very violent and dangerous
fituation. He had against him all the pillars
of the Senate, the Conful Meffalla, Lucullus,
Hortenfius, Cicero, Cato. Even Pompey,
who was but recently arrived, fpoke in the
Senate and before the People in a manner
*
* Thofe affemblies of the
Senate and of the People,
where Pompey was found,
must have been held without
the city, otherwife, as he
pretended to a triumph, he
could not have aſſiſted at
them.
little
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
23
Ant. C, 61,
little favourable to the caufe of Clodius. This A. R. 691.
laft uſed all the means imaginable to defend
himſelf. He ftirred up the rabble, who were
always at his beck. Sometimes he had recourſe
to intreaties, and fometimes to invectives. In
the Senate he proftrated himſelf at the feet of
the Senators, and before the People he ex-
claimed againſt them: But all his efforts would
have been ineffectual, if he had not gained
the Tribune Q. Fufius Calenus to his intereſt:
For the Conful Pifo had abfolutely no credit,
being deftitute of every good quality, and
without any talents. Vicious (a) to exceſs if
he had had one vice lefs, and if he had not
been indolent, fleepy, ignorant, and flothful.
-
Fufius was therefore the fole refource of
Clodius. But there was fomething fo odious
in this affair, that he dared not openly under-
take the defenſe of the man he was willing to
fave. He would not oppofe in form the law
that had been propofed by the Confuls; he
only difputed and fhifted ground. Hortenfius,
who feared that he would at length ſtrike in
with the oppofite party, thought of this expe-
dient, which was that the Tribune himſelf
ſhould propoſe a law, different in one article
only from that of the Confuls. By the law of
the Confuls the Prætor who was appointed to
prefide in judgment, was to form his council
himſelf and choofe the judges, and by this of
Fufius the judges were to be drawn by lot.
Hörtenfius, who propoſed this medium, knew
very well that there was an important differ-
(a) Uno vitio minùs viti-
ofus, quòd iners, quòd fom-
ni plenus, quòd imperitus,
C 4
quòd paɣlótates, Cic. ad
ἀπραχότατος.
Att. I. 14.
ence
24.
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 61.
A. R. 691. ence between thefe two laws: but he was per-
fuaded that there could be no judge who would
acquit Clodius; and his expreffion was, that
a fword of lead was fufficient to cut his throat.
Thus altered, the law paffed, and from that
moment Cicero began to moderate his activity
and his ardour, which he did not care to con-
fume to no purpoſe.
Prepara-
tions for
bim.
As foon as the Tribunal was formed, and the
Judges began to take their feats, the good Ci-
the procefs tizens were entirely difcouraged; for there
against
were hardly feen among them any but diffo-
lute perfons, without fhame, without any fen-
timents of probity. Never did any common
gaming houſe (a) afford a ſet of more defpi-
cable wretches: there were indeed fome few
honeft men, but difconcerted and afhamed to
fee themſelves fo matched,
Thefe Judges acted at firft with great feve-
rity, without doubt to allure the public, or to
fell themſelves for the better price. They re-
fuſed every thing to the accufed; and the ac-
cufer, who was one Lentulus, obtained more.
than he demanded: fo that Hortenfius much
applauded himſelf, and boafted of the wifdom
of his propofition.
T
It is true, that it could be hardly credible,
that Judges could have impudence enough to
acquit fuch a profligate villain. Befides the
particular crime of which he was accuſed, there
were witneffes the moft refpectable, who de-
pofed feveral atrocious facts against him. Forg-
ing of wills, adulteries, and debaucheries of all
kinds; the fedition of Nifibis of which he was
;
(a) Non enim unquam turpior in ludo talario confeffus
fuit. Cit, ad Att. I. 16.
the
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
25
Ant. C. 61.
the author; cut-throats armed by him, and A. R. 691.
diftributed in companies to exerciſe all manner
of violences by his order. Lucullus, whofe
wife was one of his fifters, charged him with
having abuſed her, and proved the accuſation
by the teftimony of the women flaves of his fa-
mily whom he produced against him. It was
publicly reported, that Clodius carried on an
incestuous commerce alfo with his other two
fifters, one of whom was married to Q. Mar-
cius Rex, and the other to Q. Metellus
Celer.
For what related to the profanation of the
myfteries of the good goddeſs, Aurelia, Cæ-
far's mother, and Julia his fifter, depofed the
facts as they had ſeen them. Cæfar was alfo
cited as a witnefs: but, always politic, always
attentive to manage thoſe who he thought
might be uſeful to him, and who were agree-
able to the multitude, he faid he knew no-
thing of the matter. And being asked for
what reaſon then he had repudiated his wife,
he made an anfwer worthy a man more virtu-
ous than himſelf. The wife of Cæfar, faid he,
ought not only to be free from guilt, but from the
Sufpicion of it.
Clodius's whole defence turned upon one
point, He alledged an Alibi, and proved by
falſe witneſſes, that the very night wherein he
was accuſed of having troubled the myfteries,
he lay at Interamna, a town above fixty miles
from Rome. Cicero deftroyed this vain alle- Cicero de-
gation, by depofing, that he had ſeen Clodius, pofes a-
and talked with him in Rome, but a fewgainst
hours before the night in queftion.
He ſpoke the truth, but Plutarch affirms,
that it was at the inftigation of his wife, that
he
Clodius
26
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 691. he appeared as an evidence againſt Clodius.
Ant. C. 61. The fame hiftorian adds fome other circum-
ftances, which at leaſt feem to me fufpicious,
and which, for the moſt part, are only to be
looked upon as reports fpread by the enemies
of Cicero. He faid that Clodius had been his
friend, and had given proofs of his zeal for
him, and for the Commonwealth, in the affair
of the confpiracy; that Clodia, the fifter of
Clodius, and the wife of Metellus Celer, had
loved Cicero, and would have married him;
which, as they were both married, muſt have
occafioned a double divorce, and that it was
the jealouſy which Terentia had of this intrigue,
that drove this imperious woman to engage
her husbaand to depoſe againſt Clodius, and
which of confequence embroiled him with Clo-
dia. All the relation of Plutarch, fo little to
the honour of Cicero, may have nothing of
truth in it, but the views and projects of Clo-
dia, which cannot be denied. It would not be
difficult to refute the reft, if this was the pro-
per place. But not to engage myſelf in too
long a difcuffion, I fhall content myſelf with
obferving, that Cicero had no need of any
foreign inftigation to put him upon depofing a
true fact againſt Clodius, who from that time
Cic. ad had menaced him. He relates it himſelf, that
Att. I. 26. when he prefented himſelf as an evidence, all
the Judges rifing, and coming about him,
fhewed him their necks, and protefted they
were ready to facrifice their own lives to fave
his from the rage of Clodius. He remarks,
and fets a great value upon this honourable tef-
timony which flattered his vanity. He never-
theless did not fuffer himſelf to run into in-
vectives againſt an enemy, fo worthy both of
4
his
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
27.
Ant. C. 61.
his contempt and hatred, and fatisfied himſelfA. R. 69r.
with depofing all fimply as it was.
The applaufes given to Cicero by the Judges,
the luculent proofs they fhewed of their great
concern for his fafety, finiſhed the deſpair both
of the accufed and his defenders. They had
reaſon for freſh alarms from another ſtep taken
by the Judges, who demanded a guard from
the Senate, which was allowed them. Thus
every thing feemed to promiſe an inevitable
condemnation of Clodius.
In two days the affair changed its appearance, The Judges
and by ways fo deteftable that I am in pain to fuffer
themſelves
fpeak of them. Craffus charged himfelf with to be car-
this infamous negotiation. He fent for the rupted.
Judges to his houfe, gave money to fome, and
promiſed it to others. There were even adul-
teries ftipulated, and other abominations moré
contrary to nature. It was thus that Clodius
got himſelf acquitted, by crimes greater than
thofe for which he was brought to his trial..
On the day that judgment (a) was to be given,
the public Forum was filled with flaves, all
good men were put to flight. Nevertheless
there were five and twenty Judges found, who
choſe rather, notwithſtanding the extreme dan-
ger that threatened them, to expoſe them-
felves to it, than fuffer the Commonwealth to
be ruined and overthrown. One and thirty of
them dreaded hunger more than the worft ill
(a) Summo difceffu bo-
norum, pleno foro fervorum,
XXV. judices ita fortes ta-
men fuerunt, ut fummo pro-
pofito periculo, vel perire
maluerint, quàm perdere
omnia, XXXI. fuerunt, quos
fames magis, quàm fama
commoverit. Quorum Ca-
tulus, quum vidiffet quem-
dam, Quid vos, inquit, præ-
fidium à nobis petebatis ? an
ne nummi vobis eriperentur,
timebatis? Cie,
name.
28
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 61.
A. R. 69 name. Theſe unworthy Judges who deſerved
the greateſt puniſhment, were not without dif
grace, and Catulus meeting one of them, asked
him, What they demanded a guard for? Whe-
ther it was for fear any body should take the
money from them that they had received of the
accuſed?
animates
This abominable judgment was attended
with confequences very fatal to the Common-
Cicero re- wealth. Vice victorious and triumphant be-
gan to infult probity and virtue. Having
the courage trodden under foot the laws of decency, the
men, whom ties of confcience and the authority of the
this judg- Senate, wicked men now thought to revenge
ment had themſelves for the feverity of Cicero's Con-
difmayed, fulfhip. The good, on the contrary, diſcourag-
ed, dejected, thought themſelves no longer in
a condition to refift their enemies. Cicero here
acted the part of a great Senator. He re-ani-
mated the hopes of good men, by his dif-
courfes, and by his exhortations. He inveigh-
ed with vehemence against the corruption of
the Judges; and reduced to a filence of fhamẹ
and confufion all thofe who had feemed to fa-.
vour this unworthy victory. He procured, in
particular, for the Conful Pifo, the punishment
of his criminal prevarication, by depriving
him of the government of Syria, of which
he thought himſelf fecure. He afterwards
fell upon Clodius himſelf with fo much force,
that all the affurance of that wretch could not
bear him up, and he was abfolutely difcon-
certed.
Cicero has inferted in the letter to Atticus,
from whence I have chiefly taken all that I
have juſt ſaid, a part of a ſpeech that he made
in the Senate, on the 15th of May, Clodius
I
being
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
29
being prefent. After (a) having exhorted the A. R. 691.
Senators, not to be difpirited for one wound Ant, C. 61.
given the Commonwealth, he added: This
wound is of fuch a nature, that we ought not
to diſguiſe nor fear it; least if we fear it, we
Should feem to want courage, and if we know not
the importance and confequences of it, to want
fenfe. Lentulus and Catiline have been twice ac-
quitted. This is the third fcourge that the cor-
rupt Judges have prepared for the Commonwealth.
Thou art in an error, Clodius, if thou thinkeſt
thyself out of danger. The Judges have not in-
fured thy habitation in the city; but they have
referved thee for a prison, and for punishment:
They do not pretend to maintain thee in the
rights of a citizen, but they have deprived thee
of an exile, which would, at least, have put thy
life in fecurity. And you, Gentlemen, refume
your courage, and continue to fupport a conduct
full of dignity. The union of good men, which
is the firmest prop of the Commonwealth, ftill
fubfifts. What has happened is a fubject of grief
to them, but does not diminish their virtue. No
new evil has befallen us, but the evil that was
(a) Multa dixi de fum-
mâ Republicâ, atque ille lo-
cus inductus à me eft divini-
tus, ne unâ plagâ acceptâ
patres confcripti concide-
rent: vulnus effe ejufmodi,
quod mihi nec diffimulan-
dum, nec pertimefcendum
videretur; ne aut metuendo
ignaviffimi, aut ignorando
ftultiffimi judicaremur: bis
abfolutum effe Lentulum,
bis Catilinam, hunc tertium
jam effe à judicibus in Rem-
publicam immiffum. Erras,
Clodi, non te judices urbi,
fed carceri refervarunt; ne.
que te retinere in civitate,
fed exilio privare voluerunt.
Quamobrem, P. C erigite
animos retinete veſtram dig-
nitatem Manet illa in Re-
publicâ honorum confenfio:
dolor acceffit bonis viris ;
virtus non eft imminuta. Ni-
hil eft damni factum novi,
fed quod erat, inventum eft.
In unius hominis perditi
judicio plures fimiles reperti
funt.
concealed
३०
PUPIUS, VALÉRÍUS, Confuls.
A. R. 691. concealed is now difcovered, the acquital of one
wretch has shewn us those who are like him.
Ant. C. 61.
Cicero could not have done better. He flat-
tered himſelf that he had eſtabliſhed every
thing; but the event will prove that he de-
ceived himſelf. The wicked, animated by
fuccefs, did not ceaſe to make attacks both upon
the Republic and Cicero, whofe cauſe was that
of the ſtate and at length Clodius finiſhed his
revenge upon both, by the banishment of him
who had ftifled the confpiracy of Catiline.
Cicero knew that he was threatened, but did
not believe that the danger was fo great or fo
near. He confided in the affection that all
honeft men had for him, upon the honourable
proofs of it that were fhewn by the multitude,
and eſpecially upon his friendſhip with Pom-
pey, on which he could not fully rely, but
according to all appearance it was likely to be
extremely uſeful to him. This reminds me to
return to Pompey, who is going to enter up-
on a new courſe, very different from what he
had taken before. He had fhone in war, but
did not come off with fo much honour in his
domeftic and civil affairs.
It is true that at his return from Afia, he
fhewed at firft an example of great modera-
tion. The hiftorians agree, that, with the
army he brought back with him, he might
have made himſelf mafter of Rome and the
Commonwealth. All men faw him, and very
much feared he would do what was fo eafy to
him. Craffus went fo far as to fly out of the
city with his children, and carried with him as
Pompey, at much of his treaſure as he could. Neverthe-
bis arrivallefs it was thought that this ſtep which made
in Italy, fo much noife had more of artifice than real
disbands
bis forces.
fear
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
3 x
fear in it: And that his defign was to render A. R. 691.
Pompey odious.
Ant. C. 61.
Vell. II.
Plut.
Pomp.
This, who had never any deſign to ſeize on 40.
the fovereign authority by force, put a stop to
all clamours and fufpicions by disbanding his Dio.
army as foon as he fet foot in Italy. Arrived
at Brundufium, he called his foldiers together,
and after making a ſpeech to them fuitable to
the occafion, he ordered them to feparate, and
each to retire to his own habitation; and yet
he had a very ſpecious pretence for keeping
them together. It was a cuftom, founded both
on reaſon and equity, that the army fhould
triumph with their General. But he chofe ra-
ther to deprive his triumph of fo honourable
an attendance, than give any uneafinefs to the
citizens.
The zeal and adminiftration of the People
gave him an opportunity of repeating fo fine
an action: For when they faw him returned to
Italy, after fo many victories, as from a jour-
ney only made for his pleaſure, without any
other retinue but his particular friends, there
gathered fo great a concourfe about him, and
the multitude increaſed fo on the road, that at
his arrival at the gates of Rome, if he had had
any ill defigns against the public liberty, he
would have had no need of any other army
than that which had voluntarily formed itſelf to
attend him. He took no advantage of it;
but contented himſelf with the glorious recep-
tion he met with all the city went out to pay
their reſpects to him, the young people at a
great diſtance, others farther or nearer accord-
ing to their ſtrength, and the Senate at the
entrance of the walls.
:
He
23
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 691.
Ant. C. 61.
engage
vocal con-
He was obliged to wait fome months at the
gates of the city, till a convenient time for his
triumph. But his authority had not the lefs
influence in affairs, as I have already obferved;
and every one endeavoured to draw to his fide
Cicero en- fo powerful a Citizen. Cicero on one hand,
deavours to and his adverfaries on the other, had already
Pompey to taken their time, whilſt he was yet in Afia.
explain Pompey, always diffembling, always artful,
bimfelf
favourably kept himſelf upon the reſerve, and feemed
upon his willing to float between the two parties. Cicero
Confulfhip. in one of the letters we have of his, makes
The equi- complaints to him, with that noble freedom,
duct of
which is fo becoming to great men. (a) I have
Pompey done, fays he to him, those things which I
thought you would have vouchfafed to have given
me joy upon, both as a friend and as a citizen.
I guess the reafon of your filence; you are afraid
there are some people would be offended at any
praiſe you ſhould give me. But know that what I
bave done for the good of my country, has met
with the approbation of all the world. When you
ſhall be here, you will acknowledge ſo much wif
dom and greatness of foul, in my conduct, that
you will not be ashamed, you who are without
doubt greater than Scipio Africanus, to make an
alliance, both in private fociety, and for the af-
(a) Res eas geffi, quarum
aliquam in tuis literis, &
noftræ neceffitudinis & Rei-
publicæ caufà, gratulationem
exfpectavi: quem ego abs te
prætermiffam effe arbitror,
quòd vererere ne cujus ani-
mum offenderes. Sed feito,
ea quæ nos pro patriæ falute
gefimus, orbis terræ judicio
ac teftimonis comprobari.
Quæ, quum veneris, tanto
confilio tantâque animi mag-
nitudine à me geſta effe cog-
nofces, ut tibi multò majori
quàm Africanus fuit, me non
multò minorem quàm Læli-
um, facilè & in Republicâ,
& in amicitiâ, conjunctum
effe patiare. Cic. ad Fam.
V. 7.
fairs
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
33
fairs of the public, with a man who yields but A.R. 691.
little to Lælius.
Ant. C. 61%
Planc.
The complaints of Cicero were to very little Cic. pro
purpoſe, if they did not even do him an in- n. 85.
jury, as it has been faid, and he but feebly de-
nies. It is certain, that he had but little rea-
fon to be fatisfied with Pompey at their firft
interview: notwithstanding, he received a very
gracious compliment from him. The conque- Cic. Phil.
ror of the Eaſt ſaid to Cicero, that he was ob- II. & de
liged to him for feeing his country again, and Off. I. 78
that he ſhould have come to little effect pre-
pared for a third triumph, if he had not pre-
ferved the place where he was to triumph.
Theſe were only words, that were not capable
of impofing upon a man fo clear-fighted as
him we are ſpeaking of. Atticus, who had
feen Pompey on the road, had already wrote
to his friend, that this General praiſed his
Confulfhip, fince he durft no longer blame
it. And we fhall fee here in what manner Ci- Cic ad
cero wrote in his turn to Atticus. Pompey (a) Att. I.
eſteems me very much as he would have it thought: 13,14,16.
be embraces, cherishes me; he praiſes me aloud;
whilst at the bottom of his heart, and in a man-
ner that may be ſeen through, he is jealous of my
glory. I do not find in him any true fweetness,
any frankness, any fincere and direct views to
the affairs of the Commonwealth, nothing exalted,
nothing generous or free. This picture does not
(a) Tuus ille amicus, (fein
quem dicam? de quo tu ad
me fcripfifti, poftea quam
hon auderet reprehendere,
laudare cæpiffe) nos, at of-
tendit, admodum diligit,
amplectitur, amat; apertè
VOL. XII.
5
laudat; occultè, fed ita ut
perfpicuum fit, invidet. Ni-
hil come, nihil fimplex, ní-
hil ἐν τοῖς πολιτιχος honef
tum, nihil illuttre, nihil
forte, nihil libe.um. Cic.
ad Att. I. 13.
D
flatter
34
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 61.
A. R. 691 flatter him; and if it hardly refembles what
Cicero has elſewhere faid of Pompey, there is
no doubt but more credit is to be given to a
letter wrote from the abundance of the heart,
than to harangues made to be delivered before
numerous auditories. Befides, I do not think
it difficult to reconcile theſe things: men are
oftentimes different from themſelves, as they
fhew themſelves on the theatre of the world,
and as they are ſeen in private; therefore it is
i not to be wondered at, if the heroes of Cicero's
orations, fhould have characters not much to
be eſteemed in his letters.
Pompey fully verified, by his conduct, the
idea that Cicero had of him. When he ha-
rangued the People for the first time after his
return, being willing to keep fair with every
one, he spoke in fuch a manner, as to give
fatisfaction to nobody; and his difcourfe was
received with great indifference. The Conful
Meffalla having defired his opinion, in the Se-
nate, on the affair of Clodius, which was ftill
carrying on, Pompey thought he had done a
great deal by praifing, in general, the autho-
rity and decrees of the Affembly; and in fet-
ting himſelf down by Cicero, he told him,
he thought he had fufficiently explained him-
Telf on his Confuhhip. It is true, that Cicero
having done nothing but with the advice of
the Senate, his adminiftration was included in
the encomiums given by Pompey; but it is
true alſo, that theſe encomiums were very
vague.
Craffus acted quite otherwife; he, who
might have complained that Cicero had not
done him juftice on many occafions, and had
always endeavoured to extol Pompey to his
prejudice.
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
35
prejudice. Having obferved that the bare A. R. 691.
fufpicion of being willing to fpeak well of Ant. C. 61.
Cicero's Conful hip had done honour to Pom-
pey, he expatiated with Pompey on that fub-
ject. He faid, "That (a) if he was a Citi-
«zen and Senator, if he enjoyed his liberty
and his life, he was indebted to Cicero for
"them; that as often as he faw his family,
"his wife and his country, fo often ſhould he
call to mind the obligation he had to him,
"who had preferved them to him.'
""
This difcourfe, awakened Pompey, being
piqued to find that Craffus had fhewn him what
was his duty, and taken advantage of the oc-
cafion which he had neglected to gain himſelf
applaufe; or elſe aftoniſhed to find, that the
fervices of Cicero were really fo great, and
that the encomiums he had given him were fo
well received by the Senate.
?
All the world knows, that the foible of
Cicero was the love of praife; therefore there
is no need to fay how much he was pleafed
with Craffus. Nevertheless he willingly re-
ceived the little that Pompey gave him in ob-
fcure words and ambiguous expreffions. But
when he was to ſpeak himſelf, he diſplayed all
the fails of his eloquence to fet himſelf out be-
fore a new auditor, fuch a one as Pompey. Fine
periods, happy turns, bold and noble figures,
flowed from his mouth. He boafted of the
wiſdom and refolution of the Senate, the agree-
ment of the order of Knights with the firft
body of the Republic, and of the union of all
(a) Se, quòd effet Sena-
tor, quòd civis, quòd liber,
quòd viveret, mihi accep-
tum referre quoties conju-
:
gem, quoties domum, quo,
ties patriam videret, toties ſe
beneficium meum videre.
Cic, add Att. I. 14.
D 2
Italy
36
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 61.
A. R. 691. Italy for the common fafety. He ſpoke of
the remains of the confpiracy that were yet
left, of the abundance of provifions, and of
the tranquillity that the government enjoyed.
You (a) know, faid he to Atticus, what noife,
and what turmoil I make, when I treat of thefe
things; and therefore I ſhall not inlarge upon it
bere, becauſe I believe you may have heard of it
in Greece where you are.
To all the advances that Cicero made Pom-
pey, he found no other return but the latter's
acting a farce, of which the public was the
dupe. The populace was perfuaded that Pom
pey loved Cicero tenderly; and to express their
intimacy that knot of young debauchees, who
had been in a ftrict alliance with Catiline, call-
ed Pompey Cneus Cicero, giving him a name
formed of his own Prenomen and the furname
of him to whom they thought he was ftrictly
united. In truth the behaviour of Pompey to-
wards Cicero was at leaft equivocal till the time
of his baniſhment.
He did not follow the beft principles in what
related to the other affairs of the ftate. We
have already ſeen that he prefented the Com-
monwealth with a very bad Conful in the per-
fon of Pupius Pifo. He did the fame this
year, and undertook, in fpight of every body,
Confulfhip to put
another creature of his own in his place,
for Afra- whofe principal merit was, that of being a good
Pompey
buys the
nius.
dancer. This was Afranius. To fucceed in
this, Pompey did not go about it in the ways
of honour and reputation, nor employ that
(a) Nofti jam in hâc ma-
teriâ fonitus noftros: tanti
fuerunt, ut ego eò brevior,
fim, quòd eos ufque iftinc
exauditos putem,
credit
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls,
37
Ant. C. 61.
credit which was fo much his due; but that 4. R. 69r.
method, fays Cicero (a) of which Philippus fo
well expreffed the efficacy, when he ſaid, there
was no town impregnable when an afs loaded
with gold could enter into it. Money was
diftributed with profufion, and it was reported,
that the Conful Pifo was the manager of this
traffic between the two parties,
tual at
tempt of
Plut.
Pomp. &
Cato now pleaſed himſelf to think he had An ineffec-
refufed the alliance of Pompey: For this, who
had proved the ſteadineſs of Cato when he had Pompey to
undertaken to manage Pifo's election to the gain Cato.
Confulfhip, not doubting but he ſhould again
find him thwarting his purpoſes on other oc- Cat.
cafions, was willing to gain him to his fide,
and therefore demanded his two nieces in mar-
riage, the eldeſt for himſelf, and the youngeſt
for his fon. The wife and fifter of Cato were
charmed with fo advantageous a propofition.
But for himſelf, ever rigid, he anſwered Mu-
natius, who was charged with the negotiation,
in the following manner: Tell Pompey, that
Cato will not fuffer himself to be taken by the
women. 1 am obliged to him for his benevolence.
As long as he ſhall form no defigns but what are
just and reaſonable, be may depend on a friend-
ſhip on my part more steady than any that can
be produced by the nearest allies. But I fhall
give him no hostages that may be capable of tying
up my bands when it is necessary to defend my
country.
(a) Omnibus invitis tru-
dit nofter magnus auli filį-
um atque in eo neque auc-
toritate, neque gratiâ pug
nat, fed quibus Philippus
P 3
omnia caftella expugnari pof-
fe dicebat, in quæ modò
afellus onuftus auro poffet ad-
fcendere. Cic. ad Att. I.
16.
Plutarch
38
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
!
A. R 691:
Ant. C. 61.
=
Plutarch is of opinion that Cato carried his
aufterity too far in this inftance that if he
had confented to the marriages propofed, he
would have prevented the alliance between
Pompey and Cæfar, which he thought might
occafion the ruin of the Empire, and did occa-
fion that of the Government: In ſhort, that
Cato by fearing to be drawn in to countenance
the flighter faults of Pompey, had' expófed
him to become, as it happened in ´effect, the
fupport and defender of greater and more per-
nicious acts of juftice. I am afraid that this
hiftorian, in other matters fo wife, has here
judged by the event: For may it not be an-
fwered that Cæfar, if he had not become the
father-in-law of Pompey, might have found in
their common ambition, and in the fuperiority
of his genius, wherewithal to have formed this
union, fo neceffary to his views and fo fatal
to liberty. For my part, I cannot help ad-
miring a virtue which is not to be dazzled by
the blaze of fortune, and which in engage-
ments, very innocent in themſelves, can fore-
fée, and dread the neceffity of being obliged
to concur in the abuſe and violation of the
Jaws
A
Thus the perfons themſelves thought who
were the moſt intereſted in the affair, and who
had at first blamed Cato's inflexibility. His
wife and fifter, when they faw the tricks that
were uſed to make Afranius Conful, and the
corruption fo publicly practifed, that they went
fo far, according to Plutarch, as to receive the
money in the gardens of Pompey, they very
readily acquiefced in the reflection of Caro
thereupon, who faid to them, You now bebold
the
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
39
Ant. C. 61.
the indignities in which we must have shared, A. R. 691.
had we accepted the alliance of Pompey.
Afranius was named Conful: And Pom-
pey (a) who had looked upon the Confulfhip
as the glorious prize of his exploits, and who
had been raiſed to it by his merit, made no
ſcruple to diſparage it, by rendering it venal,
and procuring it, by the ftrength of money,
for fuch as never could have obtained it other-
wife. This reflection which Plutarch made
with regard to Pompey, Cicero had made be-
fore with regard to himſelf before the election
of Afranius. (b) Behold, ſaid he to Atticus,
"the Confulfhip, which Curio called an apo-
"theofis, becoming, if fuch a man arrives at
❝it, the royalty of the bean. It is much bet-
"ter to philofophize as you do, and regard
"all theſe Confulfhips as dirt." The com-
mon language of all ambitious men, when
things do not go according to their mind,
but which oftentimes their actions give the lie
to. Afranius had for his collegue Q. Metellus
Celer, a man of a great name, and who main-
tained the nobleneſs of his birth by that of his
fentiments.
Celer was juſt returned from Cifalpine Gaul,
which he had governed after his Prætorſhip in
quality of Proconful. It was in the time of
(α) Ὥςε τὸν Πομπήιου αχέειν
xaxas, is duròs aps ois
ἐφ᾽ οἷς
κατόρθωσεν ὡς μεγίσης ἔτυχε,
ταύτην ὤνιον ποιόντα τοῖς δι'
αρξης πλησασθαιμὴ δυναμένοις.
Plut. Pomp.
(4) Sed heus tu, videfne
Confulatum illum noftrum,
quem Curio antea αποθέωσιν
vocabat, fi hic factus erit
fabam mimum futurum.
Quare, ut opinor, φιλοσοφή
τέον, id quod tu facis, &
iftos Confulatus non flocci,
iatéo. Cic, ad Att. I. 16.
D 4
this
40
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 691. this adminiftration that the fact happened,
int. C. 61. which Pliny and Pomponius Mela relate after
Cornelius Nepos. They fay that the King of
the Suevi gave to Metellus Celer, Pro-
Indians conful of Gaul, fome Indians, who having
drove by a embarked in their own country to go and trade
Storm on with foreigners, had been fo violently driven
"the coafts of
Germany, out of their way by a ftorm, that they were
brought upon the coafts of Germany. Such
an event was very uſeful to the antient geo-
graphers, who wanted a proof that our conti-
nent is quite environed by feas. For us, if
this fact was true, it is only another inftance
added to thoſe, by which it has been proved,
that the Cape of Good Hope had been
doubled many ages before the Portugueſe
made the diſcovery of it: But I cannot but
fufpect that theſe pretended Indians were in-
habitants of the weſtern coafts of Africa. This
wandering then was not fo very extraordinary,
and the fact becomes a great deal more proba-
ble. Mr. Huet, in his hiftory of trade, makes
them come from a very different country, and
thinks it highly probable that they were people
of Lapland. In his work may be feen thofe
reafons of conformity which infpired him with
that thought.
The third
1
The triumph of Pompey was deferred for
triumph of fome months, without doubt to have time to
Pompey.
get together all the train that was to attend
Po
26. and
xxxvii. 2. * Pighius and Freinshemius
Plut. place this fact in the year that
Pomp. followed the Confulfhip of Me:
Appian. tellus Celer, and which was
Mithrid. that of his death." It is true
that Tranfalpine Gaul had
fallen to his department, but
it is very likely he never ſet
foot in that Province, being
prevented by his death.
+ A People of Germany,
who gave name to Swabia.
it :
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
41
•
Ant. C. 6.
it at length it was celebrated on the 28th A. R. 691.
and 29th of September. The laſt of theſe
was the birth-day of the triumpher. Two
days were taken up in this pomp, on account
of the immenfe number of the monuments of
Pompey's glory, which were chiefly to adorn
it: and even two days were not fufficient for it;
but there remained wherewithal to have mag-
nificently decorated another triumph, if there
had been need of it.
An inſcription was carried at the head, which
fignified, that POMPEY, AFTER HE HAD DE-
LIVERED ALL THE MARITIME COASTS
FROM PIRATES, AND GIVEN TO THE ROMAN
PEOPLE THE EMPIRE OF THE SEA, TRIUMPH-
ED OVER ASIA, PONTUS, ARMENIA, PAPH-
LAGONIA, CAPPADOCIA, SYRIA, THE SCY-
THIANS, THE JEWS, THE ALBANIANS, IBE-
RIA, THE ISLAND OF CRETE, THE BASTERNÆ,
AND LASTLY OVER THE KINGS MITHRI-
DATES AND TIGRANES. He added himſelf,
when after his triumph he harrangued the
People, according to cuftom, to give an ac- Orof. vi.6.
count of his exploits, "That he had fought Plin.
"with two and twenty Kings; and had fo
"far extended the frontiers of the Empire,
"that Afia Minor, which before his con-
queſts, was the laſt of the Provinces belong-
"ing to the Roman People, was now in the
"center of them." I fhall join to this ano-
ther infcription, which reprefents the victories
of Pompey in a fresh light. It was placed by
the Victor in the temple of Minerva, towards
the building of which he had confecrated a part
of the fpoils. The following is as it is pre-
ferved by Pliny: CN. POMPEY THE GREAT,
General
42
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls,
A. R. 691. General
Ant. C. 61.
*
OF THE ROMAN ARMS, HAVING
MADE AN END OF A THIRTY YEARS WAR,
VANQUISHED, PUT TO FLIGHT, OR BROUGHT
TO COMPOSITION, TWO MILLIONS ONE HUN-
DRED AND EIGHTY THREE THOUSAND MEN;
HAVING SUNK, OR TAKEN EIGHT HUNDRED
FORTY SIX VESSELS; HAVING SUBDUED ALL
THE COUNTRIES BETWEEN THE PALUS MEO-
TIS AND THE RED SEA, HAS JUSTLY ẠC-
QUITTED HIMSELF OF THE VOW HE MADE TO
MINERVA.
}
The riches difplayed in this triumph were
prodigious, and added a new degree of luxury
and corruption to the Roman manners, particu-
larly with refpect to jewels, which till that time
had been but little known in Rome. There
were to be feen in it a pair of tables for play,
made of two precious ftones, four feet long
and three feet wide. A moon of gold, weigh-
ing near forty-feven French marks three
beds for the table, of gold alſo, one of
which, as it was prefented, belonged to Da-
rius the fon of Hyftafpes; gold veffels, en-
riched with precious ftones, enough to furniſh
nine buffets; three ftatues of gold, one of
Minerva; one of Mars, and the other of
Apollo; the golden vine of Ariftobulus, which
has been ſpoken of before; three and thirty
crowns of pearl; a little chapel confecrated to
the mufes, all of pearl, with a fun-dial at
top; laftly, the effigies of Pompey himſelf,
made alfo of pearl. There was carried befides
* The word Imperator, as
it is in the Latin, in this place
is a title of honour, that the
foldiers gave with acclama-
tions to their General, after a
great viltary. There is no
word in our language that
answers to it.
† Of eight ounces each.
A
E
?
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
43
Ant. C. 61,
a cheft filled with jewels and rings of great A. R. 691.
value, which had belonged to Mithridates, and
which Pompey 'confecrated in the Capitol with
the golden vine, and much other riches. Add
the throne and fceptre of the fame Mithridates,
and a buft of that Prince in gold, of the
height of eight cubits; a filver ftatue of Phar-
naces, grandfather of Mithridates'; chariots of
gold and filver. Among the natural curiofi-
ties the ebony tree, which had never been feen Plin. xii.4
at Rome, appeared there, for the first time,
in this triumph.
-
The gratifications given by the triumpher to
the officers and foldiers were alfo expreffed in
a picture, that paffed along in the fhew. It
was therein fhewn, that Pompey had given a
thouſand talents to his Lieutenants and
Quæftors, who had defended the coafts in the
war with the Pirates, and that there was not
any one of his foldiers who had not received
fix thouſand feftercest. Befides thefe fums,
which were certainly the fruits of the war, and
without which Pompey could not have been
able to have done himſelf this honour, he
brought into the public treafury in filver coin-
ed, or plate, twenty thoufand talents, and an
infcription declared, that he had almoft tripled
the revenue of the Commonwealth, which be
fore him amounted to not above fifty millions
of drachma's a year; and that it would receive,
from the countries alone which he had con-
quered, eighty-five millions.
* About 150,000 pounds fterling.
† About 43 pound, fterling.
About 3 millions Sterling.
To
44
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
:
Ant. C. 61.
A. R. 691. To all this fhew of wealth, was joined a
more military equipage: waggons filled with
arms of all forts, beaks of fhips, a great mul-
titude of priſoners of war, not loaded with
chains, as had been the cuſtom in former times,
but every one at liberty, and dreffed after the
mode of their country. Immediately before
the triumphal carr, marched the Kings, Princes
and great Lords, who had been taken in arms,
or delivered as hoftages, to the number of three
hundred and twenty-four; young Tigranes was
particularly taken notice of, with his wife and
daughter, and Queen Zozima the wife of old
Tigranes feven children of Mithridates, viz.
five Princes, Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres,
Xerxes and Darius; and two Princeffes, Orfa-
baris and Eupatra: Olthaces who had reigned
in Colchis: Ariftobulus King of the Jews with
his fon Antigonus and two daughters. Tyrants
and chiefs of the Cilician pirates: Princeffes of
Scythia three Albanian Generals, two Iberian;
The hoftages of theſe People, and of the King
of Comagena; and laft of all Menander, Com-
mander in chief of Mithridates's cavalry.
Several pictures followed, which repreſented
the vanquiſhed Kings, or the battles gained ei-
ther by Pompey or his Lieutenants. Efpe-
cially the adventures of Mithridates were paint-
ed in every circumſtance; the nocturnal battle,
wherein he was entirely defeated; his flight,
the fiege that he maintained in the Fort of *
Panticapæum, his death; and that of his two
daughters who chofe to die with him. There
were likewiſe ſeen the portraits of ſeveral other
of his children, of both fexes, who died be-
* Hod. Pantico.
fore
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
45
fore him. The Gods of the Barbarians clofed A. R. 691.
Ant, C. 61.
this long train of pictures, carried by the Peo-
ple who adored them, in triumph, who drew
the attention of the fpectators, by the fingu
larity of their appearance and habits. Appian
places here another infcription, which with the
names of the conquered Kings bore thofe of
thirty-nine towns founded by Pompey in dif-
ferent regions of the eaſt.
Next Pompey appeared himſelf, in a carr
fhining with precious ftones, cloathed in a
military caffock, faid to be that of Alexander,
which Mithridates had found among the trea-
fure brought into the iſland of Cos by Cleopa-
tra Queen of Egypt, grand-mother of Ptolomy
Alexander II. The carr of the triumpher was
followed by the principal officers of his army,
Lieutenant-Generals, Tribunes and others, fome
on foot and fome on horſeback. The army
ſhould have been there, as I have obſerved, en-
tirely But abfent for reafons that had engaged
Pompey to disband it, it did him more honour,
than if it had marched in his train pouring
forth their applauſes.
The Roman ferocity was foftened. The Liv. Epit.
prifoners, who, in preceding triumphs, were ciii.
either killed or kept in prifons, were now
treated with more humanity. They were fent
back to their own countries: only Ariſtobulus
and Tigranes were detained, that Hyrcanus
and old Tigranes might enjoy peace in their
dominions.
This laft triumph fully confirmed to Pompey
the furname of the Great: all the People af-
fembled gave it him with acclamations, and
he was then in effect the greateſt of the Ro-
mans. It was remarked, as a fingular glory to
I
him,
46
Pupius, VALERIUS, Confuls.
..
Ant. C. 61.
J 1.
AR, 691. him, that in his three triumphs, he had fuc
ceffively prefented to the view of the Romans
the three parts of the known world. For
Africa had fupplied him with matter for his
first triumph, Europe for his fecond, and Afia
for his third; fo that his conquefts feemed to
embrace the whole univerfe.
4
66
66
«Ε
}
13
He had been compared in his youth to Alex-
ander, and fome writers to render the compari-
fon more perfect, fuppofed that he was under
thirty-four years of age when he triumphed over
Mithridates, The truth is, that he was paft
his forty-fifth. 66 It
It were to be withed (a),
fays Plutarch, that he had refembled Alex-
" ander by dying before fortune abandoned
« him. The time that he lived after his third
triumph brought him nothing but an odious
pofterity and difgraces without return. For
" employing unjuftly in favour of others, that
" authority which he himfelf had acquired by
legal means, as much as he increaſed their
σε ſtrength by ſo much he diminiſhed his own
« glory, and at length ruined himfelf, without
knowing how to prevent it by the great-
nefs of his own power. The ftrong places,
« when the enemy had entered them, tranf-
« ferred their ftrength to the Victor, and help-
66
66.
ແ
66
«Ε
(α) Ως ὤνατο ν' ἂν ἐν
ταυθα το βίκ παυσάμενος,
άχρις οὗ την Αλεξάνδρας τύχην
ἔσχεν, ὁ δεπέχεινα χρόνος αυ
τῷ τὰς μὲν ἐυτυχίας ήνεγχεν
τω
ἐπιφθόνες ανηχέσεις καὶ τὰς δυςυ
χιας. ἦν γὰρ ἐκπροσηκόντων αυτός
ἐκτήσατο δυναμιν, ταύτη, χρώ-
μενος ὑπέρ άλλων ε δικαίως
ἔσου ειχείνοις ἰσχύος προσε
τίθει τα αυτῆς δόξης αφαιρῶν,
ἔλαθε ρώμη και μεγεθεί το αν
કે
το δυνάμεως καταλυθείς,
καθάπερ τα καριερώτατα μέρη
και χωρια των πόλεων, όταν
δέξηται πολεμίες, ἐκείνοις προσ
τίθησι την αυτῶν ίσχυν, ὅτω
δια τ. Πομπησε δυνάμεως και
σαρ ἐξαρθείς επί την πόλιν ο
κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἴσχυσε τε
τον ανέτριψε και κατέβαλεν.
Plut. Pomp
ex ed
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
4
Ant, C. 61.
"ed themſelves to put on their own fetters; A. R. 691.
"thus the power of Pompey, after having
"been employed to raiſe Cæfar againſt the
"Commonwealth, helped the fame Cæfar to
"deſtroy and overthrow him by whom he had
* fubdued all others." The growth of Cæfar
and the ruin of Pompey are the principal ob-
jects to fix our attention for a feries of feveral
years. But before we enter upon this, we have
fome other facts of lefs importance to relate.
SECT. II.
The death of Catulus. Cenfors. Games. The
bears of Numidia. The beginning of the cuf
tom to interrupt the combats of the gladiators,
by going to dinner. Motions in Gaul. The
expedition of Scaurus against Arétas; King of
one part of Arabia. 2. Cicero governs Afia
for the space of three years. The Prætorship
of Octavius, father of Auguftus. His conduct
in the government of Macedonia. His death.
The characters of the two Confuls. The au-
thority of the Senate was at that time weaken-
ed, and the order of Knights turned out of it.
Pompey demands the confirmation of his acts.
Lucullus oppoſes it in the Senate. A law pro-
pofed by a Tribune of the People, to affign lands
to the foldiers of Pompey. The ambiguous con-
duct of Cicero throughout this whole affair.
The Conful Metellus oppofes the law. Motions
of the Helvetii in Gaul. The Conful is
put into priſon by the Tribune Flavius. The
conftancy of the Conful. Pompey allies with
Clodius. Clodius attempts to make bimfelf a
Plebeian, to get the office of Tribune. Cafar,
at the expiration of his Prætorship, having the
province
{
48
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
R.
Dio. 1.
xxxvii.
province of Ulterior Spain affigned to him, is
Stopped by his creditors, when he would have
gone thither. Craffus delivers him from the
most importunate. The faying of Cæfar con
cerning a pitiful little town in the Alps. He
creates a war in Spain, and obtains feveral
advantages from it. An admirable action of
one of Cafar's foldiers. Cæfar's adminiftra-
tion beloved. He returns into Italy, and de-
clines a triumph to gain the Confulship. He
forms the triumvirate. Is named Conful with
Bibulus. A law to abolish tolls and duties
paid upon entering Rome or any parts of Italy.
Combats of gladiators given by Fauftus Sylla in
bonour of his father. The Apollinarian games
given by Lentulus Spinther the Prætor. A
piece of painting in fresco brought from Lace-
demonia to Rome.
Ant. C. 61. THE Commonwealth loft, this year, one
Death of
of its fupports in the perfon of Catulus.
Catulus. Without greatly fhining by fuperior talents, an
uniform conduct, upright defigns, always di-
rected to the public good, a conftant attach-
ment to aristocratical maxims, and, in a word,
all the qualities of an excellent Citizen and a
wife Senator, had gained him great authority.
Cicero, who praiſes him in feveral parts of his
works, extols him particularly for his conftancy,
which (a) was proof againſt the moſt threaten-
ing ftorms, and not to be feduced by thofe
honours, which were difpenced by popular
favour, fo that neither hope or fear could ever
(a) Quem (Catulum) ne-
que periculi tempeftas, neque
honoris aura potuit unquam
de fuo curfu, aut fpe, aut
metu, demovere. Pro. Sex.
n. 101.
lead
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
49
Ant. C. 6L
lead him out of thofe paths he had chalked out A. R. 691.
to himſelf. If Catulus had lived longer, it
would have been a fenfible affliction to him to
have ſeen Cæfar, his declared enemy, taking
fuch hafty ſtrides, and openly preparing the
way to opprefs liberty.
This fame year there were Cenfors, but their Cenſors.
names continue unknown. We know, howe-
ver, that they prepared the regiſter of the Se-
nate, which was more numerous than formerly,
becauſe they introduced into it all thofe who
had poffeffed any poft in the magiftracy.
Whereas till that time curule offices alone
gave a right to thoſe who had enjoyed them to
be admitted into the Senate, and named as Se-
nators in the firft promotion. As to perform- Lapis An-
ing the luftre which put an end to all the ope- cyr.
rations of the Cenforfhip, that ceremony was
not uſed under the Cenfors I am fpeaking of,
and continued to be interrupted for the ſpace
of one and forty years, from the time of the
Cenfors Gellius and Lentulus, to that of the
fixth Confulſhip of Auguſtus.
Domitius Ahenobarbus, curule ædile, on the
17th of September, gave games to the people,
in which he caufed a hundred bears of Numi-
dia to fight with a hundred Ethiopian huntf-
men. Pliny, who relates this fact, after the Plin. viii.
annals of the time, was puzzled to know what 36.
thefe bears of Numidia could be, becauſe this
animal, as he pretends, was unknown in Af-
rica. Some learned men have afferted, that
they were lions, which the Romans called thus
through ignorance, as they called the firft ele-
phants which they faw in the war with Pyrrhus,
by the name of Lucanian oxen. But we are
not to judge of the times of which we are
VOL. XII.
E
now
50
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 661.now giving the hiftory, by the rudeness of
Ant. C. 61. the more remote ages; befides, the Romans
The begin-
had often times feen lions. Sylla particularly
had cauſed a hundred to fight in the games
which he gave during his Prætorſhip: There-
fore I cannot eafily perfuade myſelf, that they
could be fo grofly miſtaken, as to give the
name of bears to lions. I leave this point to
be difcuffed by thoſe who are more learned
than myſelf.
Dio has obferved, that it was alſo in this
ning of the year, that the people began to leave the com-
cuftom to bats of the gladiators to go to dinner, and re-
interrupt
the combats turned afterwards to the fpectacle, which was
of the gla- wont till that time to continue all day without
diators by interruption.
The Roman manners in po-
liſhing, weakened them in every thing; and
inftead of that mafculine vigour which for-
merly appeared in all their pleaſures, it was ob-
ferved, that they more and more confidered
their eaſe and convenience.
going to
dinner.
Movement
Affairs abroad afford us but little matter to
in Gaul. treat of. In Gaul there was fome movement,
but of no great importance. I forbear to give
an account of it till I come to ſpeak of Cæfar's
wars.
Scaurus, who had been left by Pompey in
Syria, made an incurfion into the territories
of Arabia. As the country is bad and diffi-
cult, he would have found himſelf a good deal
embarraffed, if Antipater, by the order of
The expe- Hyrcanus, had not furnished him with thofe
dition of provifions that he wanted for his army. The
Scaurus a-fame Antipater negotiated a treaty between
gainst Are Scaurus and Aretas, King of the Nabatean
tas King of
One part of Arabians: And the Roman retired for a fum
Arabia.
of
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
51
of money given by the Arabian. Peace was A. R. 691.
equally neceffary for them both.
Ant. C. 61.
Quintus Cicero, the brother of the orator, 2. Cicero
having been Prætor the preceding year, when governs
Afia for
he went out of that office, had the province of
the Space
Afia given to him, and continued there three of three
years. So long an adminiſtration afforded no-years.
thing memorable, but the fineſt monuments
that remain of it are the letters written to him
by his brother during that time; particularly
the firft, which is known to all the world, and
contains the fineft maxims, and moft excellent
advice to all thoſe who fill high pofts. Quin-
tus was a man very different from his brother,
impetuous, fantaſtical and eaſily provoked. It
is true, he foon came to himſelf again, which
is the fign of a good temper at bottom. But
his paffion was very troubleſome to thoſe who
were to obey him; and his caprices and whims
oftentimes exerciſed the patience of his brother
and of Atticus, whofe fifter he had married.
Octavius
Cicero, more than once, propoſed to him The Pra-
the example of C. Octavius, the father of Au-torship of
guftus, who was Prætor this year, and who had the father
made himſelf much eſteemed in that employ- of Auguf-
ment. The family of Octavius had given tuet. Aug-
many Confuls to Rome, but this Gentleman 2, 3, 4.
was of a branch which never had arrived at any Cic. ad Q
honours. His anceſtors had been always con- Fr. I. 1,2.
tented with the degree of Knighthood. C.
Octavius, who was the firft that introduced into
this branch the dignity of Senator and Curule.
employments, fupported the fplendor of his
titles by his virtue. Cicero makes an encomi-
um on the conduct he maintained in his Præ-
torſhip. He attributes to him all the qualities
of a great Magiſtrate, affability, mildneſs ac-
companied
E 2
52
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 61.
A. R. 691. companied with a juft feverity, and an exact
enquiry into affairs. "All (a) acceffes were
"open to his tribunal, fays Cicero, the Lic-
σε tor never drove any one from it; the Cryer
"never impofed filence: Every one ſpoke as
"often and as long as he pleafed. This in-
His con-
Govern-
nia.
dulgence might perhaps have feemed too
"great, if it had not ſerved to make the feve-
"rity he uſed in other cafes the more approved
"of. Cruel and covetous men, who had en-
"riched themſelves under Sylla, by Octavius
"were obliged to refund, and to reſtore what
they had unjustly and forcibly taken away.
"Thoſe in the Magiftracy who had made any
"unjuft decrees, were judged by the fame
66
law. This ſeverity might perhaps have
"feemed too rigorous, if it had not been
"tempered by many acts of humanity and in-
dulgence."
To make an end of all that relates to Octa-
duct in the vius, I fhall add, by anticipation, that after the
ment of year of his Prætorfhip was expired, he was
Macedo fent to govern Macedonia, where C. Antonius,
the collegue of Cicero in his Confulfhip, had
gained a very bad character. Octavius, at his
departure, had it in charge to deftroy ſome re-
mains of the troops of Sparticus, and of the
confpiracy of Catiline, which uniting together,
(a) His rebus nuper C.
Octavius jucundiffimus fuit:
apud quem primus Lictor
quievit, tacuit accenfus: quo-
ties quifque voluit dixit, &
quà voluit diu. Quibus ille
febus fortaffe nimis lenis vi-
deretur, nifi hæc lenitas illam
feveritatem tueretur. Coge-
bantur fullani homines qua
per vim & metum abftule-
rant, reddere. Qui in Magi-
ftratibus injuriosè decreve-
rant, eodem ipfis privatis erat
jure parendum. Hæc illius
feveritas acerba videretur, nifi
multis condimentis humani-
tatis mitigaretur. Cic. ad 2;
Fr. I. 17.
had
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
53
!
Ant. C. 61,
had ſeized on the territories of Thurium: and A. R. 69r.
he acquitted himſelf of this commiffion with
fuccefs.
Being arrived in Macedonia, he gave equal
proofs of his courage and his juftice. He
overcame, in a great battle, the Beffi and the
Thracians, and received from his foldiers the
title of Imperator. The fubjects of the Em-
pire praiſed him very much for his adminiftra-
tion, and he was extremely well beloved by
them. Of this we have Cicero ftill for a
voucher. He repreſents to his brother, who
was then in the third year of his government
of Aſia, “ that his neighbour Octavius made
" himſelf adored by the People. And yet,
"adds (a) he with grief, he had never read the
Cyropedia or the Eulogium of Agefilaus by
Xenophon. He was unacquainted with the
examples of the great Kings, from whom,
"in their fovereign power, there never efcaped
a word or a difobliging faying." Cicero
was in the right to fhame his brother, who had
not profited by the great knowledge he had
acquired. For what purpoſe do ſtudy and let-
ters ferve, if they do not render us beneficent
and humane?
66
66
<<
Octavius, after having ſpent two years in
Macedonia, returned to Rome with hopes of
the Confulſhip, but was prevented of it by
death. He had married, for his fecond wife,
(a) Atque is dolor eft,
quòd quum ü quos nominavi,
(Cicero bad quoted two Pra-
tors, of whom Octavius was
One) te innocentiâ non vin-
cant, vincunt tamen artificio
benevolentiæ colligendæ, qui
neque Cyrum Xenophontis,
neque Agefilaum noverint:
quorum regum fummo in
imperio nemo unquam ver-
bum ullum afperius audivit.
Cic. ad 2. Tr. 1, 2. 2.
E 3
3.
Atia,
His death.
54
PUPIUS, VALERIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 6r.
A. R. 691. Atia the daughter of Julia, Cæfar's fifter. It
was by this marriage he had Auguftus, who
was but four years old when his father died.
I ſhall now reſume the thread of the hiſtory.
A fos
Ant. C. 60.
L. AFRANIUS.
Q. METELLUS CELER.
Character The Confulfhip of Afranius and Metellus
of the two Celer is the famous Epoch of the triumvirate,
Confuls.
Dio L.
xxxvii.
taken notice of by Horace (a). I have already
given the characters of thefe two Confuls.
Afranius, a man without talents, without merit,
rendered, in this great office, no other ſervice
to Pompey, who had placed him in it, than to
cover him with fhame, by his ufeleffneſs and
his meanneſs of ſpirit (b). Metellus, on the
contrary fhewed a great deal of courage and
magnanimity, and defended the public liberty
with zeal. It is true Dio pretends, that this
zeal was ſtirred up and heightened in him by
the refentment he conceived againſt Pompey
for divorcing his fifter Mucia. Cicero, who
often ſpeaks of Metellus in his letters to Atticus,
fays nothing like this: And the authority of
Dio, in my opinion, is not fufficient to de-
grade a conduct, and actions laudable in them-
The autho-felves, by afcribing them to bad motives.
rity of the
When Metellus came to govern the Com-
Senate at monwealth, he found it in a fituation very dif-
weakened, ferent from that in which Cicero had eſtabliſhed
and the or- it: The authority of the Senate was confider-
der of ably fhaken by the abfolution of Clodius, and
Knights
withdraw by the election of Afranius, on account of
that time
from it.
Cic. ad
Att. I. 17,
18. &
IL. I.
(a) Motum ex Metello confule civicum. Hor. Od. II. 1.
Magni noſtri éáar. Cic. ad Att. I. 20.
which
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
55.
Ant, C. 60,
which that affembly was defirous to ftruggle by A. R. 692
its decrees againſt canvaffing, but failed in its
defign. Moreover the order of Knights with-
drew themſelves from the Senate, wrongfully
no doubt, but the damage that the republic
fuffered by it was no lefs real. The feverity of
Cato had given occafion for this diſunion of the
two orders. I do not however pretend to blame
his conduct whoſe principle was an ardent and
couragious zeal for juſtice.
Indeed nothing was more unjuft than the
pretenfions of the Knights. I have already
obferved in another place *, that though they * Vol. IX-
fat in judgment with the Senators they were
nevertheleſs not fubject to the penalty of the
laws made againft thofe Judges who fuffered
themſelves to be corrupted. It is very likely
the fcandalous judgment in the cafe of Clodius
opened mens eyes to the glaring iniquity of
fuch an example. Cato fpoke ftrongly upon it
in the Senate, and procured a Senatusconful-
tum and a law, which declared the penalties
general againſt all thoſe who being judges fhould
receive money of the parties. The Knights
dared not complain of fo equitable a law, but
were much mortified by it.
About the fame time, that is to fay, towards
the end of the preceding year, a company of
Roman Knights, who had figned a leaſe with
the cenfors for the revenues of the Common-
wealth in Afia, defired of the Senate to be re-
leafed from their bargain, pretending that they
were hurt by it, and making no fcruple to
own, that the defire of gain had prompted
them to make offers, and accept of condi-
tions very burthenfom to them. Cato, ever
rigid againſt the farmers of the revenues, op-
pofed
E 4
56
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 60.
A. R. 692. pofed their requeft; the affair was fpun out
for three months, and at length he carried it a-
gainſt them, and caufed the demand of thoſe
who were intereſted in it to be thrown by, al-
though fupported by the folicitations of the
whole order. This laft ftroke compleated the
refentment of the Knights, and abfolutely de-
tached them from the Senate,
Pompey de-
mands the
confirma-
This was no fault of Cicero's. The union
of the two orders concerned him perfonally,
as it had been his work; and, on the other
hand, he did not follow principles fo fevere
as Cato. He even thought, that this. Hero,
for fo he called him, was not acquainted with
men or times, and reproached (a) him for ar-
guing in the fame manner in a company of the
vicious fons of Romulus, as he would have
done among the wife men of Plato's repub-
lic. For himself, although he was fenfible of
all the indecorum of the Knights pretenfions, he
affifted them, and fpoke ftrongly in their fa-
vour; and not being able to fucceed, was much
grieved, not precifely for his own intereft, fince
the Knights always continued attached to him;
but becauſe he forefaw that the Common-
wealth and the Senate would lofe a fupport that
was neceffary to them.
The great object of the defenders of liberty
was to bridle the power of Pompey, which was
tion of his vifibly predominating. He pufhed on at that
time two important affairs. One was the con-
firmation of all that he had done, regulated,
or ordered in the provinces of which he had
alts.
Plut.
Pomp. &
Luc.
(a) Dicit enim, tanquam
in Platonis πολιτεία, nos
tanquam in Romuli face,
fententiam. Cic. ad Att.
II. I.
had
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
57
Ant. C. 60.
had the command, in fhort of all the acts of A. R. 692.
his Generalfhip. The other, which he had not
leſs at heart, was a diftribution of lands among
the foldiers, who had ferved under his com-
mand, and who before their eſtabliſhment were
as much his creatures as ever, and the fupports
of his power. He demanded himſelf the con-
firmation of his acts and Flavius a Tribune
of the People, in conjunction with him, pro-
poſed the Agrarian law.
In the first article Lucullus was perfonally
intereſted, all whoſe orders in Afia Pompey had
taken a delight to change and turn upside down.
This intereft, affifted by the exhortations of
Cato, drew Lucullus out of that fupine and
foft way of living to which he had given him-
felf up. Metellus Creticus, fo violently and
fo unworthily offended by Pompey; and Craf
fus, always jealous of his greatneſs, joined
themſelves to Lucullus and Cato; and Me-
tellus Celer ſupported them with all the autho-
rity of the Confulate. Thus when they were
about to debate in Senate on the confirmation
of Pompey's acts, Lucullus repreſented to
them," that Pompey ought to render an ac-
"count article by article, and demand the
"approbation of every one feparately. That
"for him to expect to have all that he had
"done and regulated approved in the groſs,
"without making known the particular nature
"of each affair, was to act like a mafter, and
“not as a citizen. That Pompey having
"made great alterations in what he [Lucullus]
"had ordained, it was but juſt that the Senate
"fhould judge between them, and decide
"whofe regulations fhould be executed." This
difcourfe, fo equitable, was applauded; and
Pompey
58
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
A. R. 692. Pompey feeing that he had nothing to hope.
Ant. C. 60. from the Senate, employed himſelf folely to
a Tribnne
get the law of Flavius to pafs, thereby to gain
the People, and then thought he might after-
wards obtain the confirmation of his acts,
which the Senate refuſed him.
This law was artfully enough prepared. Al-
tho' thoſe whofe work it was, made the eſtabliſh-
The law, ment of Pompey's foldiers the principal end
propofed by of it; yet, that the People might intereft
themſelves in it, they affociated other citizens
ple to af in the divifion of lands. But the Conful Me-
fign lands tellus, and all thoſe who, with him, had broke
to the fol- Pompey's meaſures in the Senate, did not with
diers of lefs might oppofe this law.
of the Peo-
Pompey.
The am-
biguous
Cicero
With reſpect to Cicero, his conduct was
without vigour, and equivocal enough through-
conduct of out this whole affair. There is no mention
throughout made of him in hiſtory on the fubject of the
this whole confirmation of Pompey's acts, and he fays
affair. not one word of it himſelf in his letters to
Atticus. With regard to the law, he fought
a medium, by which he imagined he ſhould
fatisfy every body; but it is very likely he
deceived himſelf.
He gives an account to Atticus of the prin-
ciples upon which he governed himſelf at that
time. In going out of my Confulfhip, ſays
Att. I. 19. he, I maintained at firft, with dignity and
Cic. ad
"noblenefs, the glory I had acquired in it.
"But when I faw the authority of good men
"weakened, and the Knights detached from
"the Senate, perceiving moreover how warm
"the jealouſy of thefe voluptuaries your
"friends (a) (he means Hortenfius, Lucul-
(a) Hos pifcinarios dico, amicos turos.
46
« lus
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
59
"lus and fome others) was against me; IA. R. 692.
"thought I ought to procure to myſelf fome Ant. C. 60.
"more folid fupport. I am therefore clofely
"united with Pompey: I have done fo well,
"that I have engaged him at length to break
"that filence which he has fo long kept on the
"buſineſs of my Confulfhip, and to declare
"his approbation often and openly of all that
I have done for the welfare of my country.
"We mutually fupport each other, and are
"both the ftronger for our union. I have
“even regained the debauched youth who had
"me for an object of hatred. In a word, I
"avoid giving offence to any one; (a) my
❝ conduct nevertheleſs has nothing weak in it,
nothing popular. I keep a medium, ac-
quitting myself of what I owe to the Com-
monwealth, by my fidelity in never depart-
ing from the principles of a good citizen,
" and nevertheleſs making uſe of fome precau-
"tion for my own fafety, on account of the
"weakneſs of good men, the hatred of the
"C
66
66
sc
66
cc
bad, and the malice of the envious. Not-
"withſtanding I do not give myſelf up to new
"friendſhips; and I frequently repeat to my-
"felf the faying of Epicharmus: Watch, and
"remember yourself to mistrust men: It is the
"nerve of prudence.
(a) Nihil jam denique à
me afperum in quemquam
fit, nec tamen quidquam po-
pulare ac diffolutum: Sed ita
temperata tota ratio eft, ut
Reipublicæ conftantiam præf
tem; privatis rebus meis,
propter infirmitatem bono-
rum, iniquitatem malivolo-
rum, odium in me impro-
borum, adhibeam quamdam
cautionem & diligentiam
atque ita amem, fi üs novis
amicitüs implicati fumus, ut
crebrò mihi vafer i!le ficulus
infufurret Epicharmus can-
tilenam illam fuam. NÃO,
* μέμνησ' ἀπιδεῖν ἄρθρα ταῦ
Ta vãr Opsvau. Cic. ad Att.
I. 19.
Atticus
{
60
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
A. R. 692.
Art, C. 60.
darw. A
Atticus oftentimes cautioned him to take
care that his friendſhip for Pompey did not
carry him too far, and engage him in fome de-
licate affair, from which he might not be able
to extricate himſelf with honour. Cicero pro-
tefts to him, in more places than one, that he
would carefully ward againſt fuch danger, and
even flattered himſelf that he ſhould make
Pompey better, by detaching him from the
People, and infpiring him with more Arifto-
cratical fentiments. He carried the delufion yet
farther, and when Cæfar returned from Spain,
where he was at that time, as we fhall foon
mention, Cicero ventured to promiſe himſelf,
that he fhould bring him back again, at leaft
in part, to the fyftem of the public good:
But he was in a great error. Cæfar, and even
Pompey knew better than he how to diffemble
in the management of affairs. All this refined
policy did but hurt his reputation, without
faving him. He found that men fuch as Pom-
pey were not to be fatisfied with having friends
by halves, indeed they want not friends but
flaves and facrifice without pain or fcruple
thofe whom they do not find entirely devoted
to their wills.
The Conful Metellus Celer obferved a conduct much
Metellus clearer and more generous; and his conftancy
refills the
refifted not only fear, which has the leaft power
movement over great fouls, but even a hope that might
of the Hel- Aatter his ambition. For while the conteft
velii in was warmeſt on the fubject of Flavius's law,
Dio. Cie. news was brought to Rome, that affairs were
ad Att. I. in diforder in Gaul, and that the Helvetii were
in arms. The Senate to prevent the other
people in Gaul from joining with them, im-
mediately ordered an embaffy the chief of which
Gaul.
19, 20.
& II. 1.
fhould
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
61
Ant. C. Sc..
ſhould be a perſon of Confular dignity: This, A. R. 692.
as we may ſay en paffant, gave room for a freſh
evidence of the fingular efteem of this illuf-
trious affembly for Cicero. For the names of
the Confulars being put into an urn, and his
coming out firſt, all the Senate cried out, that
he muſt be kept in Rome; the fame was done
by Pompey whofe name came out the fecond.
So that it appeared, that they looked on thefe
two as the pledges, and fupports of the fafety
of the State (a). Metellus Creticus was deſtined
the chief of the embaffy. The fame Senatus
confultum ordered that the Confuls fhould have
the two Gauls, Gallia Cifalpina and Gallia
Tranfalpina for their Provinces. Metellus Ce-
ler would have been charmed to have a Pro-
vince, from whence he might hope for a tri-
umph. Flavius therefore thought he had dif
covered his foible, and threatened to oppofe
his going out of Rome, and by that means de-
prive him of a command that was the object of
his wishes, if he continued to refift the law.
But this menace had no effect, and Metellus
ſtill acted with no lefs fpirit and conftancy.
Flavius
Things were carried fo far, and the Tribune The Conful
was ſo much enraged, that he had the hardineſs is put into
to put the Conful in prifon. The Knights, dif-prison by
contented with the Senate, were unmoved the Tri-
but the Senators performed their duty to the ut- buna
moft, and would affemble, even in the prifon,
about the Conful. It was thus, fays M. Cre-
vier, that our anceſtors faw the first court of
juftice in the kingdom follow their chief to the
baftile, whom a company of factious men had
(a) Ut nos duo quafi pignora Reipublicæ retineri videre-
mur. Cic. ad Att. I. 19.
fént
62
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
A. R. 692. fent thither. Flavius would not fuffer the Se-
Ant. C. 60.
The con-
nate to enter the prifon, and to prevent them
placed his feat before the door of it.
fancy of, marvellous conftancy.
the Conful.
lies with
Metellus fupported this indignity with a
The other Tribunes
would have taken him out of priſon, but he
refuſed to come out till Flavius himſelf de-
fifted: The latter did not feem at all difpofed
to it, and prepared to paſs the night upon the
fpot. But Pompey was at length aſhamed of
fuch an accefs, of which in reality he had been
the author; he even feared a rifing of the Peo-
ple: So that he ordered Flavius to retire, fay-
ing that Metellus had asked this favour of him.
No body believed him, and he only added the
ftain of diffimulation and falſehood to the juſt
reproaches he had already deſerved, for tramp-
ling upon the firft dignity of the Common-
wealth,
Pompey, feeing all his efforts were ineffec-
tual, then repented that he had disbanded his
Pompey al-army. But refolving to carry his point at any
Clodius. rate, as all the Ariftocratical party was againſt
him, he gave himſelf up more entirely than
ever to the popular faction: and forgot him-
felf fo far as to ally even with Clodius, who
thought in time to obtain the Tribuneſhip, and
by the power of that to revenge himſelf on his
enemies, eſpecially on Cicero.
Plut.
Pomp.
Clodius at-
make him-
The birth of Clodius was almoſt an invinci-
tempts to ble obftacle to his defigns. He was of Partri-
Self a Ple- cian race, and thofe of the Plebeian only could
beian to be choſe Tribunes of the People. He under-
took to make himſelf a Plebeian. To this end,
office of a
Tribune. he gained a Tribune, named Herennius, a man
Dio Cic. of low degree, bad principles, without fortune
ad Att. I. and without merit, who propofed to the Peo-
get the
18, 19.
ple
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
63
1
Ant. C. 60.
ple that Clodius fhould be acknowledged a A. R. 692.
Plebeian, and accounted fo in the Common-
wealth, as much as one who was fo by birth.
The Conful Metellus at firft gave into this pro-
ject, perhaps by furprize. But he foon return- Cic. pro
ed to himſelf, and juftly irritated againſt Clo-Cal. n 60.
dius, threatened him in full Senate, although
he was his couſin german and brother-in-law,
to kill him with his own hand. The collegues
of Herennius alfo oppofed his propofition.
Nevertheleſs Clodius carried himſelf as a Ple-
beian, and aſpired to the Tribunate, but he
miffed of his aim for this year.
In theſe turbulent contefts paffed the Con-
fulſhip of Metellus, who, at leaſt, ſtopped the
evil, and kept all things in fufpence, till the
time that Cæfar, arriving from Spain, put the
laft hand to what the moſt ſtirring ambition, Cæſar at
and the ſtrongeſt cabal had never been able to the expira
tion of bis
finiſh without him.
Prætor-
Ulterior,
tors, when
Cæfar had been Prætor two years before, aship, bav-
we have already mentioned, under the Confulsing the
Silanus and Murena. After his Prætorship heprovince of
had the province of Ulterior Spain; but when spain af
he was going thither, he found himſelf very figned to
much embarraffed, becauſe his creditors were him, is ftops
preparing to ftop his equipage. His luxury, by his credi-
his prodigalities, his ambitious largeffes, had be would
reduced him to a condition of owing more than have gone
he was worth; and he had been heard to fay,
that he wanted a hundred millions of fefterces delivers
Craffas
(near eight hundred thousand pounds fterling) him from
to be better than nothing. Craffus was his laſt the moſt
refource. They had been formerly enemies; importu-
and Plutarch relates, that when Cæfar in his Plut. Cæf.
youth was taken by pirates, he cried out, & Craff.
What joy will it be to Craffus, when he shall Appian.
thither:
nate.
Civil.
bear L. II.
64
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 60.
A. R. 692. bear of my captivity! Intereft, at laft, brought
them together again; and the fame motive
faftened the bands of their friendſhip more
ftrictly than ever, on the occafion I am ſpeak-
ing of. Cæfar wanted money. Craffus, who
always dreaded Pompey, ftood in need of the
credit and activity of Cæfar to fupport him
againſt a power, by which he feared to be
cruſhed. On the other hand, he never loved
or hated anybody, but, according as the necef-
fity of his affairs required, he would quarrel or
be reconciled with extreme facility. He there-
fore appeafed the moſt importunate of Cæfar's
creditors, by paffing his word for him for the
fum of twenty millions of fefterces (one hun-
Suet. Cæf. dred and twenty-five thousand pounds fterling)
and thus gave him liberty to depart. As foon
as Cæfar found he was no longer detained, he
immediately took flight, even without waiting
till the Senate had entirely fettled what regard-
ed the provinces.
C. 18.
Plut. Cæf
The Saying
In his journey Plutarch relates this remarka-
of Cefar ble faying of his, which plainly fhews the fu-
a pitiful rious ambition that poffeffed him. In paffing
little town the Alps, his friends taking notice of a little
in the Alps. pitiful town, the inhabitants of which were in
a poor and miferable condition, they afked one
another in the way of pleafantry, if in that
place there were any difputes about the em-
ployments, quarrels for the first rank, or jea-
loufies among their great men. Cæfar, who
heard them, faid with a ferious tone, That be
would rather be the first man there, than the fe-
cond in Rome. The Hiftorians report feveral
dreams or prefages, that nourished his hopes
and defires. But the faying alone that I have
juſt cited, makes it plainly appear, that he
wanted
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
65
Ant. C. 60.
wanted no incentives but thoſe of his own mind, A R. 69a.
to make him undertake, or dare to do any
thing.
Plut. &
Spain, at the time that he arrived there, He creates
was more peaceable than he could have defired. a war in
Spain, and
He fought an occafion to create a war, and obtains fe-
found it. He gave fome battles; he took fe-veral ad-
veral places in Lufitania and in Gallicia; he vantages
made a great booty, with which he enriched
himſelf, and largely recompenced his foldiers; Dio.
from whom he received the title of Imperator,
and ſeemed to deſerve a triumph, But all theſe
expeditions, which would perhaps have been
confiderable in another, were fo little for Ca-
far, that I fhall not think it worth while to re-
late the flender detail which Dio has preferved
of them. What I find the moft worthy to be
recorded, is an admirable (a) action of a ſol-
dier.
The Spaniards, vanquished by Cæfar, having
retired to an iſland, at a little diſtance from the
terra firma; Cæfar, who had no ſhips, could
not purſue them. Nevertheleſs, he ordered
fome light boats to be built, to fend a ſmall
body of troops over into the iſland. Some of
his foldiers were difembarked on a rock, from
whence they might go to the enemy; and the
commander of the detachment was to fupport
them, or take them on board again, as there
fhould be occaſion. But having been carried
from them by the reflux of the tide, he left his
(a) Plutarch, and Valerius
Maximus (III. 2. 23.) re-
port this fact in Cæfar's war
against the people of Great-
Britain. What determines
me, with Freinshemius, to fol-
VOL. XII.
low Die in this place, is that
Cafar has not ſpoke of this
fact; and it is not likely, that
he would have omitted it in
the account he gives of that
war.
F
foldiers,
*
: 66
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 60.
A. R. 692. foldiers, who were but a ſmall number, to the
mercy of the Barbarians. All were killed, ex-
cept one man, whom Dio calls P. Scevius, or
Sceva, and who, after having fought valiantly,
all covered with wounds, threw himſelf into
the fea, and croffed it by fwimming. Cæfar,
who had been a witnefs and fpectator of the
whole action, thought the foldier came to de-
An admi- mand fome recompence; but was aftoniſhed
rable ac- when he faw him throw himſelf on his Knees,
tion of one and, on the contrary, only begged pardon of
of Cafar's him for returning without his arms, and par-
foldiers.
Cafar
admini-
ticularly without his buckler. Cæfar could not
but admire a foldier, who fhewed fo much re-
gard to military difcipline, joined to much
bravery, and raiſed him to the rank of a Cen-
turion.
Cæfar, victor in the war, fucceeded no lefs
makes his in the civil government. He eſtabliſhed good
ftration be-order and tranquillity among the people fub-
loved. jected to his authority. He remedied eſpecially
the diffenfions and troubles caufed by debts, by
ordering that two thirds of the debtor's income
ſhould be delivered up to his creditors, till full
fatisfaction was made.
He returns
and re-
Theſe different operations did not employ
to Italy, Cæfar quite year. Propofing to himſelf all
the time to obtain a triumph, and to demand
triumph to the Confulfhip, he haftened to return, even
obtain the before one was fent to fucceed him.
nounces a
Confulfhip. But as the time of the elections was near,
Cæf. &. there was an incompatibility between the two
Suet. Plut.
Cat.
objects of his ambition. To demand a tri-
umph he muſt have been obliged to have con-
tinued out of Rome; and to demand the Con-
處
​fulfhip he was obliged to come into it. He
endeavoured to remove this obftacle, by having
it
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
67
This was contrary to
However his credit
Ant. C. 60.
it propoſed to the Senate, that they would al- A. R. 692.
low of his demanding the Confulfhip by the
miniftry of his friends, without obliging him
to folicite it in perfon.
the eſtabliſhed cuftom.
inclined feveral of the Senators to favour him.
