ARTES
LIBRARY
1837
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
E PLURIBUS UNUM
FUEBOR
SI-QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAM
CIRCUMSPICE
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
4
2-
230
AN
ENQUIRY
INTO THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
PRECEDING
THE REIGN OF MALCOLM III. OR THE YEAR 1056.
INCLUDING
THE AUTHENTIC HISTORY OF THAT PERIOD.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
By JOHN PINKERTON.
Ημέραι επίλοιποι μαρτυρες σοφωτατοι.
Veritas temporis filia.
ADAGIA.
A NEW EDITION,
WITH CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS.
VOL. I.
EDINBURGH:
Printed by James Ballantyne and Co.
FOR BELL & BRADFUTE; WILLIAM LAING; DOIG & STIRLING;
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD; AND OLIPHANT,
WAUGH & INnes.
1814.
{
ADVERTISEMENT
TO THIS EDITION.
In reprinting this work, a chief object has been to remove
some asperities in the language, which had escaped the au-
thor in the controversial passages, and which, however justly
extorted by the petulant manner of some writers, who, with-
out a shadow of learning, had undertaken to discuss the an-
tiquities of Scotland, yet always excited his regret after the
first warmth of composition. The poets have been styled an
irritable race; and a similar irritation has too often intruded
itself into literary discussion, from the revival of letters to
the present day; the most learned writers, the Scaligers, Vos-
sii, Salmasii, and Miltons, being those who are the most re-
prehensible on this account. For it is chiefly in the exami-
nation of the most difficult and thorny parts of literature,
that these symptoms of vexation have appeared, superficial
writers, who keep the beaten paths, having no thickets to
encounter. The study of antiquities, as depending on remote
and obscure, and sometimes contradictory human testimo-
nies, is apt, by perplexing and embarrassing the mind, to ex-
cite irritation, while the study of the works of nature, de-
pending on the observation of undoubted phenomena, sooths
the soul by the operations of eternal wisdom and truth.
It is not therefore a matter of surprise that antiquities and
critical learning begin to be neglected, and that natural phi-
losophy and history are the favourite pursuits of the times.
Yet, as it must always be esteemed disgraceful to be ignorant
iv
ADVERTISEMENT.
of the history of one's own country, it has been fortunate
that the antiquities of most European nations have been ex-
amined by learned industry, before men of talents were em-
ployed in other pursuits. But Scotland is unfortunately that
country of Europe, in which the least erudition has appear-
ed, a deficiency which has been concealed from common ob-
servers by the elegant latinity of many of her writers, and by
the eminence of her latter historians and scientific authors,
whose celebrity arises from lucid period and elegance of dic-
tion, and rarely from profound investigation of ancient au-
thorities. At all times negligent of our genuine monuments
of antiquity, we find it more easy and convenient to imagine
than to discuss; and as it is infinitely difficult and laborious
to acquire even a portion of erudition, the defect is conveni-
ently supplied by a fluent imagination, which leaps over all
the perplexities of the middle ages, of obscure and barbar-
ous periods, so full of unexpected events, and revolutions ir-
reconcileable with any calculations of human affairs in more
enlightened periods. In those poetical fancies a thousand
years are but as one day; the lapse of centuries, and the
changes of time, are wholly disregarded. The worst point of
gnorance is the insensibility of its own wants, the ignorance
even of its own ignorance. But as imagination is the com-
mon gift of all, it is no wonder we abound so much in ima-
ginary antiquaries, from the parish-clerk up to the squire;
and even little misses lisp about the authenticity of Ossian,
and the antique purity of the Celtic language.
The præfervidum ingenium Scotorum, which has been so
long celebrated or branded, admits only of one interpretation.
in the modern word fanaticism, with which it is in vain to
contend, and it must be left to waste itself. It happens for-
tunately, however, in the diffusion of learning among the
modern European states, that one nation corrects the follies
of another; and the romantic zeal for the honour of Queen
Mary, and of Ossian, are follies peculiar to ourselves. Igno-
rance has been styled the mother of devotion, but with far
more justice may be regarded as the parent of fanaticism;
and nothing can be more hopeless than the use of argument,
where, far from being felt, it cannot even be understood.
The infatuation of Celtic etymology, of deriving ancient
words from a modern language, of a most lax and indefinite
nature, and full of terms transferred from the Latin and the
Gothic, by the mixture of the Romans, Danes, Norwegians, and
ADVERTISEMENT.
V
other nations among the Celtic inhabitants of the three king-
doms, has long been an object of surprise and ridicule. În
France, the absurd etymologies of Bullet, Cambry, and such
dreamers, only excited the smile and wonder of a day, and
sunk into deserved oblivion, while the rational systems of
Menage, du Cange, and other writers of solid learning, con-
tinue to instruct all Europe. No man of real erudition has
ever ventured into the bogs haunted by this ignis fatuus, this
Will-with-the-wisp, which, according to the fancy of the be-
holder, assumes every possible shape. If it be possible to
add to the ridicule, it is, that these deluded writers do not
themselves pretend to understand the very language they af-
fect to teach, and it is fortunate if they have even the ele-
ments of Latin grammar, as their quotations are sufficient to
disturb the slumbers of Priscian. There was anciently a be-
lief in seven spheres; and certainly there are very different
spheres in human intellect; and one supreme in which the
classical or truly learned and deservedly eminent authors of
all countries move; and which is scarcely comprehensible,
except by congenial minds. There is another, and very in-
ferior sphere, a kind of phantasmagoria, in which a dark mir
ror sends forth unreal images to captivate the vulgar.
A genuine specimen of the Irish language in the ninth
century has been recovered, and is partly reprinted in the
Appendix to the Dissertation on the Goths. It is doubted
if any of our Celtic interpreters can understand this frag-
ment, while they boldly discuss the imaginary Celtic of the
fourth century.
It is far from the author's intention to enter into contro-
versy with ten or a dozen writers, who have opposed various
parts of this work. It is a trite observation, that a good
book will defend itself, and a bad one is not worth a defence.
The learned have been pleased, and he does not aspire to
please the ignorant. But, amidst this enlightened age, he
inust gently complain that his antagonists have few weapons,
except what they draw from his own arsenal; and that they
are commonly indebted to him even for the learning which they
display. Pliny has mentioned it as one of the first praises
of an ingenuous mind, to indicate the sources whence instruc-
tion has been derived; but at no period, and in no country,
has the base and insidious artifice of stealing another man's
labour and industry been more practised than in the present
instance. Whole volumes of plagiarism have appeared, as
vi
ADVERTISEMENT.
if readers of real learning did not exist, or no posterity was
to be expected, to strip the jack-daw of his borrowed fea-
thers.
Not seldom has the theft been attempted to be palliated
by abuse, as the robber knocks down the passenger he has
pillaged. This species of dishonesty has proceeded so far,
that it is even dangerous in conversation to drop a hint of
any discovery, lest it may be appropriated by those lite-
rary eves-droppers, who, like a species of sea-fowl, live upon
what has been disgorged by the others. If the candid reader
will collate the later works on Scotish antiquities, history,
and poetry, with the author's numerous publications on these
subjects, to which he had for near twenty years devoted his
labour, health, and income, the justness of these observations
will be speedily perceived. He can say, with a pure consci-
ence, that he had no object in view but an inborn love of the
subject, connected with a wish to serve his country, by rai-
sing her ancient poetry and history to a level with those of
other European nations; and he must at any rate rejoice that
his example has been followed by so many imitators. The
venerable father of Scotish history has observed, upon a far
more solemn occasion, that in so narrow a scene as Scotland,
malignity and envy were the national characteristics: and the
history of our literature even to the present hour presents
many lamentable examples of this singularity, as the conduct
of Stewart towards Robertson and Henry, and other recent
examples, will evince. Scotish authors, whose reputation is
venerated in Europe, America, and Hindostan, are attacked
in Scotland only; and those to whom statues would be erect-
ed in other countries are here traduced and vilified.
Pudet hæc opprobria nobis,
Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse refelli.
This spirit, if not checked by the public contempt, will ex-
tinguish all sound literature; for the chief incentive to labour
is reputation; and it is better to strive where there are no
judges, than where the pretended judges are themselves ma-
licious and insidious candidates. The chief and sacred in-
tention of literature is the propagation of truth and virtue;
and if it be perverted into an instrument of falsehood and li-
centiousness, the good will sigh for the superior advantages
of ignorance.
ADVERTISEMENT.
vii
Having premised these general observations, which were
necessary in self-defence,
(Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito,)
it will be proper to mention some of the little alterations in
this edition; for this work, the labour of many years, had
Some
not been presented to the public without great care.
corrections and additions will be observed in the Dissertation
at the end, chiefly adopted from the French translation, par-
ticularly the valuable letter of M. Gossellin to the author,
upon the Ptolemaic geography of Scotland. The specimen
of ancient Irish appears to have escaped all our antiquaries;
and the passage of Linnæus is not a little curious, as it throws
an unexpected light on the progress of the Goths from the
east.
But the chief intention of this advertisement yet remains,
which is to give some additional fragments of our early his-
tory, which have recently occurred.
The existence of the Province of Vespasiana seems to be
further confirmed by the discovery of Roman roads in that
part of the country. One, of three or four miles, has been
observed on the north of the Erne, near Inchafry, and
ending at a good ford over that river. Mr Pennant, in the
appendix to the third volume of his Tour, has described a
Roman road of nine miles by Direge-muir, Byres, Stobhall,
Hutton, to the banks of the river Ilay. It is believed to be
without example, that Roman roads should have been made,
except in a Roman province; and it would appear that no
doubt should exist concerning Vespasiana. At Burgh-head,
the Castra Alata of the Romans, Professor Stuart of Aber-
deen (to whom I am indebted for some valuable documents,
presently to be produced,) has carefully examined a singular
reservoir, which appears to be Roman. The description
shall be given in his own words :-" Burgh-head is a pro-
montory projecting into the Moray Firth, about ten miles.
from Forres, eastward, which is connected with the adjacent
coast by a narrow neck of land. The promontory is compo-
sed of a freestone (sandstone) rock, rising about sixty feet
above the level of the surrounding sea, and contains, per-
haps, two Scots acres. On the west side is a sinall haven or
harbour, finely sheltered from the easterly winds blowing up
the Firth. All around the top of the rock are seen the re-
mains of a rampart, consisting of pieces of freestone of all
sizes, intermixed with lime and fragments of wood, having
viii
ADVERTISEMENT.
the appearance of being partially burned. On some pieces
of the freestone are seen remains of mouldings and carved
figures, particularly of a bull, very well executed. Across the
isthmus are three concentric ditches of a very great width
and depth, fully equal to those at Ardoch, or any other Ro-
man work in Scotland. The fishing village here was called
Terrytown, and it is supposed to have been the Ptoroton of
Ptolemy the geographer.
"In summer 1809 or 10, while digging the foundations
for new buildings upon the eastern side, the workmen came
to a stair of well-dressed freestone, which induced them to
follow it downwards. Cleaning away the rubbish as they
went along, to the depth of about thirty or forty feet, there
was found at the bottom a square of about twelve feet, con-
taining about a foot or two of fresh water, having the ap-
pearance of a reservoir, either to receive rain from the clouds,
or sea-water, freshened by filtering through the freestone
beneath. The four sides of this reservoir, which seemed a
perfect square in its form, were very neatly covered with
smooth lime plaster, to the height of eight or ten feet; and
above appeared the opening through the natural rock quite
up to the top. No spring, nor other water, appeared within
the fortress."
The worthy professor has added an account of some sin-
gular remains in Aberdeenshire. They consist of circular
buildings of stone, without any cement, from ten to twenty
feet in diameter, and now only about two fect above the
ground. There are commonly three close to each other, and
connected with two or three more, at a small distance, by
parallel walls. There are, at least, forty or fifty of these
structures, and perhaps many more, scattered over a surface
of more than a mile in circuit. They stand on a low hill co-
vered with furse and heath, about ten miles from Aberdeen,
and four miles on the north of the Dee, near the remains of
a very large Roman camp called Normandikes, which is
about twelve miles to the north of that near Stonehaven,
supposed to have been the scene of the battle between Agri-
cola and Galgacus; and in this line of march there is an ex-
cellent ford across the Dee. The professor supposes, with
much plausibility, that these rude habitations may be the re-
mains of Devana, the capital of the Texali, the ancient inha-
bitants of this region. I am informed, that at no great dis-
tance there are other remains of the same kind. It is well
ADVERTISEMENT.
ix
known that the hovels in many parts of Siberia were chiefly
hollowed into the ground, in order to obtain a greater and
more equal warmth.
The bull, in the above description of Burgh-head, is the
well-known badge of a Roman colony; and it might seem
that the inscription on the building called Arthur's Oven,
which appears, from Boyce's account, to have been in ho-
nour of Claudius by Vespasian, had some connection with
the name of the province. In the valuable collection of ma-
nuscripts at Panmure, the author found, at the end of the
Extracta e Chronicis Scotia, some notes by Henry Sinclair,
Dean of Glasgow, about 1560, containing remarks on differ-
ent Scotish antiquities. He says that a Roman inscription
was visible in his time, above the door of Arthur's Huif, as
he terms it, and which was probably rightly read by Boyce.
He also describes some curious carved stones near Newtyle,
not far from Cupar in Angus, which, he says, were called
the Thanes Stones, and were erected when the country was
a vast forest, and he minutely describes a female figure on
one of these monuments.
It has been the subject of some difficulty to discover the
church founded by Kenneth III. to which he transferred
the remains of St Columba, after Icolmkill began to be in-
fested by the Danes. A Saxon manuscript, probably of the
tenth century, published by Hickes,' serves to elucidate this
point. It is intituled De Sanctis in Anglia sepultis; and im-
mediately after St Alban, who is first mentioned, is Sanctus
Columcylle requiescit in loco dicto Duncahan juxta fluvium Tau
It is evident that Duncahan is Duncaldan, or Dunkeld upon
the river Tay; so that the Irish vainly contend that his bones
were carried to Ireland, though, perhaps, his crosier, or some
other relics, may have been conveyed thither. It hence also
appears that Dunkeld is to be ranked amongst the most an-
cient churches in Scotland, which seem to stand in this or-
der, Whithern, Abernethy, St Andrews, Dunkeld, Brechin.
There was probably a round tower at Dunkeld as at Aber-
nethy and Brechin, while the square tower of St Regulus at
St Andrews was built by an architect from the continent ;-
whence, perhaps, the very name and fable of St Regulus
have arisen. That these round towers were belfreys is suf-
ficiently evident, from the simple circumstance of their ha-
ying windows or openings at the usual height, necessary to
Thes. ii. 117.
A
X
ADVERTISEMENT.
emit the sound of the bell. Separate belfreys are not uncom-
mon in many countries, and even in some parts of England
at this day; and must have been necessary for security when
the rude churches were of wood. When the cathedral of
Brechin was built, the round tower was preserved as a me-
morable relic, like the chapel of St Regulus close by the ca-
thedral of St Andrews. At the curious chapel at Auldbar,
about three miles from Brechin, where there is a singular
monument described by Mr Pennant, the bell was suspend-
ed on an ancient ash-tree, on the summit of one ridge of the
deep and romantic glen, at the bottom of which the chapel
is placed, and where the sound would have been too much
confined.
It is well known that there exist in various parts of Scot-
land, but chiefly on the east side, from the river Tay as far
as the county of Sutherland, singular erect stones, generally
with crosses on one side, and upon the other sculptures, not
ill executed for a barbarous age. These chiefly abound in the
county of Angus, the centre of the Pikish dominions. There
are four at Aberlemno and five at Meigle, including a lintel
over the door of the clergyman's garden, which has upon
one side cattle and a deer seized by a dog, and on the other
salmon and other fish, but the latter have been almost erased
by a barbarous modern chisel. That at the chapel of Auld-
bar is singular, as, instead of horsemen and spears, there are
two persons sitting, probably religious; and beneath them a
man, seemingly tearing out a lion's tongue, perhaps Sam-
son, and opposite to him a curious figure of an antique harp:
while under these are a man on horseback, a lamb, a bul-
lock, and perhaps an ass. At Meigle the most curious is that
representing a lady riding in a British car, with a single
horse and a driver; and which a respectable gentleman in
the neighbourhood has ordered to be defended with an iron
railing, in the laudable view of its preservation. There is
also a singular stone of this kind at Essie, between Glamis
and Meigle. One at Glamis, like the lintel above mention-
ed, and another at Meigle, presents salmon, which, like the
deer and cattle, probably point to the sources of wealth of
the distinguished persons, to whose memory they were erect-
ed. Under the salmon at Glamis is a mirror, which always
indicates a female. On the stone lately discovered at Dun-
nichen, the seat of my excellent friend George Dempster,
Esquire, there are a mirror and a comb ; and the same sym-
ADVERTISEMENT.
xi
bols occur on another published by Mr Cordiner in his Pic-
turesque Antiquities, and which also represents the lady ri-
ding out to hunt, with two footmen blowing horns, and two
other attendants on horseback. That at Glamis may have
been erected in memory of Malcolm II., who there died a
natural death according to the oldest chronicles; but the
fables told by Pennant, a pleasing, and sometimes instruc-
tive, but, upon the whole, a careless and inaccurate writer,
are beneath confutation. Among a thousand paths it is not
to be supposed that the murderers would escape by passing
the lake of Forfar at the distance of eight miles; and his un-
derstanding seems to have deserted him when he supposes
that the assassins of a monarch would have thought of car-
rying off his kitchen utensils. The vessels found in the lake
of Forfar, and which are preserved at the castle of Glamis,
are of copper or brass, being a jug like a coffee-pot, perhaps
for hippocras, or spiced wine; and two boiling kettles, one
of which is very wide and flat, perhaps to answer the purpose
of a modern fish-kettle. It may not be absurd to suppose
that they belonged to the castle of Malcolm Canmore, where
his Queen Margaret is said to have resided in his absence.
Sinclair, in his notes above mentioned, 1560, says he was
present when an ancient door-case, supposed to have be-
longed to the castle of Queen Margaret, was found in the
lake of Forfar. It was as perfect as at the first erection, ha-
ving become pure black oak, such as is found in our peat
muirs.
It is much to be wished that a general collection of all
these curious monuments were published in plates of a just
size, those of Mr Pennant being too diminutive, as well as
those of Mr Cordiner, whose representations cannot be
trusted, his imagination being strangely perverted by some
fantastic ideas of the picturesque, while those of Mr Gordon
are too rude and inaccurate.
The most remarkable, and almost perpetual, symbol on
these stones, is that in the plate annexed, of two circles join-
ed, and crossed by another badge, resembling two sceptres
connected by a cross line. Sometimes, as at Glamis, there
are two circles with a large one in the centre : sometimes, as
in the plate annexed, a serpent is surmounted by the two
sceptres. These symbols occur both in the male and female
monuments; and, amidst so much obscurity, it may not be
unreasonable to conjecture that they denote the royal race,
xii
ADVERTISEMENT.
which was so numerous among the Piks, owing to the sin-
gular mode of their succession in the female line, as explain-
ed in this work, which also shows the respect paid to the fe-
males of that race, honoured by many monuments. If we
may trust the singular document preserved in the Register of
St Andrews, and which bears to have been written by a
Pikish scribe at Meigle, where there are so many of these
monuments, (not to mention the curious square embankment
in the neighbourhood, perhaps at first a Roman fortress, and
afterwards an occasional residence of the Pikish monarchs,)
there were at one time not less than fifty virgins of the royal
race in the convent at St Andrews.
It may be also reasonable to infer that the centaurs, ele-
phants, and some other representations on these singular
monuments, may have passed from the Roman masons left
in Britain, after the departure of the military force, to their
native apprentices, and thus have descended with the craft,
as traditional decorations without meaning, as the sculls of
bulls used in ancient sacrifices continue to mark certain
parts of modern architecture. But the surest explanation of
these monuments would arise from a collection and collation
of all that remain. Some decorations, similar to those on the
Pikish monuments, may be found on the Runic monuments
of Scandinavia, and some in the old Anglo-Saxon churches.
The cross shews that they belong to a Christian people,
which the Danes were not when they invaded Scotland; and
it is indeed ridiculous to suppose that bands of marauders,
who regarded nothing but prey, could have had time for
such erections, some of them the labour of months or years.
It is confessed on all hands that no such monuments are
found in Wales or Ireland, which, of itself, affords an invin-
cible argument that the Piks were of a distinct origin, con-
nate with the Scandinavians and Saxons, but of no affinity
with the Celts. Unhappily when our ancient history ap-
'That the Piks passed from Scandinavia to Scotland before the Christian
æra, is further proved by one of the most learned of the Danish antiquaries,
Suhm, in his General History of the Danes, vol. 1, p. 299, of the German
translation.
It must not however be forgotten, that Kenneth III. 843, ascended the
Pikish throne from that of Dalriada, and brought numbers of his former sub-
jects with him. Hence the author of the Life of St Cadroes, (Colgan, Vitæ.
Sanct. Hib.) in the tenth century, represents the Scots as possessing the
lands about St Andrews. Nor would it be wonderful if some territorial
names in the east were modern Gaelic, derived from this circumstance; or
ADVERTISEMENT.
xiii
proached the dawn of authenticity, the apparition of Ossian
became a new Leviathan of ignorant fanaticism, which,
whether religious or secular, devours all the reasonable facul-
ties, and, like insanity, leaves the mind a prey to one exclu-
sive imagination.
At the very time of writing these few pages on these sin-
gular monuments, the author is unexpectedly informed by
the noble proprietor, that a curious stone of this description
exists at Freeland House, on the south of the river Erne. It
had been rolled down by the romantic rivulet called May, as
well as other carved stones found in the same neighbour-
hood, some of which are now built into the walls of cottages.
This stone appears to have been placed over a door, being
of a semicircular form. In the middle are two figures sitting,
and beneath are cattle and other sculptures. Being found
in the parish of Forteviot, it is probable that these are re-
mains of the ancient palace of Forteviot, a chosen residence
of the Pikish monarchs after they left Inverness, and which
probably stood upon the river May.
One of the most interesting monuments of this kind has
been recently discovered at Pitmachie, in Aberdeenshire,
being the second stage from Aberdeen on the road to Hunt-
ly. Here, in a small thicket near the toll-bar, were two stones
of small-grained granite, (while the others are mostly red
sandstone, subject to decay,) and rising about six feet above
the ground. Both these stones are represented in the an-
nexed plate; but the one with a serpent is now removed to
the adjacent house of Newton. That which remains pre-
sents the inscription annexed, which is reduced from a fac-
simile of the natural size, executed under the eye of the pro-
prietor, and repeatedly examined by Professor Stuart, to
whom the author cannot sufficiently express his sense of his
kind assistance on this and other occasions. The letters are
about an inch and a half in length, and cut to the depth of
about one quarter of an inch. The stone has also been ex-
amined by two other gentlemen, one of whom gave a copy
which he had made, and promises to engrave himself, being
an amateur of the arts; and who also stated, that the second
line having exceeded in length, the rude carver had brought
a letter or two over the angle, and, seemingly to avoid this
if the Gaelic language prevailed at the court, whence the report of the total
extinction of the Piks and their language.
10
xiv
ADVERTISEMENT.
in future, he had begun the other lines over the angle on the
other hand.
This curious inscription, which is, it is believed, unique, is
now submitted to the literati. The characters seem to re-
semble the Anglo-Saxon as published by Hickes, especially
those on the coins of the kings of Northumbria of the ninth
century. It is reasonable, indeed, to infer that any arts of
civilization passed from the south to the north, there being
no intercourse with the continent, except by rude mariners,
for even in the sixth century, as we learn from the life of St
Columba, Gallic mariners visited the western islands of
Scotland. It is also remarkable, that in the same curious
biography we find mention of a Saxon Pistor, or Baker; so
that the art of eating was at least not unknown. In later
times we know, from an English historian, the Scots made,
on one occasion, so many prisoners that scarcely a cottage
was without its slave. It is also to be supposed, that during
the inroads of the pagan Danes, many of the Christian Sax-
ons sought refuge in a country, which, though often inimi-
cal, was yet of the same faith. But these observations are
submitted to the curious enquirer, and the letters and the
language to the examination of the learned of all countries.
To Professor Stuart the author is also indebted for the fol-
lowing important paper, which will lead to new ideas con-
cerning the office of Thane.'
Translation from the Latin of a Paper in the Possession of the
Family of Viscount Arbuthnot, in Kincardineshire.
Patrick Abbot of Dumferline; Henry of Arbroath; Rembald
of Scoon; Guido of Lindores; Thomas Prior of St An-
drews; John of May; Berengarius of Restennot; Rainal
Archdeacon of St Andrews; and the Deans and Clergy
who were Members of the Synod of Perth, which was
held upon the Third of the Idis of April, in the Year of
Christ 1206.
To all and sundry to whose sight and hearing these pre-
sents shall come, eternal salvation in Christ. Be it known to
I
The learned professor has also evinced, from several ancient docu-
ments, that the death of Duncan II. 1095, happened at Mondynes, in the
Mearns, and not at Monteith, as carelessly stated by Boyce, and his copy-
ists Buchanan and others.
ADVERTISEMENT..
XV
you all, that the cause or action which was intented and
pleaded between William, of blessed memory, sometime bi-
shop of St Andrews, upon the one part, and Duncan of Ar-
buthnot on the other part, anent that portion of the lands of
Arbuthnot, which is called Kirktown, which the said bishop
maintained, did belong to the church of St Andrews of right,
and of which the said Duncan robbed that church, without
regard to law or order: which action has, by the authority
of this national synod, obtained a legal decision, in manner
following, viz. That the declaration of the right and property
which the said bishop claimed in these lands being heard,
the opposite party being also heard in what they had to say,
the truth of the matter under debate being fully enquired
into, and known by unexceptionable witnesses; By the una-
nimous consent and assent of all the constituent members of
the said synod, we have pronounced the following definitive
sentence, adjudging the property and possession of these
same lands, and of the men who dwell thereon, to that church
of St Andrews, and to the said Bishop William of these pre-
sents, imposing perpetual silence on the said Duncan and
his successors and that the justice of our precedure in this
cause may stand in a true light, we have thought fit to sub-
join the depositions of the witnesses upon which this sen-
tence is founded.
:
John of Hastinkes being solemnly sworn, depones, That
in the time of Bishop Richard, and Osbert Olifard who then
possessed the lands in debate, he was sheriff and forester of
the Mearns, and that he observed a great number of inhabi-
tants upon the lands about which the strife now is, and that
when the men of that town were prosecuted about any thing
which depended on his jurisdiction, the bishop's bailiffs came
to him, holding in their hands a brieve of our sovereign lord
the king, and repledged them as being the bishop's men, and
that their long carriages were a perquisite of the bishop's
court.
Isaac Benewin depones, That in the time of Bishop Hugh
and Osbert Olifard, when the said Osbert took on the Jeru-
salem Cross for an expedition to the Holy Land, he farmed
the king's revenue, due out of the lands of Kirktown, from
the said Osbert as possessor thereof, and at that time the
Kirktown had good bigging on it, and there were upon the
Kirktown eight tenants who were called Goodmen, besides
subtenants who had houses in the town, and beasts feeding
xvi
ADVERTISEMENT.
on the pasturage. That Osbert's due out of the said town at
that season was ten cheeses out of every reeking house with-
in the Kirktown, made of the whole of their milk: fifteen
days either before or after the feast of St John the Baptist.
And that for shearing his corns in harvest, he had out of
every house three men one day by way of bondage; depones,
That the foresaid Osbert informed him, that the inhabitants
of the Kirktown were bound to furnish their quota of provi-
sions for the king's retinue when going upon any expedition.
Being interrogated about the mill, answered, that the tenants
in that town had a privilege of grinding their victual every
Friday, multure free, and that when the deponent insisted
against them, that they should be obliged to pay as others
did who were Osbert's men, they shewed him a place where
had been formerly a mill on their own lands, which they had
a power to rebuild, which, when he understood to be truth,
he agreed the matter with them, believing, that it was in
vain for him to contend with them, whom the bishop always
defended as his own inen. That when the deponent enquired
of Osbert what right he had upon their lands and posses-
sions, when any of the tenants were removed by death, Os-
bert replied, that he had no right to set any tack there, but
all was in the power and disposition of the bishop, as being
his own property, to give the lands and houses to whom he
pleased, and that when one of the name of Gillandris, who
was a cripple, was an inhabitant of that town, and more stiff
than the rest, Osbert thinking that if he was removed the
others would be more pliable, he offered Bishop Hugh a horse
worth five merks to remove him, which the bishop under-
standing he was a native of the place, would in nowise con-
sent to. The said Isaac also depones, That during the six
years he possessed these lands, both in the days of Osbert,
and Walter his successor, he received nothing out of the
same but what is above-mentioned, unless a moiety of Blood-
witts, and of the Marchita Mulierum, the other moiety was
due to the bishop. Also, that he has seen the bishop's offi-
cial and others, both of the clergy and laity pertaining to
him, lodge in that town as their own land, and with their own
men. As also, that after this, Walter Olifard gave his lands
of Arbuthnot to Hugh Swinton, after the death of Bishop
Hugh and Gillandris, he removed sundry of the tenants one
after another, the rest of them Duncan his son removed im-
mediately upon his father's death, and was the first who be-
gan to labour the land himself.
ADVERTISEMENT.
xvii
Adam Benewin being sworn, depones in all things with his
uncle Isaac, unless that these things fell out in the time of
Richard Bishop of St Andrews of pious memory.
Isaac, the clerk, being sworn, depones, That he was sent
for the bishops of Caithness, Moray, and Ross, to assist at the
consecration of Bishop Richard, and that he lodged on his way
with Helias, priest of Aberbuthnot, and in the time of that
Duncan saw very many houses upon that ground, which, as
was told him, pertained to the bishop of St Andrews, and was
likewise confirmed that no thane before him did ever put
plough in these lands. That when the deponent came to visit
Walter Scott lying at the point of death, thinking to find out
the truth from a person of known integrity, and well versed
in all such affairs, he conjured him, by the salvation of his
soul, to tell him what in conscience he believed to be the
truth in this affair-whose answer was, that he very much ad-
mired how Duncan could appropriate the bishop's land to
himself, and to claim jurisdiction therein, since in the time
of eight thanes and more, he had known the bishops of St
Andrews enjoy these lands as their property. He in like
manner declared, that he had seen several bishops at several
times lodged there, that he had been at entertainments with
them on the spot, and sent them compliments and refresh-
ments from his house: and since he saw death approaching,
he caused write down these things and seal them before his
wife, which he desired might be looked ou as his death evi-
dence in the matter.
Felix being sworn, says, That in his father's time he has
seen the bishops of happy memory, Arnold and Richard, fre-
quently lodged in Kirktown of Aberbuthnot, as in their own
lands, and that in his father's house, who was the bishop's
tenant, and that he and the other inhabitants furnished all
that came to their share for the bishop's service and accom-
modation. That he has seen the bishop's officials, and others
belonging to him, both clergymen and laicks, in their jour-
neyings, lodged there as in the bishop's own demesnes.-Says
that he has known thirteen thanes to have had these lands,
and that he never perceived any uneasiness given to the in-
habitants till the time of Isaac, and that the bishops of St
Andrews peaceably enjoyed these lands, paying the usual tri-
bute to the thane until the time of Isaac Benewin, who first
began to vex them: after him Hugh Bane, and the present
b
VOL. I.
xviii
ADVERTISEMENT.
Duncan, removed the bishop's tenants from it; and finally,
that no thane ever laboured these lands without the bishop's
licence, unless this Duncan.
Hathckin the priest being sworn, depones, That he has
lived in the days of six bishops of St Andrews, and that it
consists with his knowledge that the bishops of St Andrews
without molestation enjoyed the lands of Kirktown as their
own. That he lodged there twice with Bishop Richard, and
once with Bishop Arnold.-Depones likewise, That the bish-
op's tenants were removed by the vexation given them by
the father of this Duncan, and by Duncan himself. And that
no person before him laboured these lands unless authorised
by the bishop.
Maurice the priest being sworn, says, That he has seen
Bishop Richard lodged in that town as his own ground, and
that the men who were tenants there furnished him necessa-
ries as to their master.-That this Duncan and his father
Hugh Bane removed the natives and tenants from that
ground, and were the first who in opposition to the bishop
possessed and laboured the same.
Hugh the official being sworn, depones, That he knew
Bishop Richard lodged in that town as upon his own ground,
in the days of Malcolm, king of Scots, and that the tenants
thereof furnished necessaries to him as their master-that he
was then in the bishop's retinue. Being interrogated who
first ejected the natives, says he knows not, but is very posi-
tive, that none before Duncan ever laboured. these lands
against the will of the bishop.
Andrew Cass being sworn, says, That he was with his bro-
ther Bishop Hugh of pious memory, when he lodged and
was entertained upon the Kirktown as his own lands; that
necessaries were furnished by the tenants, and compliments
given at his departure, after he had abode one night with
them. That he uplifted the duty of that town in the days.
of Bishop Roger of pious memory, viz. two young cows of
yellow or reddish colour, and that he had no business either
with Duncan or any other but with the bishop's men. That
after the death of Bishop Roger, this Duncan ejected the
whole tenants, and was the first who laboured these lands in
opposition to the bishop.
Brice Goodman of New Lonage being sworn, depones,
That he has seen the Bishops Richard and Hugh receive en-
tertainments from the inhabitants of that town as from their
7
ADVERTISEMENT.
xix
own men, and that the natives of that place, albeit they re-
ceived vexation from Hugh de Benno and others, were not
ejected till after the death of Bishop Roger, by this Duncan,
who was the first that possessed that town in opposition to
the bishop.
Gillepeder being sworn, says, That he has seen the bishops
of St Andrews, Robert, Arnold, and Richard, lodged in these
lands as their own, and to have been entertained there with-
out contradiction, as by their own men: Depones also, That
the natives and other inhabitants of that town were ejected
through the vexatious treatment they met with from Hugh
Swinton, Hugh de Benno, and of this Duncan, who first la-
boured that town with the bishop's consent.
Malcolm of Edyel being sworn, says, That he did not see
but heard from his predecessors, that the bishops of St An-
drews had out of these lands in question, what of right be-
longed to them, according to the former depositions.
Cormack of Newdoesk being sworn, says, That he has seen
the Bishops Richard and Hugh receive entertainments upon
the Kirktown, as upon their own grounds and from their own
men, which men were removed, from the vexation they met
with from Hugh de Benno, the father of this Duncan, and
Duncan himself, who was the first of the three that first put
plough in these lands.
Summerleth of the Aiddershaw being sworn, says, That
he has seen the Bishops Arnold and Richard abiding some-
time in this town as their own, without the least interruption.
That this Duncan was the first who wrested this town out of
the bishop's hands; depones, That he observed Bishop Roger
once on his journey decline receiving an entertainment from
the people of that town by reason of their poverty,—that
these men were ejected through the maltreatment they met
with from Hugh de Benno, Hugh Swinton, the father of this
Duncan, and Duncan himself.
The above is said to have been translated from the ori-
ginal Latin, in the possession of Lord Arbuthnot,
about 1700, by a Mr Clerk, schoolmaster at Bervie.
It seems probable that the Thanes, the name itself being
derived from an old German word, signifying to serve, were
only so called as being immediate servants of the king, em-
XX
ADVERTISEMENT.
ployed as stewards of his several farms, and collectors of the
rude taxes. In the Annals of Ulster, they, seem to be called
exactatores Regis, or the king's tax gatherers, while the mor-
mars, or chiefs of provinces, are translated comites or earls.
It is therefore absurd in our historians to speak of Thanes of
Fife, or of Ross; while, in fact, the only synonyme of Thane,
is the modern laird or small landed proprietor. In ancient
writings Thanes are placed after earls and barons, and classed
with the firmarii or king's farmers. In a deed of 1492, Cal-
der of Calder, and Brodie of Brodie, are promiscuously styled
Thanes, or of that Ilk. This office, like that of earl, seems to
have been at first during pleasure, afterwards for life: and,
in progress of time, by favour, and afterwards by custom,
Thanedoms became hereditary. Some Thanes held of earls,
paying a certain revenue to their superior.*
Feb. 1814.
This advertisement was here concluded, when, by the ad-
vice of some literary friends, the following pages were added:
Semper ego auditor tantum, nunquamne reponam,
Vexatus toties rauci Theseide Codri?
It would be as needless to mention, as easy to confute, the
numerous books and pamphlets published in England and
France against various parts of this work, but some observa-
tions may be expected on a production which attempts to
supply by quantity what it wants in quality, the enormous
and interminable Caledonia, by George Chalmers, Esq. author
of many commercial and political works, modern biographies,
two large volumes on the fabricated papers ascribed to Shak-
spere, &c. &c. &c. but still better known perhaps by two lines
of a celebrated satirist :
At genius, towering in his pride of place,
See ponderous Chalmers aim his leaden mace.
That a man without a shadow of learning, and whose pur-
suits had even to his old age been political and mercantile,
That is, of the same, the name and estate being identic.
2 See the Survey of the Province of Moray, 1798," 8vo, the first part of
which is ably written by Mr Grant.
ADVERTISEMENT.
xxi
should suddenly attempt themes only fit for the most profound
erudition, is indeed a phenomenon. But as ignorance is in-
sensible of its own ignorance, it is the less a wonder that a
writer whose quotations shew that, far from writing, he can
not even read Latin, should not only engage in a task so fo-
reign to his little means, but should have the presumption to
judge his judges. Have his politics led him to forget his
Shakspere?
The insolence of office, and the spurns
That patient merit of the unworthy takes.
Certainly this author, who labours so much by the help of as-
sistants, and who reads, like Richardson the painter, with bor-
rowed spectacles, can never be suspected of hypochondria, or
any of the morbi eruditorum, and far less of bashfulness, but
there must be a singular warp in that judgment which could
even conceive the idea of writing two large volumes to prove
that the papers ascribed to Shakspere and of detected falsity,
might nevertheless have been true! To the same judgment,
and by the same rule, all the fables and falsehoods in the
History of Scotland may be true.
It was impossible for any new writer using the industry of
others not to gather some scraps of antiquity; but it has been
observed by a man of real learning, that the only discovery
worth notice is the derivation of the house of Stuart from
the English Fitzallans. Now this is a mere amplification of
a remark at the very beginning of my History of Scotland
under the House of Stuart. If the other borrowed plumes
were in like manner withdrawn, the work would be reduced
to a very reasonable compass. The plagiarisms are so gross
that no man of any tincture of learning, or of that candour
which always accompanies it, no man sensible that he was
writing in a learned age and under the eyes of learned judges,
would have ventured upon the smallest of them. But the
naked and unconscious impudence of real, stark, inborn ig-
norance, is proverbial. The ostrich hides his head and thinks
no one sees him.
It is only necessary further to add, that the opinions of this
new Tristram Shandy, this bold plagiarist and heterogeneous
compiler, have been so ably confuted by the truly learned Dr
Jamieson, in the introduction to his valuable Dictionary of
the Scotish Language, that the reader needs only to be re-
ferred to a work so well known and justly esteemed. It must
xxii
ADVERTISEMENT.
at the same time be remembered, that all the sciences proceed
upon certain data; even the mathematics require allowed ax-
ioms; and in the ancient history of all nations it is indispen-
sable to admit the most ancient authorities as the sole found-
ations of any knowledge we can acquire. If we reject them,
or pretend to refute them, no science can remain, and any
dreamers may build an infinite series of romances from their
own imaginations, as their boldness will always be in exact
proportion to their ignorance. A Russian scholar could just
as easily prove that the Caledonians were a Slavonic race, as
a Celtic scholar that they were a Celtic. When, therefore, a
modern pretends to confute Cæsar and Tacitus, in their ac-
counts of the ancient inhabitants of Britain, any man of
science would disdain to enter the field. In fact, such an
idea could not even occur except to a mind totally estranged
from sound and solid literature; it is a mere phantom of the
darkness of ignorance. Are we for a moment to conceive
that a different plan is to be followed in discussing the ancient
history of Scotland, from that used by all the learned of all
other countries? The very position is so absurd, that if ad-
mitted, it could only lead to the mortifying conclusion that
the country is so grossly ignorant that even the first princi-
ples of science are unknown. It is to be hoped, on the con-
trary, that it will only serve as a beacon to warn other un-
skilful adventurers of the rocks which their frail barks may
encounter, in the vast ocean of ancient literature.
J
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[ xxiii]
PREFACE.
THE history of Scotland begins to be sufficiently clear
at the commencement of the reign of Malcom III. or
the year 1056. But the period preceding that date has
been long lost in fiction, for the same reason that an
uncultivated field is overgrown with weeds : indus-
try being as necessary in the literary as in the natural
world.
Struck with the deplorable state of the ancient his-
tory of his country, at a time so enlightened as the
present, and when most other kingdoms have weigh-
ed their antiquities in the sober scales of criticism,
the author has devoted years of labour to this pur-
suit. Besides the powerful motive of curiosity, that
fountain of human knowledge, he was influenced by
the wish of being useful to his countrymen; among
whom he was concerned to see the most ingenious
writers daily starting the most hypothetic conjectures
concerning their early history. To examine the sub-
ject to the bottom were required considerable read-
ing, previous experience in such matters, much lei-
sure and love of the subject, and no great desire of
xxiv
PREFACE.
wealth or fame. As these are no longer objects of
praise, the author may, without offending modesty,
lay claim to a portion of them.
The importance of the work was indeed such as
might have excited, and required, far superior abili-
ties. To fix the history of a country on the eternal
basis of truth, is certainly none of the meanest of hu-
man enterprizes: nor is it a small object to attempt
to remove from any nation that most disgraceful of
all kinds of ignorance, the ignorance of its own his-
tory. One of the greatest of the ancients has warm-
ly expressed himself on this subject; telling us that,
"Not to know what has happened before one's birth,
is to be always a child." And he observes elsewhere,
with great justice, that "to him none seemed to have
any claim to learning, who were ignorant concerning
the affairs of their own country." And the early
history of any country, the foundation upon which
the rest stands, should above all be carefully exa
mined, as the whole edifice depends upon it; for, as
an eminent historian remarks," "how is it possible
that, while the beginnings are false, the rest should
prove true ?”
Such an examination requires great labour; but to
• Nescire quid antea quam natus sis acciderit, id est semper esse
puerum. Cicero. Mihi quidem nulli eruditi videntur quibus nos-
tra ignota sunt. Idem de Fin. Add Cassiodorus, Var. Orat. VII.
"Perdius ac pernox, patrum memorias revolve: scrutare gentis tuæ
cunabula: res gestas et annalium monumenta observa. Turpe enim
est in patria sua peregrinum agere." This last sentence is also from
Cicero, who says, " peregrinari in patria turpe est."
? Polyb. lib. 3.
PREFACE.
XXV
A
him who undertakes it with due love of the subject,
the labour is its own reward, labor ipse voluptas. Not
only so, but the labour renders the subject easy and
familiar after a certain progress ;' so that, from va-
riety of information, the enquirer is enabled to ex-
plain it fully, and to place it in the clearest point of
view. Yet this labour is very painful at first, however
great the love of the subject may be; and it is no
wonder that, in the words of Thucydides," "amongst
most men, even the investigation of truth is impatient
of labour; so that they rather have recourse to what
is next at hand." But in subjects of this kind, the
greatest labour is absolutely necessary; and a super-
ficial book may be ever regarded as a false one.
thousand grains of gold must be collected, and form-
ed into one ingot; a thousand little facts must be
conjoined; a thousand falsehoods exploded. No
theory can be admitted; nor is it even allowed to
argue from one fact to another. The circumstances
are so minute, and various, that great literary expe-
rience is required to guard against mistakes. Il faut
etre extremement au fait de ces matieres pour ne s'y
point tromper, says a learned writer on these subjects,³
all whose care could not however save him from ra-
dical errors. Those points which, in theory, have
most verisimilitude,will, upon laborious examination
of the facts, prove to be entirely false; and those
which seemed false in theory, will prove true in fact.
Cui LECTA POTENTER erit res,
Nec facundia deseret unquam, nec lucidus ordo. Hor.
• Lib. 1.
3 Pelloutier, Hist. des Celtes, I. 30.
xxvi
PREFACE.
The Abbe Raynal observes, that after the revival
of letters we began with Eruditi, next we had poets,
then orators, then metaphysicians, then geometricians.
If it were allowed, adds he, to hazard a prediction,
I would announce that our minds will speedily be
turned to history; a vast career, and in which philo-
sophy has hardly yet set a foot. This prediction is
daily fulfilling in all countries: and beside other hap-
py effects, is attended by this, that it has contributed
to revive a genuine and dignified erudition, very dif
ferent from the trifling sort at first in vogue. For it
being impossible to throw philosophy into the history
of any country, without carefully exploring the facts
of that history; and as impossible to know these facts
without studying them in original authors; a great
degree of erudition has become necessary to this phi-
losophy: and erudition and philosophy being thus
conjoined, have increased the mental wealth of man-
kind to a great degree. The study of the Greek and
Roman writers has become more manly and import-
ant; and that of the authors of the middle ages, at
first too much neglected, gains ground every day.
Even a degree of what was called pedantry, by the
pretended beaux esprits, has become admissible in
treating ancient history; because all see that it is
better to shew too much learning upon such subjects,
than too little. Indeed though pedantry be con-
temptible, because useless, in natural and moral phi-
losophy, poetry, and other departments of genius,
and science, yet in history it is even laudable, if it
be not digressive. For history resting entirely on
PREFACE..
Xxxvii
facts, and authorities, it must have many references
and quotations; which, in any other science, form
the essence of pedantic erudition.
These remarks are especially inserted for the use
of my countrymen, who, as they can very seldom be
accused of pedantry themselves, are very apt to ac-
cuse others of it. A book written in the manner of
the Italian, French, German, and Scandinavian anti-
quaries, may perhaps startle them, not less by the
perpetual quotations and references, than by the ap-
parent novelty, but real antiquity, of the facts deve-
loped. They may perhaps say, that the author has
come after many men of learning in this tract; and
yet modestly pretends to prove them all in the wrong,
even in the most essential points of early Scotish his-
tory. This foreseen criticism must be warded off
(non ut arguerem, sed ne arguerer) by a few remarks;
which, as they are of some delicacy, are written with
deference, and it is hoped will be received with can.
dour by every Scotishman, who, with the author, de-
sires to be the FRIEND, and not the flatterer, of his
country.
In all ages, since the invention of letters, two op-
posite literary paths have conducted to the temple
of fame; the path of GENIUS, and that of ERUDITION.
They refer to the two faculties of the mind, imagina-
tion and memory; as for judgment, the third, it is a
judge, and not an agent; and must direct the efforts
of the two others. These qualities in a lesser degree,
bear the names of Ingenuity and Learning. Every one,
who has looked into literary history, must know that
xxviii
PREFACE.
erudition, or even learning, is perhaps a surer path to
fame, than genius or ingenuity; inasmuch as innu-
merable ancient works of mere learning have reach-
ed our times,' whereas not one of mere genius has had
that fortune. For Homer, Pindar, and the other fa-
mous poets, were all men as remarkable for learning.
as for genius; which qualities conjoined alone stamp
perfection on a work. Homer's learning arose from
travelling and conversation; as Shakspere's from
books in his own language. Of all the ancient poets,
that is, of those writers whose essential form is genius,
it is impossible to point out one who was not pro-
foundly learned, if we only except Anacreon, whose
remains are so few, that we cannot judge of his learn-
ing from them. It is indeed as impossible to be a
great writer without learning, as to be wealthy with-
out property, or to unite any other contradiction in
terms. Nay in modern times, men of vast erudition,
and men of vast genius, have generally been contem-
porary in the same country; as Shakspere and Sa-
ville, Milton and Selden, in England; Corneille and
Salmasius in France; Tasso and Sigonius in Italy;
Cervantes and Aldrete in Spain, &c.
Now by a misfortune, chiefly arising from the re
mote situation of the country, while Scotland has
produced many ingenious writers, it is impossible to
mention even one, who (not to speak of ERUDI-
TION), can even bear the appellation of learned, as
strictly understood in more favoured countries. To
I
* Gellius, Macrobius, Clemens Alex. Athenæus, Photius, Suidas,
&c. &c. &c.
PREFACE.
ΧΧΙΣ
write elegant Latin, for which our Scotish authors
of the two last centuries were famous, is a quality of
ingenuity; and is so far from belonging to learning,
that it is inimical to it; for the time, instead of be-
ing occupied in reading books, is employed in study-
ing a language, a matter radically different. This we
may judge of from facts; for Poland, a country of
ten times more population than Scotland, has not pro-
duced one learned writer, though the Latin histories
of Dlugoss, Cromer, and Kobiersicky, are thought to
vie with Livy, and Grotius has preferred Casimir to
Horace.
This neglect of learning in Scotland, as it is the
real and only cause of the ruin of our ancient histo-
ry, deserves especially to be considered here; and
every true patriot would wish, if possible, to remove
it. The writings of Volusenus or Wilson, Buchanan,
and Barclay, are justly celebrated for elegance and
ingenuity but if we were to indicate any learned
books, written by Scotishmen, it is believed the only
ones that could possibly be named, are Dempster's
notes on Rosinus, and his Etruria Regalis, and Black-
well's Enquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer."
The neglect of Greek learning is chiefly to be regretted in
Scotland; and it is a pity that the plan of Erasmus is not followed,
and the Greek taught before the Latin in all countries. Five or six
years for Latin, and one for Greek, is the common plan in Scotish
schools. The reverse would be exactly right. There is an original-
ity in the Greek writers which forms and nurtures genius; the La-
tin only foster imitation. A divine, or a physician, ought to be
grounded in Greek. A lawyer requires Latin, for there is not one
Greek writer on law.