Cato refifted with his ordinary reſolution; and
fearing that his reafons might not have their de-
fired effect, he made uſe of a ftratagem. When
he had begun to ſpeak in the Senate he con-
tinued talking till night; for it was not per-
mitted to interrupt a Senator who fpoke in his
place, and he had the liberty to expatiate as
much as he thought proper. By this artifice
he difconcerted Cæfar's intrigue, who did not
continue a moment in fufpence; but confider-
ing the triumph as a temporary honour which
might return another time, whereas the Con-
fulfhip was the door that opened his way to the
highest fortune, he renounced the triumph, en-
tered into the city, and put himſelf among the
candidates.
the Trium-
It was at this time, that he formed that He forms
league, fo well known under the name of the virate.
Triumvirate, fatal to liberty, fatal to Pompey, Dio. Ap-
and of which Cæfar alone gathered all the fruit. pian. Plut.
And what is very remarkable is, that while he Cæf. &
was building up his own grandeur, and over- & Craff.
Pomp
turning the Commonwealth, he ftill drew ap- Sueton.
plauſes upon himſelf. Pompey and Craffus, Vell. II.
the two most powerful citizens of Rome, were 44
perpetually at variance, and their difcord
troubled the whole Commonwealth.
fore to reconcile them was an action which
was very ſpecious to outward appearance.
Cicero and Cato were not miſtaken in it. They
conceived perfectly well, that theſe two powers,
which,
F 2
There-
68
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 60.
A. R. 692. which, in counterbalancing one another agitat-
ed the veffel, hindered it from overfetting by
their mutual refiftance, but that if ever they
ſhould be united, and both go over to one fide,
Cic. Phil. they could not fail of finking it. Cicero, who
II. n. 23. had great alliances with Pompey, uſed all his
endeavours to diffuade him from giving him-
ſelf up to Cæfar. He fucceeded very ill. He
did not only prevent their union, but loft
himſelf the friendſhip of Pompey.
Cæfar effectually attacked Pompey and Craf-
fus, by motives that have the most power over
ambitious men. What do we do, faid he to
them, by our eternal diffenfions, but augment the
power of the Cicero's, the Cato's, and Horten-
fius's? Whereas by leaguing together we may fub-
due them all, difplay our whole authority, and be
alone mafters of the Commonwealth.
Befides this common intereft, each of the
Triumvirs had his own particular object in view.
Pompey would obtain the confirmation of the
acts of his Confulfhip. Craffus, covetous to
the laſt degree, and defirous of the firſt rank,
but incapable of arriving at it by himſelf, would
be raiſed to it by the help of his affociates.
Cæfar the cunningeft, as well as the moft am-
bitious of them all, who could not get the bet-
ter of them both, nor maintain a friendſhip
with one without making the other his enemy,
by re-uniting them to one another, and with
himſelf, removed all obſtacles to his defigns,
and opened the way to his becoming all-
powerful.
They made a treaty therefore, by which they
promiſed to ſupport one another reciprocally,
and not to fuffer any deliberations in the pub-
lic affairs, that fhould be difpleafing to any
one
AFRANIUS, 69
*
METELLUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 60.
one of the three. They kept this treaty a fe- A: R. 692.
cret, and concealed their good underſtanding
as long as it was poffible, even feigning on oc-
cafions that preſented themſelves to be of dif-
ferent opinions, that their confpiracy might
gather ftrength, while there was no fufpicion
of it, and not break out till it was well efta-
bliſhed, and perfectly in a condition to give
laws to others.
named
While this negotiation was carrying on, Cæ- He is
far demanded the Confulfhip. He had no un- Conful
cafinefs as to what regarded him perfonally, and with Bi-
was well affured of his own nomination, His bulus.
chief aim was to get a Collegue to his mind. Suet.
There were two competitors, Lucceius and
Bibulus, concerning Lucceius we ſcarce know
any thing but what we learn from the letters
of Cicero. He was a man who had the talent of
writing, and fucceeded fo well in hiftory, that
Cicero defired to have him for the hiftorian of
his Confulfhip, and of the events that followed
till his return from exile. All the world knows
the letter which our orator wrote to him on
this fubject, a famous monument, as M. Rollin
calls it, of the eloquence, and, at the fame
time, of the vanity of its author. As to the Traité des
character of Lucceius, if we may judge by the Etudes.
conduct we ſhall fee he maintained, he feemed to
have no views that were direct, nor any great
fuperiority of genius in affairs. Bibulus had
been at variance with Cæfar, from the time
that they had been Ædiles together, and
moreover was a rigid defender of liberty and
laws; ftrictly united with Cato, and governed
himſelf by the fame principles, although with
lefs extent and elevation of fpirit. Such a
companion could not be agreeable to Cæfar:
T. II. c. 3.
art. 4.
F 3
He
70
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 69.
}
A. R. 692. He therefore united himself to Lucceius, and as
he had more credit but less money, it was a-
greed between them, that Cæfar fhould lend
Lucceius the affiftance of his friends, and that
Lucceius fhould distribute confiderable fums
among the Tribes in the name of them both.
The principal perfons in the Senate, dreaded
the Confulfhip of Cæfar. The manber in
which he behaved during his dile and: Pre
torfhips, made them apprehenſive of what
they might feel from him when he ſhould be
Conful. However not being able to put him
by, all their refource was to raiſe him up an
adverſary in the perfon of his Collegue. They
all united therefore in favour of Bibulus,: even
engaging to make Largeffes equal to thoſe of
Lucceius, and to affefs themſelves to defray the
expence. In this they had the approbation of
Cato, who was not difpleafed at thefe Largeffes,
fo contrary to the laws and to good manners,
which feemed at this time ſo uſeful to the Com-
monwealth. What times were thefe, when fuch
men thought they could not fave the State
but by violating the moſt falutary laws! This
policy fucceeded. Lucceius loft his money,
and Bibulus was chofe Conful with Cæfar. But
Cæfar, whom nothing could embarraſs, not be-
ing able to avoid having Bibulus for a Collegue,
found means to get the better of him, or ra-
Alaw to ther to crush him, and make him nothing,
abolish which I fhall relate after I have given an ac-
tolls and
count of fome other events of this year, which
I have been obliged to poftpone.
duties to
be paid up-
on entering
all the
Metellus Nepos, who was Prætor, propofed,
Rome and and got a law paffed, to aboliſh tolls and du-
ties to be paid upon entering Rome and the
other parts other parts of Italy. Thefe taxes were not
of Italy.
Dio.
very
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
71
Ant. C. 60%
very burthenſome in themſelves, but the vex-A. R. 692.
ations of thoſe who were charged with collect-
ing thèm excited great complaints. Dio affures
us, that the propofition for aboliſhing them
was univerfally applauded, and that nothing
was difpleafing therein but the perfon of the
Legiſlator, who was a factious Citizen, as we
have ſeen, and the author of feditions. He
adds, that in confequence of this, the Senate
would have ſtruck his name out of the law, and
have had it propoſed by another, and in caſe
the thing could not have been done thus, at
leaft it plainly fhews us, that even fervices and
good actions ceaſe to be agreeable when they
come from bad men. For my own part, I
can eaſily conceive, that the multitude muft be
charmed with this abolition of taxes, but I can-
not ſo eaſily perfuade myſelf that the Senate
would approve of fuch a diminution of the
public revenue; and I fee that Cicero com- Cic. ad
plains of it in a letter to Atticus.
diators
Att.II. 16.
Fauftus Sylla, who could not then be above Combats
twenty years of age, to do honour to the of the gla
memory of the Dictator his father, gave com-
bats of the gladiators to the people; to which given by
Fauftus
he joined a magnificent banquet for all the Sylla in
multitude, with Baths, and a diftribution of honour of
oil.
his father.
Dio.
Lentulus
Lentulus Spinther, who had been at an ex-The Apol-
traordinary expence in the games of his Edile-linarian
ſhip, took an opportunity this year to diftin-games
guiſh himſelf by the fame tafte in the Apolli-given by
narian games, of which he had the care: This Spinther
proves that he was Prætor of the City. It is the Pra-
remarked, that he covered the upper part of for
the theatre with curtains of fine lawn, which
the Latins called Carbafus, and theſe were im-
F 4
proved
tor.
Plin. xix.
1.
72.
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
:
Ant, C, 60,
A. R. 692. proved by the richneſs and fplendor of the front
curtain, after the magnificent example that Ca-
tulus had first given in dedicating the Capi-
tol. The poet Lucretius defcribes very agree-
ably the effect produced by theſe curtains,
which were of divers colours: "when our
"theatres (a), fays he, are covered with cur
"tains, fome of aurora colour, others red,
"others darker, all fhaking upon the long rods.
"that fupport them, then the pit, the ftage,
"men, women and gods, in fhort, every ob-
Plin.
"
ject ſeems to be tinctured with various co-
"lours, which move in fucceffive undulations;
"and the more exactly the walls of the theatre
"are cloſed, the more the coloured light that
"comes from above, ſpreads itſelf over every
thing within, in a ſmiling and. floating pic-
56
«ture.
دو
•
I know not whether it relates to the Edile-
xxxvi. 7. fhip or Prætorfhip of Spinther, what Pliny
relates of the vaſes made of onyx ſtone, which
he expoſed to the eyes of the people, and
which were of the bignefs of barrels of Chio
wine. Theſe barrels [Cadi] might contain a
little more than nine and thirty pints. Thefe
vafes of Spinther feemed a wonder, but it was
but for a little time; for five years after: co-
(a) Et vulgò faciunt id lutea, ruffaque vela,
Et ferrugina, quum magnis intenta theatris
Per malos volgata trabeifque trementia Autant.
Namque ibi confeſſum caveai fubter & omnem
Scenai fpeciem, patrum matrumque, deorumque,
Inficiunt, coguntque fuo fluitare colore:
Et quanto circum `mage funt incluſa theatri
Mænia, tam magis hæc intus perfufa lepore
Omnia conrident, conreptâ luce diei.
Lucr. IV: 73°
lumns
AFRANIUS, METELLUS, Confuls.
73.
Ant. C. 60.
lumns of onyx were feen at Rome, two and A. R. 692.
thirty feet high.
C. Murena, and the learned Varro, Curule A piece of
Ædiles, either this year or about this time, painting in
cauſed a piece of painting in freſco to be brought brought
Fresco
from Lacedemonia to Rome, to adorn the from Lace-
public Forum, having confined the wall on demonia to
which it was done in wooden boxes. This Rome.
painting was excellent, and drawed admiration ; xxxv. 14
but what furprized the moft, was, that it could
be tranſported fafe and entire.
SECT. III.
The factious behaviour of Cæfar in his Confulſhip.
Two customs established or renewed by him, ac-
cording to Suetonius. The Agrarian laws pre-
Sented to the Senate by Cæfar. The Senators
filent. The fteadiness of Cato. Cæfar fends
Cate to prifon, afterwards releafes him. De-
clares in Senate, that he will go and addrefs
himself to the People. He tries in vain to gain
over his Collegue. Pompey and Craffus approve
of the law publicly. The law paffes maugre
the generous oppofition of Bibulus and Cato.
Bibulus is forced to shut himfelf up in bis
own boufe for eight months entirely. Cæfar
acts as if he was fole Conful. An oath added
by Cæfar to his law. Cato refufes at first to
take this oath; and afterwards fubmits to it.
The uncertainty of Cicero concerning the law of
Cafar. In pleading for his Collegue Anthony,
be complains of the prefent state of affairs. In
confequence of which Cafar brings Clodius inte
the order of the People. The affair and con-
demnation of Anthony. The territory of Capua
diftributed by virtue of Cafar's law. Capua
made
Plin.
74
CONTENT S.
A. R. 693.
Ant. C. 59.
made a colony. Cæfar grants the Knights who
farmed the public revenue in Afia the abate-
ment they required. He gets the acts of Pom-
pey's Generalſhip confirmed, and causes the
province of Affyria and Gaul to be given to
bimfelf. A bold faying of Confidius to Cæfar.
Cæfar caufes the Kings Ariovistus and Ptolomy:
Auletes to be acknowledged friends and allies
to the Commonwealth. The avidity of Cafar
for money. Cæfar marries his daughter to
Pompey. He marries Calphurnia himself. Pifo
and Gabinius eſcape from the ſeverity of justice
by the credit of Cæfar and Pompey. Hiftorical
anecdotes compofed by Cicero. His indignation
against the Triumvirate. His fentiments with
respect to Pompey. The difcontent of the Peo-
ple against Pompey and Cæfar fhews itſelf at
the public spectacles. Cicero's reflections upon
the impotent complaints of the Roman citizens.
He gives himself up entirely to his pleading. He
is accufed, with Jeveral others, by a scoundrel
fellow of having a defign to affaffinate Pompey.
The danger which threatens Cicero on the part
of Clodius. The behaviour of Pompey and Ca-
far with regard to Cicero, in this conjunkture.
Clodius prevents Bibulus's haranguing the Peo-
ple, at his going out of his Confulſhip.
C. JULIUS CAESAR.
M. CALPURNIUS BIBULUS.
The fae- NEVER did any Tribune of the People
tious con-
maintain a conduct more factious, or
trample the authority of the Senate under
Cafar in foot with more audacity than Cæfar in his Con-
bis Conful-fulfhip. But able to fave appearances, and
make uſe of ſpecious pretexts, he endeavoured
ship.
at
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
75
at firft to have it believed, that the Senators A. R 693:
Ant. C. 59.
were in the wrong, that it might feem as if he
had been forced by them to turn himfelf en-
tirely to the fide of the People.
↓
i
us.
I do not ſpeak here of two cuftoms, the in- The cuf-
ſtitution or reviving of which Suetonius attri-toms efta-
butes to him. That Hiftorian fays, that Ca-blished or
revived by
far renewed the antient practice, according to Cafar,
which one of the two Confuls only had the according
fafces carried before him, the other was only to Suetoni-
preceded by a Cryer, and his Lictors followed Suet. Cæf.
him. There was nothing in this but what had c. 20.
been conftantly practifed fince the origine of
the Confulate in Rome, only the circumftance
of the Lictors marching in the train of the
Conful that had not the fafces. The other
ufage, of which Suetonius makes Cæfar the in-
ventor, was to have a journal kept of all that
paffed in the Senate, in the affembly of the
People, and in the City; and the defign of
this was, Suetonius fays, that, the journal be-
ing publiſhed in the provinces, the whole Em-
pire might know, that nothing was done, but
according to the will, and by order of the Tri-
umvirate. But this cuftom was ancienter than
Cæfar; and we have even a fragment of a
journal of the like fort, under the fecond Con-
fulfhip of Paulus Æmilius, the conqueror of
Perfia. I fhall enter into no farther difcuffion
of theſe facts.
My object is the politic intrigues of Cæfar,
and his feditious enterprizes, in which we may
equally obſerve the fuperiority of his genius,
and the exceſs of his ambition, that no refpect
either to the public good, nor laws, nor
things, nor perfons, were capable to ftop him
one moment in his courfe. He found, at his
entrance
76
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
A. R.693. entrance into his Confulfhip, four great affairs,
Ant. C. 59. which could not be compleated under his pre-
deceffors: The Agrarian law, propofed by the
Tribune Flavius, and fupported by all the cre-
dit of Pompey; the confirmation of the rules
and orders of that General; the demand madé
by the company concerned in the farms of
Afia, and maintained by the whole order of the
Knights; and laftly, Clodius's going over to
the rank of a Plebeian. He made an end of
them all, and in a manner contrary to the in-
clinations of the Senators, and of moft good
men in the Commonwealth. He begun with
the Agrarian law, which he did not charge any
Tribune with, but took upon himſelf to pre-
pare it, and propofed it in his own name, in
the very beginning of his Confulfhip.
He preſented it at first to the Senate, de-
manding the conſent of that body to carry it
afterwards to the People. He remonftrated,
that a diftribution of lands among the poor
"citizens was altogether ufeful, and even ne-
ceffary to deliver the city from a multitude.
"of people with which it was overburthened,
"and who oftentimes gave rife to feditions;
"to repeople and cultivate ſeveral parts of
"Italy, which were abandoned; laſtly, to re-
<< compence the foldiers who had ferved the
"Commonwealth, and give fubfiftence to
"many citizens who wanted it.
He added, "that his law in particular, as
"he had prepared it, was very moderate, and
"could be no charge either to the State, or
"to any private perfons. That in diftributing
"the lands belonging to the Commonwealth,
" he had excepted the territory of Capua,
which by its fertility was very valuable to
"the
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
77
"the State. That for thofe lands that were to A. R. 693.
Ant. C. 59.
"be bought of private perfons, he had or-
"dered, that it ſhould be only of fuch as
"were willing to fell, and that the price ſhould
"be paid for them, according to the valuation
"that had been made of them in the Cen-
"fors books. That the Commonwealth could
"very well bear this expence, as well by the
prodigious fums that Pompey had brought
"into the public treafury, as by the tributes
"that he had impofed upon his new con-
"queſts.
66
"Cæfar obferved alfo, that he had named
"twenty Commiffioners to prefide at the dif
"tribution of the lands, a number too large to
"be apprehended to agree together in any
"thing that might be dangerous to the public
""
CC
liberty. He obſerved that he had excepted
"himſelf out of the number of thoſe who
might be chofen for that employment, re-
ferving to himſelf only the honour of hav-
"ing propoſed the affair: and ſweetly inti-
"mated, that there were twenty honourable
"places, that might be agreeable to ſeveral
"Senators."
હદ
He was not contented with theſe repreſenta-
tions addreſſed to the Senate in general, but he
interrogated each Senator, and enquired of
every one if there was any thing in the law to
be found fault with, offering to retrench thofe
articles that ſhould juftly difpleafe, or even en-
tirely abandon his project, if it could be proved
to be wrong.
If we believe Dio, to all theſe queſtions the
Senators could not open their mouths, nor
diftinctly point out what was to be blamed in
the law; and that which piqued them the moſt
was
ๆ
78
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
*
Cato.
A. R. 693. was, that a propofition fo very difguftful to
These them, was not liable to any criticifm. But
of the
could they not have complained of the enor-
Senators. mous expence that Cæfar put the Common-
The fleadi-wealth to, at the fame time that he would di-
ness of
miniſh its revenues; of the tumultuous com-
motions that the Agrarian laws never failed of
exciting among the People; and of the inde-
cency of a Conful's taking upon him the bufi-
neſs of the Tribunes? Could they not diſcover
his private views, and have reproached him, as
they always had all others whofe example he
followed, of aiming at tyranny? A reproach.
fo much the better grounded with regard to
him, as every ſtep he had taken from his very
youth had always declared that defign. This
filence of the Senators, if there was really fuch,
muſt either have been the effect of complaifance
or of fear; and not of their being unable to
criticize the law that Cæfar propoſed to them.
But Cato, who never knew fear or com-
plaifance, when he undertook the defence of
his country, raiſed his voice aloud againſt the
project of Cæfar, proving that it was not pro-
per to diſturb the public tranquility, and fay-
ing plainly, that he did not fo much apprehend
the divifion of the lands, as the wages that
would be required of the People by thoſe who
fought to inveigle them by this preſent.
So great an affair could not be carried in one
feffion. It was ſpun out for fome time, and fo
much the longer, as the game that the Senate
played was to give hopes of their confent, and
at the fame time, to avoid coming to a con-
clufion. The activity and fire of Cæfar did
not agree with thefe delays. He preffed the
buſineſs, and endeavoured with all his might
to
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
79
Ant. C. 59.
wards re-
& Cæf.
to get a decifive anfwer. He ftill found Cato A.R. 693.
in his way, wherefore, as the difpute grew Cafar
warm, he took an opportunity to order him to fends Cate
be ſent to priſon, either as he thought himſelf to prison,
offended, or, which is more likely, that he had after-
a mind to terrify others by fo fignal an exam- leafes bim.
ple. Cato made no refiftance: He went out Plut. Cat.
of the Senate without one word of complaint,
but continued conftantly talking againſt the
law. Several of the Senators followed him,
and, among the reft, one M. Petreius, who
being asked by Cæfar why he went out before
the Senate broke up, made this bold anſwer to
him, Becauſe, faid he, I had rather be with Dio &
Cato in a prifon, than with you in the Senate.
Cæfar was ftruck with this faying: He ſaw, at
the fame time, in every one's countenance an
air of indignation against the violence he had
offered Cato; he alfo feared what effect the
refpect for the virtue of fo great a perſon ſo un-
worthily treated might have upon the People.
He could have wifhed, that Cato would have
asked his pardon; but not daring to hope for
that, he appointed a Tribune, who by his office
fet him at liberty.
Val. Max.
II. 10.
Senate that
the People.
The principal affair was not purfued with lefs He declares
vigour; and Cæfar calling the Senators to wit-in the
neſs, that he had uſed his utmoſt endeavours to be will go
gain their approbation, Since you conftrain me to and addrefs
it, added he, I am going to have recourse to the himself to
People. He kept his word; and not only in
this affair, but in all others that prefented
themſelves, he no longer confulted the Senate :
but even, at that time, made an alteration in his
law, that rendered it much worſe and more dif-
agreeable to the Senators, by taking in the
territory
80
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 693. territory of Capua, which he had at firft ex-
Ant. C. 59. cepted out of it.
vain to
gain over
bis Col-
legue.
He was willing however to keep fome mea-
fures with his Collegue, to whom he had al-
ready, at the commencement of his Conſulfhip,
He tries in made fome civil advances. As they were both
upon the Tribunal of harangues together, he
asked him if he found any thing exceptionable
in his law. Bibulus, without entering into any
detail, only anſwered that he ſhould oppoſe all
innovations. Cæfar infifted upon it, and ex-
horted the People to foften his Collegue by their
prayers. It is upon him, faid he to the multi-
tude, that your fatisfaction depends: If he con-
fents you will have the law. Bibulus fo far from
lowering his ftile, replied ftill more roughly;
and addreſſing himſelf to the People, Although
you would have all the law, faid he, you shall
have no part of it as long as I am Conful.
Dio. Plut.
Cæf. &
Pomp.
Cæfar expofed himſelf no more by interro-
gating any of the Magiftrates. He produced
Pompey Pompey and Craffus before the People, and
and Craf they were fure of applauding a project that
fus approve had been concerted with them; but their con-
of the law
publicly. fpiracy was not yet very well known, Pom-
pey explained himſelf, in the moſt favourable
manner, for the law, he ran it over, and com-
mended every article, pretending it was highly
juſt that the citizens fhould partake of the
opulence of the State. The People were
charmed. Cæfar, who without doubt had
pre-
pared all this ſcene with his affociates, raiſed
his voice, and faid to Pompey; Since you ap
prove of the law, I defire to know, if you will
Support it, in cafe those who are against it should
ufe violence to binder its being received. And at
the fame time he invited the People to befeech
it
**
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
8 i
Ant. C. 59.
it of Pompey. There was fomething not a A. R. 693-
little flattering to Pompey, then but a private
man, to ſee the Conful and the People implor-
ing his fupport. The vanity occafioned by
this made him ufe a language more haughty,
more oppoſed to republican principles, and
more threatening, than he had ever done be-
fore. If they come, faid he, with the fword to
oppugn the law, I will come to fupport it, with
fword and buckler. This faying was received
with acclamations of applaufe by the multitude;
but it extremely exafperated all the better fort,
who thought his manner of ſpeaking and think-
ing was more becoming an audacious young
man than that of one of the firft citizens of the
Commonwealth. Craffus fhewed himfelf to be
of the fame ſentiments with Pompey and Cæfar,
and this union of three perfons ſo powerful
made it appear to the clear-fighted, that any
réfiſtance to the law would be ineffectual.
Bibulus was not to be difcouraged, by this, The laws
but fupported by three Tribunes and Cato, con- paſſes not-
tinued with an invincible conftancy, to oppoſe with ſtand-
his Collegue. At laft, after having tried every generous
other refource, he took the method of declaring resistance
every day a holiday for the remaining part of of Bibulus
the year, which was to hinder all deliberations of and Cata.
the People. We have feen that Sylla, in his
Firſt Confulſhip, made ufe of the fame ftrata-
gem againſt the Tribune Sulpicius; but that
Tribune forced him to revoke his ordinance.
Cæfar did more, he laughed at the edict of his
Collegue, went on as if no fuch thing had hap-
pened, and named a particular day for the Peo-
ple to give their fuffrages for the law and
Pompey, according to the declaration he had
VOL. XII.
G
:
made
82
JUNIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 693 made in full affembly, filled the city with arm-
Ant. C. 59 ed men.
Bibulus, it ſeemed, could not be there; he
had only waſted himſelf in fruitless endea-
vours. It was not even allowed him to call to-
gether the Senate, for Cæfar had prevented it.
He held in his own houſe a little Council of
the principal Senators, and there it was re-
folved, that he ſhould go to the affembly of
the People, that it might not be faid that he
had receded, but was overcome; and that if
the law paffed, as they did not doubt but it
would, that it was from any negligence of his,
but from an outragious violence of his Col-
legue.
+
-
He came accordingly while Cæfar was ha-
ranguing. All the avenues to the Forum were
filled by the attendants on the Triumvirs, armed
with poinards under their gowns, and poſted
in divers places the night before. When Bi-
bulus appeared, accompanied by Lucullus and
Cato, the paffages were opened to him, as well
in refpect to his dignity, as becauſe ſeveral
flattered themſelves that he would give up
his oppofition. But as foon as he had opened
his mouth, to teſtify that he would always per-
fevere in the fame fentiments, a moft dreadful
tumult enfued; and Cæfar was not afhamed to
deliver up his Collegue to the incenfed mob,
who threw a pannier of filth upon his head,
dragged him with violence to the ſteps of the
temple of Caftor, and broke the fafces of his
Lictors. Several of thoſe who were with Bibu-
lus were wounded; and, among others, two
Tribunes of the People. In the midſt of ſo
horrible a diforder, and fo imminent danger,
Bibulus fhewed a refolution worthy of admi-
ration.
譬
​、
J
+
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
83
Ant. C. 59.
ration. He uncovered his throat, and invited A· R. 693.
the attendants on Cæfar to ftrike there, crying Appian.
out with a loud voice, Since I cannot teach Ce-Civil.L.II.
far to be an honest man, my death at least may
ferve to draw down the vengeance of heaven up-
on him, and render him deteftable to all men.
While he spoke thus, his friends took hold
of him, and carried him into the temple of
Jupiter Stator.
,
I do not know whether it was upon this
occafion, that Vatinius, a Tribune of the
People, entirely devoted to the will of Cæfar,
undertook to put Bibulus in prifon. He had
already prepared a fort of bridge from the tri-
bunal of harangues to the gate of the priſon,
upon which he would have carried him alòng;
but the other Tribunes having oppofed this Cic. in
violence, which very likely was not approved Vatin.
by Cæfar, the thing went no farther. This
Vatinius was a man equally worthy of hatred
and contempt, without birth, without man-
ners, the fhame and difgrace of Rome. Such
are the tools that are fit for ambitious men like
Cæfar.
After Bibulus had been thus removed, Cato
ftill continued in the place; but, being then
only a private man, had no other arms than
his courage and his virtue. Twice he advanced
to the middle of the Affembly, fpeaking with
all the vehemence imaginable; and twice Cæ-
far's People took him by the waift, and car-
ried him out of the Forum. At length the
coaft was clear to Cæfar, and the law was au-
thorized by the fuffrages of the People.
The next day the Senate being affembled,
Bibulus carried his complaints thither but fear
had damped all their courage; and this zealous
G 2
A
but
1
i
84
JULIIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 59.
boufe for
eight
•
A. R. 693 but unfortunate Conful, feeing himself deftitute
Bibulus is of all fupport, and all refource, was reduced to
forced to fhut himſelf up in his own houfe, during all
but him the remaining part of his Confulfhip, that is
Self up in
to fay, for eight months entirely, exercifing no
bis own
one function of his office, except it was, that
he oftentimes ordered placarts to be fixed up
months en- in Rome againſt the tyranny of the Trium-
tirely.
Dio. Suet. virs; and farther, every time Cæfar undertook
any thing that was new, he caufed his ordi-
nance to be publiſhed, by which he had con-
verted every day of the year into a holyday;
but he could not enjoy this little piece of re-
venge in fafety, for the fame Vatinius, who
would have imprifoned him, fent one of his
Serjeants to take him out of his houſe by
force, had not the affiftance of the other Tri-
bunes rescued him from the danger.
Cic. in
Vatin.
Cæfar alts
as if he
was fole
Conful.
Dio. &
Suet.
An gath
added by
Cæfar to
bis law.
Cato re-
fufes at
firft
All the functions of the Confulate fell to
Cæfar alone, who acted as if he had been
without a Collegue; which gave room for the
pleafantry of fome, who diftinguiſhed the year
of which we are ſpeaking, not after the com-
mon uſage, by the names of the two Confuls,
Cæfar and Bibulus, but by the two names only
of Cæfar, faying, It was in the year of the
Confulfhip of Julius and of Cæfar.
He was not fatisfied with having got his
law to pafs; but by the example of the fedi-
tious Saturninus, he joined an oath to it,
which he obliged all the people to take, and
even fubjected the Senate to it under very great
it to take penalties. A new fubject of difcontent and
and after- quarrel. Three Senators at firſt refuſed to ſub-
wards fub- mit to this oath; Metellus Celer, who would
mits to it. revive the example of Metellus Numidicus's
conftancy; Cato; and Favonius, who ftrove
this eath,
Plut. Cat.
Cic. pro
Sext n.6.1.
to
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
85
Ant. C. 59.
to imitate Cato, but fell very far fhort of foA. R. 693,
excellent an original. Not any one of the three
held out to the laft. Cato, though preffed by
his wife and his fifters, who conjured him, with
tears in their eyes, to yield to neceffity, would
yet, it is very likely, have refifted thefe do-
meſtic affaults, if Cicero had not perfuaded him
to it, by reprefenting to him,
to him," that if it
"might be even juftifiable for a ſingle perfon
"to oppoſe what was done and regulated by
"the whole Nation, yet it muſt be acting
"like a madman to be willing to throw one
"felf down a precipice when the evil was
"done, and could admit of no alteration or
"remedy." To conclude, added he, after hav-
ing always laboured for the good of your Country,
how can you abandon it at this time, and give it
up as a prey to its enemies, thinking only of your
own repofe, and ſeeking, as it seems, how to
withdraw yourself from the battle that ought to
be maintained for its fervice? For (a) if Cato
has no need of Rome, Rome has need of Cato.
All your friends unite to conjure you not to be
inflexible, and myself the first of all, to whom
you cannot refuse your fuccour in the prefent con-
juncture, when Clodius afpires at the Tribuneſhip
for my deftruction. Theſe reafons convinced
Cato, and he took the oath, but laft of every
one, except Favonius, who would not fwear
till he had.
18. & pro
Cæfar extended the obligation of the oath Cic. II.
to the candidates who fhould demand the em- add Att.
ployments for the following year.
He prepar- Planc.
n. 52.
fit, fe cive Rempublicam
privet. Cic pro Sext. n. 61.
n,
(a) Non offert fe ille (Ca-
to) iftis temeritatibus, ut
quum Reipublicæ nihil pro-
G 3
ed
86
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 693. ed a form by which they were to engage them-
Ant. C. 59. felves, with moſt terrible imprecations, to make
The incer-
Cicero con-
Cic. ad.
Att. II.
3.
no innovations to the prejudice of what his law
had determined concerning the diftribution and
poffeffion of the lands of Campania. M. Ju-
ventius Leterenfis, a man diftinguiſhed by his
birth, and ſtill more by his merit, chofe rather
to renounce his pretenfions to the employ-
ment of the Tribune of the People, than to
take this oath but he was the only one who
did fo.
I do not fee that Cicero had any other ſhare
titude of in what paffed on the ſubject of the Agrarian
cerning the law, than what I have juft obferved, in ſpeak-
Agrarian ing of his folicitations with Cato. When this
law. affair began to be put in motion, Cicero exa-
mining with Atticus the three parties which he
might take, either to refift it with courage, or
keep a kind of neutrality or favour it, fhews
what the care of his reputation exacted from
him. Let us remain neuter, ſaid he, as if bu-
ried in a house in the country. Cæfar hopes I
will fecond him, and he invites me to it. See the
advantages Ifball gain by taking this party. The
friendship of Pompey, and even that of Cæfar, if
I defired it; a reconciliation with my enemies;
the peace of the multitude; and the affurance of
quiet in my old age, but after the conduct I have
maintained in my Confulſhip, and the principles
that I have established in my writings, ought not
my rule to be this maxim of Homer. The beſt (a)
of all counfels is to defend one's country?
In pleading
for his
Collegue
Anthony he
complains
of the pre-
About the fame time Anthony, his Collegue
in the Confulfhip, was accufed, at his arrival
(αι Εῖς. οιωνός άρισος ἀμύνεσθαι περὶ πάτρης, Hom. II.
M. 243.
from
}
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
87
Ant. C. 59.
from Macedonia, where he had been Proconful. A. R. 693.
Cicero had no reaſon to be fatisfied with him, fent ftate
nevertheleſs he defended him. In his pleading of affairs:
he ventured at making fome complaints a- in confe-
quence of
gainſt the actual ſtate of affairs, and againſt the which
triumviral league. Cæfar had his revenge at Cajar
hand. Clodius for a long time had defired tobrings Cle-
make himſelf a Plebeian, but could not fuc-dius into
ceed according to rule. One Fonteius, a Ple- of the Peo-
beian, adopted him, and thereby introduced ple.
him among the People; but the concurrence of Cic. pro
public authority was neceffary for him, which 41. n. 34,
the order
Domon.
37.
he had not hitherto been able to obtain. Cæ-
far offended at the liberty that Cicero had
taken, lent Clodius his affiftance. He caufed a
law to paſs which was wanting to confirm the
adoption, and prefided himſelf in the affembly
of the. Curia called together for this purpoſe.
There was occafion for the miniftry of one of Cic. ad
the Augurs, Pompey performed this office, and Att. II.
all was ended with a furprizing diſpatch. Ci-12.
cero pleaded at noon, and at three o'clock Clo-
dius was a Plebeian. This adoption was but a
farce, that had nothing ferious in it. Fonteius.
was married, and younger than the man he
adopted. Moreover as he acquired over his
adopted fon the rights of paternal power, which
were very extenfive among the Romans; that
Clodius might not be reftrained thereby, and ftill
continue mafter of his perfon and his actions,
as he had been before, Fonteius no fooner a-
dopted, but he emancipated him. Clodius
nevertheleſs was no lefs a Plebeian, and eligi-
ble to the office of a Tribune of the People.
I imagine that this was the terror that Cicero
conceived, when he ſaw his enemy in a condi-
tion to hurt him; which determined him to
G 4
be
88.
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls,
A. R. 693. be filent with regard to Cæfar's law; and af-
Ant. C. 59'terwards, afhamed of acting as a mute, what
made him, when the bufinefs was finished, re-
tire into the country, where he continued fome
time.
demnation
Dio.
The affair
I am obliged to run flightly over the accu-
of the con- fation of Anthony, that I may keep in view
of Anthony. What I have entered upon concerning Cicero,
This fact however is worth ſtopping for a little.
Anthony being Proconful of Macedonia, had
troubled the ſubjects of the Empire, and fuf-
fered them to be beat by their enemies, the
Dardanians, the Baftarnæ, and other barbarous
People. At his return to Rome he was brought
to juſtice by three accufers, one of whom was
M. Cælius, a young man of much fpirit, who
became a great Orator, but a turbulent citizen.
The accufation was not on account of Anthony's
bad conduct in his Province: He was profe-
cuted as an accomplice of Catiline, he who had
put the finiſhing ſtroke to the confpiracy by the
battle of Piftorium. What was fingular in this
was, that the accufers ſpoke true. Anthony
had dipt into that confpiracy of which he had
been the avenger. The Judges condemned
him; fo that, according to the obfervation of
Cicero (a), the remembrance of the great fer-
vices he had done the Commonwealth was of
no advantage to him, and he was puniſhed
for an ill will that had no effect. The ſentence
that was paffed upon him was a fubject of
triumph for the remains of Catiline's party,
who thought their Chief revenged by the con-
Cic. pro
Cal. 15,
& 78.
Cic. pro
Flacco.
n.95.
(a) Cui mifero præclari in
Rempublicam beneficii me-
moria nihil profuit, nocuit
opinio maleficii cogitati.
Ĉic. Pro. Cæl. n. 74.
demnation
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
8.9
demnation of him who had finiſhed his de-A. R. 693,
Ant. C. 59.
ftruction. They ſignalized their joy by a feaft
which they celebrated about the tomb, or
Cenotaph, of this enemy of his country. They
gathered there in great numbers, decked it
with flowers, and had a large banquet there.
Strabo affures us that Anthony choſe the Iſle of Strabo L.
Cephalenia for the place of his exile, of which X. p. 455.
he got the entire demefn, and in which he built
a new city, but had not time to make an end
of it, being recalled from exile, before he
had put the laſt hand to the work. If this fact
be true, Anthony muſt have enriched himſelf
extremely in his government, that is to ſay he
muſt have thoroughly plundered his Province ;
for we have feen that he was over head and
ears in debt during his Confulfhip.
virtue of
fhem.
Cæfar having cauſed his law to be received, The terri-
thought immediately how to have it executed. tory of Ca-
I find only the territory of Capua diftributedpua diftri-
by virtue of this law. That territory was def-buted by
tined to fathers of families, who fhould have Cafar's
three children or more. There were twenty law.
thouſand found in this condition. Twenty Frein-
Commiffioners were chofen to prefide at this CIII. 93
diſtribution, and Pompey entirely devoted to
the will of Cæfar, did not difdain to accept of Cic. ad
this commiffion, with partners in it undoubted-Att. II.
ly not of his rank, among others M. Atius
Suet. Aug.
Balbus, Cæfar's brother-in-law, and grandfatherc. 4.
of Auguſtus, but otherwife does not appear to
have been a man of any great confequence.
Among theſe twenty Commiffioners was alfo Cic. ad
one Cofconius, who died before the end of the Att. II.
year; and his place was offered to Cicero, but 19.
he refuſed it. He thought there was no great
honour in being invited to fill up the place of
a
12.
+
90
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 693 a
!
Perfon who was dead; and on the other
Ant. C. 59. hand it would have much fullied his paft
glory, without bringing any great advantage to
him. This employment would not have fcreen-
ed him from the perfecution of Clodius. Cæfar
was very much offended at this refufal, and af-
Cic. ad terwards oftentimes reproached Cicero with it,
as a strong proof of his enmity, in that he
would receive no favour from his hand.
Att. IX.
2.
Capua
made a
colony.
Vell. II.
44.
The twenty Commiffioners eftabliſhed a Co-
lony at Capua, and thus drew that city out of
the ſubjection in which the Romans had kept
it for an hundred and fifty years. They had
all that time bore the puniſhment of their
revolt againſt Rome after the battle of Cannæ,
and had continued without Senate, without
Magiftrates, and without an Affembly of the
People. It was only the retreat of thoſe who
cultivated the territory, and every year an offi-
cer was fent from Rome to do juftice there.
Raiſed by Cæfar to the rank of a colony, it
was delivered from this kind of fervitude. The
Roman colonies were like little Commonwealths,
which governed themſelves in imitation of
Rome their metropolis.
This alteration in the condition of Capua,
was no ill in itſelf. Rome was from this time
arrived at too great a degree of power to fear
a rival. But it was a real lofs to the public
treaſure, to have the territory of this city dif-
tributed among private perfons. Theſe lands,
the moſt fruitful of all Italy, having been con-
fifcated after the taking of Capua, belonged to
the Commonwealth, and thoſe who cultivated
them were no other than the farmers of them.
The lofs of this revenue therefore impoverished
the State, which had already juſt ſuffered a con-
fiderable
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
91
fiderable diminution in its Finances by the A. R. 663.
aboliſhing the duties on tolls and entrances.
Ant. C. 59.
who farm-
a the
abatement
Dio. Cic.
Cæfar having made his court to the people Cæfar
by the Agrarian law, was willing alfo to gain grants the
the affection of the Knights. He thought he Knights
had found an opportunity of doing it, in the ed the pub-
affair of the farmers of the revenues belong-lic revenues
ing to the Commonwealth in Afia, who had in
for a long time, defired an abatement to no they re-
purpoſe. He allowed it them, and leffened quired.
the price of their leafe one third part. But his Suet. Cæf
conduct was fo odious, and fo tyrannical, that ad Att.
he could not make himſelf beloved, even by II. 19.
thofe on whom he conferred favours. Cicero
informs us, that Cæfar coming into the thea-
tre, at the public games, the Knights never
moved to him, nor gave him any mark of
applaufe: Whilft, on the contrary, they rofe
up to applaud young Curio, who took upon
him to decry the Triumvirs, and who affocia-
ted with other young perfons of the firft qua-
lity, in a defign of rifing againſt them, and,
if poffible, to deſtroy their power.
The People groaned under it; but the Tri-
umvirs had the power in their own hands. Cæ-
far, having got rid of his Collegue, who
dared not any longer appear, acted in every
thing as abfolute mafter of the Common-
wealth. He caufed the acts of Pompey's Ge-
neralſhip to be ratified, the confirmation of
which could not be obtained the year before.
And Lucullus having dared ſtill to make fome
reſiſtance, he intimidated him fo much, by
threatening him with all forts of oppreffions
and troubles, that this great man, who began
to abate ſomewhat in his former vigour, threw
himſelf upon his knees to aſk his pardon. He
brought
4
92
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 59.
Pigh.
Ann.
A. R. 693. brought in divers laws, fome of which con-
tained uſeful regulations concerning crimes
which wounded the majefty of the Empire,
concuffions and others. He took care that the
government of the provinces fhould be given to
his friends, or to fuch as he thought fo; and
not forgetting himſelf, he took the command
of Illyria and Cifalpine Gaul, with three legi-
ons, for five years. This command was be-
CIII. 96. ftowed upon him by the People, at the re-
queft of the Tribune Vatinius.
Freinf
hem.
Cic. pro
This was already very much, and Cæfar
might applaud himfelf, for having rendered
the precaution of the Senate ineffectual, who,
even before he entered upon his office, had
deſtined for him and his Collegue the idle
provinces, the clearing foreſts, and the making
roads. But, in the mean time, Metellus Ce-
Cal.n. 59. ler, who had the province of Tranfalpine
Gaul, dying, not without fufpicion of being
poiſoned by his wife Clodia, Cæfar laid hold
of the occafion to increaſe his power, and ren-
der his victory over the Senate compleat. He
forced this body to improve upon what the
People had given him, by adding another le-
gion with Tranfalpine Gaul. The Senators,
caft down and difcouraged, choſe rather that
he ſhould have this augmentation of his power
from them, than that he ſhould again fly to the
People to obtain it, and thereby lofe their
right of fettling and beftowing the govern-
ments of the provinces: A right which be-
longed to them from all antiquity, and which
had been confirmed to them even by a law of
C. Gracchus.
Notwithſtanding this complaifance of the
Senate, the difcontent of its members could
not
i
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
93
Ant. C. 59-
Cæfar.
not help fhewing itſelf, by the greateſt part of A. R. 693.
them abfenting themſelves from the aſſemblies,
which grew very thin. Cæfar complaining of A bold ſay-
this one day, Q. Confidius, a Senator very ing of Can-
much advanced in years, told him that they far.
fidius to
abſented themſelves becauſe they feared
arms and his foldiers. And why then, anſwered
Cæfar, does not the fame fear keep you at home?
Becauſe, replied Confidius with freedom, the
fmall remains of life I can hope for, are not
worth my care.
his Plut. Cæf
be acknor-
Theſe forts of reproaches, without doubt,
mortified Cæfar, but they did not prevent his
continuing to deſerve them. The views of his
ambition even carried him beyond the bounds.
of the Empire; and that he might attach fo-Cefar
reign Kings to him, he cauſed Arioviftus King causes the
of the Suevii in Germany, and Ptolomy Aule- viftus and
Kings Ari-
tes King of Egypt to be acknowledged friends Ptolomy
and allies of the Roman People. It is remark- Auletes to
able that Cæfar had formerly looked upon ledged
Ptolomy as illegitimate, and as the ufurper friends and
of a Kingdom that belonged to the Romans, allies of
wherefore he had made intereft for a commif- the Com-
fion to be ſent with troops to dethrone him, wealth.
and now this fame Cæfar caufes him to be ac-
knowledged King by the Senate and People of
Rome: But ambition was not the only princi-
ple of this management; intereft had a great
hare in it. Cæfar drew from Ptolomy Aule- Suet. Cæf
tes as well in his own name as that of Pompey, c. 54.
fix thouſand talents, or nine hundred thoufand
pounds fterling.
mon-
It is true Cæfar did not covet money to hoard Cajar's
it up; but, on the contrary, plentifully dif- aridity for
perfed it, that by his enormous profufions he money.
might
94
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS,. Confuls.
}
Ant. C. 59.
A. R. 693 might facilitate the executions of his vaft de-
figns. And this is a proof how much ambi-
tion, which paffes with fome for a noble and
exalted paffion, is united with the moſt ſhame-
ful covetoufneſs, that makes men commit the
meanest actions. Hiftory does not only re-
proach Cæfar with having fold his protection
to an Egyptian King; but accufes him of ac-
tions ftill more unworthy, as of having ftole,
during his Confulfhip, three thouſand pounds
weight of gold out of the Capitol, and putting
the like weight of gilt copper in its place. And
all the reft of his life; both in Gaul and other
places, that it was by rapine and manifeſt ſacri-
leges, that he found wherewithal to defray the
immenfe expences of his extravagant ambi-
tion.
Cæfar was at this time clofely leagued with
Pompey; but he was foon to be ſeparated
from him for a long while, fince at his going
out of his Confulfhip he was to depart for Gaul.
He dreaded the inconveniences of his abfence.
Pompey might grow cool with regard to him,
and lend his ear to the diſcourſes of ſeveral
People who would not fail to endeavour to de-
tach him from his friendſhip; and might con-
ceive a jealouſy himſelf, if Cæfar became great
enough to give him umbrage. A marriage ce-
ter to Pom-mented their union.
mented their union. Cæfar marries Julia, his
only daughter to Pompey, whom he had by
Plut. Cæf. Cornelia his firft wife. Julia was promiſed to
& Pomp. Servilius Cepio. Cæfar comforted him by per-
fuading Pompey to give him his daughter,
who was to have been married to Fauftus Sylla.
Thus Pompey became the fon-in-law of him,
whom he had often, in the anguiſh of his foul,
Cafar
marries
bis daugh-
pey.
Dio Suet.
Cæl
called
#
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
95
called his (a) Ægifthus; for Cæfar was fuppofed A. R. 693.
to have corrupted Mucia, as I have faid elfe- Ant. C. 59.
where. After this alliance, Cæfar transferred
to Pompey an honour which till then had been
given to Craffus; he cauſed him to be acknow-
ledged the chief of the Senate, and that con-
trary to the eſtabliſhed cuftom, of the perſon's
preferving that diftinction for the whole year
to whom it had been granted on the firft of
January. Cæfar made a fort of excufe to Craf
fus, by rendering an account to the Senate of
the motive that determined him to this inno-
vation.
ries Cal-
Defirous to procure fupports from all fides, He mar-
he married himſelf Calphurnia, the daughter burnia
of Pifo, whom the Triumvirs deftined for the himself.
Confulfhip the year following. This precaution
feemed fo much the more neceffary to Cæfar,
as, according to the refolutions taken among
themſelves, Gabinius, the everlaſting flatterer
of Pompey, was to be Conful with Pifo. By
all theſe marriages the public affairs, the in-
tereſts of the ſtate, were openly trafficked for,
as Cato complained with great ftrength of ar-
gument, but without any fuccefs.
the feve-
Neither Pifo nor Gabinius were worthy of Pifo and
the fupreme dignity, to which they were exalt- Gabinius
eſcape from
ed by favour. Their conduct in their Conful-
fhip fufficiently proved it. But before they ob-rity of
tained it, they were both accufed, and neitherjustice, by
of them faved by his innocence.
Pifo was returned from the government of of Car
a Province, where he had harraffed the fubjects pey.
(a) Pompey alluded to what
the Poets relate of Clytemnef-
tra's being corrupted by Egif-
the credit
and Pom-
Val. Max.
thus during the abſence ‹ƒVIII. 1.
Agamemnon.
of
96
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
1
"
A. R. 693 of the Commonwealth by all kinds of rapine
Ant. C. 59. and extortion. Clodius, a worthy avenger of
Cic. ad
Q. Fr. I.
2.
offended laws, declared himſelf his accufer.
The proceſs was made out, and ſeveral of the
Judges feemed to act with ſeverity. Pifa
proftrated himſelf upon the earth, and kiffed
their feet to endeavour to move them, and as
a great fhower of rain fell at that inftant (a),
his face was all covered with mud. The judges
were touched with this humiliation, according
to Valerius Maximus: but it is more likely,
that the credit of Cæfar contributed much more
to the abfolution of the man, who either was,
or going to be his father-in-law.
Gabinius did not ſee himſelf in fo much dan-
ger becauſe the protection of Pompey fcreened
him from it. After he had been appointed
Conful, a young man of the family of the
Cato's, would have accufed him of canvaffing.
But the Prætors eluded his purſuits, by avoid-
ing to give him audience, and always fending
him away on divers pretexts. This Cato was
a raſh young man, who would keep no mea-
fures. Outragious to fee himſelf thus trifled
with, he mounted the tribunal of harangues,
and complained bitterly againſt Pompey, treat-
ing him as a private man who played the Dic-
tator. There needed no more to move thoſe
who heard him he expected to have periſhed
by their hands, and it was not without great
difficulty that he faved his life, by flying a
way with all the ſpeed that he was able. Cicero
with good reaſon fays, that this fact alone
fhewed, that there was no longer a Common
wealth, and that all was loft.
:
* The court of justice was in the public Forum, and the tri-
bunals in the open air.
I have
Š
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
97
Ant. C. ‚59.
Cicero.
I have already faid, that Cicero had retired A. R. 693.
into the country about the middle of April.
He paffed feveral weeks there at leiſure, but
not without great agitation of mind. The
public affairs, his own danger, took up all his
thoughts, and excited in him very lively mo-
tions of grief and indignation. Not being Historical
able to remedy the evils of the State, he un- anecdotes
dertook to paint them in an anecdotal hiftory, compofed by
wherein he would give a free fcope to his re-Cic. ad
flections, and ſpare nobody. He executed Att. II. 6.
this defign, and the following years furniſhed Lib. xiv.
him but with too much matter to enrich it. He ad Att. 17,
yet ſpoke of it in the laft year of his life, in a
letter to Atticus, who was the only perfon he
intended ſhould be permitted to read it. There
is very good reafon to believe, that this work
is the fame wherein he gives the expofition of
bis counfels and of bis conduct, and which is
mentioned by Afconius Pedianus and Dio, Afcon. in
Dio fays, that Cicero kept it a fecret all his life Tog;
time, and that he gave it fealed up to his fon, Dio. L.
forbidding him to read, or publish it before xxxix.
his death. We have it not, and cannot fuffi-
ciently regret the lofs of a piece of hiſtory
from fo good a hand, of which the fubject
was fo curious and fo interefting.
Cand. &
Triumvi-
Cicero's indignation against the Triumvi- His indig.
ral league was extreme, but the careffes of nation a
Pompey, and the fear of danger, hindered gain the
him from fhewing it. He was therefore re-rate.
duced to the neceflity of thofe impotent com-
plaints only, which he conftantly made in all
his letters to Atticus. He inceffantly repeated,
that all was overthrown, and that there no
longer remained any hope of liberty either for
private perfons, or even for the magiftrates
VOL. XII.
H
them-
98
JULIIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 693 themſelves. He affected to rejoice, that he was
Ant. C. 59. excluded from all ſhare in the government, and
was defirous to comfort himſelf with philofophy.
He would not have been forry to have had one
of thoſe free embaffies, as the Romans called
them, by which a Senator was allowed to ab-
fent himſelf, and go with a title of honour
wherever he would. He would have made
his advantage of it, by going into Egypt and
to Alexandria: But he fcorned to owe any
thing to the Triumvirate, or to receive any
favours from them, which might give room to
the partizans of the ariftocracy, and efpecially
to Cato, to accufe him of inconftancy and le-
vity. And, nevertheleſs, fo much weaknefs
is to be found in the greateſt minds! At this
very time Metellus Celer dying, as I have faid
before, and leaving the place of one of the
Augurs vacant, Cicero not only defired it, but
confeffed (a) to Atticus, that, that was the way
by which the Triumvirs could gain him. He
was fenfible how much this manner of think-
ing was beneath him, and blufhed for it: but
vanity and ambition had ſo ſtrong a power over
his heart, that he was ready to facrifice his glory
to the vain fplendor of this place. Nothing
of this took place: he was neither Ambaffador
nor Augur; but returned to Rome, always a
friend to Pompey, but always an enemy to
the oppreffion of which Pompey was the au-
thor.
His Senti-
When I call him the friend of Pompey, it
ments with is without being willing to exclude the fenti-
respect to
Pompey.
ments of diftruft, jealoufy, and fometimes of
(a) Quo quidem uno ego ab iftis capi poffum. Vide le-
vitatem meam.
choler,
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
99
Ant. C. 59.
choler, which Cicero fucceffively fhewed with A. R. 693.
regard to him. But all this paffed, I know
not how, with a ſerious, and even a tender
attachment to him. I cannot refolve to de-
prive the reader of a pleaſure I have tafted,
by comparing the different places of the let-
ters to Atticus, wherein Cicero opens his heart
to another felf with regard to Pompey.
Sometimes he pulls him down, and his va-
nity is flattered by the injury that Pompey does
to his own reputation, by the tyrannical con-
duct he maintains. "I beheld, fays he, all
"that paffes with indifferent eyes. I even
"confefs (a), that the foible which I have for
"praiſe and for glory (for it becomes a gal-
"lant man not to be blind to his own faults)
"finds its advantage in the opprobrium with
"which Pompey is loaded. I had fome
66
flight uneafineſs to think that a thouſand
"years hence his fervices to his country might
"be thought greater than mine. He has
"done all that is neceffary to rid me of that
"fear."
In another place he threatens him, and
doubting with reafon of the affurances, that
Pompey had given him, that Clodius fhould
undertake nothing againft him. "I (b) would
"give
H 2
(a) Quin etiam quod eft
fubinane in nobis, & non
ἀφιλόδοξον (bellum eft enim
fua vitia noffe) afficitur quâ-
dam delectatione. Solebat
enim me pungere, ne * famp-
ficerami merita in patriam
ad fexcentos annos majora
viderentur quàm noftra
Hâc quidem curâ certè jam
vacuum eft.
(b) Si verò, quæ de me
pacta funt, ea non fervantur,
in cœlo fum: ut fciat hic
nofter
* This is one of the names that Cicero gives Pombey in his
letters to Atticus. It was that of a little tyrant vanquished
by Pompey in Syria,
ہو
100
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 693.
Ant. C. 59.
<<
give any thing. fays he, that the engage-
ments made with me may not be obſerved.
"Then our conqueror *
of Jerufalem, who
"lent his miniftry to Clodius to make him
"a Plebeian, fhall be made fenfible of the
"ingratitude with which he has repayed the
"praiſes that I have beſtowed upon him in my
"orations. Expect in this cafe to ſee the
"moſt ſtinging recantation."
After theſe tranſports of anger, Cicero re-
turned to ſentiments of a hearty and fincere
affection. Towards the middle of the Con-
fulfhip of Cæfar, the Triumviral league was
univerfally detefted. The great men and the
people revenged themſelves by difcourfes. The
multitude followed the Triumvirs with hif
fing; Gentlemen took them to pieces in their
entertainments; and the murmuring was gene-
ral throughout all Italy. Bibulus fet up edicts
or proclamations in Rome in the moſt biting
ftile againſt Cæfar and Pompey. And fee
how Cæfar explains himſelf in this fituation
of affairs. (a)" Our friend, who was never
"accuſtomed
nofter Hierofolymarius tra-
ductor ad plebem, quàm bo-
nam meis puriffimis oratio-
nibus gratiam retulerit: qua-
rum exfpecta divinam za-
λινωδίαν.
* It was through derision
that Cicero thus named Poms-
pey. The Romans, and Cicero
particularly, bad an extreme
contempt for the Jews.
(a) Ille amicus nofter, in
folens infamiæ, femper in
laude verfatus, circumfluens
gloriâ, deformatus corpore,
fractus animo, quò fe con-
ferat nefcit. Progreffum præ-
cipitem, redditum incon-
ftantem videt: bonos inimi-
cos habet, improbos ipfos
non amicos. Ac vide mol-
litíem animi: non tenui
lacrymas, quum illum ante
octavum Kal. fextiles vidi
de edictis Bibuli concionan-
tem. Qui antea folitus effet
jactare fe magnificentiffimè
illo in loco, fummo cum
amore populi, cunctis faven-
tibus, ut ille tum humilis,
ut demiffus erat! ut ipfe
etiam fibi, non iis folùm
qui
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
ΙΟΙ
1
Ant. C. 59.
"accuſtomed to ignominy, but conftantly fil- A. R. 693.
"led with praifes, who was all furrounded
"and beaming with glory, now difpirited,
"and even carrying the marks of his humili-
❝ation in his outward form, knows not what
66
party to take. To go forward, would be to
"throw himſelf down a precipice; to draw
"back would be inconftancy. Good men are
" his enemies, and he is not beloved by the
"bad. See how weak I am; I was not able
"to refrain from tears, when I faw him ha-
"rangue the people on the 25th of July,
"and make his apology againſt the placarts of
"Bibulus. He who formerly appeared with
"fplendor on the tribunal of harangues, be-
"loved by the people even to adoration, ap-
"plauded by all, how little and how mean did
"he appear at the time I am ſpeaking of!
"How much pity did he draw to himſelf and
others! O fpectacle, that could rejoice none
"but Craffus! * For my own part, I was
qui aderant difplicebat! O
fpectaculum uni Craffo ju-
cundum ! - Ut Apelles, fi
venerem, ut fi Protogenes
Jalyfum illum fuum cœno
oblitum videret, magnum,
credo, acciperet dolorem ; fict
ego hunc omnibus à me pic-
tum & politum artis colori-
bus, fubitò deformatum non
fine magno dolore vidi.
Quamquam nemo putabat,
propter Clodianum negoti-
um, me illi amicum effe de-
bere: tamen tantus fuit a-
mor, ut exhauriri nullâ pof-
fet injuriâ. Itaque archilo
chia in illum edicta Bibuli
popule ita funt jucunda, ut
cum locum ubi proponuntur,
H 3:
præ multitudine eorum qui
legunt, tranfire nequeant;
ipfi ita acerba, ut tabefcat
dolore; mihi mehercule mo-
lefta, quod et eum, quem
femper dilexi, nimis excru-
ciant, & timeo tam vehe-
mens vir, tamque acer in
ferro, & tam infuetus con-
tumeliæ, ne omni animi
impetu dolori & iracundia
pareat.
* Cicero fuppofes, with pro-
bability enough, that Craffus,
to whom the glory of Pompey,
always gave umbrage, would
feel a malignant joy to fee
him difbonoured and covered
with fhame
"pierced
102
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 59.
cc
(6
A. R. 693. pierced with grief: and even as Apelles or
Protogenes, if they were to fee the chief
"mafter-pieces of their pencils covered with
"mud, would, I believe, be much afflicted ;
"fo I cannot, without a fenfible concern, fee
"him whom I have taken pleaſure to paint
"in all the moſt beautiful colours of eloquence,
❝on a fudden difhonoured and made contemp-
"tible. Nobody thinks that after the part he
"took in the affair of Clodius, I ought to
"be ftill his friend: but my love for him is fo
great, that no offence on his fide can tear
"me from him. The edicts of Bibulus, which
"are truly defamatory libels, give fo much
pleaſure to the people, that it is difficult to
86
66
<<
paſs by the places where they are fet up,
"the crowd is fo great of thofe, who ftop to
"read them. Pompey is in deſpair, and loft
"in grief; and I am mortified, as much be-
cauſe they too violently afflict the man I
"have always loved, as becauſe I apprehend
"that one fo high, trained up from his in-
fancy in arms, and fo little accuſtomed to
"affronts, may from his great ſpirit give him-
"felf up to refentment and revenge."
66
What I have faid, after Cicero, of the pro-
digious hiffing at Cæfar and Pompey, may
feem very ſtrange; but the liberty, or rather
licentiouſneſs, was carried much farther at the
The difcon- reprefentation of a tragedy, where one of the
tent of the actors pronounced a verfe, with a vifible allu-
People a- fion to Pompey, the fence of which was, (a)
gainst It is for our misfortune that you are become
and Caefar great. The People fenfible of the application,
Shews it applauded it, and obliged the player to repeat
Self at the
public Spec-
tacles.
Pompey
(a) Noftrâ Miſeriâ tu es magnus.
the
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
103
the fame verfe above a hundred times.
The A. R. 693.
fame ſport was renewed feveral times in the
piece, which feemed to be made on purpoſe for
Pompey. As in the following paffage: There
(a) will come a time when you shall feverely re-
gret that virtue, which has hitherto been your
glory, and which you have now abandoned. Cæ-
far was no more ſpared than the other: and on
the contrary, young Curio, who had fhewed
himſelf a declared enemy of the triumviral
league, received applaufes on all fides.
Ant. C. 59
This univerfal reviling, which wrought no Cicero's
charge in the ſtate of affairs, caufed Cicero to reflections
.
46
impotent
zens.
make forrowful reflections. "It is (b) a fub- upon the
ject, not of hope, but of grief, fays he to complaints
Atticus, to fee the tongues of our citizens at of the Ro-
"liberty, and their arms chained." And inman citi-
another letter he repeats the fame complaints
with more extent. "The Republic, fays he,
"(c) periſhes by a kind of illneſs which is
"without example. The prefent government
"draws upon it the diflike, the complaints and
"the murmurs of all the world. There is no
"variety on this fubject; every one ſpeaks a-
loud, all complain openly; and yet no one
" can propoſe any remedy to the ills that preſs
"us. It is very true that refiftance in all like-
❝lihood would bring on a general carnage:
(a) Eamdem virtutem if
tam, veniet tempus, quum
graviter gemes.
(6) His ex rebus non fpes,
fed dolor eft major, quum
videas civitatis voluntatem
folutam, virtutem alligatam,
(c) Nunc quidem novo
quodam morbo civitas mori-
tur, ut, quum omnes ea quæ
funt acta improbent, queran-
tur, doleant, varietafque in
re nulla fit, apertequé lo-
quantur, & jam clarè gemant,
tamen medicina nulla affera-
tur. Neque enim refifti fine
internecione poffe arbitra-
mur; nec videmus, qui finis
cedendi, præter exitium, fu-
turus fit.
H 4
" but
}
104
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
He gives
A. R. 693.66 but I do not fee to what our eaſily yielding
Ant. C. 59.66 will tend, if not to the lofs of every thing."
Nevertheleſs he could not take this laſt me-
bimſelf up thod himſelf. He entirely renounced all care
entirely to
bis plead of the public affairs; affifted no more at any
ing. debates; and gave himſelf up entirely to his
others, by
pleading. This refource was very uſeful to
him. By this he gave new life to his former
credit, procured to himſelf a certain fplendor,
maintained or reſtored the zeal of his friends,
and alſo prepared himſelf to fupport the affaults
of Clodius. But there happened to him ano-
ther affair, in which he was involved with fe-
veral of the moft illuftrious citizens of Rome :
a black intrigue of Cæfar, which turned to the
fhame of its author, and to the deftruction of a
miferable wretch whom he had made a tool of.
Young Curio, as I have faid, had rendered
himſelf odious to Cæfar, by declaring againſt
the Triumvirate. Cæfar refolved to perplex
him, and ſeveral others, by fpiriting up a fe-
rious accufation against them, capable of mak-
He is at- ing a great noife. For this purpofe he made
cufed, with uſe of that Vettius, who had formerly impeach-
Several ed him himſelf as an accomplice of Catiline.
a fcoundrel Vettius infinuated himſelf into the friendſhip of
fellow of young Curio, and when he had gained his con-
having a fidence, he opened to him the deſign which he
defign to
afafinate
faid he had to fall upon Pompey with his
Pompey flaves, and to kill him. He was in hopes that
Curio would have come into the propoſal, or
at leaſt have kept his fecret: and then his
fcheme was to have come into the Forum with
a poinard, and to have brought alſo his flaves
thither well armed; to have got himself ap-
prehended in that condition, and afterwards to
have accuſed Curio. The horror which this
young
Cie, ad
Att. II.
24,
24, & in
Vat. zz.
26.
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
105
Ant. C. 59.
young man expreffed at the defign of affaffinat- A. R. 693
ing Pompey, fomewhat difconcerted Vettius.
Curio acquainted his father with the difcourfe
he had had with him; the father gave Pom-
pey notice of it, and he brought the affair be-
fore the Senate.
Vettius was ſent for, and at firft denied that
he had any concern with Curio. Afterwards
finding himſelf cloſe preffed, he demanded the
affurance of his life; and then depofed, that
a company of young men of whom Curio was
the chief, and among whom he named Paulus-
Emilius, Brutus, and fome others, had formed
a defign to kill Pompey. He fhewed himſelf
no bad ſchemer by bringing Brutus into the
party, who looked upon Pompey as his fa-
ther's murderer, and who, for that reaſon, had
not for a long time had any commerce with
him. But he failed with reſpect to Bibulus,
from whom he pretended to have received a
dagger. This feemed ridiculous, and with
good reaſon, for fure Vettius might have found
a dagger without the help of the Conful. And
what totally confounded the impofture was,
that on the 13th of May, Bibulus had given
notice to Pompey, to take care of the fnares
that were laid for his life, and Pompey had
thanked him for it. As to Paulus-Emilius,
he was Quæftor in Macedonia at the time that
Vettius charged him with being in the plot to
kill Pompey. Thus the Senate were eafily
convinced that the whole was a grofs abufe:
It was ordered that Vettius fhould be ſent to
prifon, as guilty of bearing arms, according to
his own confeffion; and a decree was added,
that if any one ſhould take him out of prifon,
the
106
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
L
A. R. 693. the Senate would look upon fuch an undertak-
Ant. C. 59 ing as an attempt againſt the Commonwealth.
It was, without doubt, againſt Cæfar that
the Senate took this precaution. But that
Conful valued the authority of the Senate fo
little, that the next day he produced Vettius
upon the tribunal of harangues, and thus placed
that avowed villain in a feat from whence he
had excluded, in his Prætorship, Q. Catulus
the firſt citizen of Rome, and which it was not
allowed his collegue to approach. Here the
fcene changed, and Vettius no longer named
the fame actors. He made no mention of Bru-
tus, which plainly fhewed that he had been
dictated to in the night, what he was to fay,
and what he was to be filent in; and that Ser-
vilia, the mother of Brutus, whofe union with
Cæfar was of old date, and too well known,
had drawn her fon out of this fcrape. Vettius
named others, of whom he had not given the
leaſt ſuſpicion when before the Senate, Lucul
lus, Q. Domitius, who was one of the moft
ardent enemies of Cæfar. He did not mention
Cicero by name, but faid that an eloquent man
of confular dignity, and a neighbour of the
Conful's, had told him, that there was need of
a new* Servilius Ahala, or of another Brutus.
This was not all, when the affembly was broke
up, Vatinius, Tribune of the People, a worthy
miniſter of Cæfar's injuftice, called back Vet-
tius, and asked him if he had forgot none of
the accomplices? Vettius named Pifo, the fon-
in-law of Cicero, and that M. Laterenfis, of
* Abala had killed Sp.
had killed Sp.
Milæus, who afpired at ar-
bitrary power. See hereupon
Vol. II. B. 5. An. R. 315.
Brutus, every body knows,
drove away the Kings.
whom
222
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
107
whom I spoke on account of the oath impofed A R. 693.
by Cæfar on the candidates.
Ant. C. 59.
Theſe were not juridical acts. Vatinius un-
dertook to fet the affair right, by propofing
to the People to order him to inform againft
thoſe who had been impeached by Vettius;
that the fame Vettius fhould be admitted to de-
poſe againſt them at law, and that recom-
pences fhould be ordered him, which this mer-
cenary Tribune carried very far. But the im-
poſture was too ill concerted, to bear the light
of a judicial enquiry. Cæfar himſelf appre-Suet. CæL
hended the confequences of fo fenfelefs a ca- 20.
Jumny. One morning Vettius was found Cic. in
strangled in the prifon. This was the wages
with which Cæfar paid the fervice that this
villain had done him. He would have thrown
the fufpicion of his death upon others; but no
body was deceived, and hiſtory charges him
with this murder, horrible in all its circum-
ſtances.
Cicero was not much afraid of the accuſation
with which he was menaced: but the blacknefs
of the intrigue feverely afflicted him.
" I am
(a) weary of life, faid he to Atticus, in fee-
"ing it fo full of miferies. No body in the
"world is more unhappy than myſelf, and no
"body more happy than Catulus, who could
live with dignity, and die before he was wit-
"neſs to ſo many evils."
* Cicero makes Vatinius
author of this murder, but
that was only a politic cau-
tion with regard to Cafar.
(a) Prorfus vitæ tædet;
ita funt omnia omnium mife-
riarum pleniffima. -Nihil me
infortunatius, nil fortunatius
eſt Catulo, quum fplendore
vitæ,
tum hoc tempore.
Cic. II. ad Att. 24.
Vatin.
A ftorm
108
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
which
threatens
The beba-
A. R. 693. A ftorm more outragious was preparing a-
Ant. C. 59' gainſt him. Clodius was appointed Tribune
of the People, and prepared his batteries at
length to fatisfy his revenge against him, who,
with too much fincerity, had put his life in
danger. Cicero had for a long time forefeen
this ſtorm, and it had been very eafy for him
to have layed it, if he would have given him-
The danger felf up to the wills of the powerful. Cæfar
and Pompey had made great advances to him,
Cicero on
and ftrove by all manner of ways to attach him
she part of to them. He never could confent to it; but
Clodius. ftedfaſt in his principles, all that he thought he
viour of
could permit himſelf to do for his own fafety,
Pampey
was not to provoke the Triumvirs to wrath by
and Cæfar an open refiftance. It was eafy to fee, not-
withſtanding all the caution he uſed, that he
did not approve their conduct, and looked up-
on it as a real tyranny. The Triumvirs not
juncture. being able to gain him by Careffes, tried af
terwards to intimidate him, by making Clodius
go over into the rank of a Plebeian. Cicero
was fenfible of the ftroke, and covered himſelf
ftill more in his filence on the public affairs, in
his reſerve, and in his precaution; but he gave
no tokens of his approving the violent under-
takings which manifeftly tended to the oppref-
fion of liberty.
with re-
gard to
Cicero at
this con-
It ſeemed as if Pompey and Cæfar took
their refolution, at this time, to fend away
from Rome, at any rate, a man who muſt
hurt them, and whom they could not bring
over to their intereft. Pompey, deeply dif
fembling, continued to load Cicero with ca-
reffes. He affured them that Clodius fhould
give him no uneafinefs, and boafted that he
had not only exacted the word, but the oath of
the
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
109
!
Cæfar A. R. 693.
Ant. C. 59.
the new Tribune, on this occafion.
acted more frankly. He offered Cicero either
a free embaffy (I have explained above what
this was among the Romans) or the employ-
ment of Lieutenant-General about his perſon in
Gaul. All this gave Cicero much trouble. He
feared Clodius, and yet had an extreme re-
pugnance to leave Rome. The promiſes of
Pompey, which flattered his inclination, deter-
mined him to ftay, fuppofing either that Clo-
dius would not attack him, or that he fhould
be fupported by a more powerful protection.
Atticus nevertheleſs exhorted him to diftruft
Pompey. Cicero continued obftinate to give
credit to him, "He (a) is deceived by Clo-
dius, anſwered he to him, but he does not
"deceive me. I can very eaſily put myself Cic. ad
upon my guard againſt fraud, but not to be- Att. II. 19,
"lieve it is out of my power.
Ought we really to believe that Pompey de-
ceived him, and that, by the groffeft falfhoods,
he laid a fnare for him, to engage him to ſtay in
the city, and by thofe means to procure his
banishment? This is what cannot eafily enter
into my mind. Pompey told him the truth,
but he did not tell him all. It was in concert
with him, that Cæfar had made Cicero the of
fers I have ſpoken of. If in effect he had
received a benefit from their hands, he muft
have become dependent upon them, and that
was all they wanted. It feems aftonishing to
me, that Cicero, with all his underſtanding and
penetration, did not difcover the game that was
playing by Pompey and Cæfar, whoſe ſtrict
(a) Non me ille fallit, fed
ipſe fallitur,-Alterum facio,
ut caveam; alterum, ut non
credam, facere non poffum,
& 20.
union
110
JULIUS, CALPURNIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 693. union he was fo well acquainted with, and that
Ant. C. 59. he did not comprehend what was to be un-
derſtood by all the obliging difcourfes that
Pompey held with him.
Clodius
binders
Bibulus
He thought then only how to fortify himſelf,
by more and more attaching to him all the
good citizens that remained in Rome. He
had merited their affection in his Confulfhip.
Clodius hindered Bibulus from making an ha-
rangue to the People, and allowed him to
from har- fpeak only in taking the cuſtomary oath. It is
anguing not to be doubted, but Cæfar in this was in
the People concert with the Tribune, and he crowned by
at going this laft ftroke all the infults that he had of
out of his
Confulship. fered his Collegue. Cæfar alfo went out of
his employment, having, according to Cicero,
confirmed (a) and folidly eſtabliſhed in his Con-
fulfhip that tyranny, of which he had formed
the defign, and laid the foundation while he
was Ædile.
Dio.
(a) Cæfarem in confulatu confirmaffe regnum,
dilis cogitarat. Suet. Caf. c. 9.
de que
BOOK
[ ur]
BOOK THE THIRTY NINTH.
THE
ROMAN HISTORY.
HE exile and re-eſtabliſhment of Ci-
cero. The Iſle of Cyprus reduced to
a Roman province. Some other facts
of lefs importance. In the years of Rome 694
and 695.
L
SECT. I.
Materials wanting to furnish a detail of the
fecret intrigues which brought about the exile
of Cicero. Clodius Jupported by the two Con-
fuls. Their chara&ers. The Triumvirs fa-
vour Clodius. Clodius, to prepare the way to
attack Cicero, propofes laws of different kinds :
For the free diftribution of corn: For the re-
eſtabliſhment of fraternities of artiſans :"For
leffening the power of the Cenfors: For abo-
lifhing the laws called Elia and Fufia. Cicero,
deceived by Clodius, lets all these laws pafs
quietly. Clodius proposes a law which con-
demns to banishment any one who causes the
A
death
112
CONTENTS.
death of a citizen without the form of pro-
cefs. Cicero puts on mourning. Reflections
on this step. All the orders of the State in-
tereft themſelves for Cicero. A law propofed
by Clodius to affign governments to the Con-
fuls. The Senate, by public deliberation, put
on mourning with Cicero. Clodius arms all
the mob of Rome. The rage of Gabinius. An
ordinance of the Confuls, which enjoins the
Senators to quit their mourning. Pifo de-
clares plainly to Cicero, that he does not pre-
tend to defend him. Pompey abandons him.
An affembly of the People, in which the Con-
fuls explain themselves in a manner difadvan-
tageous to the cause of Cicero. The double
danger of Cicero, from Clodius, and from the
Confuls and Cæfar. Hortenfius and Cato ad-
vife Cicero to retire. He leaves Rome. Cice-
ro's dream. A law brought against Cicero by
name. Obfervations on that law. It paffes,
and, at the fame time, that concerning the de-
partments of the Confuls. Cicero's goods fold,
and his houfes pillaged by the Confuls. Clodius
Seizes on the land belonging to Cicero's houſe,
and confecrates a part of it to the goddefs Li-
berty. Cicero, repulfed by the Prætor of Si-
cily, goes into Greece, and arrives at Dyrra-
chium. Plancius gives him an azylum at
Theffalonica, The exceffive grief of Cicero.
His complaints against his friends. A juftifi-
cation of their conduct. Cicero's apology for
the excess of his grief. The reflection of Plu-
tarch on Cicero's weakness. Cato and Cæfar
depart, one for the land of Cyprus, and the
other for Gaul. The claims pretended by the
Romans to Egypt and the island of Cyprus. Clo-
dius offended by Ptolomy King of Cyprus. The
law
1
CONTENTS.
113
law of Clodius to reduce this ifland to a Ro-
man province. The King of Cyprus has not
the courage to throw his treasures into the fea.
He puts an end to his life by poifon. The great
exactness of Cato in gathering together the
riches of this King. The precautions he took
in tranfporting them. His books of accounts
loft. His return to Rome. Clodius cavils
with him to no purpose. The Edileship of
Scaurus. The incredible pomp of the games he
gave to the People. The games given by
Curio.
L. CALPURNIUS PISO.
A. GABINIUS.
A.R. 6941
Ant. C. 58.
IT
T was under the Confulfhip of Pifo and Ga- Materials
binius that Cicero was baniſhed. If we had wanting to
the letters wrote by him to Atticus, in the furnih a
detail of
time we are going to fpeak of, as we have the fecret
thoſe which immediately preceded it, we ſhould intrigues
be fully informed of all the intrigues and all which
the artifices that were made ufe of to deftroy about the
brought
him. But Cicero, as foon as he found the exile of
danger grew ſerious, had preffed Atticus to Cicero.
come ſpeedily to him. If you love me,
"faid he to him, as certainly you do love
66
<<
me, give me a proof of it by coming hi-
"ther (a) with all the fpeed you are able. If
you fleep, awake; if you are awake, walk;
"if you are walking, run; if you run, that
is not enough, fly.
(a) Si me amas tantùm,
quantùm profectò amas, fi
dormis, expergifcere; fi
ftas, ingredere; fi ingrederis,
curre; fi curris, advola. Cre.
VOL. XII.
You cannot think
dibile non eft, quantum ego
in confiliis & prudentiâ tuâ,
quodque maximum eft, quan-
tum in amore & fide ponam;
Cic. ad Att. II. 23.
I
"how
114
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
Clodius
..
how much I depend upon your advice, up-
on your prudence, and what is the chief of
"all, upon your friendſhip for me." Atticus,
like a true friend, did not fail of complying
with an inſtance fo preffing: therefore Cicero
no longer had any occafion to write to him,
till he was obliged himſelf to leave Rome: and
for the facts that we are to relate, we have
ſcarce any affiftance but from his orations, in
which we are not to ſuppoſe, that he ſpoke
with the fame openness as in his letters to an
intimate friend. They are nevertheleſs more
uſeful, and furniſh us with more lights than
the Greek hiftorians, who do not enter into
that detail one could wish for, nor write with
that exactneſs, that it is poffible to have a per-
fect confidence in them.
Clodius found himſelf in the moſt favoura-
Supported ble fituation to opprefs Cicero. He had both
by both the the Confuls on his fide; and this year falfified
Confuls.
Their Cha-
racters.
fed in Sen.
the obſervation of Catulus, who faid, that the
Commonwealth had rarely one wicked Conful;
and, if the time of Cinna's tyranny was ex-
cepted, it never had happened that they were
both wicked at once. Catulus encouraged Ci-
cero by this obfervation, in promifing him,
that he would always find one of the Confuls,
at leaſt, ready to defend him.
It is true, if one of the Confuls had any
fentiments worthy his place, he could not have
Cic. poft failed of fupporting Cicero's caufe, which was
de Har. that of the Confular power and of the Senate;
Refp. pro for the pretence that they made ufe of to at-
Domo. pro tack him, was the death of Lentulus and his
Pif. & Ali- accomplices. Now Cicero had done nothing
bi. againſt theſe villains but as Conful, and by vir-
Plut. Cic. tue of a Senatusconfultum. And all the orders
Sext. in
Dio. L
xxxviii.
of
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
T15
of the State, declaring loudly for Cicero, in the A. R. 694°
Ant. C. 58.
danger he was, if there had been a Conful at
their head, Clodius could never have fucceeded
in his unjuft and criminal undertaking. But
although I do not pretend fully to adopt the
invectives of Cicero againſt Pifo and Gabinius,
in which it cannot be denied but paffion
tranfported him too far; the facts fpeak, and
it is certain, that in the fupreme magiftracy of
Rome, there had rarely been feen a couple fo
mifchievous and devoted to iniquity.
Gabinius, the old friend of Catiline, was a
profeffed debauchee; one of thoſe men who
had loft all fhame and triumphed in vice; a
vile flatterer of Pompey, to whoſe enormous
credit he was wholly indebted for his ele-
vation.
Pifo bore a name, which feemed to be con-
fecrated to virtue, and he affected the outward
fhew of it, an air of ſeverity, manners ferious
and melancholly, which feemed too auſtere; a
great remotenefs from luxury, and a taſte of
fimplicity in his equipage, in his cloaths, and
efpecially in his perfon. By this he had not
only impoſed on the public, but on Cicero
himſelf, who had the more eaſily hoped to
have found a friend in him, as his fon-in-law
was of the fame family, and bore the fame.
name with this Conful. But Pifo was nothing
lefs than what he feemed to be. He was a
real epicurean, not only in fpeculation but in
practice. Cicero reproached him with man-
ners altogether corrupted. It is not upon this
that I infift; but principally obferve, that Piſo
praifed and followed thofe maxims of Epicu-
rus, which tend to the deſtruction of all foci-
ety: That a wife man thinks only of himſelf,
I 2
and
116
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694 and what regards his own intereft: That a fen-
Ant, C. 58. fible one ought not to fatigue himfelf with the
The Trium-
Aius
cares and embarraffments of public affairs;
That nothing is more excellent than a life of
idleneſs, and made up of pleaſures. And that,
on the contrary, it was madneſs, and a kind of
fanaticifm to think, that we ought to refpect
the laws of honour, procure the public good,
confult one's duty, in the conduct of life,
more than one's profit; and laftly, to expoſe
one's felf to dangers, to wounds, and even to
death, for the good of one's country. Pifo,
ſpoiled by theſe principles fo pernicious,
efpecially in a fovereign magiftrate, and Gabi-
nius led to the fame end by mere inftinct,
and the corruption of a bad heart, eafily united
with Clodius, and for the fake of good govern-
ments in the provinces, which were promifed
them by this Tribune, they both fhewed them-
felves ready to fecond his outrages.
;
The Triumvirate gave the finifhing ftroke
wirs fa- to render the enterprizes of Clodius infallible
vour Cle- if not in acting with him, at leaft in keeping
themſelves as a good body of referve. Craffus
had always hated Cicero, and he did the like by
him. Cæfar was piqued at his obftinacy in re-
fufing all his offers, and efpecially as he did not
doubt but the defenders of the Ariftocracy, at
the firſt ray of liberty, would uſe their utmoſt
efforts to overthrow all the work of his Conful-
hip, he was willing to take from them two
men, who might be looked upon as the pillars
of that party, Cicero and Cato. It was for this,
reaſon, that Clodius gave Cato, as I fhall fhew
hereafter, an employment that obliged him to
leave Italy. As to Cicero, Cæfar was difpofed to
favour him, if he could have made him refolve
EQ
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
117
Ant, C. 58.
to quit Rome: upon his refufal, he gave him- A. R. 694.
felf up to the revenge that Clodius prepared.
And had this work fo much at heart, that being
gone out of the city, in quality of Proconful,
and not having the liberty to re-enter it, he
kept himſelf in the ſuburbs, to take meaſures
as things might fall out, and having his troops
ready in cafe there ſhould be occafion for them.
Pompey could not ſeparate himſelf from Craf
fus and Cæfar. He nevertheleſs obſerved a
little more decorum. But if he did not pofi-
tively contribute to opprefs Cicero, at leaſt it
is certain that he abandoned him.
tack Cice-
Notwithſtanding fo many united forces, the Clodius, to
caufe of Cicero was fo good, and all honeft prepare the
men taking his part, the Senate and the order way to at-
of Knights, forming fo powerful a party for ro, propofes
him, his enemies were forced to uſe great pre-different
caution before they dared venture to attack laws.
him. On the 3d day of January, Clodius be-
gan to prepare his batteries, and to propofe dif- ibid. Af
ferent laws, either to gain the favour of all forts con.
of People, or to remove the obſtacles by which
it might be undertaken to ftop him.
Cic. in Pif.
n. 9. &
diſtri
One of theſe laws had regard to the diftri-
bution of corn, which was to be allowed to
Citizens at a very low price. C. Gracchus, For the
the author of this Largefs, was willing that free diri
bution of
corn fhould be given at half an As, and the corn.
third part of an As, which is about fix-pence
of our money, the bufhel. So low a price was
certainly no charge even to the pooreſt. The
law of Clodius quite freed the citizens, and or-
dered that the diftribution of corn fhould be
perfectly gratuitous. This was a confiderable Cic. pró
matter to the Commonwealth, if it is true, as Sext.n.55°
Cicero fays, that by this retrenchment, fhe
I 3
found
118
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
1
A. R 694 found herſelf impoverished of almoſt one fifth
part of her revenues.
Ant. C. 58.
For re-efta-
blishing
fraterni
ties of ar-
xifans.
T. L. II.
27
Plin.
xxxiv. I.
For leffen-
ing the
A fecond law re-eſtabliſhed or inftituted a
fort of fraternities of Artifans. The cuftom had
been ancient in Rome, fince mention is made.
of it in the laws of the XII tables, and we
find one of Merchants eftabliſhed a few years
after the expulfion of the Tarquins; and even
the inftitution by going back to the reign of
Numa. Nevertheleſs theſe fraternities com-
poſed of mean People, who affembled toge-
ther, kept holidays, and affifted at games, ap-
peared to the Senate fo dangerous in their con-
fequences to the public tranquility, that after
having fubfifted for many ages, they had been
all fuppreffed within about nine years. Clodius
was not fatisfied with reviving the antient fra-
ternities; but he created new ones, which he
formed out of the vileft of the mob. Theſe
were troops always ready at his command, and
capable of executing under him the greateft
violences.
His third law enervated and almoſt deſtroyed
the authority of the Cenforſhip, and thereby
power of
the Cenfors, became extremely agreeable to a very great
number of citizens, and eſpecially of Senators,
whofe irregular cunduct had given them reafon.
to fear a ſevere magiftracy, who threatened to
reduce them to their duty, or difgrace them if
they failed in it. Clodius delivered them from
this fear, by ordering that the cenfors fhould
not degrade a Senator, nor take notice of a
citizen, who was not firft accufed in form be-
fore them; whereas before, the cenfors, when
they were agreed, might, by their office, de-
grade thofe whofe manners feemed reprehenfi-
ble
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
119
Ant. C. 58.
ble to them, without waiting to be urged to it A. R. 694.
by the miniſtry of an accuſer.
Elia and
By theſe laws Clodius made himſelf friends For abo-
and partizans; but he knew that among his libing the
collegues and in the college of Prætors, there laws called
were men whom he could not hope to gain : Fufia.
he feared many obftacles from them, and par-
ticularly from what was drawn from the Aufpi-
ces. It is known what the fuperftition of the
Romans was with reſpect to preſages, and ef-
pecially to thoſe figns which they imagined
came from Heaven. This was the moft power-
ful reſource of the Senators policy, to prevent
the feditious enterprizes of thoſe who fought to
flatter the People. Thus the laws Elia and
Fufia, which pofitively declared all void, that
fhould be done in contempt of the Aufpices,
are called, by Cicero, in a thouſand places, the
ſtrongeſt ramparts of the peace and tranquility
of the State. A magiftrate who took upon
him to confult the Aufpices, if he fignified it
to his collegue, or to a Tribune of the People,
who had fent them out to give their fuffrages,
all was ſtopped in a moment, and it was not
allowed to proceed any farther that day. Bibu-
lus had often employed this method, with re-
gard to Cæfar, who carrying every thing with
a high hand, defpifed the fignifications of his
collegue, and puſhed on his purpoſes to the
end. Clodius was willing at once to get rid of
this check, by having it decreed by the Peo-
ple, that it fhould not be allowed for any ma
giftrate to confult the Aufpices while the Tri-
bune fhould be employed in debate. This
fame law of Clodius alfo aboliſhed the diftinc-
tion of days, on which the affemblies of the
People fhould, or fhould not be held, a dif-
tinction
I 4
120
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694 tinction made ufe of from all antiquity to bri-
Ant. C. 58. dle popular licentioufnefs. Clodius ordained,
Cicero de-
ceived by
Clodius lets
all the
laws pafs
quietly.
Clodius
propoſes a
on the contrary, that all the days marked in the
kalendar as days of audience of the Prætor,
ſhould be equally free to propoſe laws and to
debate upon them.
There needed not all the penetration of
Cicero, to comprehend that theſe laws were
machines directed against him, and which pre-
pared the way for the affaults that were pro-
pofed to be given to him. Therefore Cicero
refolved at firft to act with vigour to hinder
their paffing. The greateſt part of the Tri-
bunes meant him well; but eſpecially Q. Mum-
mius * Quadratus, the moſt faithful and the
moſt couragious friend that Cicero had among
the magiftrates of this year, refolved to oppoſe
the laws of Clodius in form. This laft had re-
courſe to burning. He pretended that he had
no ill defign againſt Cicero. He changed his
ftyle with regard to him: ufed no more me-
naces, no more invectives; but threw upon
Terentia the cauſe of their enmity at length
he folemnly promiſed to undertake nothing a-
gainſt Cicero, if he would bring no obftacle to
his laws. I cannot conceive, nor explain the
facility with which Cicero and above all, At-
ticus came into fo grofs a fnare. The fact is,
that Cicero, by the advice of his friend, con-
fented to remain quiet; Mummius made no
oppofition, and the laws paffed.
Clodius then took off the mask, and pro
which poſed a new law, which pronounced the pain
condemns
I
* The best editions of Ci
cero vary in this name.
find bim called fometimes
MUMMIUS, fometimes NIN-
NIUS. Of the two, I have
chofe the name the most known.
of
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
121
cauſes the
of baniſhment against any one who fhould caufe, A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
or had already caufed, the death of a citizen to banish-
without the form of procefs; and that this law ment any
might meet with the lefs difficulty, he joined one who
to it, or perhaps preceded it by a prohibition death of
to the Tribunes to uſe the right of oppofition a citizen
to it. This reftriction given to the right of without
the Tribunes was not without example, for C. the form of
Gracchus had made ufe of it in a cafe favour-procefs.
able to the Senate, by decreeing to that affem-
bly the fovereign decifion of the Confuls jurif
diction without the Tribunes being allowed to
offer any obſtacle to it.
tions on
15.
Cicero was not named in the law of Clodius. Cicero puts
Nevertheleſs, as foon as it was propofed he on mourn-
put on mourning, and began to fupplicate the ing, reflec
People in the fame manner as if he had been his step.
accuſed by name. He reproached himſelf af- Cic. ad
terwards for taking this ftep as a fault; and Att, III.
pretended, that he ought to have looked upon
that law as nothing, or to have commended it.
I confefs I cannot conceive without difficulty
how he could commend a law which was the
foundation of the criminal buſineſs that was
ftirred up againſt him, at leaſt that he did not
maintain, that a citizen condemned to death by
the Senate on account of a confpiracy againſt
the Commonwealth, was judged in form, al-
though it was contrary to the common law;
for by that the People alone affembled in their
comitia by centuries, could judge of the crime
of high-treafon.
Dio fhews this affair with another face; and
fuppofing, which was true, the death of Len-
tulus was pointed at by the terms of the law,
he obferves that this law attacked the Senate in
a body, who, on account of Catiline's confpi-
racy,
122
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 58.
A. R. 694 racy, had given an unlimited power to the
Confuls, and who paffed the decree, by virtue
of which Lentulus and his accomplices were
ftrangled in prifon. According to this idea,
the fault of Cicero was making that his own
caufe, which was the caufe of the Senate.
All the or-
In truth, all this to me does not feem to
touch the point in queftion. The reflection of
Cicero is that of a man who was dejected and
overwhelmed by misfortunes, and who confe-
quently blames all that's paffed, becauſe fuccefs
did not attend it. The obfervation of Dio
would be right, if Cicero, in making the ap-
plication of the law, had cooled the zeal of
the Senate with regard to him: but that body
having efpouſed his quarrel with all the force
imaginable, I aſk here what wrong Cicero did
himſelf. One only way was left open to him to
prevent the ill with which he was threatened,
and that was to have gained the favour of the
Triumvirs, by accepting of the Lieutenant-
Generalſhip that Cæfar had offered him. Hav-
ing once refufed that, it was impoffible for
him to avoid banishment.
:
Cicero, on the other hand, had all the help,
ders of the and all the fupport he could hope for. When
State inte- he put on mourning, almoſt all the Knights did
felves for the fame; and twenty thousand young men,
reft them-
Cicero.
the flower of the Roman Nobility, having the
fon of Craffus at their head, accompanied Ci-
cero every where, folliciting the People in his
favour. This young Craffus had a great deal
of merit, and the love of virtue and of letters
infpired him with a warm affection for Cicero.
All the different orders of the Commonwealth ;
all the towns of Italy teftified their uneaſineſs
and their alarms upon the dangers of this one
man.
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
123
man. The Senate eſpecially interefted them-A: R. 694-
Ant. C. 58,
felves brifkly in a cauſe which was their own;
they fled to the Confuls, follicited them, and
charged them to take upon them the defence
of Cicero, as they were obliged to, by the duty
of their place.
Clodius to
But what hope could there be, that Confuls
fold to the Tribune would refolve to act in
any thing against him? At the fame time that A law
Clodius had propoſed his law to deftroy Cice- propofed by
ro, he had propofed another for affigning to affign go-
the Confuls large and important governments;vernments
to Pifo, that of Macedonia; to Gabinius, that to the Con-
of Cilicia. Thus the plot was not only mani-fuls.
fefted, but the wages paid, that theſe unwor-
thy Magiſtrates had bargained for, to deliver
his victim to the Tribune.
with Cice-
ro.
Nevertheleſs, Gabinius coming into the Se-The Senate,
nate (for Pifo, on account of an indifpofition, deliberati-
by public
either real or feigned, was not there) all the on, put on
affembly, with tears in their eyes, conjured the mourning
Conful preſent to undertake ſo juſt a cauſe; to
enter into deliberation on the affair of Cicero ;
and propofed, according to the general confent
of all the Senators, that they fhould put on
mourning with him. The Knights alfo fent
a deputation to Gabinius, tending to the fame.
purpoſe, at the head of which were the two
illuſtrious Confulars, Hortenfius and Curio.
The Conful repulfed with difdain the intreaties.
of fo many great perfonages, who threw them-
felves at his feet. The Tribune Mummius
then, according to the duty of his office, en-
tered into debate upon what the Conful had re-
fuſed to propofe; and a decree was made, de-
claring that all the Senators fhould put on
mourning,
124
Calpurnius, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694 mourning, as in the time of a public cala-
Ant. C. 58. mity.
!
Clodius
arms all
the mob of
Rome.
Pro Sext.
n. 34.
Cicero had reaſon to think himſelf honoured
by fuch a deliberation. (a) " O day, cried he,
fatal to the Senate, and to all good men.
"Fatal to the Commonwealth: but, at the
"fame time, glorious for me to all pofterity,
"that fuch men fhould grieve for me the mo-
"ment my misfortunes were made known!
"What man was ever ſo honoured? All good
"men of their own accord, all the Senators
66
by public deliberation put on mourning, in
"favour of one citizen; and that with the
only view of fhewing their grief, and not,
"according to cuftom, to make their prayers
"more moving. For who could they pray
to, fince all are in tears; and it is a mark
"fufficient to fhew a man to be a bad citizen,
"not to have put on mourning?"
Clodius was in a rage, to fee the endeavours
that were uſed to fnatch out of his hands the
man that he would have profcribed. He had
before taken the precaution to encompaſs him-
lelf about with armed men, and had enlifted
all the mob of Rome, and the dregs of the
flaves, under the pretext of the fraternities
that came to be renewed by his law. He had
(a) O diem illum, judices,
funeftum Senatui bonifque
omnibus, Reipublicæ luctu-
ófum, mihi ad domefticum
mærorem gravem, ad pofte-
ritatis memoriam gloriofum!
Quid enim quifquam poteft
ex omni memoriâ fumere
illuftrius, quam pro uno ci-
ve & bonos omnes privato
confenfu, & univerfum Se-
1
natum publico confilio mu-
taffe veftem! Quæ quidem
tum mutatio non deprecatio-
nis causâ eſt facta, fed luctûs.
Quem enim deprecarentur,
quum omnes effent, fordi-
dati, quumque hoc fatis ef
fet figni, effe improbum,
qui mutatâ vefte non effet?
Cic. pro Sext. n, · 27.
already
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
125
Ant. C. 58.
already made ufe of this guard, fo worthy of A. R. 694.
him, to infult Cicero, to cover him with mud,
and do him a thouſand injuries, whilft this re-
fpectable fuppliant went through the Forum
and the City, imploring the protection of the
citizens. He had filled the temple of Caftor
with arms and with armed men, and by taking
the ftairs, he had made it, as it were, a
away
citadel, that commanded the Forum, and made
him abfolute mafter of all that paffed in it.
Then, having about him one part of his
guards, and the other in the Temple, which
ferved him for a fortrefs, he cited the Depu-
ties of the order of the Knights, who had
prefented themſelves to the Conful, to appear
before the People, and inftead of fuffering
them to lay open their reafons, he delivered
them up to the outrages, and blows of that
vile heap of people that he had gathered about
him. Hortenfius expected to have been killed Pro MiL
by thefe madmen. Another Senator, named a. 37-
Vibienus, was fo ill ufed by them, that he di-
ed in a fhort time after.
Gabinius no longer kept any meaſures. He The fur
went in a paffion out of the affembly of the Gabinius.
Senate, of which I have been ſpeaking, and
having convoked that of the People, he ſpoke
to them, fays Cicero, in fuch a manner, as Peft red.
Catiline durft not when he was conqueror. He in Sen.
faid, "he pitied the error of thofe who 12.
n.
thought that the Senate was ftill any thing n. 28.
"in the Commonwealth. As to what regard-
66
ed the Roman Knights, he was going to
"make them fuffer for the fupport they had
"lent Cicero in his Confulfhip. That the
"time was come, when thoſe who were then
"afraid (he meant the Confpirators) ſhould
"revenge
Pro Sext.
126
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
!
Ce
A. R. 694. revenge themſelves on their enemies." Such
Ant. C. 58.
language was certainly very furprizing in 'the
mouth of a Conful, and fhewed that Gabinius
did not even go about to diſguiſe his criminal
defigns under any favourable colours. His
actions were conformable to his language;
and he immediately upon the ſpot, in an un-
exampled and unheard-of manner, banifhed
two hundred miles from Rome, an illuftrious
Roman Knight, named L. Lamia, who had
diftinguifhed himſelf by his zeal in the caufe
of Cicero.
An ordi-
which en-
A little while after an ordinance of the Con-
nance of the fuls appeared, which enjoined the Senators to
Confuls, quit their mourning, and take again the habit
joins the of their condition.
Tyrannical ordinance!
Senators to which (a) fuffered the caufe of their grief to
quit their fubfift, and forbad the marks of it; and which
mourning would ftop tears by threats, and not by offer-
ing motives of confolation.
66
Pifo de-
Pifo plainly fhewed by this step, that he
clares had a good underſtanding with Gabinius. He
plainly to fairly declared it to Cicero, about this time, in
Cicero,that
be does not a vifit he made him, accompanied by his fon-
pretend to in-law C. Pifo. "Gabinius, faid the Conful
defend him. to Cicero, is, drove to extremes, he cannot
In Pif.
fupport himſelf but by the government of
"a province. The Senate will not give him
❝ one; he expects it from the Tribune. For
my part, I have refpect for my Collegue,
" as you had for yours in your Confulfhip.
"Do not look for any fupport from the Con-
fuls. Every one here is for himſelf."
1. 12.
66
(a) Quis hoc fecit allâ in
Scythiâ tyrannus, ut eos quos
luctu afficeret, lugere non
fineret? Mororem relinquis,
mæroris aufers infignia. Eri-
pis lacrymas non confolando,
fed minando. Cic. in Pif
n. 18.
There
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
127
Ant. C. 58.
There remained Pompey, in whom Cicero A. R. 694.
had always had much confidence, and who Pompey a
might really have faved him, if he had had as bandens
much good will as power. But Clodius faid him.
aloud, and repeated it in all his harangues, that
the three most powerful citizens, Cæfar, Craf-
fus, and Pompey, were in agreement with
him, and refolved to fupport him. Pompey
faid nothing; but by fo expreffive a filence in
ſuch circumſtances, fufficiently authorized what
had been ſaid by the Tribune. The enemies of
Cicero being willing to furniſh Pompey with a
pretext to eſtrange himſelf from his friendſhip,
contrived ambuſhes, and defigned attempts up-
on his life, and loaded with theſe fufpicions a
man of a character as far from fuch black de-
figns, as he was incapable of thinking of them
at a time when his own dangers and his own
fears employed him but too much. Never-
theleſs Pompey, either to add credit to theſe
reports, or to avoid folicitations, or through
fhame, had quitted Rome, and kept himſelf in
the country in a houſe that he had near Alba.
*
}
Cicero could not refolve with himſelf to
renounce the hopes he had in the fuccour of
Pompey, without making the laſt trial of it.
He fent his fon-in-law, he went himfelf to
Alba. Plutarch affures us, that Pompey blufh-
ing to ſee the man whom he had not bluſhed to
betray, no fooner was told that Cicero was
coming into his houſe at one door but he pri-
vately ſtole out at another; and this behaviour
fufficiently convinces us of the juftnefs of the
character that Salluft gives of him; that (a) he
(a) Oris probi, animo inverecundo. Sall. ap Sueton. de
Grammat. c. 15.
had
128
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. had more modefty in his countenance than in
Ant. C. 58. his heart. It is however certain, that Cicero
In Pif
got to the fight of him, if not preciſely at this
time, at ſome other. He even threw himſelf
at his feet, and Pompey had the cruelty not to
raiſe him up, but told him, that he could do
nothing contrary to the will of Cæfar.
Four of the chiefs of the Senate, L. Len-
77. 78. tulus, actually Prætor, Q. Fabius Sanga, and
two Confulars, L. Torquatus, and M. Lucul-
lus, brother of the conqueror of Mithridates,
were willing to make one more effort. Pom-
pey, in treating with them, made uſe of all
his diffimulation, and fhewed himfelf, accord-
ing to his cuſtom, willing to fave appearances,
although he counted the reality of his duty as
nothing, He fent them back to the Confuls,
telling them," that it belonged to the Sove-
"reign Magiftrates to undertake the caufe of
"the Commonwealth, and propoſe the affair
❝to the Senate. That for himſelf, without
66 public deliberation, he would not combat
"with a Tribune that was armed. That as
"foon as he found himſelf authorized by a
"Senatusconfultum he would take up arms."
This was a manifeft collufion, for Pompey
was not ignorant of the fentiments of the Con-
fuls. Gabinius anfwered the four Senators in
a very rough and difobliging manner. Pifo
chofe a more moderate ftyle, but which meant
the fame thing at bottom.
" he did not pique himſelf
"much courage as Cicero,
*Under the Confulship of
Torquatus there had been one
of the firft confpiracies of Ca-
He laid, “ that
upon having fo
and Torquatus,
*
tiline, of which I have ſpoke
in its place.
"who
!
#
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
129
Ant. C. 58.
who ſpoke to him, had in their Confulfhips. A. R. 694.
That there was no need of having recourfe
to arms, nor of fighting. That Cicero
"might fave his country a fecond time by re-
σε tiring. That if he went about to refift, the
flaughter once began would find no bounds.
"That, in a word, neither himſelf, nor Cæ-
"far
far his fon-in-law, nor Gabinius his Collegue,
"would abandon the Tribune."
<x
This declaration was plain and pofitive, but
it was made in private. Soon after both the
Confuls and Cæfar had an occafion to ex-
plain themſelves publicly: For Clodius, to
fhew his friends and his adverfaries, at the
fame time, how powerfully he was ſupported,
directed an affembly of the People to be held An aſſem
out of the city, that Cæfar might affift at it. bly of the
People
There he produced the Confuls, who both dif wherein
approved of the punishment of Lentulus, the Confuls
which Pifo even dared to tax with cruelty, and Cæfar
Cæfar, with that air of moderation and benig-explain
nity which he always preferved, nevertheleſs, in a man-
without ever quitting his purpofes, faid, “that ner diſad-
"what he thought with refpect to Lentulus vantageous
" and others involved in the fame caufe, was
cauſe of
"well enough known. That if he had been Cicero.
"minded they had not been put to death.
That nevertheless he was not of opinion
"that any enquiry fhould be made into what
was paffed, and that it would be better to
66 bury all in oblivion.'
<<
themſelves
to the
Cicero had now only two ways to take, ei- The double
ther to retire or to fight. His forces were not danger of
inconfiderable. All that was virtuous in the Cicero,
city, every citizen that preferved any
for the good of the Commonwealth,
laws and for liberty, were ready to
VOL. XII.
K
from Clo-
refpect dius, and
for the from the
take up and Caefar.
Confuls
arms
130
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. arms in his favour. And it is not to be doubt-
Ant. C. 58.
ed, but that, feeing himſelf fo well fupported,
he would have determined to have made a
couragious refiftance, if it had not been for
that vile mob, that was under the command
of Clodius, compofed of rogues taken out of
dungeons, flaves, and the miferable remains of
Catiline's troops. He knew alfo, that one
battle, although he ſhould have the fuperiority,
would not be decifive. Clodius had faid in
Cic. pro full affembly: That Cicero must perish at once,
or be twice a conqueror. This faying had no-
thing dark in it, but meant if the Tribune was
killed in the battle, the Confuls and Cæfar,
whofe Legions were not far off, would revenge
his death. This fecond danger greater with-
out any compariſon than the firft, and of which
the confequences might be fatal, not only to
Cicero, but to the whole Commonwealth, de-
ferved the ftricteft attention.
Sent. n.
43.
cero to re-
Hortenfius
The friends of Cicero were divided in their
and Cato opinions. M. Lucullus (a) would have had
adviſe Ci- force oppoſed to force, whatever might be the
tire. event. * Hortenfius and Cato, who was not
yet departed for the ifle of Cyprus, whither
Clodius had fent him, were afraid, if once
fwords were drawn in this quarrel, that it
might become a general civil war. They re-
preſented to Cicero, that his abſence could not
be for a long continuance; that Clodius, by
*Plutarch names Lucullus
fimply without his prenomen.
But the great Lucullus who
died mad a fhort time after,
was then very likely in fo
weak a condition that he was
incapable of public affairs.
For this reafon I have afcrib-
ed what Plutarch fays to his
brother, M. Lucullus, who
interested himself in favour of
Cicero with Pompey and the
Confuls.
his
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
131
Ant. C. 58.
his fury, would fooo tirẻ his own friends; A. R. 694.
and that the whole Commonwealth, with one
confent, would call for their Deliverer home
again. This refolution was the moſt reaſona-
ble, and the moft generous for him to take:
And it was not without reaſon that Cicero glo-
ried in having (a) twice faved his country; the
first time with a great and fplendid fuccefs, and
the fecond at the expence of the moſt cruel
difgrace. Happy, if he could have maintained
this glory by conftancy in his exile; and if,
on the contrary, the little ftedfaftnefs he fhewed
in his misfortunes, had not given room to
believe, that fear had a great ſhare in the re-
folution he took to yield to his enemies!
He went out of Rome in the night, having He goes out
firſt carried a Minerva to the Capitol, which he of Rome.
feemed till then to have reverenced in his
houſe as his tutelar divinity, and which he
confecrated in this auguft temple by the title
of the Guardian of the City. His thoughts,
without doubt, was, that the City of Rome
had loſt her guardian in lofing him; and that
he was forced, after having tried all the re-
fources that human prudence could fuggeft, to
leave the gods themselves for her guardians.
It was now the beginning of April, and he Cic. ad
foon got to the coafts of Lucania, preparing Att. III.
to paſs into Sicily, where he expected to have
found both affection from the people, and pro-
tection from the Prætor, C. Virgilius, a man
of a mild difpofition, and who, in former
times, had always fhewed himſelf attached to
the beſt party.
(a) Unus rempublicam bis fervavi, femel gloriâ iterum
ærumnâ meâ. Cic. pro Sext. n. 49.
K 2
t
I know
132
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
3
Ant. C. 58.
A. R. 664. I know not whether I ought to ſpeak of a
A dream of dream that he had, when got not far from
Cicero's. Rome. What determined me to do it, was,
that the judgment that he himſelf made of it,
Cic.
Divin.
L. I. n. 59.
& L. II.
n. 140,
143.
ferve for a rule to thofe, who are fome-
may
times too much ftruck with the relation that
their dreams have to real events. He fancied
he was wandering in fome folitary place, when
he faw Marius coming to him, preceded by his
Lictors, whofe fafces were crowned with branch-
es of lawrel. It feemed to him that Marius
aſked him the cauſe of his forrow, and that
having learned from him, that he was drove
out of his country he took him by the hand,
and exhorted him to be of good courage, and
giving his firft Lictor charge of him, ordered
him to conduct him into the temple, that he
had built and confecrated to honour and virtue,
telling Cicero that from that place ſhould come
his fafety. This dream was verified by the re-
turn of our illuftrious fugitive, as all the world
knows, and that nothing may be wanting to
the entire and perfect accompliſhment of it, it
was in this temple, built by Marius, that one
of the moſt famous Senatusconfultums paffed
in the affair of re-eftabliſhing Cicero. This
laft circumſtance was the wonderful part of his
dream, that made him remember it: for as to
the reft, he thought fo often of Marius, and
compared his prefent fortune fo readily with
that of his famous countryman, formerly pro-
ſcribed and banished, and who afterwards re-
turned with honours into Italy, that it is not
furprizing that thefe ideas fhould arife in his
fleep. That the Senate would undertake his
re-eſtabliſhment was alſo a hope that conftant-
ly ran in his mind. As to the conformity of
the
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
133
the event with his dream, with regard to the A. R. 694.
Ant. C, 58,
place of the Senatusconfultum, Cicero attri-
buted that purely to chance. But as it was the
uſual cuſtom of the Senate to affemble in dif-
ferent temples of the city, may it not be ſup-
poſed that the remembrance of Marius, point-
ed out to them the temple he had built, fooner
than any other?
As foon as Clodius was informed of the re- A law
treat of Cicero, he cauſed him to be condemned brought
against
to baniſhment by name, by a law which was Cicero by
propoſed foon after in theſe terms: Do You namẹ,
WILL, AND ORDER, ROMANS, THAT M. TUL-
LIUS CICERO, FOR HAVING CAUSED THE
DEATH OF ROMAN CITIZENS WITHOUT
*
ANY
FORM OF PROCESS; FOR HAVING PUT A FALSE
SENATUS CONSULTUM IN THE PUBLIC REGIS-
TERS, HAS BEEN DEPRIVED OF THE USE OF
WATER AND FIRE: THAT ALL MEN SHOULD
BE FORBID TO RECEIVE HIM, OR GIVE HIM
ANY AZYLUM WITHIN THE DISTANCE OF FIVE
HUNDRED MILES OF ROME, AND THAT IF
HE SHOULD BE FOUND WITHIN THAT SPACE
IT MAY BE ALLOWED TO KILL HIM, AND
THOSE WHO SHALL HAVE RECEIVED HIM IN-
TO THEIR HOUSES: THAT MOREOVER EVERY
MAGISTRATE AND EVERY SENATOR SHOULD
-BE FORBID FOR EVER TO PROPOSE OR FAVOUR
HIS BEING RECALLED, TO DELIBERATE, TO
CONCLUDE, OR GIVE JUDGMENT IN ANY MAN-
NER WHATSOEVER TO ANY THING THAT
TENDS TO THAT END IN A WORD, TO HAVE
ANY PART IN ANY DECREE THAT MAY BE
DESIGNED TO PERMIT HIM TO COME BACK
AGAIN TO THIS CITY? The fame law alſo
Ut interdictum fit.
K 3
fet
134
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
1
A. R. 694. fet a fine upon Cicero, or ordered the confif
Ant. C. 58 cation of his goods.
Obferva-
tions on
that law.
This law was drawn up with all poffible
malice, as we fee, but, on the other hand,
very unskilfully. The very expreffion was not
correct. It was faid that Cicero had been de-
prived, and not that they ſhould deprive him, UT
Cic. pro INTERDICTUM SIT, non UT INTERDICATUR
Domo n. of the uſe of water and fire. This was to fup-
47.
poſe a preceding judgment, and there had not
been any. This fault in the expreffion, which
though no great matter in itself, yet fhews
the temerity and inconfideratenefs of Clodius,
who had not even taken care to employ
clerks and fecretaries who were acquainted with
the ſtyle of public acts. Cicero reproached
him with it. You forbad, faid he to him, that
any one should receive me, and had not ordered.
that I should go away.
The imputation of having framed the Sena-
tufconfultum that condemned Lentulus and his
accomplices to death, was fo evident a calumny
and fo infupportable, that that article alone was
fufficient to afford means to come with advan-
tage againſt that law that contained it. It was
eafy to fee that the intention of Clodius was to
deprive his enemies of that fupport which he
found in the authority of the Senate, and to
make him the fole author of the death of feve-
ral citizens of the firft rank. But paffion blind-
ed him, for in eſtabliſhing his law upon a falſe
declaration, he built up a ruinous edifice, which
2. 50. deſtroyed itſelf. "If I have inferted a falfe
"Senatusconfultum in the public regiſters,
(6
fays Cicero, the law has reafon in it; if
"not, it is null to all intents. Now, by how
many pofterior decrees have the Senate ac-
“ know-
66.
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
135
Ant. C. 58.
"knowledged and confirmed that which they A. R. 694.
"would have paffed for my work?"
that con-
This law was nevertheleſs authorized by the It paſſes,
Suffrages, I will not fay of the People, but of and at the
a multitude of wretches who were in the Tri-Same time
bune's pay. Cicero being retired, his defenders cerning the
had no longer any intereft that obliged them depart
to fight. The law paffed without oppofition; ments of
only it was amended, I know not why, with
refpect to the diſtance, which was reduced to
four hundred miles inftead of five hundred a
hundred and thirty-three leagues, inſtead of a
hundred and fixty-fix.
The recompences of the Confuls went on in
the fame pace with the disgraces of Cicero.
The law for giving them Governments had
been propoſed at the fame time with that which
was the foundation of the criminal procefs in-
tended againſt him, and it was received the
ſame day with that, which condemned him to
baniſhment. Gabinius himfelf made an altera-
tion in it to his own advantage; and inſtead
of Cilicia, cauſed Syria to be given him, a
richer Province, and which opened to him a
fairer field to fortune, and, as he imagined, to
glory.
the Con-
Juls.
The misfortunes of Cicero were enough to Cicero's
have ſatisfied an ordinary hatred. But that of goods fold,
Clodius was furious and extended itfelf to the and his
houses
town and country houfes of him, whom he had pillaged by
juſt profcribed. Whether the goods of Cicero the Con-
were confifcated, or they were to anſwer for fuls.
the payment of the fine that was fet upon him,
it is certain they were put up to public fale; but
not one Gentleman offered himſelf to purchaſe
any part of them. They were only the crea-
tures of Clodius that would take any advan-
K 4
tage
136
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 58.
pro
A. R. 694 tage of this unworthy booty. The Confuls diḍ
Cic. not forget themſelves. Immediately after the
Domo. departure of Cicero, and before the laft law had
been carried againſt him, they had fet fire to
his houſe in Rome, which they plundered at
the fame time, and the marble columns, with
other ornaments, were carried to the houfe of
Pifo's mother-in-law, which was in the neigh-
bourhood. Gabinius took to himſelf the fpoils
of that which Cicero had in the territories of
Tufculum. He caufed it to be deſtroyed, and
as he had one himſelf in the fame canton, he
not only feized on the moveables in Cicero's,
and on every thing that was neceffary for coun-
try buſineſs, but had even the trees in his park
rooted up, and tranfplanted to his own.
the land
Clodius It is very right, that Clodius fhould thus ga-
Seizes on ther the fruits of a crime of which he was the
belonging principal author. The land belonging to Ci-
to Cicero's cero's houfe in Rome was an object that piqued
bouſe and his covetoufnefs. This houfe was large and
confecrates
a part of spacious, and had been built fifty or fixty years
it to the before by the famous Tribune M. Drufus, to
Goddess
Liberty.
Vell. II.
14.
whom was attributed the caufe of the focial
war. It was fituated on the mount Palatine,
facing the Forum, and in the neighbourhood
of Clodius. This Tribune refolved to aggran-
dize himſelf, by adding to his own houſe the
feat of his enemy. But that he might fatisfy
his revenge at the fame time, fee what his in-
genious malice contrived. The houſe of Ci-
cero, on one fide, touched a Portico, built
where had formerly been a houſe belonging to
M. Fulvius, killed with C. Gracchus. This
houſe having been rafed as that of a public
enemy, Catulus, the conqueror of the Cimbri,
had built the Portico I am ſpeaking of, as a
monument
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
137
Ant. C. 58.
monument of his victory. Clodius referving A. R. 694.
nine tenths of Cicero's land to himſelf, joined
a parcel of it to the colonade of Catulus, that
he might confound the cauſe of Cicero with
that of Fulvius by a partnerſhip in the fame.
puniſhment. This was not all. To hinder the
proprietor from ever being able to enter upon
his own eftate again, he confecrated this Por-
tico, by a folemn dedication, in which the
Pontiff Pinarius Natta lent his adminiſtration,
and placed there a ftatue under the name of
the Goddefs of Liberty, as if he had been the
avenger of public liberty oppreffed by Cicero.
This ftatue originally reprefented a Curtezan of
the city of Tanagra in Bæotia: fuch was the
object that Clodius, as little fcrupulous in mat-
ters of religion as morality, propoſed for the
worſhip of the People.
bium.
Whilft Clodius triumphed, Cicero fought Cicero re-
an Azylum, and had difficulty to find one. pulfed by
Being arrived near the city of Vibo in Lucania, the Pretor
he paffed fome days in the lands of a man call of Sicily,
paſſes into
ed Sica, and who had an employment under Greece and
him during the time of his being Conful. His comes to
fcheme was, as I have already ſaid, to go into Dyrrac-
Sicily. But the Prætor, C. Virgilius, who had Cic. pro
antient obligations to him, who had been more Planc. &
than once the Collegue of his brother, and Ep. ad
who thought as he did upon the affairs of the XIV. &
Commonwealth, nevertheleſs refuſes to receive ad Att. III.
him into his province. So few friends do the
unfortunate find! Cicero excluded from the
hope of a ſafe and tranquil retreat in Sicily,
and not being willing, by a longer continuance,
to bring his hoſt Sica into danger, turned to-
wards the upper fea, and went by land to the
road leading from Vibo to Brundufium. He
did
Fam. L.
138
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. did not enter into that city, but kept himſelf
Ant. C. 58. concealed in the country-houfe of M. Lenius
Flaccus,a generous man and a faithful friend, who
deſpiſed the danger to which he expofed both
his fortune and his life by entertaining a perfon
that was profcribed: and who, without being
intimidated by the punishment pronounced by
an unjuſt and criminal law, rendered to Cicero,
for thirteen days together, all the offices of a
noble and couragious hofpitality.
It would have been a great fatisfaction to our
fugitive to have had the company of Atticus;
he defired him to come thither to him, and he
reckoned upon going with him into Epirus,
where this friend had a large eſtate. It was
a thing impoffible; and Cicero looked upon
this diſappointment as another misfortune join-
ed to thoſe with which he was already loaded.
However, Atticus was not ufelefs to him at
Rome, but rendered him effectual fervices, and
better worth than the confolation he might have
given him by his prefence. Cicero was there-
fore obliged to embark at Brundufium by him-
felf, which he did on the laft day of April,
*Duraz- and went to Dyrrachium, a City, which had
zo in Al- been under his protection, and which preſerved
an affection for him.
bania.
Plancius
lonica.
*
Atticus had invited him to retire into his
gives him eftate in Epirus. But a refidence there did not
an Azylum
at Theffa- pleaſe Cicero, efpecially on account of the
neighbourhood of a great number of the an-
tient friends of Catiline, who, fince the defeat
of their party, being forced to quit Italy,
had difperfed themſelves in Achaia, and the
reft of Greece. Above all, he feared Autro-
nius, one of the moſt audacious and moft pow-
erful of theſe exiles. He was the Collegue of
P. Sylla,
}
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
139
Ant. C. 58.
P. Sylla, named with him for the Confulfhip, A. R. 694.
and deprived with him of that employment by
a folemn judgment for canvaffing, and who af-
terwards entered into both the confpiracies of
Catiline. Cicero therefore not thinking it
fafe for him to remain in Greece, defigned to
have croffed Macedonia, and have gone by ſea
to Cyzica in the Propontida; but the zeal of
one friend hindered him from going ſo far out
of Italy.
This friend was Cn. Plancius, actually
Quæftor under Q. Apuleius Prætor of Mace-
donia. Plancius was no fooner informed of
the arrival of Cicero at Dyrrachium, but he
ran thither, without Lictors, without any marks
of his dignity, and expreffed all the concern
for him, with which he was really touched. He
brought him to Theffalonica, where he had a
palace as Quæftor, and engaged him to ftay
there for ſeveral months, although Cicero, af-
frighted by freſh advices of the ill defigns that
were forming againſt him by the Confpirators I
have mentioned, was much inclined to go into
Afia. Plancius reftrained him by a kind of
violence; he continued near him to watch for
his fafety; and employed himſelf ſo much in
the duties of friendship, that he preferred them
even to thoſe of his office. The courage of
the Quæftor was the more to be commended,
as his Prætor did not fet him the example;
who, though he pitied and loved Cicero, durft
not fhew his fentiments outwardly, for the fear
he had of Clodius.
It was in this retreat that Cicero, for a long
time, waited his being recalled, with an im-
patience and an abjection of mind, little wor-
thy fo great a genius. His misfortunes at firſt
caft
140
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
Apt. C. 58.
The excef
five grief
of Cicero,
A. R. 694. caft him down fo much, that he had thoughts
of putting an end to his life; but Atticus dif-
fuaded him from that defign, by exhorting
him to preferve himſelf for better times. But
if Cicero confented to live, it was but to weep
over his ill-fortune. The letters to his wife,
to his brother, to Atticus, are all full of la-
mentations. He inceffantly reprefents to him-
felf all the moft afflicting circumſtances of his
diſgrace; and if he ftops a while, it is for fear
of too much increaſing his pain, and becauſe
his tears blots what he writes. He would not
fee his brother, who returned from his govern-
ment of Afia, fearing he fhould be too much
affected, and efpecially when they were to
part. He would admit of no confolation, if
it was not that of being foon recalled. But
yet he was fo much difcouraged, that he al-
ways doubted of fuccefs, and the moft favou-
rable difpofitions for that purpoſe could hardly
revive the hope of it in his heart. His grief
went ſo far, that it was reported at Rome, that
he was gone mad that this report was falfe,
fufficiently appears in his letters; but all the
wit he had he employed to torment himself.
He continually recalled to his mind the faults
which he thought he had committed, and re-
proached himſelf with great feverity for them.
I confess I can fee but one, which was his re-
lying too much on the vague promiſes of Pom-
pey, and of having, in confequence of the con-
fidence he placed in him, refufed the employ-
ment of Lieutenant-General, which Cæfar of-
fered him. But was it for a wife man to
waſte himſelf in unprofitable repinings at what
was paffed?
What
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
141
Ant. C. 58.
What ſeems to me yet lefs excufable, were A. R. 694.
the complaints he made against his friends, His com-
even againſt Atticus himſelf, to whom he plaints a-
wrote. It fo ill becomes a man like Cicero, togainst his
have any of the faults of vulgar minds, that Ifriends.
cannot forgive him for quarrelling, in his mif
fortunes, with every thing about him. Ac-
cording, to his own account, Atticus had not
failed in fidelity, but in activity and zeal; and
for want of interefting himſelf warmly enough
in Cicero's dangers, had not furniſhed him,
from the fund of prudence and knowledge he
was mafter of, with all the refources he was
able. As to Hortenfius and fome others, they Cic. ad Q
were perfidious, and criminally abuſed the con- Fr. 1. 3.
fidence he had placed in them. He attributed
the cauſe of his ruin to them, "It was not,
"faid he (a), my enemies, but thoſe who en-
"vied me, that were my deftruction." And
the foundation of all theſe reproaches was the
advice they gave him to retire from Rome,
rather than fight. It would not be difficult to
juftify Cicero's friends againſt himſelf and by
himſelf.
their con
dur
In the first place, the fenfible affliction of At-4juſtifica-
ticus for the misfortune of his friend, is at
tion of
tefted by the fame letters, wherein Cicero com-du
plains of him and the fervices which he did
him during his exile, with regard to himſelf
and all that belonged to him, his wife, his
brother, his children, are indubitable proofs.
of the intereſt he took in his dangers. Men
do not cherish thofe in difgrace, for whom they
1
(a) Nos non inimici, fed invidi perdiderunt. Cic ad
Att. III. 9.
had
142
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694 had a coolnefs, when they could fupport them-
Ant. C. 58. felves.
II. 1, &c.
As to what regards Hortenfius, Cicero had
for a long time accuſed him as being envious
Cic. ad of him. It is principally Hortenfius he means,
Att. 20. when he reprefents as jealous of his glory thoſe
lovers of their fifh-ponds and their carp, of
whom he makes a jeft in more than one place
of his letters to Atticus. It is certain that the
ſticklers for the ariftocracy, fuch as was Hor-
tenfius, had no reaſon to be well fatisfied with
Cicero. They had always oppofed Pompey,
looking upon the many commands that were
heaped upon him againſt all rule, as what
might lead him to defpotic power. Cicero,
on the contrary, before he was Conful, had
made his court to Pompey, and fince his Con-
fulfhip, was in a ftrict alliance with him. Ne-
vertheleſs, the rigid Republicans, reunited
themſelves about Cicero, when they faw him
attacked. Hortenfius in particular, charged
himſelf, as we have faid, with a deputation in
his favour to the Confuls; and in acquitting
himſelf of that office, thought he ſhould have
loft his life. This affuredly was not the beha-
viour of a perfidious man, and a traitor. If
he adviſed him to retire, Cato, according to
Plutarch, had done the fame; and Cicero de-
clares to Atticus, that he had no room to com-
plain of Cato. To what then are to be attri-
buted his reproaches, fo bitter and ſo often re-
peated, againſt Hortenfius, but to a chagreen
that got the better of him, and an ill humour
fharpened by his misfortunes? Let us deplore
the weakneſs of human nature, and by the
example of fo great a genius, fo well culti-
vated, and nevertheleſs ſo much caſt down by
Cic. ad
Att. III.
15.
difgrace;
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
143
difgrace; let us conceive that we ought not to
depend upon our conftancy, at leaft till it is
put to the trial.
A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
It was not the fault of Atticus, if his friend
fhewed no more courage. He had frequently,
though with mildnefs, given him advice upon
this article; but he was not liftened to, and
Cicero juftified the excefs of his grief by the
exceſs of his misfortune. When he was re-
eftabliſhed in Rome, and his enemies reproach-
ed him with this foftness of foul, he gave it
another turn, and pretended to make a virtue
of it. "I was fenfible, (a) faid he, of a Cicero's
lively and cruel affliction; I confefs it, and apology for
the excess
"do not go about to make a parade of a pre- of his grief.
tended wiſdom, which thofe required of me pro Do-
"who found me dejected and difcouraged by mo. 97.
my difgrace. Could I, in feeing myſelf
r
:
66
(a) Accepi magnum atque
incredibilem dolorem: non
nego, neque iftam mihi ad-
fcifco fapientiam, quam non-
nulli in me requirebant, qui
me animo nimis fracto effe
atque afflicto loquebantur.
An ego poteram, quum à
tot rerum tantâ varietate di-
vellerer, quas idcirco præte-
reo quòd ne nunc quidem
fine fetu commemorare pof-
fum, inficiare me effe ho-
minem, & communem na-
turæ fenfum repudiare? Tum
verò neque illud meum fac-
tum laudabile, nec benefici-
❝ torn
que animi duritiam, ficut
corporis, quod quum uritur
non fentit, ftuporem potius
quàm virtutem putarem.
Sufcipere tantos animi do-
lores, atque ea quæ captâ
urbe accidunt victis, ftante
urbe unum perpeti, & jam
fe videre diftrahi à complexu
fuorum, difturbari tecta, di-
ripi fortunas patriæ: denique
causâ patriam ipfam amittere,
fpoliari populi Romani be-
neficiis ampliffimis, præci-
pitari ex altiffimo dignitatis.
gradu, videre prætextatos
inimicos, nondum
nondum morte
um ullum à me in Rempub-comploratâ, arbitria petentes.
licam profectum dicerem,
fi quidem ea Reipublicæ
causâ reliquiffem quibus æ
quo animo carerem: eam-
funeris, hæc omnia fubire
confervandorum civium cau-
sâ, atque ita ut dolentur ab-
fis, non tam fapiens quàm ii
qui
144
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694."
Ant. C. 58.
re
torn from fo many objects fo dear to me;
which I fhall not here enumerate, becauſe I
"cannot to this day think of them without
"fhedding tears, could I renounce my huma-
"nity, and throw off the refentments of na-
"ture? In this cafe I ſhould not have deferv-
"ed any praiſe for the part I took in retir
"ing; nor could I expect that the Common-
wealth fhould think itſelf beholden to me
for a benefit, if I had quitted for her only
"thoſe things which I could diveft myſelf of
"with eafe. Such a hardneſs of foul, like
"that of a body that cannot feel when it is
"burnt, would be infenfibility, and not vir-
"tue. To expoſe one ſelf to the moſt pierc
❝ing forrow, and fuffer alone, while the city
"enjoyed a flouriſhing condition, the ills which
"the vanquished endure from the enemy when
"a town is taken; to fee one's felf feparated
"from every object of one's love; to fee one's
"Houſe deſtroyed, one's goods plundered;
" and one felf drove from one's country even
"for the good of that country; to be defpoil-
"ed of all the moſt valuable privileges and
"advantages of the Roman People; and pre-
ઠંડ
sc
cipitated from the highest degree of fortune
"and fplendor; to behold greedy enemies be-
«fore the funeral of him they perfecute pay-
ત ing themſelves the charges of it; to fuffer
qui nihil curant, fed tam a-
mans tuorum ac tui, quàm
communis humanitas poftu-
lat: ea laus præclara atque
divina. Nam qui ea quæ
nunquam cara & jucunda
effe duxit animo æquo Rei-
publicæ causâ deſerit, nullam
benevolentiam infignem in
Rempublicam declarat. Qui
autem ea relinquit, Reipub-
licæ causâ, à quibus cum
fummo dolore divellitur, ei
patria cara eft, cujus falutem
caritati ante ponit fuorum.
Cic pro Domo, 97, 98.
" all
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
145
Ant. C. 58.
"all theſe evils for the prefervation of one's A. R. 694
"fellow citizens, and that with feeling, with
<<
grief, and not in pluming one's felf with fo
"much wiſdom, that nothing affects; but by
66
retaining all that love for one's felf, and
"one's own which nature infpires: this is
"what I call an admirable and divine glory.
"For him who renounces without pain, in
"confideration of the Commonwealth, what
"was never dear to him, what does he do for
"the Commonwealth? What does he facri-
"fice to it? But he who, for the fervice of
"his country, abandons thofe things from
" which he cannot tear himſelf without ex-
"treme pain, he is an excellent citizen, to
"whom his country is really dear, fince he
"prefers the fafety of it to all things that are
"the moſt dear to him in the world." This
apology is well turned, and would be without
reply, if between a favage infenfibility and an
effeminate ſoftneſs there was not a medium, I
mean that greatnefs of foul, which does not
ftifle ſenſe of pain, but which moderates and
triumphs over it.
•
tarch on
It is impoffible not to agree with Plutarch, The reflec-
that from a genius adorned with fo much fine tion of Plu
knowledge, one has a right to expect more Cicero's
conftancy in adverfity; and fo much the more weakneſs.
as Cicero piqued himſelf upon his philoſophy,
and would have his friends not call him orator,
but philofopher, pretending that he had em-
braced philofophy as his object by choice, and
had made uſe of eloquence only as a neceffary
inftrument to every one who would enter into
the adminiſtration of public affairs.
"But (a)
VOL. XII.
L
❝ adds
(α) Αλλ' ἡ δόξω δεινὴ τὸν λόγον ὥσπερ βαφής απολύσαι
TYS
146
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
Cato and
Cæfar de-
part : one
Gaul.
66
adds this wife hiftorian, the torrent of opi-
nion has a terrible force in effacing from the
"mind the tincture of all that ſtudy and learn-
❝ing have introduced into it, and communi-
❝cate the vices of the multitude to thoſe who
"undertake to govern them, by the commerce
"they are obliged to have with them. A
"man in a public capacity can never refift this
"powerful feduction, at leaft if he does not
"always keep himſelf upon his guard, and if
"he has not an extraordinary care not to enter
"into any fociety with the vulgar, but on
"buſineſs only, and without any regard to the
"paffions that gave rife to that bufinefs."
Much about the fame time, that Cicero was
obliged to baniſh himſelf from Rome, Cato de-
parted for the iſland of Cyprus; whither Clo-
for the
iland of dius fent him: and Cæfar having thus drove
Cyprus the from the Commonwealth the two men he moſt
other for feared, had no longer any reaſon to keep him-
felf in the neighbourhood of the city: But
had reaſon to remove out of it. For the Par-
tifans of the Ariftocracy, beginning to recover
from the confternation they had been thrown
into by the Confülfhip of Cæfar, and the vio-
lence exerciſed upon Cicero, thought of acting
againſt the oppreffor of public liberty. Two
Prætors, L. Domitius, and C. Memmius would
have the acts of Cæfar's Confulfhip fubmitted
to an enquiry of the Senate, with a defign to
Sueton. have them broken. His Quæftor was brought
Cæf, c.23. to his examination. And he himſelf ſeeing
he was attacked by the Tribune L. Antiftius,
τῆς ψυχῆς, καὶ τὰ τῶν πολ-
λῶν, ἀνομόρξασθαι πάθη δε,
ομιλίαν καὶ συνηθέτουν τους που
λιτευομένοις, ἄν μή τις ἐν μαλα
φυλαγόμενος έτω συμφέρηται
τοῖς πράγμασι παθῶν συμ
pir. Plut. Cic.
implored
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
147
Ant. C. 58-
implored the fuccour of the other Tribunes, to A. R. 694.
enjoy the benefit of that law, which fcreens
thoſe from all profecution who are abfent for
the fervice of the ftate, and haftened therefore
his departure.
After he was gone away, Vatinius, who had Cic. in
fo well ferved him the preceding year, was alfo Vatin
accuſed at the Tribunal of the Prætor Mem-
mius. Vatinius was actually inveſted with the
employment of Lieutenant-General under Cæ-
far, and of conſequence had a title to be dif-
penced with from anſwering to the accufation.
But he was willing to act the part of an honeft
man, which very little became him: and, as
if he entirely relied on his innocence, he re-
turned from the province, where he was al-
ready got, and made a fhew of putting him-
ſelf upon his trial. It is very likely he thought
the credit of Cæfar would bring him off with-
out any danger; but when he found he had
deceived himſelf, and. the affair was carrying
on, he began to be afraid, and implored the
protection of the Tribunes, and that of Clo-
dius by name, to excufe his prefenting him-
felf before the Judges. The thing was with-
out example, and how exorbitant foever the
power of the Tribunes was, they had always
refpected the order of juftice. As therefore
the Prætor went on in his way, Clodius and
Vatinius had recourfe to violence, which was
their ordinary refource. Followed by a body
of armed men, they came to attack the Præ-
tor upon his Tribunal, putting him to flight,
breaking the benches of the Judges, and
throwing down the urns which were to receive
the ballots whereon the Suffrages were written.
The accufers had a great deal of difficulty to
£ 2
fave
148
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. fave their lives. Thus, Vatinius accuſed, even
Ant. C. 58, in a court of judicature, committed all the
Suet. ubi
fupra.
mans to
crimes to puniſh which fuch courts had been
eftabliſhed. What madneſs! How could Rome
fubfift by overthrowing all laws, and all that
policy, which is the foundation of human fo-
ciety? Ought we to be furprized that the Re-
publican government was at laſt deſtroyed? Or
ought we not rather to be furprized, that it
was able to maintain itſelf for fome years
longer?
;
All theſe accufations did not leave Cæfar
without fome uneafinefs, and were a warning
to him always to procure to himſelf the friend-
ſhip and ſupport of the Magiſtrates who were
employed every year. It was one of the great-
eſt cares all the time he ſpent in his Province
and he fpared neither pains, nor money, of
which, with this view, he was moſt incredibly
profufe. I remit to the following book his
firft exploits in the Gauls: and am going to
give here an account of the commiffion given
by Clodius to Cato.
Ptolomy reigned in the iſland of Cyprus,
who had often had the portion of a younger
fon of the houſe of the Lagides. He was bro-
ther to Ptolomy Auletes, who reigned in
Ægypt, and both were baſtard fons of Ptolomy
The claims Lathyres. I have ſpoke elſewhere of a tefta-
pretended ment of Ptolomy Alexander, the laſt legitimate
by the Ro- Prince of the houſe of the Lagides, which
Egypt and made the Roman People heir to all his rights;
the island and I have faid, that Cæfar, after his Ædilefhip,
of Cyprus. would have made the beſt of the Teftament
Vaillant.
Hift. Pro- true or falfe, but that he was prevented by
moſt of the better fort, and by the moft mode-
rate of the Senate. The condition of the two
Ptolomys
PATRO
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
149
1
Ant. C. 5&
Ptolomys was therefore very uncertain, as well A. R. 694°
on account of their birth as of the pretenfions
that the People of Rome had to the Kingdoms
they poffeffed. It was for this reafon that Au-
letes bought the protection of Pompey and Cæ-
far fo dear, that by their credit he might be ac-
knowledged for King of Ægypt by the Senate
and people of Rome, which he fucceeded in
under the Confulfhip of Cæfar. His brother,
who, among other vices, was fordidly covetous,
would not be at the like expence, and found
himſelf but ill off. Clodius in his Tribunefhip
cauſed the teftament of Alexander and the pre-
tenfions of the Roman People to be revived,
at leaſt to the iſland of Cyprus, and propofed
a law to ſtrip Ptolomy of it, and to reduce it
to a Roman Province.
684 Ap-
A motive of revenge animated him againft Clodius of
this unhappy King. Clodius, feveral years after fended by,
he had quitted the army of Lucullus, having King of
rifen againſt his General, and retired into Ci-Cyprus.
licia to Q. Marcius Rex, who made him admi- Strabo L.
ral of his fleet, was taken by the Pyrates. As XIV. P.
he was without money he addreffed himſelf to pian Ci-
Ptolomy King of Cyprus, to get wherewithal vil. L. II.
to pay his ranfom. This covetous Prince, top. 441-
whom fuch an expence was very diſpleaſing, XXXV.
ſent but two talents. The Pyrates would not
receive fo pitiful a fum, and chofe rather to
give their prifoner his liberty for nothing, as
they dared not detain him, through the fear
they had of Pompey, who then commanded
at fea. Clodius, a long time after, coming to
be Tribune, remembered this injury, and to
revenge it, was refolved to dethrone Ptolomy.
I have told for what reaſons he caft his eyes
on Cato for this odious employment. The firſt
L 3
day
Dio. L.
150
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 58.
A. R. 694 day he had it in charge, he fent for him, and
The law told him, that knowing him to have more in-
of Clodius tegrity than any other Roman, he was defirous
to reduce to give him an effectual proof of his eſteem,
this ifland
to a Roman and confidence in him. That feveral of the
Province. moft illuſtrious citizens had put in for the com-
Plut. Cat. miffion to reduce the island of Cyprus, the
King of which poffeffed very great treaſures;
but that Cato alone was worthy of an employ-
ment, which required the moſt perfect difinter-
eftedneſs; and that he was therefore preferred
to all others. Cato cried out, that fuch a pre-
ference was not a benefit, but a fnare, and an
affront. Clodius, then affuming an air of in-
folence and diſdain, ſaid, Well, if you are not
willing to go with a good grace, you must be
forced to it, whether you will or no. And in
fact he propofed, and got a law to paſs, for
fending Cato, with the authority of Prætor in-
to the iſland of Cyprus to dethrone King Pto-
lomy, and, as if this commiffion was not bur-
thenfom enough of itſelf, he added to it, that
of re-eſtabliſhing the exiles of Byzantium. His
ſcheme was to give Cato employment for a long
time out of Rome, that he might not find him
in his way, during the whole year of his Tri-
buneſhip. He boaſted alſo, that by this (a) he
had tore out the tongue of Cato, that was al-
ways fpeaking with fuch force againſt the com-
mands given to private perfons. The freedom
of fuch language was to be no longer allowed
him, according to Clodius, fince he was now in
the fame cafe.
(a) Linguam fe evelliffe libera fuiffet. Cic. pro Sext.
M. Catoni, quæ femper con-
n. 60.
tra extraordinarias poteftates
:
1
It
ན
}
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 58.
151
It is true that the command given to Cato A. R. 694.
was not in the common courfe, but it could
not affuredly feem dangerous to the Common-
wealth for Cato received his commiffion quite
naked, without any forces to put it in execu-
tion; there was not given him one ſhip, nor
one foldier, but only a Quæftor with two Se-
cretaries, one of them a noted extortioner, and
the other a client of Clodius.
has not the
courage to
fea.
4.
There was indeed no need of a fleet or army. The King
As foon as the unfortunate King of Cyprus of Cyprus
heard the news of the decree that paffed a-
gainſt him at Rome, he thought it impoffible throw his
for him to refift the Roman power, he defpair-treasures
ed of his affairs, and thought not of fighting, into the
but of dying. Only he thought at firft to re- Val. Max.
re-Val.
venge himſelf of the robbers that were com- IX.
ing to defpoil him, by diſappointing them of
their prey. To this end he loaded all his
riches on board feveral veffels, and put out to
fea, with a defign to fink his little fleet to the
bottom, and to drown himſelf with all he
poffeffed. But mean flave (a) to his gold, he
had not the courage to lofe it, even when he
condemned himſelf to death: but, as if he had
taken care to preſerve it for the Romans, he
ordered it to be carried back to his palace.
Before he had executed the refolution he
had taken of dying, Canidius a friend of Cato's
arrived; and propoſed from him to Ptolomy,
to yield to his bad fortune, and to accept, as
an indemnification for what was to be taken
(a) Non fuftinuit mergere
aurum & argentum, fed fu-
turum fuæ necis præmium
domum revexit. Procul du-
bio hic non poffedit divitias,
fed à divitüs poffeffus eft;
titulo Rex infulæ, animo pe-
cuniæ miferabile mancipium.
L 4
from
152
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
1
A. R. 694. from him, the title and revenues of Prieft of
Ant. C. 58, the temple of Venus at Paphos. Ptolomy was
He puts an
Tend to his fully determined not to ftruggle, with forces
life by poi- far unequal, againſt a power that had abforbed
Jon.
Plut. Cat. all the Kingdoms of the Univerfe: but he
would not refolve to degrade himſelf, and reft
fatisfied with a condition inferior to that he had
already enjoyed; and chofe rather to make a-
way with himſelf by poiſon.
The great
of this
King.
Cato had ſtopt at Rhodes, waiting the fuc-
exactness cefs of the negotiation of Canidius. As foon
of Caton
as he heard of the death of Ptolomy, he fent
gathering
together Brutus, his Nephew away with all expedition,
the riches to be as it were, a fupervifor over Canidius,
and to prevent the embezzling the King of Cy-
prus's treaſures; for the rigid Cato diſtruſted
almoſt all the world, and even his friends.
For himſelf, he went to Byzantium, where it
was not difficult, with the power wherewith he
was armed, and with the authority his virtue
gave him, to re-eſtabliſh peace and concord,
by bringing back thofe into their country, who
had been driven out of it by an oppofite fac-
Diot L.
xxxix,
Plut.
tion.
He came at length into the iſland of Cyprus,
the People of which received him with joy,
becauſe they hated their King, and hoped to
be treated with more mildness by the Romans.
He therefore found no difficulties with refpect
to the political difpofitions that he was to
make in this new Province of the Empire.
His only employment was to prepare the in-
ventory of the King's treaſures, and to fell the
moveables and jewels of the palace. It is fu-
perfluous, and almoft injurious to Cato, to ob-
ſerve, that in the management of this affair he
fhewed the moſt perfect integrity. But he
rather
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
153
rather ftrained this virtue too high, as he did A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
moſt others, and piqued himſelf upon a moft
rigorous exactness. He raiſed every thing he
fold to the higheſt price, and was prefent at all
himſelf, fufpecting every one about him, door-
keepers, clerks, purchaſers, friends: he ſpoke
himſelf to thoſe who came to buy, endeavour-
ing, if the expreffion may be allowed, to draw
in cuſtomers for his goods. This ſtiffneſs
which would have been indecent in a private
perfon, acting, for his own intereft, was it
commendable in a matter relating to the pub-
lic revenue? For my part, I cannot perfuade
myſelf that it was fo. Fidelity and exactneſs
are neceffary, but without prejudice to huma-
nity and moderation. By this conduct Cato
diſobliged ſeveral of thoſe who had been al-
ways attached to him, and in particular the
oldeſt and beſt of his friends, Munatius, who
continued at variance with him for a long time.
And this was one of the reproaches upon which
Cæfar dwells the longeſt in his Anticatones. The
diligence of Cato anfwered the end. The fpoils
of the King of Cyprus, by his care amounted
to near ſeven thouſand talents, or one million
and fifty thousand pounds fterling. Of all this
rich prey Cato referved to himſelf only a ftatue Plin.
of Zeno, the chief and author of the Stoic fect, xxxiv. 8.
and what made this ftatue valuable to him, was vii. 30,
neither the richneſs of the matter it was form-
ed of, nor the beauty of the workmanſhip, but
for the glory only of the philofophy.
took in
He took the greateſt precaution in tranfport- The pre-
ing theſe riches, he diftributed the money in fe- cautions be
veral vaſes, which each contained two talents, transport-
and five hundred drachma's, or three hundred ing them,
and twelve pounds ten fhillings fterling. At
the
354 CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
loſt.
Plut.
A. R. 694. the neck of each of theſe vaſes was tied a long
Ant. C. 58.
cord, at the end of which was a cork, fo that if
there happened a fhipwreck, the corks by
floating on the furface of the water might fhew
the places where the vafes might be funk.
The voyage was very happy, with refpect to
the money, of which there was but a very
His books fmall matter loft. It was not fo with the books
of accompts of accompts, which Cato had prepared in the
fineſt order with infinite pains. He had even
ordered two copies to be made, which he put
on board two different veffels for the greater
fecurity: yet, fpight of all this care, they
were both loft in the paffage. This was a real
mortification to Cato's vanity: for he was not
under any apprehenfion, that his integrity was
ſuſpected, and the lefs as he brought with him
the fuperintendants, and other people of bufi-
nefs belonging to the King of Cyprus, who had
feen all that was done: But he had been in
hopes that his accompts would have been kept
in the archives of the Commonwealth, to ferve
for a model to all thoſe who might be employ-
ed in an adminiftration of the like kind, and
he was very forry to be deprived of this ho-
His return
nour.
He did not return to Rome, till after a year
to Rome. had paffed away, under the Confulfhip of Len-
tulus Spinther and Metellus Nepos. When he
was near the city, all the Senate, having the
Confuls and Prætors at their head, and a great
number of the People, went out to meet him.
Cato fhewed no regard to fo great a mark of
honour, which much fhocked fome people. He
did not come on fhore, nor order any of his
veffels to ſtop; but employed himſelf wholly
on the truft with which he was charged, he
glided
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
155
Ant. C. 58.
glided along by the banks which were croud- A. R. 694.
ed with ſpectators, and fet not his foot on dry Vel!. II.
land but at the naval arfenal, where the fhips 45. Plut.
of the King of Cyprus were to be put up, and
among others a galley of fix ranks of oars, on
which Cato himſelf went on board. From
thence he had carried in pomp before, croſs
the public Forum, the treaſures which he had
gathered together and preferved with fo much
care; and this was a kind of triumph which
drew to him the applaufes of all the People.
The Senate alfo propofed to honour his vir-
tue, and decreed him the Prætorſhip for the fol-
lowing year, with the right of affifting at the
public games in the Toga prætexta. Cato re-
fuſed theſe rewards, and would have no dif
tinctions contrary to the common laws and
rights of citizens. He required only, and ob-
tained it, that they would infranchiſe one of
the King of Cyprus's fuperintendants, of
whofe fervices and fidelity he was particularly
well fatisfied.
with him
In the midſt of the general admiration and Clodius
eſteem, Clodius alone took occafion to cavil cavils
with Cato for the lofs of his books of accompts. to no pur-
He was ſupported in this by Cæfar, who, from pofe.
Gaul, where he then made war, wrote to Clo-Dio.
dius to engage him to harrafs and fatigue Cato.
This was without any fuccefs, as alfo the re-
port they had fpread was without any probabi-
lity, that Cato had defired to be declared Præ-
tor out of his rank for the year following;
that it was at his requeft, that the Confuls had
propoſed it in the Senate; and that he had not
given it up, but becauſe he faw the affair was
not likely to fucceed. The known character
of Cato fufficiently refuted the fufpicions. He
had
156
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. had another diſpute with Clodius, on account
Ant. C. 58. of the flaves of the King of Cyprus brought by
him to Rome, and who were become the flaves
of the Commonwealth. Clodius would have
given them his name, becauſe it was by virtue
of a law carried by him, that Ptolomy had
been ſtript of his Kingdom. The friends of
Cato maintained, on the contrary, that the
honour of nanring them belonged to him, who
had tranſmitted them into the poffeffion of the
Roman People, by dethroning their mafter,
and reducing his Kingdom into a Province.
They would therefore have had them all called
Porcius, which was the family name of Cato:
but they ended the difpute by calling them
Cyprians.
The Edile-
Ship of
Scaurus.