XXX
PREFACE.
Yet even these would in Italy, France, or Germany,
stand only among the books of common learning;
and are so far from being works of erudition, that,
compared to those of eruditi of the first class, the
Sigonii, Salmasii, Vossii, Grotii, Huetii, Scaligeri,
they are but as drops of water to the ocean. Nor can
one help expressing a wish that even that kind of
erudition, which is now rather disregarded (though
the fame of those eminent in it will last as long as
books are read), had been exerted in Scotland in its
period, as well as in other countries: for the passage
from erudition to science is safe and easy; while he
who begins with science begins to build without ma-
terials.
Sir Isaac Newton being asked by what singular fa-
culty he could make such great discoveries, answer-
ed, with all the modesty of genius, that he pretended
to no faculties, but what were common; and that the
only source of his discoveries was PATIENT THINKING.
This in fact will ever be the chief source of philoso-
phical discoveries; and the only source of literary
discoveries is PATIENT REading. But the præ fervi.
dum ingenium Scotorum, as one of our own writers calls
it, is so remarkable, that almost every battle we an-
ciently fought against the English was lost by impa-
tience, from the battle of the Standard to the battle
of Dunbar. This chief feature of the national cha-
racter is observable even in trifles, for in England two
peasants will fight coolly, and then shake hands, while
in Scotland such combats are always committed in
grievous passion. In literature and philosophy the
PREFACE.
Xxx i
same impatience prevails; and the consequence is
that we have not only never produced any man of
erudition, but we have also had no INVENTOR, no man
who has opened up a new path in science. We can-
not boast like Denmark of a Tycho Brahe, nor like
Sweden of a Linnæus, nor like Poland of a Coperni-
cus. By the same impatience of thought, and of la-
bour, our writers of every class, though often ingeni-
ous and elegant in a supreme degree, have never yet
attained the characters of great or sublime. We have
no Bacon, no Newton, no Shakspere, no Milton.
1
These remarks are given not to upbraid, but to ad-
monish, and to serve. Remedies can never be found,
till the disease be discovered: and it is no small part
of the cure to know where the disease lies. Far less
are they obtruded from a dictatorial spirit; but they
are humbly submitted to our literatì of Scotland,
among whom there are at present many whose abili-
ties would do honour to any country; and who more
than compensate for any defect of learning, by supe-
rior good sense, elegant perspicuity, and industrious
use of those materials which are necessary for the
subjects of which they treat. To such the author
considers himself as only a labourer, who is clearing
away rubbish, and bringing materials; and who
advise so far as concerns his own province.
I
fungar vice cotis, acutum
Reddere quæ ferrum valet, exsors ipsa fecandi.
may
Napier has much merit, but cannot stand in the rank of great
inventors. He is only an useful abbreviator of a particular branch
of the mathematics.
xxxii
PREFACE.
i
On considering the causes of the neglect of learn-
ing in Scotland, they appear to be three. 1. Remote
situation. 2. Want of wealth. 3. Want of public
libraries. The distance of Scotland from Italy, France,
and Germany, the most learned countries of Europe,
is a great disadvantage in point of literary intercourse
and emulation. Denmark and Sweden, from their
proximity to Germany, have produced many writers
of far greater learning than Scotland has; a country
pent up in a remote corner of an island, and to which
few foreign books come, except the most light and
superficial, which float on the breath of popular fame.
Want of wealth (the consequence of want of indus-
try) is a grand cause; but which will be remedied as
industry increases. They who have no money to buy
books, cannot have them; and it is observable that
all the chief eruditi, of every country and age, have
been men of property, and who could afford to pur
chase libraries. The only remedy for this is the in-
stitution of public libraries, containing books of high
character for learning and utility, though never to be
found in circulating libraries; where indeed they
cannot be expected, as very few read them. The in-
stitution of a public library, of the genuine kind, such
as are common in Italy, France, and Germany, as
they were in ancient Greece and Rome, though to-
tally unknown in Britain, would do any patriot more
honour, and would serve his country more, than the
foundation of an university. In few countries are
youth more curious in literature, than in Scotland ;
but they want opportunities and choice. The study
PREFACE.
xxxiii
of Bibliography, now carried to a great height in most
countries, may indeed be pointed out as necessary
even to our best authors, who, for want of it, often
quote the worst writers upon subjects. When books
are so numerous, the knowledge of the best in each
class becomes necessary.
Such having been the state of learning in Scotland,
it is no wonder that in antiquities, a subject absolute-
ly dependent upon much reading, this defect should
become the most apparent. Ingenious conjecture,
and elegant manner, can never have any effect in il-
lustrating antiquities, the very province of patient in-
dustry. The more ingenious an author is in such
matters, he will only be the more in the wrong.' The
exclamation of Montesquieu, in his letters, Vous etes
tous des charlatans, Messieurs les Antiquaires! may
be applied to those of Scotland with peculiar justice.
The weakest writers in the country have generally
assumed this province, which became them as well as
if a mule should pretend to carry the tower of an ele-
phant while the best seem to despise the name and
province of an antiquary, forgetful of the examples of
Cato, Varro, Cæsar,* in ancient times, and of Lu-
ther, Melanchthon, Spelman, Selden, Du Cange,
:
"We no longer study:" says Rousseau, "we no longer observe;
we dream: and the dreams of some bad nights are given us gravely
for philosophy."
• Cato's work on Roman origins is quoted by Dionysius Hal.
Varro is well known. Julius Cæsar wrote De vocum Mutatione, &c.
Melanchthon and Luther's works on German antiquities may be
found in the first volume of the collection by Schardius, Basil. 1574,
folio.
VOL. I.
C
xxxiv
PREFACE.
Leibnitz, Muratori, and many others, confessedly men
of great talents, in modern. Montesquieu has exa-
mined the history of the two first races of France,
preceding the tenth century, with an antiquarian care,
which a Scotish writer of talents might think beneath
him. Homine imperito nihil est injustius: this con-
tempt, if real, is lamentable; as no science can be
studied where it is despised. But, as Lord Bacon
observes in his Essays, "Some, whatsoever is beyond
their reach, will seem to despise, or make light of,
as impertinent, or curious; and so would have their
ignorance seem judgment." The uncertainty of an-
tiquities is common to all human sciences; and strikes
those the most who are the least versed in them, as
objects at a distance become indistinct. Experience,
and long examination of a subject, remove many un-
certainties. But writers are apt to exhaust all their
faith upon the object of their particular study, or fa-
vour; to believe perhaps that they know all the mo-
tives of human action in modern times, while they
will not believe the actions themselves beyond a cer-
tain epoch. To him who looks with an equal eye upon
science, the knowledge of a few ancient events, duly
authenticated by ancient evidence, becomes at least
as credible as that of the numerous modern events,
with all their motives, causes, and circumstances, de-
tailed by modern omniscient historians, sometimes not
even versed in the language of the country, whose
history they relate. To him whose belief depends
upon his reason, the truth of ancient and of modern
history will appear much the same; or he may be in-
PREFACE.
XXXV
clined to think the death of such an ancient king, in
such a year, as credible at least as that such a modern
event happened, occasioned by such causes, and at-
tended by such circumstances, as a modern historian
well knows, though quite unknown to the actors them-
selves.
The want of patience and industry in our Scotish
antiquists, has only been equalled by their puerile
prejudices, and contempt of truth. The author of
this work thought it his duty to read them all repeat-
edly; an attention which, excepting one or two, they
did not deserve. Innes, in particular, is a valuable
writer; but to most of the others may be applied the
French proverb, De fol juge bref sentence; or the
maxim of Rochefoucault, Quand un opiniatre a com-
mencé à contester quelque chose, son esprit se ferme a
tout ce qui peut l'eclaircir. La contestation l'irrite,
quelque juste qu'elle soit ; et il semble qu'il ait peur de
trouver la verité. Neglecting those objects which
do real credit to their country, they have loaded her
with extraneous ornaments, till, like the Tarpeian vir-
gin, she dies under the false honours. Their inexpe-
rience in such subjects has led them into trains of rea-
soning never used in antiquarian matters; and they
have what may be called points of honour of Scotland,
quite unknown in more enlightened countries. Yet
to these mock points of honour they will sacrifice the
most evident truth, having, as Lord Bacon phrases,
66
an unconquerable appetite for falsehood and fable.”
¹ Il suffit de faire un retour sur son propre cœur, d'examiner avec
quelle confiance on s' abandonne aux absurdités, au milieu desquel-
xxxvi
PREFACE.
Some of them, as Maitland in particular, have even
sat down to the sacred task of history, with all these
prejudices around them; but in the words of D'Alem.
bert, Ils ecrivent l'Histoire, comme la plupart des hom-
mes la lisent, pour n'etre pas obligés de penser; et se
font ainsi auteurs à peu de frais.
Quand nous fermons nos yeux a la clarté,
Pourquoi crier contre l'obscurité ?
2
Richardet.
Want of learning, which opens and enlarges the mind,
is no doubt one great cause of these odd prejudices;
for, as an able writer observes, "The understanding
is, among the illiterate, obsequious to passion and
prepossession: and among them the imagination acts
without controul, forming conclusions often no better
than mere dreams." The reader will excuse these
quotations, as they not only express the sentiments in
a manner not to be improved, but serve to protect an
author in the invidious and painful office of finding
faults.
Even in the strongest and most improved minds,
prejudice has too much sway; for it is impossible to
examine every thing. Hence it is not surprising to
find men of the greatest talents infected with the con-
tagion of national prejudices. Voltaire has justly ob-
}
les on est né; combien il en coute à la raison pour deranger les ha
bitudes qu'on a contractées. Quel doit donc être le sort des nations
entieres, qui sont emportées rapidement par le prejugé general, qui
les gouverne; et qui leur tient licu de raison, de sagesse, et de re-
flection? Mably de l'etude de l'Hist. p. 141.
* Home Lord Kaims, Sketches of the History of Man, III. 218.
8vo. edit,
PREFACE.
xxxvii
served on this subject, that "Mankind are fonder
of appearing to know, than of seeking after know-
ledge; and when error has gotten the mastery of our
minds, during our tender age, we are at no pains to
shake off its yoke, but rather strive to subject our-
selves more to it. Hence it comes that so many men
of real discernment and genius are so frequently un-
der the dominion of popular errors. We need not
therefore be surprised to see popular prejudices, even
in the best Scotish writers; for, as has been remark-
ed, we are reformed from popery, but not from Hec-
tor Boethius.2
991
The effects of ignorant prejudices have been height-
ened to a surprising degree, among our Scotish anti-
quists, by the spirit of controversy, so inimical to
truth. The English and Irish writers, who first be-
gan to detect the errors into which we had fallen,
and to shew the fallibility of Hector Boethius, were
regarded as enemies of the honour of Scotland;
which, if we may credit our antiquists, stands upon
falsehoods only. For these writers, instead of ap-
plauding the superior learning of an Usher and a
Stillingfleet, provided a Sir George Mackenzie, king's
advocate for Scotland, to answer them; and whose
chief argument was, that it was high treason to doubt
of the antiquity of the royal race of Scotland! This
convincing proof of our antiquities was applauded;
and the author, instead of being ridiculed, was re-
• Hist. Gen.
Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, in his Annals of Scotland.
* Defence of the Antiquity of the Royal Line of Scotland.
xxxviii
PREFACE.
garded as a zealous friend of his country. This was
the more remarkable, as Sir George pretended to be
a Stoic philosopher; but it is observable that, from
Sir George to Lord Kaims, no Scotish philosopher
has extended his philosophy to Scotland; for which
the reason may be found in the above observation of
Voltaire. When such were the beginnings of the
dispute with the English and Irish antiquaries, it is
no wonder that the obstinacy and absurdity of our
writers increased in the progress of the debate. They
were so ignorant as not even to know that it is im-
possible to confute ancient authorities, upon no au-
thorities at all; that, as no historian had arisen in
Scotland preceding Fordun, who is quite a modern,
it was ridiculous to speak of opposing our writers to
the English and Irish; that all other countries allow-
ed the authorities of neighbouring nations concerning
their affairs; and that, if we gave way to conjecture
and erring ingenuity, there was an end of all history.
Nil sapientiæ odiosius nimio acumine. At the same
time, it is much to be regretted, that the detection
of our own errors did not, as in Denmark and Swe-
den, arise among ourselves; but this must be impu-
ted to our want of men of learning. The English
and Irish antiquaries were far from being free of
judice and enmity on their part: and it is not sur-
prising that the truth became obnoxious to our warm
writers. At length Innes, our own countryman, ta-
king the true side, we have been gradually finding
that truth is more for the honour of Scotland than
falsehood. But our antiquists, driven from their
pre-
PREFACE.
XXXIX
mock authorities, have been forced to another ab-
surdity; and to the genuine ancient authorities they
oppose opinions! This phænomenon in literature is
only owing to the little learning we had gradually
becoming less; for, as Lord Kaims observes," "There
cannot be opinion and science of the same thing at
the same time." Opinion is the last refuge of igno-
rance and prejudice; and he who knows nothing of
a subject can always give an opinion. The Spanish
poet who was told of the certainty of the mathema-
tics, answered, "It may be so, but in my opinion
they are quite fallacious."
say
No axiom can be more certain than, that it is im-
possible for falsehood to honour a country, or to serve
it. The Author of Nature, who has connected vital
heat with the light of the sun, has connected the uti-
lity and glory of society with truth. A sceptic may
that the truth is not to be known; and to him it
shall only be answered, that history is a science, and
must, like other sciences, have rules peculiar to it:
of which the most essential is, that, when conform-
able to ancient authorities, it is to be regarded as
true; and, when not, as false. This is the grand,
and only, distinction between history and romance.
Falsehood is so far from honouring, or serving, any
country, that it is disgraceful, and prejudicial, in a
supreme degree. In history it makes even the true
parts suspected; so that a substance is lost by grasp-
ing at a shadow: and a train of writers supporting it
Sketches, III. 394.
xl
PREFACE.
A
in a nation will, in course of time, injure even the
character of that nation; an effect so ruinous, that
he who writes on the history of his country, ought to
consult conscience as well as science. If he indulges
the insanos oculos et gaudia vana, at the expence of
plain truth, instead of being the friend of his coun-
try, he is in effect the worst enemy possible. Like
a base flatterer, his praise poisons, his deceit ruins.
As prejudice is irrational, so the honours it invents
are irrational. The honour of a nation depends on
its arms and arts, on its industry, on the merit of its
natives, and on the character it bears among its
neighbours which last can never be so effectually
injured as by false history. But the Scotish antiquists
rashly assume the most ludicrous topics, as founda-
tions of national honour; forgetting Mr Hume's re-
mark, that "There is not a more effectual method of
betraying a cause, than to lay the stress of the argu-
ment on a wrong place; and, by disputing an unte-
nable post, inure the adversaries to success and vic-
tory." Thus we have seen the antiquity of our royal
line, and the old league with France, maintained as
the points of national honour. A Greek or Roman
would hardly have boasted how long they had sub-
mitted to one line of kings; or have dreamed that
their nation could possibly acquire any honour from
another. It is likely that the poems of Ossian, or an
old shoe of Queen Mary, may form our next points
of honour; and that it may be long before our anti-
quists discover, that our honour is very safe, if they
would let it alone. A great nation never speaks of
PREFACE.
xli
its honour, because it despises even the suspicion of
its needing a defence: but, as Algarotti remarks,'
Gli scioli, o vogliam dir coloro che sono dotti per meta,
veggono ancora le cose per meta; e ne formano i piu
manchevoli e distorti giudizi.
In history it is not allowable for any writer to be
an advocate. He ought to be a judge. To gain a
cause against truth, by dint of eloquence and art, is
common; but in the court of history it is execrable.
It is inconceivable that so many writers, on such sub-
jects, should seem to think that their business is not
to find the truth, but to defend one opinion against
another. Hence we find artful elocution, where we
should have nothing but simple veracity.
The author, conscious that he has no opinions to
defend, but that he has embraced what, to his best
judgment and examination, appeared to be the truth,
on whatever side he found it, has employed no art to
win the reader to his sentiments. On the contrary,
his manner is generally so dry, and sometimes so se-
vere, that if the reader finds no conviction in the au-
thorities and arguments, he will never be subdued by
the pomp of declamation, or allured by the arts of
eloquence. If he be convinced, he is convinced by
the force of truth only. In perhaps a dozen passages
of this long work, the reader may, as is not unlikely,
even recoil at the rigour, with which some former
writers and opinions are treated.
the author is as sensible as the
• Pensieri diversi.
Of such
Of such passages
reader: but as he
xlii
PREFACE.
knows and feels their justice, he has reviewed them
often without either deletion or mitigation. As he
always wishes to avoid giving offence, so he never
fears to give it, when truth directs the weapon. In-
dignation belongs to virtue, and to science also: and
is to be exerted against falsehood and prejudice, as
well as against vice. Before the reader can properly
judge of these passages, he must read the authors
against whom they are directed. If he finds them
modest and veracious, let the blame fall on the unjust
anger of the present writer: but if they be found to
be dealers in direct falsehoods, and replete with im-
pudent railing against the truth, let it be considered
if such have an exclusive privilege of being angry.
The author has been forced, now and then, to meet
them on their own ground; and deserves pity, rather
than blame, for that necessity: which has indeed
disgusted him so far, that he has resolved to abandon
the controversial style for ever, and to content him-
self, in future, in exploring and vindicating the truth,
without arraigning its enemies. But nothing has ob-
scured the subject of the present work more than the
railing, pride, anger, and false assertions of some
former writers on it. "Now in such a case, even a
wise and modest man may assume airs too; and repel
insolence with its own weapons. There is a time, as
Solomon the wisest of men teaches us, when a fool
should be answered according to his folly, lest he be
wise in his own conceit;' and lest others too easily
yield up their faith and reason to his imperious dic-
<
PREFACE.
xliii
tates." The rule of Polybius is admirable; "They
who in history relate falsehoods from ignorance, de-
serve pardon and benevolent correction: but they
who designedly commit falsehoods, are to be con-
demned without mercy."
This work is, however, far less employed in demo-
lishing falsehood, than in establishing truth. Toprove
the fallacy of the received history of Scotland, prece-
ding the year 1056, would have been an easy task by
itself; but to find the true history of that period was
difficult. Indolence might easily have sat down with
the impression, that, as the received history was false,
it was impossible to find the true; and so Scotland
might have passed without any history at all prece-
ding the year 1056; though every other country can
begin its history at the time it was converted to Chris-
tianity, and Scotland was in the fifth and sixth cen-
turies. Nothing indeed could be more absurd, than
to suppose that a country adjacent to England, and
near Ireland, countries that produced many men of
letters in the middle ages, should have no history till
the eleventh century; when even Iceland begins in
the ninth. Nothing more absurd than to suppose
that a country, which has historical remains of the
eleventh century itself, containing brief abstracts of
its history preceding that time, should have no his-
tory but from the eleventh century. The English
* Watts's Improvement of the Mind.
* Lib. xii. A remark of Voltaire is also applicable : « Il y a des
erreurs qu'il faut refuter serieusment; des absurdités dont il faut
rire; et des faussetés qu'il faut repousser avec force.”
xliv
PREFACE.
'
and Irish historians, and our own fragments publish-
ed by Innes, indeed amply confute received notions;
so that prejudice, as well as indolence, may conspire
in this disgraceful abbreviation of our history. Our
antiquists thus resemble the ostrich: they hide their
heads, and think nobody sees them. But the fact is,
as the reader will find fully displayed in this work,
that the indolence is contemptible, and the prejudice
irrational: for it so happens that the real history of
Scotland is far more honourable and interesting, than
the fabricated scheme now followed is; even sup-
posing, for a moment, the latter to be true. Had
the real history of the country been disgraceful to
the highest degree, still it ought to have been given
with the most scrupulous faith; as Rome does not
conceal her descent from banditti. But when the
real history is far more interesting, as well as more
honourable, than the false, we must from this instance
alone conclude that prejudice perverts every power
of judgment; or that the fact is that indolent igno-
rance prevents the exertion of judgment, by with-
holding the materials.
Deh che non puo l'eredita comune,
L' ignoranza, nel petto de' mortali !
The reader may perhaps find some matters in this
work, which may contradict his prejudices ; but if he
will suspend his judgment till he has perused the
whole, he will find that, by dint of mere industry, for
every forged medal which is withdrawn from the ca-
binet of Scotish history, two real ones are put in. An
historian ought to belong to no country; and in this
PREFACE.
xlv
}
work the author has laboured to forget that he is a
Scotishman, though a name he glories in; so that it
is hoped no part of this work can fear the accusation
of prejudice, when examined by a native of any coun-
try in Europe. But far less is he prejudiced against
his country; and the freedom with which he treats
the history of all surrounding kingdoms, may war-
rant him from any such imputation. It was said of
Thucydides, that from his history it could not be
known whether he belonged to Athens or Sparta;
and it is hoped the national bias of this work is not
very strong. The vulgar passion for one's country
is a mere modification of self-love; but the real pa-
triot wishes to promote the genuine welfare of his
country, not to feed his own little vanity; and that
welfare is best promoted by pointing out faults that
they may be amended. To praise one's country is
to praise one's self; and Europe is now so civilized,
that the voice of strangers is the surest estimate of a
country's fame.
One grand cause of the neglect of Scotish history
is the absurd idea, which many among us have, of
the nature of the original historians of other countries.
The little chronicles, published by Innes, are as full
as several other nations can boast of for their earliest
history. Even Spain has only the chronicles of Isi-
dorus and John of Biclair; which are shorter and
not larger than ours. The original chronicles of Den-
mark are exactly of the same brief kind, as may be
seen in the first volume of Langebek's Collection.
But our writers seem ludicrously to expect that Scot-
xlvi
PREFACE.
land should vie with Italy, France, Germany, or Eng-
land, in early historians. Such ignorance is only ex-
cusable in a people shut up in a corner of an island;
and incapable of comparing themselves with others.
Ignorance always begets pride: but Denmark might
as well compare herself with Germany; or Switzer-
land with Italy; as Scotland with England. In the
grand commonwealth of Europe it is now perfectly
understood that Scotland is the poorest state, and
England one of the richest. Denmark and Sweden
have, each of them, double the wealth, power, and
population, that Scotland has, or ever had. Even
Norway is remarkable for her conquests, and colo-
nies, celebrated all over Europe; while Scotland is
only distinguished in defensive war. But our writers
absurdly expect advantages, which nature has denied;
as if flattery could make a mountainous country po-
pulous and fertile; or turn a remote corner round
to the centre of civilization! As they see no country
but England, they facetiously suppose that, because
England has many ancient writers, Scotland must
also have had, though now lost. Hence the story of
chronicles destroyed by Edward I. while it ought first
to have been proved that such chronicles ever exist-
ed. Certain it is that, if they had, their memory
could not have perished with them; but as not one
can be indicated, there is reason to infer that they
* This opinion, however, is as old as the fifteenth century. See
Innes, p. 555. But it only arose from national enmity, and is con-
futable from the lists of the writings which Edward seized being
preserved in the Tower, and published by Ayloffe, &c.
PREFACE.
xlvii
And in fact the pieces
did not exist. And in fact the pieces published by
Innes, written in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth
centuries, the Chronicle of Melrose in the thirteenth,
present a series of original history, equal to any that
could reasonably be expected, for a country so remote,
and so lately civilized. Our writers would do well
to look into the original historians of other nations.
They will find that Ireland has only Tighernach, who
wrote in 1088: Denmark only such brief chronicles
as ours, prior to that miracle, Saxo Grammaticus, a
classic writer in 1180: Sweden no native writer, till
the fourteenth century, when a chronicle in rime, like
our Winton's, was written: Norway the brief chroni-
cle of Theodoric the monk, written about 1178. Bo-
hemia has only Cosmas of Prague, 1126: Prussia,
Helmoldus 1180: Poland, Kadlubko 1223: and the
earliest historian of Russia is Nestor, 1115. Nay
some more southern countries have as few and as
late historians. The Low Countries, that garden of
Europe, can boast of none till the 15th century.
Spain has, after Isidorus and John of Biclair, in the
7th century, only the chronicles of the four bishops
written in the 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries, and
published by Sandoval at Pampelona, 1634, folio.
Roderic of Toledo, the first Spanish general historian,
wrote in 1243. On a fair comparison, Scotland has
at least as many historical pieces extant as fall to her
¹ Of the original historians of all nations, it must be confessed
that Fordun is by far the most prolix, and the weakest in every
view.
xlviii
PREFACE.
share and if Edward I. adopted the new and wild
scheme of destroying her chronicles, he must have
done it to little purpose.
But a peculiar glory which distinguishes the his-
tory of Scotland, from that of other northern king-
doms, is, that the earliest period of it stands on Greek
and Roman authorities. Another advantage is, that
the next period is confirmed by the testimonies of
English and Irish writers. Among the latter Adom-
nan has given us the life of St Columba, the chief
apostle of North Britain, written about the year 680;
one of the most curious monuments of the literature
of that age. It is certainly the most complete piece
of such biography that all Europe can boast of, not
only at so early a period, but even through the whole
middle ages. The lives of saints, formerly only con-
sidered in a religious view, now begin to be regarded
in an historical light, by most countries, whether pa-
pist or protestant. Du Chesne, in his Collection of
French Historians, gave extracts of the old lives of
saints; an example followed in Bouquet's late cele-
brated work of the same kind. Langebek, in his
Collection of Danish Historians, follows the same
plan; and the Life of St Amsgar, 820, is to Scandi-
navia, what that of St Columba is to Scotland. Our
antiquists, with all the pride of ignorance, may per-
haps affect to despise monuments which, historically
considered, have received the sanction of Montes-
quieu and Gibbon. But the falsehood of the miracles
no more affects the historical and topographic parts,
than the miracles of Livy and Tacitus discredit their
5
PREFACE.
xlix
history. Not to insist on a matter now so well known
to the learned, as the value of these old lives, in the
history of the middle ages, it shall be further obser-
ved, that many of them are well written; and are
curious monuments, not only of the literature, but
of the manners of the times. Sulpitius Severus set
the example of them in his life of St Martin, written
in the fifth century: and, for five or six centuries,
his example was followed in all countries by the most
able writers of each age. But after that period, in-
stead of contemporary writers of only one life, com-
pilers began to appear, who altered the old writings
to their fancy, and produced monstrous romances;
as the Golden Legend, written in the thirteenth cen-
tury, and others of that stamp. Romances being
then the fashion, saints and knights-errant went hand
in hand through the regions of absurdity. As lite-
rature revived, both fell together. But the genuine
old lives of saints began to be recovered in a pious
view; and Mombritius, in 1480, set the first example
of a legitimate collection of this kind, followed by
Lippomanus and by Surius about 1560; and in the
next century by the famous Bollandists,' whose work
from 1643 to 1786 fills fifty folio volumes; and still
the saints of November and December are wanting,
which will take ten volumes more.
In digesting this work, the author has been care-
¹ So called because Bollandus began this great collection, which
was continued by Henschenius, Papebroch, Sollerius, Cuper, Hilt-
ing, and many others.
VOL. 1.
d
1
PREFACE.
ful to admit no authority, nor argument, but such as
would be allowed valid, if applied to the history of
any country whatever. Yet to some the novelty,
which it contains, may appear suspicious. To such
it can only be answered that, if the original authori-
ties, and real history, of any country have been ne-
glected for late fables, the truth which is very old,
must appear very new, when revived. The truth is
always old, though the discovery may be new. Mon-
tesquieu observes, when illustrating French antiqui-
ties, Je sais bien que je dis ici des choses nouvelles :
mais, si elles sont vraies, elles sont tres anciennes.
Ireland's claim to the Scotia and Scoti, preceding the
eleventh century, has been long allowed and esta-
blished among the literati of all countries, and Scot-
land must have had some name, and some inhabit-
ants, before that period, it became necessary to dis-
cover what they were. Our writers seemed to shrink
from the enquiry; none of them, in the words of
Homer,
ΠΥΚΙΝΗΝ η λυνετο βουλήν.
As
The author has attempted to settle this affair; and
to redeem the early history of his country from total
annihilation. Regret at his own ignorance in the
matter,' was indeed one great spur to the design.
* His ignorance was such that, in the dissertations prefixed to
Select Scotish Ballads, written 1776, and first printed at London,
1781, he rather asserts the authenticity of Ossian. And in the Es-
say on the Origin of Scotish Poetry, prefixed to Ancient Scotish
Poems from the Maitland MS. written 1784, published 1786, there
PREFACE.
li
Truth may appear singular to those who are accus-
tomed to falsehood. But, as a more contemptible
character cannot exist, than his who would sacrifice
truth and science to a silly love of singularity, so no
man ought to fear the charge of singularity, when as-
serting the cause of truth. Mankind can never be
served with impunity; and the charge of singularity
has at first lain against every man, who has advanced
the progress of any science. Torfæus was persecuted
by his contemporaries for reforming the fables of
Saxo, who had taken kings of Jutland, Sweden, Rus-
sia, for Danish sovereigns. In the next generation,
prejudice, envy, and malice were chained to his tomb,
and the voice of fame followed the light of truth.
Omnia subsident meliori pervia causæ.
Before this preface be closed, the reader must be
informed, that it is the author's intention to give a
regular history of Scotland from the earliest accounts
till the reign of Mary, in two volumes, quarto, divi-
ded into forty books.' But as he wished to exert the
utmost care in this work, he was induced to publish
are several opinions which a full and complete examination of all
the evidences of early Scotish History, has forced him to condemn
in the present work. But the reader, upon recourse to these for-
mer productions, will acquit the author of prejudice; and see the
truth, which is, that he has conquered his own prejudice. He hopes
he may say with Baldus, "Ignorantiæ inimicus alienæ, INIMICISSI-
MUS SUÆ, paratus corrigi a quocunque, et correctiones patiens li-
benti et humili animo, quia ignorare non est vitium, sed natura."
* He found a sufficient labour in that of the House of Stuart, 2
vols 4to.
lii
PREFACE.
this Enquiry into the obscure and controverted period
of Scotish history, in the first place, that he might
hear the opinion of the learned, and correct his mis-
takes before they passed into a more solemn work.
As the nature of history rejects controversy, and im-
plies a dignified narration of events, not as told in dif-
ferent ways, but as they really happened to the best
of the historian's examination, it seemed also neces-
sary, by a previous work, to remove all occasion of
controversy from the history itself; as the reader, by
one reference to this work, may examine the whole
reasons for the historical narration at his leisure, if
he sees fit. This proposed history will be a work of
years; and in the mean time the author will be hap-
py to attend to any strictures on the present work;
and either to confirm his sentiments, where he may
still think them just, or to retract them where erro-
neous. He knows he has still much to learn; and is
resolved never to lock up the little casket of his know-
ledge, but to keep it open for fresh accessions from
all quarters.
The reader is intreated to pardon a verbal remark,
before proceeding to the work. He will find in it the
people called Picti by the Romans, always denomi-
nated Piks, and not Picts as usual. Reasons for this
little change were, that the Latin term Picti, too
nearly translated Picts, has a double meaning, which
has given rise to a great error; to wit, that the name
of this people is not indigenal, but a mere Latin epi-
thet, from their painting themselves. Whereas it is
merely an indigenal name, Pihtar, latinized. The
PREFACE.
liii
Saxon writers call them Pihtas, Pyhtas, Pehias, Peoh-
tas; the old Scotish, and the people of Scotland, to
this day, Pihts or Pehts. The ht being harsh, the
Romans gave for it ct, the Greeks more anciently
k;' as the Norwegians term the country, whence they
apparently passed to Scotland, Pika. And the Latin
name has no more a Latin meaning, than Galli means
cocks, or Germani brothers german. To mark the
name as indigenal, and foreign to the Latin language,
it was thought best to write it Piks; a change which
it is hoped the reader will excuse, if not approve. The
name Picts is in fact quite a modern term, not much
above a century old; and the fault lies with those
who introduced this new and improper way of spell-
ing, and not with the author, who only softens the
term used even in the sixteenth century, namely,
Pihts. In Icelandic, the old language of Scandina-
via, whence this people came, the singular is Piki, a
Pik, the plural Pikir Piks; as Griki is a Greek, Gri-
kir Greeks.
The Dissertation on the Origin and Progress of the
Scythians or Goths, which was published near two
years ago, was originally intended as part of this
work, as the reader will find on looking into it. But
as many readers may not perhaps chuse to begin their
perusal of this publication, from such remote periods;
though it be impossible duly to understand the early
population of Scotland, without knowing the state of
natious on the continent, at the time; that Disserta-
* See Dissertation annexed; and Part III. ch. iii. &c. of this
work.
liv
PREFACE.
tion is annexed to the second volume. It is left to
the reader, either to begin with that Dissertation, or
to peruse it after his curiosity may have been exci-
ted, by the references, which point out its connection
with our own history.
This preface ought to be closed with acknowledge-
ments to many literati of different countries, to whom
the author is obliged for articles of information. But
the articles were sometimes of necessity so minute,
and the correspondence so various, that to enume-
rate them all might appear ostentation, and omissions
seem ingratitude. General thanks must therefore
suffice; except to one, whose politeness was altoge-
ther singular, and can never be too warmly acknow-
ledged. M. VAN PRAET, of the king's library at Paris,
with his own hand copied, and collated with Innes's
Appendix, the parts of the remarkable manuscript
N° 4126, which relate to Scotland, and which the
reader will find in the Appendix to this first volume.
For this laborious task he would accept of no grati-
fication, but only desired that this work should be gi-
ven to that truly Royal Library.
[ lv ]
INTRODUCTION,
Containing a succinct View of what has been done in
Scotish Antiquities.
TILL the beginning of this century the study of an-
tiquities, far from making any progress in Scotland,
was hardly known in that country. Italy, Spain,
France, Germany, had produced eminent antiquaries
in the sixteenth century: and in the next, Hungary,
Poland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, could boast of
several. Remote situation, and the consequent want
of emulation; penury, and the consequent want of
books and learned leisure; were causes that long
checked the birth and growth of this, as well as of
the other sciences, in Scotland. The strange spirit
of fanaticism, which in the seventeenth century per-
vaded the country, was another grand cause of the
neglect of literature; for every study, not relating to
religion, was regarded as superfluous, if not profane:
but this secondary cause also originated from penury,
as they who are miserable in this life naturally turn
all their views to another; and it will be difficult to
name a happy and flourishing country, in which fa-
Ivi
INTRODUCTION.
naticism makes any progress. England was in the
horrors of civil war before fanaticism prevailed; and
the most fanatic religion, the Mahometan, originated
in the deserts of Arabia. Spain, at present one of
the poorest countries, is also one of the most fanatic.
It seems certain that the chief fountain of the great
deficiency in Scotish literature, during the last cen-
tury, proceeded from the religious ferment, which
pervaded all ranks, and induced a contempt and ne-
glect of every art and science.
Nevertheless two men arose who paid some atten-
tion to the antiquities of their country.' The first
was Sir ROBERT GORDON of Straloch, who, about the
year 1650, wrote some scraps on our antiquities, pre-
served in the noble Atlas Scotia, begun at the ex-
pence
of Sir JOHN SCOTT of Scotstarvet, director of
the chancery, and published by Blauw at Amsterdam.
There is also a curious letter on our historians, writ-
'In the sixteenth century Major, Boyce, Lesly, and Buchanan,
are well known; Lluyd, a Welchman, attacked Boyce's fables, and
Camden gave his short description of Scotland. But the history of
the Abbots of Kinloss by Ferrerius remains unpublished.
In the next, or seventeenth century, several treatises on Scotish
antiquities were written by Drummond, Crawford, David Buchanan,
David Hume, Sir James Balfour, Sir Robert Sibbald, &c. and though
they all follow the fabulous scheme of our history, a publication of
the best would be acceptable. Dempster is the most noted writer
of the early part of this century. His Menologium Sanctorum Sco-
forum was printed 1619, prohibited 1626, for its gross falsehoods;
published 1627, with a new title, Historia Ecclesiastica Scotorum ;
and again under the name of David Camerarius De statu hominis,
veteris simul et novæ ecclesice, et sanctis regni Scotice. Ogygia Vin-
dicated, p. 68, 69.
INTRODUCTION.
Ivii
ten by Sir R. Gordon to David Buchanan, 1649, of-
ten quoted by Nicolson, in his Scotish Historical Li-
brary; and published by Hearne in the Prolegomena
to Leland's Collectanea. From this letter it appears
that Gordon had a due contempt for the fables of
Boyce and Buchanan, then generally received among
his countrymen, a circumstance which says much for
his sagacity and candour.
The next writer was Sir ROBERT SIBBALD, whose
works appeared from 1680 till 1700; and who had
the true spirit and industry of an antiquary, though
no great sagacity nor abilities. Many of his works
are in print, and are curious, and sometimes valuable.
The collections he formed in his library of various
MSS. concerning Scotish antiquities, written by him-
self and others, were sufficient to procure him the
just fame of an antiquary. These MSS. are now in
the Advocates' library, Edinburgh; and a publica-
tion of the best of them would be very acceptable.'
During the same period the ancient history of Scot-
land (the chief object of an antiquary), which had
hitherto been suffered to remain as Fordun, Boyce,
and Buchanan, had thought proper to forge it, began
for the first time to incur critical examination. Sir
Robert Gordon had expressed doubts and disbelief;
but unhappily did not publish a special work on the
¹ A collection of the best MS. treatises relating to Scotish Anti-
quities, and the rarest of such as are printed, would form a valuable
publication. The collections of Grævius and Gronovius, relating
to Greck and Roman antiquities, afford a model; but two or three
volumes folio might contain all the Scotish.
Iviii
INTRODUCTION.
subject. Sibbald, in his History of Fife, also differed
from received fables, in supposing the Piks not extir-
pated, but really the Lowlanders, and their language
the Lowlandish. Yet it so happened that the Eng-
lish writers, who had just begun to reject the fables
of Geofrey of Monmouth, now had occasion to criti-
cise the Scotish fables. Usher indeed, in his Anti-
quities of the British Churches, published in 1639,
had led the way; but the civil commotions that fol-
lowed, prevented any attention being paid to such
subjects. Now that quiet prevailed, the revival of
his arguments by Bishops Lloyd and Stillingfleet,
and the publication of O'Flaherty's Ogygia in 1685,
raised a strange flame among the Scotish writers.
National enmity, and prejudice, made truths very
unacceptable, which, if they had originated among
themselves, would at least have been more gracious ;
though the first reception of truth, when opposed to
ancient prejudices, in all ages and countries, has ne-
ver been favourable. Sir George Mackenzie, king's
advocate for Scotland, in an odd fit of scribbling chi-
valry, thought it a duty of his office to defend the
enchanted castle of old fable; and with the assistance
of Sir Robert Sibbald, and Sir James Dalrymple, pub-
lished his Defence of the Antiquity of the Royal Line
of Scotland, in two parts, 1685, 1686; afterward
translated into Latin, and published together in Hol-
land. This book, founded on a strange idea that the
honour of Scotland depended on the antiquity of its
royal line, may be regarded as an omen in what man-
ner Scotish antiquities were to be treated, in contra-
INTRODUCTION.
lix
distinction to those of other countries. Instead of
solid facts, founded on ancient authorities, which con-
stitute the sole difference between history and ro-
mance, it contains arguments of absurd ingenuity,
supported by the most trifling and puerile reading,
with here and there a cunning quibble. Sir George
seems incapable of that common degree of candour,
which supposes it possible that the truth may be on
the other side; and he argues as an advocate for a
cause, not as a philosopher who wishes only to find
out where the truth lies. Fas est et ab hoste doceri,
was a maxim unknown to this writer: and the bre-
vity of his trifling tracts might have stared him in
the face, with the old adage, Qui pauca considerat, de
facili pronunciat.
However, a ferment of doubt was now thrown into
the ancient history of Scotland, which was in time to
make it run off clearer and clearer, while the dregs
of fable sunk to the bottom. And the eighteenth
century, as glorious for Scotish literature, as the pre-
ceding one had been adverse, was to throw all possible
light on our ancient history. Here then a more re-
gular and ample account shall begin.
1702,
NICOLSON'S Scotish Historical Library appeared;
and was a most useful work to shew us what had been
done for our history, and to encourage us to new
efforts. The rest of this Introduction may be re-
This work is not, however, without gross mistakes, such as his
confounding St Columba with St Columban; his putting David
lx
INTRODUCTION.
garded as a Supplement to that work, which, though
published twice since in folio and quarto, with his
English and Irish Libraries, has no additions.
1705,
Sir JAMES DALRYMPLE'S Collections concerning
Scotish History preceding the year 1153, appeared.
A modest, useful, industrious writer, though a poor
antiquary. His plan is rather confused, and his man-
ner indistinct. In his violent presbyterianism he
wishes to prove that no bishops appeared in Scotland
till the eleventh century, and that the Culdees were
Presbyterians. Mr Gibbon observes that the ancient
Christians were as little Protestants as they were Pa-
pists; and it may be here remarked, that the Cul-
dees were as little Presbyterians, as they were Hier-
archists. They elected bishops among themselves;
but a bishop of the Culdees was neither a Presbyter,
nor a bishop in the modern sense. It is one great
task of an antiquary to separate ideas from words.
In the same year was published ANDERSON'S Essay
on the Independency of Scotland, a laudable work
for the time.
In the same year appeared at Paris, KENNEDY'S
Chronological, Genealogical, and Historical Disser-
tation on the Royal Family of the Stuarts. This
little work, by an Irish writer, contains all that part
of the fabulous history of Ireland, which relates to
Hume's History of Scotland, Edin. 1617, London, 1657, as a dif-
ferent work from his History of the House of Douglas and Angus,
while it is the same work with a wrong title, &c.
6
INTRODUCTION.
lxi
the ancestors of Fergus I. and is a good abridgment.
But the author's idea, that the Scotish Royal Line
sprung from the Irish, is confuted in this Enquiry.
1708,
;
Dr MACKENZIE'S Lives of the Scotish Writers, vol.
I. was published, and was proposed to be completed
in another volume. But the author's avarice led him
to swell his work to two volumes more; and a fourth
was still wanting to complete it. The first volume,
which goes down to the year 1500, is by far the best
but has numerous Scoti of Ireland, who wrote many
centuries before Scotland could boast of any writer,
having not one native author till the thirteenth cen-
tury, as Denmark has none till the twelfth, nor Swe-
den till the fourteenth. The whole work is remark-
ably dull, erroneous, and ill-written, but has some
good materials. In the preface to vol. I. the idea
was started, that the Scots had proceeded to Ireland
from North Britain, instead of the contrary, as all
our former writers bore.
1711,
ABERCROMBIE's Martial Atchievements of the Sco-
tish Nation were printed, in two volumes folio. A
new edition was lately given in octavo. This work
is full of gross fables, and bitter railing against the
Irish writers. In the second volume, the use of Ry-
mer's Foedera enabled the author to illustrate some
points in our genuine history.
lxii
INTRODUCTION.
1712.
Was published A Genealogical Account of the
Name of Stuart, &c. "being the long-expected work
of that great antiquary David Symson, M. A. Histo-
riographer Royal for Scotland."
8vo.
Parturiunt montes, et nascitur ridiculus mus.
If this Great antiquary had gone to Germany, he
would have been sent to school: if even to Iceland,
Torfæus would have swallowed him at one mouthful,
without salt.
After this great effort there seems to have been a
pause.
1723,
HAY'S Vindication of Elizabeth More (and of the
Scotish royal line) appeared. This work contains
several curious ancient charters.
In the same year was printed at Glasgow, in 4to,
BUCHANAN'S Brief Enquiry into the Genealogy, and
present State, of Ancient Scotish Surnames.
1726,
CRAWFORD'S Lives of the Officers of State in Scot-
land, was published in folio. A work of labour and
merit.
1727.
GORDON'S Itinerarium Septentrionale, or Journey
through the North of England, and through Scotland,
appeared. A very laudable work, had not the author
added his dreams concerning Scotish origins; of
which he knew just as much as he did concerning
school divinity.
INTRODUCTION.
lxiii
In the same year SCOTT's History of Scotland was
published in folio. A weak work of no name.
1729,
INNES'S invaluable Essay on the Ancient Inhabit-
ants of Scotland, &c. appeared, in two volumes 4to
and 8vo. This work forms a grand epoch in our an-
tiquities; and was the first that led the way to ra-
tional criticism on them. It is not however without
faults; of which a radical one is the imagination that
the Piks were of one race with the Welch, and used
the Welch language; in which the author was misled
by Camden, and by Lloyd. Another gross fault is
his wasting 150 pages upon the controversy concern-
ing Mary, Buchanan's principles, &c. from p. 255 of
vol. I. to the end. This was foreign to his work, and
distracting to the reader by loading difficult subjects
with another extraneous difficult one. It was also
written "in a very great hurry to keep pace with the
press," as he tells us, preface p. xxxiv. and smells of
that hurry. It is really surprising that so judicious
and cool a writer could have been so absurd, as to
load his work with such stuff. His manner of division
into books, chapters, and articles, sections, and dis-
sertations, is also obscure and indistinct.
His greatest merit lies in publishing the old chro-
nicles, and other remains of our history. But he is
not very accurate, as the reader will find in the colla-
tion of his edition with the originals, at the end of
this volume. However his industry, coolness, judge-
ment, and general accuracy, recommend him as the
lxiv
INTRODUCTION.
best antiquary that Scotland has yet produced. He
was indeed educated in the French school, being a
priest of the Scotish college at Paris.
From p. 725, 728, 760, it appears that he intend-
ed a second part, concerning the Ecclesiastic History
of Scotland. Though it may easily be seen to what
side he would incline, yet there is great room to re-
gret that he did not publish this second part: and
that in the first, though he gives a chronology of the
Pikish kings to the year '843, yet he goes no lower
than Fergus I. 503. The main part of his work is
occupied in shewing that the Old Scots did not come
to Britain, till the third century, and had no kings till
Fergus, a. D. 503. His long account of the Scotish
historians is exact, curious, and interesting.'
1738,
MALCOM, a clergyman, published his Dissertations
on the Celtic Language, 8vo. the first work which had
appeared in Scotland upon that subject; which after-
ward sleeped, till Ossian had the happy effect to awa-
ken public curiosity.
1739,
ANDERSON'S magnificent work, the Diplomata et
A weak pamphlet in answer to Innes was published at Edin
1733, 4to, pp. 32; and one Tait wrote another in 12mo, Edin. 1741,
pp. 20. The last led the way to Goodal's dream that Strabo's Ierne
was Scotland. Such trifling publications it is not the author's pur-
pose to detail.
Persequi quidem quod quisque unquam, vel con-
temtissimorum hominum, dixerit, aut nimiæ miseriæ, aut inanis jac-
tantiæ est : et detinet atque obruit ingenia, melius aliis vacatura.'
-Quintilian.
6C
">
INTRODUCTION.
lxv
ness.
Numismata Scotia appeared; a publication never to
be transcended in elegance, and scarcely in exact-
The learned and modest RUDDIMAN prefixed
an able introduction. This work does more real ho-
nour to Scotland, than the dreams of an hundred an-
tiquists. Unhappily some of the plates cannot be
found for a new edition proposed.
1747,
RUDDIMAN'S Answer to Logan on the Constitution
of Scotland was published, with a frontispiece by
Strange, being his first engraving, as is said. This
work is of course warm; but his antagonist palpably
so weak and illiterate, that half the force Ruddiman
exerts might have crushed him. This writer, accus-
tomed to accuracy, approves of Innes's work, and
frequently repeats his disbelief of our old fables.
1749,
DUFF's History of Scotland appeared in folio. It
is a weak work, extending from Robert I. to James
VI.
1755,
KEITH'S Catalogue of Scotish Bishops was publish-
ed in 4to. A laudable work, had not the author been
too violent. As prejudices rest on fables, it is no
wonder that he is angry with Ireland, and will have
all Scoti to be of North Britain. He should have
known better; but prejudice, joined with a plentiful
lack of learning, is invincible.
VOL. I.
e
lxvi
INTRODUCTION.
1757,
MAITLAND'S History of Scotland was printed at
London, in two folio volumes. Another violent wri-
ter, who displays the grossest prejudices in favour of
many of the ancient Scotish fables, and against the
progress of historical truth in his native country. He
is a bitter enemy of Innes, of Ireland, of the Piks,
and of himself. He however abandons the kings prior
to Fergus, whose reign he dates 403, by a blunder of
a century. But who shall blame him; for what did
he know of the matter? His remarks on Roman an-
tiquities in Scotland, which he inspected himself, are
curious; but the rest of his work confused, illiterate,
inaccurate, and deficient in common information.
The second volume, extending from James II. of
Scotland to modern times, was written by Dr Gran-
ger, the author of the Sugar-cane, a poem; and though
diffuse, and feeble, is far superior in merit to the
first.
1759,
GOODAL published his edition of Fordun, in two
volumes folio. A laudable work; but his introduc-
tion is another violent piece, fraught with contempti-
ble scurrility, low prejudice, small reading, and gross
He talks like a master, where he is not even
a scholar; and dreams he knows every thing, where
he knows nothing. The contrast between Ruddi-
man's merit and modesty, and Goodal's ignorance
and impudence, is very striking.
error.
1
INTRODUCTION.
lxvii
1762,
Mr JAMES MACPHERSON, in the prefaces to his Os-
sian, began to reveal sundry novelties concerning Sco-
tish history. He however applauds Innes, and con-
sents that Fergus, son of Erc, was the first king, as
the ancient fables were inimical to king Fingal. The
praise of great genius, and of giving rise to the study
of the Celtic tongues, both in Scotland and Ire-
land, might have screened him from censure, had not
his "Introduction," after-mentioned, been as much
fraught with falschood and fable, as his Erse poems,
1766,
Mr O'CONOR'S Dissertations on the History of Ire-
" A
land were published at Dublin: at the end is,
Dissertation on the first Migration and final Settlement
of the Scots in North Britain, with occasional Obser-
vations on the Poems of Fingal and Temora."