I return now to the Confulfhip of Pifo and
Gabinius, during which Scaurus was Edile,
The incre- who was at fo prodigious an expence, that
dible pomp Pliny (a) does not fcruple to fay, that this ex-
of the
ample was one of the principal cauſes of the
corruption of the manners of the age, of which
we are ſpeaking.
games be
gave the
People.
Plin-
?
Scaurus was extremely rich.
His father,
xxxvi. 19. the famous Scaurus, Prince of the Senate, un-
der the appearance of rigid probity, neglected
nothing, if we may believe Pliny, to enrich
himſelf, however odious the means might be ;
and his mother Metella, having married Sylla
after the death of old Scaurus, knew how to
make her advantage of the time of the pro-
ſcription, and had feized on the fpoils of a
great number of unhappy citizens. The goods
fo ill acquired were madly diffipated by him
(a) Cujus (fcauri) nefcio an Edilitas maximé proftrave-
rit mores civiles.
who
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
1 57.
Ant. C. $8.
who became the heir to them. It is impoffible A. R. 694.
not to be ſtrongly furprized at the enormous.
expence that Scaurus was at in his Ædileſhip,
for a theatre, the uſe of which was to laft but
for a month, and furpaffed, in magnificence,
thofe edifices which were built for eternity.
The ſcene was a large front of building of
three ſtories, of which the firſt was of marble;
the fecond, a thing incredible and fingular,
was of glaſs; the third was of wood gilt. This
front was adorned with three hundred and fixty
columns of the fineft marble. Thofe at bottom
were (a) thirty-eight feet high. In the inter-
vals between the columns were placed three
thouſand bronzed ftatues, and an infinite num-
ber of pictures, among others all thofe of
Sicyon, a city of the Peloponnefus, which had
been the moſt famous fchool of painting, and
which, being at that time extremely in debt,
faw all her pictures feized by her creditors.
Scaurus bought them, and tranſported them to
his theatre. The part of the edifice deſigned
for the fpectators was big enough to hold fore-
ſcore thouſand fouls, that is to fay, double
what the theatre of Pompey contained, which
was built to remain fome years after. In fhort,
as to what belonged to the tapestry, and or-
naments of all kinds, either for the decoration
of the theatre, or the dreſſes of the actors, the
quantity and richneſs of them was fo prodigi-
ous, that what was fuperfluous, being carried
* I have tranſlated Pliny
litterally. Notwithstanding
there appears here fomewhat
difficult to be understood. The
diftinction of the columns be-
low and above fuppofes that
the ftories of glass and of
gilt wood were garnished
with columns of marble: and
this does fcarce feem conform-
able to the rules of architec-
ture.
by
158
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. by order of Scaurus to his country houſe at
Ant. C. 58. Tufculum, and this houſe being burnt fome
time after, the lofs was computed at an hun-
dred millions of fefterces, or fix hundred and
twenty-five thousand pounds fterling.
Freinshem
As to the fpectacles, befides tragedies and
CIV. 42, comedies, of which we have no particular de-
43.
tail, Scaurus gave the combats of wreftlers,
hitherto unknown in Rome, and only uſed in
the cities of Greece. He caufed a canal to be
dug which he filled with water, and fhewed to
the People a hippopotamus and five crocodiles,
animals that, till that time, had never been
feen by the Romans. In the games of the Cir-
cus he produced an hundred and fifty panthers :
and expoſed to the view of the curious a skele-
ton of forty feet long, the ribs of which were
higher than thoſe of the Indian elephant, and
which had a back-bone of a foot and a half
broad. It was faid, that this was the ſkeleton
of the fea-monfter which was to have devoured
Andromeda near the town of Joppa * in Paleſ-
tine, and which was flain by Perfeus.
Scaurus, after having been fo profufe in
giving a vain fatisfaction to the People, was
willing to fatisfy himſelf in adorning and de-
corating his own houſe. When his theatre
was demoliſhed, he ordered fome of the fineſt
and higheſt marble columns that I have been
ſpeaking of, to be carried to form a fine perif-
tylum, or colonade in his houſe. Pliny tells
It is there that Pliny,
Strabo, and Pomponius Mela,
place the fcene of this event.
M. L'Abbé Bannier, Mytho-
log. T. III. L. II. c. 5.
p. 117. endeavours to recon-
cile thefe authors with Ovid,
who fuppofes this fact hap-
pened in Ethiopia.
us,
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
159.
Ant. C. 58,
us, that the undertaker who had the care (a) A.R. 694.
of the public fewers, obliged Scaurus to give
him fecurity for the damage that might happen
to the vaults of the Sewers, by carrying fuch
enormous weights over them through the
ſtreets they were to pafs. "How much more.
"neceffary would it have been, fays that ju-
"dicious writer, to have fecured the public
manners from the contagion of fo pernicious
"an example?"
Behold all that Scaurus gained by ſo exceffive
an expence, a little unneceffary ornament to
his houſe. From the reft he reaped no other
fruits, but to ruin himſelf, and to contract
many debts. He became the more rapacious,
that, by his concuffions, he might fill up the
voids he had made by his unreaſonable pomp,
in his fortune.
*
Curio.
To Scaurus, Pliny joins Curio, as an example Games
of a folly of the like kind, and which may be given by
looked upon as belonging to the fame time, plin.
fince it was but a few years after it. Curio xxxvi. 15.
was not near fo rich as Scaurus, and had from
his father but a moderate fortune, which he
diffipated ſo much by his luxury, and debauch-
eries, as to be in debt fixty millions of fefterces,
(three hundred and feventy-five thoufand
pounds fterling) and which Cæfar paid for him,
with defign to bring him over to his party.
Thus he had nothing for his patrimony but, as
(a) Satiſdari fibi damni in-
fecti coëgit redemptor cloa-
carum, quum in Palatium
extraherentur. Non ergo in
tam malo exemplo moribus
cavere utilius fuerat? Plin.
xxxvi.
* It appears by the Second
letter of Calius to Cicero,
that Curio gave the games,
and built a theatre under the
Confulship of Sulpicius and
Marcellus, in the year of
Rome 701,
Pliny
160
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
(
A. R. 694. Pliny (a) elegantly expreffes it, the troubles of
Ant. C. 58 the State, and the difcord of the principal citi-
zens. Not being able therefore, in the fune-
ral games which he thought proper to give in
honour of his father's memory, to equal the
magnificence of Scaurus, he endeavoured to
make it up by the fingularity of the invention.
He caufed two theatres of wood to be built
neighbours to one another, which turned each
on an axis. Theſe theatres, which incloſed
both the ſpectacles and the fpectators, were at
firſt ſet back to back; and dramatic pieces were
given in each at the fame time, performed by
the actors without their being heard or troubled
by one another. In the afternoon of the fame
day, a half turn was given to both theatres,
ftill filled with People, fo that they formed a
circle and an amphitheatre, in the middle of
which were combats of the gladiators. This
ſport was repeated more than once, which ex-
pofed the lives of all the People; and the na-
tion was made enough to admire a diverfion
that might have been their deſtruction.
-
(b) ut qui nihil in cenfu habuerit, præter dif
cordiam principum.
SECT. II.
Mens favourable difpofitions in the caufe of Ci-
cero. Pompey infulted by Clodius, returns to
Cicero. The debate of the Senate, on the first
of June, in favour of Cicero. The oppofition of
the Tribune Ælius. Combats between Clodius
and Gabinius, who fided with Pompey. The
arrival of Cicero's brother at Rome. The ba-
tred of the public fhews itself all manner of
ways
CONTENT S.
161
ways against Clodius. Clodius returns to the
party of the rigid Republicans. Pompey fear-
ing that Clodius might make ſome attempt upon
bis life, fhuts himself up in his houfe. The
Confuls ftill continue in oppofition to Cicero.
The Magiftrates are appointed for the follow-
ing year. New efforts of the Tribunes in fa-
vour of Cicero without effect. Cicero is much
troubled at a decree of the Senate in favour of
the Confuls appointed. Sextius, one of the
appointed Tribunes, goes into Gaul to obtain
Gafar's confent to recall Cicero. Two Tri-
bunes of the new College gained by the faction
of Clodius. Lentulus propofes Cicero's buſineſs
to the Senate. The advice of Cotta. The ad
vice of Pompey, The Tribune Gavianus pre-
vents the conclufion of it. Eight Tribunes pro-
pofe the affair to the People. The violence of
Clodius. A great flaughter. Milo undertakes
to put a stop to the fury of Clodius. His
character. He accufes Clodius. He oppofes
force to force. A total fufpenfion of affairs in
Rome. The best part of the Commonwealth
take the buſineſs upon themselves. Lentulus
the Conful fends circular letters to all the Peo-
ple of Italy. The applauses of the multitude.
Incredible movements in Rome and all through
Italy in favour of Cicero. An affembly of the
Senate in the Capitol, and a Senatufconfultum
for ordering Cicero's being recalled. An affem-
bly of the People, wherein Lentulus and Pom-
pey exhort and animate the citizens. A new
decree of the Senate in favour of Cicero. A
folemn affembly by centuries, wherein the affair
is finally determined. Cicero's abode at Dyrra-
chium for eight months. His departure from
that city. His triumphant entry into Rame...
VOL. XII,
M
His
162
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
เ
pian. Plut.
Cic. pro
Domo,
84, 85.
His-boufes in the city and in country rebuilt at
the expence of the Republic. By Cicero's ad-
vice, the fuper-intendance of corn and provi-
fions through all the Empire is decreed to Pom-
pey. The murmurings of the rigid Republicans
against Cicero. His answer. Pompey reſtores
plenty to Rome. The violences of Clodius a-
gainst Cicero and Milo. Clodius is chofe Edile.
The death of Lucullus. A character of the
eloquence of Callidius.
WE
A. R. 694. E left Cicero in his retreat at Theffalo-
Ant. C. 58.
Mens fa-
nica fwallowed up in grief, although he
vourable had already reafon to conceive fome hopes of
difpofitions better fortune. Baniſhed for the beſt cauſe in
in the cause the world, he carried with him the concern of
of Cicero.
Cicero,
all good men in Rome, and throughout all
ubi fupra. Italy. They did not look upon him as an ex-
Dio. Ap- ile, but preferved to him all the rights of a
citizen, except thofe that the violence of his
enemy had torn from him. L. Cotta, who
had been Cenfor, declared with an oath in the
Senate, that if he had been to prepare the ta-
bles of the Senators in the abfence of Cicero,
he ſhould have put his name there, according
to the rank that was due to him. No Judge
was fubftituted in his place. None of his friends,
in making their wills, failed of giving him the
fame legacies as if he had been prefent. No
one, either citizen or ally of the Empire, let
flip an occaſion to fhew him all forts of reſpect,
and do him all the fervices he had need of;
and Plutarch affirms, that all Greece ftrove to
give him the moſt luculent proofs of their
affection and attachment to him. Laftly, the
Senate, as foon as they had a ray of liberty,
recommended him, as a precious truft, to all
Kings
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
163
+
Ant. C. 58,
Kings and all Nations, and returned folemn A. R. 694.
thanks to all thoſe who had taken care to pre-
ferve fo excellent a citizen to the Common-
wealth.
Thefe fentiments had been for fome time Pompey in-
ſulted by
in the hearts of the Senators, and the greateft Clodius re-
part of the Magiftrates, before they dared let turns to
them appear; and how well inclined foever Cicero.
they were, they could only make ufe of their
fecret and impotent wifhes, till they had the
declaration of Pompey's being with them and
by the incredible raſhneſs and petulance of Clo-
dius, it was not long before they procured this
decifive advantage to the caufe of Cicero, and
gave him à Protector who had not abandoned
him but with fome regret.
·
Cicero went away in the beginning of April,
and in the month of May Clodius began to
infult Pompey. Young Tigranes had been
made prifoner, as I have faid, and lead in tri-
umph by this General, who afterwards gave
him to the keeping of L. Flavius, one of his
friends, and Prætor in the year which we are
fpeaking of. Clodius, bribed by a fum of mo-
ney, undertook to procure Tigranes the means
of making his efcape. Being at fupper with
Flavius at his houfe, he defired that he would
bring the Prince to him. When Clodius faw
him enter the hall, he placed him at the table,
feized on his perfon, and refuſed to reſtère
him, either to Flavius, or Pompey himself,
who ſent to re-demand him. After fome
time he put him on board a fhip, that was to
carry him to Afia: but a ftorm arifing at the
inftant that he put off to fea, he was forced
to come into harbour at Antium, which is but
a fmall diſtance from Rome. The Tribune
M 2
îmme-
164
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls,
A. R. 694 immediately fent Sex. Clodius, a man he could
Ant, C. 58. confide in, to bring the Prince back again to
the City. Flavius, who had notice of what
had happened, went himſelf with an armed
force to retake his prifoner: and a battle was
fought by the two parties in the Appian way.
Several were killed on both fides, but the great-
eft number on that of Flavius, and, among
others, a Roman Knight, named M. Papirius,
who was a friend of Pompey. Flavius was obt
liged to fly for it, and returned almoſt alone to
Rome.
Debates of Pompey was extremely piqued at this infult.
the Senate He was very angry that Clodius fhould turn
on the firft against the force of the Tribunefhip, of which
of June,
in favour he himſelf had re-eftabliſhed the power. His
of Cicero. wrath againſt Clodius awakened in his breaft
The oppof- his friendſhip for Cicero ; and he engaged the
tion of the faithful and zealous Mummius Quadratus to
Tribune
Elus.
Combats
rubo
;
act openly for recalling him, whom this fame
Tribune had endeavoured by all manner of
means to fave from banishment. The Senate
being affembled on the firft of June, Mum-
mius, upon the refufal of the Confuls, put
Cicero's affair in debate. All voices would
have united to order his being recalled; bur
the oppofition of Ælius Ligur, a Tribune and
friend of Clodius, prevented the Senate's
making a decree.
Nevertheless, this event re-animated the cou-
between rage of Cicero's friends, and irritated the fury
Clodius and of Clodius. He knew whom he ought to be
Gabinius,
who put angry with; and there was no method to dif-
himself on pleafe Pompey, that he did not think of, and
the fide of put in practice againſt him. Gabinius, the
Pompey. creature of Pompey, ranged himſelf on the
fide of his patron. From thence combats arofe
י
in
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
165
in the Forum, which oftentimes coft the lives A. R_694
of feveral of the combatants; and in one of Ant. C. 58.
them, the fafces of the Conful Gabinius were
broke to pieces by the multitude attached to
Clodius. "It was a pleaſing (a) ſpectacle to
« the Roman People, fays Cicero, to ſee theſe
two knaves, Gabinius and Clodius, fighting
with one another. They waited the event
"with a perfect impartiality. Whoever of
"them was killed, it would be a gain: but
* the fatisfaction would have been compleat,
"if they had both periſhed together." Clo-
dius puſhed his vengeance fo far, as to em-
ploy religious ceremonies in confecrating the
goods of Gabinius to the goddeſs Ceres; and
Mummius did the fame by the goods of Clo-
dius himſelf. But on both fides they were
only vain menaces without any real effect.
ther at
During theſe debates, Cicero's brother ar- The arri-
rived in Rome, with an equipage fuitable to his val of Ci-
grief, and was received by a great number of cero's bro-
the beſt citizens, who went out to meet him, Rome.
mixing their tears with his. He came to back The hatred
the folicitations and prayers of Cicero's fon-in-of the Re-
law, Pifo Frugi, a young man of great merit, hews itſelf
public
and who fhewed himſelf inviolably attached all manner
to the caufe of his father-in-law; but who could of ways
not reap the fruits of his virtue, dying a little gain
before his return. Terentia, the wife of Ci
cero, alfo performed every part of her duty:
and fo many fupplications united, very much
moved the compaffion of the citizens.
(a) Quo quidam in fpec-
taculo mira populi Romani
æquitas erat. Uter eorum
periffet in ejufmodi pari
lucrum fieri putabat: im
mortalem verò quæftum,
uterque cecidiffet. Cic. in
Pif n. 27.
Clodius.
M 3
On
166
!
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls,
A. R 694. On the contrary, the hatred of the public
Ant. C. 58. thewed itfelf all manner of ways againft Clo-
Clodius
dius. In all the games that were given this
year to the people, he dared never fhew him-
felf, for fear of being houted at, hiffed, or
perhaps fomething worfe. Whoever hat
ferved him againſt Cicero, whatever bufinefs
he had, of what kind foever it might be, was
condemned at all the Tribunals. The Roman
Knights rallied, that they might unite their
forces. The Senators not being able to get the
Confuls to propofe going into debate upon the
affair of Cicero, threw by all others, and
would not liften to any thing, till that which
they looked upon as the principal was de-
termined.
It was impoffible but all thefe movements
returns to muſt make Clodius uneafy. But what appears
the party to me the moft fingular in his conduct, was his
of the rigid pretending to act the part of an honeft mari,
Republi
Faus.
and a ſtickler for the rights of the Senate, and
the Ariftocracy. He knew that the rigid Re-
publicans had at all times oppofed Pompey,
and could not fuffer, but with pain, the au-
thority he affumed in the Commonwealth. As
therefore he found Pompey in his way, he
turned towards that party which was againſt
him. He faid, both in the Senate and before
the People, that the laws of Cæfar had been
carried in contempt of the Aufpices; but did
not remember, as Cicero obferves, that among
thoſe laws was that which made him a Ple-
beian. He produced Bibulus, the Collegue
of Cæfar, upon the Tribunal of Harangues,
and aſked him, if he was not employed in
obferving the figns that appeared in the
heavens, at the time that Cæfar carried his
laws ?
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
་
167
laws? Bibulus confirmed the fact. Clodius af. A. R. 6942
Ant. C. 58:
terwards interrogated the Augurs, and afked
them, if laws carried in fuch circumftances,
were not void to all intents? They anfwered,
that the thing was fo. This wretch, without
religion, as without morals, thus made them
both a pretext to ſerve his interefts.
He was fo little aſhamed of contradicting Pro Do-
himſelf, that he went fo far as to fay, that the mo, n. 40.
Senate would break the acts of Cæfar as con-
trary to the aufpices, and, for himſelf, he
was ready to lend his fhoulders to bear back
Cicero the faviour of the city.
However abfurd this farce was, the defen-
ders of the Ariftocracy fuffered themſelves to
be the dupes of it. They were ſo charmed
with hearing Pompey decried in the popular
affemblies, they no longer confidered Clodius
but as the enemy of him whom they hated,
"Clodius decried Pompey by his invectives!
" fays Cicero, (a) but he more really decried
"that great man, when he heaped on him his
"praiſes."
that Clo-
If we may believe Cicero, Clodius was even Pompey
mad enough to make an attempt upon the life fearing
of the firft citizen of the Commonwealth. Our dius might
orator affures us, in more than one place, that make fome
a flave of Clodius was apprehended, in the attempt
temple of Caftor, with a poinard, which he upon his
confeffed he was armed with to kill Pompey. himſelf up
life, fhuts
This is certain, that Pompey, after this adven- in his
ture, fhut himſelf up in his own houfe, and ap-de
peared no more in public all the rest of the Har.Refp.
(a) Detrahat ille vitupe-
rando! Mihi, medius fidius,
tum de illius ampliffimâ dig-
nitate detrahere, quum max-
>
bouſe.
Cic.
n. 49.
imis laudibus efferebat, vi- Pro Sext.
debatur. Cic. de Har. Refp. n. 64. &
n. 50.
M 4
pro Mil.
II. 18.
year,
1
168
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
3
A. R. 694, year, either in the Senate or elſewhere. But
yer he was not at quiet in his houfe, for a
freedman of Clodius, named Damio, came to
beſiege him there, though to no purpoſe; but
Clodius was infolent enough to threaten, in
harangues to the People, that he would destroy
Pompey's houſe, as he had that of Cicero, and
like himſelf, a) he declared, that he would
build a portico in the quarters of Carinæ,
(which was the part of Rome where Pompey's
houſe was) which fhould anfwer to that he had
built on mount Palatine,
The Con
continye
in oppoſi-
tion to Ci-
}
It was not to be hoped to vanquish this fu-
fulfill rious Tribune, while he was fupported by the
two Confuls: For Pifo continued always faith-
ful to him, and Gabinius, although he was at
open war with Clodius, in what related to
Pompey, was not the more difpofed to allow
the Senators to deliberate on the recalling of
Cicero. The pretext of the Confuls was, (b)
that the law Clodia prevented them. Yes,
sero.
The Ma-
giftrates
are ap
pointed for
the follow-
ing year.
fays Cicero, the law that affigned them the
"government of Provinces, and not that which
every citizen of Rome looked upon as law."
The Prætor L. Domitius was not ſtopt by the
prohibition of this unjust law; but offered to
propoſe himſelf the affair to the Senate, fince
the Confuls refuſed it.
1
At length the Magiftrates were appointed
for the following year. Of the two Confuls
named, one was P. Lentulus Spinther, a de-
(a) Quum in concionibus
diceret, velle fe in Carinis
ædificare alteram porticum,
quæ Palatio refponderet. Cic.
de Har. Refp. n. 49.
(6) Non fe rem impro-
bare dicebant, fed lege iftius
impediri. Erat hoc verum ;
nam impediebantur, verum
ca lege, quam idem ifte de
Macedonia Syriâque tulerat.
Cic. pro Domo, n. 70.
termined
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
169.
、
termined friend of Cicero, the other feemed A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
rather difpofed to hurt than ferve him. This
was Q. Metellus Nepos, a Coufin of Clodius,
and who moreover had had fome very warm
diſputes with Cicero during his Tribuneſhip.
He was nevertheleſs moderate enough to re-
main neuter, and we ſhall fee, by what fol-
lows, that he even became favourable to the
cauſe which every day acquired new defenders.
Cicero
Eight Tribunes, that is to fay, all the col- New ef-
lege, except Clodius and Ælius Ligur, who forts of the
was devoted to him, propoſed, on the 29th of Tribunes in
October, a law for recalling Cicero, and four of
brought the affair into debate in the Senate, without
The Confuls might infift on the law Clodia, effect.
and their prohibiting any one to propoſe, to
debate, or conclude any thing in favour of
Cicero's return: The Senate had no regard to
it, and P. Lentulus, giving his opinion firſt in
quality of Conful elect, fpoke with great force
of argument on the neceffity of restoring as
foon as poffible to the Commonwealth a citi-
zen they could not be without. The wishes of
the Senate and all good men thus appeared on
every occafion; but there was always fomething
to retard the effects of them. And now the
Tribune Ælius a fecond time ftopped the Se-
nate by his oppofition.
decree of
Although Lentulus was very zealous for the Cicero is
re-eſtabliſhment of Cicero, he nevertheleſs, with much trou
his future Collegue, gave him a good deal of bled at a
uneafinefs. Thefe two Confuls appointed were the Senate
defirous to make fure of the governments of in favour
the provinces they expected after their Ma- of the Con-
giftracy; and even, which was never
that from that inftant their provinces
be ornated, fo the Romans expreffed it,
done, fuls ap
fhould Cic ad
pointed.
that is Art. III.
to 24.
179
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694 to fay, the number, and quality of the troops
Ant. C. 58. fhould be affigned, that they were to com-
into Gaul,
mand; their general-officers named: the fums
of money, the ammunition, and all things ne-
ceffary for their governments fettled. The
Senate granted what they required, even with
the conſent of Cicero's friends. For himſelf,
he was very forry for it, for two principal rea-
fons: The firſt was, that the Confuls elect
having no longer any thing to hope or to
fear, were more free and independent; and
that the credit of Cicero's friends being hence-
forth of no farther ufe to them, no motive of
perfonal intereft would attach them to his cauſe.
Moreover, this decree of the Senate in favour
of Lentulus and Metellus Nepos, was a breach
of that law they had made not to deliberate
on any affair, till that of Cicero was deter-
mined. Nothing was more honourable for
him than fuch a refolution, and therefore it is
not furprizing, that he fhould be concerned at
lofing this advantage. However, his difquiets
were vain; and Lentulus, although, he had
no longer any ſelf-intereft in it, did not ferve
him with the lefs fidelity and courage.
3
}
•
The Tribunes elect feemed to be all well-in-
Sextius, a
Tribune clined to Cicero, and eight of them remained
elect, goes attached to his caufe. Among thefe Sextius.
to obtain fignalized his zeal, even before he entered
Cafar's upon his office. The friends of Cicero knew
coufent for they could not fucceed, if Cæfar did not fup-
recalling port them, at leaſt, if he did not ceaſe, to op-
poſe them. Sextius took a journey into Gaul,
Sext.n.70. to determine that General, whofe credit, even
in his abfence, was fo great in Rome, to lay
afide his refentment: But it ſeems that the fo-
licitations of Sextius had but little effect. Cæ-
Cicero.
Cic. pro
far
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
171
Ant, C. 58.
far could not, with any good will, agree to A. R. 694.
the recalling a man, whofe fuperior under-
ſtanding, and whofe attachment to the cauſe
of public liberty, rendered him too much fuf-
pected by him. If he did not oppoſe it in the
end, it was but in confideration of Pompey,
who would have it fo.
As foon as the new Tribunes entered upon Two of the
new college
their charge, and began among themſelves to
of Tribunes
prepare the law for recalling Cicero, the two gained by
who were privately brought over by the faction the faction
of Clodius, declared themſelves, theſe were of Clodius.
Numerius Quintius Gracchus, and Sex. Atilius
Gavianus, men otherwiſe unknown, and whöm
our Orator repreſents as every way deferving
contempt. The other eight perfevered in
their laudable defign: And they had one great
advantage over thofe of the preceding year, in
that they were powerfully fupported by one
of the Confuls, Lentulus Spinther, who, from
the firſt of January, acted agreeably to the
fame generous declarations he had made whilft
only in nomination.
P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER.
Q. CECILIUS METELLUS NEPOS.
•
A. R. 695.
Ant. C. 57.
Cicero to
The firft affembly of the Senate, in which Lentulus
the new Confuls prefided, was very numerous. propofes the
All the People were in great attention, as affair of
well as the Deputies of all the cities of Italy, the Senate.
who were come thither to bring their addreffes
to the Capital. Lentulus propofed the affair of
Cicero, and ſpoke with that dignity and cou-
rage that perfectly well became his place; and
his Collegue promifed, that, in deference to
the Senate, and with a view to the public
good,
172
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A.K. 695. good, he would reconcile himſelf to a citizen,
Ant. C. 57. fo univerſally eſteemed and defired,
The advice It was afterwards put to the vote. L. Cotta,
Cutta, an old Conful and an old Cenfor, gave his opi-
nion the firft, and in a manner that was fin-
gular; but as difgraceful to Clodius, as it
was honourable to Cicero. He maintained,
that nothing that had been done againſt
Cicero, was juridical or according to rule;
that the law of Clodius against him was no
law but a violation of all laws; that of confe-
quence his retreat ought not to be looked upon
but as the effect of violence on one part, and
on the other as the great love of his country,
which made Cicero chufe rather to facrifice
himſelf, than be the occafion of ſlaughter and
the effufion of the blood of citizens. He con-
cluded that fince he had not been banished by
any law, he had no need to be recalled by a
law, and that the defire of the Senate was fuf-
ficient.
The ad-
This manner of reafoning was the moſt flat-
ceoftering to the caufe of Cicero, but it was not
Pompey the fafeft for his perfon. Pompey, who spoke
next, agreed to the juftnefs of Cotta's reflec-
tions, but faid, that, nevertheless, to put Ci
cero out of danger of popular commotions, he
thought it proper that the Suffrages of the Peo-
ple fhould be joined to the authority of the
Senate, and that the Confuls fhould propofe a
law to-annul that of Clodius, and order the re-
The Tri- eftablishment of Cicero. This advice was ap-
June Ga- proved not by the majority only, but unani-
the mouly, when the Tribune Atilius Gavianus,
onclufion without oppofing it in form, demanded that
the conclufion of the buſineſs might be deferred
till another day: This could not be refuſed
him, and fo the affair was dropt.
a anus pre-
(
il.
The
CORNELIUS, CECILfus, Confuls.
173
ARTI.
Eivlar si
frer":
Propi
A great
The eight Tribunes took it up again: and A.
Q. Fabricius at their head prepared, on the E
23d of January, to hold an Affembly, to deli-b
berate on the law which he had propoſed ſome
days before. Clodius did not waste time in
infor
making an oppofition, or cavil about formali-
ties. His brother Appius, who was Prætorer of
this year, had the gladiators, who were to give C&
Centers
a fpectacle to the People. Clodius joining a
pag
pack of ruffians to them taken out of dun-
geons, let them looſe upon the friends of Ci-
cero. Cifpius, one of the Tribunes, was
wounded. Q. Cicero faved his life only by
hiding himſelf till he could find a way to make
his eſcape by flight. The flaughter was fo
great, that the Tiber, and the Common-
fewers were almoft choaked up by the great
number of dead bodies thrown into them, and
the public Forum drowned in a river of blood.
4
The rage of Clodius did not ftop here; and
in a quarrel that happened, without our know-
ing diftinctly the caufe of it, between the
Tribune Sextius and the Conful Metellus Ne-
pos, although this Tribune did nothing but
according to the duty of his office, he found
himſelf, on a fudden, attacked, and brought
down to the ground, where he was left for
dead, having about twenty wounds upon him.
A Tribune, whofe perfon was facred, aflat
nated in the exercife of his office, was an ab
tempt that ſeemed very atrocious; therefore
Clodius feared the confequences of it: but it
is hardly to be imagined what an expedient he
thought of to deceive the People. He refolv
ed to caufe Numerius Quintius to be killed.
who was a Tribune of his own faction, fo that
his death might be imputed to the friends t
Ciceros
174
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
•
A. R. 695. Cicero, and that the hatred occafioned by the
Ant. C. 57. death of a Tribune might be divided between
him and his adverfaries. Happily for Quin-
tias, his Collegue Sextius did not find himſelf
mortally wounded: but the firſt was in danger,
as long as the life of the ſecond was uncertain.
Milo un-
to the fury
racter.
Afcon.
Ped. in
Mil.
Againſt ſuch violences there was no refource
but in force. Sextius to fecure his life, was
obliged to raiſe men, and place a guard about
his perfon. Milo, one of his Collegues; and
him of all the Tribunes, who, with the great-
eft generofity and perfeverance, fupported the
caufe of Cicero, being, of confequence, ex-
poſed to the fame dangers with Sextius, took
alfo the fame precaution.
•
Milo was a man whofe courage carried him
dertakes to even to daring, and by that he was more capa-
put a stop ble than any one to reprefs the furious teme-
of Clodius. rity of Clodius: therefore from the time that
His cha- he first entered the lifts with him, during his
Tribuneſhip, their combats continued, without
peace or truce, till they were determined by
the death of one, and the banishment of the
other. The birth of Milo feems to have been
illuftrious;
illuftrious; but among thofe families, which
without being antiently Romans, held, never-
theleſs a diftinguiſhed rank in Italy. He was
of Lanuvium, and fon of one Papius, a name
famous in the focial war. For himſelf, he was
adopted by his maternal grand-father, and, in
confequence thereof, took the name of Annius.
He muſt have been upon a very confiderable
footing at Rome, fince he made a very brillant
alliance there a few years after, having married
Faufta daughter of the Dictator Sylla: but
Cic. ad
more than all other recommendation, his per-
Att. iv. fonal merit put him in a condition to pretend
13.
10
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
175
1
Ant. C. 57-
to every thing. He propofed to raiſe him- A. R. 695.
felf by the ways of honour; and the caufe
of Cicero feemed to him a fair occafion to
draw to himſelf the eſteem and affection of
all good men. He fignalized his virtue in a
very glorious manner, animated the more, if
we may believe Appian, by Pompey, who
fhewed him a profpect of the Confülfhip for his
reward.
As he ſaw that the horrible exceffes to which He accafes
Clodius gave himſelf up every day, tended to Clodius,
nothing but to take away all hopes of re-efta-
bliſhing Cicero, and entirely to difcourage the
good citizens, and to make the licentioufnefs.
of a mad man prevail in the city, he refolved
to attack him, by the laws, who pretended to
impofe every thing by force, he accufed him in
form, as guilty of violences in contempt of the
public tranquility. This bold ftep difconcerted
Clodius, who, having Milo for his accufer,
could not hope to corrupt his Judges a fecond
time. All his hopes was to elude judgment,
and for this he found a fupport on the fide of
the Magiſtrates. The Conful Metellus his
coufin, the Prætor A Claudius his brother, a
Tribune of the People his creature, caufed or-
ders to be fet up, which was without example
in Rome, to ftop the courfe of juftice. Thefe
Magiſtrates forbad the accufed to appear, that
he fhould be cited, or informations made a-
gainst him.
The protection (a) of the laws and of judg. He oppoſes
(a) Quid ageret vir ad
virtutem, dignitatem, glo-
riam, natus, vi fceleratorum
ment
hominum corrobaratâ, legi-
bus judiciifque fublatis? Cer-
vice. Tribunus plebis priva-
[W,
force to
force.
F
176
CORNELIUS, CAECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695. ment being thus refuſed Milo, he was either to
Ant. C. 57 abandon fo fair a caufe as that he had under-
taken, or by expofing himſelf without defence
to the fury of an armed adverfary, become the
victim of it. He thought it would be fhame-
ful for him, either meanly to defift, or to fuf-
fer himſelf to be overcome; therefore he took
the method of hiring the gladiators, and en-
compaffing himſelf about with armed men who
might refift thofe by which his enemies was ac-
companied whereever he went. But he had
care to keep himſelf within the bounds of a
neceffary defence, and employed no force but
when he was attacked by Clodius. The bat-
tles between them were frequent; Milo's houfe
was affailed more than once by the party of
Poft. red. Clodius, and always well defended. The Con-
ful Lentulus was not fpared himself; but the
factious broke his fafces. Every quarter of the
city became a field of battle, where oftentimes
much blood was fhed. From fo much difor-
der this advantage, at leaſt, was drawn, that
Clodius did not reign, and every where found
an antagoniſt who made head againſt him, and
very often gained the victory over him.
in Sen.
n. 7.
A total
in Rome.
This little fort of inteftine war, joined to
fufpenfion the refolution long fince taken, of getting Ci-
of affairs cero's affair to paſs before any other, reduced
to filence the Tribunals, the affemblies of the
People, and that of the Senate. All things
were fufpended: no audiences given by the
Senate to Ambaſſadors, no judgments, no de-
crees of the People. A condition fo violent
to, præftantiffimus vir pro-
fligatiffimo homini daret?
An caufam fufceptam afflige
ret ? an fe domi contineret ?
Et vinci turpe putavit, & de-
terreri. Cic. pro Sext. n, 89.
could
་
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
177
Ant. C. 57°
could not be of long continuance. One of the A. R. 695.
contending parties muft neceffarily put an end
to it, by getting the better of the other and
happily it was the beſt that triumphed.
wealth
take the
All the fplendor and all the majefty of the The beft
Commonwealth was on this fide. Both the part of the
Confuls (for Metellus at leaft was not against Common-
it) all the Prætors, except the brother of Clo-
dius, eight of the Tribunes of the People, pro- buſineſs up-
tected the caufe of Cicero. So great an au- on them-
thority, fupported by the courage and party of felues.
Milo, made itſelf at length reſpected by thoſe
who had at first made an oppofition to it:
And Lentulus, by virtue of a Senatusconfultum, Lentulus
which nobody had dared to oppofe, fent cir- the Conful
cular letters through all Italy, to invite thofe fends circu-
who had any regard for the fafety of the State to all the
to come to Rome, to concur in the re-eſtabliſh- people of
ment of Cicero: A procedure without ex-Italy.
ample, not only for the interefts of a private
man, but even in the common dangers of the
whole Republic.
Pro Sext.
n. 128.
the multi-
The news of this Senatusconfultum be- The ap
ing immediately carried to a fpectacle of the plaufes of
gladiators, where there happened to be a great tude.
number of people, it was received with in- Pro Sext.
expreffible tranfports of joy. Every Senator 116, 117.
who came to this fpectacle at his coming from
the Senate was applauded; but when the Con-
ful himfelf, who gave the games, arrived there,
and had taken his place, all the Senators rofe :;
and ftretching out their arms towards him,
teftified their joy and their acknowledgment
by tears, which plainly made it appear how
dear Cicero was to the Roman People.
I ſuppoſe that this Senatusconfultum was that made in
the temple of Honour and Virtue built by Marius.
VOL. XII.
Upon
N
!
178
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 57.
A. R. 695. Upon the invitation of the Conful and the
Incredible Senate, there were both in Rome and all
movements Italy incredible movements in favour of Cicero.
in Rome Every one was willing, according to the ex-
Italy, in ample fet them by the firft affembly of the
favour of State, to fhew their zeal for the re-eſtabliſh-
and all
Cicero.
ment of ſo illuftrious a profcript. In Rome,
and round about it, the Roman Knights, all
the Societies intereſted in the revenues, the or-
der of Notaries, even all the trading Compa-
nies, and all Communities of inhabitants in
the neighbouring country towns, affembled,
and formed decrees honourable to Cicero. The
feveral people of Italy did the fame. Pompey
himſelf gave the fignal to all the municipal
towns, and to all the colonies; for being
actually the firſt Magiſtrate of Capua, he caufed
a new decree to be made by this colony, which
ferved for a model to all the reft. After which
he was zealous enough to go into ſeveral of theſe
towns, and incourage the inhabitants to follow
the example he had fet them. There was an
univerfal fermentation in Italy, which fent a
prodigious multitude of citizens from all parts
to Rome.
1
An affem-
Lentulus feeing himſelf ſo powerfully fup-
bly of the ported, convocated a celebrated and numerous
Senate in affembly of the Senate in the Capitol. It was
the Capi there that the Conful. Metellus Nepos fuffered
Senatus himſelf to be entirely reconciled to the caufe
confultum of Cicero. P. Servilius Ifauricus, a refpecta-
for ordering ble old man, a former Conful and Cenfor,
tol; and a
Cicero's
being re-
called.
adorned with the honour of a triumph, and fa-
ther of a Conful, addreffed himſelf to him in
a moving and pathetic exhortation. He re-
called to mind the attachment that the Metelli
had always had to the maxims of the Arifto-
cracy»
CORNELIUS, CAECILIUS, Confuls.
179
Ant. C. 57.
cracy, and to the authority of the Senate: He A. R. 695.
cited to him his own brother, Q. Metellus Ce-
ler, who died two years before, and who
made it a law with him to oppoſe Clodius in
every thing: He put him in mind of Q. Me-
tellus Numidicus, the honour of their family,
baniſhed like Cicero, and like him regretted
by the whole city. In fhort, he ſpoke with ſo
much force, that the Conful could not refrain
from tears, no equivocal proof of a fincere re-
conciliation: And in fact, he no longer con-
tented himſelf with not only not refifting his
Collegue, but fupported, and feconded him in
every ſtep he took.
The affembly was compofed of four hun-
dred and feventeen Senators. Among fo great
a number of voters, Clodius found his voice
alone the only one against Cicero. It was
therefore refolved that Cicero fhould be re-
called, and that, to this end, the Confuls and
other Magiftrates, by the authority of the Se-
nate, fhould immediately make the propofiti-
on to the People affembled by Centuries.
Lentulus
The next day the Conful Lentulus laid be- An aſſem-
fore the People what had paffed in the Senate; bly of the
and Pompey joining with him, made a fpeech, People,
wherein he expreffed himſelf in a manner wherein
highly honouring Cicero, and in terms which and Pom-
fhewed the moft lively and tender friendſhip. pey exhort
He treated him as the Saviour of the State, and and ani-
faid, as the public fafety operated by him, it citizens.
could not fubfift but with him. He did not
only employ exhortations and counfels, but
added prayers and fupplications, as interefting
for Cicero, as if they had been for a brother or
a father.
N 2
The
mate the
180
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695. The Senate made hafte to come to a con-
Ant. C.
A new de-clufion; and for that purpoſe made a prepara-
cree of the tory decree, containing feveral articles, all more
Senate in favourable one than the other to a caufe, which
favour of became manifeftly the cauſe of the Common-
Cicero.
Centuries,
wealth. He forbade all perfons whatſoever to
bring any obftacles to the re-eſtabliſhment of
Cicero, declaring, that whoever did any thing
to prevent it, would offend the Senate, and
must be looked upon as an enemy to the Re-
public, to the fafety of good men, and the
union of the citizens. He even ordered, that
if the cavalling of ill-difpofed perfons ſhould
too much retard the decifion, Cicero might
return without needing any other formality.
He ordered thanks to be given to thoſe who
came from the feveral towns in Italy to Rome,
inviting them farther to carry the fame zeal
to the folemn affembly of the People, where
the affair was to be finally determined..
A folemn At length the great day arrived, which was
aſembly by the object of ſo much defire, and many ne-
wherein gotiations for more than a year. The Pro-
the affair tectors of the caufe of Cicero had judged, with
is finally
determined great reaſon, that the higheſt degree of autho-
rity ought to be given to the law by which he
was to be recalled, in order to take away from
his enemies for ever the pretence of doing any
thing against it. Thus, whereas he had been
baniſhed only by a Tribunitian law, carried in
that fort of affembly called Comitia by Tribes,
which comprehended only the Plebeians, and
where a Tribune prefided, this was an affem-
bly by Centuries, that was appointed to order
his re-eſtabliſhment; a kind of affembly the
moft auguft, and which fully reprefented every
order in the Nation. Both Confuls, feven Præ-
tors,
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
181
tors, and eight Tribunes of the People, pro-A. R. 69?.
pofed or fupported the law. Lentulus and Ant. C. 57.
Pompey made fpeeches filled with the juſt
praiſes of Cicero, with exhortations to the
People, and prayers. All the diſtinguiſhed
members of the Senate, the antient Confuls,
and antient Prætors, appeared upon the Tribu-
nal of Harangues, and fpoke the fame lan-
guage. Clodius alone raiſed his voice againſt
the unanimous vows of all orders and all the
citizens, and was not heard but with an in-
dignation that could not be very pleaſing to
him.
The affembly was the most numerous that
ever had been ſeen. All the People, all Italy
was prefent in it. No one thought he could
be diſpenſed with, through age or infirmities,
in not coming to teftify his zeal for his coun-
try, by voting for the return of him, who
had been the preferver of it. There was no
variety in the fuffrages, all with one common
voice authorized the law, and Cicero (a) had
reaſon to ſay, in extolling the circumſtances of
this day, fo glorious to him, that Lentulus
had not fimply brought him back to his coun-
try, but had made him re-enter in pomp, and
in a triumphal car. The law was brought
in and received on the 4th of Auguft. Thus
the continuance of Cicero's exile, who went
out of Rome in the beginning of April the Att. IV. 1.
year before, was fixteen months.
I
(a) Itaque P. Lentuli be-
neficio excellenti atque di-
vino, non reducti fumus in
patriam, ficut nonnulli cla-
riffimi cives, fed equis in-
fignibus & curru aurato re-
portati. Poft red. in Sen.
n. 28.
N ३
He
Cic. ad
་་དམ་
182
CORNELIUS, CACILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695.
. Ant. C. 57.
Cicero's
um for
eight
months.
His de-
parture
from that
City.
Cic. ad
Att. III.
& IV.
He had already fome time approached near-
er to Italy; from the end of the preceding
abode at year Theffalonica had ceafed to appear a ſafe
Dyrrachi azylum to him. This town depended on the
government of Macedonia, of which Pifo his
enemy was immediately to take poffeffion;
and the report of the near arrival of the troops
that this new Governor had fent before him,
determined Cicero to feek elſewhere a retreat.
Atticus, who was then at his eftate in Epirus,
invited him to come and join him. Cicero pre-
ferred Dyrrachium, where he fhould be nearer
to hear news from Rome, and of which place
the inhabitants had already fhewn him much
affection. He arrived there on the 25th of
November, and paffed above eight months
there, that is to fay, till the 4th of Auguft
following, which was the fame day that the
law for his being recalled was authorized by the
fuffrages of all the People. That day he em-
barked at Dyrrachium, and landed the next at
Brundufium, where he found his dear daughter
Tullia. Three days after he received, by a
letter from his brother, the news of the law
that re-eſtabliſhed him, and this was the occa
fion of an univerfal joy to the whole city of
Brundufium.
His tri-
umphant
entry into
Rome.
in Sen.
His return to Rome was triumphant, and
and Plutarch obferves, that Cicero has not ex-
aggerated, in ſaying that all Italy had in fome
Poft red. fort brought him back again into the bofom
of his country upon their fhoulders. But the
better to conceive the glory of this return, let
us fee the circumftantial defcription which our
Orator himſelf gives of it. I am going to re-
late it in his own words. "All (a) the road,
n. 39.
66
fays
(a) Mens reditus is fuit, ut à Brundufio ufque Romam
agmen
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
183
66
Ant. C.
57.
"fays he, from Brundufium to Rome, was A. R. 695.
"bordered by a continued croud of the feve-
"ral people of Italy, for there was not any
canton, nor any town in it that did not fend
députations to congratulate me. What ſhall
"I fay of the manner in which I was received
"in each place; how, both from the towns
" and the country, the fathers of families with
"their wives and their children, either went
out before me or came to me in my way to
૬.
66.
66
66.
teſtify their joy; how many holidays were
"celebrated on my account, with as much
"chearfulneſs and pomp, as thofe which are
"confecrated to the honour of the immortal
"gods? But the day eſpecially in which I re-
"entered Rome, that day alone is worth an
immortality to me. I faw the Senate and
"the whole People come out of the gates to
receive me, and Rome herſelf almoft fhak-
66
66
66
ing on her foundations, feemed to advance.
"to embrace her preferver. It might be faid,
"that not only the men and women of all ages,
"all orders, and all conditions; but the very
agmen perpetuum totius Ita-
liæ viderem. Neque enim
regio fuit ulla, neque mu-
nicipium, neque præfectura,
aut colonia, ex quâ non pub-
licé ad me venerint gratula-
rum. Quid dicam adventus
meos; quid effufiones ho-
minum ex oppidis ? quid
concurfum ex agris patrum
familias cum conjugibus ac
liberis? quid eos dies, qui
quafi deorum immortalium
fefti & folennes, funt ad-
ventu meo redituque cele-
brati? Unus ille dies mihi
quidem immortalitatis inftar
fuit, quum fenatum egreffum
vidi populumque Romanum
univerfum ; quum mihi ipfa
Roma propè convulfa fedi-
bus fuis, ad complectendum
confervatorem fuum proce-
dere vifa eft: quæ me ita
accepit, ut non modò om-
nium generum, ætatum, or-
dinum, omnes viri ac muli-
eres, omnis fortunæ ac loci,
fed etiam mænia ipfa vide-
rentur, ac tecta urbis, &
templa lætari. In Pif. 51,
52.
N 4
CC
walls,
1
184
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695.
Ant. C. 576
Cic. ad
walls, the houſes and the temples, conceived
tranfports of joy on feeing me.
و,
Among this innumberable croud of great and
fmall, there were only to be excepted the de-
clared emenies of Cicero, I fay declared: For
Craffus, notwithſtanding their former bicker-
ings mixt himſelf with the reft, engaged to
take this step by his fon, of whom I have ſpoke
elſewhere.
When Cicero arrived at the Porta Capena,
Att. IV.3. the ſtairs of the neighbouring temples well filled
with an infinite number of People, who, as
foon as they perceived him, clapped their hands,
and made the place ring with their cries of joy
and felicitation. All this multitude accom-
panied him as far as the capitol, where he went
in the firſt place to pay thofe duties which re-
ligion preſcribed to him. After which he was
conducted back, in the fame manner, to the
houſe where he was to lodge. The next day,
which was the 5th of September, he returned
his thanks to the Senate, in a fpeech which we
have, and in which he did not content himſelf
with paying his compliments to the Affembly
in general, but named one after another all the
Magiftrates his benefactors, and among the pri-
vate men Pompey alone. He thus fulfilled the
laws of gratitude which was one of his favourite
virtues, and obferving in this the moſt agree-
able order, beginning with the Deity, and af-
terwards acquitting himſelf towards man.
Such was the return of Cicero, the fplendor
of which was ſo great, that it gave him reaſon
to fay, (a) that had he confidered only his
(a) Ut tua mihi confce-
lerata illa vis non modò
non pulfanda, fed etiam e-
-
menda fuiffe videatur. Pre
Domo, n. 75:
glory,
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
185
t
Ant. C. 57,
glory, he ought not to have refifted the vio- A. R. 695.
lences of Clodius, but to have fought and pur-
chafed them.
and coun-
There was one thing yet wanting to make His houſes
his re-eſtabliſhment complete: that was to re-in the city
enter into the poffeffion of his houſe, and to
fee it rebuilt. It muſt be remembered here at the ex-
try rebuilt
what I have faid of the ingenious malice of pence of the
Clodius, who was willing both to difgrace Ci-Republic.
cero by confounding the fite of his houſe with
that of M. Fulvius an enemy of the public,
and by taking from him all hopes of ever re-
covering it, by confecrating it to religion in a
pretended dedication to the goddefs of liberty.
It is eafy to guess what were the fentiments of
Cicero on the account, "If (a) not only they
"do not reſtore me my houſe, ſays he in a
"pleading, that he made to reclaim it, but
that it fhould be found to be changed, at
"the very inftant that my enemy gloried in
my affliction, in his own crimes and in the
66
public calamity, in ſuch caſe, who can doubt
"but my return would be an eternal puniſh-
""ment to me? My houfe is in the moft fre-
quented quarter of Rome, expofed to the
❝ view of all the citizens. If they will pre-
"ſerve that wretched building there, which
"bears the infcription of the name of an ene-
(a) Sin mea domus non
modò mihi non redditur,
fed etiam monumentum præ-
bet inimico doloris mei, fce-
leri fui, publicæ calamitatis:
quis erit, qui hunc reditum
potius, quàm pœnam ſem-
piternam putet? In confpec-
tu præterea totius eft urbis
domus mea, Pontifices: in
quâ fi manet illud non mo-
numentum urbis, fed fe-
pulcrum, inimico nomine
infcriptum; demigrandum
potiùs aliquò eft, quàm ha-
bitandum in eâ urbe, in quâ
tropæa & de me, & de Re-
publicâ videam conftituta.
Pro Domo, 100.
¶ my
186
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
1
A. R. 695."
Ant. C. 57°
De Har.
Refp.
n. II.
my, and which cannot be looked upon as an
ornament to the city, but as its fepulchre; I
"muſt retire to any other part of the world,
" rather than inhabit a place, where I fhall
"have before my eyes the trophies of a vic-
"tory gained over the Commonwealth and my
" felf.
The dedication only made all the difficulty.
For the law which ordered the recall of Cicero,
re-eſtabliſhed him in the enjoyment of all his
rights, and all his goods: but that which had
been once confecrated to the gods could never
more be taken away for profane ufes; there-
fore before he could be allowed to re-enter his
houſe, it was neceffary, that the Pontiffs fhould ·
determine whether the confecration that had
been made was valid or not.
This queſtion was pleaded before the Col-
lege of Pontiffs between Cicero and Clodius,
on the laſt day of September. Our Orator dif
played all the force of his eloquence, on a
fubject which intereſted him fo nearly, and
had reaſon to be fatisfied with the fuccefs of it.
The Pontiffs declared, that if the perfon who
pretended to make the dedication, had not
been nominally charged with this commiffion
by the People, Cicero might be reſtored to
the foil that belonged to him. All the world
looked upon this judgment as giving the cauſe
to Cicero; for nothing was more certain than
that the dedication was made without any order
from the People. Nevertheleſs Clodius, always
impudent to the laft degree, caufed himfelf to
be preſented to the People on the ſpot, by his
brother Appius, who was Prætor, and gave
out in a wild harangue, that the Pontiffs had
determined
£
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
187
determined in his favour, and that Cicero A. R. 695.
would repoffefs himſelf of his houſe by force.
Ant. C. 57.
He impofed upon no body, but the Senate
being affembled the next day, the firſt of
October, took from him all pretence to his ri-
diculous triumph. All the Pontiffs who were
Senators, were prefent, and Cn. Lentulus Mar-
cellinus, Conful elect, and the firſt who deli-
vered his opinion, asked them before all the
motives of their judgment. M. Lucullus an-
fwered in the name and by the confent of all
his Collegues, that it was for the Pontiffs to
decide as to what regarded religion, and for
the Senate with refpect to the law they had
made for deſtroying the houſe in difpute. That
as Pontiffs they had pronounced themſelves on
the rights of religion, and as Senators they
were going to do it upon the law. Himſelf,
his Collegues, and all the other Senators de-
clared themſelves in favour of the cauſe of
Cicero. Clodius who faw what turn the affair
was likely to take, was willing to prevent the
conclufion of it by ſpeaking all the reft of the
day. But at length the indignation of all the
Affembly, and the noife that was raiſed, oblig-
ed him to hold his tongue. The Tribune
Atilius Gavianus came to the fupport of Clo-
dius, and oppoſed the decree, which of con-
fequence could not be made that day. But the
uneafinefs of men's minds was fo great that
Atilius dared not perfift the next day. The Cic. in.
Senatufconfultum was prepared, and it was ſaid Pif. n. 52.
that the houſes of Cicero in town and country
fhould be rebuilt at the expence of the Com-
monwealth; an honour that had never been
done to any other citizen. It was alfo ordered
that the Portico of Catulus fhould be reſtored
according
$88
CORNELIUS, CACILIUS, Confuls.
Ant, C. 57.
A. R. 695. according to the former plan, and fuch as it
was before Clodius had united a part of Ci-
cero's houſe to it; in fo much that the name
and the work of that madman might entirely
diſappear.
When Cicero fays that his houſes were re-
built at the expence of the public; this re-
quires fome explanation, and means only that
there was money affigned to him out of the
Treaſury for that purpoſe. And that they
might proceed therein with juftice, an eftimate
was made of his houfes: and that in Rome
was valued at two millions of fefterces, that is
to fay, about twelve thouſand five hundred
pounds fterling. Cicero feems to be fatisfied
on this article: but he complains to Atticus,
that thoſe at Tufculum and Formia were for-
didly rated and much beneath their real value,
3175 that is to fay, the firft at five hundred thou-
%
Sterling, fand fefterces; the other at† two hundred and
+ 1562 1.
10. fter fifty-thouſand: which he attributes to the in-
trigues of thoſe who envied him.
"Thofe
"who before had clipt my wings, were forry
“(a) ſays he agreeably, to fee my feathers
"grow again; but for all that, I flatter my-
"felf they will not grow the lefs.
ling.
S.
*
By Cicero's
It is true that gratitude, the engagements he
advice, the had entered into, and laftly intereft and policy
Superin had fo ftrictly united Cicero to Pompey, that
tendance of
corn and it is not very furprizing that the rigid repub-
provifions licans fhould be diffatisfied and alarmed. All
through all this happening it had awakened their difquie-
pire is de- tudes. Bread was very dear in Rome, and
the Em-
areed to
Pompey. (a) Idem illi qui mihi
Cic. pro pennas inciderant, nolunt
Domo & eafdem renafci: fed, ut fpe-
ad Att.
iy. I.
ro, jam renaſcunter. Gic.
ad Att. iv,
2.
they
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
189
y
Ant. C. 57.
they were afraid of a famine there. This fear A. R. 695.
was the occaſion of the multitudes mutinying
ſo far as to attack and being ready to force
the houſe of the Prætor L. Cecilius, who,
gave the Apollinarian games. This movement
and ſeveral others like it, were originally owing
to the diſcontents of the People themſelves;
but Clodius had greatly added his own to them,
and always ready to excite feditions, he ſcarce
ever failed to increaſe the fire when he once
found it lighted up. At his inſtigation the
populace laid hold on Cicero, and as ſoon as he
entered Rome, troops of the feditious demand-
ed bread of him, as if it depended upon him
to give it them. The good citizens thought
alſo it would be proper for him to concern him-
felf in the affair, in order to take away the fu-
perintendance of provifions from fuch a wretch
as Sex. Clodius, to whom Clodius had given it
in his Tribunefhip, and to transfer it to Pom-
pey, who, for a long time, had been the re-
fource of the Commonwealth in all cafes of dif-
ficulty and importance.
The Senate affembled in the Capitol to de-
liberate on means to remedy this evil. The
tumult was fo great, and the populace fo furi-
ous, that the greateft part of the Confulars
dared not come to the Senate. There were
but three found there, Cicero, Meffala, and
Afranius. Cicero propofed to engage Pom-
pey to take upon himſelf the fuperintendance
of provifions, and that the Senatufconfultum
they ſhould make thereon fhould be fupported
by an ordinance of the people. This advice.
being followed, Cicero gave an account of it
to the People immediately. The next day the
Senate being affembled in a great number no
one
190
CORNELIUS, CACILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695, one of the Confulars was miffing, and they all
Ant. C. 57' agreed to allow to Pompey whatever he ought
to demand. He would have fifteen Lieute-
nant-Generals, at the head of whom he placed
Cicero, as he was becoming in every thing
another felf with him. Theſe were his terms.
He thought of nothing more but the law,
that he was to propoſe to the People. Here
we ſhall ſee the artful ambition of Pompey.
The Confuls prepared the ſcheme of a law,
which gave him the general and fupreme fu-
perintendance of provifions throughout the
whole extent of the Empire for five years.
This was enough. But a Tribune of the Peo-
ple, named Meffius, prefented another ſcheme,
which added to that of the Confuls the free
and abfolute difpofition of the Finances and
public treaſure: a fleet and an army; and, in
fome of the Provinces where Pompey was to
go, an authority fuperior to that of the Pro-
prætors or Proconfuls who governed them.
"Our Confular law, fays Cicero, feemed but
"modeft, that of Meffius was infupportable;
66
►
Pompey faid that he defired ours, and his
"friends fupported that of the Tribune."
Cicero does not tell us which of the two laws
paffed but Dio in comparing the command
that was given to Pompey on this occafion
with that with which he was invefted in the
Pyrates war, gives us reafon to believe, that it
was that of Meffius, which was carried, agree-
able to the ſecret wishes of Pompey. His
power (4) after his return from the war with
(α) Ὥσπερ ἐκ λειποθυμίας
αυτό μαραινομένην τὴν δυνα-
μωσα αρχή να πάλιν ανοιξω.
πυρῶντος και αναλαβόντος. Plut.
Pomp.
Mithridates,
}
CORNELIUS, CÆCILIUS, Confuls. 191
Ant. C. 57-
Mithridates diminiſhed, and began to languiſh A. R. 695.
through inaction. He found it was now in his
power to reſume his former vigour by the
means of this new command, which fubmitted
to his authority the ports, the markets, the fale
of grain, and in a word every thing that de-
pended on navigation and labour.
the rigid
Cic. pro
As Cicero was the firft promoter of this af- The mur
fair, it excited against him the complaints and murings of
murmurings of a part of the zealous defenders republicans
of liberty. "To whom would Cicero do this? against Ci-
faid they. Is he ignorant of the credit and cero. His
"eſteem he enjoys; what fervices he has done answer.
his country; with what fplendor and glory Domo 27,
"he was re-eſtabliſhed? Why muft he do 30.
"fuch honour to the man by whom he was
"abandoned ?" Cicero anſwered theſe re-
proaches with freedom, not difagreeing with
them in the wrongs that Pompey had done
him, but ſtill proteſting that he would never
quit his alliance with him. "Let them ceafe,
"faid he, to endeavour to weaken my condi-
❝tion after my re-eftabliſhment by the fame
" methods which they took to overthrow me.
They have fown the feeds of divifion be-
tween Pompey and me, which they fhall
"never do again. I know that I have been
"not only abandoned but given up. I am
"not ignorant of any thing that was done to
"deftroy me; I fay no more of it but it
"would be ingratitude not to fay, that I think
"myſelf indebted in a great meaſure to Pom-
pey for my return; and that if the chiefs of
"the Senate equalled him in their zeal, he dif
tinguiſhed himself among them all by his
power, by his efforts, by his prayers, and
66.
66-
6f
laftly
1.
192
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695.
laftly by the dangers he expofed himſelf to
Ant. C. 57° 66
"in
II.
Plut.
Pomp.
my caufe.'
""
Pompey re- As to the reft, there was no reafon to be dif-
ftores plen- fatisfied with the fuperintendance of provifions
ty to Rome. being intrufted to Pompey. He acquitted him-
felf in this employment, as in all others, to the
fatisfaction and advantage of the Common-
Cic. pro wealth. There had really been a great dearth
Domo, n. in fome of the Provinces from whence Rome
drew her ſubſiſtence; in others the ſcarcity was
owing to a bad adminiſtration; corn had been
ſent to other places in hopes of a better fale;
or locked up on the firft apprehenfion of its
growing dear. Pompey fent his Lieutenants
and his friends to all parts; and took upon
himſelf the care of vifiting the three granaries
of Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, and the coaft of
Africa. He gathered together there a great
quantity of provifions; and fhewed fo much
ardour and activity to bring fuccour to Rome,
that when he was ready to return thither with
his foldiers, the wind being very high and
threatening a ſtorm, in fo much that the Pilots
made a difficulty to put off, he embarked the
firſt, and ordered them to weigh anchor, fay-
ing: "There is a neceffity for us to put to
"fea, but it is not neceffary to live." His
courage fucceeded, he made a happy voyage,
and by the good orders he knew how to give,
the markets were ſtocked with corn and the
ſea covered with veffels. The plenty was fuch,
that like a fruitful fource, fays Plutarch, there
was not only a fufficient fupply for the city;
but it ſpread itſelf to all the neighbouring
countries about,
It was not ſo eaſy to re-eſtabliſh quiet in
Rome, as it was to bring back plenty. The
fame
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
193
Ant. C. 57.
fame confufion, and the fame troubles con- A. R. 695.
tinued to reign there, and Clodius was always The vio-
the author of them. I have faid, that he was lentes of
Clodius
accuſed by Milo of violences, and attempts a- against
gainst the public tranquility. The ordinances Cicero and
of the Magiftrates who favoured him, had Milo.
only fufpended, but not quafhed, the proceed- Cic. ad
ings. Milo would not give up the point: and Att. iv. 3:
Clodius had no way to efcape but by getting
himſelf chofen Edile. The Edilefhip once
gained would ferve him for a fafeguard. For
the fame reaſon, Milo omitted nothing to pre-
vent his being named to it: and as often as the
Conful Metellus went about to hold the Affem-
bly for proceeding to the election of Ædiles,
Milo ſtopped him, by giving notice of fome bad
omen, which broke up the Affembly for that
day. Clodius drove to extremes, became more
and more furious, and fometimes was angry
with Milo himſelf, and fometimes with Cicero.
On the 3d of November, a body of armed
men, fent by him, drove away the artificers
who were at work on the foundation of Ci-
cero's houfe; they afterwards overthrew the
Portico of Catulus, which the Confuls, au-
thorized by a degree of the Senate, had order-
ed to be restored: Laftly, they attacked the
houfe of Cicero's brother, and after they had
broke the doors and windows with ftones, they
fet fire to it, by order of Clodius, in view of
the whole city.
On the 11th of November, was a new ſcene
of Clodius's fury againſt the perſon of Cicero
himfelf. When this laft was coming down the
ftreet, called the Sacra Via, he found himſelf
affaulted, on a fudden, by the party of his
enemy. Dreadful cries and threatenings, a
VOL. XII.
·
O
ſhower
Į
194
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
i
A. R. 695. fhower of ftones, fticks and fwords, all pro-
Ant. C. 57. claimed his extreme danger. Cicero retired
66
into the porch of a neighbouring houſe, and,
as he was well accompanied, his people fup-
ported the fiege with fuch an advantage, that it
was in his power to have flain Clodius. But
(a) fays he, " Chirurgical operations no longer
pleafed me, a regimen and foft remedies,
"were all I wanted." He was fo much averfe
from fhedding the blood of illuftrious citizens,
although it was of knaves, that he would not
try the fame fortune.
Clodius was not weary, The next day, the
12th of November, he came in broad day-
light, an hour before noon, to attack one of
the houſes of Milo with men armed with
fwords and bucklers. Others carried lighted
torches to fet fire to it. He took for his camp
a houſe in the neighbourhood, which belonged
to P. Sylla, defended fome years before by Ci-
cero. He was repulfed: feveral of his at-
tendants were killed on the fpot: but for
himſelf, he took care of his own ſafety.
Was Rome in this condition a city, or a
field of battle? The brutal lives of the first
men, fuch as the Poets defcribe them, before
the eſtabliſhment of laws and focieties, was
there ever any thing in them more favage? As
I have already obferved, a liberty, which pro-
duced fuch exceffes, muft foon come to an
end, and give way to monarchical power.
The authority of the Senate could do no-
thing against fuch horrible diforders. They
were often mentioned in the meetings of that
(a) Sed ego diætâ curari incipio; chirurgiæ jam tædet.
Cic. ad Att. iv. 3..
auguft
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
195
1
Ant. C. 57.
He Cic. ibid.
com- & ad Q.
accu- Fr. II. 1.
auguſt Affembly, and Marcellinus, the Conful A. R. 695.
elect, always fpoke thereon with vigour.
would have it, that the new violences
mitted by Clodius were compriſed in the
fation intended againſt him, and that Judges
fhould be named to decide that affair, before
they proceeded to the election of Ediles. All
the fruits of the efforts both of the Senate and
of Milo, was to keep off the nomination of
Clodius for a while: but at length he carried Clodius is
choſe E-
it, and being chofe Edile, found himſelf in a
dile.
condition to infult his accufer.
❤
Dio. L.
It was about this time, that the famous Lu-xxxix.
cullus died, in a manner deplorable in fo great The death
of Lucul-
man, if it was not proper that we ſhould know, lus.
that neither great talents nor great exploits, Plut. Luc.
can put us out of the reach of human miferies.
He fell mad, either through fickneſs, or the
effect of fome liquor given him by one of his
freed men. His brother, M. Lucullus became
his guardian, and took upon him the admini-
ſtration of his eftate and perſon. L. Lucullus
did not live long in this forrowful condition,
which had not fully fhewn itſelf till after the
exile of Cicero. His death touched the Peo-
ple, and his funeral was celebrated with a great
concourſe and with great teftimonies of eſteem;
in fo much that the multitude would have him
interred, as Sylla had been, in the Campus
Martius. His brother had much difficulty to
obtain leave to tranfport him to the place def
tined for his fepulture in the territory of Tuf-
culum. M. Lucullus did not long furvive him,
but cloſely followed a brother whom he had al-
ways tenderly loved.
I cannot finiſh the account of the events of A charac-
this year, without ſpeaking of Callidius, who eloquence of
ter of the
0 2
was Callidius. ·
1
196
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695 was then Prætor, and who, after he had con-
Ant. C. 57 curred with his Collegues in the re-establiſh-
ment of Cicero, even pleaded with him before
the Pontiffs, to obtain the reſtoration of his
Treatife on houſe. Callidius was an Orator, and M. Rol-
Studies, lin, in his Treatife on Studies, has related what
Of the ela-picture Cicero drew of his eloquence. But to
quence of avoid repetitions, I fhall quote only one paf-
fage, but that fays all. "If (a) the perfection
"of the art of fpeaking well, confifts, fays
"Cicero, in a fweet and charming ftile, no-
T. II.
the bar.
:
thing can be defired more excellent than that
"of Callidius." But force was entirely want-
ing to him and Cicero took an occafion, when
he pleaded againſt him, very artfully to give a
proof, in his caufe, of this defect of fire and
vivacity in his adverſary.
Callidius accufed a certain man, named Q
Gallius, of a defign of poiſoning him, and had
entered into a long detail of the proofs he
pretended to have of this fact. He treated all,
after his manner, with order, with eloquence,
and in a florid ftile, but without emotion or
fentiment. Cicero, in anfwering him, employ-
ed at firft the means the cauſe furniſhed him
with, after which he added: " How (b) Cal-
"lidius, if what you now relate to us was not
(a) Quod fi optimum eft
fuaviter dicere, nihil eft quod
melius hoc quærendum pu-
res.
Cic. Bruto, n. 276.
(b) Tu iftuc, M. Callidi,
nifi fingeres, fic ageres? præ-
fertim quum iftâ eloquentiâ
alienorum hominum pericu-
la defendere acerrimè foleas,
tuum negligeres ? Ubi dolor,
ubi ardor animi, qui etiam
ex infantium ingenus elicere.
voces & querelas folet? nulla
perturbatio animi, nulla cor-
poris frons non percuffa,
non femur: pedis, quod mi-
nimum eft, nulla fupplofio.
Itaque tantum abfuit ut in-
flammares noftros animos,
fomnum ifto loco vix tene-
bamus. Cic. Bruto, n. 278.
<< a ro-
1
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
197
"6
66
Ant. C. 57.
"a romance of your own compofing, could A.R. 695.
you deliver it in fo unaffecting a manner?
"You are a great orator, and know how to be
"warm when you fpeak of the dangers of
"others: How then can you be fo indifferent
"in your own? Where are the vehement com-
plaints? Where is that force of fentiment,
"which makes even the meanest people clo-
"quent? Neither your mind, nor your body,
"feem to be moved, there is not to be feen
in you any fign of indignation, or any gef
ture of grief: You are cold and languid;
fo that, far from being inflamed by your dif
courfe, we have much ado to forbear falling
afleep."
-1
"
Such an Orator failed in the moft effential
part of his art, and very probably wanted that
activity that was neceffary to raiſe him in the
Commonwealth. He ftopt at the Prætorship,
and could never arrive at being Conful,
During this year and the preceding, Cæfar
had done great things in Gaul. I have not hi-
therto entered into a particular recital of them,
that I might not interrupt the train of facts,
and efpecially thofe relating to the exile and
recalling of Cicero.. But I am going now to
take up what I had left in arrear.
BOOK
0.3
[ 198 1
BOOK THE FORTIET H.
THE
ROMAN HISTORY.
A
SHORT defcription of Gaul, and
manners of the Gauls. The two firſt
campaigns of Cæfar in Gaul. The
affair of the re-eſtabliſhment of Ptolemy Au-
leres: A renewing of the confederation be-
tween Pompey, Cæfar, and Craffus. The fe-
cond Confulfhip of Pompey and Craffus. Years
of Rome 694 to 698.
SECT. I
A preliminary reflection. The boundaries and
divifion of Gaul. The difference between the
Aquitani, the Belge, and the Celta. The
Gauls made use of the Greek tongue in their
alts. A multiplicity of people in Gaul form-
ing one national body. Two factions divide
all Gaul. Particular factions among each
People, and in each Canton. Two diftinguished
and illuftrious orders among the Gauls, the
Druids, and the Nobles. The People account-
ed as nothing. The Druids were the Priests,
the
CONTENT S.
199
the Philofophers, the Poets, and the Judges of
the Nation. The education of the Druids.
The chief of the Druids. The general affem-
blies in the country of Chartraine or Chartres.
The Nobles all fought on horseback. Continu-
ally employed in war. The form of their go-
vernment Ariftocratical. Silence impofed on
private perfons concerning the affairs of State.
The barbarous customs of the Gauls. An
aimable character of the Genius of the Gauls.
Their valour. They want perfeverance. Their
levity. Their bodily advantages. The tafte
of the Gauls for magnificence. Much gold in
Gaul. The trade. The Religion of the Gauls.
Human victims. Their principal Divinities.
The Hercules of the Gauls. The Gauls pre-
tend to be the iffue of the God of the dead.
They begin their natural day at the fetting of
the Sun. Their domeftic ufages. Sons did
not appear before their fathers in public, till
they were of age to bear arms. Their mar-
riages. Their funerals. The manners of the
Gauls like thefe of the antient people of La-
tium, defcribed by Virgil. The glory of the
arms of the Gauls. Cæfar, hitherto a factious
citizen, is beginning to be one of the greateſt
warriors. His glory effaces that of all the
other Roman Generals. He makes himself
adored by the foldiers, and animates them with
bis fire.
Some wonderful paſſages on this fub-
ject. He knows how to reward with magnis
ficence, and fhew an example of the contempt
of dangers and fatigues. The weakness of his
conftitution. His prodigious activity. The
eafinefs and fweetness of his manners.
ples of them.
Exam-
0 4
A PRE-
200
nary re-
flection.
Cic. L. II.
de Or. n.
75.
A PRELIMINARY REFLECTION.
་
A prelimi-Confefs that I am difmayed by the fubject I
am going to treat of; and being to give
an account of the wars of Cæfar in Gaul, I am
fenfible how much fuch an undertaking is above
my reach. It brings to my mind the ftory of
that Philofopher, who having dared to make
a diſcourſe on the art of war before Hannibal,
was looked upon by that General as a dotard,
who was worthy only of contempt. It is true,
the caſe which I am in is very different from
that, in which this Philofopher had put him-
felf. That was his own choice, and to fet
himſelf off before one of the greateſt Captains
that ever was in the world, he chofe a fubject
he was not competent to: Whereas I find
myſelf brought to a recital of the exploits of
Cæfar, in the profecution of my plan, and by
the neceffity of an engagement which hardly
is free on my part. But I fhall avoid fpeak.
ing of my own head, and Cæfar himſelf fhall
be my guide, in all that I relate of his mili-
tary conduct.
But to be able to follow fuch a guide, I
know I ought to have lights, of which I am
entirely deſtitute. As to his ftile, he ſeems,
by the implicity (a) the eafinefs, and natural
air of it, to render himſelf acceffible to all his
readers: But as to what regards the fundamen-
taktbufinefs, I do not deny but I fhall have a
difficulty to well underftand it: How then
(a) Nudi funt (Commen-
tarii Cæfaris) recti, fimplie
ces, omni ornatu orationis,
tanquam vefte, detracto. Cic.
Bruto, n. 262.
ſhall
A Preliminary Reflection,
201
fhall I be able to reprefent it as it ought to be?
Cæfar perhaps never had a worthy interpreter,
if it was not that great Prince, his rival in
the glory of arms, who took a pleaſure in
Catalonia to ftudy all the fteps of the Ro-
man General, and to obferve upon the fpot,
how, by the advantage of pofts, he conftrain-
ed five legions and two experienced chiefs to
lay down their arms without fighting. The
Prince, in giving an account of a conduct of
which he comprehended all the fkill, becaufe
he was capable of giving examples of it, ra-
viſhed all thoſe who underſtood it: "And Or. Fun.
"never, fays M. Boffuet, did fo great a de Mr. le
"mafter explain Cæfar's Commentaries by fo Prince.
"learned leffons."
All theſe reflections ought to make me
renounce my defign. Nevertheless, I hope that
neceffity may ferve me for a juftifiable excufe:
And if any one of our warriors, who knows
how to join the merit of letters to that of arms,
fhall intereft himſelf enough in the fuccefs of
my work, to make me acquainted with the
faults I may commit, in ſpeaking of a ſcience
I do not underſtand, I fhall very readily make
the beſt uſe I am able, of the advice he is
pleaſed to give me.
Cæfar's wars in the Gauls particularly con-
cern us Frenchmen, who inhabit the country
that was the theatre of them. And here the
vanquished touch us more nearly than the con-
querors. I therefore believe, that after I have
fhewn the more general boundaries and divi-
fion of antient Gaul, I fhall not diſpleaſe my
readers, by giving them an account of the
manners of the Gauls. I fhall not, for that
purpoſe, go into learned enquiries that are
above
202
A Preliminary Reflection.