1767,
GUTHRIE'S History of Scotland appeared, the best
of the modern, in ten volumes 8vo.
money-job, hasty, and inaccurate.
1768,
But is a
But is a mere
Dr JOHN MACPHERSON'S Dissertations on the Ca-
ledonians appeared in quarto, with a preface by Mr
James Macpherson the editor.
Quinti progenies Arrî, par nobile fratrum
Nequitia et nugis, pravorum et amore gemellum;
Luscinias soliti impenso prandere coemptas;
Quorsum abeant sani? creta an carbone notandi?
Hor.
Ixviii
INTRODUCTION.
Dr Macpherson's book was written in the Hebudes,
and his library was evidently very small. Yet he seems
never to have suspected that he was painting without
colours, or writing upon a subject of which it requi-
red ten times his reading, even to form a conception.
His total ignorance of the literature of the middle
ages, of Norwegian manners and customs, which he
takes for Druidic forsooth, of the origins of nations
and of languages, and of the materials absolutely re-
quisite for his undertaking, serves to lessen our won-
der at his prejudices. Living among the Highland-
ers, though himself surely of Lowland or Norwegian
extract,' he takes up a gratuitous idea, that the High-
landers are the ancient Caledonians, though he con-
fesses that they regard themselves as of Irish extrac-
tion; and supports his opinion by such arguments,
as, if used on any other subject, might be accused of
sheer puerility. His etymological nonsense he assists
with gross falsehoods; and pretends to skill in the
Celtic, without quoting one single MS.; in short, he
deals wholly in assertion and opinion; and it is clear
that he had not even an idea what learning and science
are. He might, with as just a title, have written
upon
medicine, or navigation, as upon antiquities: for any
one may give assertions and opinions upon any sub-
ject. To what purpose served his skill in the Celtic,
so highly vaunted by the editor? Does he quote one
MS. through his whole work? A Laplander, who
should pretend to treat of the origin of the Scandina-
*Macpherson, it is perfectly known, means the son of the parson,
and it is probable that only the Lowland priests who were sent to
the Highlands, were called parsons, a Lowland term.
INTRODUCTION.
lxix
vians, because he knew the Laplandic language,
would be laughed at.
1772,
Mr JAMES MACPHERSON condescended to honour
the public with his Introduction to the History of
Great Britain and Ireland; compared with which
work Dr Macpherson's is modest and laudable. The
empty vanity, shallow reading, vague assertion, and
etymological nonsense of this production, are truly
risible,-
None but itself can be its parallel.
Its author, not knowing the difference between
science and opinion, history and romance, has ven-
tured on quite a new path, and speaks of confuting
ancient authorities! He boasts of skill in the Celtic,
yet quotes not one MS. and seems resolved to set
every law of common science, and common under-
standing, at defiance. For fact we have frothy de-
clamation for learning impudence, that sure and
eternal attendant of ignorance.
These two writers, had their skill answered their
wish, would have founded quite a new school in our
history. As they are the very first authors whom the
Highlands of Scotland have ever produced,' the no-
I
Except the senachies, of whom Martin (Description of the West-
ern Isles, p. 116,) speaks in the following terms: "I must not omit
to relate their way of study, which is very singular. They shut
their doors and windows for a day's time; and lie on their backs,
with a stone upon their belly, and plaids about their heads: and,
their eyes being covered, they pump their brains for rhetorical en-
lxx
INTRODUCTION.
velty and oddity of their prejudices is not to be won-
dered at.
Their contempt for the Lowlanders,' and
reverence for savage manners and customs, is striking.
The Lowlanders, really themselves the ancient Cale-
donians, and amounting to more than a million of
people, while the Highlanders, an Irish colony, ex-
ceed not 400,000, were to lose their history and
fame, to gratify the prejudices of these two writers;
rash enough to be the bitter enemies of the Irish the
ancestors of the Highlanders, and of the Lowlanders
their friends. But the ignorance of the Lowlanders
themselves, concerning their history, left room for
this attack, as the sick lion could not defend himself
from the kick of an ass. Had we ever produced a
Sigonius, a Du Cange, a Muratori, or even a Tor-
fæus, these puerile writers would have trembled as
school-boys before their master. Science would have
laughed at the phantoms of opinion.
Were any writer to arise in the Highlands, who
would not pretend to confute ancient authorities upon
no authority at all, but his own dreams; who would
allow the Irish extract of the Highlanders, and pe-
ruse Irish MSS. in order to throw light on their his-
tory and antiquities by faithful translations; who
comium or panegyric." Martin surely had the second-sight; and
the prophecy relates to the Macphersons. The stone must be ig-
norance; the plaid prejudice.
* In "A Collection of Gaelic Proverbs," Edin. 1785, 12mo, we
find the following, p. 67, “An t-ubli is an t-eune do na Ghael, agu
san cac is am mum do na Ghall." "The egg and bird to the High-
lander, and the dung to the Lowlander."
INTRODUCTION.
lxxi
would study Scandinavian antiquities, as the Norwe-
gians were lords of the Highlands and isles from the
ninth century, and remain still in their progeny; he
would deserve great praise. After the favourable re-
ception of Ossian, it would be risible to accuse the
Lowlanders of prejudice on their part. But to extin-
guish all history and mention of the Lowlanders was
pushing the jest too far; especially as not one name
of a Highlander is to be found in the whole history
of Scotland after the year 1056.' The Highlanders
were not indeed even subject to the Scotish crown,
from the ninth to the sixteenth century, but to the
Norwegian lords: so that their modesty, in taking all
our history to themselves, exceeds all parallel.
1773,
Mr WHITAKER's Genuine History of the Britons,
in answer to Mr Macpherson, came to light. As Mr
M. dealed only in assertion, the only answer required
was denial. But as Mr W. pretended to be Welch,
and Mr M. to be a real Highlander, the match was
fair.
Et vitula tu dignus, et hic.
1775.
O'FLAHERTY'S Ogygia Vindicated against Sir George
• That is in solemn narration; for, in minuter annals and memoirs,
they are mentioned as concerned in thefts and riots. During the
last two centuries, their commotions were dreaded by the Low-
landers.
lxxii
INTRODUCTION.
1
Mackenzie, was first published from the MS. by Mr
O'Conor.
1776,
Sir David DALRYMPLE, Lord Hailes, published the
first volume of his Annals of Scotland; and the se-
cond followed in 1779. They comprize the period
from 1056 to 1371; and are written with an accura-
cy and information hitherto unknown in our history.
This excellent writer had before given sundry smaller
works, illustrating our history and antiquities, all of
which are highly esteemed for the candour, love of
truth, exactness and industry, which pervade them.
It is much to be regretted that he did not continue
his Annals, and it is impossible to guess at the reason
of the interruption, except that some malignant star
seems to influence Scotish history and antiquities.
But three centuries of our history, illustrated by Sir
David Dalrymple, form a great' and pleasing acquisi-
tion.
1780,
SMITH'S Gaelic Antiquities appeared; a laudable
work, as collecting Highland manners and customs:
but the author often takes common Norwegian mat-
ters for Druidic, as he calls them. It remains to be
proved that there ever was a Druid in the Highlands;
and we must not abuse the privilege which antiqua-
ries have of dreaming. But this author is far more
moderate, and honest, than the Macphersons.
1786,
Johnston's Antiquitates Cello-Scandica, &c. were
INTRODUCTION.
1xxiii
printed at Copenhagen, in two volumes, 4to, contain-
ing extracts from the Icelandic writers concerning
Britain and Ireland. An acceptable work; but which
is defective in illustration, and in accuracy.
4
1
[ lxxiv ]
List of the chief Books, and Editions, used.
** Those in Italic letter are indispensably necessary to the library
of a Scotish antiquary.
A.
ADAMI Bremensis Hist. Eccl. apud Lindenbrog. Script. Germ.
Sept. Francof. 1630, fol.
Adams' Index Villaris. Lond. 1680, fol.
Adelung Glossarium Manuale, ex Ducangio et Carpentario. Halæ,
1772, 6 vols. 8vo.
Adomnani Vita Columba, apud Canisium in Lect. Ant. Messinga-
mum, Bollandum, Surium, &c. &c. &c.
Æthici Cosmographia cum Mela Gronovii. Lug. Bat. 1696, 8vo.
Aimoini Hist. Paris, 1603, fol. et apud Bouquet Historiens de
France.
Ammianus Marcellinus Boxhornii. Lug. Bat. 1632, 12mo: Gronovii,
ib. 1693, fol.
Anastasii Bibliothecarii Hist. Eccl. Paris, 1642, fol.
Andrea Lexicon Islandicum. Hauniæ, 1683, 4to.
Archæologia. London, 1770, seqq.
Arii Polyhistoris libellus de Islandia, Bussæi. Hauniæ, 1733, 4to.
Aristotelis Opera, 1597, 4 vols. fol.
Asserii Annales Alfredi, a Wise. Oxonii, 1722, 8vo.
B.
Bartholinus de causis contemptæ a Danis mortis. Havniæ, 1689, 4to.
Baxteri Glossarium Ant. Brit. Lond. 1719, 8vo.
Beda Opera, Basil. 1563, 8 vols. fol.
1601, 12mo: a Smith, Cant. 1722, fol.
Hist. Eccl. Angl. Coloniæ,
Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica. London, 1782, &c. 4to.
Blondi Opera. Basil. 1531, fol.
Bollandi, &c. Acta Sanctorum. Antv. 1643 to 1786, fol. 50 vols.
published.
Borlase's Cornwall. Oxford, 1754, fol.
[ lxxv ]
Bouquet Historiens de France. Paris, 1738, seqq. fol. 12 vols. pub-
lished.
Burton's Itinerary of Antoninus. London, 1658, fol.
C.
Cesar, a Maittaire. Lond. 1772, 8vo.
Camden's Britannia, by Gibson London, 1772, fol.
Anglica, Hibernica, &c. Francof. 1602, fol.
Caradoc of Llancarvon's History of Wales. London, 1697, Svo.
Carte's History of England. London, 1747, 4 vols. fol.
Chamberlayne Oratio Dominica in omnibus fere linguis. Amst.
1715, 4o.
Chronicon de Mailros, apud Gale script. Angl. Oxon. 1684, 3 vols.
fol.
Chronicon Saxonicum, a Wheloc, cum Beda Alfredi. Cant. 1643,
fol. a Gibson, Oxonii 1692, 4to.
Chronicon Manniæ, in Camden's Britannia.
Claudianus Heinsii. Eiz. 1650, 12mo, Gesneri, Lipsiæ, 1759, Svo.
Cleffelii Antiquitates German. Francof. 1733, Svo.
Clerk, Sir John, Dissertation on the ancient language of Britain :
in Bibl. Topogr. Brit.
Cluverii Geographia. Lond. 1711, 4to.
Colgani Acta Sanctorum Hiberniæ. Lovan. 1645, fol.
Acta Triadis Thaumaturgæ, (Patricii, Columbæ, et Brigidæ).
Ib. 1647, 2 vols. fol.
Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis. Dublin, 1774, seqq. 4 vols. 8vo.
Cuminii Vita Columbæ, apud Mabillon Sæcula Benedictina.
D.
Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, Annals of Scotland. Edin. 1776, 2 vols.
4to.
Dalrymple, Sir James, Collections concerning Scotish History. Edin.
1705, 8vo.
Dalrymple, Sir James, Remarks on Camden. Edin. 1694, 8vo.
D'Anville Geographie Ancienne abregée. Paris, 1768, 3 vols.
12mo.
Etats formés en Europe, apres la chute de l'Emp. Rom.
Paris, 1771, 4to.
Davis Dictionarium Kymbraicum seu Wallicum. Londini, 1632,
fol.
Diodorus Siculus Wesselingi. Amst. 1746, 2 vols. fol.
Dion Cassius Reimari. Hamburgi, 1750, 2 vols. fol. Leunclavii,
Francof. 1592, 8vo.
[ lxxvi ]
Dissertationes variæ de antiq. Sveciæ, 1720-1770, 4to, in the king's
library.
Du Cange Glossarium ad Script. Medice et Infimæ Lat. Paris,
1733, 6 vols. fol.
Du Chesne rerum Norman. Script. Lut. 1619, fol.
E.
Eadmeri Historia Novorum, a Seldeno. Londini, 1623, fol.
Eccardus de origine Germanorum. Goeting. 1750, 4to.
Edda prosaica, Resenii. Hafn. 1665, 4to.
rhythmica seu antiquior, vulgo Sæmundina dicta. Hafniæ,
1787, 4to, tom. I.
Eddi Vita Wulfridi, apud Gale Script. Angl.
Essai sur l'histoire de Picardie. Abbeville, 1770, 3 vols. 12mo.
Evans' Specimens of Welch poetry. Lond. 1764, 4to.
F.
Flemingi Collectanea de S. Columbano, a Serino. Lovan. 1667,
fol.
Florentii Vigornensis Chronicon. Londini, 1592, 4to.
Forduni Scotichronicon. Edin. 1759, 2 vols. fol.
G.
Gale et Fulman Scriptores Hist. Angl. Oxon. 1684, 3 vols. fol.
Gildas de excidio Britonum, apud Bertram Scriptores Tres. Hav-
niæ, 1757, 8vo.
Gibbon's Roman History. London, 1783, 6 vols. 8vo. 3 last vols.
1788, 4to.
Giraldi Cambrensis Itin. Cambria, apud Camden. Anglica, Nor-
mannica, &c.
Goldasti rerum Alamann. Script. edit. alt. Francof. 1661, fol.
Goodal Introductio ad Fordunum, in edit. Forduni, Edin. 1759, 2
vols. fol. some copies of the same edition bear 1775.
Gordon's Itinerarium Septentrionale. Lond. 1726, fol.
Grotii Historia Gothorum. Amst. 1655, 8vo.
Gulielmi Neubrigensis Hist. a Hearne Oxon. 1719, 3 vols. 8vo.
Gunlaugs Saga. Hafnia, 1775, 4to.
H.
Herodiani Historia, Oxoniæ, 1678, 8vo.
[ lxxvii ]
Herodotus Wesselingii. Amst. 1763, fol.
Hervarar Saga. Hafniæ, 1785, 4to.
Historiæ Augustæ Scriptores, variorum. Lug. Bat. 1661, 8vo.
Horsley's Britannia Romana. London, 1732, fol.
Hume's History of England. Lond. 1782, 8 vols. 8vo.
Hutchinson's View of Northumberland. Newcastle, 1778, 2 vols.
4to.
I.
Ihre Glossarium Suio-Gothicum. Upsala, 1769, 2 vols. fol.
Innes' Critical Essay on the Inhabitants of Scotland. London, 1729,
2 vols. 8vo.
Jornandes Vulcanii, Lug. Bat. 1597, 1617, Svo. et in Grotii Hist.
Goth.
Isidori Opera. Paris, 1601, fol.
Islands Landnama-bok. Skalholt, 1688, 4to. Hafniæ, 1774, 4to.
Itinerarium Antonini. Venet. 1518, 12mo.
K.
Keith's Catalogue of Scotish bishops. Edin. 1755, 4to.
Kennedy's chronological, &c. Dissertation on the Stuarts. Paris,
1705, 8vo.
Keysler Antiquitates Sept. et Celt. Hanoveræ, 1720, 8vo.
L.
Langebek Script. rerum Dan. Hafniæ, 1772, fol. 4 vols. pub-
lished.
Langhorne Elenchus Antiquitatum Albionensium, &c. una cum
brevi Regum Pictorum Chronico. Lond. 1673, 8vo.
Chronicon regum Angliæ. Ib. 1679, 8vo.
L'Art de verifier les Dates des Faits Historiques. Paris, 1770, ful.
Lloyd's (Edw.) Archaeologia. Oxford, 1707, fol.
Lluyd (Humphrey) Commentariolum de Britannia, Col. Agr. 1572,
8vo. A translation by Twyne, London, 1573, 12mo. Accurante
Mose Gulielmio, Lond. 1731, 4to.
Loccenii Antiquitates Sueo-Gothicæ. Holmiæ, 12mo.
Lye Dictionarium Saxonico et Gothico Latinum, a Manning. Lon-
don, 1772, 2 vols. fol.
Lynch Cambrensis Eversus. 1662, fol.
[lxxviii]
M.
Macpherson, Dr John, Dissertations on the Caledonians. London,
1768, 4to.
Mr James, Introduction to the History of Britain,
and Ireland. London, 1773, 4to. Ossian, London, 1765, 2 vols.
8vo.
Mac Curtin's Discourse in vindication of the antiquity of Ireland.
Dublin, 1717, 4to.
Malcolm's Essays on the Celtic tongue, &c. Edin. 1738, 8vo.
Mallet's Northern Antiquities. London, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo.
Marcellini V. C. Comitis Illyriciani Chronicon, cum Idatii Chroni-
CO. Lut. Par. 1619, 8vo.
Martin's Western Islands. London, 1716, 8vo.
Matthæi Westm. Florilegi Hist. Angl. Francof. 1601, fol.
Mela Gronovii. Lug. Bat. 1696, 8vo.
Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 41 vols.
to 1780.
Merula Pauli Cosmographia. Lugd. Bat. 1605, 4to. 1621, folio,
1636, 6 vols. 12mo.
Messenii Scondia illustrata. Holmiæ, 1700, fol.
Messingham Florilegium Insula Sanctorum, seu Acta Sanctorum
Hiberniæ. Paris, 1624, fol. The only collection of the kind which
is common.
Milton's History of England. London, 1671, 4to.
Miscellanea Antiqua. London, 1710, Svo. contain, 1. Life of James
V. from the French. Paris, 1612. 2. His Navigation. 3. Bu-
chanan's Chamæleon.
Montesquieu, Oeuvres de. Amst. 1772, 7 vols. Svọ.
Murray (Johannis Philippi) Descriptio Terrarum Septent. Sæc. IX.
X. XI.-De Britannia atque Hibernia sæculis a Sexto inde aď
Decimum literarum domicilio.-De coloniis Scandicis in insulis
Britannicis, et maxime in Hibernia.-Antiq. Sept. et Brit. atque
Hib. inter se comparatæ.-De Pythea Massiliensi. In Commin-
tariis Novis Soc. Reg. Scient. Gottingensis, tom. I. ad V. Gottin-
gæ, 1771—1775, 4to. They deserve a separate publication.
N.
Nennii Historia, apud Bertram Scriptores tres. Havniæ, 1757, Svo.;
et separatim a Bertram, Havniæ, 1758, 8vo.
Nicolson's Historical Libraries. London, 1736, fol.
Notitia Imperii. Basil, 1552, fol. Paris, 1651, 12mo.
[ lxxix ]
0.
O'Conor's Dissertations on the History of Ireland. Dublin, 1766.
8vo.
O'Flaherty's Ogygia, seu rerum Hibernicarum Chronologia. Lon-
dini, 1685, 4to.
Ogygia Vindicated. Dublin, 1775, Svo.
Olaus Magnus de Gentibus Septentrionalibus, Antv. 12mo.
Orkneyinga Saga. Hafniæ, 1780, 4to.
Orosius Havercampi. Lug. Bat. 1738, 4to.
P.
Panegyrici Veteres Livinei. Antv. 1599, 8vo. Nurenberg, 1779,
2 vols. 8vo.
Parerga Historica. Dantisci, 1782, 4to.
Pelloutier Histoire des Celtes. Paris, 1770, 8 vols. 8vo.
Pennant's Tours in Scotland. Lond. 1776, 3 vols. 4to.
Peringskiold Monumenta Uplandica. Holmiæ, 1710, fol.
Plinii Historia Naturalis Variorum. Lug. Bat. 1669, 3 vols. 8vo. ;
Harduini, Paris, 1723, 2 vols. fol.
Polybii Historia Gronovii. Amst. 1670, 3 vols. 8vo.
Price's Description of Wales, prefixed to Caradoc of Llancarvon.
Procopii Opera. Paris, 1662, 2 vols. fol.
Ptolemai Geographia, Bertii. Amst. 1618, fol. and fifteen other
editions.
R.
Rami Nori Regnum. Christianiæ, 1689, 4to.
Ravennas Geographus, cum Mela Gronovii. Lu. Bat. 1696, 3rɔ
various readings in Hudson Geograph. Gr. Minores, tom. III.
Remberti Vita S. Amsgari apud Langebek, &c.
Ricardus Corinensis, inter Bertrami Scriptores Tres. Hafn. 1757,
8vo. The other two writers are Gildas aud Nennius.
Roberti de Monte Supp. ad Chronicon Sigeberti Gembl. Paris, 1513,
4to. et inter Script. Germ. Francof. 1583, fol.
Roy (General) Roman Antiquities in North Britain, MS. in the
king's library, 2 vols. fol.
S.
:
Sacheverel's Account of the Isle of Man and Voyage to Icolmkill.
London, 1702, 8vo.
[ lxxx ]
Sanson Britannia, ou recherche de l'antiquité d'Abbeville. Paris,
1636, 12mo.
Saville Scriptores Hist. Angl. post Bedam. Lond. 1596, fol.
Saxo Grammaticus. Paris, 1514, fol.: Stephanii. Soræ, 1644, fol.
Schilteri Thesaurus Antiq. Teuton. Ulmæ, 1728, 3 vols. fol.
Schoepflin Vindicia Celtica. Argent. 1754, 4to.
Commentationes Historicæ. Basil, 1741, 4to.
Sheringham de Anglorum origine. Cantab. 1670, 8vo.
Sibbald's History of Fife. Edin. 1710, fol.
Sidonius Apollinaris Savaronis. Paris, 1598, 8vo.
Simeon Dun. apud Twysden Script. X.
Snorronis Sturlonidis Historia, a Peringskiold. Stockholm, 1697,
fol.: a Schoening, Hauniæ, 1777, 3 vols.
Solinus apud Aldum 1518, 12mo. Paris, 1503, 4to.
Strabo Casauboni. Lutetiæ, 1620, fol.
Stuart's View of Society. Dublin, Svo.
Suenonis opuscula. Soræ, 1642, 8vo.
Suhm Danmarks Historie. Kiobenhavn, 1781, 8vo.
Sulpicii Severi Opera Vorstii et Clerici. Lips. 1709, 8vo.
Surii Vitæ Sanctorum. Coloniæ, 1617, 4 vols. fol.
T.
Tacitus Boxhornii. Amst. 1661, 12mo.: a Brotier. Paris, 1771, 4
vols. 4to.
Theodoricus monachus de Regibus Norvagicis, apud Kirchman Com-
ment. Hist. Amst. 1684, 8vo.
Thorlacii Specimen Antiq. Bor. Havniæ, 1778, 8vo.
Thorkelin's Fragments of English and Irish History. London, 1788,
4to.
Torfæi Series Regum Dania. Hafniæ, 1702, 4to.
Orcades. Ib. 1697, fol.
Historia Norvegia. Ib. 1711, 4 vols. fol.
Gronlandia antiqua. Ib. 1706, 8vo.
Commentatio de rebus Færeyensium. Ib. 1695. Syn.
Twysden Scriptores Decem Hist. Angl. Lond. 1652, fol.
U.
Usserii Britanicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates. Londini, 1687, fol.
Veterum Epist. Hib. Sylloge. Dublini, 1632, 4to.
V.
Verelii Gothrici et Rolfi Hist. Upsal. 1664, 8vo.
[ lxxxi ]
}
VOL. I.
Verelii Index linguæ vet. Scytho-Scandice. Upsal. 1691, fol.
Von Troil Dissertatio de runarum antiquitate. Upsal, 1769, 4to,
W.
Wachter Glossarium Germanicum. Lipsia, 1737, 2 vols. fol.
Walker's Historical Memoirs of the Irish Bards. London (Dublin),
1786, 4to.
Wallace's account of the Orkneys. London, 1700, 8vo.
Warburton's Vallum Romanum. London, 1753, 4to.
Ward Vita Rumoldi. Lovan. 1662, 8vo.
Ware Antiq. Hiberniæ. Lond. 1658, 8vo.
Scriptores Hib. Dubl. 1639, 4to.
-S. Patricio adscripta opuscula.
Londini, 1656, 8vo.
Whitaker's History of Manchester. Lond. 1773, 3 vols. 8vo: and
another vol. in 4to.
Genuine History of the Britons. Ib. 1773, 8vo.
Williams on the vitrified forts. Edin. 1777, 8vo.
Wittichindi Saxonis Gesta Saxonum.
Wormii Series Regum Daniæ.
Monumenta Danica.
Wynne's History of Ireland.
Basil. 1532, fol.
Hafniæ, 1642, fol.
Ib. 1643, fol.
Lond. 1773, 2 vols. 8vo.
pat
CONTENTS.
VOLUME FIRST.
PART I.
The earliest Celtic Inhabitants of Scotland.
Chap. I. The Greek and Roman Geography of Scotland
II. The earliest Celtic inhabitants of Scotland
PAGE.
ទ
18
PART II.
The Southern Britons, between the Rivers Tweed and
Forth, Solway, and Clyde.
Chap. I. Origins of the Southern Britons
II. The tribes between the Tweed and Forth, Solway
and Clyde
III. The walls
IV The province of Valentia
The kingdom of Strat-Clyde
1. The kingdom of Cumbria
1
1
21
34
45
57
60
83
*
[ lxxxiv ]
PART III.
The Northern Britons, otherwise called Caledonians,
or Piks.
Chap. I. The Northern Britons, Caledonians, Piks, one
and the same people
-
II. The opinion of Camden and Lloyd, and that of
the two Macphersons, concerning the origin of
the Piks, examined
III. Origin of the Piks
1
IV. Epoch of the Pikish settlement in Scotland
V. Province of Vespasiana
VI. Pikish tribes
VII. Pikish kingdom
VIII. Catalogue of the Pikish kings
IX. Extent of the Pikish dominions
X. Pikish language
XI. Manners of the Piks
XII. Pikish antiquities in Scotland
103
121
-
- 163
- 201
209
- 218
-
231
- 280
- 313
- 339
- 370
- 397
APPENDIX TO VOL. I.
Numb. I. Ptolemy's geography of North Britain, collated
with the Palatine MS. and with the Latin
editions 1462 and 1490
II. Extracts from the Notitia Imperii, and the ano-
nymous Geographer of Ravenna
III. Description of Caledonia, from Richard of Ci-
rencester
419
428
433
[lxxxv ]
Numb. IV. Dio's account of the expedition of Severus into
Caledonia
·
V. The fabulous account of Britain given by Pro-
copius
VI. Some passages in Adomnan's life of Columba,
omitted in the old printed copies
VII. The contents of, and extracts from, the Regis-
ter of St Andrews,
VIII. Contents of the French king's MS.
IX. Collation of that MS. with the pieces publish-
ed from it by Innes
X. The first part of the Chronicon Pictorum,
-
437
440
445
451
471
- 477
with the contractions, &c. of the original MS. 482
XI. The Chronicon Pictorum complete, collated
with the MS.
XII. On the devotion to St Andrew among the
Piks, from the same MS.
XIII. Versus de præstantia Regni Scotorum ;
from the same MS.
-
XIV. The origin of the Piks; extracted from the
book of Ballymote
XV. Pikish kings; from Lynche's Cambrensis
Eversus
XVI. Commentary on an obscure passage in the
Chronicon Rhythmicum
490
498
501
-
503
509
510
- 516
- 519
- 521
- end.
XVII. Instrumentum possessionum Ecclesiæ Glas-
cuensis
XVIII. Kings of Northumbria
XIX. Earls of Northumbria
Two tables of Pikish kings
[ lxxxvi 1
VOLUME SECOND.
PAGE.
S
PART IV.
The Dalriads.
Chap. I. Irish origins; and progress of the Dalriads from
Ireland to North Britain
II. The first colony of Old Scots in North Britain,
under Riada, about the year 258, being the
Dalreudini or Attacotti
III. The second arrival of the Ancient Scots in Bri-
tain; and first establishment of the Dalriadic
kingdom in 503
IV. Extent of the kingdom of Dalriada
V. Catalogue of the Dalriadic kings
VI. Manners, language, antiquities, &c. of the Old
British Scots
PART V.
Piks and Dalriads united.
61
88
96
101
an
139
Chap. I. Union of the Piks and Dalriads
149
II. The kings from 843 till 1056
175
III. Extent of the united territories, during this pe-
riod from 843 till 1056
205
IV. Origin of the name SCOTLAND
228
V. Manners and antiquities of this period, from 843
till 1056
247
1
[ lxxxvii ]
PART VI.
Ecclesiastic and Literary History.
Chap. I. Ecclesiastic History
II. Literary History
-
· 259
-
274
SUPPLEMENT.
The Angles and the Norwegians.
Sect. I. The Angles
II. The Norwegians. History of the Isles
- 285
293
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Numb. I. Extracts from the Annals of Ulster
II. The Albanic Duan, with translations
III. The succession of Scotish kings, inserted in the
Chronicle of Melrose; comprizing the Chro-
nicon Elegiacum
30%
$21
IV. Kings of Norway
V. Kings of Denmark
VI. Kings of Sweden
VII. Earls of the Orkneys
· 330
- 338
- 343
346
348
VIII. Some themes for dissertations on Scotish history 350
Genealogy of kings, fronting
Tables of kings
-
352
- 354
DISSERTATION ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS
OF THE SCYTHIANS, OR GOTHS.
INDEX.
[ lxxxviii]
DIRECTIONS for the BOOK-BINDER.
VOL. I.
STONES at PITMACHIE to follow the Advertisement.
Place the Map intituled BRITANNIÆ PARS BOREALIS
PTOLEMÆI, vol. I. page 35.
Map CALEDONI A, &c. A. D. 426, vol. I. p. 101.
Map CALEDONIA, &c. A. D. 500-800, vol. I. p. 313.
Tables I. and II. of Pikish kings, at the end.
VOL. II.
Map SCOTIA vel HIBERNIA, vol. II. p. 1.
Map PIKIA, &c. ab A. 800 ad 1100, vol. II. p. 147.
Genealogy of kings, vol. II. p. 352.
DISSERTATION ON THE SCYTHIANS after vol. II.
Map, STATE OF NATIONS, at the end of that Volume.
PART I.
The earliest Celtic Inhabitants of Scotland.
VOL. I
A
AN
ENQUIRY
INTO
SCOTISH HISTORY
PRECEDING THE YEAR 1056.
PART I.
The earliest Celtic Inhabitants of Scotland.
CHAPTER I.
The Greek and Roman Geography of Scotland.
WHEN the first dawn of Grecian science rises upon
the west of Europe, in the time of Herodotus, we find
that this writer calls the islands of Britain and Ireland
CASSITERIDES, a name implying the isles of tin. For
the Phoenicians traded hither for that metal, from
their settlements in Africa and Spain; and from hence
¹ Herodot. III. 115. xacσirigov is derived from xacoα, meretrix, be-
ing chiefly used at first as mock silver, for ornaments to such women.
{
4
PART I.
EARLIEST INHABITANTS,
3
alone the ancient world was supplied with it, whence
Aristotle' calls it in general Celtic tin, as the west of
Gaul and of Britain was still possessed by the Celts,
the ancient inhabitants of Europe. This name Cassi-
terides was afterwards improperly given to the isles of
Scilly, which were far too minute to attract Grecian
notice; and it is agreed by the learned that it was
originally, and properly, given to Britain and Ireland.
Herodotus, who wrote about 450 years before Christ,
only hints a very faint knowledge of the Cassiterides:
and as the Phoenicians, according to Strabo's 3 report,
carefully concealed their acquaintance with the west
of Europe, lest other nations should interfere in their
trade, this knowledge was not increased for a long
period. For Polybius, a well-informed writer, who
lived about 170 years before Christ, tells us that, in
his time, all that part of Europe north of an oblique
line, to be drawn from the Tanais to the head of the
Rhone, or extremity of Gallia Bracata, afterward Nar-
bonensis, was quite unknown. That is, all Russia,
Foland, Germany, three quarters of Gaul, Britain,
Ireland, and Scandinavia. This ignorance remained
till Cæsar entered on his province of Gaul, 57 years
before Christ.
4
My researches being confined to Scotland, no no-
tice shall be taken of the descriptions of the south of
Britain by Cæsar, who attacked it 53 years before our
era. With regard to the north, he only observes,”
after mentioning that Britain is triangular, the south
side lying toward Gaul, the west toward Spain, and
Hibernia or Ireland, that the north side, as he calls
it, fronts the ocean with its angle bent toward Ger-
many. He describes the length of this side, or of
Britain, as about 800 miles, being about 100 more
• De mir. ausc. si Aristotelis sit.
* See 1'uet, Commerce des Anciens.
"Polyb. Lib. III.
3 Lib. III.
5 De Bello Gall. Lib. V.
CHAP. I. GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY.
ગ
than the truth. His geography of Britain is so per-
verted, that he mistakes the east for the north; but
the ancients had so few means of cultivating geogra
phy, that it is matter of wonder that they made so
few errors, not that they made so many. Cæsar's idea
of Britain was this: a triangular isle, whose shortest
side opposite to Gaul, or fronting south-east, as he
thought, was 500 miles long; the next fronting west
to Ireland and to Spain, as then imagined, had 700
miles; the third fronting north-east, its southmost
part opposite Germany, the rest viewing only the vast
ocean, had 800 miles. To acquire accurate ideas of
ancient knowledge, we must lay aside our own, and
think, for the moment, as the ancients did; for if we
allow nothing for their ignorance, but refer their ideas
to our standard, confusion will arise instead of ac-
curacy.
Diodorus Siculus lived in the time of Julius, and is
said to have died very old, toward the middle of the
reign of Augustus. He has a short description of
Britain; and certainly profited by the discoveries of
Julius. He tells us that Britain is triangular, like
Sicily, terminating in three promontories, 1. Kartiov,
Cantium, or Kent. 2. BEXEgio, Belerium, The Land's
End in Cornwall,
I
Or whether thou, to our moist vows denied,
Sleep'st by the fable of Bellerus old;
Where the great vision of the guarded mount
·Lcoks tow❜rd Namancos and Bayona's hold.
Milton's Lycidas.
3. Opnas, Orcas, or Dunnet Head in Caithness-shire,
the most northern point of Britain, fronting the Or-
cades, or Orkney isles. This is the very first men-
tion of any place in Scotland by any writer. Gaul
being subjected to the Roman empire, by Julius Cæsar,
¹ Lib. V.
6
PART I.
EARLIEST INHABITANTS.
all provincial benefits were speedily extended to it:
many Romans settling there; and no doubt some ap-
plying themselves to merchandize. Hence discoveries
were often made with respect to neighbouring coun-
tries. Diodorus heard of these discoveries; and thus
mentions the most northern point of Britain by name,
though unknown to Julius.
Far other was the case with Strabo, who lived un-
der Tiberius about 20 years after Christ, but seems
never to have been beyond Cappadocia, his native
country. Though a sensible and valuable writer, he
shews such gross ignorance of countries just around
him, as to take the Caspian Sea for a vast gulf of the
great Northern Ocean, while it is a lake near 1000
miles from it; and he brands Herodotus as a fabu-
list, who however knew the Caspian was a great lake,
and is in geography more veracious than Strabo him-
self, though he wrote 500 years before. This says
very little for Strabo's information on a country so
near him; and with regard to Britain and Ireland,
as vastly more distant from him, no wonder that it is
erroneous. In his description of Britain, to be found
in his fourth book, he joins with former writers in
considering it as triangular; but says each side has
about 4300 stadia in length, that is, allowing eight
stadia to a mile, 537 miles. In Book II. p. 128, he
says, the length of that side of Britain which faces
Gaul, is 5000 stadia, or 625 miles. In Book II.
72, he says Ireland is 5000 stadia from France, that
is, 625 miles! Book I. p. 63, he says, from Marseilles
to the middle of Britain are 5000 stadia, or 625 miles;
while France is about 500 miles broad, and the mid-
dle of Britain would, according to Cæsar's computa-
tion, who assigns it 800 miles of length, require 400
miles more. In another passage of Book I. he infers
the distance from Marseilles to Ireland to be 12,200
stadia, or 1525 miles! Casaubon has well remarked,
I
p.
CHAP. I. GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY.
7
that Strabo's geography of Britain and Ireland is in-
accurate, inconsistent, and self-contradictory. In
short, we can only say, that he knew nothing either
of Britain or Ireland; and that, considering his dis-
tance, it is no wonder he did not. But his grand
and prodigious error, and in which as he followed no
writer, so he is followed by none, is his placing Hi-
bernia, or Ireland, north of Albion, or Britain.' Stra-
bo, if we may judge from his behaviour to Herodo-
tus, seems to have been very fond of his own ideas,
and to have looked upon all information as fabulous,
that clashed with his preconceptions. If he heard of
Cæsar's account, who rightly put Ireland on the west
of Britain, he has only looked on it as akin to that
of Herodotus, who regarded the Caspian as a lake.
Yet both Cæsar and Herodotus were right, and Strabo
egregiously wrong; a lesson of modesty to those who
prefer what they call philosophy to information. For
his inconsistent measurements, blame is no doubt due
to transcribers, for numbers are in all MSS. most apt
I
Goodal, in his Introduction to Fordun, cap. 2. has availed him-
self of this mistake of Strabo, to support his strange fancy, that the
Hibernia of Strabo was Scotland, and that Ireland was unknown to
the ancients till the time of Vespasian! Ireland, a great and fertile
island, was known to the ancients as early as Britain, and gave rise
to the plural Cassiterides of Herodotus, "British islands," of Poly-
bius. As lying on the west of Britain, it seems to have been known
to the Phoenicians, even before Britain. Scotland, the most remote
corner of Britain, must have been last known, as common sense
argues. But it is risible to see Ireland totally vanish in such preju-
dices. He, who could take the Mona of Cæsar for Emona, an isle
of an acre of ground in the Frith of Forth, cannot deserve confuta-
tion. All foreign writers put Strabo's idea, of Ireland being on the
north of Britain, as a mere mistake, as well as his extending the
western point of Britain so as to front the Pyrenees. Such mistakes
appear in the best ancient writers, but are to be corrected by better
information. Mr Goodal betrays his intention at the beginning of
this very chapter, by telling that, as some will have Ireland to be
the most ancient Scotia, so he will shew that Scotland was the most
ancient Hibernia! A pretty revenge!
3
PART I.
EARLIEST INHABITANTS.
to be blundered. But his own errors in placing Ire-
land north of Britain, and extending the south of
Britain from the Pyrenees to the Rhine, with others
equally gross, only strike us with the imperfection of
ancient geography, and of Strabo's information on
some matters in particular. But if we reflect our-
selves, that similar errors with regard to America,
and other distant countries, may be found in geogra-
phers of the last century, we must also reflect that
the west of Europe was an America to the Greeks;
and be content to correct their mistakes, by the solid
information of Tacitus, and other Romans, whose
knowledge was immediate and authentic. The grand
cause of Strabo's error, with regard to Ireland, seems
to have been, that it was the furthest land discovered
to the northward, and he of course thought it the
furthest north from Asia and Greece. Strabo says
nothing of the north of Britain, and seems not to have
seen Diodorus, for he only names Kavrov, as one of
the three terminating promontories; but the names
of the other two, Belerion, and Orcas, he does not
mention.
24
Claudius, who began to reign 41 years after our
era, is rightly marked by Tacitus' as the first empe-
ror who began the real conquest of Britain, then more
and more known; for Mela, who wrote, as his work
expresses, at the commencement of this conquest,
mentions the Orcades, or Orkneys, and says they
amount to thirty in number; a calculation pretty aç-
curate, for they are twenty-six. Mela's mention of
the Orkneys seems to have given rise to a fable, re-
tailed by Eutropius and Beda, and other writers of
the declining ages, that Claudius conquered the Ork-
neys. Vespasian was the general employed by Clau-
dius in Britain, and was here, as Tacitus expresses,
"shewn to the fates."
1
¹ Agricola.
* III. 6.
CHAP. I. GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY.
Under Nero, Suetonius Paullinus continued the
conquest of Britain; and Tacitus, in the Life of Agri-
cola, has given us an idea of his progress. Pliny, the
natural historian, wrote under Vespasian, or about 70
years after Christ; but even then nothing concerning
North Britain can be found.'
Yet was it in the reign of Vespasian that full splen-
dour was to be diffused over Scotland, from the arms
of Agricola, so nobly celebrated by Tacitus. Agri-
cola seems to have taken the command in Britain in
the consulship of Ceionius Commodus, and Cornelius
Priscus, 78 years after Christ, being the last year of
the reign of Vespasian, and to have left it in the
fourth year of Domitian, or the 84th year of our æra.
The Brigantes, or people of Yorkshire, &c. had been
subdued by Cerealis, 3 and all South Britain was sub-
ject to Rome; so that the conquest of Agricola be-
gan at the Tweed; and to him we owe all we know
concerning the state of Scotland, when first explored
by the Romans. The English have Cæsar for the
father of their history: the Scotish have Tacitus.
Tacitus wrote his Life of Agricola in the year of
Christ 97, as Brotier shews, being the year of Rome
849, and first of Trajan. He tells us, that Fabius
Rusticus compared the shape of Britain to a bipen-
nis, or polax, that is, its triangular head: but that the
extent of Caledonia, or Scotland, running far on,
gives it rather the shape of a cuneus, or wedge: an
observation just to this day. He then mentions that
the Roman fleets had sailed around it, and had dis-
I
Pliny, IV. 16. says that Pytheas and Isidorus put the circamfe-
rence of Albion at about 3800 miles: that Agrippa marked its length
at 800, breadth 300, and Ireland as of the same breadth, but 200
miles less in length. Pliny names the Orcades, Acmoda (perhaps
Shetland isles) Hæbudes, Mona, Monapia, Ricnea.
2
Horsley's Brit. Rom.
3 Pliny, ÏV. 16. mentions the Silva Caledonia, as the boundary of
the Ronian knowledge of Britain.
10
PART I.
EARLIEST INHABITANTS.
1
covered the Orkneys, and seen Thule. Tacitus,
however, adds little to the geography of Scotland,
save the weight of his great name; for he only men-
tions Taus, or the Tay; Glota, or Clyde; Bodotria,
or Forth; the Mons Grampius, or Grampian hills
and the Horesti, thought to be the people of Fife-
shire.
;
About forty years after Tacitus wrote, Ptolemy
gave his geography, which many concur to regard as
the most inaccurate work of antiquity, and which
others, with more reason, think a wonderful produc-
tion for the time. Indeed to expect accuracy in an-
cient geography will appear ridiculous to any one,
who reflects in the least on the deficiency of ancient
science. We allow for errors in ancient natural his-
tory, &c. why not equal allowance in geography?
How could the ancients take longitudes, or latitudes,
with any exactness? Ptolemy's geography of Scot-
land is, above all, singularly defective, for he makes.
the whole country bend due east, from the Novavτwv
angor, or Mull of Galloway, to the Ogxas angov, or Pro-
montory Orcas of Caithness. So that all Scotland,
instead of running due north, runs due east: nor can
this arise from any corruption of his text, but was in-
fallibly his opinion, from the longitudes and latitudes
he lays down at full length, for a hundred places.
The whole of Ptolemy's work that regards Scotland
may be found in the Appendix; and particular illus-
trations of it, in two chapters, Parts II. and III. of
this treatise. *
2
The veracity of Pytheas has found able supports in D'Anville,
Gesner, Murray, (Mem. des Inscr. Acta Goeting, &c.) D'Anville
will have the real ancient Thule to be Shetland; but, I confess, I
cannot conceive, that from the northern extremity of Britain, to
Shetland, should be a navigation of six days. Iceland seems to an-
swer the description better.
* See also the letter of M. Gossellin to the author, in the Ap-
pendix.
CHAP. I. GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY.
11
The other geographical notices concerning Scot-
land, in Greek or Roman writers, are too minute to
deserve enumeration, and will be found, as they rise
to historical view, in the course of this work. The
Notitia Imperii, written about 406, in the reigns of
Arcadius and Honorius, was found in Britain, as Al-
ciatus tells in his preface; and has a list of the stations
along the Wall of Antoninus, between Clyde and
Forth, as afterward shall be shewn, not that of Ha-
drian between Solway and Tine, as imagined by an-
tiquaries. The Itinerarium Antonini has also one or
two names of Roman stations in Scotland; and is a
work of nearly the same period with the Notitia.
The vulgar title is erroneous, as Vossius shews, for
it can belong to no Antoninus, as it mentions Constan-
tinopolis, Maximianopolis, and Constantina, so must
be posterior to Constantine I. It seems to be the
work of Julius Honorius, mentioned by Cassiodorus,
and others; but see the remarks of Gronovius, in his
edition of Mela, Lug. Bat. 1696, Svo. Some MSS.
bear Incipit Chronica Julii Cæsaris, a title as just as
that of Itinerarium Antonini: but Itinerarium Impe-
riale would be the best title. The Tabula Peutinge-
riana, which is modern, but derived from ancient
sources, has nothing concerning Britain, except a
small fragment of the south of England, The Geo-
graphus Anonymus Ravennas enumerates a few names
of places in Scotland; he wrote in the seventh or
eighth century; and that passage, though of no value,
is given in the Appendix.
Such are all the ancient monuments which illus-
trate the Roman geography of Scotland. But a mo-
dern one, of a most singular kind, also deserves men-
tion, namely, the work of Ricardus Corinensis, or Ri-
chard of Cirencester, a writer of the fourteenth cen-
tury. Mr Bertram, an Englishman, residing in Den-
mark, found this work there, about thirty years ago,
12
PART II.
EARLIEST INHABITANTS.
in a MS. which, from a specimen sent, Mr Casley, a
good judge, pronounced 400 years old; and it was
published at Copenhagen in 1758. The author had
it seems travelled to Italy,' and had there perused
Cæsar, Strabo, Ptolemy, Tacitus, and other authentic
writers. He also builds on certain papers of a Ro-
man Dux; by which, if I mistake not, we must un-
derstand a Dux Britanniarum, or Governor of Bri-
tain, not a general. Though this work is surprising
for the age, yet its authenticity has not been ques-
tioned, and appears unquestionable. Nevertheless,
as being so late a work, it must be used with much
caution.
2
2
Stukely's Account of Richard of Cirencester, 1757, 4to.
* Lib. I. c. 7. p. 35. ex fragmentis quibusdam a Duce quodam Ro-
mano consignatis, et posteritati relictis, sequens collectum est itine-
rarium.
CHAP. II.
13
CIMBRI,
CHAPTER II.
The earliest Celtic Inhabitants of Scotland.
THE Greek and Roman writers must now be left for
a while, that a point may be investigated, on which
they afford no light. But let not the reader imagine
that he is to be led into the regions of systematic
conjecture, or etymological imagination. A rigid en-
quiry after truth is the sole aim of this performance;
and truth has bounds while error has none. The cul-
tivated land of science is not extensive but around
it lie the sandy hills and deserts of falsehood, ready
to be raised in whirlwinds by every blast of prejudice
or folly, and to swallow up parts at once, which it
requires infinite labour to clear.
It is well known that the Celts were the ancient
inhabitants of Europe. They were reduced to a third
part of Gaul, and to the western part of Britain and
Ireland, before the time of Cæsar, as is self-evident
from his commentaries. But, before they were ex-
pelled by the Scythians of Asia, they appear to have
held most of Europe. Pliny mentions a Promonto-
rium Celticæ, which, by the situation he gives, and
the names around, must have been near Moscow in
Russia. The Cimmerii, who were driven from the
Euxine, by the Scythians, were, as the ancients in-
form, the same with the Cimbri; and the Cimbri
were Celts, as fully shewn in the annexed Disserta-
tion. The Celts being expelled by the Scythians,
and reduced to the western extremities of Europe,
about 500 years before Christ, little knowledge of
14
PART I.
EARLIEST INHABITANTS.
them can be derived from the Grecian earliest wri-
ters, who only mention them as a people living far to
the west. But they have left, in the names of rivers
and hills, sure marks of their language and resi-
dence.'
When a writer treats a point of antiquity, without
direct authorities, he should say very little, and very
much to the purpose. That the reader may therefore
see at once, that there is a firm foundation for infer-
ring a Celtic race of men to have been the earliest
inhabitants we can trace of Scotland, in particular,
he must attend to a fact, which is equipollent to the
best authorities. This fact is, that the names of ri-
vers, and mountains, all over Scotland, even to the
furthest western isles, are very often, in that dialect
of the Celtic, called the Welsh, or Cumraig
2
4
To give this fact full weight, it must be remarked
that the Picts, or more properly the Piks, whom Be-
da³ mentions as the first inhabitants of North Britain,
and whom Agricola found there, were, as Beda says,
a people of Scythia, a name Jornandes and others
give to Scandinavia; and according to Tacitus were
Germans. That is, by both accounts they were Scy-
thians or Goths,5 so that the Celtic names could not
be theirs. Next it must be remarked that the Dal-
riads, or present Highlanders, a small Irish colony,
never extended beyond Argyle till a late period.
Nor could the names be theirs, since the Welch dif
fers widely from the Irish; and the more old they
are, the difference is the greater, so that Beda marks
them as two different tongues, as much as the Eng-
See these points fully illustrated, and the authorities, in the
Dissertation at the end of this work.
2 Sec the different descriptions of Scotland; and those of the He-
budes, by Martin, Dr Macpherson, Macauley, &c.
3 Lib. I. c. 1.
4 Agricola. The origin of the Piks is fully illustrated, Part III.
5 See Dissertation annexed.
As shewn, Part IV.
7
CHAP. II.
15
CIMBRI.
I
lish and Latin. These names therefore neither belong
to the Piks, nor Dalriads. Of course they belong to
inhabitants preceding both.
As the Irish call their tongue Gaelic, or Gaulish;
so the Welsh call theirs Cumraig. As the Irish call
themselves Gael or Gauls, so the Welsh call them-
selves Cumri. Now it appears that the Celts (a grand
generic name, as the Sarmatians, Goths, Mongols,
&c.) consisted originally of two vast divisions, name-
ly the Gael or Gauls, who were the ancient inhabit-
ants of all Gaul; and the Cumri, or Cimbri, or Cim-
merii, who held all Germany."
As the south part of Britain was first peopled from
Gaul, by Gael, who were afterward expelled by Cum-
ri, from Germany;3 so there is reason to infer that
the north part of Britain was first peopled by Cumri,
from present Jutland. For the passage from the Cim-
bric Chersonese to North Britain, through open sea,
was far more easy than from the south of Britain to
the north, through vast forests. Sea, far from hinder-
ing, promotes even savage colonization; and late na-
vigators have found islands in the Pacific Ocean, 500
or 600 miles from each other, all peopled by one race
of men.
Where men and sea are found, canoes are
always found, even in the earliest state of society:
and the savage Fins, and Greenlanders, perform far
longer navigations, than from Jutland to Scotland.
The length of Britain is so great, from south to north,
that to populate the latter from the former, must have
been a work of many ages; whereas the passage from
Germany was open and easy. The Piks, as fully shewn
afterward, came from Norway to Scotland; and ana-
logy may infer that the first Celtic inhabitants of the
I
Beda, Lib. I. c. 1. quinque gentium linguis ... Anglorum, vide.
licet, Britonum, Scottorum, Pictorum, et Latinorum.
Dissertation.
3 Part II. c. 1.
16
PART I.
EARLIEST INHABITANTS.
latter country proceeded from the north of Germa-
ny; for the Cimbri, or Cumri, possessed the coast of
Germany, opposite to North Britain, or the Cimbric
Chersonese, even down to a late period. As it is im-
probable that the north of Britain remained without
Celtic inhabitants, while all the opposite country of
Germany was held by them, it is reasonable to infer,
that the Cimbri were the first. But when we find
Cimbric names of mountains, and rivers, remaining
in the most remote parts of Scotland, the inference
acquires as much certainty as the case will permit.
These Cimbri, the first inhabitants of Scotland that
can be traced, were of one great stock with the Cum-
ri, or Welsh; but the Welsh are not their descend-
ants, but remains of the Cimbri of South Britain, who
passed from the opposite coast of Germany, and drove
the Gael or Gauls, the first inhabitants, into Ireland,
as shall presently be evinced.
The Cimbri held Scotland till the Piks came and
expelled them; an event which, as shall afterwards
be shewn, happened about 200 years before Christ.
These Cimbri were driven by the Piks, down below
Loch Fyn, and the Tay, and afterwards beyond the
friths of Forth and Clyde, where a part remained till
a late period, and they are doubtless the progenitors
of some of the inhabitants of Clydesdale, and Gallo-
way.
I
But the greatest part appears to have past into Ire-
land, from the opposite shores; and, if the Tuath de
Danan of Irish fables had any existence, it is likely they
were Cumri from North Britain. For by the Irish ac-
counts * the Tuath de Danan came from North Britain;
and from Ptolemy it appears, that a tribe of the Cumri,
in Ayrshire, Renfrew, &c. was called Damnii; as was
also a tribe, on the opposite coast of Ireland, accord-
* O'Flaherty, O'Conor, &c.
¹ Part II.
2
CHAP. II.
17
CIMBRI.
ing to Richard. But Ptolemy calls the Irish tribe,
Darini; and the Tuath de Danan may be a fairy
people. However this be, there is reason to think
that a great part of the Cumri passed from North
Britain into Ireland.
The Celtic nations had been driven to the west of
Gaul, Britain, and Ireland, by the Scythians, or Goths,
at least 300 years before Christ, as shewn in the Dis-
sertation annexed: and their remains were so inter-
mingled with their conquerors, that their language
and manners were half Gothic, even before the Chris-
tian era, and have been always getting more and more
So. Hence no account of real Celtic manners, or
language, can be recovered. But from every argu-
ment of ancient authority, and of their manners re-
corded by successive authors of the middle ages, and
existing even to this day, the ancient Celts must have
resembled other aborigines. Asia was the parent of
arms, arts, and cultivation; and when the Scythians
poured into Europe from the shores of the Euxine,
the Celts were to them, as the tribes of America to
the European settlers. This century has been over-
whelmed with visions concerning Druidism, and
Druidic monuments, as being universal among the
Celts. Druidism, as we know from Cæsar,' was a
late invention in the South of Britain; and it was to-
tally abolished by Tiberius. It was palpably Phœ-
nician, and was taught by the Phoenicians to the in-
habitants of Cornwall, where they traded for tin: nor
is there a single authority, in all antiquity, for its ever
extending, during the century or so that it existed,
beyond the island Mona, or Anglesey, and the Ga-
ronne, or southern bound of Celtica, in Gaul. They
therefore who speak of Druidism in Germany, Cale-
donia, or Ireland, only indulge imagination at the
3
* Lib. IV.
3 Dissertation annexed.
VOL I.
2
B
• Plin. Hist. Nat. xxx. 1.
18
PART I.
EARLIEST INHABITANTS.
expence of judgment. Tacitus knew of no Druids,
either in Germany, or Caledonia;' and there is not
a shadow of authority for Druids in Ireland. Druidic
monuments form another idle dream of antiquists;
but the Celts had no monuments, any more than the
Fins, or savage Africans, or Americans; and those
monuments are really Gothic, and are common in
Scandinavia and Iceland, where no Celts, nor Druids,
were known. Those ignorantly called Druidic tem-
ples, are Gothic courts of justice, used for that pur-
pose in Scandinavia and Iceland, down to a late pe-
riod.
Germania et Agricola. Cæsar VI. says expressly, the Germans
had no Druids, neque Druides habent. Tacitus, in Agricola, says the
Caledonians were Germans.
* See Wormius, Bartholin, and other Northern Antiquaries.
PART II.
The Southern Britons, between the Rivers Tweed
and Forth, Solway and Clyde.
PART II.
The Southern Britons, between the Rivers Tweed
and Forth, Solway and Clyde.
THE
CHAPTER I.
Origins of the Southern Britons.
HE Southern part of Britain, now called England,
was no doubt originally peopled from Gaul, at a time
when the Celts, or primitive possessors of Gaul, held
all that country, even up to the Rhine. These Gael,
or first inhabitants of Britain, were driven into Ire-
land by another Celtic colony of the Cimbri, or Cum-
ri, from Germany, remains of which exist in the
pre-
sent Cumri, or Welsh. The last, in their turn, were
confined to the western and northern parts of present
England by the Belga, a third colony, who arrived
from Belgic Gaul, and who, as descended of the Ger-
mans, did not speak the Celtic, but the Gothic tongue.
When Cæsar landed here, he tells us, he found Britain
inhabited by two races of men, the Belge in the coun-
tries on the south-east; and those he calls Indigenes,
in the inner parts. The last were palpably the Welsh,
after called Britones, as the most ancient inhabitants:
for all memory of the Gael, or real Indigenes, was un-
known to the Roman and Saxon writers.
22
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
The bright page of Cæsar affords sufficient notice
of the second and third of these colonies; but a reader
of accuracy will ask what fact or authority is there
for the first. Such a reader it is my sole ambition to
please; and I shall therefore give him the facts which
have convinced me, though little credulous in points
of this nature. Every reader will allow that the Ro-
man, and much more the Saxon writers were too late,
and too unacquainted with the Cumraig language and
traditions to attain knowledge of an event which must
have happened near a thousand years before the time
of Cæsar. This event must therefore be sought among
the Cimbri themselves, who expelled these Gael; and
it was so vast, and must have left such traces behind,
that we may safely trust them with it. Now Lloyd,
a man perfectly versed in the Welsh language and
antiquities, is our chief guide to this fact. For in his
Archæologia,' he tells us much of the Guydhelians, as
he calls them, being but a Welsh pronunciation of
Gael, or Gadhel, the Gauls; and says they inhabited
all England and Wales before the Welsh came into
the island and expelled them: and he adds, that these
Guydhelians, or real Aborigines, doubtless came from
Gaul. This fact Mr Lloyd seems to put beyond a
doubt, by remarking that in Wales itself many names
of rivers and mountains are Gaelic, not Cumraig;
and must have been imposed by more ancient inha-
bitants than the Cumri or Welsh. Mr Macpherson
also has well remarked the three colonies above sta-
ted, of Gael, Cimbri, and Belgæ, though he mistakes
the Belge for Celts.
The Roman writers derived almost their whole
ideas of Britain from the Belga, who possessed the
southern parts. As it was natural to think that Bri-
tain had first been peopled from Gaul, and the Belgæ
• Preface.
2 Introduction to the History of Britain and Ireland.
CHAP. I.
23
ORIGINS.
knew of no colony preceding the Cimbri, whom they
found in possession, it is no wonder that these Cim-
bri passed with the Romans, who paid as little atten-
tion to the two races inhabiting Britain, as we do to
Indian nations, for the real Indigenes or first Gaulic
colony. Cæsar and Tacitus may be regarded as
the only ancient writers who could possibly illustrate
this question: the former being in Britain himself;
the latter, if he did not attend Agricola, lived long
in Belgic Gaul as procurator, and had great oppor-
tunities of intelligence. Yet has Britain been most
unfortunate in the Roman accounts, for Cæsar left
the island before much discovery; and Tacitus is so
brief and abstract, that he of all writers affords least
materials for such enquiry. He is the eagle of histo-
ry; and keeps such a sublime tract, that particulars
often escape his notice.
Yet let us consider a moment the accounts of Cæ-
sar and Tacitus. The former begins his description
thus: "The inner part of Britain is possessed by
those who are reported to have been produced in the
island itself; the maritime part by those who have
passed from Belgic Gaul, for the sake of war and
prey."
"The rest of his description, and actions in Bri-
tain, refer solely to the Belgæ. Of the Cimbri he knew
nothing but, as above expressed, that there were re-
puted Indigenes in the inner part of the island. He
says nothing of Druids in his British transactions,
nor of any thing that can apply to a Celtic people.
Yet, in the next book, describing the manners of the
• Brittanniæ pars interior ab iis incolitur, quos natos in insula ipsa
memoria proditum dicunt: maritima pars ab iis qui prædæ ac belli
inferendi causa, ex Belgio transierunt, &c. Lib. V. Britain was un-
molested by the Romans after this till the time of Claudius, or for
near a century, during which the Belga were always gaining ground.
Cæsar, as Tacitus observes, only saw Britain; and it is doubtful, it
Tacitus saw it yet they are the only writers in the least capable of
giving us authentic information.
:
24
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
says,
Gauls, and afterward those of the Germans, he
that in omni Gallia, " in all Gaul," there were two
races of men, the people who were held as mere slaves,
and another class comprizing the Equites, or Knights,
and Druids and that the Druidic discipline was
thought to have been invented in Britain, and brought
from thence to Gaul; and that those, who wished to
study it much, went to Britain for that purpose. Now
in the very beginning of his work he tells us Gallia
omnis, “all Gaul," was divided into three parts, one in-
habited by the Belgæ, one by the Aquitani, one by the
Celtæ, qui ipsorum lingua Celta nostra Galli appellantur,
also then called Gauls in special by the Romans, as be-
ing the original people of Gaul. Hi omnes lingua, insti-
tutis, legibus, inter se differunt: "all these differ in lan-
guage, customs, and laws." Yet in describing the cus-
toms of Gaul, he puts all as the same. Has he not
herein palpably contradicted himself? Or is the fact
this, that his omnis Gallia of the sixth book is quite
different from his omnis Gallia of the first; the former
applying solely to the Celta, who were peculiarly
called Galli, in his time, as Cæsar says? He tells us,
Lib. II. c. 4. Belgas esse ortos a Germanis, "that the
Belgæ sprung from the Germans," or, in other words,
they were Germans. The omnis Gallia of the sixth
book, is Gallia Proper, Celtic Gaul, where alone
Druids could exist; for he mentions, in describing
the Germans in the next page, that they had no
Druids, neque Druides habent. The Belgae had of
course no Druids, neither in Gaul, nor Britain. The
Celts, or Galli Proper, had; and it was from the
Celts of the west of Britain that this discipline, ac-
cording to Cæsar, came. Cæsar uses Gallus, Gallica,
quite laxly, and indiscriminately, as we use Indian.
In mentioning the people of Kent, he says, neque
multum a Gallica differunt consuetudine, “in customs
they differ little from the Gallic" yet they were
CHAP. I.
25
ORIGINS.
Belgæ, and of course he means the customs of Belgic
Gaul. The word Gallus applies among the Romans
to Belgium, Aquitania, Celtica, Gallia Braccata, Cis-
alpine Gaul, all together, or either of them: the
word Britannus applies with the ancients to Cimbri,
Belgæ, Caledones or Piks. It is from circumstances
we must determine distinctly what distance, that
renders all objects indistinct, made indiscriminate to
them. We in Europe speak of Indians in the East,
and in America: those who reside in East India, or
in America, speak of many distinct nations in these
countries, totally different in origin, speech, and man-
ners. Great confusion has arisen from not attending
to this. For instance, we know that those Gauls,
who took Rome, ravaged Greece, and settled in
Asia, under the title of Galatæ, were of Cisalpine
Gaul; and that the inhabitants of Cisalpine Gaul,
and of Gallia Braccata, and of Belgium, the only
Gauls who figure in history, were all Germans, and
not one Celt among them. Yet are they called Celts:
though the Senones, who took Rome, were the very
Semnones of the south of Germany; though the
Celts wore no braccæ, or breeches, the grand badge
of Germans; though we know from Cæsar, and Stra-
bo,' that the Belga were Germans: though, in short,
the Celta were confined to the most remote part
of Gaul, and could not defend themselves against the
Germans, and Iberi, far less make any conquests
abroad.
;
Tacitus next merits consideration. He describes
Britain in his Agricola; and, like Cæsar, confounds
all the Gauls, so that we do not know whether he
means Belgæ, or Celta. He mentions three races of
* Strabo shews the Belgic manners to have been quite German;
and says risibly, that the Germans were so called by the Romans, as
being Germani, or brothers German of the Belgic Gauls. Lib. IV.
26
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
men in Britain, the Germans in Caledonia, the Si-
lures, who were Celts, of Wales and Cornwall;' the
Galli opposite to Gaul. It is remarkable that he also
mentions no Druids in Britain, save in the fourteenth
book of his Annals, when describing the attack of
Suetonius Paullinus upon Mona, or Anglesey. Pro-
ximi Gallis et similes sunt," the Britons next Gaul re-
semble the Gauls," is all we can get from Tacitus, to
our present purpose. In his Germania, he uses Gal-
lica lingua, palpably for the Gaelic, or Celtic; and
he finds the Estii, a people of present Prussia, to have
a speech resembling the British. They were in all
appearance remains of the old Cimbri, and spoke the
Cumraig; for, had he meant the Belgic British, it
was actual German, so could not be distinguished in
Germany. This is the only faint hint we have, that
Tacitus knew there was a peculiar British tongue,
neither spoken in Germany nor Gaul; and which
was palpably that of Cæsar's Indigenes, the Cimbri.
Tacitus seems to have known nothing of Britain save
the coasts. Had Suetonius Paullinus written his own
campaigns, and been a man of observation like Cæ-
sar, we should have known the rest upon Roman
authority, as well as we know the south inhabited by
the Belgæ, from Cæsar, and the north inhabited by
their German brethren, from Tacitus. Of the mid-
dle, Cæsar seems to have known more than Tacitus.
Indeed, the Romans despised Britain, and afford us
poor materials concerning it. Strabo, Lib. II.
1
p. 115.
Tacitus, misled by the old opinion of Cæsar, and others, that
Spain lay on the west of Britain and Ireland, hints an idea that the
Silures came from Spain, but instantly retracts it, and infers them
of Celtic Gaul, though indeed Cumraig Celts. The torti crines et
colorati vultus, "curled hair, and brown faces." which also led him
to think the Silures Spaniards, belong to the Celts of Wales, Ireland,
Scotland, at this day; who have black curled hair, and brown faces;
those few among them who have fair faces, and red, or light hair,
the grand features of the Goths, are of Gothic extract.
CHAP. I.
27
ORIGINS.
echoes their contempt, saying, that it is an isle of no
use, and its people not to be feared. No wonder
then that their accounts are quite brief, and inaccu-
rate. All its people were alike savages to them: their
various tongues and manners they did not care to
know.
To this is owing a great deficience in the accounts
of Roman Britain, namely, that we cannot fix the
bounds between the Belgæ and the Cimbri, the Gothic
part of the inhabitants and the Celtic. Mr Whitaker,
who mistakes the Belgæ also for Celts, attempts to
mark their territories,' but with his usual fancy, and
ingenious aberration from good sense. He constant-
ly refers to his authorities; but, upon consulting
them, the reader will find that an overheated imagi-
nation bends its eye on vacancy, and sees every thing
where cool judgment sees nothing. From Cæsar and
Tacitus no positive help can be derived on this sub-
ject. The whole south of England was possessed by
the Belgæ, save Devonshire and Cornwall, in which,
and the southern half of Wales, dwelled the SILURES,
a numerous people in two nations, the Dumnonii south-
most, and the Demeta in South Wales." That the Dum-
nonii were Silures, appears clear from this, that Ta-
citus says the Silures live opposite to Spain, and the
Dumnonii were in fact the only people opposite to
Spain. The chief of the Scilly isles is also called Si-
lura by Solinus, and the present name seems to spring
from it. Besides, the Silures are mentioned as a vast
people, like the Belgæ and Cimbri, and must of course
have had various tribes; for, if only one tribe in South
I
History of Manchester, and Genuine History of the Britons.
* In Richard's book, always to be cautiously used, we find Cimbri
among the Silures; but from his own words, utrumne vero modernum
Walliæ nomen dederint, &c. it is clear that he has confounded a ge-
neric name with that of a tribe, owing probably to the confused
manner of old maps.
28
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
Wales, as supposed, Tacitus would not have mention-
ed them as a distinct race, for they would have been
too minute for notice.
Towards the north, if I mistake not, the Belgæ ex-
tended to the Humber, as to the Severn on the west.
Mr Whitaker opposes this, and almost confines them
to the south of the Thames; because, says he, Cæsar
places them in the maritime parts. Strange that Mr
W. forgot that England has maritime parts on the east,
as well as on the south; and that the east parts were
more opposite to the Belgic coast of the continent,
than the south. As all allow the country south of the
Thames, and west to the mouth of the Severn and De-
vonshire, to have been in the hands of the Belgæ, I
shall not examine Mr Whitaker's revelations as to their
progress in this quarter, save in one point as a specimen.
Cæsar says that the Belgic tribes in Britain retained
generally the names of their original tribes in Gaul.
Mr W. who forgot that Cæsar speaks of Belgic, or Ger-
man, Gaul, dreams that this refers to Celtic Gaul; and
is so absurd as to call the Bebroces and Atrebates ab-
original Britons or Gael, because their names are found
in Gaul! True, but it is in Belgic Gaul; where, if you
look into any map prefixed to a school Cæsar, you will
find them. The Morini are also in Belgic Gaul. The
Segontiaci, of Hampshire, seem the Sueconi of Belgic
Gaul, bordering on the Atrebates there as here: see
Cluverius. The Hedui, on the mouth of the Severn,
alone remain disputed. Mr W. will have them abori-
ginal Gael, because there were Aedui in Celtic Gaul.
Richard of Cirencester, as published by Bertram, is
the sole authority for these Hedui, and little to be
trusted; yet, if I mistake not, Mr Bertram has read
Hedui for Hessui. The Hedui were in the south of
Gaul, and surrounded on all hands by many warlike
nations, whence it is improbable, if not impossible, that
they could come to Britain. The Essui (see Cæsar,
CHAP. I.
29
ORIGINS.
Lib. V. and the geographers) were in Belgic Gaul,
between the Atrebates and Morini, exactly as these
Hedui here. We may therefore most safely read
Hessui.
Let us now proceed to the north of the Thames.
The Trinobantes of Essex, Mr Whitaker, and all, grant
to be Belgæ. The disputed nations therefore are only
the Cassii, Boduni, Cenomanni, Iceni, and Coritani, be-
ing all between the Thames and Humber. The Cassii
were surely part of the Vello Cassi of Belgic Gaul,
who were the Cassi, with an epithet. Besides, the
very name of Londinium, or London, the capital of
the Cassii and of the island, shews that they were a
Gothic people: Lunden being the capital of Anglen
in Denmark, whence the English came; and another
Lunden in Schonen is esteemed the most ancient city
in the northern kingdoms. The name is thought to
be from the Gothic Lund, a wood: Lund-dun, a fort,
or town in a wood. The Chassi were also a German
people, as Cluverius shews. To the Boduni I can find
no similar name in Gaul, save that of Boduognatus,
general of the Nervii, a Belgic tribe. The Budini,
a Scythian people, in Herodotus, resemble it; as does
Boda, in Blackenburg of Germany, Bodumna, a penin-
sula of Jutland, Bodon, in Mæsia; all Gothic names,
but little to the purpose; though it must be added,
that no similar names occur in Celtic Gaul. The Ce-
nomanni, however, appear in Celtic Gaul; but manni
is a termination quite unknown to any other Celtic
nation. At the same time, though they were in Cel-
tic Gaul, they may have been a Belgic tribe, who,
upon some pique, went over to the enemy, and had
lands assigned to them, as usual among barbarous
nations. The Belgæ had many settlements in Celtic
Gaul, as the Veneti, for instance, even in its extremity,
who were Belgæ, as Strabo informs, Lib. IV. Names
in manni are all Gothic, as Alamanni, Marcomanni,
30
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
&c. The Iceni seem to have been Belgæ, from about
the Icius portus; and who, migrating wholly into
Britain, left no trace behind but that name.
It was
afterwards called also Bonona; and it is remarkable,
that Benona was a town of the Iceni. The Coritani
seem also to have been Belgæ. Their city is by
Richard called Ratis-Corion, a Gothic name, as ap-
pears from Ratisbon, Ratzeburg, Ratisboda, &c. &c.
in Germany.
Nay the Brigantes, on the north of the Humber,
may well be suspected a German nation. Brigantium
in Spain, with a town of the same name on the Lacus
Brigantinus in Vindelicia, were Gothic, not Celtic;
as is the common German term, brig, or berg,
town." Strabo and Stephanus Byzantinus tell, that
briga or bria signified a town in the Thracic, Getic,
or Gothic language. (See Part IV. ch. 1.)
6 a
No ancient authority can be brought against the
above theory. Cæsar and Tacitus rather confirm it.
Cæsar mentions that many nations beyond the Thames
joined with Cassivellaunus, leader of the southern
tribes, to oppose him. The Cimbri would rather have
wished the destruction of the Belgæ, their worst ene-
mies, who had seized their possessions. I must not
leave the Belgæ without hinting, that, as Pliny places
a people called Britanni' in Belgic Gaul, it is highly
probable these Britanni were of the first Belge who
• Harduin says, that all MSS. bear Britanni. Their situation was
about Abbeville in Picardy; and Sanson has written a book upon
them, followed by Carte. Both these writers risibly use a passage,
which Strabo gives as a specimen of ancient ignorance, as a piece of
ancient information, namely, that Britain was thought a city of Gaul!
See Strabo IV. Mr Whitaker as oddly confounds these with the peo-
ple of Bretagne, who are as distant as the west is from the east. The
passage of Sulpicius Severus is interpolated, as noted in the edition
of Vorstius and Le Clerc. Sidonius Apollinaris, about 480, is the
first real authority for Britons in Bretagne, super Ligerim; and
there is a curious epistle of his to Riothamus, their king.
CHAP. I.
31
ORIGINS.
passed into this island, and gave a general name to
the whole, though they themselves afterwards split
into different nations. The first name of Britain was
Albion, as it long continued to be called. The name
Britain must to all appearance be sought for in the
Belgic, the Gothic, tongue.
Upon the whole, the Cumri were apparently con-
fined to the west of Britain, and that part between
the walls. The south and east were held by Belgæ,
and perhaps other Germans, long before Cæsar's time.
Nay, even in the parts still inhabited by Celts, the
Germans had, no doubt, many settlements; as the
European settlers in America have not only large
tracts wholly peopled by themselves, but also towns
and forts among the savages. Thus in Gaul the
Veneti, in the western extremity of Celtica, were
Belgæ, as Strabo informs; and in the extreme west
of Britain stood Menapia, a town of the very same
name with one among the Scythians, or Goths, be-
yond the Caspian, as we learn from Ptolemy. The
conquest of Europe by the Goths, on the fall of the
Roman empire, was the second, not the first, as shewn
in the annexed Dissertation. At least three centuries
before Christ, the Scythians, or Goths, had subdued,
and peopled Europe, even to its furthest extremities,
as there fully displayed. In Britain, the Cumraig, or
Welsh, was called lingua Britannica, as in Gaul the
Celtic was called Gallica, not as being the universal
tongue, but as the old and peculiar speech of the
earlier inhabitants. By American languages we im-
ply not Spanish or English, but those of the ancient
natives.
When the Piks and Irish broke in upon the North,
the Cimbri, who held these parts, were the most ex-
posed. The Belga had also been so lost in the luxu
ries of Rome, that they seem to have totally abandon-
ed their character of the bravest of the Gauls, and
1
32
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
could not exist without Roman protection, being by
long habit quite disused to arms. The Jutes, Saxons,
Angli, were really the Gothic brethren of the Belgæ,
but finding them so defenceless, usurped the power.
Admitting the Belgæ only to the offices of coloni and
villani, their natural enmity to the Cumri, or Celts,
induced them to give them no quarter, till driven to
the barren rocks of the west; after an extermination
of nearly a third, and expulsion to France, and Ire-
land, of nearly another. But the Belgæ seem to have
amounted to at least three millions; whereas the con-
querors never appear to have exceeded 100,000.
Hence the Belgic tongue must in time have prevail-
ed, as the Lingua Romana Rustica in France, Italy,
and Spain and the old language of England is not
Anglo-Saxon, but Anglo-Belgic. The numerous Co-
loni, and slaves of the Saxons, even down to the Nor-
man invasion,' surprise our writers, who know the
Welsh were expelled, but forget that such a people
as the Belgæ existed. No traces of Welsh names,
&c. being found among the Saxons, these numerous
Coloni must all have been Belga, who by intermar-
riages, &c. gradually changed their fortunes; so that,
before the Norman times, the Saxons and Belgæ had
nearly coalesced into one people: though even then
Doomsday Book shews, that the Coloni and Villani
possessed the far greater part of the lands in England.
Most of the Romans in Britain were stationed at the
walls; and they had also different colonial towns:
but, as we know from Gildas, Beda, &c. that they ut-
terly abandoned the island long before the Saxons
came, it is no wonder that no traces of Romans should
occur in the Saxon laws, though so frequent in the
other Gothic codes. The Roman language seems to
* See Domesday Book; Wilkin's Leges Saxonica; Brady, Carte,
and Hume; Stuart on the English Constitution, &c. &c.
6
CHAP. I.
33
ORIGINS.
have been very little used by either Belgians or
Welsh. The Old Saxon, and the Welsh, have not
many Latin words. Tacitus, in Agricola, tells us in-
deed, that the filii principum of Britain used the La-
tin: and it seems to have been always confined to
the upper ranks; for all Roman Britain did not pro-
duce one Latin author, though Spain and Gaul did
many; as Mela, Lucan, Seneca, Martial, Sidonius,
Ausonius, and others.
VOL. I.
C
34
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
CHAPTER II.
The Tribes between the Tweed and Forth, Solway and
Clyde.
THE tribes possessing that, part of Scotland, which
lies south of the Clyde and Forth, were four in num-
ber, namely, the Selgova, Novanta, Damnii, and Ota-
deni. So they stood in Ptolemy's time, who wrote
about 150 years after our era.
That these tribes were all Cimbric, or Welsh, is
clear from Gildas, Beda, and others; and from the
remains of them in the kingdom of Strat-Clyde. The
Britons of Gildas and Beda, as all know, are the
Welsh, the people whom Cæsar thought born in the
island, as the Romans and Saxons knew nothing of
the real aborigines, the Gael, who had all been driven
to Ireland by the Welsh long before the arrival of the
former. Now Gildas and Beda mark the Forth and
Clyde, as the old boundaries between the Caledonians
or Piks, and the Britons. They are indeed mistaken
if they meaned that these rivers were the boundaries,
when Agricola discovered Caledonia to the Romans.
For at that time, and till the province of Vespasiana
was abandoned by the Romans, the river Tay, on the
east; the many lakes, Tay, Erne, Veol, Ketterin,
Lomond, in the middle; and Loch Fyn, an arm of
the sea, on the west; formed the boundary between
the Caledonians or Piks, and Cumraig Britons. Ta-
citus mentions, that Agricola wasted the country as
far as the Tay, three years before he marched against
the Caledonians; and after his victory over Galgacus,
returned to the country of the Horesti, in Fifeshire,
CHAP. II.
35
THE FOUR TRIBES.
who are not mentioned as Caledonians. Ptolemy also
indicates the Lelamonius Sinus, or Loch Fyn, as the
southern boundary of the Caledonians. But more of
this presently, in speaking of the Damnii. After the
province Vespasiana was abandoned, in the second
century, the Caledonians, or Piks, seized all the coun-
try down to the wall of Antoninus, or Clyde and
Forth; whence Gildas and Beda regard these rivers
as the boundary.
Ptolemy's geography of Scotland is peculiarly em-
barrassed; and, by his bending that country to the
east, his whole longitudes and latitudes become false
of course. Richard of Cirencester preserves the real
position of the country; but what dependence, in
such matters, can be had upon a writer of the four-
teenth century? He differs from Ptolemy in many
essential points, concerning England and Ireland, as
well as Scotland; and, wherever he does so, must,
by every rule of historic authority, be presumed in the
wrong; for to set his authority against that of Ptole-
my would be the height of absurdity. All we can do
therefore is, to adjust Ptolemy's account as well as
possible.
From Gossellin's letter it appears, 1. That the ge-
neral circumference of Scotland in Ptolemy's map is
tolerably accurate; whence, in the opinion of that ce-
lebrated French geographer, the itinerary measures
used in the delineation may be depended upon. 2.
That Ptolemy having assumed the latitude of Thule
at nearly 63°, and fixed the longest day in Thule at
twenty hours, was constrained by this theory to bend
Scotland to the east, there being otherwise no space
for its real extent. For having carried Vedera to 38°
30′ instead of 55°, if Scotland had been truly laid
down, Cape Orcas would have been 64°, or one de-
gree farther north than Thule ;' while he knew that
1
Dunsby Head is nearly ES° 40′.
36
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
both the Orkneys, and the northern part of Britain,
were to the south of Thule; so that the truth was sa-
crificed to a mathematical theory founded on false
premises.
Richard places a fifth tribe, the Gadeni, on the
south of the Forth; whereas Ptolemy puts them on
the north of Clyde, in present Dunbartonshire. It
is sufficient to say, that Ptolemy must be right, and
Richard must be wrong; for the latter compared with
the former is no authority at all Ptolemy's text ex-
pressly bears, that the Gadeni lay to the north of the
Damnnii, Γαδηνοι δε αρκτικωτεροι ; whereas Richard places
them on the south-east of the Damnii. Ptolemy sup
poses the north to be the east of Scotland; and, of
course, his north is the west, not the east, as Richard
infers. By Ptolemy's longitudes and latitudes, and
the maps drawn in consequence of his description,
the Gadeni are on the east, that is, the north in real
ity, of the Kawrα oxuσis, or Firth of Clyde. Richard
makes Curia the town of the Gadeni, whereas Ptole
my gives it to the Otadeni; and I suspect Richard
has been misled by a hasty perusal of Ptolemy's text
which runs in this order;
"The Gadeni are more northward: the Ota
deni more south; among whom are thes
towns,
Curia,
Bremenium."
All interpreters agree that these two towns belong to
the Otadeni; and notone of them, Curia to the Gadeni
and the other Bremenium, to the Otadeni, as Richar
understands. From both Ptolemy and Richard, it i
clear that Curia lay far south of Forth; and coul
never belong to the Gadeni, whom Ptolemy place
north of Clyde. The position of all the other tribe
laid down by Ptolemy agrees with Richard, if yo
only turn up Ptolemy's map, so as to make his west th
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CHAP. II.
27
THE FOUR TRIBES.
north. One cause of Richard's error was his taking
Curia for a town of the Gadeni, as just mentioned.
Another is, that he puts the Attacotti too far south-
east, in place of Ptolemy's Gadeni, while the Attacotti
were not in Caledonia till A. D. 958, as afterwards.
shewn, when they came from Ireland; and are un-
known in Roman history till the fourth century.
Hence Richard, having no room for the Gadeni in
their real station, was forced to imagine another place
for them. Whereas, if we suppose Richard right in
placing the Gadeni south of Forth, a blank will be
left in Ptolemy between Clota and Lelamonius, while
all the rest of his Caledonia is duly filled. No one
the least versant in such matters, can for a moment
put Richard's authority against Ptolemy's; but, when
so many other arguments favour Ptolemy, it would
be absurd even to doubt; and we may regard it as
fixed, that the Gadeni were on the north of the
Clyde.
Let us therefore consider the four tribes, south of
Forth and Clyde. To begin on the west side, and
from the south, first were the EEAгOYAI, Selgovæ, in
Dumfries-shire, part of Kircudbright, &c. In their ter-
ritories, Ptolemy mentions these towns, Kagbarтogiyor,
Carbantorigum; Ovčeλov, Uxellum; Koęda, Corda; and
Tgiμovτiov, Trimontium. The first is thought Kircud-
bright, the second, Castle Over; the third was the
most northern town of the Selgovæ, but cannot be
fixed; the fourth, it is thought, lay near Eildon Hills,
which have three remarkable summits, and where
there are ruins of a Roman station. Among the
Selgovæ were also the ITouva xvois, Ituna a'stuarium,
Ιτούνα ει
εισχυσις,
or Solway Firth; and the rivers Novios and Anova, Nu-
vius and Deva, or Nith and Dee.
Next, on the west were the NOYANTAI, Novantæ,
in Wigtonshire, and the south of Airshire; who had
two towns, Aounоmibia, Leucopibia, and Periyoviov, Reti-
Ρετινονιον,
2
38
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
บ
gonium. The former certainly Whithern, as Richard
rightly says, Candida Casa. The second apparently
Stranrawer. The Novantæ also had on the south the
Iεvα Elσxvois, Iena æstuarium, now Wigton bay; and
Augαovavvos TоTαμpos, Abravannus fluvius, or more pro-
perly Sinus, as Richard, now Glenluce bay. On the
west, the NovaνTWV Xεgσоvnσos, Novantum Chersonesus,
now the Rinns of Galloway; the Ρεριγονιος Κολπος,
Rerigonius Sinus, now Loch Ryan. As the town
Retigonium stood on this bay, and gave it name,
either the bay or town is erroneously called; and
Richard terms the town Rerigonium, rightly as would
seem. The Novantæ had also the Ουιδογαρα Κολπος,
Vidogara Sinus, believed to be Air bay.
The AAMNIOI, Damni, were next on the north of
the two former. This nation was by far the most
important of the four; and possessed the north of
present Airshire, Renfrew, Lanark, Linlithgow, and
Stirling, shires. They were the frontier nation of
Cumraig Britons; and on the north of them were the
Caledonians or Piks. The wall of Antoninus, as is
clear from Ptolemy and Richard, ran through the
territories of the Damnii; and the latter says, that the
Damnii in consequence lost all their territory on the
north of that wall, which was seized by the Caledo-
nians, The Damnii, by Ptolemy's account, had no
less than six towns; Koravia, Colania; Ovardovaga,
Fanduara; Kogia, Coria; Aravva, Alauna; Audov,
Lindum; Ovixтogia, Victoria. Richard gives the three
last towns to the Horesti; but adds, that before the
wall of Antonine was built, the Horesti were esteem-
ed part of the Damnii. In fact, the Horesti of Ta-
citus are unknown to Ptolemy, who marks their towns
as of the Damnii; and it is apparent, that the Cale-
donians were not possessed of Fifeshire, or the land
2 The Berigonium of Boyce, and fables applied to an old pier.
CHAP. II.
89
THE FOUR TRIBES.
of the Horesti, till after the province of Vespasiana
was abandoned. Tacitus mentions, that Agricola
wasted the country up to Tay, three years before he
went against the Caledonians; and that after con-
quering Galgacus, and his Caledonians, he went back
to the lands of the Horesti, and it appears that the
Horesti were not Caledonians. By Ptolemy's de-
scription, the Caledonians began on the south, at the
Sinus Lelamonius, or Loch Fyn. Of the above towns,
Colania is thought Lanark; Vanduara, Paisley; Co-
ria, Borthwick Castle; Alauna, Kier near Stirling;
Lindum, Ardoch; Victoria, Perth, or according to
others, Dalgin Ross. The KλwTα xvis, Clota æstua-
rium, or Firth of Clyde, was in the territory of the
Damnii.
The TAAHNOI, Otadeni, were in the Lothians,
Berwickshire, Peebles, and Northumberland. They
had two towns, Kougia, Curia; and Beeμeviov, Breme-
nium; both, as appears from Ptolemy and Richard,
south of Tweed, the former somewhere in Roxburgh-
shire; the latter is thought Rochester in Northum-
berland. It is surprising that there were no towns.
in the Lothians and Berwickshire, now the most fer-
tile parts of Scotland. Among the Otadeni were the
Bodegia Eloxvois, Boderia æstuarium, or Firth of Forth,
and river Aλavros, Alaunus, or Alne in Northumber-
land.
Of these tribes it is most likely that those on the
south and east, the Selgovæ and Otadeni, were a
continuation of those Cimbric nations which held all
the north of present England. Those on the west,
or the Damnii and Novantæ, we may well suppose,
were a part of the old Cimbric inhabitants of the
whole of Scotland; and who came into these parts,
after their expulsion by the Piks, about 200 years be-
fore Christ, either finding the country vacant, or pos-
sessed by Gael, whom they expelled, or being allow-
10
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
ed these provinces by their brethren in the south.
The Damnii were perhaps the Tuath de Dannan, of
the Irish Annals, who passed from Scotland into Ire-
land. The Novantæ seem merely a part of the Damnii,
as the Trinobantes were of the Belgæ, and the Dum-
nonii of the Silures. The name Novantæ, if we for
once believe the Celtic etymologists, means New-
comers, or Strangers; and we may reasonably suppose
it given to those Cumri of North Britain who first
came down upon their brethren, the old possessors,
and of course went furthest to the south.
Richard places a tribe called Damnii Albani, a peo-
ple, he says, little known, and surrounded with lakes
and mountains, in that part of Scotland which lies
between Loch Tay and Loch Lomond; in which in-
deed there are vast mountains, and about seven con-
siderable lakes, Dochart, Erne, Veol, Lubnich, Ket-
terin, Achry, Venachar. It deserves great attention,
that these Damnii Albani, and their neighbours, the
Attacotti, are the only nations to be found in old Scot-
land which occur in Richard, and not in Ptolemy.
This leads us to conclude with certainty, that neither
of these nations was in Scotland in Ptolemy's time.
The Attacotti, as shall be afterwards shewn, were
the Dalreudini, or first Irish settlers, mentioned by
Beda, who were really the first Irish Scots who ever
settled there, and who were thence called by the Bri-
tons Atta-Cotti, or Hither-Scots, to distinguish them
from the Scots of Ireland. The first settlement of
the Attacotti, or Dalreudini, in Scotland, happened
about the year 258; and, as the Damnii Albani and
they are the only nations in all Scotland mentioned
by Richard, but unknown to Ptolemy, it is most rea-
sonable to infer, that these Damnii Albani were a
part of the Tuath de Dannan, which returned from
Ireland with the Attacotti, and were called Albani,
or Mountaineers, to distinguish them from the other
CHAP. II.
41
THE FOUR TRIBES.
Damnii. At the same time, if any one chuses rather
to believe that these Damnii had, in their country so
inaccessible, because of mountains and lakes, as Ri-
chard says, defended themselves against the Piks to
a late period, there is little objection, save that this
idea is not so probable as the former.
The Selgovæ seem to have acknowledged the su-
periority of the Brigantes, for in Annandale was
found a statue inscribed to the Goddess Brigantia,
as an inscription to her was found near Chester, an-
other in Yorkshire; but war, or other accidents, may
have transported these articles from one country to
another. Tacitus informs us, in Agricola, that the
Brigantes were the most numerous nation in Britain;
that is, the Brigantes Proper, with the many Celtic
tribes subject to them. The Romans were also chief-
ly stationed in their country, along the wall of Ha-
drian. No wonder, then, that they were more known
to the Romans than any people in Britain. Tacitus in-
forms us, that it was in the time of Vespasian that Pe-
tilius Cerialis subdued most of the Brigantes. Seneca
in flattery ascribes the conquest of the Brigantes to
Claudius, though the lieutenants of that prince only
attacked the Brigantes, but did not subdue them.
Ille Britannos,
Ultra vagi
Littora ponti,
4. Et cæruleos
Scuta Brigantes
Dare Romuleis
Colla catenis
8. Jussit; et ipsum
Nova Romanæ
Jura securis
11. Tremere Oceanum.
The Scuta Brigantes has puzzled the critics; and
some absurdly propose to read Scoto.
Juvenal, Sat.
The passage strikes at first as meaning "with blue shields.”
By poetic licence the singular may be used for the plural; and if
so, it should be cæruleo scuto. But by the same licence the
passage
may remain: Virgil has cætera Graius for quod ad cætera; so
cæruleos scuta, cæruleos quod ad scuta; so alia id genus, and other
phrases. It is a common Hellenism ; Συρος τ' ούνομα, και την πατρίδα,
where xara is understood. See Grammarians,
42
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
XIV. v. 197, mentions the castella Brigantum. These
four tribes in the south of Scotland, the Selgovæ,
Novanta, Damnii, and Otadeni, seem all to have
yielded to the Romans soon after Cerialis conquered
the Brigantes; or, at any rate, in the first or second
year of Agricola's command, for we find no mention
of any battle fought with either of them, and Agri-
cola began his northern progress in the third year of
his command, by piercing to the Tay; as in the
fourth he fortified the space between Clyde and
Forth, and placed forces in that part of Scotland
which is opposite to Ireland. If I mistake not, Ta-
citus has abridged the fame of Cerialis, thinking
thereby to enhance that of Agricola, for he seems to
have completely subdued the Brigantes.
After the wall of Hadrian was built, about A. D.
121, and that of Antoninus, about 140, the new name
of MEATÆ begins to arise for the nations between
these walls. Etymology, when applied to names,
which may have that origin among ten thousand
which is least suspected by us, becomes very vague:
that given of Maatæ is plausible, as all these Celtic
scholars take care to make their etymologies. They
say, that in the Celtic this word means Midlanders, a
name which might naturally spring from the situation
of the people between the walls, and between Roman
Britain on one side, and Caledonia on the other.
Ptolemy in 150 knew nothing of this new name;
and Pausanias, who wrote about the same time, seems,
in total ignorance of Britain, to call the Mæatæ Bri-
gantes. In the beginning of the reign of Marcus
Antoninus, or about the year 164, there were com-
motions in Britain, which Calphurnius Agricola was
sent to quell; as we learn from Capitolinus, in his
Life of Marcus. It seems probable, that Calphur-
nius had no success; and that it was at this time
that Vespasiana was left, if not the other province,
CHAP. II.
43
THE FOUR TRIBES.
north of Hadrian's wall. For no inscriptions but of
the reign of Pius have been found at his wall; and
soon after this, we find the tribes between the walls
had thrown off the Roman yoke, and bore the inde-
pendent name of Mæatæ. Dio, in narrating the reign
of Commodus, shews that, about the year 183, both
the Caledonians and Meatæ had broken in upon
the empire; and, after harassing the provinces, killed
a Roman general who opposed them. And that,
though repulsed by the general Marcellus, they con-
tinued in arms, till Severus the emperor came him-
self in 207 against them.
:
In relating the expedition of Severus, Dio men-
tions the Mæatæ; and describes them and the Cale-
donians as the only nations in Britain not subject to
Rome. The former acted under the protection of
the latter. Severus over-ran both the Mæatæ and
Caledonians, though with the almost incredible loss
of 50,000 men ;' a loss which no Roman army ever
sustained in any other expedition. Yet was he hard-
ly returned to York, when the Caledonians first, as
Dio says, and then the Mæatæ, were again in arms.
Invincible nations, will some say, and worthy to con-
tend with Rome! But a more sober reader will rather
wish that, for the lasting advantage of Scotland, eve-
ry part of it had received, along with the yoke, the
cultivation of Rome.
Severus dying at York in 211, his son Caracalla
made a disgraceful peace with the Caledonians and
Mæatæ. From that time forward," says Innes,
"it appears the Caledonians possessed themselves of
a part of the lands of the Mæatæ, or, rather united to
the Mæatæ, shared in their possessions, to the south
of the firths, till Theodosius reduced that country
into a province about 370." I wish this accurate
I
Dio, lib. 76; but Dio is a false and ignorant author,
44
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
writer had mentioned his authority for this idea; for
my part, I know of none: but this must be examined
when we come to speak of the extent of the Pikish
dominions.
Certain it is, that we find no mention of the Mæatæ
after this peace of Caracalla; hardly any thing being
to be found concerning Britain for a century and a
half, till 360, when we find the Piks acting in con-
junction with the Scots or Irish About the year
290, Carausius, and after him Constantius Chlorus,
are said to have carried on war in the north of Bri-
tain. For the former we have no better authority
than Nennius; but the latter might be shewn from
the Panegyrics. The Britons subdued by Constan-
tius were in all appearance the Mæatæ; and being
nearest the Roman provinces, they must have borne
the whole brunt of war; and appear, by this conflict,
and irregular incursions of the Romans into their
country, to have been extremely diminished, and
confined to the north parts along the friths. The
Piks upon this had recourse to the alliance of the
Old Scots of Ireland; and the Mæatæ seem to have
had no further concern in their expeditions, than by
allowing them to pass their grounds into the Roman
territory. About 870, Theodosius erecting the coun-
try of the Mæatæ into the province of Valentia, the
remains of these people soon became as peaceable as
the southern Britons.
CHAP. III.
45
THE WALLS.
CHAPTER III.
The Walls.
INNES, in his laudable Critical Essay on the Ancient
Inhabitants of North Britain, has given an accurate
account of the Roman walls in Britain; and I shall
in this list do little more than follow him. These walls
were in two distant places; namely, between the Clyde
and Forth, and between the Solway and Tyne. The
last properly belongs to England; but, as there is a
necessary connexion between them, both shall be
considered together in chronological order.
1. Agricola, as Tacitus informs in his life, raised
a line of forts between the firths of Clyde and of
Forth, Glotta and Bodotria. So that summotis velut in
aliam insulam hostibus, "the enemies being removed
as into another island," the whole of Britain south
of these firths should be regarded as a quiet province.
This was in the year 81.
2. That frontier was quickly lost, and Hadrian
thought proper, in the year 121, to build a wall be-
tween Solway and Tyne, thus retiring eighty miles.
That Hadrian's wall stood here is clear from Spartian,
who says it was eighty miles long, whereas the space
'We are not hereby to understand that this line of forts formed
the frontier between the Southern Britons and Caledonians; for the
latter held only the parts down to Tay and Loch Fyn, as above shewn.
If Richard may be trusted, Agricola built Victoria on the Tay; and
the space between the line of forts and the Caledonians, was surely,
at any rate, an advanced frontier, guarded by stations of light troops,
as was afterward the case when the wall of Antoninus was built.
46
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
between Clyde and Forth exceeds not thirty. Nor
has the situation of this wall been questioned; as in-
scriptions put it beyond a doubt.
3. ANTONINUS Pius recovered the first barrier by
the great success of Lollius Urbicus his general; and
a wall was built on the line of Agricola's forts, be-
tween the Clyde and Forth. This wall of Antoninus,
built about the year 140, was soon abandoned; for,
as Horsley observes, not an inscription has ever been
found near it but what refers to Antoninus Pius and
his reign.
4. In 210 Severus again withdrew the boundary,
and built a new wall between Solway and Tyne; for
that this was the place of his wall appears from the
historians, as Innes shews. Buchanan, and others,
are therefore mistaken in placing it between Clyde
and Forth.
5. In 367, the Emperor Valentinian I. sent over
Theodosius his general (father of Theodosius I.) to
Britain, against the Piks and Scots; who not only
repelled them, but seized on the lands between the
walls, and erected them into a province by the name
of Valentia. He strongly fortified its northern bor-
der, between Clyde and Forth; and, as Richard says,
built Theodosia, or Dunbarton, as a strong hold and
frontier town. Hence this was considered by Beda,
and others, as the grand limit between the Britons
and Piks.
6. Stilicho, as Claudian informs, added fortifications
to this barrier, about 398.
7. The Romans having abandoned Britain about
the year 409, the Britons, about 421, requested their
assistance against the Piks and Scots. They arrived,
and repelled the enemy; and caused the Britons to
build a turf wall on the march, between Clyde and
Forth, as the former had been thrown down. Beda,
Lib. I. c. 12. gives a distinct account of this wall,
CHAP. III.