J
Cæf. de
above my capacity, and do not agree with the
intent of this Hiftory. Cæfar and Strabo will
be the principal fources that I fhall draw any
aid from.
The boundaries of Gaul were antiently more
The boun-
daries and extended than thoſe of France are at preſent.
divifion of They took in all that is to be found between
Gaul. the Channel on the North, the Great Sea on
B. Gall. I.the Weft, the Pyrenean mountains, and the
gulph of Lyons on the South, and on the
Eaft, drawing towards the North, firft the
Alps, and then the Rhine to its mouth.
& VI.
Strabo,
L. IV.
All this vaft country feems to have been
formerly divided into three very unequal parts :
Aquitain between the Garonne and the Pyre-
nees; Belgia to the oppofite extremity, be-
tween the Marne and the Seine on one part,
and the Rhine on the other; and that large
track which remained in the middle, and which
extended from the Channel and the weftern
Ocean, to the Mediterranean and the Alps,
was what was called Celtica or Gaul, properly
fo named. For the inhabitants of this part,
which alone was larger than the other two to-
gether, had no other name than the common
name of the Nation, Celtæ or Gauls.
name was fo properly their own, that Cæfar
never, or very rarely, gives it to the Aquitani
or the Belgæ.
This
The Romans, a long time before Cæfar, had
detached from Celtica, and having fubdued, as
I have related, all the fouthern part along the
fea, from the Alps to the Pyrenees, made a
Roman province, or conquered country of it,
which comprehended very near all that at pre-
fent we call Provence and Languedoc.
Thus
Rollin's Rom. Hist. Vol XII. p.20
8
7
tule
202.
6
1
*
15.
14
3
ROUPAS
M
2
17
BRITANNIA
51
50
AMAP OF
GAUL
In the Condition it was at the Time
of the Conquest of it by CESAR,
For the Roman History of
MR CREVIER,
By the Sieur D'ANVILLE
*
Sarmial
Cesaria I
*
Riduna I
Cruciotanum
Æ
CURIO'S OLITES™
Vecta
Tamesis F
CANTIUM
Viter
Itius tus
110111
Rhe
nus
1 Lugdunum BAT
11011
Mosa
Scaldis
Scald
GRUDII
GORDUNI
LEVACI
CENTRONES
Scaldis
Vahalis
Mosa
3.
MEN
AMBIVARITI
Gesariacum MORINI
CIVITATE
UNELLI
Sequand
VIDUCASS
VIDUCASSES
LEXOXII
CALETI
8.5
Taru enna
TREBATES
Nemetoc
B.
Samarobriva
*Rotomagus
UM
AMBIANI
E
SELLOVA
Bratus
SU VELOCASS
AULERCI
EBUROVICES
ESSUI
Ingena
VABRINCATUI
RED ON
DIABLINT
E
TES:
OTER CL CENOMAN
Vagoritm
ARVII
3
Conday
49
Uxantis E
Brivates
Senat
48
SISMIT
Vorganfum
R
VENETI
Dariorigunte
*!
ruis
Vindan
Vindilis I.
Liger
*
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NAMNETES ANDES
Condiviaim
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PICTONES
Mediolanum
Autricum
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50
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SEGNI CONDRUSI
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duenna
AxonaRE MI
Durde
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Mosa
Duros Catelaunum
CATELAUNI
Confluentes
E
va
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51
R
M
TREVER ANGIONIS Z
CERESI
*
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8
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NEMETES
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CARNUTE SVellaumodunum
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Tullum
LEUCI
Andematur
LING ONE'S
Alegia
ANDUBI
Amfagetobriga
Vesonlio
E
болдото
47
To render this MAP the more complete
several Torons or People among the.
Gauls, and their Capital Cities, altho'not
mentioned in Caesar's Commentaries.
but at the same time judged convenient,
are inserted here; and distinguished
by an *.
AGESINATES
ANAGNUTES
* Uliaru
ere
* Santonnn Plus
Some Capitals whose Names were
given them in Honour of Augustus,
which could not be written in the
Map it self, have Figures joined to them
of which the following is an Explanation.
1 Aquæ Agusta Tarbellica.
2 Augustoritum.
3 Cæsarodunum.
4 Juliamagus
5 Juliobona.
6 Augusta Verom?
7 Augustobona
8 Augusta Treverg Augusta Raurac?
Some of these Cities which
under other Names.
are
the same
TURONES
Limonun
Spel PICTAV
Avaricum
dunum Noviodunum
sive
Dececia G
Α
BITURIGES
LIMOVICES
BOII
X10
Bibracte
ED VI
Nemo
811
Gergovia
abillonfum
AULERCI
BRANNOVICES Malisco
AMBARRI
INSUBRES
SEGUSIANI
Garumna
MEDULI
Canent elus
SANTONES
diolanum
IƆ SINIA
Vesunna
H
PETROCORI
Duranius J
NITIOBRIGES
Cossio
Burdigala
*
BOATES
10 Augustodunum.
441
11 Augustonemetum.
DATHI
Liger F
Revesio
VELLAVI
Rhodanus
Vogesus Mons
TRIBOCCI
CC I
:
Rhenus
A
tinta
PUT, ATIL
49
48
TULINGI
ANI
Dubis F
RAURACI indonissa
Salodurum
*
Tigurinus Pagus
HELVET I I
Argenfic
Urbigenus Pagus
*
emanus
NANTUATES
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44
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VOCATES
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SOTIATES
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30
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BIGERRIONES
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ELUSATES
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*Climberris
Garumna
*
*Oldus
Segodunum
RUTENU
Ruteni Provinciales
при
AN ITOLOSATES
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SIBULATES
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UMBRANICI
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Nemausus *
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Seausio
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SENTIL
Dinia
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CELI
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Padus F
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R
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Aquæ Sexta Argenteus F.
SUETRI
Astramela
Stagn.
Marima
Fetis E MARE
Lliberis
Caucoliberis
Rhoda
Emporia
Forum Vacont
Massilia
COMMONI
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tive Olbia
Stacades I.
GRÆCUM
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12 Casaromagus.
13 Augusta Suess.'14 Augusta Ause.
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Roman Miles
43
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R.W. Seale jeulp
A Preliminary Reflection.
203
1
Thus from the time of Cæfar Gaul had four
parts, that is to ſay, the Roman Province, Cel-
tica, Aquitain, and Belgia.
In the deſcription that we are going to give
of the manners of the Gauls, we fhall not
confider the Roman Province, who had already
accommodated themſelves to the cuſtoms and
manner of living of their Conquerors.
The Manners of the GAULS.
1
and the
Among the three other parts there were re-The man-
markable differences. The Aquitani, the neigh-ners of the
bours of the Spaniards, refembled them, both Gauls.
The dif-
in their outward appearance, and in their cha-
ference be-
racters. The Belge, who bordered on the tween the
Germans, and who were always at war with Aquatani,
them, imitated their ferocity. They were the the Belga,
moft brave of all the Gauls, and knew neither Celta
pleaſures nor voluptuoufnefs, from the conta-
gion of which their diſtance from the Roman
Province had fecured them. The Celtæ,
having the Romans near them, and moreover
being richer than the other, and carrying on
a greater trade, began to be foftned, and to
lofe at leaſt part of the antient fierceneſs of
the Gauls. Cæfar, to theſe differences, adds
that of languages: But thofe among the mo-
derns, who have fearched deepeſt into that bu-
finefs, pretend, on the contrary, that there was
but one common language, not only among
all the inhabitants of Gaul, but among all the
people of original Celtica; which, befides the
Gauls, comprehended the Germans, the Illy-
rians, the Spaniards, and they do not admit
among the languages of all theſe people but
the
204
The Manners of the GAULS.
The Gauls
in their
acts.
Cæf. de
the diverfity of dialects. I do not enter into
this difpute.
But one fingularity, which I think I ought
the Greek not to omit taking notice of, is that the Gauls,
language in the time of Cæfar, made ufe of Greek let-
ters in their public and private acts: and he
reports, that having taken the camp of the
B. G. VI. Helvetii, he found in it a regifter wrote in
14. & I. Greek letters, which contained a lift of all
thoſe who had gone out of their country to ſeek
an eſtabliſhment elfewhere, men, women, and
children. I make uſe of the expreffion Greek
letters, becauſe it is that of Cæfar, and which
has given room for a double intérpretation.
29.
I. 19.
Some think that it relates only to the cha-
racters, and that theſe acts were wrote in the
Gaulish or Celtic language, but with Greek
letters. They fupport this opinion, by fhewing,
that it appears as if the Greek tongue was not
Id. ibid. known among the Gauls. First, becaufe Di-
vitiacus, a celebrated Druid, does not confer
with Cæfar, but by the help of an interpreter;
whereas Cæfar understood and fpoke the
Greek perfectly well. In the fecond place,
Cicero being traitly preffed by the Nervii
Cæfar, who was defirous to give him an imme-
diate fuccour, wrote to him in Greek, that if his
letter fhould be intercepted it might not be
understood, a manifeft proof that the Gauls
did not underſtand the Greek.
V. 48.
But, on the other hand, it muſt be confef
fed, that Cæfar's expreffion was very ambigu-
ous, and very deceitful, if he would fpeak of
Celtic words wrote in Greek characters: And
• People who inhabited Cambrefis, Hainault, and part of
Flanders.
Strabo,
The Manners of the GAULS.
205
Strabo, after faying that Marſeilles was a
ſchool, where the Gauls fent their children,
adds, that in confequence of this the Gauls
were poliſhed, and became admirers of the
Greeks, and (a) that they prepared their acts
in Greek: an expreffion beyond all ambiguity.
It ſeems therefore indubitable, that the ufe
of the Greek language, introduced by the Mar-
fellois, was received in Gaul, but only in
their acts, in their ordinary commerce they
made uſe of the language of the country.
This being fo, it is not at all furprizing, that
a Druid fhould not be able to maintain a con-
verfation in Greek. And as to the letter wrote
by Cæfar to Q. Cicero, it was in the northern
extremity of Gaul that the thing happened:
therefore it is very probable, fince Marfeilles
first taught the Greek language to the Gauls,
that that knowledge extended itſelf only to the
neighbouring countries, or at moft to thoſe
not far diftant, and that it had not penetrated.
into the North of Gaul, the inhabitants of
which preferved to that time all their ferocity.
Each of the three great parts of Gaul com- A multi-
prehended ſeveral people, who had their Ma-plicity of
giftrates, their Senates and their Chiefs. But all people in
thefe people, nevertheless, formed together a ing one na-
Gaul form-
national body, they had general affemblies, and tional
united themſelves in their common affairs. body.
vide all
In fo vaft a body compofed of fo many parts, Two fac-
it is not to be wondered that factions ſhould tions di-
arife. There were two fubfifting in general, Gaul,
which divided the whole Nation. At the
head of one were the Edueni, antient allies of
the Romans: The other had for their chiefs,
(α) Ωςε καὶ τὰ συμβόλαια Ελληνιςὶ γράφει
fometimes
206
The Manners of the GAULS.
Particular
in each
canton.
fometimes the Arverni, fometimes the Sequa
ni, and laftly, from the entrance of Cæfar into
Gaul, the Rhemi. For Cæfar took a good
deal of care not to extinguifh thefe factions,
which prevented the Gauls from eafily uniting
their forces; and after he had deſtroyed the
power of the Sequani, he favoured the growth
of that of the Rhemi, who fubftituted them-
felves in their place, fhewing himſelf altoge-
ther as well fatisfied with thoſe who ranged
themſelves on the fide of theſe new chiefs, as
with thoſe who continued attached to the
Edueni.
The fame ſpirit of faction, which divided
factions Gaul in general, divided alfo each people,
among each each canton, and almoft each family. He had
people, and
parties there throughout the whole, and chiefs
of parties, who were always chofen from among
the most powerful and the moſt efteemed, to
be fupreme arbiters of affairs, and protectors of
the weak. For Cæfar thought that this prac-
tice was not introduced of itſelf, but had been
eſtabliſhed with defign, that thofe who were
not in a condition to defend themſelves from
oppreffion by their own ftrength, might never
want affiftance and fupport. Theſe Chiefs al-
ways took in hand the cauſes of their Clients,
and if they failed therein, they were dif
graced, and loft all their authority.
trious or-
ders among
Two dif The common people of Gaul were almoſt
tinguiſhed all in bondage; they were looked upon as no-
and illuf thing, and never admitted into any public de-
liberations. Oftentimes thofe among them,
the Gauls who found themſelves reduced to poverty,
The Dru- made themſelves flaves to fome great man,
ids, and
the Nobles, who thus became their maſter, and treated them
The People accordingly. All diftinctions, all honours, all
accounted
as nothing.
power,
}
The Manners of the GAULS.
207
power, were included in the two orders of
Druids and Cavaliers, who, for the greater
clearness, I fhall call Nobles. Thus the an-
tient ftate of Gaul much reſembled the pre-
fent ſtate of Poland, where the Peaſants are
Alaves, the middling People very little confi-
dered, and where the Churchmen and the
Nobles enjoy alone, to ſpeak properly, the
privileges of citizens, and compofe the Com-
monwealth.
were the
Religion was the province of the Druids, The Druids
and all thofe offices which required knowledge.
They were the Priefts, the Philofophers, the refs, the
Philofo-
Poets and the Judges of the Nation. Strabo phers, the
diftinguiſhed them thus, the Bards who were Poets and
the Poets; the (a) Eubages, Sacrificers; and Judges of
the Druids, moral Philofophers. But theſe
three orders ſeem to make one body together,
and were all included in the common denomi-
nation of Druids.
Their Miniſtry was employed in all facri-
fices public and private. Divination, which
they carried, if we may believe Pliny, even
to magic, all that belonged to the worſhip of
the gods, all the confufed remains of natural
religion, or what error abufing the name of
religion, has made regarded as facred, were un-
der their jurifdiction.
Their verſes were either moral or theologi-
cal poefy, which contained inftructions for their
pupils; or Panegyrics upon the antient he-
roes of the Nation; or laftly, as poetry was
always a buſineſs of adulation, the bards fung.
(a) The text of Strabo has
it Oudress. It is very pro-
bable that the author had
wrote Ovάyɛış.. The name of
Eubages is found in Ammia-
nus Marcellinus, L XV.
the
the Nation.
208
The Manners of the GAULS.
the glories of the Kings or great men who took
Vol. IX. them into their retinue. Of this we have feen
1. xxviii. an example in the embaffy fent by Bituitus
King of the Arverni to the Conful Domitius.
¿
Their philofophy was not confined to mo-
rality only, but raiſed itſelf to the ſtudy of na-
ture. Cæfar, without entering into any de-
tail of it, tells us, that they difcourfed much
of the ftars, and their motions; of the large-
nefs of the earth, and even of the whole world;
of the nature and power of the gods. But
none of their philofophical opinions is better
known to us than that of the immortality of
the foul, of which they believed a fucceffive
tranſmigration in different bodies, pretty near
the fame as taught by Pythagoras. They ſpread
this doctrine among the people, as a powerful
incentive to animate their virtue, and infpire
them with a contempt of death.
Laſtly, it was in the Druids that the power
of the Judicature refided. They judged of
all public and private quarrels: They often-
times decided on war and peace between the
cities. Criminal affairs, eſpecially that of
murder, proceffes on account of fucceffion, for
the limits of an inheritance, or the territories
of a people, were brought before their tribu-
nal. And they armed the authority of their
judgments with that of religion, of which they
were the Minifters; fo that if any private per-
fon, or even a whole people refuſed to ſubmis
to it, they pronounced againſt the refractory a
kind of fentence of excommunication, which
made thoſe upon whom it was paffed, to be
looked upon as profane perfons, with whom
no one would have any commerce, and who
were deprived of all the rights of fociety.
•
It
The Manners of the GAULS,
209
/
the Druids.
It may be eafily conceived, by what we have The edu-
been faying, that the Druids were extremely cation of
confiderable. To which, if it be added, that
they were exempt from going to war, or pay-
ing tributes, it will not be furprizing that men
preffed to enter into their body: But to be
admitted, they must have been brought up to
it, by them, from their youth. Their manner
of inftructing was to make their difciples learn
a prodigious number of verſes, and they fome-
times fpent twenty years in this exercife: For
they wrote nothing, without doubt, in confe-
quence of a principle common to all falfe reli-
gions, and to all philofophical fects, to hold
the mysteries of their doctrine in ſecrecy, and
to make themſelves admired by the vulgar, by
keeping them in ignorance.
The Druids had a chief chofen from among The chief of
themſelves, and by themſelves, who could not the Druids.
fail of being a perfon of great importance:
Therefore when this place became vacant, it ſo
ftrongly inflamed the defires of the ambitious,
that it was oftentimes the occafion of a war.
They held their general affemblies at a cer- Their ge-
tain time of the year, in the country of Char-neral af
traine, which was looked upon as the middle- Semblies in
or heart of Gaul. Thither all grand affairs of Char-
were brought and judged.
the coun ry
traine.
The Nobles
With the Druids, another order, as we have
faid, divided all the power, and all honours of all fought
the Gaulic Nation. Thefe were the Nobles, on horse-
Cæfar calls them Cavaliers; without doubt be- back.
cauſe they all fought on horfeback, as at this Continual-
time the Polish Nobility do, and as formerly in war.
ly engaged
among us, thofe whom our anceſtors called
men of arms. The Gaulic cavalry was excel-
lent: The Romans drew great ſervice from it,
VOL. XII.
P
after
210
The Manners of the GAULS.
1
after the conqueft of the country, and they
never had any better in their armies. War was
the proper function of theſe Nobles, and they
had occafion to make it every year, becauſe
there were always quarrels between one people
and another. They brought their Clients with
them, and thoſe who had the greateſt number
about them, were the moſt reſpected...
The form of The civil government was alſo in the hands
their go of this Nobility, for the ariftocratical form was
aristocra- that moft ufed among the people of Gaul,
They choſe themſelves every year a fupreme
Magiftrate for their affairs at home, and a
General to conduct them to the war.
vernment
tical.
1
Silence im- The wifeft and beft governed of theſe little
poſed on
Republics had a practice very well underſtood:
private That was that filence was impofed on private
perfons con-
cerning the perfons with regard to the affairs of ftate. If
affairs of any one had learned any news of his neighbours
State.
The barba
rous cuf,
toms of the
Gauls.
concerning the Commonwealth, he went to in-
form the Magiftrates of it; but was forbid to
acquaint any others with it. This practice was
founded upon what they had obferved, that
oftentimes flying reports, and even thoſe that
were falſe, excited movements, and occafioned
alarms, which were attended with very bad con-
fequences. For this reafon it was not permitted
to any one to ſpeak of public affairs, but in
the Affemblies which were held to deliberate
upon them.
All the Gaulic Nation were warriors, except
the Druids. They employed themſelves very
little in cultivating the earth, although it was
very fertile, living chiefly by hunting, and the
fleſh of their cattle. They ftrengthened their
bodies by this hard fort of life, and by thefe
violent exerciſes: and they took to it very ear-
ly,
:
The Manners of the GAULS.
211
ly, if we may attribute to the whole nation.
what feveral authors have reported of the
Celtæ neighbours of the Rhine, that they went
into the river to waſh their children when juſt
born, to harden them againſt cold in the firſt
moments of life.
#
From thence that ferofity, with which they
have been reproached by all the Greek and
Roman authors; and although theſe writers do
not at all times merit belief, yet here incontefta-
ble facts are witneffes for them. To fight
naked to their waftes, is a bravade that agrees
only with barbarians. Nothing was more con-
trary and fhocking to humanity, than their
cuftom of carrying before the chefts of their
horfes the heads of their enemies flain in bat-
tle, which they afterwards faftened to the gates
of their cities. They were not content with
this, when it was fome King, or illuftrious
Chief in the war, whom they had vanquished
and flain, they took the skull, and waſhing it,
tipped it with gold, and made uſe of it as a
veffel, for their Priefts to drink out of, or
make their libations on folemn days.
The Romans and Greeks thought the cuſtom
was ftill more ftrange, for the Gauls to go arm-
ed to their Affemblies and common delibera-
tions. Strabo relates a very fingular method
they had to keep filence. If any one impro-
perly diſturbed the perfon who ſpoke in the
Affembly, an Apparitor went, with his fword
drawn, to the troublefome man, and, with
menaces, ordered him to hold his tongue. He
The teftimonies of thefe
Authors have been collected
together by Lacerda, in bis
Commentaries on Virgil. Æn.
IX. V. 603.
P 2.
repeated
212
The Manners of the GAULS.
repeated this prohibition twice or thrice, if
there was need of it: but if the perſon on
whom he would impofe filence, continued ob-
ftinate, he cut away one half of his caffack
with his fword, fo that the reft became ufelefs,
and could make but a very ridiculous garb..
Caf. de B. It is impoffible alfo not to condemn the bar-
G. V. 56.barity of that cuftom they had, to put to death,
with the moft cruel torments, the perfon who
came laft, to the general convocation of all
the young men, who were fummoned to take
arms. I do not ſpeak here of the facrifices of
human victims, becauſe this kind of horror was
common to all the Pagan Nations, even the
beft governed.
An amia-
ble cha-
racter of
the genius
of the
Gauls.
Their va-
lour.
h
All thefe paffages, and feveral others that
might be eafily added to them, prove, in my
opinion, that it was not unjustly that the Gauls
of thofe antient times have been treated as
Barbarians. This does not hinder but that they
had fome amiable qualities. Freedom, candour,
a hatred of all oblique and finifter arts, and an
exalted courage, that made them defirous to
conquer by force and not by craft. There
wanted but a little cultivation to make them
become comparable, by the foftnefs of their
manners, as they were in valour and military
refolution, to other nations the most renown-
ed, and whofe glory was the moſt refplendent.
For as to their valour it was natural to them,
and we may well fuppofe their manner of living
was likely to nourish and inflame it. Thus the
earth was filled with their exploits, and their
armed Colonies made great fettlements in Italy,
Germany, upon the banks of the Danube, and
even in Afia Minor.
However,
The Manners of the GAULS.
213
rance
However it is difficult not to allow, that they They want-
wanted one effential quality for war; I meaned perſeve-
perfeverance in fupporting fatigues. In hot
countries (a) even their bodies, accuftomed to
moiſture and cold, could not fupport them-
felves, and their courage felt the effects of this
weakneſs. All the world knows the faying of
Titus Livy," that the Gauls in the beginning
86 of an action were more than men, and at the
O end of it lefs than women.
For this rea-
fon they were very unfit to undertake fieges:
a laborious operation, which oftentimes required
a length of time. No dangers affrighted
them, but the labour difgufted them.
"2
Another confiderable obſtacle to their fuccefs Their le-
in war, was the facility, with which they fome-vity.
times conceived rafh and prefumptuous hopes,
at the first appearance of good fortune, and
their fuffering themfelves to be immediately
dejected as foon as they met with the leaft dif
appointment. This levity, which was com-
mon to all the barbarous nations, gave a great
advantage to the People over them, who were
better cultivated, and whom education, reflec-
tion, and the inftructions of the wife, had
taught to be more mafters of themſelves, and
not to deliver themfelves up entirely to the
impreffions of good fortune or a reverfe of it.
Advanta
All antiquity has boafted of the bodily ad-
vantages of the Gauls; their tall ftature, their ges of bod;
large brown locks, blue eyes, white ſkin, and
withal fomething martial in their phyfiogno-
mies. Theſe marks of reſemblance were feen
(a) Gallorum- corpora
intolerantiffima laboris atque
æftus fluere; primaque eo-
rum prælia plufquam viro-
rum, poftrema minus quàm
feminarum effe. F. L. X. 28.
P 3
}
...
214
The Manners of the GAULS.
i
in them all, becauſe confined within them
felves, they went not to feek marriages, among
other people fo that the national air preferv-
ed itſelf having no mixture of foreign blood in
it: and they improved their good mien by the
The taste of magnificence of their drefs. The rich and
the Gauls great men of the nation wore fhining ſtuffs of
for magni- the moft lively colours, fplendid with a pro-
ficence.
Much gold
in Gaul.
Vol. IX.
fufion of gold. They had golden gorgets, and
bracelets of the fame metal. In general they
fet a great value on gold, and were very
covetous of it. But it is well enough known,
that this manner of thinking was not peculiar to
them.
1
There muſt needs have been a vast quantity
of this precious metal in the two Gauls. It
may be remembered here what we have related
concerning the riches of King Luerius; and of
thoſe treatures funk in many places, in the lakes
and moraffes. It is very certain that the ſpoil
of Gaul brought prodigious fums to Cæfar.
From whence all their gold came is not eafy
The trade. to determine: but it is not to be doubted but
a great trade was carried on in the two Gauls,
and Strabo obferves, that the convenience of
the two feas, and the navigable rivers, which
fell one into the other, or were but at a ſmall
diſtance, made the tranfportation of merchan-
dizes extremely eaſy.
The religi-
on of the
Gauls.
victims.
As to what concerned religion, the Gauls
were fuperlatively fuperftitious. Cæfar does
not relate any thing upon this fubject very cir-
Human cumftantially, only that in their abominable fa-
crifices they caufed men to be deſtroyed to ap-
peafe, as they imagined, the wrath of their
deities, whilft they really fatisfied the implaca-
ble rage of Dæmons againſt mankind. Theſe
horrible
Moll
The Manners of the GAULS.
215
horrible impieties made a part of their public
worſhip; and private perfons moreover, when
they found themſelves in any danger, either
through fickneſs or otherwife, made vows to
facrifice human victims, perfuaded as they were,
that the life of one man could be only redeem-
ed by that of another.
The ceremony ufed in facrificing theſe un-
happy victims was not always the fame. Some-
times they plunged a fword into the back of
the perſon whom they devoted to the wrath of
their gods, and by the palpitations of the dy-
ing victim pretended to divine or foretell what
was to come. They pierced others with ar-
rows, or faſtened them to croffes. But their
moſt folemn manner was to prepare a Coloffus
of ofier twiggs, in which they inclofed living
men, with cattle, and favage beafts, which they
afterwards fet fire to, and fo confumed men
and beafts in the flames. However there re-
mained enough of the light of nature in them,
to chooſe, as well as they could, criminal per-
fons, and to believe that theſe forts of victims,
ho had deſerved death by their crimes, would
be the moſt agreeable to their gods. But for
want of criminals, they made no ſcruple to fa-
crifice the innocent. When we reprefent fuch
horrors committed in the country that we in-
habit, what acknowledgments do we owe to
the Chriſtian Religion, which has delivered us
from fo frightful a blindnefs!
The Romans, when they became maſters of
Gaul, were willing to aboliſh theſe facrifices,
the difgrace of humanity. But were they wor- See Vol,
thy reformers of an abuſe that they practifed IX.
themſelves? Chriftianity alone has had the
P 4
glory
216
The Manners of the GAULS.
Their prin.
cipal dei-
thes.
glory of putting an end to this cruel and im-
pious worſhip whereever that has prevailed.
}
The principal deities adored by the Gauls
were, according to Cæfar, Mercury, Apollo,
Mars, Jupiter and Minerva. That is not to
fay, that they antiently knew thefe names,
which were either Greek or Roman. But they
adored, under Gaulic names, deities to whom
they attributed the fame functions, thata-
mong the Greeks and Romans, were the ap-
pendages of Mercury, Apollo, and the others
we have named. Teutates was their Mercury,
They looked upon this God as the inventor of
arts, the protector of trade, and all the ways of
getting money. They made him alfo prefide
over the highways, and he was invoked by
travellers. Héfus, among the Gauls, was the
god of war; Taranis, the god of heaven;
Bélénus, the god of phyfic. I do not find a
Gaulic name anfwering to that of Minerva;
but they honoured a goddefs who prefided over
works in which thread or wool was employed.
The Hercu-
1
In a nation devoted to arms, the god of war
could not but be extremely revered. Common-
ly when they took a refolution to fight, they
confecrated to him all they took from the ene-
my; and after a victory they facrificed every
thing that had life, and the reft they piled up
in heaps. In the time of Cæfar feveral of theſe
piles were to be feen in different diftricts; and
he fays it was rare, that any perfon was found
who dared fteal from them, or hide any part
in their houſes. If fuch a thing happened the
perfon culpable was puniſhed in the moſt ri-
gorous manner.
:
Lucian tells us of another god honoured by
les of the the Gauls, which is not named by Cæfar. This
Gauls.
is
The Manners of the GAULS.
217
is the Gaulic Hercules, who in the Celtic
tongue was called Ogmius. The attributes
with which they reprefented this deity, had
fomething very fingular, and, at the fame time,
very ingenious in them. He was a true Her-
cules with the club, the lion's fkin, the quiver
and arrows. But (a) they gave him the form
of an old man, and he drew to him a great
multitude of men who were faftened by the
ears. Their bands were chains of tiffue wrought
with gold, and a metal which was thought ſtill
more precious with an infinite delicacy, and re-
fembling the fineſt and moſt magnificent col-
lars. However, adds Lucian, although their
chains were fo weak, and they might eafily
have got away, yet they did not feem fo much
as to think of it. They made no reſiſtance
but, on the contrary, followed their conqueror
with an air of gaiety and fatisfaction: they
feemed to praife him, and would run before
him, fo that their chains became loofe, and
one would imagine that they would have been
forry to have been fet at liberty. The point
from whence theſe chains proceeded was the
tongue of the god, which was bored through
at the end.
"
;
It is eaſy to perceive that this was an emblem
of eloquence, the force of which is invincible,
(α) Ο γέρων Ηραχλῆς ἐκεῖ.
να ανθρώπων πάμπολύ τι
πλῆθος ἕλκει, ἐκ τῶν ὤτων -
ά
παντας δεδεμένος· δεσμὰ δὲ
ἐἰσὶν δι, σειριὰ λεπταί χρυσό
καὶ ἠλεκτρα ειργασμέναι, όρμσις
λοκυθαὶ τοῖς καλλιςοις, όμως
δὲ ἀφ' ὅπως ἀσθενῶν ἀγόμενοι,
ἔτε δρασμὸν βέλευσε, δυνά-
μενος αν ευμαρῶς ἔτε ὅλως
αντιτείνεσιν - ἀλλὰ φαιδροί
έπονται τα γεγηθότες, καὶ τὸν
άγοντα ἐπαινόντες, ἐπειγόμε
νοι άπαντες, καὶ τῷ φθάνειν ἐ-
θέλειν τὸν δεσμον ἐπιχαλῶν.
τες, εοικότες αχθεσθησομένοις
εἰ λυθήσονται ο ζωγράφο
τρυπήσας τὰ θεῖ τὴν γλῶτταν,
ἐξ ἐκείνης ἑλκομένες αυτὸς ἐ-
ποίησε Lucian Herc. Gall
-
but
218
The Manners of the GAULS.
but operates nevertheleſs with fo much fweet-
nefs, that it charms even thofe over whom it
gains the victory. They painted the god with
the features of old age, becauſe years (a) mel-
low the dignity of ftile, as well as that of the
manners. I confeſs all this idea feems to me
too ingenious to determine me eafily to give
the credit of it to thoſe antient Gauls, the
lovers of violence, and who boaſted to carry
their law on the points of their fwords. I
readily believe that the Gaulic Hercules, at leaft
fuch as it is deſcribed by Lucian, is poſterior
to Cæfar, and was not contrived till after the
Romans had introduced a tafte for the fine arts
and eloquence into Gaul.
The Gauls
Cæfar farther makes mention of the god of
pretend to
the dead and of hell, as known among the
be the iffue
of the god Gauls: and they pretended even to have iffted
of the dead. from him, which means no more, according to
They begin the obfervation of a learned and judicious in-
ral day at terpreter, than that they looked upon them-
the ſetting felves as Autochtones, that is to fay, born in
of the fun. the country itſelf that they inhabited. Cæfar
their natu-
adds, that in confequence of this original which
the Gauls attributed to themſelves, they feem-
ed to be willing to honour darkneſs, by reckon-
ing the ſpaces of time by nights and not by
days. But the fame interpreter obferves, that
this practice of including the day between two
fettings of the fun, fo that the night goes firft,
was not peculiar to the Gauls, and that it was
received not only among the Germans their
neighbours and their brothers, but among the
Athenians, and among the Jews.
(a) Diferti fenis compta & mitis oratio. Cic.
It
The Manners of the GAULS.
219
It remains for us to give an account of ſome Their do-
of Cæfar's remarks on the domeſtic conduct of meſtic
ufages.
the Gauls. Sons never accompanied their fa-Sons did
thers, till they were of age to bear arms. Till not appear
then it was looked upon as difgraceful for a fon, before their
fathers in
whilſt a child, to be ſeen in public by the fide- public, till
of his father. This nation was fo poffefled they were
with the love of war, that they eſteemed no- of age to
thing but with regard to this one object. And bear arms.
if it was allowed to fathers to give way to the
fentiments of nature in their houfes, they were
not willing, that they ſhould feem publicly to
reckon their family as any thing, but as they
were capable of ferving the ftate in their bat-
tles.
Poligamy was in ufe among them, at leaſt Their mar-
among the nobles and great men. Their marriages.
riages were very fruitful, which came, without
doubt, from the fimple and laborious life the
men and women led; from thence that prodi-
gious multiplication, which obliged them, from
time to time, to detach fwarms who went to
feek their fortune elſewhere, becauſe the too
great number of inhabitants overburthened a
land, which was perhaps one of the moſt fertile
of the whole world.
When they married, they took from their
land a portion equal to the fortune brought by
the woman; the two fhares being thus united
were poffeffed in common, they ferved the
couple in common, and they took care to pre-
ferve and gather together the fruits of them.
After the death of one, the furvivor remained
fole proprietor, both of the principal ſtock and
what had heen ſaved by it.
The women were kept in a great depen-
dence. Their husbands had over them the
1
right
220
The Manners of the GAULS.
Their fu-
_merals.
Toi man-
antient
right of life and death, as fathers over their
children: And when any illuftrious man died,
his relations affembled, and upon the leaft fuf-
picion that his wives had contributed to his
death, they cauſed them to be put to the tor
ture like flaves. If they were found culpable,
iron and fire were employed to torment and
deftroy them.
-
The funerals of the rich and great were cele-
brated with great magnificence. The custom
was to burn the dead, and with them all that
had been agreeable to them in their life-time,
even to their animals: And not long before
the time of Cæfar, they placed upon the fune-
ral pile of him, whofe obfequies they perform-
ed, his flaves and clients that were the moſt
valued by him, and confumed them in the
fame flames.
I think I cannot better conclude this defcrip-
ners of the tion of the manners of the Gauls, than by a
Gauls like place in Virgil parallel to it, where that great
those of the poet, in fhewing the customs and kind of
people of life of the antient inhabitants of Latium, will
Latium, bring before the reader the greateſt part of
defcribed thofe ftrokes by which Cæfar and Strabo have
by Virgil.
painted the Gauls, eſpecially with regard to
their fierceness, their rudeness and their tafte
for war. "We (a) are a Nation, fays Rutu-
(a) Durum ab ftirpe genus: natos ad flumina primum
Deferimus, fævoque gelu duramus & undis.
Venatu invigilant pueri, fylvafque fatigant.
Flectere ludus equos & fpicula tendere cornu..
At patiens operum pavoque affueta juventus
Aut raftris terram domat, aut quatit oppida bello.
Omne ævum ferro teritur, versâque juvencûm
Terga fatigamus haftâ: nec tarda fenectus
Debilitat vires animi mutatque vigorem.
Canitiem galeâ premimus: femperque recentes
Convectare juvat prædas, & vivere rapto.
Virgil. Æn. IX. 6a3-613.
66 Aus
•
:
The Manners of the GAULS.
"lus Numanus, robuft and indefatigable from
"our first origine, As foon as our children
"are born, we plunge them in the rivers, and
"harden them againſt the cold of the waters
and the ice. They are hardly able to go
"before we employ them in hunting, and
"teach them to make war with the inhabi-
<s
tants of the forefts. To break horſes, and
draw the bow; theſe are the ſports of their
infancy. Our youth, laborious and accuf-
"tomed to live on little, know but two ex-
❝erciſes, to cultivate the land, and affail the
"towns of their enemies. All our life paffes
in handling iron, and it is with the points of
our fpears that we prick our oxen yoked to
"the plough. Cold and flothful old age al-
"ters nothing of the ftrength of our bodies,
or the vigour of our courage. We cover
our hairs when grey with a helmet; and our
"glory, as well as delight is, to run.without
ceafing always after freſh booty, and to live
"upon plunder.'
66
of the
221
Thefe antient manners of Latium, which The glory
very probably, in the firft ages, were thofe of of the arms
all the people of Europe, were proper to form Gauls.
foldiers. It is not furprizing that the Gauls,
who always preferved them, fhould render
themſelves formidable to all Nations, and ef-
pecially to the Romans. It is known that the
Senones took Rome, and after that event the
terror of the Gaulic name was fo great among
the Romans, that in their wars with that Na-
tion all privilege ceafed, and no one was ex-
empt from taking arms; and, moreover, they
kept in their Treaſury fums of gold and filver,
which was forbid to be touched, unless there
happened a war with Gaul. Cicero alſo, ſpeak-
ing
1
i
222
The Manners of the GAULS.
1
Cic. de ing in full Senate, makes no difficulty to avow,
Har. Refp. that the Romans could gain nothing over the
19. & de Gauls by ftrength of body and courage, and
Conf. 32. that they ought always to be contented with
Prov.
Cafar hi-
therto a
citizen, is
keeping upon the defenfive with them. It
:
was this powerful and warlike nation that Cæfar
undertook to fubdue: it wanted nothing lefs
than all the merit of the greateſt warrior that
Rome had ever produced, to finifh this defign
in eight campaigns.
•
4
Cæfar is therefore now going to appear in a
light very different from that in which he has
factious hitherto fhewn himſelf. This factious, this
beginning intriguing, this man always engaged with the
to be one worft party, always an enemy to the beft citi-
of the
zens, is going to become a warrior, whofe fub-
greatest
lime merit will efface all the heroes of paffed
warriors.
ages, and be the deſpair of thoſe who fhall fol-
low him. The fuperiority of his genius,
which embraced every talent, wanted only op-
portunities to fhew itſelf in every kind.
fame fpirit animated all his defigns. The fame
ambition that employed him in intrigues, car-
ried him to war. He divided himſelf between
theſe two objects the whole time that he fpent
in the conqueft, of Gaul, and after having
paffed the beſt ſeaſon of the year in fighting,
in the winter, he approached again towards
Rome to manage as he had always done.
The
His glory
But in confidering him only here with re-
effaces that spect to arms, it is not to be doubted but that
other Ro- his glory, as I have already faid, furpaffed that
man Gene- of all the other Roman Generals that ever
of all the
rals.
were. If we compare to him, fays Plutarch,
the Scipio's, and the Fabius's, the Marius's
and the Sylla's, and laftly Pompey, whofe
fame was exalted to the fky, it will be found,
that
The Manners of the GAULS.
223
that they muſt be all obliged to yield the pre-
eminence to Cæfar. He carries it from one by
the difficulty of the places where he made war,
from another by the largenefs of the country
that he conquered; from this by the number
and courage of the enemies he fubdued; from
that by the ferofity and infidelity of the minds
and characters of thoſe whom he foftened and
polifhed; from fome by the clemency he uſed
towards the vanquifhed, from others by the
largeffes he beftowed upon his foldiers; and
from them all by the number of battles he
gained, and of enemies that he had flain. For
in his eight campaigns he took eight hundred
towns, fubdued three hundred nations ; and
having fought in different actions with three
millions of men, had killed one million, and
made an equal number prifoners.
Pliny adds to this detail, that Cæfar fought
fifty pitched battles, and makes the number of
enemies killed by him to be eleven hundred,
fourfcore and twelve thouſand men, not taking
into the account thofe who periſhed in the
civil wars, upon which he had good reaſon to
obferve, that (a) fo terrible a deſtruction of
mankind ought not to be made a ſubject of
Cæfar's glory, even though neceffity could ex-
cufe the victor.
Among the military talents of Cæfar, one of He makes
thoſe the moſt worthy of praife, was that he had himself a-
dored by
not only made himſelf beloved by the foldiers, the foldi-
even to adoration, but had infpired them with ers, and
all his fire, and all the nobleneſs of his fen-animates
timents. It was faid that he had transformed them by his
fire.
(a) Non equidem in glo-
riâ pofuerim tantum, etiam
coactam, humani generis in-
juriam, Plin, vii. 25.
them
224
The Manners of the GAULS.
Some won-
Lages on
this fub-
them all to heroes. The paffage may be re-
membered that I related of P. Scéva, at the
time that Cæfar commanded in Lufitania. Plu-
tarch furniſhes us here with three other facts of
the like kind, which all belonged to the civil
wars.
In a naval fight near Marſeilles a foldier,
derful paf named Acilius, had his right hand cut off,
whilſt he ſupported himſelf on the poop of an
ject.
enemy's fhip: nevertheleſs he jumped into it,
Suet. Cæf. and continued fighting with his buckler, which
he conftantly held in his left, and contributed
not a little to the taking the fhip, by an ex-
ample of fuch heroic courage.
c. 68.
Val. Max.
III. 2.
II. 2.
The action of a Centurion in a battle near
Dyrrachium in Epirus, feems no leſs a prodigy.
Val. Max. This Centurion who is named M. Cefius, by
Valerius Maximus, and Sceva by Lucian, had
had one of his eyes torn out by an arrow, his
fhoulder and his thigh pierced by two javelins,
and had received an hundred and thirty ftrokes
on his buckler, as well from the ſword as from
darts thrown at a diftance. In this condition
he called two of the enemy as it were to fur-
render himself; but when they approached,
reckoning themfelves very fecure from the
fituation in which they faw him, Cefius cleaved
down the ſhoulder of one by a ſtroke of his
fword, overthrew the other by ſtriking him
in the face with his buckler, and faved himſelf
by the affiftance of fome of his own People,
who came to his fuccour.
Upon the coafts of Lybia one of Cæfar's
fhips, which carried fome foldiers with Granius,
the Quæftor defigned, was taken by Metellus
Scipio. All were put to the fword, except
the Quæftor, to whom they offered his life:
buţ
Some Paſſages concerning CESAR.
225
but he refuſed it. The foldiers of Cæfar, faid
he, are ufed to give life, and not to take it: and
in ſaying theſe words he fell upon his ſword.
·
ward
It is to Cæfar that the chief glory of thefe He knew
generous actions of thofe who ferved under how to re-
him, is to be attributed; becauſe it was he who with mag-
excited and nouriſhed in them the fentiments nificence,
that rendered them capable of them. For this and give
he made uſe of two means. The firft was to an exam-
reward with magnificence; and his foldiers contempt of
ple of the
faw, that if he gathered riches together, it was dangers
not to fatisfy his own luxury, nor his own plea- and fa
fures: they were only, properly fpeaking, de-tigues.
pofited in his hands, as the prizes deſtined for
valour. He had no other fhare in thefe trea-
fures, than to be the diftributor to thoſe who
had fhewn themſelves worthy of them. The
fecond means, not lefs efficacious, was that he ſet
an example to every one, and that there was no
danger he would not expoſe himſelf to if there
was need of it, nor any fatigue that he would
not undergo.
His intrepidity in dangers was not what was
the moſt aſtoniſhing. But it is hardly to be con-
ceived, how he could gain fo much upon the
natural temperament of his body as to be able
to bear all forts of labour. For his health was The weak-
very delicate, which fufficiently fhewed itfelf nes of his
in his countenance, having a very pale com-conftitu-
plexion and an air of weakneſs. He was fub-
ject to frequent pains in the head, and even to
attacks from the falling ficknefs. (a) Never-
(α) Ου μαλακίας ἐποιήσας
Το την αρρωσίαν πρόφασιν,
ἀλλὰ θεραπέιαν τ' ἀῤῥωσίας
την σρατειαν, ταῖς ἀτρόποις
VOL. XII.
ὁδοιπορίαις, καὶ ταῖς ἐθελέσε
δικίταις, καὶ τῷ θυραυλεῖν, ἀπο
μαχόμενος τῷ πάθει, καὶ τὸ
σώμα φρερῶν δυσάλωτον. Plut.
Q
thelefs
tion.
226
Some Paffages concerning CE SA R.
1
vity.
theleſs he did not make his ill health a pretext
to give himſelf up to foftnefs, but he was
willing to make the war ferve for a remedy to
his ill health. He combated his illness by
painful marches, by a fimple and fparing life,
and by paffing the nights in the open air. He
accuſtomed himſelf moft times to fleep in a
poft-chaize, converting into action even the
hours he was forced to take his repofe in.
When he marched by day, he had feated with
him in his chaife a Secretary ufed to write
what he dictated all along the journey, and be-
hind him a foldier. This was all his retinue.
Active to a prodigy, and not knowing what it
was ever to loſe a moment, he would not em-
barraſs himſelf with equipages, which muft
neceffarily have hindered him.
Fits prodi- This (a) vivacity comparable to fire and
gious acti- lightning, this fpirit always upon the ftretch,
and whoſe ſprings were perpetually in action,
was one of the moſt remarkable parts of Ca-
far's character. It was fufficient for all things
at once. It is affirmed that he has been feen
writing or reading, and at the fanfe time dic-
tating to a Secretary, and giving audience to
thoſe who came to ſpeak to him. As to his
letters, which turned, as it is eafy to judge, on
affairs of the greateſt importance, when he em-
ployed himſelf only on them, he dictated four
at a time to four different. Secretaries. It is
therefore with reafon that Pliny (a) looks upon
him of all men as one who had the greateſt
force, and greateſt extent of mind at the fame
time.
(a) Celeritatem quodam igne volucrem. Plin. vii. 25.
(b) Animi vigore præftantiffimum arbitror genitum Cafa-
rum Dictatorem.
He
Some Paſſages concerning CE SA R. 227
He joined to this an eafinefs and fweetnefs The eaf-
of manners, that rendered him infinitely aim- nefs and
fweetness
able. In a banquet that one of his hofts gave of his man-
him at Milan, they had ferved up afparagus on ners. Ex-
which perfume had been put instead of oil; amples of
Cæfar eat of them alone; and as his friends,
who were more delicate than he was, fhewed
their diſguſt, he reprimanded them. It is fuf-
ficient, faid he, not to eat of what difpleafes us,
To fhew our defect in not knowing how to live on
the like occafion, is being wanting to ones-felf.
One day when he was upon a march, a ſtorm
and very bad weather forced him to take fhel-
ter in a cottage, where there was but one cham-
ber to be found, fcarce large enough for one
man. Cæfar
Cæfar upon this faid to his friends who
accompanied him, that the diftinctions of ho-
nour belonged to thofe of the firft rank, but
the neceffary conveniences of life were for the
weakeſt. He therefore forced Oppius, who
was indifpofed, to take the chamber, and for
himſelf, he paffed the night with others under
the porch of the houſe. Who could have been
compared to Cæfar, if to fo many excellent
qualities, he had added a refpect to juftice and
the love of virtue?
This picture of Cæfar from facts, will be
confirmed by all the fequel of his hiſtory, and
particularly by the conduct that he maintained
in the war with the Gauls. I am going to be-
gin the recital of it.
them.
Q3
SECT.
228
CONTENTS.
SECT. II.
Motions of the Allobroges fome time before Ca-
far's entry into Gaul. The Helvetii, encourag-
ed by Orgetorix, refolve to leave their country,
and fettle themselves elsewhere. Orgetorix af
pires at making himself King. Is about to be
profecuted, dies. His plan ftill followed. The
Helvetii begin their march. They ask leave of
Cæfar to pass the Rhone, which he refuses
them. They pass the Defile between Mount
Jura and the Rhone. Cæfar overtakes them at
the paffage of the Soan. He beats the Tigu-
rins on this fide that river. He paffes it, and
pursues the body of that nation. An embay
from the Helvetii. A battle of the horse,
wherein the Helvetii are Victors. The treafon
of Dumnorix the Eduen. Cæfar pardons him
in confideration of his brother Divitiacus.
Through the fault of an Officer, Cæfar lofes an
opportunity that he had managed to beat the
Helvetii. They came to attack Cæfar, and are
vanquished. The rest of the conquered army are
obliged to furrender. Cæfar fends them back to
their own country. He is defired by the Gauls
to undertake the war against Arioviftus. The
occafion of this war. Cæfar demands an inter-
view with Arioviftus, which he denies him.
Cæfar fends Ambaffadors to make his propofi-
tions. The haughty answer of Ariovistus. Ca-
far marches against Ariovistus. He makes him-
Self fure of Befancon. The terror which ſpread
itself through the Roman army. The admira-
ble conduct of Cæfar to re-animate the courage
of his men. The fuccefs answers to it, and the
troops march with confidence against the enemy.
An
Motions of the HELVETII.
229
An interview between Arioviftus and Cæfar.
The conference broke off by the perfidy of the
Germans. Cæfar, at the request of Ariovistus,
fends deputies to him. That Prince puts them
in chains. Cæfar, feveral times, offers battle
to Arioviftus, who declines it. The fuperfti-
tious reafon for this refufal. Cæfar forces the
Germans to come to an engagement, and gains
the victory. He recovers his two deputies.
Cæfar goes to pass the winter in Cifalpine
Gaul.
Dio L.
INCE the confpiracy of Catiline there had Motions of
been fome motions among the * Allobro- the Allo-
ges. Thefe People revolting under the con- time before
broges fome
duct of a chief named Catugnatus, had carried Cefar's
war into the country which we call Provence, entry into
which for a long time, as we have faid, had Gaul.
obeyed the Romans. But C. Pontinius had not xxxvii.
had much difficulty to repulfe their efforts, and Cic. de
ſatisfied with having brought them back to their Prov.
Conf. ".
duty, he thought that was enough to deferve a
triumph. All being therefore peaceable on this
fide when Cæfar arrived in Gaul, the Helvetii
+ furnished him with an occafion for the war
he defired.
32.
Under the Confulfhip of Meffala and Pup-The Hel-
pius Piſo, two years before that of Cæfar, Orge-vɩtii în
torix, the moft illuftrious and richest man a-couraged by
mong the Helvetii, infpired his nation with a refolve to
Orgetorix,
defire to quit the country they inhabited, and leave their
to go and eſtabliſh themſelves in fome other country,
more fertile country of Gaul. The reafons
and fettle
that he employed to perfuade them to it were, elferwhere.
* People of Savoy and Dauphiny.
+ The Switzers.
themſelves
Cæf de
B. Gall.
Li. 4.
Q3
that
{
230
Motions of the HELVETII.
that ſhut up, as they were, between the Rhine,
Mount Jura, the Lake * Leman and the
Rhone, it was impoffible for them to extend
themſelves, or to make conquefts on their
Plut. Cæf. neighbours; and that nevertheleſs, forming a
Dio. L. numerous body, the country that they occupied,
and which was but an hundred and feventy-two
miles in length, and ſeventy-fix in breadth, was
too ſtrait to contain and nourish them. Theſe
motives had their effect upon a warlike and
covetous people. But Orgetorix had his parti-
cular views.
xxxviii.
make him-
cuted.
Dies.
་
Orgetorix He was to march at the head of his nation,
afpires to to execute the deſign of which he was the au-
Self King.
thor: but not content with the quality of Chief,
Is about to he afpired to that of King. To fucceed in
be profe- which, he fought to procure himſelf accom-
plices and fupports among the neighbouring
People. It had been agreed by the Helvetii,
that they would endeavour to fecure their al-
liance. Orgetorix took upon him this negotia
tion. He went among the Sequani †, and
the Edueni, and engaged two of the
greateſt Lords of thefe two nations, Cafticus
and Dumnorix, to take meaſures to raiſe them-
felves to the royal dignity. He promiſed to
fecond them with all the forces of the Hel-
vetii, of which he had the command, upon
condition that they fhould reciprocally lend him
all their fuccours. And this Triumvirate flat-
tered themſelves that they fhould be powerful
enough afterwards to fubdue all the Gauls.
The Lake of Geneva:
+ The People of the Franche-Comte.
The People of Autun.
But
Motions of the HELVETII.
231
But the intrigue was difcovered, and the
Helvetii, jealous of their liberty, formed a pro-
cefs againſt the culpable. He was arrefted;
and if he had been condemned, nothing lefs
would have been his fate than to have been
burnt alive. On the day that judgment was to
be given, Orgetorix called together all his fa-
mily, to the number of ten thouſand men;
his clients and debtors, of which the multitude
was very great, came alſo to the Affembly, and
all together tore the accufed by force from the
feverity of the Judges. The nation would
have had recourfe to arms to make their au-
thority refpected: the Magiftrates had already
raiſed forces, when Orgetorix died, ſo ápropos,
that it was thought his death was voluntary.
lowed.
The fcheme of which he had given the Hel- His plan
vetii an idea, was nevertheleſs put in execu fill fol
tion. The preparations continued for two years,
which were employed in gathering together
beafts of burthen, and waggons, and to make
magazines of corn, that might be fufficient to
ſubſiſt a nation in their march, till they could
make a conqueft of fome good and fertile coun-
try. They took advantage alfo of this time to
ftrengthen themſelves by allies and companions,
who were the Rauraci, the Tulingi, the La-
tobrigi, and a fwarm of the Boii tranfplanted
into Norica. It was thefe motions that gave
uneafineſs to the Romans under the Confulfhip
of Metellus Celer and of Afranius, as I have re-
* Thofe of Bale, which then
made no part of the Helvetic
body. The Tulingi aud the
Latobrigi were neighbours of
the Helvetii. This is all we
know with certainty. The
Boii were originally the Peo-
ple of the Bourbonnois, Colo-
nies of whom fettled in Ger-
many and in Italy. Norica
was Bavaria and part of
Auftria.
Q4
lated.
232
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
The Hel-
their
march.
lated. But the year of this Confulfhip and the
following, which was that of Cæfar, was def
tinated by the Helvetii only for preparations.
L. CALPURNIUS PISO.
A. GABINIUS.
*
When the time of departure was come, that
vetii begin is to ſay, in the firſt months of the Confulfhip
of Pifo and Gabinius, the Helvetii burnt their
towns, to the number of twelve, their little
boroughs and villages which amounted to four
hundred, and what corn they had too much, in
order to take away from themfelves all hopes
of ever returning to their country, and to en-
courage themſelves by this motive to brave all
dangers. Thus, carrying with them no other
provifions, than meal for three months, they
began their march, men, women and children,
making all together three hundred and fixty-
eight thouſand fouls, of which fourfcore and
twelve thouſand were fighting men. Their
general rendezvous was on the banks of the
Rhone over againſt Geneva, where they were
all to meet on the 26th of March.
The Helvetii, paffing the Rhone, entered
into the Roman Province. Cæfar was no fooner
informed of their defign, than he went away
from about Rome, where he had remained till
then for the reaſons I have already mentioned,
and came with all ſpeed to Geneva. He began
with breaking down the bridge; which that
city had over the Rhone; and as he had but
one Roman Legion in Tranfalpine Gaul, he
ordered great levies to be made throughout the
whole Province.
When
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
233
Rhone,
he
See Vol.
When the Helvetii were informed of the A. R. 694.
arrival of Cæfar, they fent two Ambaffadors They ask
Ant. C. 58.
to him, chofen from among the beft qualified leave of
of their nation, to defire a paffage croſs the Cæfar to
Roman Province, upon which they promised as the
to make no wafte. Cæfar took care not to which be
allow them fuch a permiffion. He knew that refuſes
a part of the Helvetii had formerly cut in them.
pieces the army of the Conful L. Caffius. And IX.
independently of that reafon, it was eaſy to
conceive that a country could not but be hor-
ribly vexed by the paffage of fuch a multitude,
very probably not too well difciplined. It was
therefore well refolved to refufe them their re-
queft. But as he had yet but few forces with
him, he was willing to gain time, and told
them he would confider of the propofition
they had made him, and return them his an-
ſwer on the 13th of April. He took the ad-
vantage of this interval, to cauſe the troops
he had under his command, to build a wall
fixteen feet high, and nineteen thousand paces
in length, with a foffe, and feveral redoubts
from ſpace to ſpace. This wall was defigned
to hinder the paffage of the Rhone, which in
theſe parts is fordable in more places than one.
:
On the day appointed the Helvetii returned.
Cæfar, who had already got together a greater
number of troops, explained himſelf clearly,
refuſed them the paffage, and added that if
they pretended to force it in ſpite of him, he
very well knew how to prevent them. In ſhort
all the attempts they could make by day or by
night, either with boats, or in fearching for
fords, were fruitlefs; and the Helvetii were
conſtrained to take another route, and turn to
the fide of the Sequani.
They
234
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
1
Ant. C. 58.
A. R. 694. They were forced to file off by a neck of
They pass
land very ftrait between Mount Jura and the
the Defile, Rhone, where two waggons could not paſs a-
between breaft; ſo that it was in the power of the Se-
Fura and quani, by posting themselves on the mountain,
the Rhone, to stop them fhort. The Helvetii addreffed
Mount
them at
the paſſage
of the
Doan.
themſelves to Dumnorix the Eduen, the fon-in-
law of Orgetorix, and the accomplice of his
ambitious deſigns. This man who had fome
credit among the Sequani, charged himſelf with
the negotiation. The freedom of paffage was
agreed to, and hoftages given on both fides.
The Helvetii hereupon began to traverſe the
country of the Sequani, whom they reſpected
according to their agreement, and afterwards
that of the Edueni, where they committed all
kind of hoftilities and ravages. Their ſcheme
was to go into Santone.
Cafar Cæfar, informed of their march and their
vertakes defign, leaves Labiénus to defend the wall he
had erected near the Rhone, returns into Italy,
raiſes two Legions there, takes three that re-
mained in winter quarters near Aquileia, and
with theſe five Legions returns to the Alps,
paffes them, but not without having the in-
habitants of the mountains to combat with, de-
fcends into the country of the * Vocontii,
croffes that of the Allobroges, paffes the
Rhone, enters upon the lands of the + Segufii;
all this with fuch ſpeed, that he overtook the
Helvetii at the paffage of the Soan. It is true
that this prodigious multitude marched but
flowly. They took up twenty days in paffing
the Soan; and Cæfar, when he arrived there,
* The Diois.
+ The Lyonnois.
ftill
CALPURNUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
235
ftill found on this fide the river the Canton of A. R. 694.
the * Tigurins, who made one fourth part of Ant. C. 58.
the nation.
He had received on the road the complaints
of the Edueni, and thoſe of the Allobroges,
who inhabited on the right of the Rhone, upon
the havock that the Helvetian army had made
in their country, and by promifing to take He beats
the Tigu-
their quarrel upon him, he obliged them to rins on this
furnish him with troops and efpecially with fide that
horſe. Thus the chief of the Eduenian Nobi-river.
lity were in the Roman army, and among
others Dumnorix, who in his heart favoured
the Helvetii, but nevertheleſs came to the camp
of Cæfar, with an intent to hurt him and tra-
verſe his deſigns, as much as he could. Cæfar
was not yet informed of this treachery, and he
had no room to ſuſpect it in the battle with the
Tigurins. He had taken three Legions with
which he fell upon them, defeated them en-
tirely, and killed a great number on the ſpot;
the others difperfed themfelves by flying into
the forefts.
•
It was the People of this fame Canton, who He paffes it
fifty years before had vanquished and killed the and pur-
Jues the
Conful, Q. Caffius. Cæfar was charmed, in body of the
his firſt Victory, to have revenged the difgrace nation, an
of the Roman name, upon thoſe who were the embally,
authors of it. He had himfelf a domeftic in-from the
tereft in it, becauſe L. Pifo, the grandfather
of his father-in-law, had periſhed in the fame
defeat with Caffius.
Cæfar conqueror of the Tigurias, refolved
to purſue the body of the nation, and for that
purpoſe built a bridge over the Soan, and
Thoſe of Zurich.
paffed
Helvetii.
236
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 58.
A. R. 694. paffed it in a day. The enemy furprized and
diſmayed at fuch diligence, fent him an em-
baffy, at the head of which was Divico, for-
merly chief of the Helvetii, when they defeat-
ed the army of Caffius, and who confequently
muſt have been very old. I fhall relate his dif-
courfe with Cæfar, becaufe therein the charac-
ter of the People is drawn.
Divico faid then to Cæfar. "That if the
"Romans would make peace with the Hel-
"vetii, theſe would go and fettle themfelves
in the country that Cæfar fhould appoint
them. But if he was refolved to make war
"with them, he called to his remembrance
"the antient difgrace of the Romans, and the
"valour of the Helvetic nation. That for
"having furprized one of the Cantons, while
"the others had paffed the river, and could
"not fuccour their comrades, he had no rea-
"fon to be much elated on the advantage, nor
"to defpife his enemies. That for them,
they had been inftructed by their fathers
"and their anceſtors to depend more on their
<<
૬૮
courage, than on cunning and ambuſhes.
"That they ſhould venture therefore to ren-
"der the place where they were pofted famous
by a new defeat of the army of the Roman
"People.'
دو
This was not the language of a fuppliant.
Cæfar did not feem offended at it, and an-
fwered with moderation, but like a man who
would give the law. He undertook to prove
that the Helvetii were altogether wrong with
reſpect to the Romans, and concluded that,
nevertheless, he granted them a peace, if they
would give hoſtages, and promife fatisfaction
to the Edueni and the Allobroges, whofe coun-
tries
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
237
tries they had ruined. Divico replied fiercely, A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
"that the Helvetii were not accuftomed to
૮
give but receive hoftages, and that no body
"knew it better than the Romans." Indeed
the remains of Caffius's army could not have
obtained life but by giving hoſtages and by
paffing under the yoke.
wherein
Edueu.
Divico being returned to the Helvetii, they 4 battle of
put themſelves in march, according to their firft the horse,
plan, and Cæfar followed them. He had four the Helve-
thouſand horſe raiſed in Gaul, among which was tii are
a confiderable body of the Edueni commanded conquerors.
by Dumnorix. All this cavalry had orders to
go before, and harraſs the enemy; but engag-
ing in a difadvantagious place, they were beaten
by a detachment of the Helvetic horſe who
were not above five hundred ftrong. It was The treason
upon this occafion that the treaſon of Dumno- of Dumno-
rix began to fhew itſelf: for he took flight therix the
firſt with thofe under his command. Notwith-
ſtanding this check, in which the difgrace was
greater to the Romans than the lofs, Cæfar ad-
vanced ſtill at the heels of the Helvetii, fo that
during fifteen days the two armies always en-
camped within five or fix miles of one ano-
ther. If there was no battle in this fpace of
time, it was not that the Helvetii, encouraged
by the ſucceſs they had had with their cavalry,
did not feek an opportunity for it: but Cæfar
avoided it, waiting for a place and time when
he might attack them to advantage.
Nevertheleſs he was not without uneafinefs
on account of fubfifting his army. The corn
which the Edueni had promifed him, did not
come, and when he demanded it of them, they
payed him with fair fpeeches of which he faw
no effect. He was willing to dive into the
caufe
1
238
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
1
Ant. C. 58.
A. R. 694 caufe of all theſe delays, and having interro-
gated the fovereign Magiſtrate of the Edueni,
and the chiefs of the nation, who were in his
camp, he learnt that his refentment ought to
fall upon Dumnorix, who all powerful with
the multitude, had perfuaded many of them,
that if they muſt receive mafters, it would be
much better to obey the Helvetii, Gauls like
themſelves, than the Romans. In this he did
not reafon ill. But his fecret fcheme was, as
we have feen, to raiſe himſelf to the fovereign-
ty, and with this view endeavoured to fecure
the friendſhip of the Helvetii.
Cefar
pardons
bim, in
confidera-
tiacus.
Cæfar found himſelf very much embarraſſed
with respect to the conduct he ought to main-
tain towards Dumnorix. Such a treafon feem-
of his bro- ed not fit to go unpunished: but the guilty
ther Divi- perfon was brother to Divitiacus, a man of
probity, a faithful ally of the Romans, and on
the foot of friendship with Cæfar. The Gene-
ral therefore thought he could not act againſt
Dumnorix till he had acquainted his brother
with it, and obtained his confent. He fent
for him, laid before him all the complaints he
had againſt his brother, and deſired him not to
take it ill if he made himſelf, or caufed the
nation of the Edueni to make, a proceſs out
againſt Dumnorix. Divitiacus threw himſelf at
his feet, and confeffed to him all his brother's
faults he added, that he himſelf had reaſon
to complain of him, for though he was his elder
brother by feveral years, he had greatly con-
tributed to his elevation, and was nevertheleſs
repayed only with ingratitude: but reprefented
to Cæfar, that all criminal as he was, Dumno-
rix, was his brother; and if the younger fhould
fuffer a rigorous treatment while the elder con-
tinued
}
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
239
tinued in favour, all Gaul would be enraged at A. R. 694.
Ana, C. 58.
Divitiacus for the puniſhment of Dumnorix,
and no longer look upon him but with horror.
Cæfar had mildnefs and clemency enough to
yield immediately to theſe repreſentations. He
took Divitiacus by the hand, comforted him,
and told him he would forgive his brother;
and having caufed Dumnorix to be brought in-
to the preſence of the other, he let him know
the ſubjects of complaint he had againſt him,
exhorted him to behave fo that he might be
free of all fufpicion for the future, and then
fent him back again : but nevertheleſs, as he
could not confide in him, he gave him guards,
and thus the affair ended. But Dumnorix, al-
ways unquiet and a lover of novelties, found
at length the death he had fought, as we fhal
relate hereafter.
Cafar
The fame day that this happened, Cæfar Through
learnt, by his fcouts, that the enemy were poft- the fault of
an officer,
ed at the foot of a mountain about eight miles
from his camp. He informed himſelf of the lofes an
nature of the place, and learning that there opportunity
was a by-road by which it was easy to reach that he had
the top of the mountain, he fent Labienus with beat the
managed to
a detachment to feize it, and marched himſelf Helvetii.
directly to the enemy. An officer who had re-
putation, was ordered to go before to recon-
noitre the ſtate of affairs. When the Roman
army was not above fifteen hundred paces from
the Helvetii, this officer ran, and reported that
the fummit of the mountain was taken up by
the enemy, and that he had feen the Gaulic
arms and enfigns there. There was nothing in
it, but his fear had made him take Labienus's
detachment for the troops of the Gauls. Cæfar,
deceived by this falfe report, did not judge it
proper
240
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694
58.
Ant. C. 3. Proper to advance, and loft thus, by the fault
of this officer, an opportunity to have cruſhed
the enemy, who would not have been able to
have defended themſelves, attacked on both
fides, at the fame time, by Labienus and
Cæfar.
They come
to attack
are van-
quilbed.
As there was but very little provifion left
Cafar, and in the Roman army, Cæfar was under a necef-
fity to quit the purfuit of the enemy, and turn
towards * Bibracte the capital city of the Edue-
ni. The Helvetii informed of this motion,
inſtead of thinking themſelves happy to have
got clear of the Romans, who purfued them,
came of themſelves to feek for them. At their
approach, Cæfar with his troops retired to a
little hill, and fent the cavalry to meet the
Gauls and ſtop them. He took all advantages,
covered the whole hill with arms and foldiers,
making his main body of the four Legions in
which he had the greater confidence becauſe
they had ſerved already, and poſting above them
a body of reſerve of the two Legions new raif-
ed in Cifalpine Gaul. He had reaſon to be
cautious. The Helvetii eafily repulfed the Ro-
man cavalry; and forming themſelves into a
fquare Phalanx, which they took care to fence
with a military tortoife, that is to fay, their
bucklers joined one againſt another, as well
before, as on their flanks, and over their heads,
they advanced furiouſly, and notwithſtanding
the diſadvantage of the place, attacked the
Romans, who were pofted half way up the
hill. Cæfar was fenfible of the great danger
they were in, and to fhew his foldiers that he in-
tended fully to fhare it with them, he put him-
* Autun.
felf
1
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
241
felf on foot with all his officers, and fent away
all the horſes, that no hope might remain to
any one but in victory.
}
The battle began at one of the clock in the
afternoon, and continued till evening, with-
out the Romans feeing the back of one of the
enemies. Even after the Heivetian army had
been obliged to give ground, they returned a-
fresh to the charge; and there happened ſtill
a third battle, near the baggage, which lafted
a good part of the night. But all the efforts
of this obftinate bravery were in vain. The
Romans feized their camp and their baggage;
but not without a very confiderable lofs. Cæ-
far, who does not tell the number of his flain,
confeffes that the care of burying them, and
of dreffing the wounded, obliged him to con-
tinue upon the ſpot three days, during which
time the unhappy remains of the Helvetian na-
tion, to the number of an hundred and thirty
thouſand fouls, retreated in a precipitate flight,
and in a march of four days arrived in the ter-
ritories of the Lingones.
•
A. R. 694
Ant. C. 58.
army are
For all this they did not efcape their Victor, The rest of
whofe incredible activity never left a victory the van-
imperfect. After three days allowed to necef-quished
fary repofe, he fet himſelf to purfue the Hel-obliged to
vetii, and at the fame time, fent couriers, with furrender.
orders to the Langri, forbidding them to give
corn or any other affiftance to the fugitives,
if they would not be treated as they should.
This menace had its effect; and the Helvetii,
reduced to an extreme fcarcity, were obliged to
humble their pride, and fend deputies to Cæ-
far to make their' fubmiffion, and put them-
felves in his hands. Thefe deputies found Cæ-
far in full march, and throwing themſelves at
VOL. XII.
R
his
242
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 58.
>
A. R 694: his feet, defired peace of him with humble
prayers and tears in their eyes. Cæfar gave
them no other anfwer but that he would have
the Helvetii wait for him at the place where
they were then incamped.
Cafar
back to
When he arrived there, he demanded hofta-
ges of them, their arms, and the flaves who
had deferted and were received in their camp.
While they were confidering of the execution
of the orders that the Conqueror exacted from
them, he paffed fome time, and the night came
on. Six thouſand men of the Canton, called
* Urbigenians, either through the remains of
pride, which made them look upon this fub-
miffion as ignominious, or dreading the con-
fequences of it, or for fome other motive,
choſe to ſteal away from the camp in the be-
ginning of the night, and take the rout of the
Rhine and Germany. Cæfar was no fooner
informed of this, than he difpatched orders to
all the People whofe countries they were to pafs
through, to ſtop them whereever they ſhould
be found, and to fend them back to him. He
was obeyed and the unhappy Urbigenians were
treated by him as enemies, that is put to the
fword.
•
As to the others, after they had delivered
fends them the hostages that were required of them, their
arms, and the deferters, he granted them all
their lives. There were four nations ruined,
the Helvetii, the Tulingi, the Latobrigi,"
and the Boii. The three firft of thefe People
their own
country.
* This Canton took its name
from the little town of Orbe in
the country of Vaud.
† Cæfar does not speak
bere of the Rauraci. He com-
prehends them very likely un-
der the name of the Helve-
tii.
had
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
243
Ant. C. 58.
had orders to return to their country, and re- A. R. 694.
build the towns, and villages that they had
burnt. Cæfar was not willing that the Ger-
mans, drawn by the goodneſs of the land which
is thought at this day not very fruitful, but
which he took to be fertile, and which perhaps
was better cultivated than the lands of Ger-
many, ſhould be tempted to come and occupy
the places which the Helvetii and their allies
had left vacant. As to the Boii, the Edueni
demanded, which was granted them, that this
brave nation ſhould be incorporated with them.
Thus was ended the firft war that Cæfar had
made in Gaul. The fuccefs of it was complete.
Cæfar fhewed that he knew how both to con-
quer, and to make the beft of his victory. The
lofs of the Helvetii and their allies was above
two thirds of their number. Of three hun-
dred fixty-eight thouſand that they were at
coming away, there returned but an hundred
and ten thouſand to their country again.
Cæfar undertook a fecond war the fame He is de-
campaign, not againſt the Gauls, but at their fired by the
defire and in their defenfe.
←
Gauls to
undertake
The occa-
I have faid that Gaul was divided into two the wur
factions, of which one had the Edueni for their againſt
Chiefs, and the other the Sequani fupported Ariovifius.
by the People of Avergne. Theſe two fac-
fion of this
tions had for a long time been at war, and that war.
of the Edueni had the advantage. The van-
quifhed, by a bad policy, practiſed in all times,
and always fatal, could not refolve to fubmit
to their countrymen, but had recourfe to a
ftranger. They called in Arioviftus King of
the Suevi in Germany, who for a fum of money
that they remitted to him, paffed the Rhine,
and came to their fucçour. The Germans at
R 2
that
244
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
{
:
A. R. 694 that time more fierce and more warlike even
Ant. C. 58. than the Gauls, brought victory over to the
party they embraced. The Edueni and their
confederates were vanquifhed. Arioviftus im-
pofed a Tribute upon them, and obliged them
to give him hoftages. He even forced them
to fwear that they would never demand their
hoftages back again nor ever implore the affift-
ance of the Roman People, and that they
would never withdraw themſelves from the
dominion of the Sequani, that is to fay, from
his own. For the Sequani who had called
him in, were fubdued by him, as well as the
others, and even worſe uſed, for he appro-
priated to himſelf a third part of their terri-
tory, and eſtabliſhed himſelf there, finding
their country better than that he had quitted.
He augmented his forces, and inſtead of fifteen
thousand men, that he at firſt brought with
him, he had preſently fix fcore thoufand; fo
that finding himſelf too much ftraitened, he
prepared, at the time that Cæfar made war
with the Helvetii, to feize on a ſecond or third
part of the country of the Sequani. The Gauls
therefore groaned under the oppreffion of a na-
tion whom they looked upon as Barbarians, and
dreaded ftill greater ills to follow, not doubt-
ing but Ariovistus had a defign to conquer all.
Gaul, and bring it under his Empire.
In thefe circumftances Cæfar appeared as their
deliverer. His victory over the Helvetii, whoſe
invafion could not fail of being fatal, at leaſt, to a
great part of the Gauls, had delivered them from
an imminent danger. They thought he would
be no leſs uſeful againſt Arioviftus, and herein
they were not miſtaken. But they did not, or
would
:
གྲྭ་
J
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
245
ト
​→
Ant. C. 58.
would not, fee, that their liberty was in much A. R. 694.
more danger from the Romans and Cæfar.
They began with asking leave of him, as if
they already acknowledged him for their mafter,
to hold a general Affembly of all the People of
Gaul. The Affembly was held, with the pre-
caution of obliging all the members who com-
pofed it to take an oath, that they would keep
as an inviolable fecret whatever they deliberated
upon; and that no one ſhould be permitted to
open his mouth but thofe who were charged
with the orders of the Affembly. In confe-
quence of the refolution taken herein to implore
the affiftance of Cæfar, feveral Deputies of the
firft rank in Gaul were found in it. Divitiacus
ſpoke firſt.
He first of all laid open all that I have re-
lated concerning Arioviftus. He added, that
if ſome ſtop was not put to it, all the Germans
would paſs the Rhine, drawn by the mildneſs
of the climate of Gaul, very different from
their own, and defirous as they were to ex-
change their favage way of living for the more
agreeable and polite manners of the Gauls. He
repreſented Arioviftus as a Barbarian, paffionate
and cruel, who had exacted from them to give
for hoftages the children of the beft families in
Gaul, and who in time, upon the leaft caprice,
might make theſe illuftrious young men fuffer
the moſt horrible torments. He concluded that
if the Gauls could not find protection in Cæfar
and the Romans, they fhould be obliged to do
like the Helvetii, to abandon their country,
and go to feek elſewhere a quiet abode. In
finiſhing he demanded the fecrefy of Cæfar, be-
cauſe if Arioviftus was informed of the ftep
they had taken with the Romans, there was
R 3
no
246
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. no room to doubt but that he would exercife all
Ant. C. 58.
forts of barbarities againſt the hostages that he
had in his hands.