47
THE WALLS.
which reached from Alcluyd, or Dunbarton, to a
place about two miles west of Abercorn, called, as
Beda says, Peanvahel in the Pikish tongue, Peneltun
in Saxon. Nennius says, it was called Pengaaul in
British, Cenail in Scotish, or Irish, Penultun in Eng-
lish this place where the wall ends, is now, as Gor-
don says, called Cair-in, and is just two miles west of
Abercorn. But Gordon confounds the wall of Anto-
ninus with this wall.
8. The last, and most important, wall ever built
in Britain, according to Beda's account, was that rai-
sed by the Romans, who again, under the command
of GALLIO, came to assist the Britons against their old
enemies, the Piks and Scots, about the year 426.
This was of solid stone, and built between the Solway
and Tyne, as Beda says; who adds, that it ran hard
by Hagustaldum, or Hexham, in Northumberland.
Gildas says of this wall, that it passed a mari usque
ad mare, inter urbes quæ ibidem forte ob metum hostium
collocatæ fuerunt, "from sea to sea among the towns
which had been erected there, for fear of the ene-
my." These towns were the Roman stations on the
southern wall.
Thus, of these walls, FIVE were on the northern
frontier, or between the Clyde and Forth in Scot-
land and THREE were in England, between Solway
and Tyne.
*
Cap. 14. murum (non ut alterum) SUMPTU PUBLICO PRIVATOQUE,
adjunctis secum miserabilibus indigenis, solito structuræ more, tra-
mite a mari, &c. This passage, like all the dark Celtic work of Gil-
das, is confused and obscure: non ut alterum refers to the turf wall,
cap. 12. solito, I suspect, should be solido. Beda uses the words of
Gildas, a mari ad mare recto tramite inter urbes, &c. and adds FIRMO
DE LAPIDE. Gildas, describing the turf wall, 421, c. 12. says, it was
erected trans insulam; and Keith, in the preface to his Scotish
Bishops, infers, that Caledonia was considered as another island;
forgetting that trans implies across, as well as beyond. Classical in-
terpretation must not be applied to writers not classic; but the me-
dia et infima Latinitas must be studied.
48
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
These three southern walls were raised by Hadrian,
Severus, and Gallio: the first as would seem of turf;
for Capitolinus, mentioning the wall of Pius, says,
alio muro cespititio, "another turf wall," which im-
plies the former, or that of Hadrian, to have been also
of turf. These turf walls had foundations, and towers
of stone; and large ditches. The wall of Severus
was thought to be of stone, as Aurelius Victor puts
it as a greater work than all his conquests; which
would have been ridiculous, if he only repaired the
turf wall of Hadrian. If so, Gallio seems only to have
repaired the wall of Severus. But of this afterwards.
The five northern walls begin with Agricola's line
of forts; then the turf wall of Antoninus; next that
of Theodosius, which seems but a reparation; the
additional forts of Stilicho; and the turf wall of the
Britons. There never was a stone wall here; and
that ascribed to Severus seems the only stone wall
erected.
The wall of Severus is a singular monument; for,
though he had penetrated to the very extremity of
Caledonia, yet he was contented to resign a large
tract of country; while there seems no reason against
his building the wall at the northern frontier. The
glory of building a long wall certainly was not equal
to the shame of resigning a territority; so that va-
nity could not be his inducement. Yet his historians
say he acquired a territory. A palpable contradic-
tion! If any writer were to deny that Severus built
any wall, it would be difficult to answer him; for cer-
tain it is, that both Herodian and Dio, who wrote so
near his time, are utterly silent about this glory of
his reign. Spartian, a weak writer in the time of
Diocletian, near a century after Severus, is the first
who mentions it; and what the state of historical
knowledge then was may be judged from the begin-
ning of the life of Probus, by Vopiscus, in the same
CHAP. III.
49
THE WALLS.
Collection.' Vopiscus is the best of these authors,
and lived under Diocletian; and he says that, for
want of writers, the actions and memory of Probus
had almost perished! That is in a space of twelve or
fourteen years.
Yet it must be considered, that the tract between
the walls might be regarded itself as a real advanced
frontier, to be inhabited by his subjects, at their risk,
but upon no account to be entered by the enemy.
These Roman walls seem by no means to have been
the direct and absolute frontiers, but only protections
for the agricultors, and peaceful subjects. Beyond
them were apparently exploratory camps, and sta-
tions; and large bodies of men, who lived by hunt-
ing and fishing, and had no property to raise their
fears. If we trust Richard, there was a whole pro-
vince, Vespasiana, beyond the wall of Antoninus.
Horsley observes, from inscriptions, &c. that the Ro-
mans, even in the time of Severus, possessed grounds
north of his wall. According to all appearance there-
fore, though Severus might build this wall, yet he
regarded that of Antoninus as the actual direct fron-
tier. He might build his wall, to protect the culti-
vated lands; leaving his soldiers, and some roving
Britons, to guard themselves, without the wall, or
within it, at pleasure. Caracalla was forced after his
father's death in 211, to make a disgraceful peace
with the Caledonians, and to give up part of what
his father had gained."
Hist. Augustæ Scriptores.
* Mr Gordon, in his Itinerarium Septentrionale, takes the Catrail,
running from Melrose, south-west, for the boundary fixed by Cara-
calla; but it is necessary to inform the reader, that Gordon unhap-
pily took a way for a wall. See remarks on the Catrail, in the Re-
liquiæ Galeana. General Roy, who has examined the Roman an-
tiquities in Scotland with great care, found no wall where Gordon
marks; but a military road. See his Description of Roman Anti-
quities in Scotland, with fine drawings, MS. in the Royal Library,
2 vols. folio.
VOL. I.
D
50
PART II
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
The northern frontier was never held for any time.
The forts of Agricola were abandoned in a short
space. Hadrian, in 121, built the south wall. Anto-
ninus, after the Piks had been driven back, built the
north wall, about 140, which seems to have remain-
ed the barrier only for about the remaining space of
his reign, or 21 years, for no later inscriptions have
been found. In 211 Caracalla withdrew the frontier.
In 367 it was first placed for any time at the northern
wall, and continued till 426, when it was again drawn
south.
Theodosius, in 367, may be regarded as the chief
acquirer of the territory between the walls; and he
erected it into a province, which was held till the
Romans finally abandoned Britain. After the Chris-
tian religion was embraced by Constantine, few or
no Roman inscriptions are to be found, as may be
seen in Gruter. It is therefore no wonder that no
inscriptions of, or after, the time of Theodosius should
be found in the northern frontier; nor of, or after,
that of Gallio in the southern.
Mr Whitaker has shewn that the Roman walls were
by no means the positive boundaries of the Roman
domain, in Britain. But his arguments are a little
confused, for no one ever doubted, that Valentia was
held by the Romans till their final departure. The
point was to shew, that the Romans had stations and
settlements beyond what was regarded as the barrier;
as beyond the wall of Antoninus, during the reign of
Antoninus, and beyond that of Hadrian in his reign.
Horsley has shewn in particular, that Netherby, to
the north of Hadrian's wall, was a Roman station in
the reign of that emperor. If we believe Richard,
the province Vespasiana existed beyond the wall of
Antoninus but few Roman inscriptions have been
found to the north of this wall. Arthur's Oven, a
Roman work, stood to the north of it. But this must
CHAP. III.
51
THE WALLS.
be examined when we come to speak of the province
Vespasiana. We know not what force was stationed
at the wall of Antoninus in his time. Nay, though
we might believe, that, after Theodosius founded the
province of Valentia, and he and Stilicho fortified its
northern frontier, the chief Roman force should have
been maintained at this frontier; yet from the Noti-
tia and Itineraries, if we trust modern interpretation,
it appears that the whole Roman troops were still
stationed at the wall of Severus. The reasons of an-
tiquaries are often fantastic; and it may be strongly
suspected that the stations mentioned in the Notitia,
as per lineam valli, were along the northern frontier,
and the coast opposite to Ireland. Certain it is, that
the Vallum of Richard and the Itinerary, ascribed to
an Antoninus, but written in the fourth or fifth cen-
tury, is the northern frontier; not the southern, which
was Murus, as Ad Murum, or Newcastle, &c. and
it is most reasonable to suppose, that, in the Notitia,
Vallum has the same acceptation.
If the reader will carefully examine those who
have placed these stations at the wall of Severus, he
will find that they have not much foundation. Hors-
ley and Warburton' have said all that can be stated
on this subject; and they seem to have taken the
matter for granted. The sole coincidences (for they
cannot be called arguments) which they produce, are,
that by beginning the stations in the Notitia at the
east end of the wall, they find inscriptions by two
troops, the Cohors Prima Tungrorum and the Prima
Elia Dacorum, at places which, by their account, an-
swer to Borcovicum and Amboglanna, where these
'Mr Warburton (not the bishop,) in his Vallum Romanum, or Picts
Wall, London, 1753, 4to. The title is improper, for the wall of
Antoninus was especially called Vallum; that of Severus, as imagi-
ned, or Piks Wall, was termed Murus.
7
52
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
troops are placed in the Notitia. But unhappily this
argument will weigh nothing, when we reflect that
these very inscriptions are dedicative of altars to Ju-
piter, and other gods; and by the form of the letters,
and other marks, seem as early as Hadrian's reign.
At any rate they must have preceded the Notitia
by more than a century; for after Constantine I. the
whole armies of Rome were Christian, as appears
from the labarum on medals, and many other tokens;
and no altars to heathen gods could be erected. So
that these coincidences are matters of chance, not of
argument; though indeed it be much to be suspect-
ed that the inscriptions led to the idea of fixing the
troops at the stations. And it must be added, that
an inscription by one of these troops was found at the
other end of the wall; for which Horsley accounts,
by saying it was first stationed there, and after mo-
ved. Inscriptions, by no less than three of the co-
horts mentioned in the Notitia, have unluckily been
also found along the wall of Scotland; namely, the
Prima Batavorum, the Prima Hispanorum, and the
Prima Tungrorum.
Arguments there also are for the stations in the
Notitia not being at the southern frontier. For 1.
Not one name of a station in the Notitia in the least
coincides with the modern ones in Northumberland.
2. Not one inscription can be found which mentions
the name of a single station. 3. Luguvallium, the
greatest station on the southern frontier, is not to be
found in the Notitia; and Horsley, &c. are obliged
to suppose it alone deserted! 4. Pons Elii never was
a name for Newcastle, which in all the Itineraries is
called Ad Murum. These arguments are sufficient
to shew that there is no foundation for placing these
stations at the southern frontier; and the two last
seem to evince that they could not be there.
Other arguments might also be brought for these
CHAP. III.
53
THE WALLS.
On the
stations of the Notitia being along the northern fron-
tier; for the province of Valentia was founded in
367; and it appears from Beda and others, that it
was kept till the Romans left Britain about 409, and
some years after: it is reasonable to infer, that the
fortified frontier, or Vallum, when the Notitia was
compiled, was to the north of this province. It is
not to be supposed that a single trace, or inscription
of these troops, can be found, for hardly an inscrip-
tion appears after Constantine I. through the whole
Roman empire. Besides, they only continued forty
years; whereas, had they remained at the southern
frontier for three centuries, as supposed, it might be
expected that the name of some one station, in the
Notitia, might have found its way into an inscription,
or the Itineraries: but this is not the case.
whole, the point with regard to these stations of the
Notitia stands thus: 1. Antiquaries have taken it as
granted, that they were at the southern wall; but
this is no argument. 2. As they manage the matter,
two inscriptions have been found, which coincide as
above stated; but they are obliged to pass one which
is fully against them: and three inscriptions of the
same troops have been found in Scotland, which more
than balance the others. 3. There are positive and
direct arguments, that the Vallum of the Notitia is
not the southern barrier, for No Luguvallium, though
the most noted station on that barrier, is mention-
ed in the Notitia, and No Ad Murum, or Newcastle.
And there is no argument whatever against its being
the northern: for Theodosia, or Dunbarton, is beyond
the end of the wall which is at Dunglas; and the sta-
tions, if in Scotland, must have run south of the two
firths of Clyde and Forth.
It is a pity this point is rather uncertain, for if the
stations were really upon the northern barrier, as
seems most reasonable to suppose, antiquaries have
54
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
1
hitherto been much mistaken. And if they were on
the southern, it would be a most curious fact; as it
would shew that the Romans did not fortify the ex-
tremity of their real possessions, but had actually a
military province beyond the wall at all times; as
Vespasiana, beyond the wall of Antoninus; and Va-
lentia, beyond that of Hadrian.
Upon the most mature examination, there is some
room to infer, that Severus built no wall in Britain,
nor raised any rampart. Dio and Herodian, who lived
near his time, both writing under Alexander Seve-
rus, about twelve years after the death of Severus,
though they narrate his life and smallest actions at
great length, are quite silent as to this. Spartian,
who wrote in a most ignorant age, about a hundred
years after, is the first who mentions it; and he is
followed by Aurelius Victor, and others. All histo-
rians agree that Severus gained territory, so that he
could not withdraw the frontier. Though the wall
be of solid stone, and a surprising monument of Ro-
man power, yet is there not the smallest inscription
to be found in honour of Severus; while, in the
northern turf wall, the inscriptions in honour of An-
toninus Pius are numerous. Only one inscription
mentioning Severus has been found in Northumber-
land, or, as is believed, in Britain; and it is No.
109 in Horsley, which was discovered at Hexham,
considerably south of the wall; and it only refers to
building some fort or temple. The inscriptions in
the wall, and its ruins, refer almost wholly to the
centuries, and cohorts, who built it; and they are
short, as CENT. v. or the like, and rudely engraved.
For these reasons full assent may be given to Beda,
that this stone wall was built by Gallio; though that
venerable writer be mistaken, in saying that Severus
had formerly raised a turf rampart here, following in
this the errors of Spartian and Victor. As to the
CHAP. III.
55
THE WALLS.
Welsh name of Gual Sever, which, it is said, they
give to the wall in the north of England, it is also
given to that between the firths of Scotland; and
vulgar appellations are so vague and foolish, that no
man of sound sense can rest even a straw upon them.
It may
be inferred therefore, that there are but two
lines of fortification here; namely, that of Hadrian,
of turf and stone, with double ditches before it; and
that of Gallio, of solid free stone, nearly eight feet
thick, raised by the joint contributions of the Britons,
who sacrificed to their fears every consideration of
expence. They soon found that no walls can defend
cowardice; and ought to have remembered the Spar-
tan apophthegm of Agesilaus, who, being asked where
were the walls of Sparta, pointed to his soldiers, and
said There.
The northern barrier more peculiarly concerns my
present labour. If the reader wishes to see plans
and descriptions at large, he is referred to Gordon's
Itinerarium Septentrionale, or Horsley's Britannia
Romana. It shall only be here remarked, that it is
of turf, upon a stone foundation; and is about four
yards thick. It can be traced from Dunglas, near
Dunbarton, to Cairiden, two miles east of Kinneil.
The inscriptions found near it are far superior in
elegance to those found in the southern frontier.
Horsley also observes, that they much excel the
latter in two other respects; because they mention
the emperor by whose order the wall was built, and
the quantity done at each part by each legion, or
vexillation. The legions employed were the XXth
Valens Victrix, the IId Augusta, and the VIth Victrix.
Three legions, if complete with the auxiliaries of
each, &c. would amount to thirty-six thousand men.
The inscriptions found along the wall of Antoninus
were numerous in Horsley's time, or fifty years ago;
since the canal was dug, they are much increased.
·
PART II.
56
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
The inscriptions found in Northumberland equal
in number those of Cumberland, and all the rest of
England put together. Those found along the wall
of Antoninus will now equal those found in Nor-
thumberland, or half of those found in all England.
Had Severus, whose medals are so fine and various,
and in whose reign the arts flourished not a little, had
he built this wall, every part of it would have been
filled with his glory; whereas, not one hint can be
found from inscriptions that this vast work is his.
Reason, as well as the authority of Beda, will there-
fore vindicate our ascribing this prodigious monu-
ment to Gallio, and the fears of the Britons; for fear
is, of all passions, the most extravagant, and will
throw even gold and diamonds into the sea.
CHAP. IV.
57
THE PROVINCE OF VALENTIA.
THE
CHAPTER IV.
The Province of Valentia.
HE history of a frontier is ever confused. The
perpetual changes it undergoes, like the waves of a
troubled ocean, prevent any distinct reflection of the
sun of truth. A silent desert, or a scene of blood;
or now possessed by one nation, now by another; it
is impossible to derive order from confusion, or know-
ledge where materials must be wanting.
The southern part of Scotland, from the rivers
Clyde and Forth, to those of Solway and Tyne, thus
including also a part of Northumberland, may be re-
garded, during the Roman times, as merely a large
frontier. About the year 78, the nations who held
it, namely the Selgova, Novantes, Damnii, and Ota-
deni, had either been vanquished by Cerialis, or had
voluntarily submitted to Agricola. A great part of
the Damnii, and Brigantes, now went into Ireland,
as Richard says; and as the names given by Ptolemy
and him prove.
Britain, being effectually subdued by Agricola,
seems to have remained quiet till the reign of Ha-
drian, or about forty years. In the beginning of Ha-
drian's reign, as his biographer' says, the Britons
could not be kept under the Roman power; and
Richard tells us, that both the provinces Vespasiana
and Mæata were then broken. In 121, he built the
southern wall, seeming silently to relinquish both
I
Spartian. apud Hist. Aug. Script.
58
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
these provinces. But nineteen years after, Antoninus
Pius recovered Mæata, and built his wall on the
northern frontier.
About the year 164, Calphurnius Agricola was sent
into Britain, by Marcus Antoninus, to quell some
commotions,' apparently in the north; but his suc-
cess is doubtful, for no inscriptions but of Pius occur
in the northern wall; so that it would seem that all
between the walls was now lost. In the time of
Commodus, about 183, the Mæata were again in
arms; and continued not only in freedom, but to
insult the southern frontier, till Severus arrived in
207. In 211, Caracalla seems to have left the Mæatæ
in full possession of this province; for it is clear from
inscriptions, that the Roman forces continued at the
southern barrier.
About 290, Constantius seems to have reduced the
Mæatæ; and their numbers appear to have been
much diminished, for when we again find British af
fairs mentioned, their name never occurs. We have
indeed no mention of the Mæatæ after 211; but this
is owing to the silence of Roman writers concerning
Britain, from 211 to 360, save a few hints of the Pa-
negyrics.
In 360, we learn from Ammianus," that the Scots
and Piks were wasting the parts of Britain next to
the frontier. And in 364, he says the Piks, Saxons,
Scots, and Attacots, molested the Britons with con-
stant incursions; and in 367, that the Piks, divided
into two nations, the Dicaledones and Vecturiones,
and also the Attacots, wasted the British provinces.
When Theodosius, the general, arrived, about the
'Imminebat etiam Britannicum bellum; et Catti in Germaniam
ac Rhetiam irruperant. Et adversus Britannos quidem Calphurnius
Agricola missus est; contra Cattos Aufidius Victorinus. Capitoli-
nus in Marco, ib.
2 Lib. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII.
CHAP. IV. THE PROVINCE OF Valentia.
VALENTIA.
59
latter year, he found the Piks and Attacots advanced
even to London and Kent. Driving them back, he
pursued them to the firths; and, recovering all the
land between the walls, he made it a province, under
the new name of VALENTIA, from Valens the em-
peror.
This province remained in possession of the Ro-
mans forty-two years, till 409, when they left Britain.
Upon this the Piks and Scots rushed in, and again
ravaged all till 421, when the Romans assisted the
Britons to repel them; and the Britons again built
or repaired the wall between Clyde and Forth, as
Beda shews. But this barrier had no avail; and,
about five years after, the Romans, under Gallio, came,
for the last time, to assist the Britons, and built the
grand wall between Solway and Tyne. The Piks and
Scots then seized on all Valentia up to the new wall,
as Beda' shews; but having met with some defeats
from the Britons, the Scots went home to Ireland,
while the Piks continued quiet in their new posses-
sions.
• Revertuntur ergo impudentes grassatores Hiberni domum, post
non multum tempus reversuri. Picti in extrema parte insulæ tunc
primum, et deinceps, quieverunt; prædas tamen nonnunquam ex-
inde, et contritiones, de Britonum gente agere non cessarunt, I. 14.
60
PART IL
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
E
CHAPTER V.
The Kingdom of Strat-Clyde.
We are now arrived at the most obscure and diffi-
cult part of the whole Scotish history: and as I have
in consequence given it the greatest labour and at-
tention, so I must desire the reader to watch my steps
with a severe eye; and judge for himself, on the ma-
terials which shall here be furnished with the utmost
impartiality, and which, it is presumed, are all that
can be found upon this subject.
As the ancient Lives of Saints must now be quoted
for the first time, the reader is requested to observe
that this evidence is universally admitted, by the
learned of all countries and religions, as irrefragable,
with regard to historic and geographic facts. And
rightly; for there could be no possible temptation to
fiction in these articles; but, on the contrary, every
inducement to preserve these grand features exactly,
in order to colour their ridiculous tales. A Life of a
Saint may be regarded as a religious novel; in which,
though the miracles be fiction, the geography and
history are always real. In the grand collection of
the French historians, executed with a care and mag-
nificence worthy of a great nation, extracts from the
ancient Lives of Saints are inserted under each cen-
tury, or division, as equal vouchers with the ancient
historians; and in that of the Danish historians,
though executed by protestants, in a protestant coun-
try, the same plan is followed. Montesquieu and
CHAP. V. THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLyde.
61
Gibbon' have not disdained to found upon the
Lives of Saints. But having said so much on this
subject in the preface, let us return to our present
object, after premising that the reader must not con-
found the kingdom of Strat-Clyde, the object of this
chapter, with that of Cumbria, the object of the next;
for, though this has almost universally been done hi-
therto, it is an error, as shall presently be shewn. The
kingdom of Strat-Clyde included only Dunbarton,
Renfrew, and the upper part of Lanarkshire. That
of Cumbria comprized Cumberland and Westmore-
land, in England. A space of only sixty miles lay
between them; and it is no wonder that this proxi-
mity has occasioned their being confounded, as the
materials concerning them are so barren.
In this chapter, I shall first produce all the autho-
rities which can be found concerning the kingdom
of Strat-Clyde, and then offer a few remarks. To
proceed according to the chronological order of the
writers quoted :
1. Adomnan, elected Abbot of Hyona in 679,
wrote the Life of St Columba, the converter of the
northern Piks, in three books. In Book I. of the
MS. in the Royal Library, written in the 13th century,
the fourteenth chapter runs thus:
"A prophecy of the holy man, concerning King
Roderc, the son of Totail, who reigned at Petra
Cloithe," (the rock of Clyde.)
"The same [Roderc] being a friend of the Saint
[Columba] sent, at another time, a secret message to
I
Esprit des Loix, XXX. 11. &c.
Mr Gibbon, Vol. VI. p. 95, 8vo. ed. says, "The ancient legenda-
ries deserve some regard, as they are obliged to connect their fables
with the real history of their own times." He then quotes lives of
saints, from the Historiens de France.
* De Rege RODERCO, filio Totail, qui Petra Cloithe regnavit
beati viri prophecia.
Alio IDEM in tempore, &c. MS. in Bibl. Reg. 8 D. IX.
62
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRitons.
him by Lugbeus Mocumin, wishing to know if he
should be slain by his enemies, or not. Lugbeus,
being asked by the saint concerning the same king,
his kingdom and people, answered as in pity, Why do
you ask me about this wretch, who can by no means
know what hour he shall be slain by his enemies?
The saint upon this said, He shall never be delivered
into the hands of his enemies, but shall die in his
house upon his own pillow. Which prophecy of the
saint concerning the king was fulfilled. For, accord-
ing to his word, he died an easy death in his own
house."
1
It must be observed upon this quotation, that the
titles of all the chapters of this work are infallibly put
by Adomnan himself; for, without them, the chap-
ters would often be unintelligible, as the above, among
many, may shew; for Roderc is never mentioned
before or after, and the beginning of the chapter
refers to its title; as do many others in the work.
Adomnan is indeed so exact, that, at the end of this
performance, we find a solemn injunction' not to alter
a single word in transcribing. Yet has this work been
altered in some parts; a few chapters being omitted
in the MS. from which Canisius printed it, which are
to be found here; and a few are omitted here, which
may be found in Canisius. The work, when complete,
contained all to be found, either in Canisius, or in this
MS. as is evident from the style and connexion; and
a genuine edition should be of equal extent, but
ought chiefly to follow this MS. which is most ancient
and correct.
"Admonitio Adomnani ad Scriptores. Obsecro eos quicunque
voluerunt hos describere libellos, imo potius adjuro per Christum
judicem sæculorum, ut, postea diligenter descripserint, conferant,
et emendant, cum omni diligentia, ad exemplar unde extraxerunt;
et hanc quoque adjurationem hoc in loco subscribant." Usher ob-
serves, that in this he imitates Irenæus, and Eusebius in his chroni-
cle. Usser Vet. Epist. Hib. Sylloge, Dublin, 1632. 4to. p. 130.
}
CHAP. V. THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-Clyde.
63
2. Beda, who wrote in 731, mentions Alcluith, or
Petra Cluith, as remaining, in his time, in the hands
of the Britons.' He says it stood upon a river of
the same name, the Cluith or Clyde; and his de-
scription is well known to refer to Dunbarton.
3. The life of Gildas, published by Mabillon, from
a MS. in the library of Fleury Abbey, mentions that
Gildas was born at Arclyd (read Alclyd) or Dunbrit-
ton; and that his father Caunus, or, as others call
him, Navus, was king of that country, and was suc-
ceeded by his son Hoel."
4. Asser, who wrote his Life of Alfred about the
year 900, narrates, that in 875, Healftene, with one
half of the Danish army, marched into Northumber-
land, and wintered near the river Tyne. That he
subdued all Northumberland, and wasted the lands
of the Piks, and Stratdutenses. Read, as all other
authors write, Stratclutenses, or those of Strat-Clyde ;
the c and I having coalesced into a d.
5. The Saxon Chronicle, which was written by
different hands, from the eleventh century, down to
the twelfth, throws several minute lights on the pre-
sent subject. Under the year 875, it mentions that
Healfden, or Haldan, the Danish general, wasted the
country between the Piks and Stræcled-Valli, or Strat-
Clyde Welsh. And under 924, it mentions that the
king of Scotland reverenced Edward of England as
his father; as did also the king of the Stræcled-Welsh.
6. In the twelfth century, a whole blaze of evidence
opens upon this subject, as historians and other wri-
ters became then much more common in Britain.
Florence of Worcester, who wrote about 1101, men-
tions the Strat-Clyde Welsh, in 875, as Asser does.
▾ Civitas Britonum munitissima usque hodie quæ vocatur Alcluith.
I. 1. Alcluith, quod lingua eorum significat Petram Cluith; est enim
juxta fluvium nominis illius. I. 12. et vide IV. 26.
› Vide Usserii Antiq. Eccl. Brit.
64
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
He also says, that in 901, Edward of England was
acknowledged lord by the kings of the Scots, Cum-
bri, Strat-Clyde Welsh, and those of the Western
Britons, or Welsh. Florence also mentions them,
under 921, on the same score, as do most historians
who relate the reign of Edward the Elder, which last-
ed from 901 to 925.
7. Simeon of Durham, who wrote about 1164,
mentions the Strat-Clyde Welsh, under 875, as Asser;
and under 921, he says that the king of Scots, with
all his people, and Regnal, king of the Danes, with
the English and Danes living in Northumberland,
and also the king of the Strat-Clyde Welsh, elected
Edward king of England for their father and lord,
and made a firm alliance with him.
8. On the shelf of ecclesiastic ambition, we may
place the solemn deed, intituled Inquisitio facta per
David Principem Cumbria de possessionibus Ecclesiæ
Glasguensis, published by Sir James Dalrymple. It
was written about 1113, when David was prince of
Cumberland, &c. in the reign of his brother Alexan-
der I. About that time a part of Cumberland was
added to the see of Glasgow, as we learn from the
Anglia Sacra, p. 699. The zeal of David, afterward
king of Scotland, for the church is well known; and
to gratify it seems to have been his greatest pride.
His zeal had here the same effect with that of some
antiquaries, who, not perceiving that it is much more
honourable to increase, than retain, wish to persuade
us, that the kingdom of Scotland was always as large
as now, on the south of the Forth and Clyde; so, in
this charter, because lands are added to the see of
Glasgow, these new acquisitions are most falsely said
to be an ancient part of it. The truth, namely, that
the see of Glasgow had made new and great acquisi-
tions, did it high honour; the falsehood, namely, that
* Collections concerning Scotish History. Edin. 1705, 8vo,
7
CHAP. V.
65
THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLYDE.
these acquisitions had formerly belonged to it, did it
dishonour, not only as a falsehood, but, even taken as
a truth, it gave an idea of weakness and uncertainty
in the possessions of the see; and power resting
wholly on opinion, nothing can injure it more than
such an idea, whereas acquisition increases the opi-
nion of power to a degree far exceeding the reality.
The regnum Cambrense, or Welsh kingdom in Scot-
land, is confounded here with the regnum Cumbrense,
or kingdom of Cumbria. Ignorance indeed might
also have its share in this error; for there was but
one letter of difference, and the distance between
them did not exceed sixty miles. Father Innes, as
a good friend to the bishopric of Glasgow, rests upon
this authority, that the kingdom of Strat-Clyde and
that of Cumbria were all one, and reached from Cum-
berland to Glasgow; but we have disinterested au-
thorities against this, as shall presently be shewn;
and though I have a high opinion of the learned fa-
ther, yet he deserves blame for sacrificing any histo-
rical point to a pious fraud. The next article also
must be partly considered in this light.
I
9. For Jocelin, a monk of Furness, in Lancashire,
wrote about 1180, and dedicated his Life of St Ken-
tigern, or Mungo, to another Jocelin, bishop of Glas-
gow, from 1174, till 1199. In that long work there
are several anecdotes of the kingdom of Strat-Clyde.
He calls it Regnum Cambrense, or the Welsh king-
dom; and describes it as reaching from the wall in
Northumberland, to the firths of Forth and Clyde ;
an absurdity by his own account, for he mentions.
that St Kentigern converted the Piks in Galloway.
He makes the bishopric of Kentigern extend over
all that kingdom; another absurdity, for if he had
held such a bishopric, it could never have escaped
Beda, who does not mention him at all. Kentigern
MS. Cotton. Vitell. C. VIII. et transcript. penes Aut.
VOL. I.
E
66
PART II
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
lived in the time of Saint Gregory the Pope, and of
Columba, or about the year 600: and Jocelin extends
his life much, so that he could not die before 650.
Now it is evident from Beda, that there were no
bishops at Glasgow in that period, though there
were of Candida Casa, or Whithern; and that the
English possessed most of the south of Scotland, till
driven out by the Piks in 684, or 46 years before
Beda wrote, as he tells us, Book IV. ch. 26. As the
English held Lothian and the south of Galloway, so
the Piks held the west, by Jocelin's own account; and
this Regnum Cambrense must be confined to Dun-
barton and Renfrew shires, and a small part of La-
narkshire. In short, his book is palpably written to
gratify the ambition of the bishop of Glasgow; and
Jocelin has spared no pious fraud on the occasion.
Yet even his errors throw light on the truth; and, if
we withdraw our faith from the ambitious parts, we
may give him considerable credit for the rest, refer-
ring to history or geography; especially as, he says,
he followed two elder lives, the one in Latin, the
other in Irish. Of Kentigern's bishopric, we shall
speak in Part VI. Jocelin puts Kentigern as con-
temporary with two kings of Strat-Clyde, Morken
and Rederech; and mentions his prophecy about
Constantine, a third who succeeded Rederech: he
also names Langueth, the queen of Rederech.
10. Ailred, abbot of Reval, in his Life of St Ninian,
written about 1150, speaking of the western parts of
Scotland, where St Ninian was born, says, that it was
certain, not only by the testimony of histories, but
by the memory of men, that these western countries
had a proper king of their own till the end of the
Saxon, or English times, that is, till the Norman in-
vasion. And he mentions Tudwald as king in St
Ninian's time, or about 412.'
* MS. in Bibl. Bodl. Laud. F. XV. et transcript. penes Aut. Sce
also Innes.
CHAP. V. THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLYDE,
67
11. Roger Hoveden wrote about 1210; and, un-
der the years 899 and 917, he mentions the Strat-
Clyde Welsh, as Nos. 6 and 7. Most of the English
writers, who relate the reign of Edward the Elder,
also mention them, so their testimonies need not be
repeated. Only it may be observed, that Matthew of
Westminster, called Florilegus, who wrote about 1220,
always puts Galwalenses for Stratcludwalli, knowing
they lived in part of ancient Galloway, which extend-
ed even to the Clyde.
12. Caradoc of Llancarvon wrote his History of
Wales about 1157. The editions we have of him are
stuffed with interpolations, especially that of 1697.
Little can therefore be rested on him. He tells us,
under the year 878, that, after the death of Roderic
the Great, king of Wales," the northern Britons of
Strat-Clyde and Cumberland were mightily infested,
and weakened, through the daily incursions of the
Danes, Saxons, and Scots;" so that many came to
Gwyneth, under the conduct of one Hobert, and had
all the country between Chester and the river Con-
way granted them for habitation, if they could expel
the Saxons, who had seized it. Necessity gave them
courage, and they accomplished this. Under the
years 944, and 1054, he mentions Strat-Clyde in
Wales.
This last evidence naturally leads us to the chief
difficulty in this point, namely, if the kingdom of
Strat-Clyde was in Scotland, or Wales? For there is
also a river Clyde in North Wales; and Camden and
others incline to think the Strat-Clyde Welsh were
really of that country. I was long of the same opi-
nion; but am now convinced it is erroneous, for the
following reasons.
1. In no history of Wales, however particular as to
the other kingdoms, do we find Strat-Clyde mention-
ed as a kingdom in that country. Caradoc alone
68
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
mentions it as a district; and palpably infers that it
received that name from the real Strat-Clyde Welsh,
who came into it, and expelled the Saxons about 878,
as above stated. It may be said, neither are the
Strat-Clyde Welsh mentioned in Scotish historians."
But this would be a quibble, for we have no Scotish
historians till the beginning of the fifteenth century;
whereas the Welsh had annals before Geofrey and
Caradoc, who wrote in the twelfth.
2. Gwyneth, or North Wales, through which the
Welsh Clyde runs, was of itself a very small kingdom;
Powis, or Middle Wales, being another kingdom
equal to it in size; and Demetia, or South Wales,
by far the largest. So that it is improbable that
Strat-Clyde should be a kingdom in North Wales.
And if it were, as we find kings of Dyfy and Cardigan
in South Wales mentioned by Caradoc, it is most im-
probable that the Welsh writers should be silent about
a people remarkable even in English history.
3. The opinion of Camden was given from want
of knowledge that there had been any British king-
dom upon the Clyde in Scotland. Adomnan, Jocelin,
Ailred, &c. he had never seen, nor heard of. An
eminent writer may be ignorant, but to found upon
his ignorance is absurd.
4. Giraldus Cambrensis, who wrote his Descriptio
Cambria, and his Itinerarium Cambria," in the twelfth
century, is utterly silent concerning this kingdom,
though most particular in every other matter. In the
Itinerarium, written 1188, he mentions the river
They are however implied repeatedly by the name Britanni,
Britones, in one of our oldest fragments, the Chron. XII. Regum,
apud Innes, as after shewn.
* See both at the end of the London 8vo edition of Ponticus
Virunnius, an Italian writer, who abridged Geofrey of Monmouth,
about the year 1500; and in Camden's Anglica, Hibernica, &c.
Francof. 1602, fol.
CHAP. V. THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLYDE.
69
Cluyd toward the end; but says not one word of this
kingdom, nor of the Strat-Clyde Welsh.
5. The Welsh writers deny this kingdom to have
been in Wales. Lluyd, in his Commentariolum,' says
expressly, that the Strat-Clyde Welsh were on the
Clyde in Scotland, whence a part of them came into
Wales about 878, as above stated. He indeed adds,
that they founded a kingdom of Strat-Clyde in North
Wales after that period. But in this he is positively
contradicted by Williams, his last learned editor, who
says, that not a trace of this can be found in the
Welsh Annals. They indeed say, Pan oedd oed Crist
944 y diffeithwyd Stratclud i gan y Seison; that is, “In
the year of Christ 944, Stratclud was wasted by the
Saxons." But this, proceeds Williams, must be un-
derstood of the region near Dunclid, or Dunbarton;
for it appears from the Saxon Chronicle, that King
Edmund in that year subdued all Northumberland;
and that in the following years he wasted the land of
the Cumbrians, &c. In the same annals, adds he, we
read, Pan oedd oed Crist 974 y cyrchawdd Dungwallawn
Brenin Stratclud Rufain, ac y bu farw; that is, "In
the year of Christ 974, Dunwallon, king of Stratclud,
went to Rome, and there died." But that he was not
of Wales, but of Scotland, appears, says Williams,
from this, that there is no mention of him, nor his
kingdom, in the Welsh Annals; and we call the vale
of Clyde in North Wales, not Strat-Clwyd, but Dyf-
fryn Clwyd. He then adds, that the Stratclydwalli,
of the Saxon Annals, &c. were certainly on the Clyde
in Scotland. At the end of this last edition of Llwyd,
are Æræ Cambro-Brittanica, in which, under the year
584, we find that Gurgi and Peredur, sons of a prince
in North Britain, were slain. A note informs us, that
This is the book so warmly attacked by Buchanan. It was pub-
lished at London, 1572; republished by Williams, London, 1731,
4to.
I
70
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
at that time, and long after, the Britons, or Welsh,
held Dunclide, that is, Caer Alclud, now Dunbarton,
and the neighbouring regions; and that the nobles
of these countries are called in old Welsh MSS.
Teyrnedd y Gogledd, or kings of the North, who, though
several, were all obedient to the king of Cumbria, or
Cumberland.
6. It will appear prima facie to an unprejudiced
reader, that the Strat-Clyde Welsh of Asser, the Saxon
Annals, and the other English historians, above men-
tioned, were in Scotland, and not in Wales. For the
progress of Halfden's army was north; while the
other half of the Danes moved south, toward Cam-
bridge,' as Asser tells. Halfden wintered on the
Tyne in Northumberland, and ravaged the lands of
the Piks and Strat-Clyde Welsh. Between him and
North Wales were about 170 miles; between him and
Clyde in Scotland, not above 50. To say that Half-
den ravaged the lands of North Wales by excursions
from Northumberland, would be a strange informa-
tion; but that he ravaged the south of Scotland
from that station, is quite natural. Florence, Simeon,
&c. always rank the Strat-Clyde Welsh with the Scots,
Cumbrians, Northumbrians, all nations of the north.
To rank the inhabitants of a small vale in North
Wales with such nations, and such northerly nations,
would have been absurd. Matthew of Westminster
expressly calls them Galwalenses, or people of Gallo-
way, taken in the large sense it once bore.
7. The kingdom on the Clyde in Scotland, men-
tioned by Adomnan, Jocelin, &c. could not vanish.
We have certain evidence that there was a kingdom-
on the Clyde in Scotland; but none at all that there
was one on the Clyde in Wales. The inference is
obvious.
Then called Grantebrycge, p. 27. edit. Wise.
CHAP. V. THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLYDE.
71
8. The river Clyde in Scotland runs about 120
miles; that in Denbighshire, not above 20. The
former is a great and majestic river; the latter a small
stream. There is something ridiculous in supposing
that the inhabitants round a little river, in a small
county of Wales, should find a place in English his-
tory, where the Welsh are put in general, even the
three real Welsh kingdoms being seldom, or never,
mentioned; while, in the particular history of Wales
itself, these inhabitants never occur.'
These arguments may, it is hoped, be found con-
vincing; so that it may be regarded as an historic
truth, that the Strat-Clyde Welsh were upon the
Clyde in Scotland; where, in all events, we know that
a Welsh kingdom long existed, the kingdom of Petra
Cloithe, of Adomnan, the regnum Cambrense of Joce-
lin. The title is from the capital, according to a not
uncommon custom of the darker ages. Thus, in a
MS. of the Cotton Library, Nero, E. I. we find Dida-
nus rex Oxenfordiæ, for king of Mercia. In Caradoc
of Lancarvon, under the year 933, we find king of
London put for king of England; and the same ex-
pression is used in the laws of Howel Dha. In Jo-
celin's Life of Kentigern, most of that saint's adven-
tures with the King Rederech happen at Glasghu, or
Glasgow, anciently, as Jocelin says, called Cathures;
and he also mentions, that King Rederech died the
same year with Kentigern, in villa regia quæ Pertmet
nuncupatur, at the royal country house called Pertinet.
Let us now proceed to consider a little the history
of this kingdom, which is obscure in the extreme,
and of which only scraps can be found. A Welsh
• A learned friend, a native of Wales, informs me, that in the re-
cent publication of the old Welsh Annals, it is stated that the peo-
ple of Dyffryn Clwyd came from Scotland in the ninth century, and
gave their favourite name to the little stream. He adds, that to in-
fer any kingdom there would be ridiculous.
72
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
chronicle of Strat-Clyde would be a curious discove-
ry, but not to be hoped, so we must put up with the
imperfect notices we have.
2
The Romans held Valentia down to the year 409,
when they left Britain. Upon this dereliction they
seem to have appointed various princes over differ-
ent parts of Britain; a plan suggested by sound po-
licy, for these petty kings would naturally be at vari-
ance; whereas, had one king been given, his power
would have been so great, that the Romans would
have found a return difficult, if they were so inclined.
This supposition is countenanced by Gildas, who ad-
dresses no less than five kings of the Britons in his
time, reigning at once over different parts, which un-
happily he does not specify. The kingdom now un-
der view seems originally to have extended over all
Valentia; and Theodosia, or Alclud, being the capi-
tal of the province, naturally impregnable, and tower-
ing, like the acropolis of Corinth, on the top of a
high rock rising at once from a plain, it became of
course the capital, and chief strength of the new
kingdom. But if ever this kingdom extended over
Valentia, the duration of that extent must have been
very short indeed, for in 426 the Piks seized on all the
eastern parts of Valentia, down to the wall of Gallio ;
and on all the south and west. About 450, Octa
and Ebissa are said to have erected a Saxon state in
Northumberland; and, however this be, the kingdom
of Bernicia extended over the east and south parts,
while the Piks seemed to have retained present Ayr-
shire. In short, Renfrew, Dunbarton, and a part of
Zozimus, Lib. VI. mentions letters of Honorius Teos Tas εv Beε-
τανια πολεις, "to the towns in Britain." This was after the Romans
left Britain; but princes soon usurped the power. The towns in-
deed, as founded by the Romans, might be considered as more at-
tached to them; which circumstance may perhaps account for these
letters being addressed to the towns only.
CHAP. V. THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLYDE,
73
2
Lanarkshire, seem from the very first to have consti-
tuted the kingdom of Strat-Clyde: a small portion
of the upper part of Ayrshire must also be added,
where the isles of Great and Little Cumbra; in the
mouth of the Clyde, retain the name of their old
Cumraig possessors, with the usual terminating a, of
isles, which does not signify water, as some imagine,
but island. The names in Cunningham and Kyle,
or the two thirds of Ayrshire to the north, are Gothic;
some of those in Carrick, or the south part of Ayr-
shire, are Irish. It is remarkable, that the Irish was
spoken in Carrick to a late period, if it be not yet
in part; and the Wild Scots of Galloway are mention-
ed in old writers. These Scots, being quite discon-
nected from the other old Scots of Dalriada, or Argyle,
seem to me to have past from the opposite shore of
Ireland, by permission of the lords of Galloway;
either from being concerned in some Irish commo-
tion, or being called to assist some lord of Galloway
on occasion, who in return, as common in ancient
times, gave them land. However this be, the whole
names in Cunningham and Kyle are Gothic, and have
in course been called Saxon, by those who know not
that the Saxon is but a dialect of the Gothic; and
that by the same rule the names in Norway, Denmark,
and Sweden, are all Saxon. It is certain that the
Saxons never held this part of the country. If they
had, we should have known much more of the king-
dom of Strat-Clyde: but the obscure hints of Beda
sufficiently shew that the Saxon territory never sur-
In old German, Ach, or Acha, is water, Wachter; whence Scot-
jsh names, Achtertul, Achinleck, &c. &c. In modern German, it is
a, or aa. But isles in a, as most of the Orkneys and Hebudes are
from the Scandinavian oe, an isle, in which many Scandinavian isles,
as Samsoe, &c. end.
Description of Galloway, with views of castles, &c. a fragment,
temp. Eliz. in Mus. Brit. and Dunbar's satires against Kennedy, in
Ramsay's Evergreen.
74
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
rounded this kingdom on all quarters, save the north,
as it must have done, had the Saxons held Ayrshire.
The kingdom of Bernicia, as appears from Beda, ex-
tended to the Forth on the east, but by no means to
the mouth of Clyde on the west. Whithern, he says,
was in it, and so was Abercorn; and it seems to have
contained only the south-west of Galloway, though
it held all the east parts, from the Tweed to the Forth.
But of this in the Supplement.
The history of Saint Ninian is very obscure. He
was contemporary with Saint Martin, as his life shews,
and all agree; that is, he visited him on his return.
from Italy, and before he became bishop of Whit-
hern. Saint Martin died, it is believed, in 412; and
from the whole tenor of Ninian's story, it is apparent
that he flourished before the Piks seized on the south
parts, up to Gallio's wall, or the year 426. Tudwald
therefore, the British king mentioned by Ailred, must
have been one of the princes tributary to the Romans;
and has no connexion with the kings of Strat-Clyde.
Ailred indeed only calls him a king in these western
parts. That Whithern was the see erected by Nini-
an over the Piks he converted, is a gross error. Ail-
red tells that it was his proper British see, long be-
fore he went to convert the southern Piks, who lived,
as Beda shews, south of the Grampian Hills, or in
Fifeshire, &c. Ninian's success among these Piks is
passed in two lines by Ailred, though the most im-
portant part of Ninian's life.
The first mention we find of kings of Strat-Clyde,
is by Adomnan, who supplies Roderc, as above shewn.
This prince was clearly the Rederech of Jocelin, as
Columba and Kentigern were contemporaries. His
father was Morken, as Jocelin shews, and his son
Constantine; and we learn from Jocelin, that the
succession was lineal, as usual among the Welsh.
CHAP. V.
75
THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLYDE.
The Life of Gildas mentions Caunus, or Navus, in
the fifth century, and his successor Hoel.
In the Era Cambro-Britannica, published in the
last edition of Llwyd's Commentariolum, we find some
notices concerning this kingdom, under the year 577,
when the battle of Arderydd, or Atterith, on the
Esk, near Solway Firth, was fought. But these notices
are so confused, as usual with all Celtic history, that
nothing can be made of them. It is indeed surprising
that much of the intelligence conveyed in the Celtic
dialects, Welsh or Irish, is vague; while the northern
histories, written in Gothic, are generally clear and
accurate. It is stated in the Æræ, from some im-
perfect hints of Welsh genealogies, &c. that this bat-
tle was fought between Roderic, king of Cumbria, on
the one side, and Guendolau and Aedan, northern
princes, on the other. Roderic was not king of Cum-
bria, but of Strat-Clyde, as appears from Williams's
own account; for he says, he is the same mentioned
in the Life of Kentigern. So far as appears, this was
an intestine war; and is therefore ranged by the
Welsh author of the Triades among the three foolish
battles, or those fought for nothing. Neither of the
two adversaries of Roderic, namely Guendolau and
Aedan, are once mentioned as kings. Guendolau,
who fell in this battle, was the patron of Merlin of
Calydon, who lived in Strat-Clyde, and conversed
with Kentigern, as will be seen in Part VI. He and
Aedan seem to have rebelled, and got assistance from
Wales, which they were leading against Roderic,
when met by him, and defeated. The genealogy of
Roderic there given, is Rhydderch Hael ab Tudwał
Tudglud, ab Cedig, ab Dyfuwal Hen, ab Ednyfed, ab
Macsen Wledig; and both Guendolau and Aedan are
in a like manner traced to Macsin, or Maximus Ty-
rannus, which Williams, instead of laughing at, takes
bona fide! But Welsh and Irish genealogies are often
76
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
highly absurd. We however learn, that Roderic was
a monarch so generous, that he was called Hael, or
the Bountiful, and is praised by different Welsh au-
thors. Nothing can be more ludicrous than the re-
mark of Williams upon the similarity between Aidan
and Aedan, that the Scotish writers had stolen some
actions of Welsh princes. We have the authority of
Beda, a page of whom is worth all the Welsh and
Irish Annals in the world, for Aidan rex Scotorum qui
Britanniam inhabitant; for the Welsh nobleman Aedan,
we have no authority at all. The Kintillus, or Kina-
tellus, son of Gauran, is a mere dream; and he is
banished from Scotish history.
Thus we can trace five kings of Strat-Clyde: from
the life of Gildas, two who reigned toward the end of
the fifth, and beginning of the sixth century, CAUNUS
and HOEL: from Adomnan, one who reigned toward
the end of the sixth century, Roderc: two from Jo-
celin, MORKEN, predecessor of RODERC, and CONSTAN-
TINE, son of Roderc. They who wish to see uncer-
tain hints of the first Caunus, are referred to Usher's
Antiquities of the British Churches; who also informs
us, from Welsh authors, that Hoel, the next, was
slain in battle by Arthur.' Morken and Constantine,
¹ The reader needs hardly be told that Arthur was merely a name
given by the Welsh to Aurelius Ambrosius, their Roman defender
against the Saxons. See Gildas, c. 25. Beda, I. 16. Art-uir, signi-
fies the Chief, or Great Man. He flourished about the year 480.