Cafar
an inter-
All the other Deputies joined with Divitia-.
cus, to conjure Cæfar with tears to grant them
his protection. The Sequani alone kept a pen
five filence, with their heads hung down, and..
their eyes fixed on the ground. Cæfar asked.
them the reafon of this filence; but they made
no anſwer. After he had interrogated them..
feveral times without getting one word from..
them, Divitiacus ferved them for an interpreter..
He faid that the condition of the Sequani was
fo deplorable, that they durft not even complain,
not lefs dreading the cruelty of Arioviftus ab-
fent, than if he was before their eyes, becaufe
he enjoyed a part of their country, and was
maſter of all their towns. That of confequence
they could not have even the melancholy hope
of getting away from their tyrant by a volun-
tary retreat, and that they could not but expect
the moſt horrible puniſhments, if they fhould
happen to be difcovered.
Nothing could better agree with the fecret
demands views of Cæfar, and the defire he had of ac-
view with quiring glory and power by his arms, than to
Arisviftus, undertake a war with Arioviftus: but he was
which he willing to colour his ambition with ſpecious
refufeshim.
pretexts and reafons, and would not feem to
be evidently unjuft. He had himſelf, during
his Confulfhip, caufed Arioviftus to be declared
King, a friend and ally of the Roman People.
It was not therefore allowable to attack him,
without firſt trying the methods of mildnefs and
pacification. He choſe to fend to him to de-
mand an interview. Arioviftus was intolerably
proud and haughty, and anfwered brutifhly,
"that
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
247
"that if he had any buſineſs with Cæfar, he A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58.
"would go to him, and if Cæfar had any bufi-
"nefs he might take the pains to come to
‹‹ him.
1.
Cæfar was not difcouraged, he fent freſh Car
Ambaffadors to him, to tell him," that as he dispatches
Ambasa-
“had been honoured, by Cæfar and the Roman dors to
"Senate, with the title of King, a friend and him, to
ally, he did not fhew his acknowledgment make his
"of fuch a benefit by refuſing a conference Propofiti-
"that he propoſed to him; but they were
"come to let him know what Cæfar defired of
"him. That in the first place he required of
66
him that he ſhould no more bring on this
"fide the Rhine any bands of Germans into
"Gaul. Secondly, that he fhould furrender
(6
himſelf, and likewife permit the Sequani
"to furrender their hoftages, to the Edueni;
laftly to forbear all violences againſt the ſaid.
Edueni, and not make war upon them, or
"their allies. That if Arioviftus would ob-
"ferve all this, friendſhip might ftill continue
"between the Romans and him, but if he re-
"fufed demands fo juft, Cæfar was authorized
by a decree of the Senate, made under the
Confulfhip of Meffalla and Pifo, to defend
"the Edueni, antient allies and brethren of
"the Romans; and that he was firmly refolved
"not to fuffer them to be oppreffed.'
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46
دو
ons.
The anſwer of Arioviftus was very haughty. The
He pretended, "that the Romans had no more haughty
"a right to preſcribe to him in what manner anfer of
Arisviftus
"he ought to treat a People conquered by
"him, than he fhould be willing to impofe
"laws of the like kind upon them. That he
"would not furrender the hoſtages of the
"Edueni. That he confented not to make
R 4
❝ war
248
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694.
Ant. C. 58,
C
Cæfar
war upon them, provided they were faith-
"ful in oblerving the treaty he had made
"with them, and in paying him the annual
"tribute that was agreed upon; but if they
"miffed thereby the quality of brethren of the
"Romans it was but a flight advantage to
"them. As to Cæfar's menace of taking their
" quarrel in hand, he ought to know, that
"no body had ever entered into a war with
"Arioviftus, who had not found it to their
❝lofs. That he might prove it whenever he
"pleafed. That he would foon learn what the
c
bravery of the Germans could do, always in-
"vincible, conftantly trained up to arms, and
who for fourteen years had never lodged
❝ under a roof.
*
At the fame time that Cæfar received this
marches anfwer from Arioviftus, the deputies of the
against
Edueni and thofe of Treves came to him. The
Arioviftus.
firſt complained of the Harudi, a German
Nation, who a little while fince had paffed the
Rhine to join Arioviftus, and ravaged their
country, fo that, with all their fubmiffions,
they could not obtain peace from their proud
enemies. Thofe of Treves acquainted Cæfar,
that a great multitude of the Suevi had ap-
proached the banks of the Rhine, and were
preparing to pass it. Thefe accounts deter-
mined Cæfar not to delay undertaking the war,
and as foon as he had made the neceffary pro-
vifions for fubfifting his army, he marched a-
gainſt Ariovistus.
He makes
himself
Jure of
Befancon.
After three days march, he learnt that the
German advanced with all his forces to feize
* It is not known from what part of Germany thefe People
came.
on
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Canfuls,
€249
!
1
on Befancon. This place was full of all forts A. R. 694.
of warlike ammunition, and it was very ſtrong Ant. C. 58.
of itſelf, fays Cæfar. The river Doux went
round it like a circle deſcribed by the compaffes.
It left only an interval of fix hundred paces but
which was cloſed by a mountain, the foot of
which extended on both fides to the banks of
the river. This mountain was fhut in with a
wall that joined it to the city, to which it ferved
as the citadel. Cæfar made fo much hafte that
he came there before Arioviftus, and fecured to
himſelf this important place, he ſtayed there
fome time, to make his difpofitions with reſpect
to proviſions.
During this ftay, the Romans in difcourfing The terror
with the Gauls, eſpecially with thoſe who, on which
account of their trade, were the moft familiar Spread it-
with the Germans, learnt terrible things of the through
Self
enemy they were come to feek. They exag- the Roman
gerated to them the enormous fize of the Ger- army.
mans, their incredible boldneſs, and the con-
tinual exerciſe they made of their arms. The
Gauls confeffed, that it often times happened
in battle, that they were not able to ſupport
the very looks of this fierce nation. Theſe
difcourfes had a very great effect, eſpecially
upon the young officers of the Roman army,
who deceived by the foftneſs with which Cæfar
lived in the city, had followed him, in hopes
of finding in his camp the fame pleafures, the
fame amuſements, and above all an opportunity
of enriching themſelves. Theſe young men,
who had no experience in the military art, were
ftrangely terrified. Several defired their dif-
charges on divers pretences; and thoſe who,
through fhame, chofe to continue, could nei-
ther hide the fear that appeared in their coun-
tenances,
250 CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. tenances, nor fometimes even refrain from
Ant. C. 58.
tears. Sometimes fhut up in their tents, they
wept their unhappy fate; fometimes they
lamented with their friends the danger to which
they were going to be expofed. Throughout
the whole camp every one made his laft will
and teftament as if they were going to certain
death. This terror became general: It com-
municated itſelf to the foldiers, and even to
the Veteran officers. Only, to avoid the re-
proach of cowardice, they faid it was not the
enemy they feared, but the defiles and forefts
that they had to pafs, and the difficulty of get-
ting provifions. Some of them gave notice
to Cæfar, that if he ordered their departure,
he would not be obeyed by the foldiers.
The admi-
men.
+
་
This was one of the occafions wherein Cæfar
rable con- fhewed he was moft worthy of himſelf. For
duct of
Cæfar to
to whom can he be compared? He affembled
reanimate a grand council, whether he called not only
the courage thoſe who had a right to enter into it, but all
of his
the Captains. There he began to reprimand
them ſharply, for taking upon them to exa-
mine which way and on what defign they were
to march. He afterwards prefented to them
different reaſons, to fhew that they were in
the wrong to look upon the Germans as invin-
cible. As to thoſe (a), added he, who cover
their
(a) Qui fuum timorem in
rei frumentariæ fimulatio-
nem anguftiafque itinerum
conferrent facere arrongan-
ter; quum aut de officio Im-
peratoris defperare,aut ei præ
fcribere viderentur. Hæc fi-
bi effe curæ. Frumentum
Sequanos, Lucos, Lingonef-
que fubminiftrare; jamque
effe in agris frumenta matura.
De itinere ipfos brevi tem-
pore judicaturos. Quòd non
fore dicto audientes milites
neque figna laturi dicantur,
nihil fe eâ re commoveri.
Scire enim, quibufcunque
exercitus dicto audiens non
-
fuerit,
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
251
*
Ant. C. 58.
their timidity under falfe pretexts, throwing it on A. R. 694.
the pretended danger of wanting proviſions, and
the difficulty of the route, they much forget them-
felves, in wanting confidence in their General, or
pretending to prefcribe to him what he ought to do.
I have taken care of all: The Sequani, the Leu-
ci* the Lingones, will furnish me with corn;
and moreover the harvest in the country is quite
ready. As to the difficulties and dangers of the
route, you will immediately have it in your power
to judge of them yourselves. They tell me that the
foldiers will refuſe to obey me, and not go away at
my orders. This I do not apprehend. I know
that if fome Generals have found their faldiers
difobedient, they have drawn that trouble upon
themſelves, either by fome ill fuccefs, or by their
covetousness and injuftice. For my part, the whole
courfe of my life, will fufficiently clear me from
the fufpicion of loving money; and my good fortune
bas fhewn itſelf in the war with the Helvetii;
therefore I declare to you, that what I had re-
folved to delay for fome time, I am going to put
in execution inftantly; and I will give orders for
departing this night three hours before day, that
I may fee as foon as may be if honour and duty
have more power over you than fear. And al-
though every one elfe fhould abandon me, I will
fuerit, aut malè re geſta for-
tunam defuiffe, aut aliquo
facinore comperto avaritiam
effe convictam. Suam inno-
centiam perpetuâ vitâ, feli
citatem Helvetiorum bello
effe perfpectam. Itaque fe,
quôd in longiorem diem col-
laturus effet, repræfentatu-
rum, & proximâ nocte de
quartâ vigiliâ caftra motu-
rum, ut quam primùm in-
telligere poffet; utrum apud
eos pudor atque officium, an
timor, plus valeret. Quòd
fi præterea nemo fequatur.
tamen fe cum folâ decimâ
legione iturum, de qua non
dubitaret, fibique eam præ-
toriam cohortem futuram.
Cef. de B. Gall. L. I. n. 4Ò.
• Thofe of Toul in Lorrain.
march
2.5.2
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. march with the tenth Legion alone, of whofe fide-
Ant. C. 58. lity and courage I have no manner of doubt, and
this Legion ſhall ſerve me for my prætorian guard.
troops
march
enemy.
Who can help being charmed with this elo-
quence, every thing, and every word is intro-
duced to the purpofe, and its value is drawn
from the great courage expreffed in it, and its
exalted fentiments? But to be eloquent in this
manner is to be Cæfar.
The fuccefs He had reafon to be fatisfied with the im-
anfwers to
it, and the preffion he had made by his difcourfe. The
difpofition of the minds of his People was en-
tirely changed: and throughout the whole army
with con- there was an incredible ardor to march againſt
fidence a-
gainst the the enemy. The tenth Legion fent to him to
return him the moſt lively thanks for the good
opinion he had of them, and to give him affu-
rances that they would anſwer it by their deeds.
The other Legions deputed their principal
Officers to go to him, to proteft that they never
had among them either fear, doubt, or hefita-
tion; and that they always remembred, that it
was the General and not the foldiers, who was
to decide upon the undertaking and the con-
duct of the war. Cæfar took advantage of
this ardor, and departed, as he declared he
would, the fame night. He was informed of
the roads by Divitiacus, who was, of all the
Gauls, the perfon in whom he had the moſt
confidence. Upon the lights he had from him,
he took a circuit that lengthened his march to
forty miles, to avoid the narrow paffes and
woods, and to have only an open country to
crofs; and after a march of feven days fuccef-
fively, he found himſelf within twenty-four thou-
fand paces of Arioviftus's camp.
When
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
253
and Cæfar,
When the German faw Cæfar fo near him, A. R. 694.
he fent to him to offer the interview he had be- The inter-
Ant. C. 58%
fore, refuſed, Cæfar always defirous to avoid allview be-
reproaches on his proceedings, made no diffi-tween
culty upon this article. They agreed upon the Ariovistus
day, which was the fifth, reckoned from that
on which the propofition was made. In the
interval: there were frequent deputations, from:
one fide and the other, to regulate all the cir-
cumftances and conditions of the interview;
and Arioviftus, who had not feemed to have
acted with good faith throughout this whole
affair, exacted from Cæfar that he fhould not
bring with him his infantry, under pretence:
that he feared an ambuſcade. Cæfar. confent-
ed to it. But as he had not Roman cavalry
enough to make head againſt that of the Ger-
mans, and as he did not think it fafe for him
to put his perſon, and his life in the hands of
the Gaulic cavalry he difmounted all the horſe-
men of the Gauls, and ordered them to lend
their horfes to the foldiers of the tenth Legion,
which was his favourite Legion. Upon which
one of theſe foldiers faid well enough," that
"Cæfar did more for them than he had pro-
66
mifed. That he had only given them hopes
"of a fervice more noble in the Infantry by
defigning them for his guard, and that.
"now he had raifed them to the rank of
❝ horfe."
There was a large plain between the two
camps, near the middle of which was a rifing
ground of an indifferent fize, and to that it was
that Cæfar and Arioviftus advanced to meet
each other, each accompanied by ten friends or
principal officers all the reft of their people.
remained at two hundred paces diftance. The
conver-
254
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. Converſation was on horfeback. Cæfar repre
Ant. C. 58. fented to Arioviftus the kindneſs with which he
himſelf and the Roman Senate had honoured
him, in acknowledging him for King, a friend
and ally of the Empire: a kindnefs which
he fet off very emphatically, for the Romans.
knew how to fet a value on the favours they
beſtowed. He afterwards ftrongly maintained
the ftrict alliance that had ſubfifted for a long
time between the Romans and the Edueni. He
concluded with repeating the fame demands
that he had already made by his deputies.
Arioviftus defended himfelf with haughti-
nefs. He juftified his entrance into Gaul, in
that he had not come thither, but at the requeſt
of the Gauls themfelves; and the tributes that
he exacted from the Edueni, upon the right of
war, which authorized the Conqueror to im-
pofe laws on the vanquished. As to the friend-
fhip of the Roman People, he had defired it
that he might derive honour and profit from it,
and not that at length it fhould be prejudicial
to him; that if, under the pretext of this
friendſhip, they intended to make him lofe
his tributes which were the fruit of his victory,
and his right over the People fubdued by the
force of arms, he ſhould refuſe it with as much
earneftnefs as he fought it. He went farther,
and maintained that all Gaul, except the Ro-
man Province, was his Empire, and that it
was not juſt to trouble him in a country that
belonged to him. He pretended therefore
that Cæfar ought to quit it, and retire with
his troops. If you do not, added he, there is
no longer any friendship between us, and I shall
look upon you as an enemy. I even know that if
I fhould flay you in battle, I fhall do a pleasure to
Several
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
255
Ant. ❤ 58.
Several of the most illuftrious Citizens of Rome; A. R. 694.
they have explained themselves to me by couriers
that I have received from them, and your death
would be to me the price of their friendship. If,
on the contrary, you will retire, and leave me
mafter of Gaul, I am in a condition to reward
you; and whatever war you fhall pleafe to under-
take, I will engage myself to put an end to it,
without its costing you any pains or danger.
Theſe intelligences maintained between the
Roman Lords and Arioviftus againſt Cæſar, is,
in my opinion a very extraordinary fact: but
to what lengths will not the animofity of dif
fenfions carry ſome men? For the reft, all the
German pride appeared in this difcourfe, to
which Cæfar anſwered with as much calmnefs
as the King of the Suevi had fhewn paffion.
But their pretenfions were fo wide of one ano-
thers, that they might well reproach them-
felves Cæfar would give law in every thing, Dio.
and Arioviftus would grant nothing.
MANS
The perfidy of the Germans broke up the The perfidy
conference. While Cæfar was yet fpeaking, of the Ger-
they approached the mount, and threw darts breaks off
and ftones againſt the Romans. Cæfar imme- the confer-
diately quitted Arioviftus and retreated to the ence.
midft of his own People; however forbad
them to commit any act of hoftility that
might bring on a battle. He did not fear the
fuccefs of it, but he was willing to maintain a
conduct perfectly clear, and leave the blame of
all upon his enemies. At his return to his
camp, he took great care to ſpread abroad the
exorbitant propofitions of Arioviftus, and the
arrogance he had had to abufe the Gauls to
the Romans: this joined to the breach of faith
in the Germans troubling a pacific interview,
irritated
256
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
1
A..R. 694 irritated and more and more ftirred up the
Ant. C. 58. courage of Cæfar's foldiers, and gave them the
greater ardor to fight.
Cefar, at
wiftus,
fends De-
puties to
him. That
Prince puts
them in
chains.
Two days after Arioviftus fent to demand
the request a fresh interview with Cæfar, or at leaſt that he
of Ario-
would depute fome one who might continue
the negotiation begun. Cæfar had done enough
to put it in a method, and therefore refufed the
interview; and to fend fome illuftrious Roman
to Arioviftus, was to expofe his Deputy to
great danger, and almoſt to deliver him up to
the Barbarians. Nevertheleſs he was not will-
ing to be thought the firft who broke off all
hopes of a peace. He caft his eyes therefore
on C. Valerius Procillus, a Gaul by birth, but
whofe father had been made a Roman Citizen.
He was a young man of wit, of gentle man-
ners, and who could confer with Arioviftus
without the help of an interpreter; becauſe this
Prince, in the long time that he had lived in
Gaul, had learned the language of the country.
Laftly, as he was not a perfon of the first rank,
any treachery towards him would be without
effect. Cæfar joined to him M. Mettiùs, who
was allied to Arioviftus by the rights of hofpi-
tality. It appeared, by the event, that this
was a wife precaution of Cæfar; for his two
Deputies were no fooner arrived' in the camp
of the Germans, than Arioviftus asked them
what they came for, and if they wanted to fpy
what was paffing in his army; and immediate-
ly put them in chains.
Cæfar
Jeveral
The next day Arioviftus advanced within fix
thouſand paces of the Roman camp, and the
times offers day following went two thoufand beyond it,
Ariovistus, to cut off their communication with the coun-
who de- tries that were behind them, and hinder them
battle to
clines it.
from
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
257
Ant. C. 58.
from receiving provifions either from the Se. A. R. 694.
quani or the Edueni. Cæfar offered battle to
the Germans for five days fucceffively. But
Arioviftus conftantly kept his troops fhut up
in his camp. Only there were fome combats
between the horſe, which was the part of their
forces in which the Germans had moft confi-
dence, and with reafon. Their cavalry was
numerous, they mounted fix thouſand horfe,
well dreffed, well exerciſed, and moreover ſup-
ported by a fuccour which feemed very well
defigned. Each horfeman had a foot foldier,
which he had chofen himſelf, and who was at-
tached to him. This body of light infantry
accompanied the cavalry in battle, and ferved
them for a rear-guard; where they found a re-
treat. If the action became dangerous, thefe
footmen advanced, and took a ſhare in the bat-
tle; if any horſemen was confiderably wound-
ed and fell from his horfe, they gathered round
to defend and fupport him; if fpeed was re-
quired, either to go before or to retreat, they
were fo light and fo alert, that laying hold of
the mains of the horſes, thy could run as faft
as they.
When Cæfar faw that the Germans were ob-
ftinate in refuſing battle, he thought he ought
to ſecure the freedom of his convoys. With
this view, he chofe a place proper to form a
camp fix hundred paces beyond that of the
enemy; whither he afterwards went with his
whole army divided into three bodies, of which
the two firſt had orders to keep under arms
while the third intrenched themſelves. Ario-
viftus fent fixteen thoufand foot, and all his
horſe, to hinder this work; but he could not
fucceed, the camp was fortified
VOL. XII.
S
and Cæfar
leaving
258
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694. leaving two Legions there with a part of his
Ant. C. 58. Auxiliaries, carried the four other Legions back
to his great camp.
The fuper-
ftitious
reafon for
this refu-
fal.
The next day Cæfar drawing his troops out
of both camps, according to cuſtom offered the
enemy battle. It was ftill to no purpoſe: but
when he was retired, Arioviftus caufed the lit-
tle camp of the Romans to be attacked. Many
were wounded on both fides without any ad-
vantage that was decifive.
Cæfar was amazed that theſe fierce Germans
would not accept the combat that had been fo
often proffered them. He was defirous to know
the reaſon of it, and having interrogated fome
of the prifoners, he learned that this fiery and
unruly people were curbed by their ſuperſtition.
Certain women among them, pretended pro-
pheteffes, delivered oracles to them, which
were received with great refpect and they had
declared that they would not conquer if they
fought before the new moon.
Cæfar thought, with reafon, that this fuper-
forces the ftitious fear of the enemy was an advantage he
to come to ought to make the moſt of. Therefore the
an engage next day, after having left a fufficient guard in
ment and his two camps, he advanced with all his troops
gains the in three lines up to the camp of the Germans,
Cafar
Germans
Victory.
as if he was going to affault it. They were
forced to come out, and put themſelves in or-
der of battle, diftributed by nations, encom-
paffing all their army with waggons, ſo that no
one might have any hopes in flight. The
women mounted on thefe waggons, weeping
and tearing their hair, recommended themfelves
to the valour of their husbands, and conjured
them not to fuffer them to become flaves to
the Romans.
Cæfar
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
259
Cæfar obferved that the left wing of the A.R. 694.
Ant, C. 58.
enemy was the weakeft; therefore he began
the attack on that fide: very likely, if I may
be allowed to conjecture on fuch an account,
becauſe he judged if one of the two wings was
once broken, it would not fail of carrying the
defeat to the other. Both parties ran with fuch
violence againſt one another, that the Romans
had neither time or fpace to throw their jave-
lins; but they came all at once to make ufe of
their fwords. The Germans, according to
cuftom, covered themſelves with their bucklers
in tortoife. Cæfar reports that feveral of the
Roman foldiers leaped upon this tortoiſe, and
raiſing up the bucklers with their hands, peirced
the enemy through and through that lay un-
der them.
The left wing of the Germans could not hold
it out long againft Cæfar in perfon; but the
right wing had the advantage. Young Craffus
cauſed the third line or body of reſerve of the
Romans to advance, by which he made an end
and compleated the victory. All the Germans
took to flight, making towards the Rhine,
which was fifty miles from the field of battle,
and ſtopped not at all till they came thither.
Some, a very ſmall number paffed the river ei-
ther by fwimming, or, like Arioviftus himſelf,
in little boats that they found on the banks of
it. All the reft were cut to
cavalry of the victorious army.
of Arioviftus perifhed in this
two daughters he had, one was
other taken priſoner.
$
pieces by the
The two wives
flight; and of
killed and the
Cæfar had the fatisfaction to recover his two He re-
Deputies, Procillus and Mettius. He felicitates covers his
himſelf upon this in his Commentaries, in a two Depu
S 2
manner
ties.
260
CALPURNIUS, GABINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 694 manner that does honour to his humanity and
Ant. C: 58.
generous difpofition; and affirms, in precife
terms, that the joy he had in faving Procillus,
was not less than that of the victory. This
young Gaul had been in extreme danger. Lots
had been drawn three times to decide whether
he fhould be burnt alive upon the ſpot, or re-
ſerved for another time, and three times the
die favourable to him preferved his life.
Cafar
Cæfar's victory over Ariovistus terrified the
Suevi, who, as I have faid, were approached
to the banks of the Rhine. They retreated in
diſorder into their country; and the Ubii, who
inhabited the country, where Cologn has been
fince built, purſuing them, killed a great num-
ber of them.
Thus Cæfar, in one campaign put an end
goes to pass to two great wars, and with fo much ſpeed,
the winter that he went into winter-quarters before the
in Cifal-
pine Gaul, ufual ſeaſon. He diftributed his army in the
country of the Sequani, and left Labienus to
command in his abfence. He paffed himſelf
into Cifalpine Gaul, willing, as he fays, to
take a circuit there, and adminifter juſtice, ac-
cording to the ufage of the Roman Magiftrates.
But he was not lefs attentive to the affairs of
the city. It is very probable that during this
time, they negociated with him, to no purpoſe,
to obtain his confent to the recalling Cicero.
SECT,
CONTENTS.
261
4
SECT. III.
Cæfar's fecond campain in Gaul. The confede-
ration of the Belge against the Romans. Goes
to his army, and arrives on the frontiers of
the country of the Belga. The Rhemi make
their fubmiffion to Cæfar, and inform him of
the ftrength of the league, which confifted of
above three hundred thouſand fighting men.
Cæfar goes to incamp on the other fide the river
Aifne. Several enterprizes of the Belga, all
without fuccefs. They ſeparate and retire every
one to his own country. Cæfar pursues them,
and kills a great number of them. He re-
duces to obedience thofe of Soiffons, of Beau-
vais, and of Amiens. The pride of the Ner-
vii. They prepare themſelves to receive the
Roman army. A bloody battle, wherein the
Romans, after having been in very great dan-
ger, remain conquerors. Cæfar attacks the
Aduatici, who endeavour to defend themfelves
in their principal town. The furprize of the
Aduatici on feeing the Roman machines. They
furrender. Their fraud followed with the
worst fuccefs. The maritime coast of Celtica
fubdued by P. Craffus. Embaffies from the
German nations to Cæfar. Rejoicings ordered
for fifteen days at Rome, on account of Cæfar's
victories. Galba, Cafar's Lieutenant, makes
war during the winter, with fome people of
the Alps.
*
P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER.
Q. CECILIUS METELLUS NEPOS.
THE
A. R. 695.
Ant. C. 57.
HE people of Gaul properly fo called, The fecond
or the Celtæ, feemed to be fubdued, at campain of
S 3
leaft Cafar in
Gaul,
2
262
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 57.
A. R. 695. leaſt the greateſt part of them, and diſpoſed to
The confe- wear the yoke of the Romans. It was not the
deration of fame with the Belge, who till now had never
the Belge fuffered their liberty to be infringed. They
against the
were for the moft part Germans originally, all
Romans.
proud, warlike, and accuſtomed to brave fa-
tigues and dangers. Their natural bravery
had not been foftened by luxury, which they
were ſtrangers to. Of all the inhabitants of
Gaul, they alone had preſerved their country
from the inundation of the Cimbers and Teu-
tons; and this honour ftill raiſed their cou-
rage, and made them look upon themſelves as
invincible. Cæfar's conquefts over the Hel-
vetii and Arioviftus did not terrify them, but
made them think it neceffary to reunite their
forces to oppoſe fo formidable an enemy.
Moreover, fpurred on by the fecret inftigations.
of many among the Celta, who bore with im-
patience the dominion of the Romans, but
durft not declare themſelves openly, they were
at work during the whole winter, to form a
league amongst themſelves, and to put them-
felves in a condition, againſt ſpring, to have
an army capable to revenge the lofs of liberty
in Gaul.
Cafar goes
and ar-
rives on the
As for
Cæfar learned the news of this while he was
to bisarmy, yet in Cifalpine Gaul. He levied two legions
immediately, which he fent over the Alps,
frontiers of under the command of Q. Pedius.
the country himfelf, as foon as there was forage in the
countries, he went to his army; and having
affured himſelf of the truth of the facts, he
began his march at the end of twelve days, and
in fifteen more arrived upon the frontiers of
the country of the Belga.
of the
Belga.
There
1
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls,
263
1.
R. 695,
C.
which
men.
There the Ambaffadors of the Rhemi pre-Ant. c. 95.
fented themſelves to him, and declared to The Rhemi
him, that their Nation entirely fubmitted to make their
the orders of the Roman People. That theySubmission
to Cæfar,
were the only Nation among the Belge, who and inform
would not enter into the confederation, nor him of the
take up arms; and that the rage of war hadtrength of
feized in fuch a manner on mens minds, that the league,
they could not bring back even thoſe of the amountedto
Soiffons, who were their allies, their brethren, more than
governed by the fame laws, and by the fame 300,000
magiftrates. Cæfar afking them what were the fighting
forces of the Confederates, they told him that
the * Bellovaci were the most powerful, and
moſt numerous people of them all; that they
were able to raiſe an hundred thouſand armed
men, and that they had promifed fixty thou-
fand. That the quota of thofe of Soiffons was
fifty thouſand men; and that their King Gal-
ba, who had a great reputation for juſtice and
prudence, had the general command of the
whole war. They numbered a great many
other people, who poffeffed the country as far
as the Rhine, the chief of which were † the
Nervii, and the Aduatici. Some Germans
alfo on this fide the Rhine were entered into
the league; and the number of all thefe troops
together amounted to above three hundred
thouſand fighting men. We fhall be the lefs
furprized at this number, which feems prodi-
gious, if we remember, that, at that time,
1
* Thofe of Beauvais.
|
+ The Nervii poſſeſſed the
country between the Scheld and
the Sambre. The chief cities
attributed to them were Cam-
bray, Valenciennes and Tour-
nay.
The people who inhabited
the banks of the Meuſe, about
Namur, according to the opi-
nion of feveral geographers.
S4
every
264
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695. every citizen was a foldier; and that neither
Ant. C. 57 letters nor arts exempted any, but the Druids,
from military duty.
Cafar
goes to en-
camp on
the other
fide the
river
Aifne.
Cæfar, well pleaſed with the obedience and
fubmiffion of the Rhemi, neverthelefs ufed the
precaution to require hoftages from them. At
the fame time he thought of making a diver
fion, that he might not be obliged to fight
with this terrible multitude of the Belge all
at once; and, to this end, he engaged Divi-
tiacus to prevail upon the Edueni to enter with
arms upon the lands of the Bellovaci, thus
making ufe of one part of the Gauls to fub-
due the other.
He foon learnt that the army of the Belgæ
advanced with great ſpeed, and came towards
him. He paffed the river Aifne, to go him-
ſelf to meet them, and encamped advantagi-
oufly on a little hill, fupporting one of his
flanks by the right bank of the river. In this
pofition he ſecured his rear, and made it eaſy
to bring provifions from the Rhemi and the
other people his Allies. There was a bridge
over this river at ſome diſtance from the camp;
at the head of which Cæfar placed a good
guard, and caufed a fort to be built on the
other fide, where he left Q. Titurius Sabinus,
a Lieutenant-General, with fix Cohorts.
Severalen- The Belge finding the town of Bibrax * in.
terprizes of their way, which was but eight miles from
the Belga, Cæfar's camp, and which belonged to the
fuccefs. Rhemi, were going to affault it. But a fuc-
all without
cour Cæfar ſent thither forced them to aban-
+
*It is at this day a little
place, which still preferves
Some marks of its antient
name. It is called Bievre,
between Pont à vere and
between Pont
Laon.
don
CORNELIUS, ነ
265
CECILIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 57.
don their defign, and they came and pofted A. R. 695.
themſelves within two thouſand yards of the
Romans. Their camp took up more than
eight thouſand in circumference.
Cæfar, at their approach, added new in-
trenchments to his camp, reſolved to ſpin out
the time a little, and try the enemy firſt in
fkirmiſhes. The fuccefs therein was fo good,
that he thought he might hazard a general
action. He therefore left the two legions he
had newly raiſed to guard the camp, and went
out with the fix others which he ranged in or-
der of battle, not willing, however, to loſe
the advantagious ground, and without quitting
the little hill upon which he was encamped.
The Belge alfo fet themſelves in order of
battle at the head of their camp: but there
was a moraſs between the two armies, that
neither the one or the other would pafs in
fight of the enemy: therefore there was only
a combat of the horſe, in which the Romans
had fome fuperiority, after which Cæfar with-
drew his troops into his camp.
The Belga faw that they were not able to
do any thing againſt Cæfar; therefore they
formed the defign of fording the river, and
going on the other fide to attack the fort where
Titurius commanded, to carry it if poffible, and
break down the bridge. Cæfar, having timely
notice of this by his Lieutenant, decamped
with all his cavalry, light-armed men and
archers, paffed the bridge, and arrived on the
other fide, while the enemy were embarraffed
in paffing the river; and whatever efforts of
bravery they made, even to the uſing the dead
bodies of their fellow-foldiers to make a bridge
to
266
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695. to get over, he flew many of them, and forced
the reft to retreat.
Ant. C. 67.
They Sepa-
rate, and
retire
The Belgæ difheartened, feeing they could
fucceed in nothing, on the other hand their
every one proviſions began to fail them; laſtly, the Bel-
to his own lovaci learnt, that an army of the Edueni,
country.
great num-
ber of
them.
commanded by Divitiacus, was entered into
their country. They held a Council, and the
Bellovaci having declared, that they were re-
folved to go and defend their country, their ex-
ample was followed by all the reft. It was
agreed that the army fhould ſeparate; that each
Nation ſhould retire to their own country, and
that as foon as one canton fhould be attacked,
all the others fhould reaffemble, to march to
the fuccour of thoſe who were in danger.
Cefar pur. This refolution, not well underſtood in itſelf,
fues them, was very difficult to put in execution. They
and kills a undertook to make their retreat in fight of
the enemy, which is always very dangerous.
This was proved by the Belgæ, and ſo much
the more as they obſerved no order, every one
ftriving to be firſt in the extreme hafte they
were in to get home: fo that their departure
was like a flight. They decamped at the
fourth hour of the night; and Cæfar was im-
mediately informed of it. Nevertheleſs, he
did not preſently make any motion, fearing an
ambufcade. At the point of day, upon new
advices that he received, which fully affured
him, that the enemy was retreated, he detach-
ed all his horfe, and afterwards three legions
under the command of Labienus, to purfue
them. The Romans killed a great number,
and without any danger, becauſe only thoſe
who were attacked defended themfelves. The
others who were got before, inftead of fupport-
ing
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
267
Ant. C. 57.
ing their countrymen, feeing the danger from A. R. 695.
far, thought only how to get farther from it,
by gaining their country. Thus the ſlaughter
was very great all the day long. In the even-
ing Labienus and the Roman cavalry, return-
ed to the camp, according to Cæfar's orders.
Amiens.
This General, always active, failed not to He reduces
take advantage of the error committed by the to obedience
enemy, in feparating their forces. He put Saiſons, of
thofe of
himfelf on the march the next day, to enter Beauvais,
into the country of the Soiffons, and made and of
fuch hafte, that he arrived before the capital
before even the troops of the country, who
had quitted the army of the Belgæ. Thoſe of
Soiffons fubmitted, and were diſarmed. Beau-
vais and Amiens followed the fame example,
and had the ſame fate.
Roman
The Nervii were not fo tractable. Far from The pride
being difpofed to furrender themſelves, they They pre-
of Nervii.
taxed with cowardice thofe who had taken this pare them-
fhameful ſtep, unworthy, according to them,elves to
the glory and name of the Belgæ. Proud and receive the
indocile, they had no tafte of any thing but arms, army.
and even took pains to drive away every thing
that might bring knowledge, or the love of
pleaſure among them. For this reaſon they
would not fuffer any merchants to enter their
country, nor that any wine fhould be brought
into it, which they very juftly looked upon as
capable by its ſweetneſs to foften their courage
and weaken their virtue. After this it is not
to be wondered at, that fervitude fhould feem
to them the height of ignominy. They in-
ſpired the Artefii and Veromandui, their neigh-
bours, with the fame fentiments, and theſe
three people united prepared to receive the Ro-
man army. They uſed the precaution to put
in
268
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 57.
A. R. 695. in fafety their wives, their old men, and their
children, by withdrawing them to a place, into
which the army could not penetrate on account
of a moraſs that encompaffed it.
A bloody
battle
wherein
the Ro-
very great
querors.
When Cæfar came to them, he found them
behind the Sambre, which in that place might
have about three feet depth, and which was
mans, af bordered by two hills, on the right and left:
ter having The army of the Nervii and of their allies did
been in not appear at all, becauſe they were all entirely
danger, re-in a wood, very thick, on the top of the little
main con- hill to the right of the river. Only fome ad-
vanced guards of the cavalry fhewed themſelves
at the foot of the little hill, that was naked,
and lay open. The Roman cavalry, which
marched at the head, perceiving this little
body of the enemy, paffed the river, and put
them to flight; but as they ſtopped at the en-
trance of the wood, theſe fame troops returning
to the charge, and afterwards retreating, oc-
cafioned the battle to laft for a confiderable
time however fix Roman Legions arrived at
the top of the hill to the left of the Sambre,
and began to prepare a camp there.
The Nervii had been informed by deferters,
that in the march every Legion was followed
by its baggage; fo that from the firft to the
laſt there was a very great interval, and that
it would be eaſy to cope with one or two Le-
gions before the other could come up to their
affiftance but Cæfar, when he approached the
enemy had changed this order. Six Legions
marched in a line, afterwards all the baggage
of the army, and the march was cloſed by
the two Legions levied the laſt. When the
Nervii faw the first baggage, they concluded
that was the proper time for the attack. They
:
went
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
269
went out of the wood in good order, over- A. R. 965.
Ant. C. 57°
threw the Roman cavalry, paffed the river, got
up the little hill, where the fix Legions were
at work to fortify the camp, and all this was
done with fuch vivacity, and fuch fury, that it
cauſed a great confternation among the Ro-
mans.
Cæfar confeffes that he could not find time.
to give all his orders, and to make all the necef-
fary difpofitions for a battle, Two things fup-
plied theſe defects. One was the ability and
good difcipline of his foldiers, who knew of
themſelves what ought to be done, without
ſtanding in need of being inftructed in every
particular when time preffed: the other was
the precaution he had taken, to order his Lieu-
tenant-Generals to remain each at the head of
his Legion till the works of the camp were en-
tirely finiſhed. Thus every Legion had its
Commander, who regulated their motions,
without waiting for thofe orders which their
circumftances at that time would not allow
them to take from their General. The foldiers
and the officers had not even time to put on
their helmets, nor to take the skins off their
fhields with which they covered them on a
march. They ranged themfelves under the firſt
colours they perceived, for fear of loſing time
by every one's feeking for his own.
Cæfar found himſelf near the tenth Legion.
He ran to it, and after having given the fig-
nal for fighting, and put things in order, he
went to another place, where they were already
engaged. Chance rather ruled in the different.
diſpoſitions than the prudence or orders of the
General. There were three diftinct and fepa-
rate battles formed; two Legions were over
againſt
270
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695. againſt the Artefii, whom they defeated, and
Ant. C. 57. drove immediately to the other fide the river;
afterwards, having paffed it themſelves, they
began the battle a new, where the enemy had
the advantage of the ground; but nevertheleſs
they put them to flight, and penetrated into
their camp, which they feized. Two other
Legions repulfed the Veromandui, but did not
entirely break them; and they fought on the
banks of the river.
The Roman camp was thus left almoſt with-
out defence, there remaining but two Legions
in it. The Nervii fell upon them, and en-
deavoured to flank them where they lay moft
open. The two Legions fought with great
bravery, but the parties being very unequal,
they were extremely preffed. The Roman
cavalry, which had been broken by the firſt
fhock of the enemy, returned to the camp,
and finding the Nervii there, took to flight a
fecond time. The fervants of the army, who
had ſeen the Artefii repulfed and vanquished,
came out with a defign to plunder; but were
extremely furprized to fee the enemy behind
them, and ran away with all the fpeed they
could at the fame time the cries of thoſe were
heard, who arrived with the baggage. The
confufion and fright were fo great, that fome
of the ſquadrons of the cavalry of Treves, who
ferved as auxiliaries to the Romans, were feiz-
ed with the pannic, notwithſtanding the bra-
very which that nation piqued themſelves upon
above all the other people of Gaul, and ran
together as far as their own country, carrying
thither an account that Cæfar's army was de-
feated.
At
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
271
At the inftant of the greateſt danger Cæfar A. R. 695.
arrived. He found the twelfth Legion croud- Ant. C. 57.
ed together in a heap, and almoſt in a deſperate
condition. Every Captain of one of the Co-
horts that compoſed it was killed, and thoſe
of the others were, for the most part, either
killed or wounded; and in particular the firft
Captain of the Legion, P. Sextius a man of
great courage was reduced, by his wounds, to
be hardly able to fupport himſelf. The foldiers
fought very faintly, and were rather endeavour-
ing to avoid the ftrokes of the enemy than to
return them.
Cæfar fnatched a buckler from
a foot foldier, and ran to put himſelf at the
head of the Legion. He called the Captains
by their names, he exhorted the foldiers, and
cried out to them to advance towards the
enemy, and to widen their ranks a little, that
they might more conveniently make uſe of
their fwords. The fight of the General re-ani-
mated their fainting fpirits, and every one
fought to deſerve his praiſe by fome noble ac-
tion performed before his eyes.
The feventh Legion was not far off. Cæfar
gave orders for it to approach, by little and
little, to the twelfth, and to range itſelf in the
fame line, in order to extend the front, and
by that means to put it out of the enemy's
power to ſurround them.
The two Legions that were thought to be
loft, now began to refpire. But what redoubled
their confidence was the arrival of two Legions,
which marched in the train of the baggage.
At the fame time Labienus, who had taken
the enemy's camp, perceiving from the top of
the little hill, where he was, what paffed in
the Roman camp, detached the tenth Legion,
which
272
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695. which flew to the fuccour of its General. This
Ant. C. 57.
reinforcement fully reftored the courage of the
twelfth and ſeventh Legions; and Cæfar faw
feveral of them, who, being overcome with
wearinefs and wounds, were lying on the
ground, raiſe themſelves up and fupport them-
felves upon their bucklers, to renew the fight.
At length the Roman cavalry, willing to blot
out the diſgrace of their flight, returned to the
charge, and attacked the enemy on every fide.
They muſt needs have funk under the weight
of fo many united efforts againft them, had
they not acted prodigies of valour. Cæfar
faw, that after thofe of the firft ranks were
killed, the others not only ftood firm, but ad-
vanced, and continued fighting over the bodies
of their comrades. And the number of the
dead was become fo large, that they made
heaps of them, and mounting thereon, as from
an eminence, they threw their own darts, and
what javelins of the Romans´they had been
able to lay hold on.
!
In fo obftinate a battle the whole nation was
extirpated, in fo much, that their old men and
women, in fending to implore the clemency of
Cæfar, to move his commiferation, declared to
him, that of fix hundred Senators, there re-
mained but three; and that of fixty thouſand
men capable of bearing arms, there were ſcarce
five hundred preferved. Cæfar took pity on
the deplorable remains of this brave People';
he placed them under his protection, and ex-
prefsly forbad all their neighbours to do them
any hurt. He had done them enough him-
felf.
So terrible an example could not determine
the Aduatici voluntarily to fubmit to the law
of
:
CORNELIUS, CÆCILIUS, Confuls.
273
Ant. C. 57.
of the conqueror. This nation was a remnant A. R. 695.
of the Cimbri, who advancing towards the Cafar at-
ſouth, left their heavy baggage on this fide the tacks the
left bank of the Rhine with fix thouſand of Aduatici,
who en
in their
principal
town.
their men to guard it. After the Cimbri and deavour to
the Teutoni had been defeated, and even de- defend
ſtroyed by Marius, theſe fix thouſand men fup- themſelve:
ported themſelves by their valour in the midſt
of the neighbouring People, who attacked
them, and they must have greatly increaſed
their number by their conquefts, and by incor-
porating with them the vanquished People,
fince at the time that we are fpeaking of, that
is to ſay, the forty-fourth year after the laft vic-
tory of Marius, the Aduatici were in a condi-
tion to furniſh nine thoufand fighting men for
their contingent to the league of the Belgæ.
When they underſtood that the Nervii were
attacked, they put themſelves on the march to
come to their fuccour: but the battle being
fought before their arrival, they returned pre-
cipitately into their own country, and having
abandoned all the little forts and villages they
had, they fhut themſelves up in their principal
city, which fome fuppofe to have been Namur.
This town was well fortified, and they prepar-
ed themſelves to make a vigorous defence.
They made fome fallies at firſt, when the The fur-
Roman army arrived before the place; but a prize of
good line of countervallation of twelve feet the Adua-
tici to fee
deep, fifteen thouſand paces in circumference, the Roman
and every where well fortified with redoubts, machines.
foon put it out of their power to do fo any render.
They fur
more. At the fame time the Galleries were
preparing to make the approaches, and Cæfar
alfo ordered a tower to be built. The Aduatici
feeing from the top of their walls the men at
VOL. XII,
T
Work
{
274
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695. work on this tower, at a confiderable diſtance,
Ant. C. 57. made a fcoff of the Romans; and asked them
Their
fraud fol.
lorved
with the
worſt
Success.
with infolence what ufe they pretended to make
of a machine fo far off; and whether fuch lit-
tle men as they were (for, fays Cæfar, the
Gauls, who are all large, very much defpifed
our finall ftature) could have arms long enough,
and ſufficient ſtrength to place a tower of fuch
enormous weight upon the walls of the town?
But when they faw the tower move and ap-
proach towards them, this new and furprizing
fpectacle terrified them in fuch a manner, that
they fent Deputies immediately to Cæfar, who
told him, "that they could not doubt but that
"the gods fought for the Romans, when they
faw them advance fuch tall and weighty
"machines with fo much eaſe and readineſs.
"That they therefore yielded to him, and put
"their deſtiny in his hands. But that if he
"would ufe his wonted clemency, and pre-
"ferve the Aduatic Nation, they begged he
"would not inftantly difarm them; becauſe
they had need of their arms to defend them-
&6
felves against their neighbours, who all en-
"vied them for their virtue. That they would
"rather chooſe to be extirpated, if it muſt be
fo, by the Romans, than fuffer all kinds of
66
66
indignities and puniſhments from thofe of
"whom they thought themſelves the maſters.'
Cæfar promifed them life and liberty, if they
furrendered before the battering rams had ftruck
their walls: But he was inflexible upon the ar-
ticle of arms, which he would have abfolutely
delivered up to him, offering them only the
fafeguard that he had allowed the Nervii.
The Deputies re entered the town, and after-
wards returned to affure Cæfar of the fubmif-
fion
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
275
Ant. C. 57°
fion of the inhabitants, who threw fo great a A. R. 695-
quantity of arms into the foffé, that the
heap reached up to the top of their walls; and
then they opened their gates, and received the
Romans. Towards the evening Cæfar, who
did not at all miſtruſt them, fuffered them to
ſhut their gates, and make his troops go out
of the town, leaſt they ſhould infult or ill uſe
the inhabitants: but they had acted treache-
rouſly, and reſerved about one third part of
their arms, and having others made rough and
in hafte, they turned out about midnight, and
came to attack Cæfar's intrenchments at the
place where they thought they could fcale them
the moſt eaſily. They hoped to have fur-
prized the Romans; but were miſtaken, for fo
good order was eſtabliſhed in the camp of Ca-
far, that in an inftant, the ſignals being given,
with fire from one redoubt to another, the Ro-
mans were in a ftate of defence. The battle
was furious. The Aduatici mounted to the
affault with incredible courage, which was
heightened by their defpair. At length, after
having loft four thousand of their men, they
were drove back into the town, of which Ca-
far the next day burst open the gates without
finding any refiftance. And both men and
booty were all fold. The number of prifoners
thus reduced to flavery, amounted to fifty-
three thouſand heads.
with time coaſt
coaft, jubdued by
of Celtica
the P. Crafus.
At the fame time that Cæfar made war in The mari-
perſon againſt the Belgæ, young Craffus,
one legion, fubdued all the maritime
from the mouth of the Seine to that
Loire.
T 2
of
The
276
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695
Ant. C. 57.
nations to
Cæfar.
The report of theſe exploits was carried be-
Embafies yond the Rhine, and feveral German nations
from the fent Ambaffadors to make their fubmiffion to
German Cæfar. But as he was very defirous to haſten
into Italy, he could not immediately give them
audience, but put them off till next fpring.
He took only the time neceffary to diſtribute
his troops in winter-quarters, in the countries.
of Chartres, Anjou, and Tourraine, after
which he went, according to cuftom, into
Cifalpine Gaul.
at Rome,
Rejoicings The news of his victories was received with
ordered for fuch applaufe at Rome, that thankſgivings to
fifteen days the gods were ordered, the folemnity of which
on account lafted for fifteen days: a number which exceed-
of Cæfar's ed what had been allowed to any General be-
victories. fore him, even to Pompey itfelf. If Pompey
nant,
was jealous of this, he did not let it appear.
But it was great imprudence in him to fuffer
Cæfar to accuftom himſelf to a fuperiority,
from which it would be difficult to bring
him down.
Galba, Cæfar, at his going away for Italy, ordered
Cafar's Servius Galba, one of his Lieutenant-Generals,
Liente- to go with the twelfth legion into the country
makes war of the Nantuates *, the Sedunians, and the Ve-
during the ragrians, to fecure the free paffage of the
winter, Alps, which the Merchants were oftentimes ob-
with fome
liged to purchaſe with money, and great dan-
gers. Galba at firſt found but little difficulty in
the execution of this order. Some flight bat-
tles, followed by the taking fome caftles, fuf-
ficed to reduce thefe people to give hoſtages,
and make their fubmiffion. He therefore thought
he might fecurely take up his winter-quarters
people of
the Alps.
Caf. de
B. G.
L. III.
* Upper and Lower Vallais.
in
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
277
Ant. C. 57°
in a country of which he was mafter; and A. R. 695
having left two cohorts upon the territories of
the Nantuates, he came with the remaining
eight to ſettle himſelf at Octodurum, a ſmall
village of the Veragrians, which the Dranfe
divides in two. He abandoned one of the
two parts to the natives of the country, and
began to intrench himſelf in the other.
His works were not quite finiſhed before he
heard, that all the country was rifen in arms,
and that he was going to be affailed by a cloud
of mountaineers. He called a Council, and
the danger appeared fo great to fome, that
they were of opinion, that they ought to think
only of a ſpeedy retreat, leaving their baggage
in the power of the enemy. The greateſt
number thought they ought not to have re-
courſe to fo defperate a refolution, but at the
laft extremity, and that they fhould begin to
defend their intrenchments.
They had fcarce time to make the neceffary
preparations, the enemy was approached ſo near.
Thirty thouſand mountaineers came to attack
eight cohorts, which all together did not make
above four thoufand. In an number fo une-
qual, the affailants had the advantage of con-
ſtantly ſending fresh troops, whereas the Ro-
mans, not only thofe that were fatigued, but
even the wounded could not take their neceffa-
ry repofe, becauſe there wanted men to replace
them.
The battle had lafted fix hours, and the
Gauls already began to break the palifades and
fill up the foffes. In this extremity, P. Sextius,
that brave Captain, of whom mention has
* Martigni.
T 3
been
278
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695 been made in the battle with the Nervii, and
Ant. C. 57'
a military Tribune, named C. Volufenus, an
excellent Officer, came to Galba, and repre-
fented to him, that it would not be poffible
to defend their lines, if they did not make a
vigorous fally, that might give the enemy
fome trouble. This counfel was approved;
Galba ordered the foldiers to take fome little
refreſhment, contenting himſelf, in the mean
time, to ward off the enemy's ftrokes, without
returning any himfelf, when at a fignal given
the Romans rufhed out at once from all their
gates, and made fo brifk a charge, that the
mountaineers, who did not expect it, were ab-
folutely put in diforder. It was not poffible
for them to reconnoitre their forces; but they
were obliged to fly, leaving ten thouſand of
their men upon the place.
Galba nevertheleſs did not think it proper to
expofe himſelf to a fecond attack. He burnt
all the houſes in the little village of Octodu-
rum, went over to the Nantuates to take his
two cohorts again, and came to finish his win-
ter-quarters in the Roman Province,
SECT.
CONTENT S.
279
SECT. IV.
Cæfar's fecret motives for going to Italy in the
winter. Ptolemy Auletes drove out of Egypt.
Theophanes, the friend of Pompey, fufpected to
bave engaged the King of Egypt to retire.
Wholesome advice ineffectually given by Cato
to Auletes. Auletes comes to Rome. His
daughter Berenice is put upon the throne
by the Alexandrians, and is first married to Se-
leucus Cybiofactes, afterwards to Archelaus.
The Ambajadors from the Alexandrians at
Rome, affaffinated, gained over, or intimidated
by Ptolomy. The commiffion to re-establish the
King of Egypt given to Spinther by the Se-
nate, but fought for by Pompey. The pretend-
ed oracle of the Sybil, which forbad the en-
tering into Egypt with an army. The intrigues
of Pompey to procure the commiffion for re-
eftablishing Auletes. The affair remains in
fufpence. Cicero carries a good face through
the whole. Clodius being Edile, accufes Milo
before the People. Pompey pleading for Milo
is infulted by Clodius. The answer of the
Southfayers applied by Clodius to Cicero, and
retorted by Cicero on Clodius. Cicero takes
away from the Capitol the tables of the laws
of Clodius. A coolness, on this account, be-
tween Cicero and Cato. The fingular fituation
- of Pompey, the butt of all parties. He is
bated by the common people. An object of jea
loufy to the zealous Republicans. Miftrufts
both Craffus and Cæfar. Some bold paffages
of Cicero against Cæfar. The uneasiness of
Cafar. A new Confederacy between Cafar,
Pompey and Craffus. Their interview. The
T 4
nuine-
280
CONTENTS.
numerous Court of Cæfar at Lucus. Cæfar
complains of Cicero to Pompey. Reproaches
made by Pompey to Cicero. Cicero refolves to
Support the interests of Cæfar. He makes an
apology for this change. What were his real
fentiments. Cicero gives his vote in the Se-
nate for Cafar's having ehe Government of
the two Gauls. Pifo recalled from Macedo-
nia, Gabinius continues in Syria. Cicero em-
ploys himself much in pleading. The difpofi-
tions made by Pompey and Craffus to get the
Confulfhip. Three of the Tribunes, in concert
with Pompey, hinder the election of the Ma-
giftrates. The ineffectual endeavours of the
Conful Marcellinus, and the Senate, to over-
come the obstinacy of the Tribunes. Clodius in-
fults the Senate. The Conful would oblige
Pompey and Craffus to explain themselves.
Their anfwers. An univerfal confternation in
Rome. The interregnum. Domitius alone per-
fifts in demanding the Confulship with Pompey
and Craffus. He is removed out of the way
by violence, and through the fear of death.
Pompey and Craffus are named Confuls. They
prevent Cato's obtaining the Prætorship, and
caufe Vatinius to be preferred to him. Pompey
prefides at the election of Ediles. His robe is
made bloody there. The Tribune Trebonius
pro-
pofes a law to give the governments of Spain
and Syria to the Confuls. The law paffes in
fpight of the oppofition of Cato and two of the
Tribunes. Pompey gets Cæfar continued in the
Government of Gaul for five years, notwith-
Standing the repreſentation of Cato and Cicero.
A new difpofition introduced, by a law of
Pompey, in the choice of Judges. A law a-
gainst canvaffing at elections. A fcheme for a
new,
CONTENT S.
281
new fumptuary law. The luxury of the Ro-
mans. The theatre of Pompey. Games given
to the People by Pompey, at the dedicating his
theatre. The commiferation of the People for
the elephants killed in thefe games. The pro-
vince of Syria falls to Craffus, and that of
Spain to Pompey, who governs by his Lieute-
nants. The extravagant joy, and chimerical
projects of Craffus. The murmuring of the ci-
tizens against the war which Craffus was pre-
paring to make with the Parthians. The
dreadful ceremony made use of by one of the
Tribunes to load bhim with imprecations. A pre-
tended bad omen. Cauneas. Craffus before
his departure reconciles himself to Cicero. Scau-
rus, Philippus, Marcellinus and Gabinius
fucceffively governors of Syria. Troubles excited
in Judea by Alexander the son of Ariſtobulus.
Gabinius fettles matters there with great activity.
He demands the honour of Supplications, which
is refufed him. Marc Anthony begins to fig-
nalize himself. His birth. The original caufe
of his hatred to Cicero. Very debauched in his
youth. He attaches himself to Clodius, after-
wards quits him to go into Greece. Gabinius
gives him the command of the horſe in his army.
He makes himself adored by the foldiers. His
exceffive liberality. Ariftobulus, baving faved
himſelf at Rome, renews the war in Judea,
is vanquished and retaken. Gabinius leaves the
war against the Arabs, to carry it on with
the Parthians. Ptolomy Auletes brings him
back towards Egypt. Archelaus then reigned in
Egypt with Berenice. Anthony, feconded by
Hyrcanus and Antipater, forces the paſſages of
Egypt, and takes Pelufium. The bafenefs and
effeminacy of the Alexandrians. Archelaus is
killed,
282
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695.
Ant. C. 57°
Cafar's
eret mo-
tives for
going to
Cæf. de B.
killed, and Ptolomy re-established. New trou-
bles in Judea. The defeat of Alexander the
Son of Aristobulus. Gabinius is obliged to yield
the command of his army to Craffus. A gene-
neral diſguſt in the minds of men at Rome a-
gainst Gabinius. The characters of the two
Confuls. Gabinius returns to Rome. He is
accuſed of the crime of public Lefe- Majesty,
and acquitted. The public indignation against
this infamous judgment. He is accused of ex-
tortion. Cicero pleads for him. Gabinius is
condemned. Vatinius defended in like manner
by Cicero, and acquitted. The great grief with
which Cicero is touched, in being obliged to de-
fend his enemies.
P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER..
Q. CÆCILIUS METELLUS NEPOS.
·
Creams THE motive which Cæfar affigns for his
taking a journey in the winter, was the
defire he had to vifit Illyria, which made a part
Italy in the of his Government, and where he had not yet
winter. been but fecret reaſons beyond compariſon
G. III. 1. more interefting, carried him into Italy. He
was willing to confer with his friends and crea-
tures at Rome, and eſpecially with Pompey and
Craffus. Before we give an account of this in-
terview and theſe intrigues, we ought to ſpeak
here of what remains to be related of the events,
and affairs of the city under the Confulship of
Lentulus and Metellus Nepos:
Ptolomy
Auletes
drove out
of Egypt.
Dio, L.
xxxix.
An object which very much employed the
public care, was the re-eſtabliſhment of Ptolomy
Auletes, King of Egypt, This Prince had
been at enormous expences, and contracted
very great debts, to bring about his being ac-
knowledged
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
283
Ant. C. 57.
Strabo,
knowledged King, friend and ally of the Ro-A. R. 695.
man Empire; finding himſelf therefore quite
drained, he loaded his people with exorbitant
impofitions, which rendered him odious to
them. He was otherwiſe deſpiſed for his per-
fonal conduct, which diſcovered nothing but L. xvii.
ſhameful debaucheries, accompanied by a mean. P. 797.
nefs altogether unworthy of the royal dignity.
Even the furname of Auletes, which fignified
a player upon the flute, was a proof of it. He
was paffionately fond of this inftrument, to
fuch a degree that he eſtabliſhed prizes to be
contended for in his palace by the flute, and
was not afhamed to enter the lifts himſelf, and
diſpute them with other muſicians. At laſt,
when the Romans prepared to invade the ifle
of Cyprus, the indifference of Ptolomy with re-
gard to this rich and antient appendage to the
kingdom of Egypt, made an end of exafperat-
ing the whole nation againſt him. He did not
think himſelf in fafety, and therefore ſtealing
away privately, he refolved to go to Rome to
implore the fuccour of his patrons against his
rebel fubjects, by whom he faid he was drove
away and dethroned.
the
Timagenes, an hiftorian famous for the li-Theopha-
cence of his pen, and his love of flander, has nes, the
friend of
wrote, that it was Theophanes the Mitylenean, Pompey,
a friend and confident of Pompey, that engaged suspected to
Auletes to quit Egypt, without any very great have en-
reaſon, and that the motive for fuch perfidious King of
advice was to procure for Pompey an occafion Egypt to
to re-eſtabliſh that Prince by a war, and that retire.
way to revive his military glory, and refreſh his Plut.
Pomp.
quarrels which began to fade. I make no diffi-
culty of the blackneſs of this affair on the part of
Theophanes, a man without honour, and fold
in
284
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 695. in fuch a manner to Pompey, that with a de-
Ant. C. 57' fign to make his court to him he had no fear,
Wholesome
advice
given by
Cato to
Auletes.
as I have faid elſewhere, to employ, in his
works, the moſt atrocious calumny and groffeft
malice against the moft virtuous of the Romans.
Plutarch will not allow, that Pompey could be
capable of an ambition fo full of malignity
and indecency. It is nevertheleſs very certain,
that Ptolomy demanded to be re-eſtabliſhed by
him, and that Pompey, on his fide, fupported
this demand, and ftrongly defired, though in-
effectually, that it might fucceed.
This fugitive King received very good ad-
vice upon the road, but knew not how to make
his advantage of it. At his arrival at Rhodes,
he met Cato, who was going to Cyprus. Pto-
Plut. Cat. lomy fent to falute him, reckoning he would
come to ſee him, but Cato fent word if the
King of Egypt had any occafion to ſpeak with
him, he might take the pains to come to him.
himſelf. He came, and when he entered, Cato
did not rife to him, nor fhew him any cere-
mony, only pointed with his hand to a fear
for him to fit down. Ptolomy was extremely
furprized to ſee himſelf treated with fo much
haughtiness, and eſpecially by a man who in
his outward appearance had nothing but what
was plain and modeft. Nevertheleſs he was
not abaſhed, but talked to him of his affairs.
When Cato reprefented to him, with an air
of authority, that it was very unwife in him to
quit a happy and fplended fituation, to go and
make himſelf a flave to the great men at Rome,
to dance attendance oftentimes in their anti-
chambers, and purchaſe the protection of cove-
tous perfons, who would not be fatisfied with
all Egypt when they had bought it, and that
he
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
285
Ant, C. 57.
he would carry them the price of it. He ex- A. R. 695.
horted him therefore to reconcile himſelf to his
fubjects, and even offered to accompany him,
and become himſelf the mediator of the peace.
Ptolomy, at this difcourfe, feemed like one
juft come out of a fit of drunkenneſs or mad-
neſs. He faw clearly, and refolved to follow the
advice that was given him; but fome of his
unfaithful, or at leaſt, rafh friends perfuaded
him to the contrary. When he was at Rome, Aulctes
and experienced the pride, the cruelty, the comes to
avidity of thoſe to whom he was obliged to Rome.
make his court, he repented, but too late, of
having neglected fuch wholefome counſel,
which then feemed to him not to come from
a wife man, but to be the oracle of a god.
In the mean time the Alexandrians feeing His daugh.
themſelves abandoned by their King, placed ter Bere-
nice is put
Berenice, his eldeſt daughter upon the throne
• upon the
for his two fons were yet very young which throne by
made them prefer her. They afterwards the Alex-
fought a husband for this Princefs, and caft andrians,
and firft
their eyes on Seleucus furnamed Cybiofactes, married to
brother of Antiochus the Afiatic, of the race Seleucus
of the Seleucides. Seleucus had a propenfity Cybiofac-
to nothing but what was bafe. The furname awards to
tes, after.
which I have mentioned, which was given Archelaus.
him in derifion, fignifies a feller (a) or loader Strabo.
of fifb. He valued nothing but money, and
his covetoufnefs carried him fo far, that he ftole
the coffin of gold, that inclofed the corpfe of
Alexander, and fubftituted one of glafs in its
room. The Egyptians could not bear a King,
nor Berenice an husband of fuch a character,
* Κυβισάκτης comes from Κύβιον, which fignifies tunny
prepared and falted, and aslan to load.
therefore
Dio.
286
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
1
A. R. 695. therefore fhe caufed the latter to be ftrangled.
Ant. C. 57. She afterwards married, as we fhall relate here-
The Am-
ans at
after, Archelaus Pontiff of Comana, fon of the
famous Archelaus, the General of Mithridates,
first conquered by Sylla, and afterwards ho-
noured by him with the title of ally of the
Romans.
When the Alexandrians learnt that Ptolomy
baſſadors was at Rome, they fent thither a numerous
of the
Alexandri-embaffy, compofed of an hundred Deputies,
to defend themſelves againſt the reproaches of
Rome af their King, and to complain of his violences,
faffinated, and his injuftice. Never had any embaffy worfe
gained
fuccefs. Auletes caufed many of theſe Depu-
intimida- ties to be affaffinated on the road, others in
ted by Pto-Rome, fome were gained over, and all the reft
lomy.
over, or
intimidated; fo that the Senate would not fo
much as have heard this embaffy ſpoke of, if
Favonius, who in the abſence of Cato endea-
voured to fupply his place, had not raiſed his
voice againft this multiplicity of attempts. The
Senate ordered, that Dio, the chief of the em-
baffy, an academic Philofopher, ſhould be
called and heard. But this Dio himſelf was
foon after affaffinated; and the money of Pto-
lomy, fupported by the power of Pompey,
who lodged him in his own houſe, and openly
protected him, almoſt entirely ftifled this odi-
ous affair. Some Romans were brought to a
trial, as having been concerned in the affaffina-
tion of Dio, and this was one of the chief ar-
ticles of the accufation againſt Cælius, whom
Cicero defended the year following. Not only
M. Cal. Cælius was abfolved; but the greateft part of
23, 24. the reft, whom there was the moſt reaſon to
Cic. pro
believe culpable; fo that it appeared, that the
lamentable fate of thefe unhappy ftrangers
without
CORNELIUS, CECILIUS, Confuls.
287
without protection, was looked upon with A. R. 695.
great indifference at Rome.
Ana. C. 57.
The commiffion for re-eſtabliſhing Auletes, The com-
was what drew the greateſt attention, as it was miſſion to
the means of acquiring both money and ho- the King of
re eſtabliſh
nour. Lentulus Spinther, actually Conful, and Egypt
who after his Confulfhip was to go and com- given to
mand in Cilicia and Cyprus, had this employ- the Senate,
Spinther by
ment given him by the Senate; and nothing but fought
could be more natural or more fuitable. But for by
Pompey had a mind to it, and he knew how Pompey.
to make the People grant him that which he
could not obtain by the voice of the Senate.
An incident happened at this time which no
one could have expected.
Dio.
The ftatue of Jupiter on mount Albanus The pre-
having been ftruck by thunder, the books oftended ora-
the Sibyl were confulted thereupon, wherein Sibyl,
cle of the
this oracle was found: When the King of Egypt which for-
ſhall come to demand fuccours of you, do not refuse bad the
him your friendship; but employ not a multitude entering
into Egypt
of men to defend him, without which you will be with an
expofed to many dangers, and to many evils. It army.
was very plain that this pretended oracle was
made for the purpoſe, and foifted into the Siby-
line books, either equally to mortify Lentulus
and Pompey, or to prevent the commiffion to
re-eſtabliſh Ptolomy, from becoming an apple
of contention between them, which might
perhaps diſturb the Commonwealth. The
ftratagem had its effect, and C. Cato, a Tri-
bune of the People, who it is very likely was
in the plot, made fo much noife about the ora-
cle, that they were obliged to fubmit to it,
and renounce the defign of entering into Egypt
with an army. While all this was in agitation,
the new Confuls entered upon their office.
CN. COR-
288
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696.
Ant. C. 56.
The in-
Auletes.
CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS MARCELLINUS.
L. MARCIUS PHILIPPUS.
The Conful L. Marcius was the fecond huf-
band of Atia, the niece of Cæfar and mother of
Auguftus.
The commiffion for re-eſtabliſhing the King
trigues of of Egypt, was much funk in its value, fince it
Pompey to
procure the excluded the command of an army which was
commiffion deftined for that work. Nevertheleſs fuch as
for re-ef it was, and in that ſtript condition, it did not
tablishing ceafe to be the object of jealoufy. Lentulus
Cic ad Spinther, to whom it had been given, defired
Fam. I. ardently to keep it. Pompey continued to be
ambitious of it, but, after his manner, conceal-
ing his game, pretended ftrongly, both in pri-
vate converſations and in his fpeeches in full
Senate, to favour Lentulus, while his friends
in giving their votes, conferred that employ-
ment upon him himſelf, and whilft Ptolomy
expended large fums to gain him Suffrages.
Things were carried fo far, that, as it plainly
appeared that Pompey could not fucceed by the
Senate, the Tribune Caninius Gallus propoſed
to the People, that they ſhould order him to be
fent with no other train than two Lictors, with
the commiffion to reftore Ptolomy to his throne.
At the fame time, to augment the trouble,
C. Cato, although at open war with Pompey,
puſhed his refentment againſt Lentulus fo far,
as to undertake to get him recalled, and have
his government taken from him.
Neither of theſe projects came to any thing.
The Senate affected to retain Pompey to his
honour, as judging his prefence neceſſary to ſe-
cure the tranquility and plenty of the city:
and
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
289
Ant. C. $6.
and Pompey, who found fo many difficulties in A. R. 696.
an affair, which at bottom was not worth his
trouble, cooled upon it, and formed other
ſchemes. As to Spinther, it was eafy to put a
ſtop to the fury of C. Cato againſt him, or at
leaſt to prevent its effects: But the refult of all The affair
was, that the re-establishment of Auletes re- remains in
Sufpence.
mained in fufpence, and that Prince had time
enough to grow weary of Ephefus, to which
place he retired towards the end of the pre-
ceding year.
Cicero in all theſe intrigues carried a good Cicero car
face. He openly fupported the interefts ofries a good
Lentulus, to whom he was obliged on account the whole.
face thro
of his being recalled; but kept fair with Pom-
pey at the fame time, to whom the acknow-
ledgment and care of his fafety equally attach-
ed him. Placed between his two benefactors,
he ferved one without fhocking the other. The
diffimulation of Pompey, who in his diſcourſe
was always favourable to Lentulus, made Ci-
cero eaſy, and left him at liberty to declare
himſelf for him who had the greateſt intereſt
in the thing, and whofe pretenfions appeared
the moſt juſt and reaſonable.
1
2 & pro
It is furprizing that Clodius fhould not be Clodius be-
an actor in fo turbulent a fcene. The intend- ing dile
ed accufation againſt him by Milo, and his pur- Milo before
accufes
fuit of the ædilefhip, without doubt gave him the People.
fufficient employment; and as foon as he faw Cic. ad
himſelf ædile, that is to fay, in the middle of Fr. II.
the month of January, he attacked Milo, in M. n. 40.
his turn, and cited him before the People, ac- Dio.
cufing him of the fame crime for which he
himſelf was actually in the hands of juftice.
He pretended that Milo was guilty of violent
attempts against the public tranquility, whilft
VOL. XII.
U
it
290
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696. it was he himſelf whofe criminal violences,
Ant.C. 56. threatening equally both the lives of his adver
faries, and the repofe of the city, had forced
Milo to have recourfe to a lawful and neceffary
defence. He did not hope to fucceed in his
accufation, knowing very well that Milo was
fupported by all the credit of Cicero and all the
power of Pompey. But he rejoiced to be even
with his enemy, and to infult his protectors.
And, in ſhort, it is hardly to be credited to
what exceſs his infolence carried him upon this
occafion.
Pompey
Milo appeared before the People on the 2d
pleading and 6th of February; and on the laſt day Pom-
for Milo is
infulted by pey pleaded for him but while he was fpeak-
Clodius. ing, he was difturbed and interrupted a great
Cic. ad Q. number of times by the clamours, and even by
Fr. II. 3. the abuſes and outrages, poured out againſt
him by the mob in Clodius's pay. Neverthe-
lefs he ſtood firm, and ftill preſerving that gra-
vity that became him, made an end of his
pleading. Clodius then rofe, as it feemed to
anſwer him but the party of Cicero and Milo
repayed him in his own coin, and interrupted
him by their cries, fo that what paffed had
more the air of a mob of porters, than of a re-
gular Affembly, called together to fit in judg-
ment. In the midſt of all this buftle, Clodius
had prepared a kind of farce to infult Pompey..
He was upon the tribunal of harangues, and
from thence he demanded of the troop of his
attendants about him, Who it was that made
the people die of hunger? To which they an-
fwered, forming, as it were, a chorus, That it
was Pompey. Who is it would go to Alexandria?
Pompey. Who would you have that employment
given to? We would have it given to Craffus.
Craffus
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
291
Ant. C.
56.
Craffus was prefent, in no very favourable dif- A. R. 696.
pofition towards Milo. Plutarch adds feveral Plut.
other paffages of this kind of comedy, which Pomp.
attacked Pompey in his perſonal conduct, and
in his manners. This all ended in a battle be-
tween the two oppofite parties. Clodius and
Cicero each took to flight on their fide.
I do not find in any author, what was the
iffue of this affair. It was fpun out yet for fe-
veral months, and, it is very probable, was at
laft abandoned by the accufer.
Dio.
The hatred between Clodius and Cicero was The an-
fo violent, that they let flip no occafion offer of
fhewing it. There happened towards the time the South-
fayers ap-
we are now fpeaking of, fome pretended pro-plyed by
digies, upon which the fouthfayers were con- Clodius to
fulted. In their anſwer they undertook to af- Cicero.
fign the cauſes of the wrath of the gods mani-
feſted by theſe prodigies; and among theſe
cauſes they mentioned, Sacred places turned to
prophane ufes. Clodius laid hold on this, and,
in an harangue to the People made the applica-
tion of it to the houfe of Cicero, confecrated,
faid he, by religious ceremonies to the goddeſs
of liberty, and yet Cicero had re-eſtabliſhed it,
and made it a dwelling for himſelf.
nate.
Cicero on
The field of battle for Clodius was the affem- And re-
bly of the People, that of Cicero was the Se-torted by
When therefore in that auguft company, Clodius.
the affair of the anſwer of the fouthfayers came
to be debated, our orator refuted the harangue
of his enemy by a diſcourſe, which we have un-
der the title de Harufpicum Refponfis. He did
not content himſelf with proving that his houſe
was free and could not be looked upon as a re-
ligious place; but he returned upon Clodius
fome of thofe darts which that rafh man had
thrown
U 2
292´¹
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696. thrown at him. The anfwer of the fouthfayers
Ant. C. 56. took in many things, and made mention in par-
ticular of antient and occult facrifices polluted and
prophaned. We cannot but fee that Cicero
muft very readily perceive in thefe terms the
crime committed by Clodius in the myfteries of
the good goddeſs. He even applied to him all
the other parts of the anſwer, accompanying his
reaſoning with moſt bitter invectives.
tables of
Dio, &
Cicero From words they both proceeded to deeds.
takes away Clodius came afreſh to attack the workmen
from the who were employed about Cicero's houſe, and
Capitol the
undertook to deſtroy it before it was finiſhed.
the laws But Milo, his perpetual antagonist, and his
of Clodius. fcourge, ran with his People armed, and re-
Plut. Cic. pulfed the attack. Cicero, on his fide, as well
& Cat. to revenge himſelf, as to annihilate the monu-
ments of his banishment, and the Tribunefhip
of Clodius, taking with him Milo and fome
of the Tribunes, afcended the Capitol, and
would have torn down the tables on which were
engraven the laws carried by his enemy. He
could not fucceed this first time, becaufe Clo-
dius, and his brother Caius, who was Prætor
prevented it. But fome time after, taking ad-
vantage of the abfence of Clodius, he return-
ed to the charge, and bore off all the acts of
this pernicious Tribunefhip.
count be-
Cato.