Gildas lived in the very time assigned to the mock Arthur, yet knew
nothing of him; nor did Beda. Nay, nor Nennius; for the chap-
ter concerning Arthur is an addition, and occurs after the words,
Hic expliciunt gesta Britonum a Nennio conscripta. See Bertram's
edition. Mr Whitaker, to support his romance of Morte Arthur,
which, with him, is history, makes Nennius live in 620, though,
from no less than five computations in his work, it be evident
that he wrote in 858; and any man, the least versed in such matters,
must see from his work in general that it is of the ninth century.
Nor did Mr W. observe that the chapter on Arthur is not of Nennius,
but an addition taken from Geofrey's romance. The author, fond
of Arthur's fame, once thought him a reality; but upon full exa-
CHAP. V. THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLYDE.
77
}
are mentioned by Jocelin. Roderc is celebrated by
different writers; and was the greatest of the kings
of Strat-Clyde.
The Annals of Ulster, the most valuable and au-
thentic of the Irish histories, and generally founded
on those of Tighernac, who wrote in 1088, gives us
the following kings of Alclyde, or Strat-Clyde. In
657, say 660, as these annals generally precede the
common calculations of the Christian era by three
years, GUIRET, king of Alclyde, died. He was proba-
bly successor of the above Constantine. In 693 [696,]
DONAL, Son of Owen, King of Alclyde, died.
710 [713,] there was a battle between the Dalriads,
or Irish of Argyle, and the Britons, [of Strat-Clyde,]
in which the latter were vanquished. In 716 [719,]
there was another battle at the stone called Mimro,
and the Britons again fled. In 721 [724,] BILE, son
of Eilphin, king of Alclyde, died.
-
In
After this we find nothing concerning this king-
dom till the year 726, when Egbert, king of Nor-
thumberland, and Unnust, king of the Piks, led
their army to Alcluid, and the Britons yielding, re-
ceived terms. So Simeon of Durham, and Roger
Hoveden.' The terms would seem to be of tribute.
To return to the Annals of Ulster.
mination is undeceived. Milton declares against the existence of
Arthur. Hume, following, as usual, what Mr Gibbon justly calls
"the gross ignorance of Carte," supports the dream. That Arthur
was Aurelius Ambrosius, is certain; but the Arthur of Welsh his-
tory is a non-existence. The names of places, built on by Mr
Whitaker, arose merely from the romances; and none of them are
older than the 13th and 14th centuries. Arthur's Seat, near Edin-
burgh, is a name of yesterday, and arose from the tournaments near
it; as did Arthur's Round Table at Stirling. In the centuries of
chivalry and romance, Arthur was quite popular, and gave occasion
to many names of places.
* Anno 756, Eadbert rex, decimo quinto anno regni sui, et Un-
nust rex Pictorum, duxerunt exercitum ad Urbem Alcluit; ibique
Britones inde conditionem receperunt prima die mensis Augusti,
Hoveden, et sic etiam Sim. Dun.
78
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
In 779 [782,] Alcluid was burnt on the Calends, or
1st of January, but by whom appears not. In 869
[872,] Alclyde was besieged by the Norwegians and
Danes from Ireland, under Olave and Ivar, who, after
besetting it for four months, at length destroyed it.
In 871 [874,] ARTGA, king of the Britons of Strat-
Clyde, Strahcluothe, was slain by Constantine II. king
of the Piks. Thus far the Annals of Ulster.
In 875, we find Halfden wasting the territories of
the Strat-Clud Welsh, and Piks. About this time, if
we believe Welsh writers, a part of the Strat-Clud
Welsh and Cumbrians settled in Wales.
In the reign of Edward the Elder, of England,
(900-925) we find the Strat-Clud Welsh express af
fection and submission to him, if English writers be
believed.
About 972, we learn from Caradoc of Lancarvon,
that Dunwallon, king of Strat-Clyde, went to Rome.
Llwyd informs us, he was the last king of Strat-Clyde,
and that he died at Rome soon after.
The nature of the termination of this kingdom
seems unknown. In 970, Kenneth IV. became king
of the Piks, and reigned till 992. It is most remarka-
ble, that in the ancient Chronicle of the Twelve Kings,
who reigned after the union of the Piks and Dalriads,
we find that this very Kenneth prædavit Britanniam,
and after, prædavit Saxoniam. The Britones and
Britannia of the whole of that Chronicle appear un-
questionably the Strat-Clyde Welsh, or Britons, and
their country. It informs us that Eochoid, the fifth
of these kings, 883, was filius Ku regis Britannorum,
the son of Ku, king of the Britons." That in the
time of Constantine, the seventh of these princes,
904, Dovenald, king of the Britons, died, and was
succeeded by Dovenald, son of Ed. We also find
here that Culen, 965, and his brother Eochoid, were
slain by these Britons; which is confirmed by the
Annals of Ulster.
66
CHAP. V. THe kingdom of STRAT-CLYDe.
KINGDOM OF
79
2
In 945, according to the English historians,' Ed-
mund, king of England, gave Cumberland to Malcolm
I. of Scotland, on condition of homage. The Piks
were in possession of Lothian and Galloway, from
the year 426. In the reign of Indulf, about 956, we
find that the town of Eden was given up to the Scots
by the English; but if this were Edinburgh, it does
by no means follow that the English then held Lo-
thian, for the text bears only that town, which would
be absurd, had the large territory around it been also
given up. The fact seems, that Athelstan, when he
ravaged the south of Scotland in 934, had left a gar-
rison here, in like manner as later kings held forts in
the south, nay north of Scotland, when they had not
the smallest territory around them. This garrison
departed in Indulf's time, and the town was of course
given up to the Scots. When Cumberland was given
up to Malcolm, in 945, there is every reason to think
that the Scotish dominions reached down to Solway
in the middle, and to the Tweed in the east.
the south-west part of Scotland, or that between the
rivers Clyde and Nith and the western sea, seems,
from its angular situation, to have long maintained a
species of independency. It is well known that, even
down to the twelfth century, the lords of Galloway
were only feudatory to the Scotish kings ;3 and were
in fact petty sovereigns. Down to the tenth cen-
tury, or about 970, the kings of Strat-Clyde were ap-
parently in like predicament; and the Forth was re-
garded as the boundary between them and the Piks
on the north-east, as it originates near Loch Lomond,
in Dunbartonshire; as Loch Long, and the mouth
of Clyde, divided them from the Dalriads on the
north and west. We find in that old Chronicle, pub-
lished by Innes, that Kenneth lost many of his infant-
• Chron. Saxon. &c.
3 Sir David Dalrymple's Annals.
* Chron. apud Innes.
But
80
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
2
ry when he attacked these Britons; and that he for-
tified the banks of Forth. The kingdom, of Strat-
Clyde certainly remained in existence for about
thirty years after Cumberland was given up to the
Pikish kings. Before this event we find the Piks and
Strat-Clyde Britons in close alliance; so that Eochoid,
the son of a king of Strat-Clyde, came to the Pikish
throne by inheritance in 883, as above mentioned,
though Grig, who was only regent, has usurped his
place, and held it exclusively among the Scotish fa-
bulists, who call him Gregory the Great, and add
the grossest fables. But when Cumberland was resign-
ed to Malcolm I. in 945, on account of the turbulence
of its Welsh inhabitants, as Matthew of Westminster
says, the Piks became of course the enemies of the
Britons, who regarded them as new tyrants. This
enmity extended to Strat-Clyde, between which and
Cumbria there was constant intercourse; so that be-
fore 970, as appears from the above quoted old Chro-
nicle, wars had arisen, and in that year Culen was
slain by these Britons.
About 972, it appears that Kenneth IV. entirely
subdued these Britons of Strat-Clyde ; and their ter
ritory being annexed to the Pikish throne, we find no
mention of the kingdom of Strat-Clyde afterwards.
But the people occur in charters, &c. to a late period.
Innes shews that charters to the see of Glasgow,
by Malcolm IV. and William, are addressed, Francis,
et Anglicis, Scotis et Galweiensibus, et Walensibus, et
omnibus ecclesiæ S. Kentegerni de Glasgo, et ejusdem
episcopi, parochianis. The Franci et Angli are. Nor-
mans and English, some of whom settled in the south
of Scotland; the Galweienses, the Piks of Galloway,
as will after appear; the Walenses, or Welsh, are the
Britons of Strat-Clyde. In 1304 the law of the Scots
and Brets is mentioned in an instrument quoted by
Sir David Dalrymple, in his Annals. These Brets
were palpably the Britons of Strat-Clyde, as all the
1
1
CHAP. V.
81
THE KINGDOM OF STRAT-CLyde.
northern writers call the Welsh Brets, and Wales Bret-
land;' Winton also uses Bret and Bretan, for Briton
and Britain. Nay, in Clydesdale at present, if you will
ask the common people about any ancient castle, or
the like, they will tell you it was erected by the Brets,
or by the Pechts, that is by the Britons, or by the Piks.
The Notitia Imperii uses Britti for Britons: the
Saxon translation of Beda, Brytta: Witichind, in his
Gesta Saxonum, uses Bracti often for Britons.
Dunbartonshire, Renfrewshire, and great part of
Lanarkshire, formed the kingdom of Strat-Clyde, be-
ing about eighty miles long, and thirty broad; and
equal in size to the kingdom of Kent, or some others
of the heptarchy, and superior to most of the other
Welsh kingdoms. The language of this part of Scot-
land still retains something of the Welsh accent, and
some peculiar words; though the Pikish, or broad
Scotish, the language of the south of Scotland all
around this part, has supplanted the old speech en-
tirely. It is also believed that the people were very
much lessened before they were subdued; for their
defence, as may be judged from the old Chronicle
above quoted, was obstinate and bloody, and cost
Culen, one of the kings of Scotland (then Pikland,)
his life; and Kenneth IV. in whose reign their last
king is placed and their name vanishes, a great part
of his infantry. Dunwallon, their king, seems to
have fled to Wales, whence he went to Rome; and
it is likely that many of his subjects also escaped into
Wales. The speech of Galloway has in general a good
deal of the Welsh accent, which is vulgarly thought
the Irish, for the Celtic accents are much the same.
* Snorro, and the Icelandic Sagas, call Wales Bretland, and its
people Brets. The Saxon Chronicle calls the Welsh Bryttar. For-
dun, II. 56, mentions Albania Britones. It is remarkable that
Lanark is a place on the Clyde in Wales, as in Scotland; and the
name is Cumraig, Llan, a church; Llanerch, areola, a little area.
Davis Dict. Kymb.
VOL. I.
F
82
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
In Carrick, till lately, Irish was spoken; but this is
an exception, owing to that part being possessed by
the Wild Scots of Galloway, an Irish settlement, as
above mentioned.
It may perhaps be matter of wonder that this king-
dom of Strat-Clyde should exist so long in the midst
of enemies. But this wonder will cease, when we
consider, 1. That when the Piks first seized on the
rest of the south of Scotland in 426, most of the Bri-
tons of Valentia seem to have retired to this western
part, around the fortified capital of Theodosia, or
Alclud; and, by their compact numbers and seques-
tered situation, to have defied the Pikish power, even
as in Wales, Cumberland, and Cornwall, their brethren
to later periods withstood the English. 2. That when
the Dalriads, in 503, settled in Argyle, they became
next neighbours to those Britons; and they seem to
have naturally formed alliance from proximity of
speech, both speaking the Celtic, though in different
dialects, and to have protected each other. 3. That
the Piks were, to a late period, too much harassed
by the Angli, to think of attempting this conquest,
and would naturally rather wish to have the Strat-
Clyde Britons in their amity, as a barrier against the
Angli. 4. That when the Angli were in possession
of Bernicia, which was but for a short and tumultu-
ary time, they were not only harassed by the Piks
and old Scots, but by their southern brethren; so
that it would have been folly in them to have attack-
ed the Strat-Clyde Welsh, and thus have converted
into an enemy a people whose whole view seems to
have been self-defence. Causes like these have al-
ways protected small states, lying between powerful
ones; and though the kingdom of Strat-Clyde be
mostly level and fertile, yet these reasons served as
mountain barriers to protect it against surrounding
foes.
CHAP. VI.
83
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
THIS
CHAPTER VI.
The Kingdom of Cumbria.
HIS kingdom was not within the bounds of this Part
of my work, being to the south of Solway Firth; but
some wrongly extending it further north, and it being
at any rate a kingdom of the Southern Britons, once
belonging to Scotland, it shall be considered here.
As this kingdom has by Innes, and others, been con-
founded with that of Strat-Clyde, it becomes neces-
sary to shew that it was quite a different state, before
entering upon any other discussion of this subject.
Innes has taken the matter for granted, and gives no
reasons for his opinion; but they, who would shew
Cumbria and Strat-Clyde to have been one and the
same kingdom, might argue thus.
1. Beda mentions that Alcluid was in the hands of
the Britons in his time, or 731; but says nothing of
any possessions they had in present Cumberland,
though he lived in Northumberland; and if they had
such possessions, they could not have escaped his
knowledge.
2. The Inquisitio facta per David Principem Cum-
bria, de Possessionibus Ecclesiæ Glasguensis, a deed of
the year 1113, expressly puts Glasgow as the ancient
metropolitan see of Cumbria; and, by its uniform
tenor, shews that the framer of it looked on Cumbria
as including the intervening country between Cum-
berland and Glasgow. That is, if we judge from this
deed, Cumbria and Strat-Clyde were certainly all one,
84
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
3.
Geofrey of Monmouth, who wrote about 1150,
is of the same opinion; for, in his Life of Merlin of
Caledon, a MS. in the Cotton Library, Vesp. E. IV.
he puts Roderch, the celebrated king of Strat-Clyde,
as king of the Cumbri, and calls his kingdom Cum-
bria, though his city he names Alclud.'
4. That the Cumbri were not of present Cumber-
land, might appear from Richard of Hexham, who
says, that when David, king of Scotland, entered the
territory of St Cuthbert, in 1138, he there waited for
his army.
"And without delay, according to his
orders, the Piks, and Cumbri, and men of Carlel and
surrounding country, came to him." Had the Cum-
bri been of Cumberland, they must have been the
1
Geofrey also in his Romance, which proved so ruinous to Eng-
lish history, confounds Alclyde, or Dunbarton, with Carlisle. Roger
of Chester, author of the Polychronicon, written about 1330, and
ascribed to Ralph Higden, was confounded with this blunder of that
ignorant fabulist, and doubts where to place Alclyde. Goodal hence
wisely infers, that Alclyde was Carlisle, and its kingdom Cumber-
land! Alclyde, or Dunbarton, was destroyed by the Danes from
Ireland in 872, as above shewn. About 875, the Danes, who ra-
vaged Northumberland, destroyed Carlisle. Geofrey of Monmouth
is the only writer who confounds Alclyde with Carlisle. Roger of
Chester, a late writer of no authority, is puzzled with his error;
and by mistaking the wall of Antoninus, implied by Beda, for that
of Gallio. But against these writers are Beda, Adomnan, Jocelin,
who place Alclyde on the Clyde in Scotland; and ALL the old
English historians, who call Carlisle Luguballia and Carlele, but
never Alclyde. Simeon of Durham at 756 calls Dunbarton Al-
cluith; at 1092, he terms Carlisle Luguballia, anglice Carlele.
Fordun, II. 29, specially distinguishes Carlisle from Alclyde, say-
ing, "Kaerleile etiam, et Alnecluid, sive Alclide, quæ et nunc
Dunbretan nuncupatur, oppidaque plurima," &c. In Welsh, Car-
lisle is called Caer Llwelydd, Evans, p. 36, which bearing some
similarity to Caer Alclydd, might occasion Geofrey's mistake; but
he himself, Lib. VII. puts Alclud in Scotland, and has a curious
description of Lake Limugoum, or Loch Lomond, which he places
in Mureith, or Moray!
* Nec mora ex ejus edicto Picti, et Cumbri, et homines de Carlel
et de circumjacente regione, ad illum convenerunt.-Ricard. Ha-
gustald. de Gest. Steph. Col. 319, in Scriptor. X.
CHAP. VI.
85
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
men of Carlisle and its surrounding country; so that
a distinction between the Cumbri and the people of
Cumberland seems unavoidable. And if the Cumbri
were not of Cumberland, they must have been of
Strat-Clyde, as will be allowed by all.
These arguments are all that I can find which
may serve this opinion, and they are stated with
the utmost candour, as I neither wish to mislead nor
be misled. Indeed they were at first so prevalent
with me, that I long thought Strat-Clyde and Cum-
bria all one; but was forced to abandon this opi-
nion for reasons which shall be produced, after giving
answers to the above arguments on the other side.
1. Beda's silence as to the Cumbri and Cumbria is
at best but a negative argument, and of course a nul-
lity. His work is entitled, The Ecclesiastic History
of the English Nation: secular affairs he very seldom,
and very briefly, mentions. He says not one word
of the Britons in Wales and Cornwall; so that his
silence as to those in Cumbria must not be wonder-
ed at.
2. The Inquisitio is an ecclesiastic fraud, to serve
the purposes of an avaricious and ambitious see, not
a disinterested charter, which can assist history.
3. Geofrey is a romancer, not an historian. He
has used such freedoms with the history of his own
country around him, that, in such distant regions as
Cumbria and Strat-Clyde, his veracity is at best most
suspicious. It might also very naturally happen that
many of the Welsh writers, from the remoteness of
Strat-Clyde and Cumbria, and obscurity of their his-
tory, might confound these two regions into one, or
mistake the one for the other.
4. The fourth argument is to me the strongest.
Richard lived at Hexham, in Northumberland, near
the spot, and also near the time, or about 1150. He
is the only writer in being who seems to distinguish
86
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
the Cumbri from the people of Cumberland. Carlele
is infallibly Carlisle : but how came a people in that
city and the surrounding territory different from the
Cumbri, who by every hypothesis held Cumberland?
The following seems the only way of accounting for
this. About the year 875, the Danes, under different
leaders, ravaged all the north of England with great
fury, and, as we learn from many historians, razed
Carlisle to the ground. The same writers mention
that in 1092 it was rebuilt by William II. after lying
desert for two centuries. It was to revenge this erec-
tion of a fortified town in the midst of his feudal
dominions, that Malcolm III. invaded England in
1093, when he was slain. In 1100, Henry I. of
England married Matilda, sister of Edgar, the Scotish
king; upon which event amity followed between the
kingdoms till 1137, when David I. opposed Stephen
of England. During this space it appears, from the
historians of the War of the Standard, 1138, that
Carlisle and Cumberland, nay Northumberland, had
been regarded as part of the Scotish dominions. So
that it would seem that Henry I. upon his marriage,
had in particular resigned Carlisle to Edgar: for no
formal possession had been ever taken by the Eng-
lish of any other part of these domains; and it ap-
pears from the Doomsday Book, that they were not
regarded as part of England. The rebuilding and
fortifying of Carlisle, by William II. was an unex-
ampled encroachment, but, from the sudden bold-
ness in erecting a strong town in the heart of an
enemy's possession, was a stroke of daring policy,
worthy of an impetuous and haughty monarch, and,
considered either by its depth or resolution, com-
mands admiration.' But when William II. rebuilt
But it is to be considered, whether, as lord paramount of Cum-
berland, as he certainly was, the king of Scotland paying homage
for it, he had not a title to build a fortified city to protect his own
territory? This question is submitted to those versed in feudal laws
CHAP. VI.
87
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
Carlisle, in 1092, it cannot be dreamed that he re-
peopled it with Welshmen, or Cumbri. English or
Normans must have been the new tenants, and most
probably the latter. When, about 1100, Carlisle was
given up to the Scotish, we cannot believe that the
English garrison was allowed to remain, for this were
without all example. Edgar, king of Scotland, cer-
tainly sent a garrison into it, of his own subjects, and
not of the Dalriads, or Old Scotti, of Britain; for
they were ignorant of the arts, and could know no-
thing of engines, or aught belonging to fortifications,
or defence of them. We may therefore conclude
that this new garrison was of Piks from the south of
Scotland, either Galweienses, or Tevedalenses, or Lo-
thianenses, or a mixture. Thus the reason appears
why the people of Carlisle and the surrounding ter-
ritory were not Cumbri, though the Cumbri were
questionless the people of Cumberland.
Having thus, it is hoped, satisfactorily answered
these arguments for Strat-Clyde and Cumbria being
all one, let us proceed to positive proofs of their dif-
ference.
1. Florence of Worcester, one of the most ancient
and authentic of English secular historians, and who
wrote about 1100, specially distinguishes between the
Cumbri and Stratcludwalli, saying, under the year
901, p. 598, ed. Francof. 1601. fol. that Edward the
Elder Scotorum, Cumbrorum, Streatgledwalorum,
omnesque Occidentalium Britonum reges in deditionem
accepit."
2. Roger Hoveden, who wrote about the year
1205, has the same distinction; saying, under the
year 900, that Edward the Elder Scottorum, Cumbro-
rum, Stercglendwalorum, omnesque Occidentalium Brit-
and customs. It must also be observed, that William the Con-
queror, quarreiling with Malcolm III. gave Cumberland to Ranulph
de Meschines. See Monast. Angl. I, 400,
88
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
tonum reges in deditionem accepit; "received submis-
sion from the kings of the Scots, Cumbri, Strat-Clyde
Welsh; and all the kings of the western Britons,"
(now Welsh proper.)
3. Caradoc of Lancarvon, the most authentic of
the Welsh writers, and who wrote about 1150, says,
as above stated, "the northern Britons of Strat-Clyde,
AND Cumberland:" thus clearly distinguishing be-
tween these countries.
4. In 945, as English historians say, Edmund, king
of England, gave Cumberland to Malcom I. of Scot-
land, on condition of homage. Some of the English
historians called the territory given Cumberland, as
the Saxon Chronicle, William of Malmsbury, Henry
of Huntingdon : others call it terram Cumbrorum,
"the land of the Cumbri," as Florence of Worcester,
Roger Hoveden, and Simeon of Durham. This is a
plain proof that the Cumbri held no country, save
Cumberland.
5. In 945, Cumberland was resigned to Malcom
I. and it was generally ruled by the intended success-
or to the Scotish (then Pikish) throne. But so late
as 972, we find Dunwallon, a Welsh prince, sovereign
of Strat-Clyde, as Caradoc, above cited, shews. In
the time of Edgar of England (959 to 975), a Malcom
was king of the Cumbri, as appears from William of
Malmsbury, Simeon of Durham, Florence of Worces-
ter and at that very time Dunwallon was king of
Strat-Clyde. This surely proves a difference between
Cumbria and Strat-Clyde. Perhaps it may be said,
that Dunwallon was the titular Welsh king, while
Malcom really held the territory; but it is believed
that the idea of a titular king was not then known,
and that when a family had lost a throne for about
thirty years, as would be, in this supposition, the
case with Cumbria, if the same with Strat-Clyde, the
title was lost with the possession.
CHAP. VI.
89
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
6. Had Cumbria extended from Cumberland to
Dunbarton, the whole western part of the south of
Scotland must have formed one continued Welsh
kingdom; nor could the Piks have held Galloway,
as it appears from Jocelin' they did even in the sixth
century; and from old chronicles," they did in the
ninth, when Kenneth acceded to the Pikish throne;
as from English writers they did in the twelfth, at
the time of the War of the Standard. The Piks must
in this case have been in the heart of this Welsh king-
dom, and have divided it into two great parts; a
matter unexampled and inconceivable.
7. Had Cumbria been of such extent, it must have
been a kingdom 140 miles long, and in many places
60 broad; while all Wales is not above 120 miles
long, and 60 broad. The power and force of this
kingdom must therefore have been superior to those
of all Wales united. Let the reader but coolly re-
flect on the consequences of this supposition. If
Wales, though split into three divisions, made such
a figure in history, what must Cumbria have done?
Could so great a kingdom almost escape the notice.
of historians? While Wales produced so many writers,
how could Cumbria produce but one or two? Could
such a kingdom, bordering on the Irish sea, escape
the notice of the Irish writers, who yet mark so much
concerning Pikland, and the petty kingdom of Dal-
riada? Could so large a state escape Beda, who nar-
rates so many events that befel in and about it? All
these, and many other views, in which this supposi-
tion may be placed, hold it out in so absurd a light,
that every reasonable man will at once reject it.
Whereas, if we grant Strat-Clyde and Cumbria to
have been two petty Welsh kingdoms, at a distance
from each other, all this absurdity vanishes. Nor
• Vita Kentegerni.
2
Reg. St. And, apud Innes: and see Part V.
90
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
can I see how Innes could sincerely imagine that
Cumbria was of such vast extent as the Inquisitio
marks.
8. The names themselves are here of the greatest
weight. Adomnan's king of Petra Cloithe, or the
rock of Clyde, or Alclyde, as Alin Welsh means a
rock, is so nearly allied by name to Strat-Clyde, that
it were most reasonable, from this alone, to infer
them one and the same; especially seeing that it is
unquestionably Dunbarton on the Clyde in Scotland
which is meant by Adomnan, and that Strat-Clyde is
mentioned as near the Piks; so that it must also have
been on the Clyde in Scotland, as above shewn. In
like manner Cumbria, from the first mention of it to
the last, is by authentic English writers used solely
for Cumberland; and "the land of the Cumbri,"
and Cumberland," are used alternately, as also
above noted. Not one hint can be brought from
any writer, that the meaning of the words Cumbri
and Cumbria was so abridged, as to pass at first for
all the south-west of Scotland, and afterward be con-
fined to a county of England.
From these arguments it is believed that Cumbria
will, in spite of the ambition of the see of Glasgow,
be for ever restored to its true circumscription of
Cumberland in England; and we are happily no
longer in fear that some future venal scribe should
change an a into an u; and for regnum Cambrense,
read regnum Cumbrense. Jocelin always uses the for-
mer for the kingdom of Strat-Clyde; and though he
extends it over all the south of Scotland, east and
west, yet he does not include Cumberland in it, as
hẹ makes it terminate at the wall of Severus.' Ha-
* Diocesis vero episcopatus ejus [Kentegerni] secundum limites
Cambrensis regni extendebatur; quod utique regnum sicut vallum
quondam a Severo principe a mari usque ad mare
et usque
ad flumen Fordense pertingit, &c.-Vita Kentegerni, MS. Bibl
Cotton.
CHAP. VI.
91
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
pre-
ving thus shewn Cumbria to have been totally dif
ferent from Strat-Clyde, let us proceed to mark every
thing that can be found in history concerning it,
while a separate kingdom. Its northern boundaries
were certainly not more extended than those of
sent Cumberland, being chiefly the river Esk, which
runs into Solway Firth; but it is more likely that the
wall of Gallio, the Piks IVall, was the northern fron-
tier, as we find in Beda that the Piks in 426 seized
the country up to that wall. The west boundary is
the sea.
The east, the river of South Tyne, which
parts it from Northumberland. The south boundary
is more difficult to adjust; but it is generally supposed
that Westmoreland, and a small part of Lancashire,
were included in ancient Cumbria: and this seems
confirmed by the Doomsday Book, which omits Cum-
berland, Westmoreland, and a small part of Lanca-
shire, as not belonging to England. Northumberland
is also omitted in the Doomsday Book, having Danish
independent princes till 953, when earls, nearly as
independent, followed; as may be seen in Hoveden,
and others. These earls continued till the time of
William II. who took Northumberland into his own
hands, as did Henry I. as appears from Hoveden,
and from a list of these earls of the 12th or 13th age,
in the Cotton Library, Domit. D. VIII. given in the
Appendix.
The Britons, who retired to the mountains of the
western coast, were little noticed or regarded by the
Saxon invaders, who were content with the plenty of
the eastern plains. Hence little or no information
can be derived concerning even Wales, the greatest
possession of these Britons, from the Saxon authors.
No wonder then that the Strat-Clyde Welsh, and the
Cumbri, almost escaped their notice. The division
of England into petty kingdoms, which in fact lasted
till 959, when Edwy, king of the West Saxons, dying,
-
92
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
Edgar became first king of all England, also contribu-
ted to our want of information, by occasioning such
confusion, that even the Saxon history is obscure. In
constant dissentions among themselves, they had other
employment than to attend to the situation or affairs
of their neighbours. In Beda's time, when the first
light arises, it is, as Spenser phrases,
"A little glimmering light, much like a shade."
That venerable writer is so occupied with miracles,
that he hardly deigns to speak of secular matters;
but, in return, what little he says is most just and au-
thentic. We can only learn from him, that the Bri-
tons were confined to the west of England, and seem
in his time to have held all the western shore, from
Cumberland to Cornwall; as for their states, or divi-
sions, we learn nothing, he speaking of them only in
general, by the name of Britones, or old Britons.
From Nennius, and Samuel, his helper, who both wrote
about 858, we learn as little; they mentioning only
the Britons in general, as Beda, and relating little or
nothing, but concerning Vortigern and Hengist; so
that they might from their story be placed in 620, as
some have done, as well as at their real period.' The
Danes began to invade England in the eighth centu-
ry, generally ravaging the north; and seizing on Nor-
thumberland entirely in 876, held it ever after. In
The work of Nennius and Samuel is not a history, but an ac-
count of the settlement of the various nations in Britain. It goes
no lower than Vortigern's death, 473. But the Welsh have no con-
nection with the early British kings, who were Belgic, or English.
Their history begins about the year 600, after they were pent up in
present Wales. Nennius, in his preface, dates his work 858, in the
24th year of king Mervin. A critical examination of Welsh history
is much wanted; but Irish and Welsh history can only be exami-
ned by persons perfectly skilled in these languages, especially the
ancient, which differs as much from the modern, as Saxon and Eng-
lish, or as all other languages do.
CHAP. VI.
93
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
such confusion, and want of information, no wonder
we learn nothing of the Britons in Cumberland, while
the knowledge of Bernicia, an adjoining Anglic king-
dom, has almost perished; and that of Northumber-
land, though the most powerful of the heptarchy, is
most obscure. In Cumbria, no saint, nor writer, hap-
pened to be born or conversant. The most covetous
invaders turned with contempt from its wild moun-
tains and romantic lakes, now so much admired.
They produced no gold, nor pearls. Deer and goats
were no objects of prey. The inhabitants lived con-
cealed amid their mountain barriers; and neither
glory nor gain could spring from attacking them.
And who encounters danger, where neither glory
nor gain can be got?
The very first mention we find of the Cumbri is by
the English historians, in treating the reign of Edward
the Elder (900-925;) when they are mentioned
among the nations who owned him as father and lord.
In 937, we find Eugenius, or Owen, king of Cum-
bria, surrendering to Edmund of England. Will.
Malmsb. &c.
In 938, we find the same king at the great and fa-
mous battle of Brunenburg. Idem, &c.
In 945, Edmund gave Cumbria to Malcom I. of
Scotland, on condition of homage, and defending the
north of England against the Danes. Saxon Chron.
Hoveden, Huntingdon, Malmsbury. Matthew of West-
minster says, that King Edmund, with the assistance
of Leolin, king of Demetia, (South Wales,) despoiled
Cumbria of all its wealth, and, depriving of their eyes
the two sons of Dunmail, king of that province, gave
it to Malcom, king of Scotland, to be held of him,
and on condition of defending the north of England,
by sea and land, from the incursions of enemies.
This Dunmail is the only Welsh king of Cumbria
whose name is preserved by English writers. There
94
PART II.
4
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
is a very slight resemblance between his name and
that of Dunwallon, the last king of Strat-Clyde; but
the difference is great enough to prevent any suspi-
cion of the one being taken for the other; and it was
surely after the death of Dunmail, and during the
minority of his sons, that Edmund conquered Cum-
bria, in 945; whereas Dunwallon died in 972, or after.
After this surrender of Cumbria to Scotland, the
heir apparent of the Scotish crown was generally ap-
pointed prince, orking, as then styled, of that province,
and resided in it as in a distinct sovereignty.
In the reign of Edgar of England (959 to 975,) we
find a Malcom king of Cumbria, under Kenneth IV.
of Scotland, who succeeded in 970.
In the year 1000, Ethelred of England wasted Cum-
bria. Simeon of Durham.
In 1054, Siward, earl of Northumberland, was
sent by Edward, king of England, to assist Malcom,
son of the king of Cumbria, in asserting his claim to
the Scotish throne. Siward died in 1055, having
returned to Northumberland; but Malcom ascend-
ed the throne in 1056. Thus Hoveden and other
English writers style Malcom III. son of the king of
the Cumbri; and rightly, as shall be shewn in Part
V. After this, Cumbria seems to have been imme-
diately held by the kings of Scotland, and not com-
mitted to the charge of the successor.
I have intentionally reserved Fordun's hints about
Cumbria to the end. The first mention he makes of
Cumbria is, Lib. IV. c. 21, where he tells, that Con-
stantine, son of Ed. (904-944,) gave Cumbria to
Eugenius, son of Dovenald, his apparent successor.
This testimony of Fordun is strongly confirmed by
William of Malmsbury, the chief of the English his-
torians, and who wrote in the twelfth century; for
he names Eugenius as king of Cumbria in 934. But
how shall we reconcile it with that of Matthew of
CHAP. VI,
95
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
Westminster, concerning the sons of Dunmail? If
one authority must fall, Matthew's must yield, for he
did not write till two centuries after Williams. But
Matthew's is circumstantial, and apparently true, so
that to reconcile both would be best. Constantine
of Scotland, a warlike and active prince, had appa-
rently seized on Cumbria, and appointed Eogan, or
Eugenius, king; which was, as Fordun says, in the
sixteenth year of his reign, or in 920. Edward the
Elder, in whose reign this happened, was occupied
in constant contests with the Danes; and perhaps he
favoured Constantine's possession of Cumbria, as a
new check on the Danes; and if the kings of the
Scots and Cumbri acknowledged Edward as lord, it
must have been on this occasion. In 934, Athelstan,
king of England, quarrelled with Constantine, and ra-
vaged the south of Scotland. Eugenius, king of Cum-
bria, seems on this event to have taken refuge in Scot-
land; and William of Malmsbury, and others, say he
surrendered his crown to Athelstan, either now, or in
938, after the great battle of Brunenburg. Upon
this the old line of Cumbrian kings naturally came to
the throne; and Dunmail seems to have been the
heir, who was dead, as appears, before 945, when his
sons were torn from the succession by Edmund. This
account has every probability upon its side, and much
more verisimilitude than that Edmund should con-
quer the kingdom, and present it to Malcom. Such
presents are rarely made. It was however proper
and reasonable, that homage should be performed
for it to the kings of England, within whose domi-
nions it lay. The Danes were then the great scourge
and terror of the English kings; and Edmund seems
to have followed the policy of Edward, and to have
been glad by resigning a province, never in fact sub-
ject to England, to acquire a powerful vassal in his
defence against the Danes.
96
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
Fordun, in the same book, ch. 26, tells, that Ed-
mund knowing the Cumbri to favour the Scotish
more than the English, and wishing Malcom as an
ally against the Danes, delivered up Cumbria to him
and his successors for ever. Constantine had, as For-
dun says, introduced the custom of appointing the
heir to the throne king of Cumbria. In 953, the
first year of his reign, Indulf appointed Odo, surna-
med Duff, son of Malcom, king of Cumbria. (Fordun,
IV. 27.) To Duff, who ascended the Scotish throne
in 961, succeeded Malcom, his son; who is mention-
ed by English historians as king of Cumbria in the
reign of Edgar (959 to 975.) Then followed another
Malcom, son of Kenneth IV. in the time of Ethel-
red (979—1016,) and of Kenneth IV. who died 992.
It was in his time that Ethelred, A° 1000, ravaged
Cumbria, because Malcom refused tribute. (Fordun,
IV. 36. 38.) In 1001 this Malcom ascended the
throne of Scotland, having slain Grim; and, toward
the middle of his reign, gave Cumbria to Duncan,
his grandson, who succeeded him in 1031; upon
which another Duncan, the son of the Scotish king,
was appointed king of Cumbria. He is the last
king of Cumbria mentioned; Malcom III. his son,
who acceded to the throne of Scotland in 1056,
keeping that principality in his own hands, as did
his successors, till the reign of Malcom IV. (1163,)
who surrendered Cumbria to Henry II. of England.
In the Welsh writers we might expect some intel-
ligence concerning the Welsh line of kings of Cum-
bria. Caradoc mentions that Kentigern, who lived
about 600, was grandson to URIEN, king of Cumbria,'
I
¹ Urien lived about 560, and many notices concerning him may
be found in Evans's Specimens of Welsh Poetry. He was the most
famous of all the kings of Cumbria, being the Urbgen of the addi-
tions to Nennius, cap. ult. and in his court flourished the three
CHAP. VI.
97
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
and son of Owen, regent of Scotland; for so the
Welsh writers sometimes call Strat-Clyde, as being
the only Welsh kingdom in Scotland; as the Scots,
from the same reason, reversed the name, and called
it regnum Cambrense, or the Welsh kingdom. The
same writer mentions that about 616 Eneon Bhrenin,
a king of these Scots, as he calls them, resigning his
royalty, came to Llyn in Gwyneth (North Wales,)
where he built a church, still called from him Llan
Eingan Bhrenin, near which he lived in religious re-
tirement. The title of king was in these days as
general as that of prince now in Germany; any in-
dependent baron was a king: and thus we find, in
Caradoc, kings of Cardigan, Dyfed, and Guentland,
in Wales. That Eneon was not the king of Strat-
Clyde, is clear from Jocelin; and indeed Caradoc
himself adds, "a considerable prince in the north of
Britain," which were ridiculous had he been the
king. This Eneon, our author says, was son of Owen
Danun, son of Eneon Irth, son of CUNETHA Wledic,
king of Cumbria. This Cunetha lived, as we learn
from Price's Description of Wales,' 540 years after
Christ. Urien seems to have succeeded him in the
throne of Cumbria.
If we trust Langhorne's authorities, OWEN, the
great bards, Taliesin, Aneurin, and Llywarch Hen. Evans gives
specimens of their poetry; and they are all in rhime, in the same
form with those he gives of the 13th century! It was a common
trade with the bards to forge poems in the names of celebrated pre-
decessors; and these pretended pieces are palpably of the 11th and
12th centuries. Was Mr Evans ignorant that rhime was not used
till a late period? That Mr Gray should be imposed on by such
pieces would be surprising, did not all know that historic antiquities
are not studied in Britain. Apage Nugas!
• Prefixt to the last edition of Caradoc of Lancarvon, London,
1697, 8vo.
* In his Chronicon Regum Anglorum, Londini, 1697, Svo. he
gives the following table. "Reges Cumbria et Alclude. Navus
seu Caunus Gilda pater. Hoel, Huelin, vel Cuil. Anonymus pater
VOL. I.
G
98
PART II.
SOUTHERN BRITONS.
son of Urien, seems to have followed; and then`
CARETIC. After an interval, DEOVAMA was contem-
porary with Edbert of Northumberland, 738. Then
an ANONYMOUS king assisted Osbert of Northumber-
land against the Scots. Humphrey Lluyd mentions
a CONSTANTINE, king of Cumbria, killed at Lochma-
ben about 870; upon which event, as he says, many
of the Welsh of Cumbria and Strat-Clyde passed to
Clyde in Wales, and erected a kingdom called Strat-
Clyde; but, as Williams shews that not a tittle of
this can be found in any Welsh Annals, Lluyd seems
to have borrowed this relation solely from Hector
Boyce; so that it must be regarded as a mere dream.
And though there is every reason to think that on
the destruction of the Welsh kingdom of Cumbria in
945, and of Strat-Clyde about 970, a great part of
their inhabitants went to Wales, yet they there min-
gled with their brethren, and preserved no separate
distinction; else they could not have escaped the
notice of Giraldus, so particular in other matters.
There is no reason to imagine that the little Welsh
vale of Clyde was ever mentioned in English history;
I
Sancti Petroci. Marcus. Angusellus Lothi et Uriani frater. Evenus
Uriani filius. Rodericus. Cereticus. Hoanus, sive Oenus, Donald-
um Breccum Scotorum regem interfecit. Deovama Edberto Nor-
thumbrensi contemporaneus. Anonymus Osberto Northumbrensi
contra Scotos foederatus. Constantinus ejus filius a Gregorio Scoto-
rum rege occisus. Hebertus Constantini frater. Eugenius Athelsta-
no Anglo contemporaneus. Dunwallo sive Dunmail regno exutus."
This list is full of errors, by confounding Cumbria and Strat-Clyde,
and by taking some from Geofrey of Monmouth and Lluyd, no au-
thorities.
The kings and nobles of the North are noted in Welsh poetry, as
Mr Evans remarks in his Fragments of it. Aneurim, author of the
Gododin, was of the North; and perhaps from Welsh MSS. we
might learn whether of Strat-Clyde or Cumbria. Merlin the Wild
was of Strat-Clyde, as is clear from his Life by Geofrey, compared
with Adomnan and Jocelin.
In whose history it occurs literatim, fol. 217 of the first edition,
among the fabulous transactions of his Gregory the Great.
CHAP. II.
99
THE KINGDOM OF CUMBRIA.
I
and even in that of Wales it is only mentioned twice,
as ravaged, or encamped in, by the English, when
they attacked Wales on the north. Caradoc, or his
interpolator, says, that after the death of Roderic the
Great, king of all Wales, in 876, many of the Welsh
of Strat-Clyde and Cumbria passed into Wales under
one Hobert, because they were much troubled by
the Danes in their old seats. This is extremely pro-
bable, as we know from Asser, and others, that the
Danes in 875 ravaged the country of the Piks, and
Strat-Clyde. But these refugees erected no kingdom,
nor seized any country from the Saxons, as Lluyd
pretends. And we know from the most authentic
writers, as above shewn, that the Welsh held Cum-
bria till 945, and Strat-Clyde till about 970, at least.
Lluyd is even so ignorant as to make his Constan-
tine, who, as he fables, was killed at Lochmaben in
870, king of a vast territory, including Strat-Clyde,
Cumbria, and Galloway! But his errors are so wild
that they confute themselves, though they had the
fortune in their day to excite the scorn of Languet,
and anger of Buchanan."
I
2
Probably from Boyce, f. v. 217.
tr
Languet, in his Epistles to Sir Philip Sidney, has many con-
temptuous remarks on Lluyd's Commentariolum; such as,
Ego
non ita contemno tuum Cambrum ut tu scribis, nam nisi esset in
ipso aliquid ingenii, non posset tam insigniter ineptire," &c. Bucha-
nan's Second Book is idly occupied with a warm battle against
Lluyd; and nothing can be more diverting than to see one fabulist
fighting against another.
Bar M
PART III.
The Northern Britons, otherwise called
Caledonians, or Piks.

59
58
66
55
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65
Engraved by W&D Lazare Edin!
PART III.
The Northern Britons, otherwise called
Caledonians, or Piks.
CHAPTER I.
The Northern Britons, Caledonians, Piks, one and the
same People.
ALL the inhabitants of Britain were anciently, as
now, styled Britons, though of very different origins.
The Belge of the south and east, who were Germans,
and used the Scythic or Gothic tongue, were equally
Britons with the Cimbri, Cumri, or Welsh, of the
west, who were Celts. The Caledonians of the north,
who were also Germans from Scandinavia, are called
Britons by Tacitus, Herodian, and Dio; and with
the utmost propriety, as inhabitants of Britain: just
as now the English are Britons, as well as the Welsh,
though widely different in origin, speech, and man-
ners; and as we call the British settlers in America,
Americans. But, after the Roman power had been
a long time established in Britain, the name of Bri-
tons was considered as confined to the provincials;
and toward the close of the third century, or the year
296, we first find the Piks, or Caledonians, mentioned
104
PART III.
PIKS.
as not Britons, but enemies of the Britons, even from
the time of Julius Cæsar.'
2
In the great ignorance which attended the decline
of the Roman empire, the affairs of Britain, ever ob-
scure, because of the distance of this island from
Rome, the seat of science, were clouded with almost
total darkness. Insomuch, that about 550 we find
Procopius describing Britain as the land of departed
souls. No wonder then that in Britain itself, where
no writers arose, all genuine materials for history
should perish. Gildas, the first British writer, was
born in the year of the battle of Badon, as he tells us,
ch. 26. that is, in 520; and he wrote, as he there says,
forty years after it, or in 560. A tumultuous period
of more than a century had elapsed, between the ar-
rival of the Saxons and his time; and, as there was
no difference between the Belgae and Saxons in speech,
and the latter had made the former their coloni and
slaves, Gildas naturally thought his Welsh country-
men the genuine Britons, and calls them Britons ex-
clusively; an error which modern indolence and
superficiality have, as usual, blindly followed. In-
deed the Roman troops who held Britain, being
stationed along the walls of Antoninus and Hadrian,
and in the midst of the Welsh inhabitants of Britain,
called them Britons, and their tongue the British ;
regarding the Belgæ as late settlers, and the Welsh as
the people produced by the island itself, or genuine
Britons. We ourselves speak of Americans, without
specifying whether we mean the first savages, or Eu-
ropean settlers; and of Britons, without specifying
English or Welsh, Scotish or Irish of the highlands;
yet we use Britons also specially for Welsh, and the
British for the Welsh tongue. These inaccuracies
are understood at the time; but in the course of ages
* Lib. IV. and see Appendix.
'Panegyr. Vet.
CHAP. I. CALEDONIANS AND PIKS THE SAME.
105
cause great confusion. It is therefore necessary to
attend to them; and to reflect that at first, as natural,
the Romans called all the nations found in Britain
by the name of Britons; that, after they had subdued
the greater part of it, they naturally blended the
whole inhabitants of the subdued part under the name
of Britons, calling the Caledonians, or Piks, who were
alone unsubdued, by their own name; and that the
Welsh were peculiarly called Britons then, as now;
though they by no means constituted all the Britons.
Without attending to these circumstances, we shall
fall into an error found in the modern writers; name-
ly, that the Piks and Belgæ were Welsh, because they
were Britons. The Piks and Belga were indeed Bri-
tons, as the English now; but no more Welsh, or
Celts, than the English now. There is nothing new
under the sun; and antiquaries might avoid many
errors by recourse to analogy. So much for the Piks
being called Britons by Tacitus, and others; who at
the same time call them Caledonians, and their coun-
try Caledonia.
That the Caledonians and Piks were one and the
same people, is now universally allowed; and it is al-
most ridiculous to shew this, for, as the ancient Spar-
tan said to him who had composed an eulogy on Her-
cules, Does any one dispraise him? so it may be said
here, Is any one ignorant of this? Buchanan, Camden,
Lloyd, Innes, Whitaker, the Macphersons, O'Conor,
D'Anville, though differing widely in other points,
all join here. Stillingfleet, in the same work,' first
doubts; then grants this. Usher is more doubtful,
for he produces the words of Tacitus, that the Ca-
ledonians were of German origin, to shew that the
Piks were of Scandinavia; and the words of Eume-
nius, shewing the Caledonians to have been Piks, and
I
* Origines Sacræ, p. 246.
106
PART III.
PIKS.
that the Piks infested the Britons before the time of
Julius; then he gives us Geofrey of Monmouth,
from whom he draws three later Pikish colonies to
have entered Britain after the time of christianity.
It is impossible even to guess at his thoughts on the
occasion. In his whole work there is a most remark-
able defect of understanding. All authorities are
quite alike to him. Tacitus and Hector Boethius,
Beda and Geofrey of Monmouth; historians and fa-
bulists; writers of the first century and of the seven-
teenth; are all jumbled together in uniform confu-
sion; are all quoted with equal attention and confi-
dence. If one were desired to mention a work ca-
pable of shewing that an author may be vastly and
profoundly learned, without possessing common
judgment, Usher's Antiquitates Britannicarum Eccle-
siarum might be produced as an instance. Yet is this
work precious as a commonplace book, for he gives
all that all have said upon his subject; and, had his
judgment equalled his learning and diligence, he
would have been the most valuable antiquary that
the British islands ever produced. With regard to
the three colonies, as they rest solely on Geofrey of
Monmouth, and authors who follow him, I shall not
abuse the reader's attention so far, as to offer even
one remark on them.
It once appeared to me, before a complete exami-
nation of this subject, that the Piks were a new race,
who had come in upon the Caledonians in the third
century, and expelled them; and that the Caledo-
nians were Cumraig Britons. But finding Tacitus,
Eumenius, Ammianus Marcellinus, Beda, in full and
direct opposition to this idea; and not chusing to
imitate our Scotish antiquists in fighting against au-
thorities, which are the sole foundation of historic
truth, I was forced to abandon this ground, though
perhaps many an acute and wise argument might
CHAP. I. CALEDONIANS AND PIKS THE SAME.
107
have been employed in it, to prove truth falsehood,
and falsehood truth. For ancient authors are the
sole guides to real truth in historic antiquities; con-
jectures and arguments are only ingenious fictions.
That the Caledonians and Piks were the same, is
in fact as incontrovertible, as that the same people
who called themselves Hellenes were called Græci by
the Romans. This will appear to the reader from
the accounts of the ancients concerning them, which
shall here be briefly stated, and will at once ascertain
their identity.
mans.
Tacitus is the first writer from whom information
can be drawn on this subject; for, before the cam-
paign of Agricola, Caledonia was unknown to the Ro-
He calls this country, being all that part of
Britain which is to the north of Loch Fyn and Tay,
by the special name of CALEDONIA; and that always
when it is mentioned, so that the name was fixt and
precise. The people he calls by the general name
of Britanni; but expressly gives his opinion that they
came from Germany, because they resembled the
Germans in their large persons, and red hair ;' where-
as he thinks the other Britons came from Gaul. This
sufficiently marks the Britons of Caledonia to have
differed from the rest; and the signs given by Taci-
tus are, in a savage state of society, very striking and
obvious.
Ptolemy, forty years after, marks the people of this
part of Britain by the name of KAAHAONIOI, or Ca-
I
2
Namque rutila Caledoniam habitantium comæ, magni artus,
Germanicam originem asseverant.-Agricola.
2
Απο δε τε Λαιλαμονιου κολπου μέχρι της Ουαραρ εισχύσεως Καληδονιοι ;
και ὑπερ αυτους ὁ Καληδονίας δρυμος. "From the Lelamonius Sinus
(Loch Fyn) to the frith of Varar (Murray) are the Caledonii; and
above them the Caledonian Forest." As the province Vespasiana
existed in Ptolemy's time, he regards it as Roman, and the Caledo-
nians as confined beyond its limits, that is, in the present Highlands.
With geographers above implies the north, but Ptolemy's north is
really the west of Scotland, so that the Caledonian Forest was on
the west of the Highlands.
108
PART III.
PIKS.
ledonians, and gives us the names of all their tribes,
or shires, as we might now style them.
Dio, who wrote about 230, or the century after
Ptolemy, also calls this people Caledonians. As all
Britain up to the wall of Hadrian had now long been
provincial, that part was regarded as wholly Roman;
and this writer speaks of the Mæatæ, or Cumri be-
tween the walls, and the Caledonians beyond them,
as the only two nations in Britain; that is, the only
two nations who kept up the British name as Barbari,
not Romani. For the provincials were often styled
Romani; and the world was regarded as either Ro-
manus or Barbarus. A distinction as old as the days
of Ovid, who uses Barbaria often, in his Tristia, for
all without the Roman pale.
In 296, the name of PICTI is first used by Eume-
nius the Panegyrist, in his oration, spoken at the end
of that year, upon the victory of Constantius over
Allectus. The passage is a famous one; and the
more so, as its construction in the old editions puz-
zled Buchanan, and the best Latin scholars. No
apology needs therefore be made for dwelling a little
on its explanation. A large piece of the preceding
text is also given, that the connection may be clear.
Quam [Britanniam] Cæsar, ille auctor vestri nominis,
cum Romanorum primus intrasset, alium se orbem ter-
rarum scripsit reperisse; tantæ magnitudinis arbitratus,
ut, non circumfusa oceano, sed complexa ipsum oceanum,
videretur. Sedenim, illa ætate, nec Britannia ullis erat
ad navale bellum armata navigiis; et Romana res inde
jam a Punicis, Asiaticisque, bellis, etiam recenti exerci-
tata Piratico, et postea Mithridatico, non magis terres-
tri quam navali usu vigebat. Adhoc natio etiam tunc
rudis, et soli Britanni, Pictis modo, et Hibernis, assueta
hostibus adhuc seminudis, facile Romanis armis signis-
que cesserunt. Prope ut hoc uno Cæsar gloriari in illa
expeditione debuerit quod navigasset oceanum. Eumen.
CHAP. I. CALEDONIANS AND PIKS THE same.
109
Panegyr. Constantio, apud Panegyr. Vet. Livineii,
Antv. 1599 8vo. n. xi. prope medium orat.
The sentence beginning Adhoc natio, &c. and in
which the Piks are mentioned, is most obscure. Bu-
chanan proposes to understand soli Britanni in the
genitive, "of the British soil;" and the meaning
would be," Moreover, the nation then rude, and only
used to the Piks and Irish of the British soil, enemies
even half naked, easily yielded to the Roman arms.
Strange that Buchanan,' so able a Latinist, should
suppose Britanni here used adjectively, while Britan-
nici is the common word used in prose in that way.
Britannus is merely a Briton; Britannicus, British.
But let us hear the unprejudiced interpretation of
foreigners, whose judgment on this subject must be
unbiassed, and who indeed uniformly conspire against
the little local prejudices of even our best writers.
Jaques de le Baune, the learned editor of the edition
for the use of the Dauphin, gives us the sentence,
and notes, thus:
Adhoc natio* etiam tunc_rudis, et soli Britanni,
Pictis modo et Hibernis † assueta, hostibus adhuc se-
minudis, facile Romanis armis, signisque, cesserunt.
NOTES. * Duarum vocularum transpositio obscuritatem huic sen-
tentiæ induxit; ita vero hanc restituit Acidalius: Adhoc natio etiam
tunc rudis. [A] Pictis modo et Hibernis assueta hostibus: adhoc
seminudi, [et soli, Britanni] facile Romanis armis signisque cesserunt.
+ Pictis] Picti populi sunt Scotia cis Tavum fluvium.
Hibernis] Populi insulam oceani Britannici incolentes non minorem
Anglia.
¹ Sir George Mackenzie attempts to confirm Buchanan's inter-
pretation, from Lucretius,
Nam quid Britannum cælum differre putamus,
and Claudian,
Terribilis Mauro, debellatorque Britanni
Littoris.
But Sir George ought to have known that poetical licence will never
authorize prose,
The diminishing of words, called aphæresis, &c.
110
PART III.
PIKS.
This correction of Acidalius was most plausible,
and approved by all, till the last valuable edition of
the Panegyrists, by Schwarzius and Jæger, appeared
at Nurenberg, 1779, in two volumes octavo. In
which, from an excellent manuscript often used and
referred to in that edition, this famous sentence stands
ultimately blameless, and perfect, thus:
Ad hoc natio etiam tunc rudis; et solis Britanni
Pictis modo et Hibernis adsueti hostibus, adhuc semi-
nudi, facile Romanis armis, signisque, cesserunt.
In the notes is first given the correction of Acida-
lius, as above; then follows,
Proba hæc lectio ex MS. Gud, et solis Britanni Pic-
tis modo et Hibernis adsueti hostibus, adhuc seminu-
di, facile Romanis armis, signisque, cesserunt. Sic
magis exprimitur quasi vilitas veterum Britannorum,
qui quondam eo facilius a Julio Cæsare vinci superarique
potuerunt, quod solis Pictis et Hibernis hostibus olim
adsueti fuerint; et quod sine gravi armorum genere,
adhuc seminudi, prælia inierint.-Schwharz.
If, with Acidalius, who wrote about the year 1620,
we had read soli Britanni, we must have understood
that Cæsar fought with Britons alone, whereas Allec-
tus had also Roman soldiers; so that Constantius did
more than Cæsar, as he fought not with Britons alone,
but with Romans. But this reading of the MS. above-
mentioned, puts this out of the question; and the
whole passage above produced may be translated as
follows. The Panegyrist, to shew the greatness of
the actions of Constantius in Britain, compares them
to those of Julius Cæsar.
"Which island of Britain when Casar, he the author
of your name, had entered first of the Romans, he wrote
by grammarians, is common in Greek and Latin poetry, but never
used in prose at all; and for a good reason, because the rhythm for-
ced poets to use it, whereas in prose it could serve no purpose in
the world.
CHAP. I.
111
CALEDONIANS AND PIKS THE SAME.
that he had found another world; thinking it of so great
size, that it might seem not to be surrounded with the
ocean, but to embrace and command it. But still in
that age Britain was provided with no ships for naval
war; while Rome, even from the Punic and Asiatic wars,
and also recently exercised with those of the pirates, and
of Mithridates, flourished not more by land than by sea.
Moreover, the nation he attacked was then rude; and
the Britons, used only to the Piks and Irish as enemies,
and being yet themselves but half naked, easily yielded
to the Roman arms and ensigns."
Eumenius lived at Augustodunum, or Autun, in
Burgundy, a place now so famous for its number of
Roman antiquities, that it has been called the French
Rome. He was there professor of rhetoric ;' and
pronounced this oration in presence of Constantius
Chlorus, on his victory over Allectus, who had slain
Carausius, and usurped the imperial title in Britain,
and who fell in the battle which was fought in the
year 296.
All commentators agree that this oration
was pronounced in the end of that year. Constantius
was then only Cæsar, whence Eumenius calls Julius
the author of his name, which was always given to
an apparent successor to the empire. This custom
of pronouncing panegyrics on the emperors and
Cæsars, in their presence, seems to have begun in the
time of Trajan; and Pliny's Panegyric on that prince,
pronounced in his presence, is extant and well known.
Greater accuracy in facts, and in expression, was
naturally expected, and necessarily exercised, on
such solemn and trying occasions, when the first au-
dience in the world were witnesses of the narration
of their own actions, than even in history, where the
writer remained unawed and unchecked in the silence
* See the prolegomena to the editions of the Panegyrists, Delphini,
or Schwarzii.
112
PART III.
PIKS.
of his cabinet. Hence the great anxiety shewn by
Eumenius and the other Panegyrists. In his oration
to Constantine, the ninth in the collection, Eumenius
expresses the utmost awe on the occasion; and says
that what is spoken must be diu scriptum, et sæpe
tractatum," a long time written, and often revised."
And, in beginning this to Constantius, he is more
than ordinarily solicitous, observing, among other
points, Quo in genere orationis quanta esset cura, quan-
tus labor, quam sollicita veneratio!" In this kind of
oration how great the care, how severe the labour,
how anxious the veneration !"
As such accuracy and care were required, and Eu-
menius, from his residence in Gaul, had opportunity
for all information concerning Britain, we may rely
upon his testimony as most authentic. And it is va-
luable, not only for the very first mention of the Piks,
but as it shews that, even before the time of Julius,
they had infested the Britons. Now the Britons, in
all these orations, are uniformly the provincial Bri-
tons. At this time, as formerly shewn, the name
of Mæatæ had utterly perished; and there is every
room to believe that, when Carausius divided Britain
from the Roman empire, in the year 286, the Mæatæ
gladly joined their British brethren, in asserting his
right against the Roman Emperors; and that under
him their name was lost in the general one of Britons.
For, after this period, the Roman writers know of no
Britons beyond the Clyde and Forth. The Piks are
considered as not Britons, though undoubtedly in
Britain. When all were barbarous alike, all the na-
tions in the island were Britons: but in process of
time the nations south of the Clyde and Forth be-
came romanized; and it was discovered that the Ca-
ledonians, or people beyond these rivers, were quite a
distinct people from the Cumraig Britons, their south-
ern neighbours, and the chief inhabitants of the island
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CHAP. I. CALLEDONIANS AND PIKS THE SAME.
113
in number. The name of Caledonians, or Woodland-
ers, given them by the Welsh, was exchanged for
their real name, the name they gave themselves, PIH-
TAR; latinized, PICTI. Perhaps it may be thought that
as the Piks were really the Vik Veriar of Norway,
and had that name in all appearance long before they
came to Scotland, Eumenius meaned to express the
invasions of Britain by the Piks from Norway, be-
fore they effected a settlement. But it will be after-
ward shewn, that the Piks were questionless settled
in that part of Britain which lies north of the Clyde
and Forth, long before the time of Julius, so that this
idea must fall of course. And the Romans could have
no knowledge that the Piks ever were in Norway, or
ever invaded Britain from thence, if they even knew
that Norway existed: they only knew them as of
Caledonia, a country now long divided from provin-
cial Britain, and considered as another land. That
Eumenius, in particular, only regarded them in this
view, will appear from another passage of his, now to
be produced.
This occurs in the Panegyric to Constantine I. son
of Constantius, spoken in March, 310, as the com-
mentators shew, and is at full length as follows:
Dies me ante deficiet, quam oratio, si omnia Patris
tui facta, vel hac brevitate, percurram. Cujus etiam
suprema illa expeditio non Britannica tropœa, (ut vul-
go creditum est) expetivit; sed, diis jam vocantibus,
ad intimum terrarum limen accessit. Neque enim ille tot
tantisque rebus gestis, non dico Caledonum, aliorumque
Pictorum, silvas, et paludes, sed nec Hiberniam proxi-
mam, nec Thulen ultimam, nec ipsas, si quæ sunt,
For-
tunatorum insulas, dignatur acquirere: sed (quod eloqui
nemo voluit), iturus ad deos, genitorem illum deorum
ignea cæli astra refoventem prospexit Oceanum; ut,
fruiturus exinde luce perpetua, jam videret illic diem
pæne continuum. Vere enim profecto illi superum tem-
VOL. I.
H
114
PART III,
PIKS.
pla patuerunt; receptusque est consessu cæli Jove ipso
dexteram porrigente.
This passage has no variation whatever, either in
MSS. or editions. To understand it, we must observe,
that the Caledonians or Piks making incursions into
provincial Britain in 306, Constantius Chlorus, who
a year or two before became emperor (Augustus)
of Gaul and Britain, prepared to repel them. As he
was setting sail from Gaul for that purpose, his son
Constantine, (afterward the first Christian emperor)
whom Galerius had detained in Italy as an hostage,
escaped and came to him. They proceeded into
Britain together, when the Piks were repelled; and
Constantius soon after died of a fever at York, that
same year. The panegyrist, with rhetorical fancy,
takes advantage of this expedition of Constantius,
just before his death, into the north of Britain, famous
among the Romans for the sun's being hardly ever
beneath the horizon in summer, and for being regard-
ed as another Thule, and extremity of the world.
Hence the orator represents this expedition into the
secret recesses of the ocean, perpetually enlightened
by the sun, as a meet preparation of Constantius for
his journey to the Elysian fields, which were pictured
with similar circumstances, of remote station in the
ocean, and eternal sunshine. Take this translation.
"The day would fail before my oration, if I were to
run over all the deeds of thy father, even with this
brevity. His last expedition did not seek for British
trophies, (as vulgarly believed,) but the gods already
calling him, he came to the most secret bound of the
earth. For by so many, and so great, actions, he deigns
not to acquire, I will not say the woods and marshes of
the Caledonians and other Piks, but Ireland, which lies
nighest, nor distant Thule, nor even, if such there be,
the Islands of the Fortunate themselves; but, (what
none inclined to speak,) being about to go to the gods,
CHAP. I. CALEDONIANS AND PIKS THE SAME.
115
he beheld the ocean, that father of the gods, refreshing
the fiery stars of heaven; that, being about thence to
enjoy perpetual light, he might have a foresight of
eternal day. For in the end of spring, the temples of
the gods were open to him; and he was received into the
assembly of heaven, Jove himself reaching to him his
right hand."
It appears unquestionably from this passage that
the Caledonians were Piks: and this is happily mark-
ed by the very author who first uses the name of
Picti, so that not a doubt can remain even with the
most ignorant. The other Piks were those of the
Hebudes and Orkneys, and perhaps the Vecturiones,
or Southern Piks of Fifeshire, &c. who are put by
Ammianus Marcellinus as one of the two divisions
of the Piks; the Dicaledones being the other. Lin-
denbrogius' inclines to think that the Caledones of
Eumenius should be read Dicaledones, as Ammianus.
writes them. But not one MS. or edition has the
least hint of this, as may be seen in the latest and
best editions, for the Dauphin, and of Schwartz and
Jæger. Non Dicaledonum, as Lindenbrogius pro-
poses to read for non dico Caledonum, spoils the sense
of the passage, and cannot be received; though in-
deed it were absurd to alter a text for a conjecture,
in spite of all MSS. and editions. Lindenbrogius, I
believe, mentions that some nameless MSS. read so;
but such assertions are frequent among critics, warm
• In notis ad Ammian. Marcellin. as quoted by Goodal, in his
Introduction to Fordun. Goodal supports this opinion, 1. Because
the readings of MSS. ought to be preferred. 2. Because Caledones
is not used by other writers, but Caledonii. To the 1st answer,
that not one MS. has been found which reads Dicaledonum. 2d.
That not one Latin author uses Caledonii. Tacitus has only Caledo-
nia: the Greeks, Ptolemy and Dio, have indeed Keλndovio. But the
latter argument is feeble, for all know such terms to be identic,
as Brito, Britannus; Franco, Francus; Burgundio, Burgundus,
&c. &c.
116
PART III,
PIKS.
in their conjectures: and as this MS. has escaped
all editors, it is probable it never existed, save in the
brain of this commentator; and can in no event be
preferred to the several MSS. followed by editors.
Ammianus Marcellinus, under the year 360, men-
tions the Piks thus: In Britanniis cum Scotorum Pic-
torumque, gentium ferarum, excursus, rupta quietc, con-
dicta loca limitibus vicina vastarent, &c. "In Britain,
when the excursion of the Scots and Piks, fierce na-
tions, having broken the peace, ravaged the APPOINT-
ED GROUNDS, next to the boundaries," &c. These
CONDICTA LOCA, or GROUNDS MUTUALLY APPOINTED
AND AGREED ON near the boundaries, were surely
those of the future province of Valentia: and this
passage strongly confirms the idea that the bound-
ing wall was not regarded as the utmost limit of Ro-
man power, but that there was a warlike frontier-
territory beyond it; which, in times of peace, was
possessed by the Romans, and defended by them in
times of war. For they were not such cowards as
to act on the defensive alone; and from behind their
wall. The wall was as that of a city; and a large
territory lay beyond it. In this passage of Ammianus,
the very first mention of the Scots appears; and it
is immediate, and present; not retrospective, as that
of the Piks by Eumenius. From Eumenius we learn
that the Piks existed in the time of Julius Cæsar :
from Ammianus, that the Scots existed four hundred
and ten years after, or in the year 360. It is most
remarkable, that Eumenius never mentions the Scots,
but by the general name of Hiberni; and he joins
these Hiberni with the Piks, as Ammianus does the
Scotti. These Scotti of Ammianus were infallibly, as
shall be shewn, the people of Ireland. They sailed
from Ireland to Argyle, and the neighbouring shores
of Pikland; where it was necessary they should join
their allies, that they might act in conjunction: for
CHAP. I.
117
CALEDONIANS AND PIKS THE SAME.
it is remarkable, that we never find them attacking
the Britons in Wales, or indeed at all, save in con-
junction with the Piks; while the Caledonians or
Piks were always making incursions alone. But of
the Scots fully hereafter.
Under the year 364, Ammianus has Picti, Saxon-
esque, et Scotti, et Attacotti, Britannos ærumnis vex-
avere continuis. "The Piks, and Saxons, and Scots,
and Attacotts, vexed the Britons with continual ha-
rassments.
وو
Under the year 368, he says, Et quoniam, cum
Constantis Principis actus componerem. motus adole-
scentis et senescentis oceani, situmque Britanniæ, pro
captu virium explanavi; ad ea, quæ digesta sunt semel,
revolvi superfluum duri. Illud tamen sufficiet dici, quod
eo tempore Picti in duas gentes divisi, Dicaledonas et
Vecturiones, itidemque Attacotti, bellicosa hominum
natio, et Scotti per diversa vagantes, multa populaban-
tur. "And since, when I composed the acts of
Constans, I explained as well as I could the motions
of the flowing and ebbing ocean, and the situation of
Britain, I have held it superfluous to revolve mat-
ters already digested. Let this suffice to be said,
that at this time the Piks, divided into two nations,
the Dicaledonæ and Vecturiones, as also the Attacots,
a warlike nation, and the Scots, wandering diverse
ways, ravaged many parts." Constans was made
Cæsar in 334; and three years after came to the
empire, and reigned thirteen years, or to 350. He
made a voyage to Britain in winter from Bononia, or
Boulogne; and there is a coin on the occasion, of
small brass, representing Constans in a ship, with the
legend BONONIA.' The loss of that part of Ammianus
is irreparable; as his testimony would have put the his-
tory of Scotland, at the first revival of literature, upon
Vaillant, Banduri, &c.
118
PART III.
PIKS.
quite another footing, by shewing at once what we
are now obliged to glean from many minute lights,
that Scotti was but a new name for the Hiberni or
Irish Goths, now beginning, like the Caledonians, to
be known by the name they gave themselves; and
that Atlacotti, or Hither Scots, was but a name given
the Dalreudini, or first colony of Scots that settled
in Argyle, about the year 258, as shall be after
shewn.
This passage of Ammianus is of itself a sufficient
proof that the Caledonians and Piks were one and
the same people. For the Oceanus Deucaledonius, or
that bordering on the Dicaledonæ, is put by Ptolemy
on the north of Scotland, where the Orkneys lay in
it. The Vecturiones are by Richard placed in Fife,
Angus, &c. on the east of Scotland, beyond the Firths,
but south of the Grampians. The divisions of Am-
mianus are thus the same with those of Beda,' who
mentions the Southern Piks below the Grampians,
(Vecturiones ;) and the Northern Piks above them,
(Dicaledona.) The former name of Vecturiones
was in fact the proper and real name which the Piks
gave themselves, the Pehtar or Pechtar of the Saxon
Chronicle, the Vikveriar or Vichtveriar of the Ice-
landic writers softened and latinized. As these lived
close to the frontier, and had, in peace, frequent in-
tercourse with the Provincials, the name they gave
themselves was of course known, and used; while
the Northern Piks living at a distance, the old name
of Caledona and Dicaledona was as naturally retained
for them. Yet it was known that they were all Piks,
all one people, though divided by a chain of moun-
III. 4. Provinciis Septentrionalium Pictorum, hoc est eis qui,
arduis atque horrentibus montium jugis, ab australibus eorum sunt
regionibus sequestrati. Namque ipsi Australes Picti, qui intra
eosdem montes habent sedes, &c. Intra here means on this side
in opposition to extra, beyond.
CHAP. I. CALEDONIANS AND PIKS THE SAME.
119
tains. Mr Macpherson derives the name Deu Cale-
dones from their northern position, and I am happy
for once to agree with him. Mr Whitaker objects
that they were on the west, not the north; because
Ptolemy's map places the Deucaledonian Sea on the
west: but this is a mistake, as, though Ptolemy's
Caledonia runs in a wrong direction, it by no means
follows that his position of the Deucaledonian Ocean
is wrong; for, in it the Orkneys, and Thule, are
rightly placed by him to the north of Scotland; and
it is humbly presumed that Mr Whitaker did not
imagine that the Orkneys were on the west of Scot-
land, while Ptolemy rightly marks them, and the
Deucaledonian Ocean, to the north. And that the
Deucaledonian Ocean was to the north of Scotland,
is clear from Ptolemy, who says it is another name
for the Sarmatic or Baltic;' which reached, as the
ancients thought, from the Sarmatæ or Russians on
the east, to the Caledones on the west. The name.
of the ocean on the west of Scotland was the Irish
Sea, the Oxsavos Iovsgvinos of Ptolemy, in which were
Movaida or Maun, Maλeas or Mull, the Ebudæ or
Hebudes, &c. To the south of which was the Oxɛavos
OviεRYLOVIOS, Oceanus Vergivius, now St George's Chan-
nel. Did Mr Whitaker seriously imagine there was
no name for the sea north of Britain, while that to
the west had, by his account, three names for three
different parts? The sea on the east is in Ptolemy
the Οκεανος Γερμανικος, or German Ocean.
}
I need not insist on a matter so clear, and known
to all, as that the Caledonians and Piks were the same;
Σ
Απο αρχίων δε τω συνημμένω ωκεμένω, τω περιέχοντι μεν τας Βρεττανικας
νησες, και τα Βορειοτατα της Ευρώπης, καλεμένω δε Δουηκαλυδονίω τε και
Zaguatixa. Lib. VII. c. 5. (A summary Description of the World.)
"On the north joining to it the ocean, which embraces the Bri-
tish isles and most northern parts of Europe, and which is called
Deucaledonius, and also Sarmaticus."
120
PART III.
PIKS.
but shall only further add the authority of Beda, who
marks the settlement of the Piks in the north of Bri-
tain as aboriginal. For he says that, cum plurimam
insulæ partem incipientes ab austro possedissent [Bri-
tones] contigit gentem Pictorum de Scythia, ut perhi-
bent, longis navibus non multis oceanum ingressam, &c.
I. 1. "When the Britons, beginning at the south, had
possessed the greatest part of the island, it happened
that the nation of the Piks from Scythia, entering
the ocean in a few large ships, as is reported," &c.
The Britons of Beda were the Welsh, whom he re-
garded as indigenes, knowing nothing of the Gael
who preceded them. But that these Welsh or Cum-
raig Britons possessed all Britain for centuries before
Julius, is unknown to none. Beda proceeds, Itaque
petentes Britanniam Picti habitare per septentrionales
insulæ partes cœperunt : nam austrina Britones occu-
paverunt. Ib.
Therefore the Piks going to Britain,
began to inhabit the northern parts of the island; for
the Britons had seized the southern." These north-
ern parts of Beda were all north of Clyde and Forth,
as is clear from ch. 12. of this book of his History,
and other places, where he describes the Piks as co-
ming from the north, and explains that he means the
north of the firths of Clyde and Forth, which were
indeed, in the time that the wall of Antoninus was
first abandoned, as above shewn, the natural bounds
between the territories of the Caledonians and the
Southern Britons. It is unnecessary to dwell longer
on a subject so universally known and allowed, as
the identity of the Caledonians and Piks, and which
indeed no one can deny who does not prefer his own
dreams to ancient authorities, which form the only
standard of history.
66
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 121
CHAPTER II.
The Opinion of Camden and Lloyd, and that of the two
Macphersons, concerning the Origin of the Piks, ex-
amined.
BEFORE shewing the real origin of the Piks, it be-
comes necessary to discuss two erroneous opinions,
which have been formed concerning it. It is granted
by all, and is indeed beyond a doubt, that the Piks
must either have proceeded from Scandinavia, Ger-
many, or the south of Britain; and that they must
have been either Goths or Celts. If Goths, they
spoke the Gothic tongue, the parent of the present
Ĝerman, Danish, English, &c. If Celts, their speech
was either Cumraig, that of the German Celts; or
Gaelic, that of the Gaulic Celts.
That they were Goths, shall be shewn in the next
chapter, from the consent of all the ancient writers,
and from other arguments. That they were Celts, is
the opinion now to be confuted. The authors who
assert the Piks to have been Celts are divided in their
sentiments.
I. Camden, a topographer entitled to the highest
praise, and whose works display no inconsiderable
learning and judgment, ventures, in his Britannia, to
assert, for the first time, in opposition to all preceding
authors, that the Piks were Welsh. For this idea he
seems to have been indebted to some Welshman,
whom he consulted concerning etymology, and
I
This appears from Camden's MSS. in the British Museum.
122
PART III.
PIKS.
other points belonging to the ancient British language,
in which he was himself totally unconversant, and
was at the same time unfortunately an equal stranger
to the Gothic tongue, a knowledge of which would
have saved him from many lapses. It is possible that
this Welsh interpreter consulted by Camden may have
been Humphrey Lluyd, so noted for his Commentari-
olum, in which he displays an intemperate zeal for the
fabulous honour of his country, making Brennus, and
other illustrious names, Welshmen of Wales. The
warlike reputation of the Piks might well excite a si-
milar fabling disposition to convert them into genuine
Cambro-Britons; and the neglect shewn by Hector
Boyce, and other Scotish writers, to these the ancient
inhabitants of their country, and their own progeni-
tors, might encourage this attempt. Camden himself
evidently shews a ridiculous respect, and awe, when
he discusses the story of Brutus, and others the most
notorious fictions of Cambrian, or rather of Armori-
can, romance; and the antiquarian page, from Le-
land's time to his own, sufficiently evinces that the
reigns of the Tudors had an effect in inducing the
English writers to a reverence for Welsh fables. In
no instance has Camden fallen into such rashness of
opposition to all preceding testimonies as on this sub-
ject; and he may safely be considered as having been
misled by his Cambrian counsellor, his chief argu-
ment, as will presently be seen, resting on a know-
ledge of the Welsh language.
It is no wonder that Mr Lloyd should, in his va-
luable Archæologia,' support an opinion which re-
flected ancient honour on his countrymen, though it
had been abundantly confuted by Usher and Stilling-
fleet. But that Innes should stain his work with so
radical an error, is somewhat surprising.
• Preface.
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 123
II. The two Macphersons, Dr John and Mr James,
misled by similar ideas, have with great resolution at-
tacked, and confuted, all the ancients. Tacitus, and
Ammianus, and Beda knew nothing of modern Erse,
and fall the victims of this visionary dagger. In the
opinion of these two formidable champions, the Piks
were merely a branch of the Gaelic race, and only
differed from the Highlanders in local situation. Mr
O'Conor, in his Dissertations, has justly observed
that the second-sight was necessary for this surprising
discovery, which is indeed beneath serious confuta-
tion. The gross ignorance of the two Macphersons
is supported by its usual adjuncts, superciliousness
and petulance and science would kindle with indig-
nation, if it did not smile in contempt, when it be-
holds such men aspiring to dictate their visions to the
literary world. The sequel of this work will, though
unintentionally, sufficiently confute their assertions:
and the radical difference between the Caledonians
or Piks, who were Goths, and the Highlanders, who
were Celts from Ireland, will be clearly evinced.
The opinion of Camden, and of Innes, calls for
quite other treatment. Respectable and modest wri-
ters are entitled to be answered with respect and with
modesty; while those, whose superciliousness and im-
pudence can only be matched by their superficiality
and ignorance, deserve not that regard which they
never shew to others. The reasons, if they may be
so called, for the opinion that the Piks were Welsh,
are, 1. That Tacitus, Herodian, and Dio, call them
Britons. 2. That they were painted as the other Bri-
tons. 3. That the names of mountains and rivers on
the east of Scotland, where the Piks dwelled, are often
Welsh. Of all these in order.
I. That the Piks are called Britons by Tacitus,
Herodian, and Dio, is no more to be wondered at,
than that the English are now called British, or that
124
PART III.
PIKS.
the English in America are called Americans; though
the English, it is humbly presumed, be neither Welsh,
nor American tribes. In the beginning of the last
chapter this was spoken of; and this argument is so
weak, that it is unnecessary to take up the reader's
time with it. How came the Belgæ of the south to
lose their name in that of Britons, though they were
infallibly Germans, speaking the Gothic tongue, and
no more Welsh than the English are? Was it not be-
cause that if a hundred nations, of a hundred diffe-
rent origins, had been settled in Britain, they would
all have been with the strictest propriety called Bri-
tons? Let me here answer an argument of Mr Lloyd's
of equal ponderosity; heavy indeed as lead, and
which may however be melted with the slightest fire.
He says, "that the Piks were Britons without ques-
tion, appears by the name of them in Latin and Irish."
I know not whether this reason be Latin or Irish.
The Latin name is Picti, from the name they gave
themselves, Pihtar, as the Saxon Chronicle shews.
The Irish is Cruithneich, which, as some Celtic ety-
mologists say, means painted, others say it means
wheat-eaters; and it appears to me to be a mere pa-
tronymic, as common with the Celts, from Cruthen,
the first king or leader of the Piks. Thus Dalreudini
were from Reuda, &c. Mr Lloyd tells us, that the
old British manuscripts call the Piks Fitchid Guyd-
helians. And the Guydhelians, he says, were the
Gaelic aborigenes of Britain, who were driven into
Ireland by the Welsh. I suspect from this that the
word Guydhelians was used for any aboriginal, or
most ancient inhabitants. But this seems to be one
of the Inistakes, which those learned in Welsh say are
not unfrequent in Lloyd, who is thought to have
known Irish better than the antiquities of his own
country; for his countryman, Humphry Lluyd, says,
the Welsh Annals call the Piks "Phichjaid, id est,
1
CHAP.II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 125
Phichtianos." And Sir John Price, in his Description
of Wales, says, that in the sixth century "Y Gwydhyl
Phictiaid," which is to say, the "Irish Picts did
over-run the Isle of Man." Now that many Piks
were settled in Ireland, is certain from Adomnan, in
his Life of St Columba, Probus, the old author of the
Life of St Patrick, the Annals of Tighernac and Ul-
ster, and other pieces of Irish antiquity: and Lloyd
seems to have mistaken the Gwydhyl Phichtiaid, or
Irish Piks, for the real original Piks. Lloyd's argu-
ment is self-contradictory. He describes the Guyd-
helians as a race preceding the Welsh, and their
speech as more ancient than the Welsh; yet he says
the Piks were certainly Welsh, because they are call-
ed Guydhyl Phichtiaid, or Guydhelian Piks, in old
Welsh MSS. that is, the Piks were Welsh, because-
they were not Welsh. If Lloyd had any meaning at
all in these strange arguments, it was, that the Piks
were Britons, because their name, as he dreamed,
implied, both in Latin and Irish, that they painted
themselves, as the other Britons did: and this leads
to the second argument.
II. That the Piks were Welsh Britons, because
they painted as the Britons did. This argument is
also self-contradictory, for there is not the smallest
authority to believe that the Welsh Britons, or any
Celtic people, ever painted themselves at all. It was
a custom common among, the Gothic nations, to
make themselves look terrible in war, and was with
them a mark of nobility; so that, as the ancients
say, the most noble had the greatest number of fi
gures stained on his body.' Caesar found nothing of
this in Gaul, among the Celts proper; but when he
passed into Britain, he found such Britons as he saw
'Herodot. V. 6. Excerpta Diod. Sic. Valesii, p. 357. Dio
Chrysost. Orat. xiv. Mela, II. 1. III. 6. Animian. Marcell. xxxi.
3. Isidor. Orig. xix. 23.
126
PART III.
PIKS.
at all, that is, the Belgæ, a Gothic people, painted;
and he of course ascribes this custom to the Britons
in general. That any Celtic people ever used this
custom, no authority can be produced. That it was
common to the Goths, the following instances will
shew.
2
We learn from Pliny that this custom was that of
the whole Dacians, and Sarmatæ.' Under the name
of Dacians, Pliny expressly says he also includes the
Getæ." Vast names, and which spread over a terri-
tory of three thousand miles in circumference! The
Sarmatians, or Russians, are out of the question;
save that they shew the universality of the practice
in the east, whence the Goths came.
Herodotus,³ describing the manners of the Thra-
cians, whom he calls the most numerous people in
the world, save the Indians alone, tells us that they
all marked their bodies with these stains, and that it
was permitted to no slave, being a badge of freedom.
Nay, nobles and chiefs were distinguished by the
nature and number of these marks, as now among
the American savages.
Valerius Flaccus, speaking of the men of Lemnos,
who married Thracian slaves, says,
Picta manus ustaque placet sed barbara mento.
Argonaut. II. 150.
4
Phanocles Lesbius, and Plutarch, say the Thra-
cians marked their women so, for tearing Orpheus
in pieces; a fabulous origin of a real custom.
From Dacia, and Getia, it has been shewn in a
special Dissertation, to be found at the end of this
* XXII. 1. Maresque etiam apud Dacos et Sarmatas corpora
sua inscribunt.
3 V. 6.
* IV. 12. Getæ, Daci Romants dieti.
• Phanocles apud Stob. Serm. 185. Plutarch de sera numinis
vindicta.
1
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 127
work, that all the German and Scandinavian nations
proceeded. But the custom of staining their bodies
was not retained by all, because it was done with a
particular herb, which could not be procured in all
countries. This herb was the glastum, or woad,
which stains blue. However, many nations of Ger-
many and Scandinavia still held this custom. Of
these, the Geloni and Agathyrsi are the most famous
in antiquity. Herodotus' says, that Gelonum was a
large town of the Budini, walled with wood; that
the people of it were originally Greeks, and used a
speech partly Scythic and partly Greek; that the
Budini were also called Geloni by the Greeks; but
that the Geloni were agricultors, the Budini only
pastors. He also mentions that the Budini had red
hair and blue eyes, and were a great nation. The
red hair and blue eyes were the two grand features
of the Scythians, or Goths; of whom descended the
Germans and Scandinavians, so noted for those fea-
tures in ancient and modern authors. Mela,* appa-
rently from Herodotus, says the Budini lived in large
deserts, while the Geloni had a wooden town. The
name of Budini is not, it is believed, mentioned by
other writers; and that of Geloni seems to have
swallowed it up, as Herodotus says it had in his
time among the Greeks. By the Geloni we must
therefore understand not the mixed Greeks of Gelo-
num, but the wide nation of the Budini, where it lay.
These Geloni are, by Pliny and Solinus, placed be-
yond the fountains of Borystenes, or Nieper, and
next beyond them were the Agathyrsi, whom Pto-
lemy and others place on the cast shore of the Baltic,
in present Esthonia. Mela specially remarks, that
among the Agathyrsi these marked stains were signs
of nobility, as the persons were more or less distin-
• IV. 106.
> I. 19.
- 28
PART II.
PIKS.
guished by them.' Agathyrsi is apparently a Greek
name, from the thyrsus of Bacchus, whose mysteries
they delighted in; as the Thyrsagetæ, another Gothic
nation, haply received their name from the same
cause. For all the Scythians, or Goths, were in their
first seats great celebrators of Bacchus; who, by all
appearance, was a monarch of the primitive Scythic
empire in Asia, and a great conqueror, who made
a famous expedition into India, and from thence in-
troduced the vine into his dominions. Hence his
orgies were celebrated by the Scythians, or Goths,
in climates where the vine was unknown; and the
wine of barley, as they called it, or ale, supplied its
place. The Thracian bacchanals are most celebra-
ted, and from them passed to Greece; though Thrace
was cold, and no vines grew there. The real name
of the Agathyrsi is unknown; but that they were
Scythians, Goths, Germans, is apparent from all ac-
counts. Stillingfleet plausibly thinks them the very
people afterward called Piks; and that they were a
branch of the Peukini, or Basternæ, (whom I infer
to be the Peohtar, or Piks) seems probable, because
the Peukini and Sitones are the only Scythians,
Goths, Germans, who can be traced up to the south-
east shores of the Baltic, and into Scandinavia, as
shewn at length in the Dissertation annexed to this
work.
2
The Arii, a nation in the very heart of Germany,
are also specially mentioned by Tacitus to have
used this practice of staining their bodies.
But it may be said that this practice does not ap-
pear to have been general among the Germans, else
Tacitus would have remarked it; and that though
1
Agathyrsi ora artusque pingunt: ut quisque majoribus præstat
ita magis vel minus: cæterum iisdem omnes notis, et sic ut ablui
nequeunt. II. 1.
Origines Sacræ.
3 In Germania.
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 129
the Scandinavians may have used this practice, with-
out its ever coming to the knowledge of the Romans,
who knew next to nothing of Scandinavia, yet it is
not to be conceived that, had the Southern Germans
and continental Belgæ used a practice so uncommon,
and new to the Romans, it could have escaped the
special notice of Cæsar, who warred with them, and
of Tacitus, who resided among them as Procurator,
or Lieutenant-Governor of Belgium. How then
came it to be used among the Belgæ of Britain, and
not among the Belgae of Gaul?
To this be it answered, that the practice was an
ancient one, wearing out gradually. The first Ger-
man nations we find mentioned in history, the Aga-
thyrsi and Geloni, used this custom; and it is rea-
sonable to think it was then practised by many other
German nations, as we find it in the time of Tacitus
retained by the Arii. The glastum, or woad, was
not every where to be found; and it would seem
that, even in Pliny's time, the British Belgæ had it
from Celtic Gaul, where no use was made of it.' If
in the heart of Germany we find the Arii, not a
distinct people, but only a tribe of the Lugiones,
retaining this custom, though the other tribes of the
Lugiones had it not, is there any wonder that a part
of the Belgæ should keep it after the others had dropt
the practice? Surely the former case is stronger than
the latter; for the Arii were not divided from their
brethren, save by imaginary bounds; while the Bri-
tish Belge were separated by the sea, and in a world
apart. It must also be remarked, that in islands, as
containing remote, distinct, and separate societies,
all old customs, traditions, &c. are retained much
* Simile plantagini glastum in Gallia vocatur, quo Britannorum
conjuges, nurusque, toto corpore oblitæ, quibusdam in sacris, et
nude, incedunt, Ethiopum colorem imitantes. XXII. 1.
VOL. I.
I
}
PIKS.
PART III.
130
later than in the vague and mixt continent. Thus in
Scandinavia, which is so nearly an isle that it may
be called one, the old Scythian, or Gothic manners,
traditions, &c. were retained many centuries longer
than in Germany; and in Iceland, though very lately
peopled, still many centuries longer than in Scandi-
navia, so that all Eddas, Sagas, &c. are of Iceland.
Britain was even by Cæsar, in the then improved
state of Roman navigation, regarded as another world.
No wonder then that its inhabitants retained many
customs for centuries after they had been dropt by
their brethren of the continent. The Belgæ of Bri-
tain were, as all allow, settled here three or four cen-
turies before Cæsar, when the custom of staining
their bodies was, in all likelihood, retained by many
of the German nations, and by them in particular.
Hence it is not surely matter of hesitation that the
British Belge should still stain their bodies; while
their ancestors of the opposite shore had abandoned
the practice, and conformed to the more advanced
state of society, which the Greeks of Marseilles had
by degrees introduced into Gaul. And when we
know from Tacitus that the Arii, a part of the Lu-
giones, used this custom, while the other Lugiones
did not, all hesitation must surely vanish.
That the Celts ever stained their bodies, there is
not one authority, if I mistake not, that can shew.
Had the Cimbri, Cumri, Cimmerii, or German Celts,
who once possessed from the Euxine to the British
Sea, used this mode, so remarkable a circumstance
could never have escaped the old Greek authors, who
mention the Cimmerii, nor the Roman authors, who
so particularly describe the persons of these Cimbri
who fought with Marius. That the Gaulish Celts
did not use it, is plain from Cæsar, who, though he
delineates the most minute matters concerning them,
says nothing of this; but mentions it as a novelty,
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 131
when he comes among the Belgic Britons. But were
we to grant for one moment, that the Cumraig Bri-
tons had this custom, it is palpable they must have
received it from their Gothic neighbours and inmates,
the Piks on the north, or the Belgæ on the south.
Or to close all argument on the point, let us grant,
though erroneously, that the Welsh Britons exclusive-
ly had this practice at first, what would the use of it
among the Piks prove, but that, as a fashion, it had
passed to them from their southern neighbours? Are
we of Britain all French, because we dress ourselves
after the French, and not after the Spanish fashion?
Thus the argument is, in every view, not only futile,
but puerile. Let us now pass to an argument of real
weight, and the only one such that can be offered on
the subject.
III. That the Piks were Welsh, because the names.
of rivers and mountains, in those parts of Scotland
where they dwelled, are often Welsh. To him who
has read the first part of this work, this argument
must fall of itself. For he will there see that the
Cumbri actually possessed Scotland for centuries be-
fore the Piks came in. Rivers and mountains are
perpetual, and their names cannot be easily changed;
while towns, and other works of man, are perishable,
and their names are often altered. Hence in Greece
and Asia many rivers and mountains retain, to this
day, the names by which they were known to Homer,
900 years before Christ, and perhaps actually bore
900 years before Homer. Yet these parts have pass-
ed through many scenes of barbarism, and utter de-
solation; while in Scotland there has been but one
change of inhabitants on the east, when the Piks
drove out the Cumri; and but four on the west, when
the Piks succeeded the Cumri, and then gave up that
part to the Dalriads, which was afterwards subdued
and held by the Norwegians, though not exclusive
132
PART III.
PIKS.
of the Dalriads, the most numerous inhabitants. But
it is the east and south parts which here require our
notice and that in the former names of rivers and
mountains should sometimes be still Cumraig, is sure-
ly no matter of wonder, when the Piks expelled the
Čumri only about two centuries before Christ. Had
this event happened two thousand years before Christ,
these names would have nothing surprising.
But as the subject of names of places in Scotland
has been seldom touched, a few remarks shall here
be offered upon it. And first some hints shall be pre-
mised concerning what is called the Celtic language.
In the Gothic language we have a monument of
the fourth century, namely the gospels, and other
fragments of the scripture, as translated by Ulphilas,
bishop of those Goths who passed the Danube, and
settled in Mæsia. The work which Ovid tells us he
wrote in this language has unhappily perished; but it
must have been a fixt and exact speech before Ovid's
time, else he could not have written in it. Accord-
ingly we find it, in the gospels of Ulphilas, as perfect
and grammatical as the Greek, or Latin; and with per-
haps as few anomalies as these tongues. Of this Go-
thic the Anglo-Belgic, commonly called Anglo-Saxon,
of Cadmon and Alfred in the eight and ninth age;
and the Francic, Theudesque, and Icelandic, of se-
veral writers from that period, are mere dialects.
The Codes of the Visigoths, Burgundians, &c. from
the fifth century, also preserve many words and sen-
tences of the Gothic tongue; as do Jornandes, and
other early writers. So that the Gothic may be re-
garded as a fixt and written language from the fourth
century, to this day that its dialects prevail over Ger-
many, England, Scotland, and the northern kingdoms.
In the days of Ulphilas the Goths were quite unmixed
with any other people; as was also the case with the
Angli of the heart of Germany, and with the Ice-
landers.
CHAP.II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINEd. 133
Very different was the lot of the Celtic tongue.
The Goths, pouring in from Asia, almost extermina-
ted the Celts, or ancient tribes of Europe, by the fe-
rocious mode of carrying on war, so usual in the ear-
liest times. In Germany but a few Cimbri, or Celts,
were left about a hundred years before Christ; and
of these few the greater part fell by the sword of Ma-
rius; the small remnant, confined to a little point on
the sea, as Tacitus describes, was either cut off by
the Germans, or quite lost as a drop in the ocean.
In Gaul, as more distant from the Gothic progress,
the Celts retained their possessions longer. Cæsar
found a third part of Gaul still held by the Celtæ ;
that is, chiefly; for the boundaries of Celtic Gaul,
the Seine and Rhone, as marked by Cæsar, were geo-
graphic and arbitrary and we find, among his Celtæ,
nations certainly Germanic, as the Senones, or Sem-
nones, the Boii, &c. However, even excluding these
nations, one third of Gaul was possessed by the Celts
in Cæsar's time: but these Celts, in a century or two,
totally exchanged their speech for the Latin; and
Strabo vouches, that even in his time the Latin was
spoken generally in both Gaul and Spain. Nor does
a scrap of the Celtic exist preceding the tenth cen-
tury, when by mixture it had become partly Latin,
partly Gothic. The ancient Gaulish, or Celtic, is
therefore universally marked by the learned as a lost
language.
In Wales, indeed, and in Ireland, the form, and
grammar, and doubtless many words of the two grand
Celtic dialects, the Cimbric or Cumraig, and the
Gaulish, or Gaelic, have been preserved. But un-
fortunately the Welsh were subject to the Romans,
and incorporated with them, for four centuries; nay,
for centuries before the Romans arrived, they had
been surrounded by Gothic nations, the Piks and
Belgæ. The Saxons also and Danes altered the
134
PART III.
PIKS.
Welsh vocabulary by an influx of Gothic words; and
when the language first appears in writing in the laws
of Howel Dha, of the tenth age, and other genuine
works, the grammar is indeed Cumraig, but the body
of the language is as much Gothic, and low Latin, as
Celtic. The reader must attend that it is a singular
quality of the Celtic tongue, to corrupt and debase
others to its own vague form, and especially by al-
tering the beginning of words; so that it becomes
as difficult to recognize them, as to know a person in
a mask. A modern English word, or name, when
clothed in the Celtic habit, becomes as singular and
old-like as a real Celtic word of two thousand years
standing.
In Ireland, where, as Leibnitz observes, the Celtic
must be found if any where, an equal, if not greater,
mixture took place than in Wales. The old Irish
grammarians, as Mr O'Conor remarks, call the Irish
tongue Berla Tabide, or a mixt speech; and with
great propriety, for Cumri, or Welsh, and Belgians
and Piks from Britain, had all their share in the Irish
tongue, even about the birth of Christ. Afterward
the Danes settling in Ireland, ruled it for centuries;
and there is no fragment of Irish extant, which can
be placed prior to the Danish settlement. Neverthe-
less, the Gauls, or Celts, who first peopled that noble
island, still remaining the most numerous, the gram-
mar and structure of the speech are infallibly Celtic;
and it is as difficult to recognize the foreign words in
Irish as in Welsh, or more so. A learned Hungarian
has observed, on the language of his own country,
that though the grammar and structure resemble the
Hunnish, or Turkish, yet the words are very different,
being generally either German or Slavonic.' This
• Kol in notis ad Olahi Hungariam, Vindob. 1763, 8vo. p. 91.
note.
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 135
will ever be the case in an ancient, but mixt language,
for the form, grammar, or structure of a speech, is
radical and fundamental: the words are in constant
fluctuation. Nay, the modern Greeks are an unmix-
ed people; and though the grammar be the same,
how different is ancient Greek from modern! In like
manner the Irish and Welsh retain the Celtic gram-
mar; but their speech, even in its earliest remains, is
no more Celtic than the Hungarian is Turkish.
It has been asserted, that the Gaelic of the High-
lands of Scotland is the purest dialect of the Celtic.
This opinion was unhappily advanced by people who
tell us that poems, yet repeated in the Highlands,
were repeated there in the same words in the third
century. Au miracle! Au miracle! Immortal langua-
ges of Greece and Rome, what are your glories to
these! All the eternal monuments of your authors
could not fix the spoken language half so long, as
that of these people has stood upon its own bottom."
Certain it is, that in Wales and Ireland even the
most learned find it difficult to interpret manuscripts
of the twelfth and thirteenth age; and, were a poem
of that period to be put into the hands of any of our
Highland translators, he would stamp, and stare, and
give up the pursuit. Over all the globe, it seems,
language, mixt or unmixt, has changed with time,
save in this favoured spot, where eternity has built
a nest for her own phoenix. Among the mountains
of Switzerland and Biscay, the language is quite
changed and corrupted; but among the mountains
of Scotland the mutability of human affairs has no
power. But this Gaelic of the Highlands is doubt-
Diodor. Sic. V. p. 354, marks the credulity of the Celts.
Et tumidus Galla credulitate fruar,
Says a Roman poet; and another has,
Vaniloquum Celtæ genus.
136
PART III.