A coolness
This affair had like to have embroiled him
on this ac with Cato: For Cicero triumphed in his ex-
tween Ci ploit, and to juftify his conduct, he maintain-
ero and ed that all that Clodius had done in his Tribune-
fhip was void to all intents, becauſe his intro-
duction into the order of Plebeians, was done
in contempt of the aufpices, and of conſequence
was nul. From hence it followed that Clodius
not being a Plebeian, could not be a Tribune.
Now
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
1
293
Ant. C. 56.
Now if he was not legally a Tribune, all that A. R. 696.
he had done in that quality fell to the ground
of itſelf. This reafoning was not without force,
and regulated by juſtice might have had fuccefs.
But as Cato had been fent into Cyprus by Clo-
dius the Tribune, to attack the legitimacy of
the Tribuneſhip of Clodius, was to attack the
validity of all that Cato himſelf had done in
Cyprus. Nevertheleſs he gloried in it, and for
this reaſon was piqued at the difcourfe of Ci-
cero, and maintained, that although it was true
that Clodius had ſtrangely abuſed his power,
yet his power was legitimate. The conteſt be-
came warm between Cicero and Cato, and oc-
cafioned ſome coolneſs in their friendſhip, but
it went not far; we do not find any footſteps
of this quarrel in the works of Cicero.
All theſe movements were but like flight
mifts, which could not much influence the
general fyftem of public affairs: But another
fort of tempeft was preparing on the part of
Pompey and Cæfar.
Pompey,
The fituation of Pompey was at that time The fingu-
fingular. He found himſelf among all parties, lar fitua-
almoft equally odious to them all: fo that he tion of
could not fupport himſelf by his own ftrength, the butt of
by his creatures, nor by the men of arms who al parties.
had ferved under him, and who were always Dio, &
ready to re-affemble at his orders, this, without Pomp.
doubt, gave him a preponderating power; but Cic. ad Q
could not entirely make him eafy.
Plut.
Fr. II. 1
The common people hated him, as the He is
hated by
enemy of Clodius, and the Protector of Milo. the common
Moreover provifions, with the fuperintendance People.
of which he had the charge, did not yet come
in fufficient quantities to reſtore plenty in Rome,
This, without doubt, was no fault of his. The
U 3
barrenness
294
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 56.
A. R. 696. barrenness of the lands, the draining the pub-
lic Treaſury, from whence very confiderable
fums had been taken to give to Cæfar, to Pifo,
and to Gabinius, were the true caufes of the
fcarcity But the People were untractable on
account of the dearneſs of corn, and were al-
ways angry with thofe, who, by their office,
had the care of providing it.
An object
The chiefs of the Ariftocratical party, Bibu-
of jealoufy lus, Curio, Hortenfius, M. Lucullus, the Con-
lous Re-ful Marcellinus, were not better difpofed with
publicans. regard to Pompey. His power, which cruſhed
to the zea-
fus and
Cafar.
them, they looked upon as an intolerable ty-
ranny. Their jealoufy of him, carried them far
enough, as I have already obferved in another
place, to cherish and to carefs Clodius, whom
they all looked upon as a villain, but by whom
they were pleaſed to ſee him they envied, mor-
tified and humbled.
Miftrufts Pompey even miſtruſted thoſe with whom he
both Craf was leagued to opprefs the common liberty,
He feared fome fecret ambuſhes from the fide
of Craffus, and explained himſelf thereon in
full Senate: For the Tribune C, Cato having
made an invective against him, Pompey an-
fwered him with vehemence, and named Craf-
fus as the Protector of that infolent young man,
He added that he fhould keep himſelf more
upon his guard than Scipio Africanus had done,
who was affaffinated by Carbo. He ſtill open-
ed himſelf more particularly to Cicero. He
faid that Craffus played booty with thoſe who
envied him, that is, the zealous Republicans,
to fupport C. Cato, and that he had furniſhed
Clodius with money. Pompey took effectual
meaſures to fecure his life, and fortified himſelf
with a number of foldiers, who, by his order,
came
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS Confuls.
295
C. sé
came from the countries in the neighbourhood, Ant. c.
and placed themſelves about him.
The rapid progrefs of the glory, and of the
power of Cæfar gave Pompey another fort of
uneafinefs. He faw with grief that the ex-
ploits of Cæfar, great in themſelves, and more-
over heightened by the merit and charm of
novelty drew all men's attention to them, while
he was eclipſed day by day, only fupporting
himſelf by the remembrance of his paffed vic-
tories, the luftre of which diminiſhed in pro-
portion to the diſtance of time. Even the ha-
bit of feeing him conftantly in Rome for a
number of years, leffened, as is common, all
eſteem and admiration, whilft Cæfar being ab- Cic. ad
fent, his power grew to fuch a degree as to ob- Fam. I. 7.
tain from the Senate what it can hardly be be-
lieved he could formerly have carried by his
feditious intrigues with the People. For the
Senate had granted him confiderable fums to
pay his troops, and had chofen ten Commif-
fioners to fettle with him the ftate of his con-
quefts: This was looked upon as a great ho-
nour done to the Generals, and was not com-
monly ordered till after the war was entirely
finiſhed.
It was not from his fplendid victories alone
that he gained to himſelf all this confideration
and all this power; but from his money and
his management; for while he ſeemed to be Plut. Cæf.
far off, making war with the Suevii and the
Belgæ, he was, in a manner, prefent in the
middle of Rome, and giving motion to all
their affairs. He raiſed there a power which
rivaled that of Pompey, fending to Rome all
the riches that he drew from the conquered
countries, and diftributing gold and filver,
U 4
with
296
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A
A. R. 696. with profufion, to the Ædiles, to the Prætors,
Ant. — 56. to the Confuls and to their wives, in fuch a
Some bold
Cicero a-
far.
Cic. ad
F. III. 4.
manner as made him a prodigious number of
creatures. Pompey faw all this, and was ex-
tremely chagreened; he who from his youth
had always been in poffeffion of the firſt rank,
to find himſelf in danger of being eclipfed and
fupplanted by a man, whofe grandeur he look-
ed upon as the work of his own hand.
I fufpect that theſe fecret difpofitions of
paſſages of Pompey, which were well known to Cicero,
gainst Ca infpired our Orator with the boldneſs to ven-
ture at fome daring ftrokes againſt Cæfar,
which he made at the time we are ſpeaking of.
P. Sextius, one of the Tribunes, who had la-
boured for his being recalled, was accufed this
year on account of violences committed by him,
as was faid, during his Tribunefhip. Cicero
Fam. I. 9. defended him, and fhewed his acknowledg-
& ad Q.
ment to a man to whom he really owed much,
but who, by his ill humour, had given him a
good deal of reafon to be diffatisfied with him.
In this caufe, Vatinius, who having been Tri-
bune while Cæfar was Conful, had ferved him
in all his unjuft and ambitious enterprizes, ap-
peared as an evidence againſt the accuſed. There
was between him and Cicero a fharp alterca-
tion, in which Vatinius reproached Cicero,
that the profperity of Cæfar had reconciled him
to that happy General. Cicero replied, that
he ſhould prefer the lot of Bibulus, all humbled
as he appeared, to all the victories and all the
triumphs of his adverfaries; and he faid, on
another occafion, that thofe who had driven
him from his houfe were the fame who had
hindered Bibulus from going out of his. This
was very plainly aimed at Cæfar. All the
diſcourſe
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
297
difcourfe that he pronounced againſt Vatinius, A. R. 696.
Ant. C. 56,
and which we have, is in the fame ftile. It is
from one end to the other a very strong cenfure
on the Tribuneſhip of Vatinius, and a coun-
terblow to the Confulfhip of Cæfar.
Cicero did more. In an affembly of the Se-
nate, which was held on the 5th of April,
Pompey having demanded money to buy corn,
forty millions of * fefterces were granted him.
From whence an occafion was taken to ſpeak
of the exhaufting the public treaſure, and of
the means of reſtoring it. When Cicero ſtart- Cic. ap Q
ed a propofition, which had been made, with- Fr. II. 1.
out effect, four months before by the Tribune
P. Rutilius Lupus, he was of opinion, that
the Senate ſhould deliberate, on the 5th of
May following, what was convenient to be
done with refpect to the territory of Capua,
which had been divided among twenty thou-
fand citizens by the law of Cæfar; and a Se-
natusconfultum was made agreeable to this
advice; which was to cut Cæfar to the quick,
for he had nothing more at heart than the pre-
fervation of the acts of his Confulfhip.
This decree very much diſturbed Cæfar's re- The unea-
poſe; and there was yet another ſubject of great fineſs of
uneafinefs preparing for him. L. Domitius Cæfar.
Ahenobarbus was to demand the Confulfhip
for the following year, which, according to all
rules, could not be refufed to a man of his
name and rank, who, as Cicero expreffes it (a),
was deftined to be Conful for as many years as
he could reckon from the time of his birth.
* About 250,000l. Sterling.
(a) Qui tot annos, quet habet, defignatus Conful fuerit.
Cic. ad Att. IV. 8.
Now
298
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696. Now Domitius was a declared enemy of Ca-
Ant. C. 56.
Suet. Cæf. far, and faid loudly, that what he had not been
able to do when Prætor, he would execute in
his Confulfhip, and that he would take away
the government of the Gauls from Cæfar.
c. 24.
A new con-
between
Cæfar,
Pompey
Plut. Cæf.
Thus Cæfar fearing, that the opportunity of
federacy acquiring glory fhould be taken from him;
and Pompey paffionately defiring to renew and
augment his, which began to languifh, their
and Craf mutual wants re-united them more ſtrictly than
fus. ever, and faſtened afreſh the band of their
& Pomp, friendſhip, or rather of their confpiracy. The
& Craff. concurrence of Craffus, whofe power was very
great in Rome, was neceffary to them, and he
himſelf, although the oldeft of the three, was
not leſs fenfible of ambition. The trophies of
Cæfar gave him jealoufy, and he was defirous
to equal his rivals in the glory of arms.
& Cat.
Dio.
They were therefore to concert a plan a-
mong them that might be agreeable to all.
They divided the Empire almoft as if it had
been their patrimony. It was agreed that
Pompey and Craflus together fhould demand a
fecond Confulfhip, to exclude Domitius; and
that, when they ſhould be Conſuls, they would
prolong Cæfar's command in the Gauls for five
years, befides the five that had been already
given him by the law of Vatinius; and that
they would themſelves take the departments
and provinces that fhould be the moft conve-
nient for them for the fame number of years.
This negotiation was fo important, that it could
not be trufted to Mediators. They were wil-
Their in- ling to fee one another; and as it was not per-
terview. mitted to Cæfar to go out of the bounds of
his province, Craffus came to meet him at
Ravenna, and Pompey faw him at Lucus, in
•
his
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
299
A. R. 696.
C.
his way to Africa, whether he went to get Ant.c.6.
corn together, to relieve the wants of the City
of Rome.
II.
During the ſtay that Cæfar made at Lucus, The nume-
he had fo numerous a Court, that it might be rous Court
of Cæfar
faid that the Romans went beforehand to ac- at Lucus.
knowledge their future mafter. The number Appian.
of magiftrates, or illuftrious perfons invefted Civil. L.
with fome command, that came to attend him,
was fo great, that there were reckoned an hun-
dred and twenty Lictors at his gate. Befides
Pompey, there were feen there Q. Metellus
Nepos, Proconful of Spain, Ap. Claudius, Pro-
prætor of Sardinia, and two hundred Sena-
tors.
Cicero.
In the interview between Cæfar and Craffus, Cæfar
and afterwards between him and Pompey, there complains
was much talk of Cicero. Craffus, who had of Cicero
to Pompey.
never loved him, incenfed Cæfar against him; Reproaches
and when Cæfar faw Pompey at Lucus, he made by
made ftrong complaints of Cicero's rude ar- Pompey to
tempts againſt the acts of his Confulfhip. Pom- Cic. ad
pey had never opened his mouth to complain Fam. I. 9ì
of this, while the thing paffed, without doubt,
becauſe he was not then in perfect amity with
Cæfar. But when his treaty was concluded, he
intereſted himſelf in this quarrel; and meet-
ing, in Sardinia, where he put in before he
went to Africa, Q. Cicero, whom he had made
one of his Lieutenants, he spoke to him in
thefe terms: If you do not perfuade your brother
to change his ftile, I muſt complain to you of the
non-performance of those promises for which you
paſſed your word. He called to mind the re-
membrance of what paffed between them in
the negotiation for recalling Cicero, one of the
conditions of which was, that he should never
attack
300
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
1
A. R. 696. attack the acts of Cæfar's Confulfhip.
Ant. C. 56.
Cicero re-
folves to
He
even pretended that Cæfar well deferved this
acknowledgment from Cicero, to whofe re-
turn he had not only confented, but even lent
his affiftance. If your brother, added he in
the conclufion, will not or cannot fupport the in-
terests of Cæfar, at least let him not ſhew him-
Self his enemy. Pompey had this fo much at
heart, that, not content with this ftrong re-
prefentation, he difpatched an exprefs to Ci-.
cero, earneſtly to pray him not to undertake
any thing new against the territory of Capua,
till his return from Africa.
Theſe complaints made a terrible impreffion
upon Cicero. He faw himſelf little agreeable
Support the to the Ariftocratical party, who, according to
interefts of him, were ftung with jealoufy, and who had
Celar.
been willing to recall him, but were not pleaſed
that he should be re-eſtabliſhed in fuch fplen-
dor as to give them umbrage. Their alliance
with Clodius, his mortal enemy, entirely de-
tached him from them. If therefore he could
not preſerve the friendſhip of Pompey, he
would have been expoſed to new dangers with
lefs fuccour than he had before. To pleaſe
Pompey, it was quite neceffary to be the friend
of Cæfar. This he refolved upon; and from
that moment, to the great difcontent of the
zealous Republicans, he praiſed Cæfar, and
took his part on all occafions.
He makes
He took care to justify himſelf upon this
an apology change, in a long and fine letter to Lentulus
for this Spinther, who had fhewed his furprize at it.
change.
He maintained, that circumſtances were alter-
ed; that the concert of the good men, fo ne-
ceffary to refift the bad, no longer fubfifted;
that the Aristocratical principles, by which they
governed
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
301
1
R. 696.
Ant. C. 56,
governed themſelves under his Confulfhip, and A.
under that of Spinther, were now hardly fol-
lowed by any body. He added, that the prin-
cipal authority in the State was not invaded by
villains, in which cafe they ought to have
fought to the laft extremity; but was in the
hands of perfons greatly to be admired, Pom-
pey and Cæfar. And befides this, he con-
cludes, that it is proper to conform to the
times. "For, faid he (a), able politicians have
"never laid it down as a rule to attach them-
"felves invariably to the fame way of thinking.
<<
'
ક
In navigation, the art teaches men to yield
"to the ftorm, when by this new manner of
working the fhip, they cannot reach their
"port; but if it may be done by the help
"of this change, it would be folly to keep
"on with danger in the road one had taken,
"without going into another that might foon-
"er conduct one to the end propofed. It is
"the fame with refpect to the adminiftration
"of public affairs; and to reach the point
"we propoſe to ourfelves, which is tranquili-
"ty accompanied by honour and dignity, we
"ought not always to fpeak the fame language,
although we ought always to keep the fame
"point in view."
66
(a) Nunquam enim præftan-
tibus in Republicâ gubernan-
dâ viris laudata eft in una
fententiâ perpetua perman-
fio. Sed ut in navigando
tempeftati obfequi artis eft,
etiamfi portum tenere non
queas: quum verò id poffis
mutatâ velificatione, ftultum
eft eum tenere cum pericu-
lo curfum quem ceperis, po-
tius quàm eo commutato,
quo velis tandem pervenire:
fic quum omnibus in admi-
niftrandâ Republicâ propo-
fitum effe debeat cum digni-
tate otium, non idem fem-
per dicere, fed idem, femper
fpectare debemus. Cic. ad
Fam. I. 9.
Thus
302
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696.
1
Thus Cicero fpoke to Lentulus, whom he
Ant. C. 56. knew to be an enemy to the Triumviral pow-
er, and whom he would have been glad to
have fatisfied with fpecious reafonings. But
when he opened his heart to Atticus, no longer
going about to put a glofs upon his conduct,
but in reprefenting that humiliation he was in,
it was with fuch bitterneſs of grief, as could
not but move compaffion. "How happy are
<< you (a), faid he to this faithful friend, in
"the honeft but moderate condition in which
66
you live! You have no perſonal ſervitude,
and of that which is common, you only have
"your ſhare with all others. As for myſelf,
if I vote in the public affairs as I ought, I
« am a madman that fhould deftroy myſelf;
"if I fpeak as is convenient for my intereſt, I
"am a flave, that villifies myſelf; if I keep
"filent, I own my condition of oppreffion and
"captivity. What therefore muſt be my
"grief? It muſt be what I really feel; and
"the fenſe of it is fo much the more lively in
"me, as I cannot even give way to it, with-
*out ſeeming ungrateful to Pompey, to whom I
"owe every thing-What refolution can I take?
"To draw myſelf out of my fituation the beſt
fi
(a) Tú quidem nullam
habes propriam fervitutem:
communi* frueris nomine.
frueris nomine.
Ego verò, qui, fi loquor
quod oportet, infanus;
quod opus eft, fervus exifti
mor; fi taceo, oppreffus &
captus; quo dolore effe de-
beo? Quo fum fcilicet: hoc
etiam acriore, quòd ne do-
lore quidem poffum, ut non
ingratus videar
ingratus videar Reliqui
eft, Expaтar inaxes THÚTAY
Σπραταν ἕλαχες ταύταν
χόσμει. Non mehercule
poffum; & Philoxeno ig-
nofco, qui reduci in carce-
rem maluit, Cic. ad Att. IV.
6.
* The text is corrupted here, as Manucius has obſerved. The
fense can be no other than as I have expreſſed it in my
verfion
" way
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
303
"way I can, and praiſe thoſe to whom I am A. R. 696.
Ant. C. 56.
"attached by neceffity? I cannot do it; and
"I commend the poet * Philoxenus, whỏ
"chofe rather to be ſent back again to prifon
"than praiſe the verfes of the Tyrant, who
"had firſt put him there." The paffage was
as follows:
(a) Philoxenus fhone in the Court of Diony-
fius the Elder, by the glory of his poetry.
The Tyrant, who valued himſelf, though very
unjuftly, on the fame talent, having fhewn him
fome bad verfes of his compofition, Philoxe-
nus was not afraid to difapprove them, and,
as a puniſhment for his freedom, was imme-
diately fent away to the quarries, which was
the name of the priſon of the Syracufians; for
nothing can equal the pride of a bad Prince,
who is at the fame time a bad poet. Never-
theleſs, at the requeſt of all the Courtiers, who
intereſted themfelves very warmly in the miſ-
fortune of Philoxenus, Dionyfius fet him at
liberty the next day, reftored him to his fa-
* This example of the poet
Philoxenus, is to be found in
the fifth volume of the An-
tient Hiftory; but for the
Jake of thofe who do not call
it to mind, I was willing
not to omit it, and ſo much
the less, as the lovers of
Latin eloquence cannot but
be pleafed that I give them
bere the fame paffage, related
with exquifite grace by one of
the most illuftrious of my bre-
thren, in a difcourfe pro-
nounced and made public many.
years ago.
(*) Quum Philoxenus in
vour,
aulâ Dionifii floreret gloriâ
poëfeos, tyranni juffu, cujus
inficeta aliquot carmina mi-
nus probaverat, in Latomias
conjectus eft. Quippe fu-
perbum quiddam ac tumi-
dum eft rex malus & malus
poëta. Poftridiè tamen mul-
tis multorum precibus educ-
tus è carcere & in gratiam
receptus, ad cænam etiam
vocatur. Splendebat appara-
tu læto convivium, & libe-
ralioribus poculis invitata hi-
laritas impune fefe efferebit.
Ecce repentinum periculum
& propofit mors. Incal rat
vino
304
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696. vour, and even admitted him to his table. The
Ant. C. 56.
repaft was fumptuous, and joy, animated by
good cheer, fhewed itſelf in all the gueſts:
when on a fudden an unfortunate danger feized
them with a chilling dread, and preſent death
was offered to their fight. Dionyfius, warmed
with wine, returned to the object of his dear-
eft delight; and with a tone of complaifance
and an air of affection, began to recite a long
train of his verſes, chufing, to regale the com-
pany, the moſt exquifite morfels, in which his
barren fecundity, had laviſhed, without tafte
and without genius, all that he took to be
graces. At each verfe he pronounced, all the
gueſts were exhaufting themſelves in encomi-
ums, and difputed with one another the fhame
of applauding him in the moſt extravagant
manner. Attention was painted on all their
faces, in their attitudes, in their whole per-
fons; their eyes were fixed; their looks,
their geftures, their murmurs, their leaft mo-
tions, all declared their raptures. All was ad-
vino Dionyfius. Ergo ad de-
licias fuas revolutus, ebullire
cæpit verficulos aliquot ranci
dulos,in quos ingenii malè fe-
racis omnes illepidas veneres
ex induftriâ contulerat. Hoc
ipfe delicatiffimâ voce & af-
fectu tenerrimo dum propi-
nat convivarum auribus,ope-
ræ pretium erat videre inter
ceteros certamen miferæ ap-
probationis, arectos vultus,
languidas cervices, defixos
quafi ftupore oculos, nutus,
geftus, fufurros, arrifus, adu-
latione molliffimâ delibutos.
Aderat vixdum deterfo fqual-
lore carceris Philoxenus, &
inter calentes gratulatione
ceteros unus omnium prope
frigidus obtorpuerat. A quo
laudationis aliquid elicere
Dionyfius quum miſere cu--
peret, interrogavit quidnam
fentiret. Ille Dionyfio ni-
hil; fed ad cuftodes, qui
circumfteterant, converſus,
vos vero, inquit, reducite me
in Latomias. Movit vel ipfi
tyranno rifum improvifa fef-
tivitas; & invifæ alioquin
libertatis ucronem ipſa joci
elegantia retudit. Oratio de
legitimâ Laudatione, à M;
Carolo le Beau.
1
miration,
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
305
miration, all was flattery. Philoxenus, but A. R. 696.
Ant. C. 56.
juft freed from the weight of his fetters, faw
all theſe tranſports without bearing any part
in them; but an immoveable fpectator of the
fcene, in the middle of fo many adulators, he
only preferved a profound filence. Dionyfius,
who earnestly defired his fuffrage, becauſe he
knew the value of it, preffed him to explain
himſelf. Philoxenus, without anfwering him one
word addreffed himself to the guards that were
about the table, Let them carry me back, faid he,
to the quarries. The finneffe of this pleaſantry
made the Tyrant himſelf fmile, who did not
expect it; and the wit of it took off the edge
of that freedom, which of itſelf was but too
likely to have given offence.
We therefore fee Cicero in the condition of
thofe, who having fuperior knowledge, have
not courage enough to make ufe of it. He
could not blind himſelf with respect to what
was his duty, nor get the better of himſelf
enough to follow it. He was in perpetual
contradiction to himſelf, condemning all the
fteps he took, and yet drawn on by a timidity
that he could not overcome. Thus almoſt at
the fame time that he complained to Atticus,
with the deepest grief, of the flavery under
which he groaned, he voted in the Senate in
favour of him who was the principal cauſe of
it, that is to fay, of Cæfar.
F
Senate for
For the Conful Marcellinus, a very generous Cicero
man, and full of the Republican fpirit, fecond-gives his
ed by his Collegue, or at leaſt not finding an vote in the
obftacle in him, notwithstanding the ties that Cafar's
united Marcius to Cæfar, Marcellinus, I fay, having the
had propoſed to the Senate to deliberate ongovernmens
the departments that fhould be agreed on to Gauls.
of the two
VOL. XII,
appoint
X
306
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696.appoint for the Confuls; and the choice was
Ant. C. 56.
to turn upon the four provinces, that is to fay,
the two Gauls, Cifalpine and Tranfalpine, held
together by Cæfar, but which till then had al-
ways been two feparate governments; Mace-
donia poffeffed by Piſo, and Syria by Gabinius.
He gave his advice for taking away the two
Gauls from Cæfar; and would at moſt have but
left him one of them. Cicero, in a difcourſe
which we have under the title de Provinciis
Confularibus, refutes theſe fentiments. He would
have Cæfar maintained in the adminiftration of
both the Gauls, that is to fay, that thofe forces
fhould be left in his hands, which he wanted
to fubdue both the Senate and the Common-
wealth.
He fupported his advice by prodigious en-
comiums on Cæfar's exploits, which in truth
could not be fufficiently praifed. I fhall re-
late here only one paffage extremely fine.
"Nature (a), fays he, has given the Alps for
"the rampart of Italy; and it is a fpecial
"benefit of Providence to our City. If that
"fierce and innumerable nation of the Gauls
had had a free entrance into the countries we
-66
inhabit, Rome could never have become
"the feat of Univerfal Empire. But now
"we might confent, without fear, that the
« Alps might lower their ſummits, and put
"themſelves on the level with our plains.
(a), Alpibus Italiam muní-
erat ante natura, non fine
aliquo divino numine. Nam
fi ille aditus Gallorum im-,
manitati multitudinique pa-
tuiffet, nunquam hæc urbs
fummo imperio domicilium
ac fedem præbuiffet. Qua
jam licet confidant. Nihil
eft enim ultra illam altitu-
dinem montium ufque ad
Oceanum, quod fit Italiæ per-
timefcendum. Cic. de Prov.
Conf. n. 34.
"For
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
307
Ant. C. 56.
For beyond the mountains to the Ocean, A. R. 695.
"there is nothing that can give any diſtur-
bance to Italy.
The advice of Cicero was followed, to his
great regret. Nobody would have been bet
ter pleaſed, if it had been poffible for the Se-
nate to have taken a contrary refolution.
Macedo-
tinues in
It would at leaft have been fome confolation Pio re-
to him, if they had recalled Pifo and Gabi-called from
nius, his declared enemies, with whom he nia, Ga-
kept no meaſures. His defires herein were binius con-
juft, it was not only to fatisfy his revenge,
but the good of the Commonwealth required,
that men ſo perfectly vicious fhould be de-
prived of the power they had procured only
by their guilt, and which they made ufe of
only to commit freſh crimes.
Piſo in particular could atone for his vices
by no one virtue. Cruel to his friends, and
cowardly againſt his enemies, he had fucceed-
ed fo ill in fome little wars he had improperly
attempted againſt the barbarous nations, neigh-
bours to Macedonia, that he dared not even
write to Rome to demand the moſt common
honours.
Syria.
Gabinius, given up to his vices, had at leaſt
courage. We fhall have occafion to give an
account of his fucceffes elſewhere. But he was Cic. ad Q.
fo decried, and fo hated, that having wrote Fr. II. 8.
to the Senate to demand the honour of the
fupplications or thankſgivings to the gods, it
was refufed him; of this there is but one fingle
example of the like in all the Roman Hif
tory: It was a great pleafure to Cicero, that
*
* This one example is that of Albucius, of which mention is
made, Vol. IX. B. XXIX.
X 2
this
308
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696. this affront was put upon his enemy in his ab-
Ant. C. 56. fence; for he was not in Rome when the Se-
nate treated Gabinius fo ignominioufly.
In Pif.
n. 88.
It is very probable that the Senate would
alſo have diſplaced him, if they had had it
in their power; but Pompey openly protected
his creature. Thus the defires of Cicero were
but half accompliſhed. Pifo only was obliged
to quit his government, and return to Rome
the year following. Gabinius kept his com-
mand ſtill another year.
Cicero em- In all the reft of the movements in the year
ploys him-
Self much in we are upon, which were very fharp, Cicero
pleading. appeared no more. He had too much modefty
to fupport the violent enterprizes of Pompey,
of which we are going to give an account,
and too much weakneſs to oppoſe them. The
bar employed him chiefly, and gave him one
part of that reputation which he loft in other
places. I have already fpoken of his pleadings
for Sextius, whofe fervices had contributed to
his being recalled from his exile, and for
Cælius, a young man of great hopes, if he
had had fufficient talents, and that good con-
duct which was yet more neceffary. Cicero
this year ſtill defended L. Cornelius Balbus,.
with whom they contefted the quality of
Roman citizens, which he held from Pompey,
being born at Cadiz in Spain. He pleaded
this caufe with Craffus, and even with Pom-
pey himself; and the laft is praiſed in an ora-
tion of Cicero's in the most magnificent man-
ner in the world. But if I fhould dwell upon
this, I fear I fhould wander too far from my
fubject.
Pompey
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS Confuls,
309
Ant. C. 56,
Pompey and Craffus had agreed with Cæfar, A.R. 696.
according to what I have related, to demand The difpe-
the Confulfhip. They for a long time, made fitions
a Myſtery of their Project, not doubting but made by
Pompey
they fhould meet with great oppofition. It and Craf
was therefore at firſt unknown to the Public. fus to get
Only it was thought, that it could be for no the Conful-
Ship.
good defign, that they were thus feen concert-Plut. Craff.
ed together. With the views of better con- & Cat.
cealing their play, they even let the time pafs Dio, L.
preſcribed by the law to put themſelves in the xxxix,
number of the Candidates. Their ſcheme was
to let the year be run out without an election,
that Marcellinus might have time to go out of
his office. This Conful had fhewn himfelf fo
zealous and intrepid a defender of the public
liberty, and fo warm an enemy to the trium-
viral league, that they could not hope to get
themſelves named for Confuls in the Affem-
blies where he prefided. His Collegue Mar-
cius would have followed the fame ſteps, if he
had not been too eafy and little capable of him-
ſelf to form a ſtrong Refolution : But he had
Cato for his Son-in-law; and Cato refpected
by Marcellinus for his virtue, beloved.by Mar-
cius in confequence of fo ftrict an alliance, go-
verned in fome fort all the Confulfhip.
the Tri-
the election
There was no way to hinder the Elections Three of
but the oppofition of fome Tribune. For this bunes in
C. Cato was very ready to offer his miniftry to concert
Pompey and Craffus. This young rafh man with Pom-
had at firſt taken the fide againſt Pompey, as pey binder
we have feen in the affair of re-establishing of the Ma-
Ptolomy Auletes. He afterwards propofed a giftrates.
law to recall Lentulus Spinther, and take from
him the government of Cilicia. He would
alſo have got fome others to have paffed, the
X 3
purport
310
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 56.
A. R. 696. purport of which are not preciſely known to
us; but which very much difpleafed the defen-
ders of the Ariftocracy. Marcellinus ſtopped
him quite fhort, by not leaving one day free
to convoke the Affemblies of the People. The
means he employed was very likely to convert
all the days into holidays on which thefe Af-
femblies could be lawfully held. This conteft
between Marcellinus and C. Cato, difpofed the
latter to enter into the defigns of the Trium-
virs; and fupported, as it feems, by two of
his Collegues Procilius and Suffenus, he turn-
ed the tables upon the Conful, by oppofing
every Affembly wherein the election of Magi-
ftrates was to be propofed.
The inef-
deavours
of the
Tribunes.
Every thing remained fufpended, and un-
fectual en-doubtedly men begin to fee to what theſe de-
of the Con- lays tended. The Senate, on the propofition
Jul Marcel- of the Conful Marcellinus, put on mourning
linus, and
as in a time of public calamity, and all the
Senate, to members of that auguft body, the Conful at
overcome their head, came and prefented themſelves be-
the obfi- fore the Affembly of the People, with every
nacy of the mark of profound forrow, to endeavour to
move the multitude, and to overcome the ob-
ftinacy of the Tribunes. All this folemnity
had no effect. The Tribunes, without dread-
ing the indignation that ſuch a ſpectacle might
excite against them, continued inflexible; and
Marcellinus having vehemently inveighed a-
gainſt the enormous power of Pompey, who
would bring the Commonwealth into flavery,
the People anſwered his difcourfe by fruitlefs
acclamations. "Shew, by your cries (a), faid
(a) Acclamate. Quirites, acclamate, dum licit. Jam
enim vobis impunè facere non licebit. Val. Max. vi. 2.
the
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
311
Ant. C. 55.
"the Conful to them, fhew your fentiments, A. R. 690.
"whilſt yet you may; e're long you will not
"have even this liberty."
Senate.
1
It was worthy of Clodius to infult the afflic- Clodius in-
tion of the Senate. This madman, after the fults the
Senators, with grief and confufion, were re-
turned to the palace, mounted the Tribunal of
harangues, with the ornaments of his office,
for he was Ædile, and being willing to regain
the affection of Pompey, whom he had not
ceaſed to harraſs and outrage for two years to-
gether, he declaimed againſt Marcellinus, and
againſt the other zealous Republicans, whofe
interefts he had for the fame time affected to
fupport. Not content with abufing the abfent
Senate, he was defirous of giving them proofs.
of his rage, by preſenting himſelf at the gates
of the palace; where he was repulfed, and in
an inftant a body of horſemen having furround-
ed him, he was going to be cut in pieces, if the
People had not rofe in his favour, and threat-
ened to ſet fire to the palace where the Senate
was affembled.
then felves.
In the midst of all thefe terrible diforders The Conful
Pompey appeared quite tranquil, as if the affair would
did not relate to him, and did not difcover oblige
himſelf. Marcellinus undertook either to un- and Craf
Pompey
mask him, or perhaps even to make him a-fus to ex--
bandon, through fhame, a project which put all plain
the city in combuftion. He therefore interro- Their an-
gated him in full Senate upon his intentions, fwers.
and demanded to know if he had thoughts to
put himſelf among the candidates for the Con-
fulfhip? Pompey muft not have attended to
the queſtion, for his anſwers was very bad. He.
faid perhaps he might demand the Confulfhip,.
perhaps he might not. The Conful infifted
X 4
upon
$12
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 966. upon it, and would have a more precife anſwer:
Ant. C. 56. I fhould have no need of the Confulfhip,
An univer
Rome.
"replied Pompey, if I confidered only the
"good Citizens; but the bad and the turbu-
"lent put me under the neceffity of defiring
" it." This language feemed arrogant and.
diſpleaſed. Craffus, interrogated upon the ſame,
anfwered more modeftly, that he ſhould de-
mand the Confulſhip if the neceffities of the
Commonwealth feemed to exact it. Marcel-
linus fell upon. Pompey in his uſual way, and
drew upon himſelf an anſwer that was rude and
infolent. Thou makest a very bad acknowledg-
ment, faid Pompey, of all the fervices I have
done thee. Thou oughteft to remember, that
through my means from a mute thou art become
eloquent; and from a ftarveling, are wont to
get drunk every day. I do not relate this paf-
fage, as it very much deſerves to be preſerved
of itſelf, but to fhew how little decency the
great men of Rome obferved when they con-
tended with one another. The invectives
which aftoniſh, and often fhock us in the dif
courfes of Cicero againſt his enemies, was the
ordinary ftile of their quarrels.
*
From this day the Conful and the Senate
fal confer-difcouraged, did not any more attempt a vain
nation in refiftance. Thoſe who had afpired at the Con-
fulfhip, defifted: And Pompey remained maſ-
ter of the field of battle; but with all the
figns of an univerfal confternation. In the
Affemblies of the Senate, in the public cere-
monies of religion, where the Magiftrates were
* The original term is yet
ftronger; and means the vo-
miting, which is the confe-
quence of intemperance and
drunkenneſs.
to
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
313
1
to affift, there reigned in all a forrowful foli-A. R. 696,
Ant. C. 56,
tude. They fought no more becauſe they
were overpowered; but it was plainly to be
feen how much the oppreffion and the oppref-
fors were detefted. Thus paffed the remainder
of the year,
THE INTERREGNUM.
$
Ant. C. 55,
POMPEY and Craffus having brought A. R. 697.
affairs to the point they wished, did not The inter-
bluſh at their unworthy victory; but thought, regnum.
on the contrary, how to make the moft of it.
On the laſt day of the preceding December all
the Magiftrates, except the Tribunes of the
People, went out of their employments. It
was the cuſtom when the Commonwealth found
itſelf thus without a Chief, for the Patricians
to affemble together, and chooſe among them-
felves a Magiftrate, whofe authority was to laft
for five days, and whom they called an Inter-
rex. At the end of theſe five days, they gave
him a Succeffor, and then another, till the
election of the Confuls. As foon as the Con-
fuls were named they were in poffeffion of the
Government, and prefided at the elections of
the other Magiftrates, Prætors, Ediles, Qual-
tors. Pompey and Craffus then made their de-
claration to the Interrey, that they ſhould de-
mand the Confulfhip.
I have faid that the other candidates defifted ; Domitius
but L. Domitius muft be excepted, who with- alone per-.
out fearing theſe redoubtable rivals, or even fifts to de-
the new re-inforcement of Cæfar's foldiers, who Confulship
had been fent for to fupport them, dared enter with Pom-
the lifts against them, and maintained the pey and
mand the
fight Graffus.
314
The INTERREGNUM.
Ant. C. 55.
A. R. 697 fight to the laft. He piqued himſelf upon
his conftancy, and moreover was greatly en-
couraged by Cato, whofe fifter Porcia, both by
father and mother, he had married. Cato made
it a point to puſh on his enterprize, by repre-
fenting to him, that he acted here not only in
purfuit of the Confulfhip, but of the liberty
of the Romans. This generous refolution drew
to Domitius the favour of all good Citizens,
and even of thoſe whofe views, without being
much elevated or very extenfive, were never-
theleſs juſt and honeft. They asked one ano-
ther with furprize: "What need Pompey and
"Craffus had for a fecond Confulfhip? Why
"muſt they be once again Confuls together? Is
"there then no other Citizen worthy to be the
"Collegue of Pompey or Craffus ?" Befides.
thoſe who declared themfelves thus in diſcourſe,
it was hoped, that there were many others who
kept filence, that would favour Domitius when
the time of election came. The fuffrages were
given by ballot, and this fecret way was the
moft proper to embolden thoſe who did not
dare to fhew openly what they thought.
He is re- Pompey and Craffus were really afraid, and
moved out to deliver themſelves from all uncertainty of
of the way
by violence, fuccefs, they had recourfe to violence. When
or the fear Domitius, accompanied by Cato, went before
of death. day to the Campus Martius to folicite votes,
Pompey
and Craf. he fell into an ambufcade, prepared by his ri-
fus are
vals. The flave who carried the flambeau be-
named fore him was killed, and Cato wounded in the
Confuls.
arm. Nevertheleſs this intrepid man, who
never feared any danger, was determined not
to yield, and exhorted Domitius to fight it out
with his laſt breath for liberty againſt the ty-
rant. Domitius more timid, or more prudent,
judged
The INTERREGNUM.
315
judged it not proper to go any farther, but re- A. R. 697.
tired into his houfe. It was by this train of Ant. C. 55
violences and intrigues, that Pompey and Craf
fus obtained the fecond Confulfhip, the con-
fequences which could not but be fatal, as the
means by which they acquired it were odious.
CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS II.
M. LICINIUS CRASSUS II.
The first care that neceffarily employed the They pre-
new Confuls, was that of creating the other vent Cato's
Magiftrates. According to order they were to the Pra-
obtaining
begin with the election of Prætors. This was torfbip,
an affair of no little difficulty to them; but and caule
they fucceeded in it according to cuſtom by Vatinius to
trampling under foot law, juftice and ſhame.
be pre-
ferred to
Cato, whom nothing awed when the de-him.
Fence of the common caufe was in queftion,
not having been able to fucceed in making
Domitius Conful, demanded himſelf the Præ-
torſhip, that this employment might ſerve him.
as a place of arms againſt the Confuls, and that
he might not be obliged as a private man only
to refift the fovereign Magiftrates. The Con-
fuls did not doubt but that the Prætorſhip, in
the hands of Cato, would become a rival to
the Confulate, and therefore they reſolved to
drive him from it at what price fo ever it
might be. Canvaffing the moſt outragious and
the moſt ſhameful, diftributions of money
made openly to purchaſe votes, were all ways
that ſeemed good to them. And to affure
thofe of impunity who got to be named by
thefe unworthy artifices, they caufed the Se-
nate to order that the Prætors appointed fhould
immediately enter upon their office, without
having
316
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 697 having any regard to the advice of a great
Ant. C. 55 number of Senators, who would have had an
interval of fixty days between the time of their
being named, and their taking poffeffion, that
in that ſpace thofe who fhould be found culpa-
ble of canvaffing might be accufed. Furnifh-
ed with this decree, they placed in the rank of
candidates thoſe who were their friends and
their creatures, and in favour of whom they
openly follicited.
The virtue alone of Cato, deftitute of all
other fupport than that which he found within
himſelf, yet triumphed over all the intrigues
of the powerful; and the citizens were afham-
ed to fell their fuffrages to the exclufion of
him, when they should have bought fuch a
Prætor with his weight in gold. Thus the
firft century who gave their voices named Cato
for Prætor. Pompey had then recourfe to the
baſeſt and moſt unworthy of all reſources; a
mean and fhameful lie, for he faid he had heard
a clap of thunder, which neceffarily broke up
the Affembly. He and his Collegue afterwards
redoubled their folicitations and their largeffes,
they filled the Campus Martius with armed
men, and fucceeded at laſt in getting preferred
Cic. in to Cato one Vatinius, who was the ſhame and
Vatin. 38, outcaſt of Rome, fovereignly defpifed even by
thoſe to whom he was uſeful, and who put him
in the place.
39.
It is reported, that the citizens who had
thus proftituted their voices, fled away for
fhame, and went to hide themfelves. Others
affembled about Cato, who, always the fame,
aſcended the Tribunal of harangues, and as if
he had been inſpired from above, fays Plu
tarch, he foretold all the ills that were to fol-
low,
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
317
Ant. C. 55%
low, making thoſe who heard him fenfible, A. R. 697.
how neceflary it was to refift the Confuls who
feared to have Cato for Prætor. He was after-
wards conducted back again to his houſe, with
a train more numerous than all the reſt who
had been named to the Prætorfhip put toge-
ther.
the election
made
The Affemblies for the election of Ædiles Pompey
afforded a ſcene yet more terrible. Some men prefides ar
were flain ſo near Pompey that their blood was of Ediles.
fpilt upon his robe; and as it was impoffible His robe
for him to quit the Affembly, of which he was bloody
prefident, he cauſed another robe to be brought there.
from his houſe, and fent home that that was
bloody. This robe was fhewn to Julia his
wife, who loved him tenderly, for Pompey
was a good husband, and his conduct, very
different, in this refpect, from that of Cæfar,
had nothing in it of thoſe irregularities which
were then ſo common in Rome. This young
lady was extremely frightened to fee the robe
of her husband all ſtained with blood, and as
fhe was big with child, the confequence of her
fright was very dangerous. She mifcarried,
and did not recover but with much difficulty.
bonius pro-
When all the Magiftrates were chofen. The The Tri-
Confuls went about to gather the fruits of the bune Tre-
violences, and injuftices they had committed. poſes a
They affected on this occafion a falfe modera-law to
tion and an hypocritical filence demanding no-give to the
thing for themfelves either from the People or Confuls
the govern
the Senate. Their difpofitions were neverthe ments of
lefs made. They deſtinated for themſelves the Spain and
Provinces of Syria, from whence it was time Syriae,
to recall Gabinius, and of Spain where Me-
tellus Nepos made war with fo little glory
and fo little fuccefs. The Tribune Trebo-
niusz.
318
POMEPIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 55.
A. R. 697 nius, whom they had gained over to them,
therefore propofed a law which affigned to the
Confuls thofe Governments for five years, with
as many troops as they fhould judge proper,
and with the power of making war and peace
according to their own wills.
The law
1
paffes in
Spite of
Cato's op
pofition
and that
of the two
Tribunes.
?
It may well be ſuppoſed that Cato did not
fail to oppofe this law. He was even fupport-
ed by two Tribunes, Ateius Capito and Aquil-
lius Gallus. I fhall not enter into a detail of
the quarrel, which was very fharp, but which
too much reſembled thoſe I have already de-
fcribed. I fhall content myſelf with faying,
that Cato, after all the efforts of a conftancy
equally obftinate and fruitless, was feized by the
ferjeants of Trebonius, who not being able any
other way to get rid of him, ordered him to be
carried to prifon, but as on the way thither he
continued talking againſt the law and was liften-
ed to by a great number of perfons who follow-
ed him, Trebonius feared the confequence of
his undertaking and caufed him to be releafed.
The buſineſs of the law could not be deter-
mined that day, and was put off to the next.
The Tribune Gallus, who thought that if he
waited till the morning, he fhould find all the
avenues to the place guarded, fo that it would
not be poffible for him to get in, refolved to
ſhut himſelf up, and paſs the night in the place
where the Senate was affembled. He hoped,
by this precaution, to get poffeffion, before his
adverfaries, of the Roftra which were juft by.
Trebonius had notice of his defign, and placed
guards at all the gates of the Senate-Houſe :
Thus Gallus was kept as it were impriſoned for
a long time; and when he eſcaped at laſt, by
forcing his paffage, he received many wounds,
which
1
POMPEIUS, 319
7
LICINIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C. 55-
which was all he got by his obftinate reſiſtance. A. R. 697.
If a Tribune, whofe perfon was facred, was fo
cruelly treated, it is eafy to believe that the
other opponents were not more fpared. Some
were wounded, others killed; and Craffus him-
felf, to filence a Senator, named L. Annalis,
who refifted the law, gave him fuch a blow in
the face with his fift, as made him all bloody.
And thus the law paffed.
?
vernment
It remained then to fatisfy the engagements Pompey
made with Cæfar. Pompey took upon him-gets Cafar
felf to propofe a law to continue him in the continued
governments of the Gauls and Illyria for the in the go-
fpace of five years; that is to fay, to give a of Gaul for
mortal wound to his own power, to his glory, five years.
and even to his fafety and his life. For this
continuance gave Cæfar time to gain fuch deep
root, that it was not poffible to fhake him,
and he was of neceffity either to fubmit to his
laws, or make war with him. The blindneſs
of Pompey was fo much the more furprizing
as all endeavours had been uſed to open his
eyes.
L
Cato did not take the fame method to refift Notwith
this law as he had employed against the pre-standing
ceding one. Inftead of addreffing himself to the repres
the People, he turned towards Pompey.
"You
Sentations
"do not think of it, faid he, but you are giv- and Cicero
of Cato
ing yourself a mafter. When you have re-
«ceived the yoke, and begin to feel the weight
દ
of it, being neither able to fhake it off, or
"bear it, you will fall with your burden on
"the Commonwealth; and you will then re-
member, though too late, the advice of
Cato, wherein you might find your own per-
fonal intereft, as well as that of juftice, of
"the laws and of virtue." Cicero talked in
the
320
POMPEIUS, LICINrus, Confuls.
A. R. 697. the fame language to Pompey in private: But
Ana. C. 55' neither the lively remonftrances of the one, nor
A new
of Pompey
in the
the foft infinuations of the other, could diffolve
the charm with which he was bewitched. He
thought his power fuperior to all events, and
perfuaded himſelf that Cæfar would always
ſtand in need of him.
I know not whether the Confuls were wil-
ling to repair the injury done their reputation,
by fo many irregular and violent enterprizes;
but they applied themſelves to reform feve-
ral abuſes of the new laws. Very unhappily
the perfons of the Reformers agreed but lit-
tle with their defigns.
Corruptions were very great in matters of
diſpoſition judgment. Pompey, to remedy this, intro-
introduced duced fome alterations in the choice of Judges,
by a law
and ordered that they fhould be taken from the
riche citizens. Very likely, as Freinfhemius
choice of obferves, it was fuppofed, that poverty had
Judges. been the occafion of fome Judges fuffering
themſelves to be gained by prefents: but, adds
the fame writer, could the love and refpect of
juftice be more expected from thoſe who were
become rich by all forts of crimes?
23.
Val. Max.
VI. 2.
What would become of the Legiſlators them-
felves, if they were to be judged by the
Suppl, to laws? A young man of an illuftrious name,
Livy, CV. about this time, made Pompey fenfible of this,
with great freedom. Valerius Maximus, who
relates the fact, does not give us the precife
date of it. This young man, who was named
Cn. Pifo, accufed one Manilius Crifpus, noto-
riouſly and evidently criminal, but protected
by Pompey. Pifo, feeing that the criminal
was like to efcape, fell upon his Protector, and
fharply reproached him. Why do you not arcufe
me
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
321
Ant. C. 55.
me myself then? faid Pompey to him. Pifo A. R. 697.
replied, Give good fecurity to the Commonwealth,
that (a) you will not excite a civil war if I ac-
cuſe you, and I will profecute your condemnation,
even before that of Manilius.
elections.
Nobody had practifed canvaffing in a man- A law a-
ner more open, more impudently, and more gainst can
criminally, in all its circumftances, than Pom-affing at
pey and Craffus. They had, nevertheless, the
effrontery to renew the laws againſt that abuſe,
and to add to them new penalties, more rigo
rous than thoſe which were thought fufficient
till then.
They alſo prepared to retrench, by fevere A scheme
rules, the luxury of the table; and this per-for a new
haps was that kind of reformation which was law. The
Sumptuary
the leaft indecent for them to undertake, for luxury of
neither of them was pompous or voluptuous the Ra-
in their domeftic expences. Diverſe laws had mans.
been for a long time begun againſt the progreſs
of this evil: and befides that which is fpoken
of at the end of the eighth volume of this
work, Sylla, during his Dictatorship, and Le-
pidus, who was Conful in the year of Sylla's
death, had cauſed new ones to pass. But the
taſte of pleaſure, increafing with opulence, had
forced theſe weak fences. The firft citizens of
the Commonwealth, and even thofe who piqued
themſelves on the moſt pure and ardent zeal
for liberty, gave into an intolerable luxury,
and trod all fumptuary laws under foot.
More than that. In the feafts on account
of public ceremonies, where they were ob-
(a) Da prædes Reipubli-
cæ, te, fi poftulatus fueris,
civile bellum non excitatu-
rum etiam de tuo priùs
VOL. XII.
quam de Manilii capite in
confilium judices mittam.
Val. Max.
Y
liged
377
322
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
}
1
Ant. C. 55.
A. R. 697. liged to keep to the letter of the law, delicacy
and gluttony found a way to make amends by
art for any thing that was denied them. This
Cicero fhews us in a letter, wherein he inge-
nuouſly and agreeably relates what happened ro
him, at a feaſt given by Lentulus Spinther, on
the promotion of his fon to the dignity of Au-
gur. "The fumptuary laws (a), fays he,
which ought to introduce frugality, have
« done me a very great injury. For as thefe
"laws, fevere in other matters, have allowed
"a full liberty, with refpect to pulfe, and all
"the natives of the garden, our voluptuaries
"fo delicately prepared their mushrooms,
roots, and all forts of herbs, that there
"was never any thing in the world fo agreea-
"ble. I was taken in by them at the feaſt
"of Lentulus; and my intemperance has been
46
puniſhed by an indifpofition that conti-
"nued upon me for above fix days. Thus
"I, who can with eaſe abftain from oyfters and
lampreys, have been deceived by beet-root
❝ and mallows. But I am well cautioned; and
"I fhall take care of myſelf another time."
<<
Perhaps what animated this zeal of the
Confuls for frugality, was that tafte for luxury
and pleaſures that their principal adverfaries
had, that is to fay, the chiefs of the Ariftocra-
(a) Lex fumptuaria, quæ
videtur λιότητα attuliffe, ea
mihi fraudi fuit. Nam dum
volunt ifti lauti terrâ nata,
quæ lege excepta funt, in
honorem adducere, fungos,
heluellas, herbas omnes ita
condiunt, ut nihil poffit effe
fuavius. In eas quum inci-
diffem in cœnâ Augurali a-
pud Lentulum, tanta me
Nappesa arripuit, ut hodie
primùm videar cæpiffe con-
fiftere. Ita ego, qui me oftreis
& murænis facilè abftinebam,
à betâ & à malvà deceptus
fum. Poft hac igitur erimus
cautiones. Cic. ad Fam. VII.
26.
I
tical
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls 323
ľ
II.
1
Ant. C. 55.
tical party. Hortenfius did not conceal it; A. R. 697
but took upon him..boldly to defend that ex-
cefs, which the others would have banished,
by colouring it with the fine names of the
magnificence and noblenefs that, were agreea-
ble to the grandeur of the Commonwealth.
He would fain have intereſted the Confuls in
his cauſe, by praifing, them for the honourable
manner in which they lived; and ſupported
their tank. This difcourfe of Hortenfius, ap-
plauded, without doubt, by many of the firſt
Senators, deftroyed the project of the Refor-
mation, which it is very likely Pompey and
Craffus had not much at heart.
A
٢٢٢٤
Plut.
With this pretended feverity that they were The theatre
of Pombey.
pleafed to affect, Pompey, this fame year,
made a great breach in the antient difcipline, Pomp.
by the conftruction and dedication of a strong Dio.
and permanent theatre. Till that time, there
had never been any theatres built in Rome, to
continue for any longer time than while the
fpectacles lafted that were to be reprefented in
them. It has been related in another place, Vol. VIII.
B. XXVI.
how the Cenfors, having had the fame defign
which Pompey executed, had been ſtopped by
a Senatusconfultum made upon the reprefenta-
tions of Nafica. The edifice already begun,
was not only interrupted but demolished.
Although the manners of the Romans were
much altered in the time we are fpeaking of,
yet it was not poffible but that fuch a novelty
fhould be blamed by many people. Pompey Tertull
was fenfible of it; and to make his theatre pafs despectic
the more eafily, he joined to it a temple to
the honour of Venus the Victorious. He did
not fo much as name the theatre in the ordi-
nance by which he invited the people to the
Y 2
dedi-
324
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
Ant. C. 55.
A. R. 697. dedication of this magnificent work: He fpoke
only of the temple of Venus, to which, faid
he, we have added ſtairs to ferve the citizens for
feats, in the reprefentation of the spectacles.
Plin.
xxxvi. 15.
This theatre was extremely large, fince it
could contain forty thouſand fouls. The ex-
pence of fuch an edifice muſt have been enor-
mous; and it is very furprizing, that a pri-
vate perſon could bear it without incommoding
himſelf. The furprize will ftill increaſe, if it
be true, as Dio reports, that it was not Pom-
pey that defrayed it, but Demetrius his freed-
Vol. IX. man, of whom we have already had occafion
to ſpeak, and who was richer than himſelf.
A. Gell.
氯
​1.
Games
given to
The work was not entirely finiſhed, and in
a condition to receive an infcription on the
frontispiece, till under the third Confulſhip of
Pompey. It was then, that Pompey puzzled
to know how it ought to be expreffed that he
was Conful for the third time, and doubting
whether it ſhould be put CONSUL TERTIUM, or
TERTIO, Confulted Cicero, who ſeeing men of
ability divided in their opinions, eluded the
difficulty, by advifing Pompey to leave the
word, that was to exprefs the number, imper-
fect, and to write it only with the firſt four
letters and a point, TERT. This was to puſh
the fcruple very far. But in Cicero's leaving
the matter undecided, there was more manage-
ment with perſons than doubt about the thing.
He was not willing to give offence to either
party, who had given their opinion about this
expreffion.
Although the laft hand was not put to the
the people building of the theatre and temple till Pom-
by Pompey, pey was Conful the third time, yet it is certain
at the de he made the dedication of it during his fecond
dicating
~~bis theatre.
Con-
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS Confuls II.
325
Ant. C. 55*
Confulship. He gave to the People, on this A. R. 697-
occafion, magnificent games of all forts, plays,
combats of the wreſtlers and gladiators in the
circus, hunting of lions and elephants: But the
magnificence of them choaked all tafte; and Cic. ad
Cicero, who affifted at theſe games, gives a
deſcription of them, or rather a criticifm, in
a manner worth all the fpectacle.
"The preparation for our games, was fu-
"perb, fays he, writing to a friend; but I very
"much doubt whether they would have given
"you any great pleaſure. In the firſt place,
"we have feen actors appearing again upon
"the ftage, to do honour to Pompey, who
"would have done well for their own honour
"to have retired. Efop, fo famous in tragedy,
"played in fuch a manner, that there was not
"one of the fpectators who would not very
66
Fam.vii 1.
willingly have difmiffed him: In going
"about to make a ſpeech his voice entirely
"failed him. What shall I fay of the reft?
"You have often feen the plays, but theſe
"were not ſo agreeable as what were com-
"monly acted, for the prodigious pomp of
"them deftroyed their elegance. To what
"purpoſe were fix hundred mules brought up-
"on the ftage in the reprefentation of the
"tragedy of Clytemneftra? or three thouſand
vafes in that of the Trojan Horfe? All this
"was enough to glut the curiofity, and draw
"the admiration of the vulgar, but could give
"no fatisfaction to men of tafte. As to the
"low farces that were given afterwards, you
"have no reaſon to regret them, fince you
may fee a copy of them in the Affemblies
❝of the Senate. The combats of the wreſtlers
"were, by the confeffion of Pompey himſelf,
"money
Y 3
326
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697.
Ant. C. 55.
Dio.
;
66
1
money thrown away. The chaces, which
"were given two and two, ten in five days,
were, it muſt be allowed, magnificent. Five
"hundred lions and eighteen elephants had
"wherewithal to aftonifh. But what pleaſure
"could it be to a man of wit to fee a little
"weak fellow torn in pieces by a large vigo-
"rous beaft, or a fine beaft pierced with a
"fpear? On the last day the elephants ap-
peared, which caufed great admiration in the
"multitude but no pleaſure. Even the popu-
"lace were touched with pity, in the fuppo-
"fition that this animal has understanding,
"and a kind of fociety with man.'
Plin. viii.
7
66
Pompey was but ill repayed for the prodigi-
ous pains and expences he had been at, if many
of the fpectators thought like Cicero, but he
was fufficiently rewarded by the eſteem of
fots.
Sen, de As to what relates to the elephants, I fhall
Brev. Vi- add to the recital of Cicero, firft that the men
tæ, c. 13. * whom they caufed to fight with them, were
either criminals condemned to death, or Afri-
cans accuſtomed to defend themfelves againft
thefe animals, and even to tame and conquer
them. This circumftance much diminiſhes the
idea of cruelty, which would otherwife attend
this fpectacle.
The com-
In the fecond place, what Cicero fays in one
miferation word of the compaffion of the People for the
of the peo- elephants, Pliny explains it to us more circum-
ple for the
elephants ftantially. They became furious at firft, when
killed in they felt themfelves wounded, and joining to-
thefe games gether endeavoured to get out of the area, and
*Without doubt they made the fame choice of those who
were to fight with the lions.
break
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
327
Ant. C. 55.
break the bars of iron that inclofed them, A. R 697.
which occafioned a great deal of dread, and a
great tumult in the affembly. However the
barriers refifting them, and the elephants not
able to fave themſelves, fent forth lamentable
cries, and feemed to affume an air of fuppli-
cation to befeech their lives. This fight fen-
fibly moved the People, who far from applaud-
ing the magnificence of the fpectacle that
Pompey gave them, detefted him for his cru-
elty, and loaded him with imprecations.
There is nothing in this recital that to me
feems improbable. It is not fo with refpect to
what Dio adds, that the elephants lifted their
trunks to heaven, demanding justice against
thofe who had brought them to Rome, de-
ceiving them by falfe oaths. For it is faid,
theſe are the words of the hiftorian, that they
had not embarked but upon the promiſe given
them by their conductors upon oath, that they
ſhould come to no harm. It is not improbable
that fuch a report might be ſpread, and even
find credit among the People of Rome, but for
a writer to put it in his hiftory, as not void of
probability, gives us no great idea of his judg-
ment.
Pompey,
To the games of Pompey fucceeded affairs The pro
more ſerious in themſelves, and the confequen-iria falls
ces of which were extremely important. The to Craffus,
Confuls having drawn lots for the two depart and that of
ments affigned them by the law of Trebonius, Spain to
the lots happened according to their wishes in who go-
giving Syria to Craffus, and Spain to Pompey. verns by
This was well pleafed not to be too far out of his Lieute
the way.
His fcheme was conftantly to con-Dio. Plut,
duct the affairs of the city, and he followed it in Craff.
fo well, that for fix years that he was Proconful & Pomp.
nants.
Y 4
in
328
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697. in Spain, he never fet foot in his province;
Ant. C. 55. but governed it by his Lieutenants; a thing
The extra-
wagant
chimerical
projects of
Craffus.
without example in the Commonwealth. Some
have faid that the love of his wife Julia kept
him in the neighbourhood of Rome. But after
the death of Julia he did not alter his con-
duct. The fuperintendance of provifions, with
which he was charged, furniſhed him with a
fpecious pretence not to quit the city, for the
fubfiftence of which he was to provide.
As to Craffus, from the moment that the
Province of Syria fell to him, he could not
joy, and contain his joy. The ceremony of drawing
lots was performed in public; there wanted
not witneffes in the midft of the crowd, many
of them unknown to him, and ready enough
to criticiſe on his behaviour. He not only burſt
into exclamations on his good fortune, but in
private, and with his friends, gave himfelf up
to fuch tranſports, as neither agreed with his
age, or even his character, which was far
enough from that of a giddy man, and a bragga-
docio. Syria, the Parthians, were the conftant
preludes to the projects with which he was full.
He treated as trifles the exploits of Lucullus
againſt Tigranes, and of Pompey againſt Mi-
thridates. The Bactriani, the Indies, and all
the country as far as the Eaſtern Sea, were con-
queſts that he promiſed himſelf. Nothing of
this was contained in the law of Trebonius,
which gave him his title: but he had opened
the field to himſelf, and that was fufficient.
And although it was a crime againſt the au-
thority of the Commonwealth, to give fo vio-
lent an extenfion to the law, the power of
Craffus, if he had fucceeded in his defigns, not
only ſcreened him from all profecution, but
affured
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
32.9
Ant. C.
58
affured him of applauſes and a triumph. Cæ- AR. 697:
far, for what end foever it was, augmented the
folly of Craffus, by entering into his defigns,
and exhorting him by letter to undertake the
war againſt the Parthians.
against the
make with
The levies of foldiers which were to be made The mur-
to put this ambitious project in execution, ex-muring of
cited great murmurs among the people; and the citizens
they began to talk loudly, that it was very war which
wrong to reject the falutary remonftrances of Craffus
Cato. The two Tribunes, Gallus and Capito, was pre-
encouraged by this difpofition they faw the paring to
people in, attempted to put a stop to the railing the Par-
of troops, and even to hinder the Confuls from thians.
going out of Rome. Pompey was not at all
concerned at thefe menaces, which were agree-
able to the reſolution he had taken with him-
felf. Craffus, whofe cafe was very different,
employed force to refift the oppofition of the
Tribunes,
But he did not by that appeaſe the wrath of
the public. There was a general outcry in
Rome againſt the unjuft war that was intended
to be made with a Nation with which they
were in peace. He therefore feared he ſhould
find fome obftacles from the multitude on the
day of his departure; and defired Pompey,
who was loved and refpected by the citizens,
to accompany him to the Capitol, and from
thence to the gate of the city, that matters
might paſs with decency and quiet. In fhort,
thoſe who were prepared to hoot at Craffus,
and even to hinder his going forwards, feeing
Pompey marching before him with a ferene
and majeftic air, were calmed, and left the
paffage free.
The
}
330
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
Ant. C. 55.
to load
him with
impreca-
tions.
3
A. R. 697. The Tribune Ateius Capito, nevertheless,
The dread- enraged againft Craffus, when the Conful
ful cere- made the ufual facrifices in the Capitol, he
mony made would have interrupted them by pronouncing
use of by
bad omens. Afterwards he endeavoured to
one of the
Tribunes, fend him to prifon; but the other Tribunes
took upon them the defence of the Conful.
At length, as his laft refource, he employed
the moft formidable part of religion againſt
him. He ran to the gate of the city, where
he waited for Craffus with an incenfe pot light-
ed, upon which he made libations and burnt
perfumes, pronouncing horrible imprecations.
in the name of the gods, the moſt uncommon
and terrifying. The idea that men had of
theſe imprecations was, that thoſe who were
under them could never avoid the fatal effect
of them, and that they alſo brought evil upon
the perſon who pronounced them. Many con-
demned the action of Ateius upon this princi-
ple, that not being irritated againſt Craffus but
by his zeal for the Commonwealth, he ſhould
deliver her over to the divine vengeance, by
giving up a Conful and a General of the army.
But independently of thefe fuperftitious imagina-
tions, it is certain that fuch imprecations, which
gave fo great terror, might much difcourage
the foldiers, and confequently bring great dif-
graces upon them.
A pretend-
ed bad
omen.
Thefe ill effects were the more to be feared,
as no people carried their fuperftition fo far as
the Romans. The moft fimple things in the
Cauneas. world feemed to them happy or unhappy pre-
fages Of which this expedition of Craffus fur-
niſhed us with ſeveral examples. Thus, when
Divin. II. he embarked his troops at Brundufium, becauſe
there happened to be a man at the port who
Cic. de
84.
carried
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
331
Ant. C. 55.
carried figs of Caunus to fell, in Latin Caune- A. R. 697.
aş, a word, which by the manner of pronoun-
cing it, might be miſtaken for cave ne eas,
"take care of going out." They were per-
fuaded that this cry was a warning that the gods
fent to Craffus, to put him by his enterprize,
and to declare to him the ill fuccefs of it.
--
Cic. ad
Fam. I. 9.
I muſt not omit, that Craffus was defirous to Craffus,
part in friendſhip with Cicero. I have already before bis
more than once had occaſion to ſay, that they reconciles
departure,
never loved one another; but the ſtrict union himself to
between Pompey and Craffus, did not allow Cicero.
Cicero to continue an enemy to the latter: there
had been therefore a firſt reconciliation between
them, about the time that the Triumviral
league was formed; and Cicero perfuaded him-
felf, that he had fincerely forgot all that was
paffed. Nevertheleſs, there remained an old
leven in his heart, which fhewed itſelf on ac-
account of a conteft they had together in the
Senate.
It was concerning Gabinius, who, as I fhall
relate by and by, had juſt then re-eſtabliſhed
Ptolomy Auletes with an armed force, without
ftopping either at the prohibition of the Se-
nate, or at the oracle of the Sibyl. Cicero
having fo fair a field open to him againſt his
enemy, triumphed in it, and endeavoured to
irritate the Senate againſt him. Craffus, who
at firſt ſeemed to think in the ſame way, after-
wards changed his ftile; and not contented
only with defending the perfon accufed, he let
fly fome ſharp ftrokes againſt Cicero. Our
Orator (a) took fire, and his indignation was
fo
(a) Exarfi, non folùm præ- ea tam vehemens fortaffe
fenti, credo, iracundia (nam non fuiffet) fed quum in-
clufum
332
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
4. R. 697. fo lively, that it was eaſy to fee that it was not
Ant. C. 55. the preſent difpute only that occafioned his
fhewing it as he did. The fund of refent-
ment that flept in his heart, without his per-
ceiving it himſelf, was now awakened, and dif-
played itſelf in all its force.
Cic. ad
Fam. V.8.
Scaurus
When he had fatisfied the motions of his
choler, he began to reflect. He faw a malignant
joy in the zealous Republicans, which could not
conceal itſelf, and fhewed him that they were
charmed to find him embroiled with the Tri-
umvirs for ever. On the other fide Pompey
befought him immediately, and Cæfar preffed
him by letters, to reconcile himſelf again to
Craffus, He did fò, and Craffus defired to
feal this reconciliation by a repaft to which he
invited him the evening before his departure,
or at moſt very few days before it. Cicero was
faithful to theſe laft engagements: He defend-
ed Craffus in the Senate, againſt the attacks
that the Confuls of the following year would
have made upon him in his abfence.
Before I enter upon the recital of the un-
fortunate expedition of Craffus, I am to give
an account of the exploits of Gabinius to whom
he fucceeded. I have alfo left two campaigns
of Cæfar in arrear, of which I muft recount
the events, and join to them the two following,
that I may return afterwards to Craffus.
We have feen that Scaurus, left by Pompey
Philippus, in Syria, did nothing to gain much honour,
Marcelli- and in the little wars with the Nabatean Arabs
Gabinius, he had rather acquired the reputation of a co-
nus and
Succeffively
governors clufum illud odium multa-
of Syria. rum ejus in me injuriarum,
App. Syr. quod ego effudiffe me arbi-
& Parth. trabar, refiduum tamen ínſei-
ente me fuiffet, omne re-
penté apparuit. Cic. ad
Fam. 1. 9.
vetous
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
333
Ant. C. 55.
vetous man than that of a great warriour. Mar- A. R. 697•
-cius Philippus and Lentulus Marcellinus who
had the Province of Syria fucceffively after him
and were afterwards Confuls together, had not
any more diſtinguiſhed themfelves by any
great exploits than the other. The courfes of
the fame Arabs, which they could not totally
ſuppreſs ſerved for a pretext to Clodius to make
Syria a Confular Province, and to recompence
Gabinius, by this fine government, who during
his Confulfhip had ſo well ferved the hatred
of that furious Tribune against Cicero.
lus.
Judea was like a dependance on the govern- Troubles
ment of Syria; and was agitated by great excited in
troubles when Gabinius arrived there. It muft Alexander
Judea by
be, remembered here, that after many debates, the fon-of
and a pretty long war between Hyrcanus and Ariftobu
Ariftobulus, brothers, who difputed their roy- Jofeph,
alty between themfelves, Pompey had decided Antiq.
the quarrel in favour of Hyrcanus to whom he XIV. 11.
gave the office of Sovereign Sacrificator, and& de Bel
the authority of command, but without the
Jud. I. A
diadem; instead of which he carried Arifto-
bulus away, prifoner with all his family, com-
pofed of two fons, Alexander and Antigonus,
and two daughters. Alexander made his ef
cape on the road, and returning into Judea,
he kept himſelf concealed for fome time. At
length he re-animated his father's party, and
eafily got the better of the weak Hyrcanus, he
thought alfo to fortify himſelf against the power
of the Romans, by rebuilding the walls of Je
rufalem which Pompey had thrown down.
ters there
Gabinius fettled thefe new troubles with Gabinius
great activity. He entered into the country fettles mat;
with his army, won fome battles, took and with great.
rafed fome fortreffes, and at length reduced activity
Alexander
334
POMEPIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R 697 Alexander to fue for favour, and he thought
Ant. C. 55. himſelf very happy to preferve his life and
He de·
liberty. He alſo re-eſtabliſhed ſeveral towns,
that had been defolated by the wars, as
well civil as foreign, and he recalled the in-
habitants into them, who had difperfed them-
felves on all fides. The moſt confiderable of
theſe towns re-eſtabliſhed by Gabinius was
Samaria. He brought back Hyrcanus to Je-
rufalem, and put him again in poffeffion of the
fovereign prieſthood; but he gave a new form
to the government of the nation, which he
made Ariftocratical, having divided all the
country into five Provinces, in each of which
he erected a fovereign council.
It was after he had thus pacified Judea, that
mands the he demanded the honour of the Supplications;
bonour of which was refufed him, although it had been
the Sup-
plications, granted to others on lefs occafions. Befides,
which is that his perfonal conduct difgraced in him the
refufed qualities of a General; befides the hatred of
him. the Senate which he had deſerved by his cruelty
Suppl. B. towards Cicero. Freinshemius conjectures with
CV. 12. much probability, that the revenge of the far-
mers of the public revenues, whom he had
treated very ill in his Province, had contributed
a good deal to draw this affront upon him.
Theſe farmers, or publicans, were of the order
of Knights, as we have often faid, and had
great credit in Rome. Gabinius had drawn'
their hatred upon him by endeavouring to vex
them, not through any zeal to eaſe the People
(he was not capable of acting from a motive
fo honeft and fo laudable) but without doubt
in confequence of a refentment he had conceiv
ed againſt them, for having conftantly oppoſed
him
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
335
?
him during his Confulfhip. It is believed he A. R. 697.
made uſe of this occafion to revenge himſelf.
Ant. C. 55.
nalize
Plut. Ant.
The war of Gabinius in Judea was the firft Marc An-
in which Marc-Anthony ſignalized his bravery. thony be-
I take this opportunity to begin to makegins to fig-
known a perſon fo famous, and who will act himself.
fo great a part in the fequel of this hif- His birth.
tory. I have already faid, that he was the
fon of M. Antonius, furnamed, in derifion;
the Cretan, becauſe he had failed in his expedi-
tion againſt the Iſle of Crete, and of one Julia.
So by the mother's fide he was united in blood
to the houſe of Cæfar. The Anthonys alfo
took to themſelves a very high defcent, and
pretended to be the iffue of Hercules. The
example and precepts of his mother, who was
a lady refpectable for her virtue, had no great
power over him. But he inherited from his fa-
ther extravagance, prodigality and the love of
expence. The affairs of Antonius Creticus had
been fo ill conducted, that his fon thought
himſelf obliged to renounce the fucceffion to his
eftate. This, if I am not mistaken, is the
meaning of the reproach made him by Cicero, Cic. Phil.
of his having been made a bankrupt, whilft he
yet wore the robe of childhood.
of his ba-
Julia, very unhappy in her husbands, mar- The origi-
ried for the fecond time with Lentulus Sura,
nal cauſe
whom Cicero when he was Conful caufed to be tred to Ci-
ftrangled in prifon by order of the Senate, cero.
Anthony had paffed a great part of his infan-
cy
in the houſe of Lentulus, his mother's huf-
band; and it was there that he received the
firſt feeds of his hatred to Cicero.
His youth was extremely debauched. He Very de-
was more than fufpected of having a ftrict alli-bauched in
ance with Curio, a young man of much wit, but his youth.
very
1
1
336
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697 very diforderly in his manners. As fuch a life
Ant. C. 55.;
is always attended with many rafh and extra-
vagant expences, Anthony was indebted fix
millions of Sefterces, (about 37,500 pounds
fterling) which Curio was anſwerable for.
Curio the father, when he was informed of
theſe diſorders fell fick with grief. Cicero,
who was his friend, entered into this affair in
a manner not at all agreeable to Anthony. He
perfuaded the father to pay his fon's debts,
but, at the fame time adviſed him to employ
all his paternal authority to hinder him from
ever ſeeing Anthony or ſpeaking to him.
He at-
taches
kimſelf to
Clodius;
after
wards
quits him
to go into
Greece.
The firſt ſparks of ambition began to kindle
in the heart of Anthony, and he attached him-
felf to Clodius, at that time Tribune: A new
alliance which ſtill more and more alienated
Cicero from him. Nevertheleſs he was ſoon
qui difgufted at the fury of this madman, and, on
the other hand, fearing the party that was
forming againſt him, he quitted Rome, and
went into Greece, to prepare himſelf there by
bodily exerciſes to the bufinefs of arms, and at
the fame time, to cultivate his genius by ſtudy-
ing of eloquence. Plutarch has obferved, that
his tafte for eloquence was conformable to the
character of his manners, ftately, delighting
in pomp and parade, and more noiſy than
folid.
Gabinius
the bar fe
Gabinius at his going into Syria, defired to
gives him carry him with him. Anthony would not at-
the com- tend him without an honourable employment,
mand of and was appointed Commander of the Horſe.
He was made to be beloved by the foldiers,
army. Familiar even to indecency, he drank with
He makes them, and drank as they did, and would con-
himſelf
adored by tend with them in low buffoonry; no delicacy
the foldiers.
in his
in
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
337
Ant. C. 55.
in his taſte or in his manners; but the airs of A. R. 697.
a bully fupported by real bravery, all this made
him adored in the army. His manner of dref-
fing himſelf had fomething of the foldier in it,
his tunic tucked up, and faftened to his thigh,
a great fword by his fide, and a buckler of the
thickeſt fort. He intended alfo to imitate
Hercules, the author of his origine, with the
ftatues of whom he boafted to have ſome re-
ſemblance in his face, a thick beard, a broad
forehead and an aquiline noſe.
But above all what gained their hearts, was His excef
his liberality, which he carried even to pro-ve libera-
lity.
fuſion: And in the end this quality alone
for a long time ſupported his affairs, which he
had otherwiſe ruined by giving into all manner
of vice.
One inftance in the time of his opulence
may fhew us how very extravagant he was in
his liberality. He had one day commanded
that a million of fefterces, about fix thoufand
two hundred and fifty pounds fterling, fhould
be given to one of thofe who was attached to
him. His ſteward, thinking this largeſs ex-
orbitant, laid the fum abroad in a place where
he was to pass by. Anthony asked what that
money was. The fteward anſwering that it
was the fum he would have given away. I
thought, faid Anthony, who perfectly well un-
derfood his meaning, that a million of fefterces lus having
Ariftobu-
made much more, put as much again to it. made his
war in
While he ferved under Gabinius, he was escape from
fcarce in a condition to fatisfy the inclination Rome, re-
he had to be giving. But he was better en-neus the
abled to it, by the war against Alexander the Judea, is
fon of Ariftobulus, and that which was foon vanquished
after made with Ariſtobulus himſelf; for that and taken
VOL. XII.
again.
Z
captive Jofeph.
338
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
}
A. R. 697. captive King found means to break his chains
Ant. C. 55. and fly from Rome with his fon Antigonus.
Gabinius
nnar a-
He came into Judea, and endeavoured to for-
tify himſelf there with fome troops, that the
favour of his name had re-affembled about him.
It was unhappy for this Prince to have to do
with enemies fo powerful as the Romans, for
he had courage and refolution: But he wanted
forces, and his party was too unequal. Gabi-
nius fent a detachment of his army againſt him
under the command of Marc-Anthony, his fon
Sifenna and another general officer. Arifto-
tulus had got together eight thouſand men
well armed, who, forced to come to action,
fought like brave men. Five thouſand were
killed upon the ſpot, two thouſand diſperſed;
and the unfortunate Ariftobulus with the other
thouſand he had left, fhut himſelf up in a
fort. It was not poffible for him to make a
long defence there; at the end of two days he
was taken again, and his fon Antigonus with
him. He was brought loaded with chains to
Gabinius who fent him back again to Rome.
The Senate kept Ariftobulus priſoner; but for
his children they were reftored to their mother,
who had always ferved Gabinius faithfully in
theſe laſt movements in Judea.
Gabinius prepared himſelf to carry the war
leaves the into the country of the Arabs, whofe courfes
guinst the much incommoded Syria. It is true he was
Arabs, himſelf the moſt formidable foe to the People
to carry it of his government, whom he plagued with all
the Par kinds of concuffion and rapine: Therefore his
zeal against the Arabian robbers did not carry
him far. The opportunity and the hopes of a
pian. Jo- richer booty determined him to turn to the fide
on with
thians.
Dio. Ap
feph. Plut.
of the Parthians.
Phraates,
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS Confuls II.
339
Ant. C. 55
Phraates, King of Parthia, had been killed A. R. 69.7.
by his own fons. Theſe abominable parricides.
were very common in the houſe of Arfacides.
Orodes and Mithridates as bad brothers as bad
fons, difputed for the crown between them-
ſelves. Mithridates finding himſelf the weak-
eft, had recourſe to Gabinius. He came into
his camp with Orfanes, the moſt illuſtrious no-
bleman of the Parthian nation, and he had
not much difficulty to obtain his protection, by
employing preſents and promifes. The Pro-
conful of Syria had already paffed the Euphrates
with his army, when a new prey, more eafy
and more opulent; brought him quickly back
again, and fruftrated Mithridates of his fuc-
cour.
Ptolomy Auletes came to look for him with Ptolomy
letters from Pompey, and moreover promifed Auletes
him ten thouſand talents (fifteen hundred back to-
brings him
thouſand pounds fterling) if he would replace wards
him upon the throne of Egypt. So prodigious Egypt.
a fum had powerful charms with Gabinius. He
reckoned almoſt upon impunity, being fup-
ported by Pompey. Nevertheleſs the decree
of the Senate, and the oracle of the Sibyl, which
in exprefs terms forbad the employing any
troops to re-eſtabliſh the King of Egypt,
were obſtacles that he had fome difficulty to
furmount. The greateſt part of the Officers
did not approve of fo irregular an enterprize,
Marc-Anthony, little fcrupulous, thirsting for
glory, and on the other hand gained by Pto-
lomy, determined Gabinius in favour of a de-
fign to which he had but too much inclina- Archelaus
tion.
reigned in
Egypt with
:
I have faid that Archelaus reigned in Egypt Berenice.
jointly with Berenice. After the death of Se- Frein-
Z 2
leucus them.
Suppl. B.
C. v. 41.
1
340
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
Ant. C. 55.
A. R. 697. leucus Cybiofactes the Alexandrians had invit-
ed Philip the fon of Antiochus Grypus to come
and take the place that was left vacant by ano-
ther Prince of the Houſe of Seleucides: But
Gabinius ſtopped him in his paffage, and pre-
vented the execution of that ſcheme. Arche-
laus was at that time in the army of Gabinius,
with whom he had made an acquaintance du-
ring the war of Pompey with Mithridates, and
who was come to join him, that he might ac-
company him in his expedition againſt the Par-
thians. He was the fon, as I have faid, of
Archelaus the General of Mithridates's armies,
but he made himſelf paſs for the fon of Mithri-
dates himſelf. He offered himſelf upon this
foot to the Alexandrians, whom he faw embar
raffed, and was accepted of by them. The
difficulty for him was to get away, for Gabi-
nius, informed of his defign, had him watch-
ed, however he made his eſcape. Dio even re-
ports, that it was by a collufion of the Roman
General, who was not difpleafed that Egypt,
getting an able and couragious General, fhould
be in a condition to make the greater refiftance,
and fo furnish him with a pretence to pay him-
felf the dearer for his fervices. Archelaus come
to Alexandria, married the Queen, was ac-
knowledged for King, and prepared himſelf to
defend the crown juft fet upon his head.
Anthony
Gabinius, on his fide, began his march, and
feconded by croffed Judea. The entrance into Egypt was
Hyrcanus
and Anti. difficult, and gave almoft more uneafinefs to
pater forces the Romans than the war itfelf. They were
the paſſages to pass through dry and fandy countries, which
of Egypt formed a defile between the lake Serbonida and
Peluftum. the fea, and at the going out of this neck of
and takes
Dio. Plut,
Joſeph,
land
}
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls H.
341
*
Ant. C. 55.
land is Pelufium
a very strong place, and A. R. 697.
furniſhed with a numerous garrifon. Anthony
was detached with the horfe, to prepare the
way of the whole army, and feconded by An-
tipater, Miniſter of Hyrcanus, he fucceeded
perfectly well. This Idumæan able and intel-
ligent, not only furniſhed him with money,
arms, and provifions; but made the conqueft
of Pelufium eafy to him, by gaining the Jews,
who guarded the approaches to it. There were
a great number of them fettled in thefe Can-
tons, where they had even a temple built by.
Onias of the model of that of Jerufalem. The
Pelufiotes had reafon tò rejoice that they were
fallen under the power of Anthony; for Pto-
lomy, a mean and cruel Prince, would have
fatisfied his revenge on them by plundering
and murder. Anthony prevented it, and faved
the city he had taken. Gabinius being ar-
rived at Pelufium, entered into Egypt with his
army divided into two bodies.
Val Max
IX.
He would perhaps have found a refiftance The bafe-
capable of ſtopping him for a long time, if nefs and
the Alexandrians Bravery had answered to that of the
effeminacy
of their King's. But this people the moſt Alexan-
audacious and moft rafh that ever were known drians.
in all feditions, were very little fit for war. The x. 1.
labours of it eſpecially made them afraid; and
it is reported, that Archelaus having ordered
them to fortify a camp, they cried out, that
he ought to have bargained with undertakers
for that work. It may be readily conceived,
that fuch troops could not hold out againſt the
Romans.
* Damietta,
Z3
However
342
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697.
Archelaus
is killed
However they fought ſeveral battles, in
Ant. C. 55 which Anthony always very much diftinguiſh-
ed himſelf. At length, Archelaus being kill-
and Prolo- ed in an action, Gabinius remained mafter both
my re-ef of the city of Alexandria, and of all the king-
tabliſhed.
doms of Egypt, which he gave up to Pto-
lomy. Anthony, who was generous and hu-
mane, cauſed the body of Archelaus to be
fought for, with whom he was allied by the
rights of hofpitality, and gave him funeral
honours with great pomp. This attention
and reſpect to the duties of friendſhip, not-
withſtanding the oppofition of different parties
and interefts, gained Anthony much praife.
Ptolomy had not a foul noble enough to de-
ferve the like. In the firft place he put to
death his daughter Berenice, and afterwards the
principal and richeft of the Alexandrians. Be-
fides the motive of revenge, he was glad to
find among their ſpoils wherewithal to ſatisfy
the engagements he had entered into with Gå-
binius.
This General did not continue long in
Egypt, but feveral of his foldiers remained
there, gained, without doubt, by the promifes
and money of Ptolomy, who could not confide
in his own fubjects, and thought, he could not.
maintain himſelf upon the throne, without the
help of thoſe who had again put him in pof-
feffion of it. Thefe Romans fettled themfelves.
Cæf. de B. at Alexandria, and married there, and Cæfar
Cic. III. eight years after found them become true Alex-
andrians, and that they had almoft totally for-
got the Roman manners.
110.
New trou-
bles in
Judea.
New troubles in Judea recalled Gabinius thi-
ther. When he went into Egypt, he had left
his fon Sifenna to command in his abfence,
who
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
343
Ant. C. 55.
who was very young without experience, and A. R. 697.
without authority. Alexander the fon of Ari- The defeat
ftobulus took advantage of fo favourable an of Alex-
opportunity once more to raiſe the whole coun- ander, the
Son of Ari-
try, and he began efpecially to fall upon the Robulus.
Romans. Thoſe who could eſcape him retired Jofeph.
to mount Garizim, and he befieged them there
with an army, which muſt have been very nu-
merous, fince after Antipater had debauched a
great part of it, he had thirty thouſand men
remaining. Notwithſtanding the diminution
of his forces, he waited for Gabinius, with re-
folution. When the battle came on, he was
vanquished, and this laft revolt as well as the
former, could not but add to the yoke of the
Jews, and make them ftill more dependent on
the dominion of the Romans.
+
Gabinius, after he had difpofed affairs in Gabinius is
Judea and Jerufalem, as he had agreed with obliged to
yield the
Antipater, marched againſt the Arabs, who, in command
his abfence, had given a good deal of trouble of his army
to Syria by their courfes. He obtained fome to Craffus.
advantages over them, and afterwards prepared Dio.
to carry the war among the Parthians, accord-
ing to his antient plan, when a Lieutenant of
Craffus arrived, who came in his name to take
the command of the army. Gabinius would
not acknowledge or receive this Officer, as if
he had defigned to perpetuate himſelf in his
employment: And this perhaps was what en-
gaged Craffus to haften his departure. Gabi-
nius did not judge it would be proper to wait
for him; but before he retired, he revenged
himſelf by fending back Mithridates and Or-
fanes, and fo depriving Craffus of the affiſtance
he might have had from them in the war a-
gainſt the Parthians. As this action was black
+
Z 4
in
344
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697. in itſelf, and capable of exafperating the Ro-
Ant. C. 55. man army, he cauſed a report to be ſpread, that
they had fled,
A general Gabinius was to return to Italy, and this
difguft in
mens minds gave him much uneafinefs. The minds of
at Rome a men in general were difgufted against him,
gainst Ga. He had not dared to write to Rome, to give
binius. an account of the re-eſtabliſhment of Ptolomy.
But when the news of it arrived there by pub
lic report, the People were extremely enraged
at the contempt he had fhewn for religion, and
the oracle of the Sybil. The Senate, a long
time irritated againſt him, could not forgive
his trampling their authority under foot, The
Publicans, to whom he had fhewn himſelf an
implacable enemy, cried out aloud against him,
And even the Syrians complained, either of
his unjuft acts, or of the ravages he had ex-
pofed them to from the Arabs, by going out
of his Province. Cicero, to fo many fubjects
of difcontent, joined violent invectives, and,
without doubt, would have obtained a decree
of the Senate againſt Gabinius, if the Confuls
Pompey and Craffus had not powerfully pro-
tected him; Pompey through the effect of his
antient friendſhip for a man, who had been al-
ways attached to him; and Craffus, as much
through a confideration for his Collegue, as on
account of the money, that he had received
from the culpable perfon.
This firft ftorm was thus blown over; but it
was renewed the year following, which had
for Confuls L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and Ap.
Claudius Pulcher.
L. DOMITIUS
DOMITIUS, CLAUDIUS, Confuls.
345
:
L. DOMITHUS AHENOBARBUS.
AP. CLAUDIUS PULCHER.
A. R. 698.
Ant. C. 54..
Of the two Confuls, the firſt, devoted at all The cha-
times to the Ariftocratical party, made it his racters of
glory to be a declared enemy to the Trium-the two
viral League, which had even made him miſs
Confuls.
the Confulſhip the preceding year. The fecond
was a man undetermined, a friend of Pompey
to a certain point, acceffible to corruption and
preſents, nevertheleſs capable, through vanity,
and a perverfenefs of temper, to affect ſeverity,
and make a fhew of being a lover of liberty
and the laws. Thus Gabinius was fure of ha-
ving Domitius againſt him, and could ſcarce
reckon upon the protection of Appius.
ad Q.
Although he had remitted to Rome very Gabinius
confiderable fums to all thofe of whom he returns to
thought he ſhould ftand in need, yet his con- Rome.
ſcience ſo terrified him, that he protracted his Dio. Cic.
journey as long as ever he was able. He did Fr. III.
not arrive till the latter end of September, en-
tered the city in the night, and paffed fome
time fhut up in his houfe, without daring to
fhew himſelf. However he was obliged to
come to the Senate, according to custom, to
lay before it the ſtate of the enemies forces, and
that of the Roman troops which he had left in
his Province. He was extremely ill treated,
eſpecially by Cicero, againſt whom he had no
other refource, than to reproach him with his
exile. At this word all the Senate moved
with indignation roſe up, and taking the part
of Cicero, loaded Gabinius with outcries and
menaces: and fo the Affembly parted.
}
There
346
DOMITIUS, CLAUDIUS, Confult.
A. R. 698.
Ant. C. 54.
He is ac-
Lefe-Ma-
There was a ftruggle who fhould accufe a
man fo odious and fo criminal. Three com-
cufed of the panies (for it was the practice in Rome, that
crime of a principal accufer got himſelf ſupported by
public
feveral feconds) prefented themſelves to the
jefty, and Prætor, who had the cognizance of the crime
acquitted. of public Lefe-Majefty, and demanded that
they may be permitted to accufe Gabinius.
Cicero had a great defire to have put him-
felf among this number, but was withheld by
his confideration of Pompey, who was fo far
from being difpofed to approve of his accu
fing Gabinius, that he even preffed him to re-
concile himſelf to him. Our orator for that
time refuſed the reconciliation; but he thought
he ought not to oppofe Pompey fo far as to
become an accufer.
VIII. 1.
Among thoſe who undertook to accufe Ga-
binius, was C. Memmius a Tribune of the
People, who as a prelude to the accufation in
form, inveighed against him in an Affembly
with fo much vehemence, that the multitude
tranſported with rage, were juft ready to call
Val. Max. out for the puniſhment of the criminal. Si-
fenna, the ſon of Gabinius, came, in the pre-
fence of every body, and threw himſelf at the
feet of the Tribune, and in the motion he
made to embrace his knees, the gold ring he
had upon his finger fell off. The fight of this
young man thus proftrate and humbling him-
felf, began to foften the People; and the
haughtiness of Memmius, who repulfed Si-
ſenna roughly made an end of changing the
hatred they before bore to Gabinius into com-
miferation,
:
I know
DOMITIUS, CLAUDIUS, Confuls.
347
I know not whether this adventure contri- A. R. 698.
Ant. C. 54.
buted to prevent the Judges giving the part
of accufer to Memmius, but Q. Lentulus was
preferred to him. This was the perfon Ga-Cic.
binius would have chofen himſelf had it been
in his power. A man without talents, who
acted in this affair with much coolneſs, and
who indeed pleaded very ill. The public re-
port accuſed him of having an underſtanding
with the perfon whom he profecuted. Never-
theleſs the cauſe of Gabinius was fo bad, his
contravention to a decree of the Senate, and
oracle acknowledged for divine, fo pofitive,
that it ſeemed impoffible for him to avoid con-
demnation. Very grave witneffes, and Cicero
among the reft, charged him home. But the
protection of Pompey, who then did every
thing, and the money of the accuſed, triumph-
ed over all laws, rules, judgments and public
honour. Gabinius was abfolved by a majority
of thirty-eight voices against thirty-two.
+
1
A judgment fo unjuft exafperated all men: The public
And as Gabinius, befides the crime of Lefe- indignation
Majefty, of which he was juft acquitted, had against
ftill to anſwer to two other accufations, that of
this infa
mous judg
canvaffing, and that of concuffion, Cicero fore- ment.
told from that time that he muft fink under
one of them. An unforeſeen event, and wholly
ſtrange, did him great harm, and enflamed the
People's indignation against him afresh. The
Tiber overflowed its banks, and did much mif-
chief in the city. This, by the multitude, was
looked upon as a proof of the wrath of the
gods: And the cauſe was immediately attribut-
ed to the impunity of the Judges for having
fuffered an impious wretch to eſcape who had
defpifed the oracles of heaven.
In
348
DOMITIUS, CLAUDIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 698.
Ant. C. 54.
}
In theſe circumftances he was obliged to ap-
He is ac- pear before the tribunal of Cato, then Prætor,
cuſed of to anſwer to the accufation of concuffion. In
concuffion. this fecond affair, he had (who could believe
pleads for it?) Cicero for a defender. Pompey was de-
bim. firous that Cicero fhould have undertaken the
Dio. Cic. cauſe of Gabinius, when accuſed of Lefe-Ma-
Cicero
jefty. Cicero defended himſelf againſt it, and
in writing to his brother, protefted that as long
as he could preſerve the leaſt ſhadow of liber-
ty, he would never take fuch a ſtep. He
looked upon it, with reaſon, as an infamous
thing to plead for a guilty perſon, whom he
had cauſe to hate, and againſt whom he had
ſpoke freely on all occafions. But this time
Pompey redoubled his inftances, and exacted
from him with all his power, that he fhould
ſhare with him, in the diſhonour of protecting
a criminal hated by gods and men. Cicero
had already made fo many falfe fteps, that he
thought himſelf as it were obliged ftill to add
this to them. Gabinius had himfelf, for fome
time, been endeavouring to ſoften Cicero.
And when Cicero in the laft affair had attack-
ed him with a warm depofition, the accufed,
inſtead of anſwering in the fame tone, declar-
ed that if he got over that bufinefs with ho-
nour, and was permitted to live in the city, he
would endeavour to regain his friendſhip.
This proteftation fo obliging and fo fubmif-
five pleafed Cicero, and Pompey, returning to
the charge in a manner not to be refufed,
overcame at length all his repugnance. This
was not the firft time that he had undertaken
cauſes, which he himſelf had acknowledg-
ed were bad. He therefore pleaded for Gabi-
nius.
Pompey
;
DOMITIUS, CLAUDIUS, Confuls.
349
Ant. C. 54.
Pompey joined all his power to the eloquence A. R. 698.
of Cicero. As in quality of Proconful he could Gabinius
not enter Rome, he caufed the People to be is condemn-
invited to affemble themſelves without the city, ed.
and harangued ftrongly in favour of the ac-
cufed. He obtained letters of recommenda-
tion from Cæſar, he folicited the Judges him-
felf. But the People ftruck with the fear of
celeftial wrath, would not eafily fuffer their
victim to be taken from them. On the other
hand, Gabinius, who had eſcaped from a greater
danger than he now thought himſelf in, was
more fparing in his expences, and did not be-
ftow very abundant largeffes on the Judges.
He was condemned, and obliged to go into
exile, where he remained till the war between
Cæfar and Pompey. Cicero had therefore the
difgrace of being found falfe with regard to
Gabinius, not out of generofity, for that might
have been laudable, but through a fervile com-
plaifance to power.
in the like
manner by
Cic. ad
He had defended this fame year, with as lit- Vatinius
tle honour, but more fuccefs, another of his defended
old enemies, whom he fovereignly defpifed.
This was Vatinius. In the preceding year, Cicero,
while this unworthy competitor of Cato dif- and ac-
puted the Prætorfhip with him, Cicero had of- quitted.
ten times uſed him ill in the Senate. But when Fam. I. 9
he had carried it by voices, as I have related
above, the fame Cicero, at the defire of Pom-
pey, who always weakened him, reconciled
himſelf to Vatinius. From thence he had but
one more ftep to take, when he was accufed of
canvafing at his going out of the Prætorſhip.
Cæfar came to his fupport, and that was a fo-
licitation very powerful with Cicero, who was
careful in preferving fuch a friend, and whofe
brother
350
DOMITIUS, CLAUDIUS, Confuls.
Ant. C, 54.
A. R. 698. brother ferved him as Lieutenant-General in
Gaul. Laftly, the careffes and marks of be-
nevolence, that the zealous Republicans con-
tinued to laviſh upon Clodius, fenfibly piqued
our orator; and he was glad, as he declared
himſelf in pleading, to pique them in his turn,
and turn the tables upon them by favouring
Vatinius. He therefore prevailed upon him-
felf to undertake the cauſe of a man equally
odious and defpicable, and whofe crime was
more evident than the fun at noon-day. No
eloquence could have been fufficient to have
faved him from puniſhment; but the trium-
viral faction fucceeded in it. The accufer, a
man of wit, difplayed his talents, which were
great, and which had fecured him an honour-
able rank among the moſt celebrated orators of
his age. All the endeavours of Calvus failed
againſt the authority of Cæfar and Pompey.
Vatinius was abfolved.
The great
grief with
cero is
The pleading of Calvus on this occafion, is
often cited with praiſe by the Antients: But we
have not thofe of Cicero for Gabinius and Va-
tinius; and it ſeems he had only left among
his papers fome ſketches of them without their
being poliſhed, and without his having put the
laft hand to them. It is probable that ſhame
would not permit him to make them public.
For he was not capable of blinding himfelf
to his errors, he felt them. Underſtanding
which Ci- never failed him, but his courage did not an-
touched in fwer to it. And he fighed bitterly for it. He
being ob- complains to his brother of the fervitude în
liged to de- which he lived, fo far as not to be at liberty
even in his hatred, and that at a time when he
Cic. ad Qought to be the arbiter of the greateſt affairs in
Fr. III. 5: the Commonwealth. Pliny has preſerved to us
fend his
enemies.
Plin. Præt.
Hiit. Nat.
}
a cele-
DOMITIUS, CLAUDIUS, Confuls.
351
Ant. C. 54,
a celebrated faying of his, which expreffes the A. R. 698.
fame fentiment. Cicero comparing his fitua-
tion with that of Cato, who was refpected even
by thoſe who were very far from imitating his
virtue: O Cato (a) cried he, how happy are you,
who have no body that dare ask any thing of you
that is contrary to honour! He might have been
as happy; he only wanted refolution.
?
The confequences of the affair of Gabinius
have brought me thus far; I muſt now go back,
and refume the exploits of Cæfar, in his third
campaign, where we ftoped.
(a) O tę felicem, M. Porci! à quo rem improbam nemo
petere audet.
BOOK
[ 352 ]
BOOK THE FORTY FIRST.
THE
ROMAN HISTORY.
F
OUR campaigns of Cæfar in the Gauls.
The unhappy expedition of Craffus a-
gainſt the Parthians. In the years of
Rome 696 to 699.
SECT. I..
The State of the Gauls after Cæfar's two first
campaigns. The Veneti form a powerful
league against the Romans. Cæfar diftributes
bis forces in different parts of Gaul, and goes
in person against the Veneti. A fea-fight,
wherein the Veneti are vanquished. They fur-
render at difcretion, and are treated with ri-
gour. The victory of Sabinus, Cafar's Lieu-
tenant, over three nations allied to the Veneti.
The Aquitani fubdued by P. Craffus. Cæfar
undertakes to bring under his yoke the Mo-
rini, and the Menapii, but is stopped by the
bad weather.
CN. COR-
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
353
A. R. 696.
CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS MARCELLINUS. Ant. C. 56.
E. MARCIUS PHILIPPUS.
GAUL feemed to be almoft fubdued by The fate
the exploits of the two firſt campaigns of after Ca
Cæfar. The Helvetii vanquished, and forced far's tuo
to return to their own country; the Germans firſt cam-
drove beyond the Rhine; the numerous ar-paigns.
mies of the Belge diffipated and deſtroyed,
and their towns brought to a compofition, or
taken by force; fo many and fo great victo-
ries had rendered the Romans mafters of all
the country which extends from the lake of
Geneva and the Rhone, to the German ocean,
and the very heart of Gaul. At the fame Cæf. de
time that Cæfar made war in perſon againſt B. G. II.
the Belgæ, P. Craffus, one of his Lieutenants, 34
had over-run the weſtern part of Gaul, which
we at this time call Normandy, Maine, An-
jou, Bretagne; and had obliged the people
of thefe countries to acknowledge the Ro-
man Empire, and give hoftages. But the
love of liberty, and the hatred of a foreign
dominion, were not fentiments to be eaſily
extinguiſhed among the Gauls; and particu-
larly, the people who had treated with Craf
fus having been rather furprized by a fudden
terror, than vanquished by force, made no
fcruple to revolt.
The Veneti* gave the fignal for the rebel- The Veneti
lion. This nation was very powerful, efpeci-form a
ally in its naval forces. They had many fhips, powerful
with which they carried on a trade to Great-league a-
Britain. They furpaffed their neighbours in Romans.
gainst the
*
Thofe of Vannes.
VOL. XII.
A a
Cæf. de
B. Gall.
ſkill L. III.
354
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A. R. 696. fkill and experience in maritime affairs; and
Ant. C. 56.
as their coaft had but a ſmall number of Ports,
of which they were the fole mafters, they gave
law to all who navigated in thoſe feas, and
drew tribute from them. P. Craffus, who had
eſtabliſhed his winter-quarters in Anjou, and
who wanted proviſions, having ſent two officers
to them to demand corn, the Veneti kept them
priſoners, and their example was followed by
the Curiofolites *, and the Eufubii †, who had
received Deputies from Craffus charged with
the fame orders. Theſe three people uniting
for the defence of their liberty, foon made fe-
veral others enter into the fame league; and
they all declared, with one common confent,
to Craffus, that he muft return their hoftages,
if he expected to have his Deputies reſtored.
Cæfar informed of theſe movements by
Craffus, uſed his accuftomed fpeed. Although
he was at a great diftance [, nevertheless, he
immediately gave orders to build a fleet upon
the Loire, and to take rowers, failors, and pi-
lots out of the Roman province. He alſo
commanded thofe of Poitou and Saintonge,
who continued obedient, to furnish him with
fhips, after which he came with expedition,
and put himſelf at the head of his army.
His arrival did not intimidate the Veneti,
but made them endeavour to ftrengthen them-
felves with a great number of Allies; and they
fucceeded fo well, that all the people of the
coaft, from Montz to the mouth of the Rhine,
* Thofe of Cornwal.
↑ This name is unknown
Some have thought that it
ought to be read Lexobios, (in
Cæfar's text) thofe of Lisieux.
Cæfar does not tell us
precisely where he was. So
I have left the expreffion in
general
entered
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
355
entered into the confederation. They even A. R. 696.
Ant. C. 56
brought fuccours from Great-Britain.
Theſe forces were confiderable, and might
eaſily have increaſed by the junction of ſeveral
other Gaulish people, who bore their yoke
with impatience, or apprehended to fee them-
felves foon fubdued.
Cæfar, to reſtrain thoſe who had not yet Cafar
declared themſelves, and farther, to hinder the diftributes
Confederates from uniting together in one his forces
army, took the method of dividing his troops, parts of
in different
and difperfing them in different parts of Gaul. Gaul, and
He fent Labienus towards Treves with a bodygoes him-
of cavalry. P. Craffus, at the head of twelveſelf in per-
legionary cohorts, paffed Garonne, and entered the Veneti.
Son against
into Aquitaine. Another Lieutenant-General,
named Q. Titurius Sabinus, was charged with
three legions, to give employment among them
to the people, who inhabited the coafts which
we call Lower-Bretagne and of Normandy as
far as Lifieux. D. Brutus was named Com-
mander of the fleet that was to fight the Ve-
neti, and Cæfar himſelf brought againſt them
the land-forces.
He laid fiege to feveral of their places, but
with much pain and very little fuccefs. The
greateſt part of their towns were built on pro-
montories, and points of land, whofe foot was
waſhed by the waters of the fea at high tide,
and open when it was low. Thus neither the
land-forces could attack theſe places under wa-
ter for fix hours, nor the fhips keep before
them, becauſe it was dry for the fix hours
following. And when the Romans by immenſe
works had raiſed dikes that might stay the
flood, the Veneti retreated with all their peo-
A a 2
ple,
356
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
1
A. R. 966. ple, and all their provifions to their fhips, and
went and ſhut themfelves up in another place.
Ant. C. 56.
A fea-
fight,
wherein
the Veneti
are van-
Cæfar apprehended he fhould give himſelf
unneceffary trouble, and that he could not re-
duce the Veneti but by a naval battle. He
took therefore the method of waiting for his
quished. fleet; and when it was arrived, the enemy did
not delay to come out of their ports to fight.
They had great confidence in their marine;
and came to fall upon the Romans with two
hundred and twenty veffels, very well equipt,
and built in the moſt commodious manner for
riding at ſea.
at fea. Theſe were ſhips of high fides,
which went with fails, and whoſe bottoms were
yet flat enough to put them out of danger of
running a-ground at low water. The Ro-
mans, on the contrary, had only gallies fo
low, that even the towers that they placed up-
on them could hardly reach the fides of the
enemies fhips. Thus they fuffered more from
the darts thrown by the Gauls, and could fcarce
do them any damage by thoſe which they
lanched up to them from beneath them. Their
only reſource was to come to board them, when
the bravery of their foldiers, and the number
of their veffels might give them the fuperio-
rity. To bring the combat to this point, this
was the expedient they made uſe of.
They had fcythes very fharp, and faftened
to long poles, with which they laid hold on
the cordage that tied the yards to the mafts,
then getting farther off by the help of their
oars, they broke or cut the ropes which the
ſcythes hung on. The yards fell; having no
longer any fails, the Gaulifh veffels became im-
moveable, and it was impoffible to work them.
Two or three Roman gallies then going round
them,
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
357
Ant. C. 56.
them, the Roman foldiers jumped into them A. R. 696.
on all fides, and their valour being animated
by the fight of Cæfar himſelf and the whole
land-army, which covered all the neighbouring
fhores, eafily triumphed over the enemy, al-
ready half vanquished by the lofs they fuf-
tained at the firft onfet. A great number of
the Gauliſh veffels being forced in this manner,
the others thought of betaking themſelves to
flight, but there happened a calm all on a
fudden, which delivered them up to their con-
querors. The night only faved fome of them,
all the reſt were taken by the Romans.
and are
This battle made an end of the war, for all They fur-?
the forces of the nation of the Veneti were render at
affembled in this fleet. They had loft all difcretion,
their youth, all who were eminent among treated
them by their rank or authority, all their fhips. with ri-
They were obliged to furrender at difcretion.gour.
Cæfar treated them with rigour, as being guilty
of having violated the law of nations, in the
perfons of thoſe Roman officers who had been
fent to them by P. Craffus, and whom they
had retained prifoners. He pretended, that it
was neceffary to teach thefe Barbarians to re-
ſpect those who were inveſted with public
characters. I know not whether this was
not a little too lofty concerning men whofe
commiffion reduced them to buy corn, and
whether the Roman pride and haughtiness did
not influence Cæfar too much in the judgment
he made and exerciſed on this occafion. Be
that as it may, the unhappy Veneti were the
victims to it. All their Senators were put to
death, and the reft of them fold by outcry,
Аа
A a 3
The
...
358
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
A.R. 696.
The victory
nant, over
three na-
>
The arms of Cæfar profpered on every fide.
Ant. C. 56. At the fame time that he vanquifhed the Veneti,
of Sabinus, Titurius Sabinus gained a great battle over the
Cafar's Unelli the Eburovices +, and the Lexovii
Lieute- united. The rage of the two laft people for
the war was fo furious, that they had maffacred
tions allied their Senate, for having oppofed it. After
to the Ve- this cruel execution they joined their troops to
thoſe of the Unelli, whofe Chief Viridovix was
acknowledged for Generaliffimo of the army of
the three nations. Under his command they
marched to the Romans, and came and poſted
themſelves within two thouſand paces of their
camp, dared them to the combat, and every
day reviewed their numerous troops within
their fight.
neti.
Sabinus conducted himſelf like an able and
a prudent officer. He thought it was not pro-
per for a fimple Lieutenant, in the abſence of
his General, to hazard, without neceffity, a
battle againſt an army much ftronger in num-
ber than his own. Therefore, in fpight of the
bravado's of the enemies, and the difcontent
of his own foldiers, he kept himſelf cloſe in
his camp, being glad, by this appearance of ti-
midity, to augment the contempt that the Gauls
had for him. He went farther; he fent away
a pretended deferter, who gave them falſe in-
telligence, and faid, that Cæfar was very much
embarraffed to fupport the war againſt the
Veneti, and that Sabinus was the next night
to ſteal privately out of his camp, and march
to the fuccour of his General. This account
had nothing in it but what was probable; and,
*The people of Cotentin.
†Thofe of Eureux.
on
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
359
on the other hand, they eafily believed what A. R. 696.
Ant. C. 56.
they wifhed. Thus the Gauls, full of joy and
confidence, forced their Generals to lead them
on immediately to attack the camp of the Ro-
mans. They made provifions of fafcines to
fill the foffes, and advanced as to certain victory.
This
The Romans were encamped upon an emi-
nence. Our Gauls mounted with precipitation,
and arrived there quite out of breath. In an
inſtant Sabinus caufed all his troops to fally
out upon them at two gates at once.
fally was fo brifk, that the affailants, fatigued
by too rude a march, and encumbered with the
faſcines, they brought along with them, could
not even ſupport the firſt ſhock. They took
to flight, leaving a great number dead upon
the place. The Roman cavalry purſued them,
and made an end of deſtroying this numerous
army, in fuch a manner that there eſcaped but
a very ſmall party of it.
The Gauls were as foon difcouraged by dif
grace, as they were ardent at firft in under-
taking the war. Thus this defeat totally quel-
ed this vanquished nation, and they fubmitted
themſelves to Sabinus.
P. Craffus did not fucceed lefs happily in The Aqui-
Aquitaine. He gained a battle, took an im-tani fub-
dued by P.
portant city, and forced a camp. I will not Craffus.
ftop to give a detail of his exploits. I fhall
only obferve, that the enemy he vanquished
made a very fine defence. The Sotiates *, See Vol X.
whom he attacked the firft, had a great fhare in B. xxxiv.
the defeat of L. Manilius, Proconful of Nar-
* Sanlon pretends that the
city of the Sotiates was Lei-
toure. Others think a vef
tige of the name of this an-
tient people is found in the
village of fos en Eftarac.
A a 4
bonenfian.
'360'
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
Ana, C. 56.
A. R. 696. bonenfian Gaul, at the time of the war of
Sertorius. Proud of this victory, they fought
againſt Craffus with the more courage; and af-
ter they were vanquished, they fhut themſelves
up in their city, where they maintained the
fiege with great bravery. They gave proofs
of their valour in feveral fallies; and as they
knew perfectly well the ufe of mines, they
carried fome under the works of the befiegers.
All was ineffectual, and they were obliged to
furrender to Craffus, who difarmed them.
The defeat of the Sotiates, and the taking
their city, was a warning to the other people.
of Aquitaine to unite themfelves againſt the
Conqueror. They even implored the affiftance of
the Spaniards their neighbours, and got fome of
the perfons raiſed by the great Sertorius to come
and command them. Under thefe new chiefs,
war was not made with the impetuofity and
fury commonly uſed by the Barbarians. They
avoided coming to an engagement, and kept
themſelves in a camp well fortified, being will-
ing to keep the advantage they had of making
war in a country that was their friend, and
upon their land, and to ruin their enemies by
length of time, fince they were conſtrained
to get their provifions far off, and with much.
difficulty. This was what obliged Craffus to
affault their camp; and he would have found
a good deal of trouble to have forced it, if the
rear of this camp had been guarded with care.
But it was neglected; and Craffus, who had
notice of it, fent his cavalry there with four
cohorts of referve. Thefe troops entered into
the enemies camp without refiftance, and the
Aquitani, encompaffed behind, attacked with
vigour before, found they were not in a condi
tion
CORNELIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls.
361
tion to defend themſelves; but were cut to A. R. 696.
Ant. C. 56.
pieces. Of fifty thouſand, there hardly re-
mained the fourth part. The fruit of this
victory was the fubmiffion of all the Aquitani,
except fome few drawn back, and hid in the
Pyrenees.
This was the laft fervice that P. Craffus ren-
dered Cæfar. He went afterwards to Rome,
and even carried thither a confiderable number
of foldiers for the fupport of Pompey and Craf
fus, in their demanding the Confulfhip, and
then followed his father in the unfortunate ex-
pedition againſt the Parthians.
*
bad wea-
When Cæfar had finifhed the war with the Cafar un-
Veneti, the ſeaſon was far advanced : Never- dertakes to
theleſs as the Morini and the Menapii
bring un-
, peo- der his
ple fituated in the northern part of Gaul, after yoke the
having entered into the league, which was juft Morini
diffipated and overcome, had not yet taken and the
any ſtep to fhew their fubmiffion to the Ro- but is top-
Menapii
mans. Cæfar, who thought he had done no-ed by the
thing (a) while there remained any thing to
do, marched against them to make a complete
end of his victory. He found more difficulty
in it than he expected. Thefe People, by
example of others, apprehended that no Gaulith
army could hold out a campaign againſt the
Romans; and as their country was all covered
with woods and moraffes, they retired thither
with all their effects.
Cæfar arrived at the entrance of theſe woods,
and began to fortify a camp.
* The Morini inhabited a-
long the fea, between the
Somme and the Scheld. The
Menapii in the time of Cæfar
occupied the two banks of the
The Gauls made
Rhine below the place where
Cologn has been fince built.
(a) Nil actum credens,
dum quid fupereffet agen-
dum. Lucan. II. 657.
a fally
ther.
362
CORNEIUS, MARCIUS, Confuls
A. R. 696. a fally upon their workmen : He engaged them
Ant. C. 56. in a battle, in which finding themſelves preffed,
they made to their retreats. The ardour of the
victory made the Romans follow them thither;
but they found they did wrong, and in theſe
incumbered roads they loft feveral of their
braveft foldiers.
No obſtacles could ftop Cæfar. He refolved
to lay low theſe immenfe forefts, and with the
trees that he cut down he made a kind of ram-
parts, placing them on both fides his army to
cover the flanks of it againſt the fudden in
curfions of the Barbarians. He had already
cleared a very great ſpace of ground with in-
credible diligence, and was got as far as the
place where the enemies cattle and baggage
were, fo that they were forced to plunge them-
felves into forefts that were thicker and deeper.
But the bad weather that came on, and the
continual rains, would not allow him to keep
his army any longer without fhelter. He was
obliged to yield to neceffity, and leave his vic-
tory imperfect. But he ravaged the country,
and burnt the villages and all the houſes of
theſe unhappy people; after which he retired;
and diſtributed his troops in winter quarters
upon the lands of the Aulerci *, and of other
people newly fubdued.
*The Aulerci Eburovices are those of Evreux, the Aulerci
Cenomani thofe of Maine.
t
SECT.
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
363
SECT. II.
Gaul continues peaceable through neceffity. The
Ufipii and the Tentteri, People of Germany
pafs the Rhine. Cæfar marches against them.
A negotiation begun between thefe People and
Cæfar, but broke off by a battle, without its
being clear which fide was in fault. The Ger-
mans are furprized by Cæfar and entirely de-
feated. Cæfar refolves to pass the Rhine. His
motives for fo doing. The defcription of a
bridge built over the Rhine by Cæfar. His
exploits in Germany, reduced to a ſmall com-
pass. He forms the defign of going over into
"Great-Britain. His motives for it. He pre-
pares every thing for his paffage. He departs.
The battle on his landing. The fubmiſſive be-
haviour on the fide of the Barbarians. The
cavalry of Cæfar cannot land. His fleet is ill
ufed by the high tides. The Barbarians renew
the war. The ufe that they made of their
chariots in battle. A treaty between Cæfar
and thefe iflanders. Cafar repaffes into Gaul.
CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS II.
M. LICINIUS CRASSUS II.
A. R. 697,
Ant. C. 55.
GAUL did not much exerciſe the activity Gaul con-
of Cæfar during the year that Pompey tinues
and Craffus were Confuls for the fecond time, peaceable
Attacked fucceffively on all fides, undergoing neceffity
through
neceſſity.
one after another, ſo many violent defeats,
their aſtoniſhment, their difmay, and above all
their weakneſs from the loffes they had fuf-
tained, forced them to remain quiet and fub-
miffive, at leaſt for a time. Two German na-
1
tions
364
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
Ant. C. 55.
A. R. 697. tions came, as it were, to relieve them, and
preſent an occafion to Cæfar of avoiding that
repoſe, which was infupportable to him.
The Ufipii
and the
Tenderi
People of
Germany
pass the
Rhine.
The Ufipii and Teneteri were neighbours of
the Suevi, a very powerful nation who occu-
pied a great part of Germany, and who were
compofed of an hundred nations or cantons,
from each of which there went out a thouſand
Cæf. de B. men every year to make war. The Suevi were
G. L. IV. bad neighbours. They thought it was their
glory to be bounded by vaft folitudes, which
might prove that a great number of People had
not been able to fuftain their efforts. The
Tenteri and the Ufipii found themſelves in
this cafe. After having refifted the Suevi for
many years, they were drove off of their lands,
and obliged to wander here and there, for the
ſpace of three years, through different parts of
Germany, and at length arrived, during the
winter of the year we are fpeaking of, on the
banks of the Rhine, at the place inhabited by
the Menapii, who had hamlets and little villages
on both fides the river.
At the approach of this cloud of Germans
(for they were not an army, but the two na-
tions who marched in a body, men, women,
and children, to the number of above four
hundred and thirty thouſand heads) thoſe of the
Menapii who occupied the right hand bank of
the Rhine retired to this fide from the Gauls,
and difpofed their troops to hinder the enemies
paffage. The Germans having no boats, and
feeing the oppofite bank carefully guarded,
made uſe of this ftratagem. They cauſed a
report to be ſpread, that they would return to
their own country, and they actually went three
days march diftance from the river. The
Menapii
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II. 365
Ant. C. 55.
Menapii thought they were gone, and return-A. R. 697.
ed to their hamlets. But the German cavalry'
returning with ſpeed and having gained the
neighbourhood of the river in one night only,
furprized the too credulous Gauls, cut their
throats, and having feized on their boats, paff-
ed over to the other fide, before that part of
the Menapii which occupied it was informed
of what had happened. The Victors remain-
ed maſters of the country, and lived there all
the winter on the provifions they found in it.
As foon as Cæfar heard of the paffage of the Cafar
Ufipii and Tenteri, he was afraid the Gauls marches
would call theſe new-comers to their aid, and againſt
that he fhould find a war renewed more diffi-them.
cult and more dangerous than thofe which he
had put an end to with fo much trouble.
Here he accufes us Gauls of an incredible le-
vity. He ſays that they stopped travellers upon
the main road and in the streets in their towns,
and eſpecially Merchants, whom they examin-
ed about the countries they came from, and
forced them to give them anfwers, upon which
anſwers, oftentimes no better founded than on
uncertain reports, or dictated by a defire to
pleaſe, they took their meafures with regard
to their moſt important affairs, which made
them oftentimes repent very foon, when the
event fhewed them they had been deceived.
The knowledge that Cæfar had of this facility
in the Gauls to engage in any new enterprizes,
determined him to come fooner then ordinary
to put himſelf at the head of his army, that
by his prefence he might check any projects of
a revolt.
At his arrival he learnt, that, according to
his fufpicions, fome of the Gauliſh People had
already
366
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697. already fent intelligence to the Ufipii and the
Ant, C. 55-Tencteri, who, in confequence of it, had quit-
A negotia-
between
was in
fault.
ted the banks of the Rhine, and were advanced
to the lands of the Eburons* and of the Con-
drufes †, clients of thofe of Treves. Like
an able man, he feigned himfelf ignorant of
that which it was not a time to puniſh. He
called about the principal chiefs of the Gauls,
fpoke to them with benevolence, and having
demanded ſome cavalry of them, marched a-
gainſt the Germans.
When he was within a few days march of
tion begun them, he faw coming to him Ambaffadors
thefe Peo- from them, who fpoke a language, in which,
ple and
in fpight of their haughtiness and bravado's
Cefar, but after the manner of the Barbarians, it was eafy
brake off by
a battle
to perceive fome uneafinefs and fear. They
without its told him," that thoſe who ſent them had no
being clear c deſign to enter into a war with the Romans,
which fide that if they were attacked, they knew how
"to defend themſelves, having learnt from
"their fathers never to ask quarter. That
"nevertheleſs they were willing to
to pro-
"teft to him that they had not entered into
"Gaul, but againſt their inclinations, and be-
"cauſe they had been driven out of their own
"country. That if the Romans would have
"them for friends, the Ufipii and the Tenc-
"teri, might not be unufeful to them. That
they were ready either to accept of the lands
that Cæfar fhould think fit to give them, or
“to eſtabliſh themſelves upon thoſe they had
<6 conquered. That they did not yield in point
"of bravery to any but the Suevi, whom the
66
• Thoſe of Liege.
+ The Condros ftill retain that antient name.
« im-
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS Confuls II.
367
"immortal Gods themselves were not able to A. R. 697.
Ant. C. 55.
"refift; but that there were no other people
"in the world whom they were not fully per-
"fuaded they were able to overcome.
Cæfar declared plainly to them, that there
were no lands they could hope for on this fide
the Rhine: But he made a propofal to them,
that they ſhould incorporate themſelves with the
Ubii, a German People, and galled, as they
were, by the Suevi. Theſe Ubii, who at that
time inhabited upon the right bank of the
Rhine, had implored the affiftance of Cæfar,
and he would procure them a powerful rein-
forcement, without expence or trouble, by join-
ing the Ufipii and the Tenêteri to them. This
propofition of the Roman General gave
rife to
a negotiation, during which he ſtill advanced.
When he was within eight thouſand paces of
them, a battle was given by the horſe, in
which eight hundred Germans defeated and put
to flight five thousand of the Roman cavalry.
Among thoſe who periſhed on this occafion,
Cæfar particularly regretted an illuftrious Aqui-
tain, of very high birth, who had been made
a citizen of Rome, as appeared by the name of
Pifo which he bore. This brave man feeing
his brother furrounded by the enemy, ran to
him, and difengaged him. But having his
horſe wounded, was obliged to diſmount, and
having defended himfelf valiantly a long time.
on foot, was at length overpowered by num-
ber, and left dead on the place: His brother
who had retreated, feeing what had happened
at a diſtance, and not being able to furvive a
brother he tenderly loved, and who had been
his deliverer, returned full ſpeed, and throwing
himfelf
368
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697. himself in the midſt of his enemies, was killed
Ant. C. 55;
in the fame manner.
Plut. Cæf
This battle was of great importance, by the
circumftance of its having been given at a time
when there was a negotiation open between
Cæfar and the Germans. By whom he was en-
gaged, and confequently upon whom the re-
proach of perfidy ought to fall. It is a problem
that labours under fome difficulty. Cæfar
threw the fault upon the Barbarians; but feve-
ral people were perfuaded at Rome, that it was
he who had violated the faith of the treaty; and
when they were decreeing him honours in the
fenate for his exploits in this campaign, Cato
gave it for his opinion, that he fhould be de-
livered up to the Germans, that he might fuf-
fer alone the puniſhment of his infidelity, and
that the Commonwealth might not be anfwer-
able for it to gods and men.
It is difficult to decide upon a point fo ob-
fcure, and concerning which the intereft of
Cæfar, on one ſide, leffened the weight of his
evidence, and where hatred and partiality, on
the other, might carry Cato beyond due bounds.
It is known that Cæfar was not fcrupulous in
acts of morality: But his proceedings were
frank and generous, at leaſt to outward appear-
ance; and how little foever he troubled himſelf
about having truth and juftice at the bottom of
what he did, he always affected to make a fhew
of them. It muft nevertheleſs be allowed that
appearances were not for him here. It is not
probable that eight hundred horſemen fhould
be determined the firft to attack five thouſand :
And a ſtep of the Germans, which feemed to
prove their good faith, was that, the day after
the battle, they fent their deputies again to
Cæfar,
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
369
Cæfar, to make him their excufes, and to con- A. R. 697.
tinue the negotiation.
Ant. C. 55,
mans are
Cæfar kept theſe Deputies prifoners, and he The Ger-
had reaſon, if it was true, as he accuſed them,
Surprized
that they came to deceive, and amufe, him by Cafar,
with fair ſpeeches, while their nation were com- and entire-
mitting acts of hoftility againſt the Romans. ly defeated,
At the fame time, judging that the Germans
did not any longer fear being attacked, and
therefore were not much upon their guard,
while they ſent to negotiate with him, he made
his army go out of the camp, and march in or-
der of battle to the enemy. He difpofed his
troops in three lines, leaving the cavalry in the
rear, on account of the terror of which he
thought they were not yet well recovered fince
their defeat.
He found things as he had foreſeen. The
Germans were furprized, and had not the time
neceffary to put themſelves upon their defence.
fome were for continuing in the camp, and
others for going out into the open plain. Du-
ring this trouble and confufion the Romans
fell upon them, and had an eafy conqueft. It
was not a battle but a rout. After fome of the
braveft of them had ineffectually attempted to
make a flight reſiſtance, all were put to flight.
The women and children, who covered all the
place, were maffacred by the Roman cavalry.
The others purfued as far as the conflux of the
Meuſe and Rhine, threw themſelves precipitate-
ly into thoſe rivers, and almoſt all perished, fo
that of this prodigious multitude very few ef
caped. The Romans did not lofe one man,
and had but a very fmall number wounded.
It was at that time that Cæfar refolved to pass the
paſs the Rhine. He relates different motives Rhine.
4
Cæfar re-
Solves to
VOL. XII.
B b
which His me-
tives.
370
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
Ant. C.. 55.
A. R. 697. which determined him to it; but it may be
fufpected, that he concealed the true one, which
was nothing but an immoderate defire of a new
kind of glory, and the inclination he had to
make a noife. The Rhine and Germany were
then very little known to the Romans. It was
therefore a fingular and very fhining honour
to be the firſt who paffed that great river, and
carried terror into a barbarous country, with
which Rome had almoft never had any com-
merce till that time.
The reaſons alledged by Cæfar are neverthe-
leſs not altogether void of folidity. The firft,
and, according to him, the moſt juſt, was, that
ſeeing the Germans fo eaſily brought them-
felves to pass the Rhine, and come into Gaul,
he was glad to let them know, that they might
alſo fear to ſee the enemy in their territories.
Moreover the cavalry of the Ufipii and Tenc-
teri, who were not found in the battle, becaufe
they had been ſent feveral days before on the
other fide the Meufe to plunder the country,
and bring away forage, had retreated after the
victory of Cæfar, beyond the Rhine among
the Sicambri: And the Victor having demand-
ed that theſe fugitives fhould be delivered up
to him, the Sicambri anſwered that the Rhine
bounded the Roman Dominions, and that if
the Romans pretended to prohibit the paffage
of the Germanic nations, they ought to fub-
mit to the fame law, and not to arrogate to
themſelves any right or authority beyond that
river. Laftly, the Ubii, continually harraffed
by the Suevi, defired Cæfar to fhew himſelf
in Germany, maintaining, that that ſtep alone
would be fufficient to procure them repoſe ever
after.
}
:
L
I.
D
****
H
H
-D
Rollin's Rom. Hift. Vol. XII. To face page 371.
E
CÆSAR'S Bridge over the Rhine near Cologn.
A Pair of Stakes above, which incline towards ý
other that are below, at 40 Feet Distance.
е
B Pair of Stakes below, which incline to those above.
Ċ The Beam that is extended in the Interval
l'etween the Stakes.
D ASpur or Stacado, put above in y Course of y River
to break off whatever may Obstruct its Current.
E Pieces of Wood in y form of Buttresses to support
the Stakes below against i force of the Water
F One of & Ends of y Bridge, w. is left uncovered to
shen & Girders upon which y Poles, Fascines or
Hurdles, are laid which serve to cover yBridge.
u
ch.
G Pairs of Stakes, which are prefented in front,
I
the better to shew their structure and how
they are fastened.
H The Distance from one Stake to another, which
is two feet, just equal to ý bigness of y Beam.
Pieces of Wood across, the uppermost of which
supports the Beam, and the other serves to join
the Stakes together; being stopt at each end.
by Pegs, which press the Stakes against the
Beam, to keep it more tight.
L Two little Props which help the cross Piece
of Wood to bear
up
the Beam.
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
371
Ant. C. 55.
after. They even offered the Romans boats to A. R. 697.
tranfport their Legions.
Cæfar thought he ought not to accept the
offer of the Ubii. He looked upon it that
there was neither fafety nor dignity, for him-
ſelf and the Roman army to pafs in boats. The
building a bridge on a river fo rapid, fo wide
and fo deep, (for it was below the place where
Cologn is built that he prepared to paſs it)
was, without doubt, a work of great difficulty.
But Cæfar, accuftomed to vanquish all obftacles,
attempted the undertaking, and fucceeded in it.
I fhall here infert the defcription which he The de-
gives of this bridge, only adding fome circum-cription of
tances which he has left to be fupplied; but built over
a bridge
which to me ſeem to be neceffary eclairciffments. the Rhine
If I am miſtaken in any thing, I hope I fhall by Cæfar.
be excuſed as a writer obliged by the neceffity
of his fubject to ſpeak of matters widely dif-
tant from his profeffion; but at the fame time
very willing to correct himſelf, if the maſters of
the art will vouchſafe to point out his errors.
There were joined together ſtakes in pairs,
at the diſtance of two feet from one another,
each a foot and a half thick, and of a length
proportioned to the depth of the river, and after
they were ſharpened at the ends, and perhaps
armed with iron, when they went down into
the water with machines, afterwards they were
drove in with ftrokes of the rammer, not per-
pendicularly, but inclined according to the di-
rection of the river. Over-againſt theſe two
ſtakes, and below them, at the diſtance of forty
feet, were drove in two others in like manner,
which faced the firft; and were inclined in one
fenſe contrary to the current of the river. Theſe
two piles, each compofed of two ftakes, were
Bb 2
kept
372
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697. kept firm by a large beam, extended from one
Ant. C. 55. to the other, and which being two feet in
thickneſs, exactly filled the interval of the two
ſtakes, and had for fupport the piece of wood
that joined them. The heads of this beam were
confined and made faft on each fide, by large
pegs or pins of iron, one on in the infide and
the other without, fo that the two piles could
not be drawn together, and the two iron pins.
which faſtened the beam to each pile mutually
reſiſting one another, the building was fo firm
that by the laws of nature, the more rapid the
river became, the more folidity the work gain-
ed. This is what I think the most difficult to
comprehend of any part of the deſcription. I
muſt even confefs that there is nothing that I
can imagine, which fully fatisfies me; there-
fore I leave this problem to be folved by thofe
who are more able than myfelf. Befides the
difficulty of the thing in itſelf, there ſeems more-
over to be a contradiction between what Cæfar
fays here, and the precaution with which he
ſpeaks afterwards of fixing buttreffes to fupport
the bridge againſt the violence of the flood.
This precaution feems fuperfluous, if the rapi-
dity of the river augmented the folidity of the
work. After this first row, another was fixed
at ſome diſtance; and afterwards upon the
beams, which were laid along according to the
current of the ftream, were laid acroſs poles,
hurdles, and without doubt earth and turfs, to
form a folid and continued floor. Below the
bridge other ſtakes were funk in the form of
buttreffes,
*
* The text has it, to-
wards the lower part of the
river, a vague expreſſion, and
which may give room for an
interpretation different from
that which I have followed.
One
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
373
Ant. C. 55.
buttreffes, which fupported the bridge againſt A. R. 6a7•
the violence of the water, and above at fome
diſtance, there were others to ferve for a de-
fence. So that if the barbarians let looſe trunks
of trees, or boats to overthrow the works, this
palifade fhould ftop the effect, and prevent
their damaging the bridge.
The ſpeed with which fo great a work was
executed was not lefs worthy of admiration,
than the work itſelf. It was compleated in ten
days, reckoning from that in which they began
to bring the timber to the banks of the river.
Cæfar having left a confiderable body of troops
at the head of the bridge on each fide, entered
into the territories of the Sicambri.
Germany
His exploits in Germany may be reduced to His ex-
a narrow compafs. He received there the de-ploits in
puties of fome people who defired peace and reduced to
friendſhip with him, which he granted them, a narrow
after exacting hoftages from them. The Si-compafs.
cambri retired into the deferts and forefts; he
ravaged their country, burnt their houſes, and
cut down their corn. The Suevi had done as
much as the Sicambri with this difference, that,
after they had put their wives, and children,
and all that they poffeffed in fafety, they af-
fembled together, in the heart of the country,
all that made the ftrength of the nation, that
is to fay, thoſe who were in a condition to bear
arms; and there they waited for the Roman
army, reſolved to give them a good reception.
Cæfar did not think proper to go and attack
them. He pretended, that he had anſwered all
One may conceive the ftakes
here ſpoken of, as placed be-
fore the last row of piles, and
Supporting them on the fides
where they inclined to that,
they might ferve as a fore
wall to break the force of the
ftream.
Bb 3
the
374
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R 697 the different views he had in paffing the Rhine,
Ant. C. 55 fince he had fpread the terror of his name in
He forms
of going
Great-
Britain.
Germany, had revenged himſelf of the Sicam-
bri, and delivered the Ubii from the oppref-
fion of the Suevi. Therefore he continued
but eighteen days on the other fide the river,
after which he repaffed it, and broke down his
bridge, gained from his enterprize the frivolous
glory of having done that which no Roman
ever attempted before him.
His tafte for things that made a noiſe in-
the defign fpired him immediately after with another pro-
over into ject of the fame kind as the preceding, and of
as little ufe. This was the going over into
Great-Britain, and carrying the war into a new
world; for it was upon this foot, that Great-
Britain, was then regarded, fo little known aț
that time, that many yet doubted whether it
was an Iſland or not, and, according to Taci-
tus, there was no certainty of it till above an
hundred years after, when the Roman fleet, by
order of Agricola,' went round it. Cæfar,
nevertheleſs, every where fpeaks of it as an
Iſland; and fuch alfo is the language and opi-
nion of Strabo, an able and judicious Geogra
pher, who wrote in the beginning of the reign
of Tiberius.
His mo-
Cæfar coloured the ambition which carried
tives for it. him into Great-Britain under the pretext of
juſtice and utility. He faid that the Britons
had almoſt always fent fuccours to the Gauls in
their wars againſt the Romans; and he added,
that it would be very advantagious to him to
know the ports and coafts of this ifland, the
manners of the inhabitants, and their method
of fighting. Now, this was what he could not
do, without going over thither himſelf. For
the
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
375'
Ant. C. 55
the Gauls had no knowledge of it, but what A. R. 697
was very confuſed, becauſe there were only
their Merchants who made any voyages thither,
and they did not penetrate far into the coun-
try, fo that they had no precife idea but of the
ports wherein they carried on their trade. I know
not of what utility to Cæfar the knowledge
could be, that he defired to gain of all that re-
garded Great-Britain, if he had not in his mind
the defign of one day making the conqueft of
it; but the Gauls at the prefent gave him no
leifure to do it.
To theſe motives Suetonius adds one very Suet. Cæf.
frivolous; which was the paffion he had for the 47.
pearls produced in the Britiſh ocean. The
extravagant luxury of Cæfar might authorize
fuch a fufpicion; but on all accounts he was
much deceived in fuch an attempt. Theſe
pearls are dark and cloudy, and do not at all
come near to that fine water which fets a value Tacit.
upon thoſe of the eaft.
n. 12.
The ſeaſon was already far advanced, when He pre-
Cæfar formed the project we are fpeaking of. pares every
This was a new fpur added to his natural ac- bis paffage.
thing for
tivity. He came therefore with all ſpeed into
the country of the Morini, from whence he
knew the paffage was the fhorteſt to go over
to Great-Britain. He got together all the vef-
fels that was poffible from the neighbouring
countries, and fent the fleet that he had caufed
to be built the year before for the war againſt
the Veneti. As he had not leſs forefight than
vivacity and fire, he endeavoured to inform
himſelf of every thing of importance concern-
ing the country he prepared to enter; and but
little fatisfied with the lights that he could ob-
tain from the Gauls, he fent a Roman Officer,
named
Bb 4
376
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
*
!!
A. R. 697. named C. Volufenus, with a man of war, to
Ant. C. 55. vifit the coafts of Great-Britain, and afterwards
to come himſelf and make a report of all he
had feen and obferved. Volufenus was five
days at fea, and not daring to go afhore in any
place, he could only give an account of the
outward parts and approaches to the ifland.
In the mean time, a rumour of Cæfar's de-
fign had ſpread itſelf in Great-Britain, and
giving an alarm, feveral people fent him De-
puties, to make their fubmiffion, and offered
to give him hoſtages. Cæfar was of opinion
that he ſhould make his advantage of this fa-
vourable difpofition; he anſwered the Deputies
of the Barbarians gracioufly, and fent them
back into their country, accompanied by Co-
mius the Artefian, whom he had made King
of his nation, and in whom he had at that time
much confidence. This Comius, whofe name
was known and confidered in Great-Britain,
had orders to go through the different People,
to exhort them to acknowledge the Roman
Empire, and to declare the approaching arrival
of Cæfar.
The care of getting together the fleet kept
Cæfar fome time in the country of the Morini.
His preſence was not ineffectual. This nation
had always hitherto obftinately refuſed to fub-
mit themſelves. Now the greateft part of the
Cantons that compofed it, came by their De-
puties to afk pardon for what was paft, and
declared that they would obey him in all that
he ſhould order for the time to come.
No-
thing could have happened to him more à pro-
pos. Charmed with not leaving behind him
any fubject of uneafinefs while he fhould be in
Great-Britain, he received the fubmiffion of the
Morini,
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
377
Morini, and contented himſelf with exacting A. R. 697-
from them many hoſtages.
The fleet of Cæfar confifted in long veffels,
as he called them, that is to ſay, Gallies armed
for war, and in ſhips of burthen that went with
fails. He embarked two Legions upon fourſcore
fhips of burthen; but he does not tell us what
number of troops went on board the gallies,
which he diſtributed in fquadrons under the
command of the Quæftor, and of his Lieu-
tenant Generals. For tranſporting the cavalry
he deſtinated eighteen fhips of burthen, which
were detained by the wind in a part fituated
eight thouſand paces above that where he ap-
peared himſelf. "He does not name here either
one or the other of theſe ports: But if that *
from whence he departed this year was Port
Itius, where he embarked the year following
to make the fame voyage, the lower port feems
to be Wiffan, and the upper Calais. At his
embarking himſelf he left a Lieutenant-Gene-
ral with troops to guard the port; and he fent
the reſt of his army under the command of
two other Lieutenant Generals, Titurius Sabi-
nus, and Aurunculeius Cotta, into the Cantons
of the Morini, who had not yet fubmitted,
and upon the lands of the Menapii.
All the difpofitions being made, Cæfar took
the advantage of a favourable wind to go out
of the port. He went away about midnight,
and fent his cavalry to embark at another port,
with orders to follow immediately: But he was
very ill obeyed in this part of his commands.
As to himſelf, rowing at the head of his fleet,
*The thing is probable in itself, and Strabo puts it out of
doubt. Book IV. p. 199.
he
Ant. C. 55-
378
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II
A. R. 697 he began to fee land towards the fourth hour
Ant. C. 55 of the day. The fhore that he diſcovered was
not proper for a defcent. It was commanded
by downs from the top of which darts might
be thrown to the very edge of the water, and
all theſe downs were covered with troops of
Barbarians. He therefore ordered his people
to drop anchor, and wait till all the other fhips
fhould join them. At the ninth hour, affifted
at the fame time, by wind and tide, he ad-
vanced eight thouſand paces farther, and found
an eaſy and even fhore where he refolved to
land.
The Barbarians had not loft fight of the
Roman fleet, and having ſent their cavalry be-
fore and their chariots (for chariots were in uſe
among them in their battles) they brought their
infantry with all the diligence they could to be
time enough to oppofe the landing, with all
their forces. The Roman veffels drew too
much water for them to be able to approach
the fhore, fo that the foldiers were to throw
themſelves into the water. It may be eaſily.
conceived, how much troops heavily armed,
accuſtomed to fight upon firm and folid
land, and who were not uſed to places where.
there were waters of any depth, had a diſad-
vantage againſt the agil and brifk Barbarians
encumbered with nothing, and who knew the
places perfectly well.
Their courage began to fail the Romans.
The perſon who bore the eagle of the tenth
Legion re-animated them. As he faw his com-
rades dared not throw themſelves into the water,
the depth of which diſmayed them. Follow
me, cried he to them, if you would not have
this eagle fall into the hands of the Barbarians.
In
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
379
In pronouncing theſe words, he jumped him- A. R. 697.
felf the firft out of the veffel. The dread of
the ignominy overcame that of the danger,
and all the others followed. At the fame time
Cæfar filled the fkiffs and light frigates with
foldiers to go and affift thoſe who fought in the
water, and moreover what principally contri-
buted to the fuccefs of this defcent, was that
he ordered the gallies to make a motion to
take the enemy in flank, and caft upon them
a ſhower of darts with machines in uſe among
the Romans, but entirely unknown to theſe
Iſlanders; fo that befides the number of men
they loft, the very fight of thefe ftrange ma-
chines ftruck them with a horrible fear. At
length, after many pains and dangers, the Ro-
mans gained the fhore; and as foon as they
had ſet their feet on land, they puſhed the
Barbarians fo vigorously, that they abſolutely
difperfed them: But as Cæfar's cavalry was not
yet arrived, it was impoffible to purſue them.
Ant. C. 55-
The Barbarians were eafily difcouraged. The fub-
Thus theſe fame People, who came with fo miſſive be-
much vigour to oppofe the deſcent of the Ro-haviour on
man army, not being able to fucceed in it, the Barba-
the fide of
fent Deputies to Cæfar, who were ordered to rians-
make all manner of proteftations of fubmiffion
and obedience. They reſtored to him alfo
Comius King of the Artefians, whom they had
kept prifoner. Cæfar heard them with mild-
nefs, and required hoftages of them. Every
thing feemed to be in the way to peace and a
good agreement. But it was fear alone that
guided thefe Barbarians ; and an opportunity
preſenting itſelf to contravene their engage-
ments, and to renew the war, they would not
let it flip.
The
書
​ཀ
380
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
:
A, R. 697-
The caval-
The fourth day after Cæfar's arrival in
Ant. C. 54. Great-Britain, they perceived from the camp
ry of Ca- the eighteen fhips of burthen which brought
far cannot the cavalry. But a furious tempeft arofe at that
land.
His fleet is
tides.
inftant, which difperfed a part of them in the
Channel, where they run very great danger,
and found themſelves happy to be able to gain
the terra firma.
The night of this fame day it was full moon,
ill used by and approaching the Equinox. The concur-
the high rence of thefe two circumftances produced
very high tides. Cæfar knew nothing of this,
and had taken no precaution against a danger
that he was ignorant of. Thus, both the gal-
lies, that were dry upon the fhore, and the
tranſports, that were at anchor, were raifed
up, toffed about, and beat to pieces by the
waves, without there being a poffibility to ap-
ply any remedy to fo great an evil. This ac-
cident threw Cæfar into great perplexity. His
return became, as it were, impoffible, fince he
had no other ſhips than thoſe which had been
lately fo ill treated, and which wanted every
thing neceffary to refit them. On the other
hand, having reckoned to winter in Gaul, he
had brought with him neither baggage, nor
fufficient provifions of corn.
The Bar-
war.
The Barbarians feeing their enemies with-
barians re-out ſhips, without provifions, and without ca-
new the valry, conceived the hope of exterminating
them, and making the Romans for ever lay
afide thoughts of entering into their Ifland.
Befides, they judged of the fmall number of
Cæfar's troops, by the little ſpace of ground
his camp took up; and although this was not
a certain fign, becauſe the Roman army, as I
have already ſaid, had no baggage, yet they
were
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS Confuls II. 381
Ant. C. 53.
were not much deceived, and they really had a A. R. 697-
great fuperiority in numbers. They began
therefore to league anew, and gather together
privately in bodies of troops, concealing their
defign, by not declaring themſelves openly';
but waiting for a favourable moment, to fur-
prize the Romans, and fall upon them with ad-
vantage.
But Cæfar was not an enemy to be eaſily fur-
prized. The fituation in which he was, made
him foretel what the Barbarians ought to think
and do; and as they gave over fending him.
hoftages, the proof of their revolt was plain.
Therefore he prepared himſelf for the event.
He fent every day to cut corn in the fields,
and made ftores of it in his camp. He facri-
ficed the fhips that were the moſt damaged,
and took the timber and the iron of them to
refit thoſe that were the leaft fo, caufing other
materials and inftruments neceffary for the work
to be brought from the terra firma. By theſe
means he made up the lofs of twelve fhips,
and put the reſt in a condition to keep at fea.
In the mean time, the Barbarians found the
opportunity they fought. They had obferved,
that all the country about being reaped, there
remained, but one place, where the Romans
could come, to cut corn. They pofted them-
felves in the neighbourhood, lying in ambuſh
in a foreft; and Cæfar, as they had foreſeen,
having fent the feventh legion into the quarter
that they encompaffed, while the Roman fol-
diers difperfed themfelves on the plain, with
only fickles in their hands Inftead of ſwords,
and thought of nothing but reaping of corn,
the Barbarians fallied brifkly from their coverts,
attacked the foragers, killed fome of them,
and
382
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697 and brought trouble and confufion among the
Am.C. 55' reft. They even undertook to hem them in,
55°
by extending their chariots of war about them.
This was the manner of their ufing thefe cha-
riots in their battle.
The use
bat they
made of
their cha-
riots in
battle.
They began with driving them with impe-
tuofity quite crofs the ranks of the enemy;
and when they had penetrated into the inter-
vals, they jumped upon the ground and fought
on foot. During this time the equerries went
at a little diſtance, but were always near enough
to take up their maſters, if they faw them too
much preffed. Cæfar, it ſeems, did not deſpiſe
this manner of fighting, which united, he faid,
the lightneſs of the horſemen with the ſtability
of the foot For the reft, they had a fur-
prizing addreſs and agility, accuftomed by long
ufe, either to ſtop their horfes going down a
fteep road full fpeed, or to turn fhort when
they wanted ſpace. They were oftentimes feen
getting out of the chariots fliding along the
beam, and, pofting themſelves at the end of it,
then in an inſtant regaining their chariot, and
appearing in their feats.
The Roman legion thus affailed could not
have faved itſelf, if fuccour had not come to
it. But the advanced guard of the camp ob-
ferving a cloud of duft on the fide where they
knew it went, they gave notice of it to Cæfar,
who loft not a moment. He took with him
immediately the two cohorts which were the
guard, and after having ordered two others to
replace them, and all the reft of the troops to
arm themſelves with fpeed and follow him; he
marched to the place where the battle was
fought. He found his people in bad order,
and very much troubled to defend themſelves.
Hi9
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
383
Ant. C. 53.
His prefence re-eſtabliſhed every thing, ftopt A. R. 6 97.
the rage of the enemy, and re-animated the
courage of the Romans. Nevertheleſs, he did
not judge it proper to provoke the Barbarians
too far, and contented himſelf to carry his le-
gions back to the camp.
敷
​The Inlanders had the boldnefs to come and
attack him there at the end of a few days, du-
ring which they had ftrengthened and increaſed
their troops. Cæfar, who had no cavalry, faw
very well that he could not gain an advantage
over them altogether decifive. However, he
was not willing to refuſe the combat, but en-
deavoured to aid himſelf by thirty horſemen
that Comius the Arteſian had brought with him,
and went out of his intrenchments to give bat-
tle. The event was as he had foreſeen. The
enemy fled, but with very little lofs. The Ro-
mans only laid every thing waſte in the places
about, and burnt fome of their villages.
Gaul
This was enough to determine the Barbari-A treaty
ans to renew the negotiation which they had between
broken off. On the fame day Cæfar faw the thefe Iflan-
Cæfar and
Deputies arrive, who came to demand peace of ders.
him. This was what he defired. He feared Cafar re-
the approach of the equinox, the time when paffes inte
the fea grows outragious, and his fhips were
not in a condition to refift a ftorm. He there-
fore laid hold of the opportunity to retreat with
honour, by ordering them to furniſh him with
a number of hoſtages double to that he had fti-
pulated for the firſt time, and that they ſhould
bring them to him in Gaul. The Iſlanders ima-
gined that they fhould be the mafters of the
execution of fuch a treaty. They promifed
every thing to get thefe troubleſome ſtrangers
out of their iſland, who, on their fide, were
very
384
POMPEIUS, LICINIUS, Confuls II.
A. R. 697 very defirous to go away. Immediately after
Ant. C. 55. the treaty was concluded, Cæfar made ready in
the firſt fair weather, and went back into Gaul,
Some cantons of the Morini and Menapii,
ſtill perſiſted in their obftinacy, and refuſed to
acknowledge the Romans for maſters. Cæfar
ordered them to be attacked by his Lieutenants,
who could not yet make an end of fubduing
them. He eſtabliſhed all his winter-quarters in
the country of the Belgæ, and received their
hoftages from two of the people with whom he
had made war in Great-Britain. All the others
made no account of their engagements. And
this was all the fruit that Cæfar had from an ex-
pedition, which was hazardous, and wherein he
rifqued a great deal more than he could gain;
for all the Iſland was at that time very poor,
Fam. VII. without gold or filver; and all the booty he
7. & ad could hope for, were grofs and brutal priſoners.
Att. IV. For an object ſo ſmall did he expoſe himſelf,
as we have feen, to dangers as great as ever he
ran in his life. Nevertheless, he made a great
vaunting of the advantages he had obtained in
a country, and over a people, the exiſtence of
whom was ſcarce known before him ; and the
noiſe of it was fo great in Rome, that they
decred in honour of him, thankſgivings to the
gods for twenty days.
Cic ad
16.
;
End of VOL. XII.
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