PIKS.
less more corrupt than either Welsh or Irish. For
the Attacots, or Dalreudini, who first settled in
Argyle about 258, were a small colony from the
north of Ireland, where both the Tuath de Danan,
or Cumri, and the Cruitnich, or Piks, had establish-
ed themselves: nay, were themselves mostly Scots,
or Goths of Ireland, though in that country, being
lost among the numbers of Celts who had fled
there as to the last refuge, they had adopted the
Celtic tongue, but doubtless retained much of the
language of their ancestors, the Gothic. The At-
tacots were driven back to Ireland in the fifth cen-
tury. In 503, they returned with reinforcements,
under Loarn and Fergus, and remained fixt. On
all hands, save the west, where the sea was their
boundary, they were surrounded by Piks and Welsh:
the former were their allies, and no doubt many Piks
remained among the new settlers, and many inter-
marriages took place. The Welsh of Alclyde, or
Strat-Clyde, appear also to have had much intercourse
with the Attacots, Dalriads, or Highlanders. Above
all, in the ninth century, the Hebudes were seized
by the Norwegians, who held them for about four hun-
dred years. Not a fragment of the Gaelic has been
found in Scotland older than the fourteenth age;
and it is perfectly known that the present Gaelic of
the Highlands of Scotland is quite full of Norwegian
words. Hence this speech must be much more cor-
rupt than any other Celtic dialect; inasmuch as its
written monuments are five centuries more modern;
and, before the writing began, a grand revolution
and total intermixture had long existed. For in
these islands of Hebudes, the Celtic tongue had a
better chance than in the Highlands of Scotland,
where constant intercourse with the Piks, or Low-
landers, on one side, and the Norwegians on the
other, must have totally changed it. In short, those
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 137
I
skilled in the Celtic of Ireland pronounce that of the
Highlands of Scotland a corrupt dialect, even of the
Irish Celtic, which is itself totally corrupt. In the
whole Highlands, and western isles of Scotland, are
numerous descendants of the Piks and Norwegians ;'
and the Irish speech and manners spread over parts
uninhabited by Irish, so that, as shall after be shewn,
the inhabitants of these countries are as mixt as their
speech. The Celts being a rude people, and regard-
ed as such by all writers of all ages, their tongue
was simple and poor, whence they were always bor-
rowing of others; while hardly in modern European
language can one word derived from the Celtic be
found. Our Celtic seers of etymology, ignorant of
all these facts, derive modern words from the Celtic,
without suspecting the real truth, that the Celtic
words are derived from them. Without knowledge
of the Gothic, and its dialects, no man ought to
meddle with Celtic etymology, else he will commit
gross errors. For want of this knowledge, Mr Whit-
aker has derived near 3000 English words from the
Welsh, which had in fact past from the Belgic, Saxon,
and Danish, into the Welsh; and most of them may
be found in the Gothic, Theudesque, and Icelandic,
to which they could never pass from the Welsh. The
Goths were the conquering people, and superior in
all respects to the Celts; and so numerous that they
spread over all Europe, and great part of Asia, many
centuries before Christ, while the Celts were pent up
in two or three little corners.
Celtic etymology is indeed the peculiar frenzy of
this superficial age. Etymology of names, whether
of persons, or places, has been in all ages very un-
The gentry, as observed by Dr Walker, are of Norwegian.
extract, and different in stature and complexion from the common
people.
138
PART III.
PIKS.
certain. In the old time, Britain from Brutus, Scandina-
via, a scandendis navibus, Visurgis quod vi surgat, were
thought pretty and apt. Next Hebrew and Phoenician
etymologies were introduced by Bochart. Now Celtic
is the word; and etymologists are more visionary
than ever, for the Latin and Hebrew were fixt and
ancient tongues; whereas the Celtic is a vague mix-
ture of many languages, and so soft and indeterminate
in orthography, that, as Buchanan observes of the
etymology of his time, ex quolibet quodlibet fit, you
may make what you please of whatever you please.
We have seen Arthur's Seat, and other common
English names, derived from the Celtic. Indeed
you may derive what you please from it; and with
as much justice and truth, as Dean Swift ludicrously
derives Greek and Latin names from plain English.
We dream that these Celtic names just fit the per-
sons, places, &c. but never dream that three thousand
others would all fit just as well; and that a cap and
bells would fit still better. Among the Saxon names
all over England, Greek names over Greece, Latin
over Italy, who has explained, or can explain one?
In the name of good sense, let us apply this to our
Celtic nonsense. Every name that is thought with
peculiar fitness to spring from the Celtic, I shall en-
gage to derive with equal fitness from any tongue in
the world, with the help of a dictionary. Suppose
now for a specimen, we take the Spanish, and apply
it to names in the Highlands of Scotland. Take
Sonachan and Ardmallie, names in Argyleshire, which
first start to my eye in Mr Pennant's map; is not
Sonada, a tune, and chança, a jest? The first place was
one where the bards used to sing and play, anciently
Sonada-chança, now by an easy contraction Sonachan.
Is not Ardmallie from Ardid, a stratagem, and mal,
ill, a place where a conspiracy against Fingal was
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 139
defeated? Read Swift, good Celtic etymologists;
read Swift.
Of all etymology whatever, the Celtic is the most
uncertain, because the language is hardly a written
one, and its orthography, on which etymology de-
pends, is quite various and lax. The old Celtic is
totally lost; and to derive old names from the Irish
or Welsh Celtic, is as ludicrous as it would be to de-
rive ancient names in Greece or Italy from modern
Greek or Italian. Etymology of names, whether of
persons or places, is often delusive; for we know not
the reason of the name, or whether it had any reason
at all. Such etymology is therefore always dubious,
but Celtic etymology is mere delusion; for we do
not only know nothing of the reason of the name,
but we know not even the Celtic tongue.
In these remarks, therefore, on names in Scotland,
I have nothing to do with etymology, but merely
with the form of the name, which marks it Welsh,
Irish, or Gothic, as such names occur in Wales,
Ireland, or Germany, and the northern kingdoms.
Thus Clyde, Douglas, Lanark, are names in Wales
as well as in Scotland: burgh is common in the
Gothic kingdoms, &c. &c. Our observations shall
consider the names of, I. Rivers. II. Mountains. III.
Towns.
I.-RIVERS.-These retain their names even
longer than mountains, for they often run through
so vast a territory, that to change the name in one
spot were most unnecessary and inconvenient, and
through the whole impossible. On the west coast
of Scotland there are no rivers beyond the Clyde,
but an exuberant number of excellent bays, creeks,
and rivulets, swarming with fish, the wealth of the
ocean; and which, had the country been peopled
by an industrious colony, would, centuries ago, have
enriched that shore to a degree surpassing the east-
140
PART III.
PIKS.
ern. These bays and creeks, called lochs or lakes,
have sometimes names apparently Celtic, as Linnhe
and Duich; but far the greater number retain the
Gothic form, either from the Piks, who once held all
this track, and even in Columba's time, 565, possess-
ed Hyona or Icolmkill; nay, till the ninth or tenth
century, all save Argyleshire; or from the Norwe-
gians, who had the western isles and part of the western
coast. Such Gothic names are Long, Strevan, Ridan,
Fyne, Awe (water), Craignish, Melfort, Etive, Sumart,
Sheil, Moydart, Morrer, Carran, Torredon, Gare,
Broom, Calva, Heather, &c. &c. If any Celtic etymolo-
gist derives those from the Celtic tongue, any person
the least skilled in the Gothic can repay him with
Gothic etymologies. The names of the HEBUD ISLES
are also Gothic. Arran, Arroe, an isle in the Baltic;
Aran, the name of a man in Torfæi Norveg. I. 307.
Bute, Bote, anciently Bot, the name of a man, Worm.
Ser. Reg. Dan. p. 28. Botkerke in Sweden, Bote, a town
there.' Ila and Sura have the Gothic termination
of islands; a, island. So Colonsa and Oransa. Mull,
Moll-sund in Norway. Uist or Vist, from Gothic
Visi, Vist, the west, as the most westerly. Haris
(haar, high), the heights; Leuis, the lees or low
parts: Herro is an isle on the coast of Norway.
Staffa, Staaf, also an isle on the Norwegian coast, and
another in Sweden; Staf, a rock in Norway, Torf. I.
64. Staf, a pillar. Egg, Eggiaford in Norway, Eg-
sund in Sweden, Egholm of Denmark, Eggi, a farm
in Norway, Torf. I. 64. Rum, Rom, an isle of Den-
mark; Ruim, the old Belgic name of Thanet.³ Skia
(corruptly called Sky, as Ar is called Air), Skuo, one
of the Farroe isles. In short, the names even of the
24
▪ Bleau's Atlas has been chiefly used, and may be consulted by
the reader who wishes to verify the names here given.
"Ey, insula, Swedis et Danis, oö:eyland, insula."-Wachter.
3 Insula quid dicitur in Saxonica lingua Tenet, Britannico autem
sermone Ruim. Asser. Vita Alfredi, p. 7.
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 141
smallest isles are all Gothic; even the two Cumbras
at the mouth of Clyde have the Gothic a or oe, island,
the islands of the Cumri or Welsh.
It is from the names of rivers on the east and south
that the argument springs for the Piks being Welsh.
And several of these names are doubtless Cumraig,
but prior to the Pikish time. Beginning from the
north of the eastern shore, Devon seems the first river
which perhaps bears a Cumraig name. Next is Dee,
certainly Welsh, as it is the name of a river in Wales;
and the word in Cumraig means water. Then are
two of the Esks which abound in the south and east
of Scotland, and are also Cumraig; Ysk also meaning
water, and being the name of some rivers in Wales.
Next Eden, also a river in Cumberland. Tiviot, the
Welsh Tery. Another Dee in Galloway. The Clyde,
as in Wales; where also a town called Lanark stands
on the river. These names are all Cumraig; and
precedent to the Pikish times.
On the other hand, many names of rivers in the
north, east, and south of Scotland are Gothic.
To begin with the north, the Gothic names here
may be from the Norwegians, who held Sutherland
and Caithness, along with the Orkneys. The very
name of Sutherland implies this, as it must have been
so termed by a people who lived in the Orkneys, to
the south of which it is. The rivers Durness, Navern,
Armisdale, Hallow Dale, Forsa, Thurso, Wick, Dun-
beath, Hemsdale, Brora, Uynes, Caran, Conan, Beau-
lie, are all Gothic. Ness is most ancient Gothic ;
Nessus, a river of Thrace near Abdera, mentioned by
Laertius, and Iamblichus in the Life of Pythagoras,
and many others. Nairn, Findorn, Lossie, Spey, are
Gothic; the last name Spae means, I believe, the foam
of any violent water. Uggie, Ythan, seem Gothic;
as does Don, the name of the river in England upon
which Doncaster stands. The Tay is by all appear-
142
PART III.
PIKS.
*
ance Gothic; Tavus, Tau; aw, or aa, is water, river,
in the northern and German tongues, as Almund Aa,
Almund river; Uldal Aw, Uldal river; hence Te-aw,
The River, by eminence. Forth is perfect Gothic;
Fiorda, firth, the mouth of a river; the Firth of Forth
is a solecism, meaning the Firth of a Firth. The
Tweed is surely Gothic, for the name superabounds
in Denmark and Norway, though it be there generally
given to towns, and spelt Twede. The pastoral streams
that fall into the Tweed, Gala, Etteric, Yarrow, are
Gothic; the last is also the name of a river in Nor-
thumberland, and is from the same root, as arrow, im-
plying swift. Annan, Nith, Orr, Fleet, Crec, seem all
Gothic: Nid, a town in Iceland, the river Nid in the
duchy of Triers in Germany; Ora, a river in Norway,
and another in Sweden, and another in Fifeshire,
with the lake Ora; Fleet, swift. Stinfar, Girvan,
Dun, or Don, Air (say Ar) Irvin, Garnock, are also
Gothic.
The word Loch, universal for a lake in Scotland,
is the same word prevalent among all the Scythic na-
tions, from the beginning to this day: λaxxos, Greek
lacus, Latin; lake, English; lat, French; lago, Italian;
lago, Spanish. The northern and German nations are
fond of the broad oo, as the Greeks of w, and also of
aspirations, whence it is pronounced loch; and though
this term be very rare in Germany and the north,
yet in a curious map of the celebrated Isle of Helge-
land, or Holyland, on the coast of Jutland, to be found
in Bleau's Atlas, occurs a small lake called Pyper's
loch. The Irish Luagh is something similar, but far-
ther from the sound of lake than loch, for gh is not
pronounced. Whether the name be originally Celtic,
or Scythic, or both, seems dubious."
Wachter gives many meanings of Loch in old German, among
which are, apertura, hiatus; cavitas rotunda "an aperture, or
opening," which a lake is as to the ground.
CHAP.II, CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 143
II. MOUNTAINS. The Grampian hills are the
most celebrated mountains in Scotland: and the name
is surely from the northern Gram, the name of a town
in Norway, but more remarkable as a personal appel-
lation. Gram was the third king of Denmark, and a
great name in the north, for Torfæus' informs us that
in the earliest times every independent leader was
called Gram, and his soldiers Grams. Hence the
Grampian hills seem to imply the hills of warriors.
Mormond, near Frasersburg, is also Gothic; mor-mond,
the mount by the sea. Pentland hills carry a singu-
lar appellation from Pikland; as when the Saxons
seized Lothian, they called it Pikland; and Trum-
wine the bishop signs himself Episcopus Pictorum ;²
the Piks retaining their possessions under the Saxons.
As Peht, the Scotish pronunciation of the name
Pik, feels uneasy and indistinct in the mouth, it was
made fixt and clear in Pent; so Pentland firth, in the
north of Scotland, was called by the Norwegians of
the Orkneys Pichtland firth, and was so spelled and
pronounced even in the time of James V. as appears
from that prince's Navigation. Berwick law, and
the several laws in Scotland, are all from the Gothic
lag, law, for on such separate mounts were courts
held. They were sometimes also called Montes Placiti,
as the Mute hill at Scoon. There is no occasion to
dwell long on the names of mountains in Scotland,
¹ Ea tempestate quilibet princeps, qui non alienis bellum gereret
auspiciis, Gramus appellabatur, milites vero Grami.-Hist. Norv.
Tom. I. p. 379.
2
Langhorne Chron. Reg. Angl. London, 1679, 8vo. p. 236, quotes
a charter in the Cotton Library of Egfrid, king of Northumber-
land, which bears Ego Trumwine Pictorum Episcopus subscripsi.
Perhaps this charter was burnt in the fire, 1730, but, if extant, query,
if genuine? Beda however, IV. 26, calls Trumwine bishop of the
Piks, and places his see at Abercorn.
3 Published at Paris, 1583; and in the Miscellanea Antiqua, Lon-
don, 1710, 8vo.
144
PART III.
PIKS.
as, like those of rivers, they are partly Cumraig from
the Cumri, partly Gothic from the Piks. Of the for-
mer are surely the Ochel hills, ochel being the Welsh
for high. Tinto seems also Welsh, as Tintagel. The
Rins in Galloway seem doubtful if Celtic or Gothic:
the name implies a ridge of mountains, and approaches
even to the English word, and to the general idiom,
when it is said, that a chain of mountains runs through
a country. The Gothic rune and runes, whence the
Runic character means lines; whence may be the
term, as a line of mountains, a row. But Rinn, in
Irish, implies a ridge of mountains; and the question
remains, whether it past from the Gothic with the
Firbolg, or from the Cumraig, with the Tuath de
Danan, into Irish? For the Welsh and Irish are such
mixt tongues, that no reliance can be placed on them.
Rins or Rinds is also a name for a villa or two in Fife,
and other parts of Scotland, where no chain of hills
exists and the same fall of letters may be found
per-
haps in Otaheite, China, Norway, and Africa.
III. TOWNS. This class is the most important
to the question. Towns, among the Scythians and
Celts, were mere straggling huts placed near each
other, but in no order nor contiguity. As these huts
were of wood, no ruins remain. The Celts of Britain
and Ireland had, no doubt, such towns, for they are
found even among the most savage nations of Lap-
land, Kamchatka, America, Africa. Cæsar says of
the Belgic Britons, that they gave the name of town
when they fortified a thick little wood with a ditch
and rampart.' But this was a town of defence; and
they surely had hovels, a convenience not unknown
to the most brutish nations. To sleep in the open
air, in a British winter, was certainly impossible. And
I
Oppidum autem Britanni vocant, quum silvas impeditas vallo
atque fossa munierunt; quo, incursionis hostium vitandæ causa,
convenire consuoverunt.-Lib. V.
1
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 145
wherever men are found, huts are found; so that we
may safely conclude, that villages or towns, like those
of the Indians, were scattered all over Britain, and
Ireland, upon their very first population, perhaps
thousands of years before Christ. Ptolemy mentions
seven or eight towns in all parts of Ireland in his
time; and these towns certainly were not fortified
thickets, but large collections of huts. Indeed the
word oppidum, used by Cæsar, and whence false ideas
concerning the British towns have arisen, means al-
ways, in Latin, a walled town, a fortified town; and Cæ-
sar's meaning is, that the Britons called such a wood a
fortified town. The word Vicus is used always by Taci-
tus for what we call a town, an Indian town, as he
describes those of the Germans to be. We must
therefore understand Cæsar that the Britons dwelled
in vici, or large straggling villages; and that their
only oppida, or fortified places, were such as he men-
tions. Tacitus, describing the consequences of the
defeat of Galgacus, says, fumantia tecta, the roofs all
smoking, the villages being burnt by the Piks in their
retreat.
Now, as, in America, the old name of the Indian
town is often preserved, when an European town is
built on or near the situation, we may, with all rea-
son and analogy, apply this universal practice of new
settlers, barbarous or civilized, to such names of towns
on the east of Scotland as seem Celtic. For the
Piks, who drove out the Cumri, must have done it by
degrees, and been well acquainted with the names of
their states and towns, long before they fell into their
hands. But I say as seem Celtic, for I am convinced
that what we call the Celtic is so full of old Gothic
words, that no man of sound sense will take upon
him to say, if the term be really old Gothic or Celtic.
Nations also borrow terms from each other, when
they seem much adapted to the subject. Thus we
VOL. I.
K
146
PART III.
PIKS.
talk of a Savanna, a Spanish term for a meadow. So
in Scotland, Strathmore is the name of a river and
its dale in Sutherland; and Strathnavern, to a late
period, that of a large track on the river Navern, in
the same county. Strath is not found now in Nor-
way, &c. where Field is used in that sense. Yet
I know not if it be a term left by the Cumri, as the
Welsh have Ystrat Alyn, Ystrat Marchelh, &c. or a
Gothic word from strat, via, whence our street, the
way of the river, or from stracka, extendere, whence
our stretch, the stretch or extent of the river. The
words Strath and Aber have been chiefly marked as
signs that the Piks were Welsh. Yet the granting
these words Welsh would only shew that the Piks re-
tained these terms of the old inhabitants, as the Eu-
ropean inhabitants of America do Indian terms. But
I suspect both of them to have past from the Gothic
to the Celtic; and shall now consider Aber.'
At the end of Keith's Catalogue of Scotish Bishops,
is a list of parishes in Scotland, which must serve us
as an Index Villaris, till a work, so much wanted, be
given to the public. In this we find the following
names:
Aberbrothoc in Angus.
Aberchirder in Bamf.
Abercorn in Lithgow.
Aberdalgie in Perth.
Aberdeen in Aberdeen.
Aberdour in Fife.
Abferfoil in Perth.
Aberlady in Haddington.
Aberlemus in Angus.
Aberlemno in Angus.
Aberlour in Bamf.
Aberluthnit in Kincardine.
Aberneit in Angus.
Abernethy in Perth.
Now we are told that in Welsh Aber means the
mouth of a river. I know it is in Welsh equivalent
Beda tells us, that a town at the end of the Northern Wall was
called Peanvahel, in the Pikish language; "sermone Pictorum Pean-
vahel." 1. 12. This name, say Welsh writers, shews the Piks Welsh,
as it implies, in Welsh, "the head of the wall." But Nennius tells us,
that the Welsh name was Penguaal. And there are no such words
as Pean, vahel, or fahel, in the Welsh language, as the reader will
12
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 147
to the French havre, a haven; and they say a ship
enters the aber, &c. But, both in Wales and Scot-
land, it begins the names of towns many miles from
the mouths of rivers, and where not a freshet runs in-
to the stream. Hence Borlase, in his Cornish Voca-
bulary, says, "Aber, a ford; a tall of water; a mouth
of a river; a meeting of two rivers." Here are mean-
ings enough, because Borlase found towns beginning
with Aber in all these situations. The fact is, that
poor Aber, which has been tortured into so many
meanings, is absolute German Uber, beyond, and
means simply a town beyond a river, an idiom of the
speech for upon it. Though indeed it seems to have
been always imposed by the most populous or noted
neighbourhood, and applied when the town lay be-
yond the river as to them. And it is such old Scy-
thic as to be absolute Greek, UT, upon, above, beyond.
So that it appears to me originally, as in Greek, to
have meant upon, as well as beyond; though I am
not sufficiently versed in old German to say if it,
without an idiom, bears both meanings in that tongue.
I
find on looking into Davies's Dictionary, or Lloyd. Pen in Welsh is
the head; gral, a wall. So that the English name Penweltun, added
by Beda, is more Welsh than the Pikish. In Gothic, Pæna is to ex-
tend; Ihre: veal is wall; Lye: so that if we infer the term Gothic,
the extent or end of the wall, there is greater reason on our side.
The old German ober, meaning upper, may also have a share in
the Scotish Abers. Our old chronicles put Apur for Aber, Apurnethige
for Abernethy, Aperfeirt, &c. Innes, p. 778. So the Icelandic
writers say Apurden, for Aberdeen. Wachter observes that ober is
superior; but uber, over, beyond, toward, behind. "Uber vocula anti-
quissima, Hebræis, eber; Persis, avar; Gothis, ufar; Francis, ubar;
Anglis et Belgis, over :" "Uber, versus locum, trans locum, supra,
Gloss. Germ. Pelloutier observes, that the Uberes, a Ger-
man people beyond the Rhine, probably received their name from
the German Uber, beyond. In old Gaul was Ebredunum, and Eburones,
Grotius in prolegom. ad Hist. Goth. says, "Ebrimor, Græcis Ebri-
mur, Jornandi Eber-mor, Transmarinus, natus trans mare, quale
cognomen regum quidam in Gallia ab educatione habuit. Ebir
quod nunc Over, unde Ebirmuot, Ebirwir," &c.
retro."
148
PART III.
PIKS.
1
It is used for a town upon a river; and as we say
Newark upon Trent, Newcastle upon Tyne. But in
old German the word seems to have been spelt Aber
and Eber; for I find only one town with Uber in
existence, namely, Uberling upon the lake of Con-
stance. Whereas many begin with Aber and Eber;
as Aberden in the duchy of Bremen, Aberburg in
Livonia, Eberstein in the Marquisate of Baden, Eber-
an, the German name of a town in Hungary, Eber-
fort, &c. Aberford, Yorkshire. Had we a list of the
parishes in Germany, as many Abers and Ebers might
perhaps be found there as in Scotland. Sometimes
the word is put absolutely, as Loch Aber, a district in
Inverness-shire, Haberness in Denmark, Aberick, an
isle on the shore of Livonia, Abor, a town of Norway
on the sea. It may be suspected that Alver, which
begins the names of several towns in Norway, is but
a various orthography of the same word, Alverstorp,
&c. Perhaps the Goths retained several old Cum-
raig names both on the continent, and in Britain,
not only of rivers and mountains, but of old Celtic
towns. But I rather suspect that the Welsh, who
are a people mixt with such Belgæ, or British Ger-
mans, as preferred the pastoral state to the Saxon
yoke, received this, with many other words, from the
Gothic. For the Welsh language, as well as the
Irish, is so full of Gothic words in disguise, that it is
almost impossible to say if any particular word be
originally Gothic or Celtic. That the word Aber is
Gothic, is apparent even from this, that the Welsh
do not understand the meaning of it. On the whole,
such minute matters are most dark and uncertain
but this much is certain, that the Abers in Scotland
no more prove the Piks Welsh, than those in Ger-
many prove the Germans Welsh. It must also be
considered, in examining this point, that after the
Christian times, the foundation of a church was com-
;
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 149
monly that of a town around it; and that the clergy
among the Piks were almost entirely Welsh and Irish,
for so little were the Piks addicted to piety, that
there is not one Pikish saint or even churchman on
record. Now these Welsh and Irish founders gave
Welsh and Irish names to their churches, which, of
course, passed to the towns. Let me also observe,
that the above marked obduracy of the Piks to Chris-
tianity is itself a strong sign of their Scandinavian
origin, for the people of Scandinavia were so averse
to Christianity, that none of them received it till the
tenth century. If the Piks were Welsh or Irish, who
can account for Pikland being unknown in the Chris-
tian records, while all Wales and Ireland were swarm-
ing with saints?
But if the Abers could shew the Piks to have been
Welsh, then, by the same rule, the Bals might prove
them Irish; for names beginning with Bal are fre-
quent in Ireland, and also in the Pikish part of Scot-
land, as Balbirny, Balmuto, Balmerino, Balcarras, &c.
This is another word which might puzzle the most
profound etymologist to determine, if really Celtic
or Gothic. Nothing is more certain than that Bal
and Bally are most frequent in Ireland, as initial of
the names of towns; and that Baille, in Irish, implies
a city, town, or village. In Welsh it means the head
of a river flowing from a lake, as Twyne says; but,
according to Price, a town; Davies doubts this last,
except that it be from the Latin, Villa, or the Arabic,
Balad, a town. I cannot help observing, that the
Welsh speech is to this day little known, for even
Lloyd had no great skill in it; and that Irish inter-
preters are much more just and precise in disclosing
their language. Nothing is also more certain, than
that, in the Icelandic or Gothic, Bol' is a town, or
"Bol, caput, woλos, Gr. Bolwerk, Bol, rotundus." Wachter.
"Bal, vide Bol." Id. As the first towns were on the tops of hills,
150
PART III.
PIKS.
village; and that the broad o is often used in the
north, where a is used in Scotland, as in the names
of islands which surround Norway, &c. end in o or
oe, while in the Hebudes and Orkneys they end in a;
the Scotish language not having the sound of oe in it.
The names in Norway ending in boll and bull are
quite numerous. But to close this at once, there are
even Bals enough in the northern kingdoms to shew
the word as much Gothic as Celtic; as in Denmark,
Ballé, Balling, Balslo, Balkaré, Balkared, Balteberg,
Langball, Nordballe, Ballum, Suderballig, Wullsball,
Balligard, Braballig; in Iceland, Balhokill, Balgar;
in Sweden, Balsen isle, Balsford, Balby, Balabygd.
So also in the duchy of Bremen, Balli; and in Friez-
and, Ballum; in Shetland, Bal.
Dal seems equivalent to Bal; and as in Scotland
we have Dalswinton, Dalserf, Dalrymple, Dalgus, &c.
so in Norway, Denmark, &c. Dal is quite frequent;
as Dalby, Dallerup, Dalby-neder, Dalby-offre, Dal-
molle, Dalroth, &c. &c.
The Invers, as Inverleith, Inverary, Inverness, seem
also Gothic; as in Denmark are Iverfleth, Iversbull,
and Immerwath, &c. Yet I believe in Irish the word
means the mouth of a river: but were there ever any
Irish in Denmark? Has not the word past from the
Gothic to the Irish?
In Fifeshire there are many Pits, as Pitferran, Pit-
medie, &c. &c. But this name has never been sus-
pected either Welsh or Irish; and such names are
not to be found either in Wales or Ireland; but are
frequent in England, as may be seen in the Index
Villaris.
the consonance of caput and rotundus, with a town, is apparent. The
Greek woλos and woλs are in singular agreement. Dun is another
German name for a town, and our word is a corruption of it, "Dun.
civitas, urbs, oppidum. Wachter. “Dun, mons, collis." Id.
Dunkel, occultus, secretus." Id.
(C
رو
CHAP.II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 151
Let us now produce two specimens of numerous
names on the east of Scotland, which are not similar
to any, either in Wales or Ireland; and will of them-
selves turn this point quite the other way. The first
is of Kins.
Kinkell in Perth.
Kinloch in Perth.
Kinnef in Kincardin.
Kinnethmont in Aberdeen.
Kinloss in Moray.
Kinaird in Forfar.
Kinaird in Perth.
Kinneil in West Lothian.
Kinuel in Forfar.
Kinnellar in Aberdeen.
Kinnettles in Forfar.
Kinnore in Aberdeen.
Kinnoul in Perth.
Kinross in Kinross.
Kintale in Ross.
Kintore in Aberdeen.
Nennius, in ch. 19. speaking of the place at the
end of the wall of Antoninus, which, Beda says, was
called Peanvahel, by the Piks, says it was in Welsh
Pengaaul, but Scotice, in Scotish, Cenail pronounce
Kenail. This place is now Kinneil in West Lothian.
Scotice is infallibly Irish: and C'ean, or Cen, pronounce
Kean, and Ken, means the head, as Malcom Ken-mor,
or Great-head: being equivalent to the Welsh Pen.
An etymologist would say, it follows of course, that
all these names in Kin are of Irish extract. But how
then comes it to pass, that in Ireland there is but one
kin, namely Kinsale; and even that, it is believed,
was formerly Kingsale, while in England there are
about thirty; as Kincot in Leicester-Kinaston,
Salop-Kinaston, Stafford-Kinder, Derby-Kinch-
ley, Durham-Kinderton, Cheshire-Kineton, War-
wick--Kinlet, Salop--Kinley, Glocester-Kin-
ley, Hereford-Kinmel, Denbigh-Kinarton, Ches-
ter, with Kinton, Kinson, Kinver, &c. &c. to the
amount of about sixteen more, as may be seen in the
Index Villaris? What can be more uncertain than
etymology of names? In the northern kingdoms I
find no kins prefixt; but the word kein placed after
seems the same, as Areskein, &c.
152
PART III.
PIKS.
The other list is of Fors.
Forbes in Aberdeen.
Forcastle in Perth.
Fordyce in Bamf.
Fordon in Kincardin.
Forfar in Forfar.
Forgen in Aberdeen.
Forgond in Fife.
Forgondenny in Perth.
Forglen in Bamf.
Forres in Moray.
Forteviot in Perth.
Fortingal in Perth.
Fortrose in Ross.
Of these Forteviot is very famous from an ancient
palace of the kings of Scotland there, and in the old
Chronicles Kenneth died at Fortevioth in 860; as
did many others after. Not a For is to be found in
Wales, Ireland, nor in the northern kingdoms. In
England there are many Fords, but no Fors; and
For cannot imply Ford. I suspect the word is of the
same family with force; and that it implies a place of
strength. Or perhaps from the old German" Forst,
nemus, saltus, indago." Wachter. In which case it
implies a town concealed in a grove.
The Achs are also very common in Scotland, as
Achterarder, Auchinleck, Acharn, &c. and are found
in the northern kingdoms, Achterup in Denmark,
&c. They seem the English Ack, and Ac, which are
also quite numerous.
I shall here beg leave to insert a list of names
which occurred in turning over Bleau's Atlas, and
which are clearly_related to names in Scotland.
In Iceland wick and ness are frequent. In Nor-
WAY is Skonland (Scoon)-Noard Bugden-Skeen—
Mios wand (Mouse rivulet, near Lanark)—Bouwe
(Bowie)-Hoop (Hope).-In DENMARK, Medelby-
Almund and Almand-(Almond river)-Haldum
Struer (Anstruther)-Wym (Weems)--Oxenwath, Im-
merwath, Giordeath, Heldswath, &c. (Carnwath, &c.)
-Kolding (Coldingham) Aller-Homoe (Home and
Hume)-Todsleff and other leffs (Lillyslef, &c.)—
Glesmos (Glasford, &c.)-Falsbol-Lundby-Lille
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 153
fulde-Alstede-Fariltosta (Farintosh)—Frisel (old
name of Fraser)—Arnum, (Arnot)~~Alkier-Gamel,
very frequent (real name of Campbell; its pretended
genealogy is a mere dream of Irish genealogists)-
Logum (Logan)-Galstede (Gala, &c.)-Österlin-
neth-Assyth (Assint)-Ellum (Elvonfoot)-Carlum
-Carlbeke-Hoppe-Eytum (Aytoun)—Methelbur
-Binning-Melderup (Meldrum, &c.) Wirrikeir-
Alloe—(Älloa)— Jesterup (Yester)---Kulundt, not far
from Alloe, (Callendar)-- Bockholm-Foulich, (Fou-
lis, Ross-shire)—Lockmari (Lockhart)— Avenberk-
Wedel pang (Weddel)-Dallroth (Rothsay, &c.)-
Alver (Alves and Alva)- Birckholm-Schwansen
(Swanston).-In SWEDEN, Carvasen-Eske ile-Skoen
in Nordland (Scoon)-Liah Lidsdale-Skonland in
Finmark (Scoon)-Rindo isle (Rinds)-Stora (Story)
Dalsarfe (Dalserf)— Betom (Beton and Bethune)—
Melosa (Melrose)-Gillberg, (Gilchrist, &c.) Be-
sides these are Wiems in Finland (Weem and Wemys)
—Falkenau in Livonia (Falkirk, &c.)—Ales in Livo-
nia (Hailes)-Adsel in Livonia-Hutten in Sles-
wick (Hutton)-Rothness ibid.--Coldenkirke (Colden-
knows, &c.)-Stobben in Holsace (Stobo)-Brodow
(Brodie)-Ruttin (Ruthven).—In the duchy of Stor-
mar on the Elbe, Alvesloh, a town near a marsh-
Munkloh, a town in midst of a marsh.-In Freezland,
Bimerwolde (Bimerside)-Wymer (Weem)-Logen.—
In Holland, Lammerschage (Lammermuir).
In the descriptions of Denmark, Norway, and Swe-
den, &c. printed by Jansen, 1655, I find the rivers
Lida in Sweden (Leith) and Uisk (Usk, or Esk):
other Esks, as Tornetresk, Enaratresk in Lapland,
and Ulatresk in Cajania: Essa in Bremen. Were
the Welsh ever in Lapland? Gester (Yester) Lethra
(Leith)-Nyssa, a river of Sweden (Ness)-Oder-
chwart, or Oiertquart, (Urquhart,) a town in Bremen.
Asloa, another name for Opslo (Alloa)—Brevik (Ber-
154
PART III.
PIKS.
wick). In the Norway of Torfæus, is Lanaefield, so
that Lan is not always to be regarded as Welsh or
Irish for church-Kilestroom and Kiol hill (Kyle)—
The river Galaae (Gala)—The History of Haldan the
Black, Hafn. 1658, 4to, says he lost his life in a lake
called Ros (Ross)-There is a Tullegarn in Sweden
(Tullechgorum)-and a district called Mora (Moray)
-In Denmark, a Bruntland (Burntisland) and Cor-
storp (Corstorphin).'
To sum up these remarks on the names of places in
Scotland, which, though perhaps they may little in-
terest the reader, have cost me great labour, let it be
observed, I. That two thirds of the names in the
Hebud Isles and Highlands are infallibly Gothic: This
is owing to three causes, 1. That the Piks, a Gothic
people, possessed these countries down to the sixth
century, when a small part was given up to the Irish,
who gradually multiplied and seized on the Isles and
Highlands, regions despised by the Piks, who crowd-
ed into the more fertile parts, the south of Scotland,
and north of England. 2. That the Norwegians in
the ninth century seized on the Hebud Isles, and
parts of the opposite shore, which they held four cen-
turies. 3. That the Highlanders, being a rude people,
always engaged in petty commotions, many grants
of forfeited lands among them were given to Lowland-
ers. II. That almost the whole names of the north,
east, and south of Scotland are Gothic, owing to
the Piks, a Gothic people, possessing these countries;
as at times the Norwegians, another Gothic people,
held the north; and the Saxons, another Gothic peo-
ple, the south. But there are, or at least seem, two
exceptions to this general rule, 1. That a few are
It is suspected the name Fife arises from the plant with a pod
resembling cotton, so common on the heaths of that country. Tor-
fæus Orcad. p. 120, says Fifa. the name of a ship, is taken from that
of the palustris lanugo, a plant whose cotton flies before the wind.
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 155
Cumraig, owing to the Cumri being the first posses-
sors of all Scotland; and to the churchmen who found-
ed churches, around which towns rose, being of
ten Cumri, and giving the places Cumraig names.
2. That a few are Gaelic, owing to the Irish church-
men, who swarmed in Pikland, from the seminary at
Hyona, and from Ireland, down to the eleventh
and twelfth centuries; and who denominated their
churches, villages, and lands, in their own language;
nay, as being the sole literati in Pikland, bestowed
names perhaps even on large tracts, which passed into
charters, and among the people.
I have with great care looked over the large At-
las of Scotland, by Pont, and find the above remarks
universally applicable, and sufficient to account for
all the names in Scotland. It is indeed curious to ob-
serve that in Aberdeenshire, for instance, the name
of one village shall be absolute Gothic with burgh,
another within a mile with aber, and another at same
distance inver. But the single circumstance of the
clergy among the Piks being, down to the eleventh
or twelfth century, entirely Welsh and Irish, will suffi-
ciently account for this; if the abers and invers be in-
deed Welsh and Irish.
Kils are also common in Scotland; but the word
in Gothic signifies a spring, or fountain, as in Irish it
implies a cell, or chapel, so that nothing can be found-
ed on such names, which are also common in England.
Cars, as Carberry, &c. have seldom if ever any con-
nection with the Welsh Caer, a town, as they are fre-
quent over all the globe. In Wales, Llan is very fre-
quent, signifying a church; and in Scotland it also oc-
curs, though rarely: one instance there is so far north
as Moray, where Lan-bride surely implies the church
of St Bride, or Bridget, and it must have been found-
ed by some Welsh clergyman. For as at first Ninian,
Kentigern, and other early teachers of the Piks,
"
156
PART III.
PIKS.
were Welsh; so in after times the regions of Strat-
Clyde and Cumbria proceeded, in conjunction with
Columba's seminary at Hyona, to furnish clergy to
the Piks; and not one name of a Pikish saint, or
churchman, can be found.
He that would build any argument upon the Welsh
names in Scotland, is desired to reflect that the names
of places in Scotland may be about twelve thousand;
and of them not above thirty at the most even seem
Welsh. On the north, east, and south, not above fifty
are Irish while on the west about two thousand are
;
Gothic; and the Gothic names in Scotland amount
in all to about ten thousand. As for the Irish in-
terpretations of these Gothic names, which any ety-
mologist is ready to furnish, such as that a plain
English name, Arthur's Seat, is formed of three or
four Erse words, &c. it seems doubtful whether they
who advance such nonsense, or they who believe it,
have most imbecillity. These Irish etymologies are
mere second-sighted delusions. Swift's mock etymo-
logies of Andromache from Andrew Mackie, &c. are
rational in comparison of them. The Celtic is so
vague a speech, that from it you may make what
you will of any thing. Thus the Irish word pronoun-
ced awe, for instance, and signifying law, is spelt Adh,
agh, ach, ath, at pleasure. In other tongues a vowel
is sometimes changed; but the consonants, which
give a determinate form to the word, remain. What
reliance can by any man of sense be placed on the
meaning of names, when no one knows from what
cause of ten thousand the name was given, or whither
from any at all? What reliance, when a name will,
in two centuries, totally alter its form? What reliance,
above all, on etymologies from the Celtic, a speech
which alters its consonants, its very essence, at plea-
sure, and which declines its nouns by changing their
beginnings? These writers commonly catch at some
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 157
locality, or descriptive attribute, which fits the spot,
and then derive their etymologies accordingly. This
gives them a plausible air to the superficial, who never
reflect that any spot may have a hundred descriptive
attributes all equally fitting. M. Bullet, in his Me-
moires sur la langue Celtique, has derived the plainest
English names from the Celtic, as Oakland from Oc,
a little hill, lan, a river, d from dy, two, &c. &c. Such
are Celtic etymons!
Even in Gothic, a fixt speech, a sensible writer
will hardly venture to hint at the etymology of a name
now and then; for nothing can be more uncertain.
London means, we are told, a town in a grove, from
Lund, grove, and dun, town: yet the name might with
equal plausibility be derived from Sarmatic, Tartaric,
Chinese, or Arabic. What do we know about the ori-
gin of the name? Who was present when the name
was given? Do even the Indians know the mean-
ing of their names of places, though certainly impo-
sed by their ancestors in the same language they still
use, though modernized? A few Greek and Roman
names of men had, and have, meanings; but produce,
if you can, two names of places in Greece, or Italy,
of which the meaning is known. What is the meaning
of Rome? What of Athens? What of Lacedæmon?
What of Corinth? Look into the best Lexicons, are
you not told that such are proper names, and admit of
no explanation? Ask an Indian savage the meaning
of the name of his town, he will tell you he knows it
not; it was so called by his fathers. Are our Celtic
etymologists of names of places more wise than the
Greeks and Romans?
I have dwelt the longer on this matter, because
Celtic etymology is the favourite of this shallow age;
and shall only observe, before quitting it, that by
Gothic names I mean such whose form is Gothic, and
may be traced in the northern kingdoms, Germany
158
PART III.
PIKS.
1
and England. I have above produced a small hasty
note of identic names in the northern kingdoms and
in Scotland. And though the present English cer-
tainly came from Denmark, and the German shore;
yet I cannot trace half that number of identic names
in those countries and England. In Ireland most of
the towns were built by the Danes and English; but
names of villages are often Irish, and in Wales most
towns and villages have Welsh names, so that Celtic
names of towns have sure marks. For examples of
what I call Gothic names in Scotland, take on the
west Dunson, Campbeltown, Southend, Knapdale, Mel-
ford, Braccadale, Stornaway, Bewisdale, Annon, Dun-
staffnage, Skipness, Pluckhart, Everdale, Kingsburgh,
Burg, Seaforth, Dundonald, Dunvegan, Limesholder,
Barvie, Stonfield, &c. &c. &c.
From all that has been said the reader will observe,
that they, who infer the Piks to have been Welsh,
because thirty Welsh names, or at least names in Aber
and Lan, occur in Scotland, reason not more accu-
rately than he who would prove the Germans Welsh,
because names in Aber and Lan occur in Germany.
That the argument is in itself of no avail; for that
granting these thirty names Welsh, what is to be said
to the ten thousand Gothic names in Scotland, which
are utterly forgotten? And that these few Welsh
names in Scotland are most easily accounted for, be-
cause they are either very ancient, as those of rivers
and mountains especially, and perhaps of some towns,
and in that case remains of the old Celtic inhabitants;
or less ancient, as some of towns and villages which
arose from churches founded by Welsh clergymen.
Having thus, it is hoped, satisfactorily answered
the whole arguments, if they deserve that name, for
the Piks being Welsh, I shall give the reader an ab-
stract of invincible authorities and facts, shewing that
CHAP.II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 159
they were not Welsh: and then, leaving this contro-
versy, proceed to detail the real origin of the Piks.
1. Tacitus says that the Caledonians, or Piks, were
of Germany, as he judged from their red hair, and
other marks, that they were Germans. The Scandi-
navians ever have been, and are, remarkable for red
hair, as are the other Germans. The Welsh and Irish
are a black-haired race. These marks in the days of
Tacitus were as decisive, as that the African blacks
have curled hair, the Indian lank hair.
2. Eumenius tells, that in the time of Julius Cæsar
the Piks were the accustomed enemies of the Britons.
Could the Britons, or Welsh, be the accustomed ene-
mies of themselves?
3. Ammianus Marcellinus mentions the Piks along
with the Saxons, and other foreign nations, who in-
fested the Britons.
4. Gildas says the Piks came ab aquilone, from the
north, to infest the Britons, and always speaks of
them as quite a different people. Had they been
really of his own Welsh countrymen, what food for
declamations had their cruelty to their own brethren
been!
I
5. Adomnan, who, about 690, wrote the Life of
Columba, the apostle of the Piks, mentions that he
had an interpreter between him and that people.'
Columba was an Irishman, so that the Piks could not
be Gael and even from this they would seem not
Cumri, for we find Patrick a Cumraig preached to
the Irish without an interpreter, as may be seen in
Illo in tempore quo Sanctus Columba in Pictorum provincia
per aliquot demorabatur dies, quidam cum tota plebeius familia
verbum vitæ, per interpretatorem, Sancto prædicante viro audiens
credidit, &c.-Adomnan, Vita Columbæ, Lib. II. c. 12. In the same
chapter Adomnan calls the Piks "gentiles barbari," barbarous pa-
gans; and always implies them quite a different people from his
own Irish, in speech, manners, and every respect.
160
PART III.
PIKS.
the many large lives of him, where not a word of an
interpreter is mentioned.
6. Beda, a writer eminently learned, and superior
to his age, tells us the Piks came from Scythia, as
the Britons from Gaul, and the Old Scots from Ire-
land. Jornandes, and most writers of the dark ages,
call Scandinavia Scythia, and they thought the most
ancient Scythians came from it. Beda also says there
were in his time five languages in Britain, Latin,
English, Pikish, Scotish, British.
7. Nennius and Samuel, who both lived and wrote.
in conjunction, in 858, tell that the Piks came from
the Orkneys, about 300 years before Christ. These
writers were both Welsh; and their testimony is con-
clusive that the Piks were not Welsh, for they speak
of the Piks, while the Pikish name was in full power,
and mention the Piks as a people spreading, in their
own time, from Galloway to the Orkneys.
8. The Saxon Chronicle, and whole writers of
England, and Wales, and Scotland, and Ireland, pre-
ceding Camden, amounting to perhaps a hundred of
all ages, who mention the Piks, uniformly derive
them from Scandinavia and the Orkneys.
9. Giraldus Cambrensis positively calls the Piks
gentem Gothicam, a Gothic nation. Even Geofrey of
Monmouth says expressly, that the Piks came from
Scythia to the north of Britain, and so downward.
And he ever describes them as quite a different peo-
ple from the Welsh; for which reason, and as he
founded a new school in English history, he is quoted.
For, though a fabulist, he could not be ignorant if
the Piks were Welsh, or not, as they existed in his
time under their old name, as appears from English
writers of the War of the Standard.
10. The Piks are uniformly mentioned by all an-
cient writers who speak of them, though without
telling their origin, as a distinct peculiar people, nei-
CHAP. II. CAMDEN, LLOYD, AND MACPHERSONS EXAMINED. 161
ther Welsh, nor Irish, nor Gaelic; but as different
from either as English from Welsh.
11. The monuments of the Piks, the Piks houses,
&c. can neither be found in Wales nor Ireland,
though in the Orkneys many exist, and some in
Scandinavia.
12. Nennius and Samuel avouch the Piks to have
held their usual territory in 858. The Irish Annals
of Tighernac and Ulster mention Kenneth and his
successors, down to Donal II. 894, as kings of the
Piks. Ailred, Richard of Hexham, and other con-
temporary writers, assert, that at the War of the
Standard, 1138, the Piks claimed the first place in
the Scotish army, as their ancient right. Now the
west being given to the Irish, the Piks were latterly
inhabitants of the north, east, and south of Scotland,
as all know; the people of which, to this day, are
quite a distinct race from the Highlanders of the
west. And the language of these parts was always
Gothic, as innumerable names of places remain to
shew, and as it is at this day.
More arguments might be adduced; but these are
sufficient, as they admit of no answer, save by reject-
ing all ancient authorities and facts; that is, by
building romance on the ruins of history. For he
who denies ancient authorities, and prefers his own
conjectures, is a fabulist, and not a historian. It
also deserves remark, that, of modern authors, those
confessedly the most eminent for learning have al-
ways asserted the Piks to have come from Scandina-
via. Buchanan, Humphrey Lluyd, Verstegan, Usher,
Stillingfleet, Sibbald, Sheringham, may be named, at
a time when Camden alone was on the other side:
but in this superficial century, when writers copy
each other, and examine nothing to the bottom, the
opinion that the Piks were Welsh, though, as above
shewn, absolutely erroneous, has been more preva-
VOL. I.
L
162
PART III.
PIKS.
lent. Yet in this age the truth has also witnesses in
D'Anville, and the authors of the Encyclopedie.
Nor can the assertors of the new opinion be dismiss-
ed without the censure which the learned Shering-
ham passes on such writers; temerarii, et vix sani
hominis, est, quidvis ex libidine affirmare, vel negare;
et sine firma ratione scriptoribus fidem demere; "it is
the part of a rash madman to affirm or deny what-
ever he pleases, and without any reason to refuse
faith to authorities."
CHAP. III.
163
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
CHAPTER III.
Origin of the Piks.
THE antiquities of a nation may be regarded as either
Poetical or Historical. The former are such as have
not that certainty requisite to history, yet cannot be
called absolutely false, but have verisimilitude suffici-
ent to recommend them to poetry, which delights in
distant events, where it can raise a fairy light in the
dark. The voyage of Æneas to Italy, the founding
of Carthage by Dido, and the like very remote events
in national story, are of this kind; as no sober author
will admit them into history, and yet they appear to
advantage in poetry. In like manner the origin of
the Piks admits of a poetical, and an historical, divi-
sion. The poetical is that which traces them from
Colchis to Scandinavia: the historical finds them
in Norway, and traces them from Norway to Scot-
land. The reader is requested to attend to this divi-
sion, that he may not accuse the author of lending
historical faith to poetical evidence; but judge impar-
tially, and give the poetical part only poetical faith.
It is fully sufficient that we find the Piks in Norway,
and trace them to Scotland. History requires no
more. But as this work may serve the future poetry,
as well as history of Scotland, and it is pleasing to
search a point of antiquity to the very bottom, no
further apology shall be made for dwelling a little on
the Poetical Origin of the Piks.
164
PART III.
PIKS.
§ I. Poetical Origin of the Piks.
If the reader will peruse the Dissertation on the
Origin and Progress of the Scythians, or Goths, to
be found at the end of this work, he will see such
grounds as so remote an event can afford to believe
that the Peukini, who by all accounts proceeded from
the isle of Peuké at the mouth of the Danube, were
originally the Piki of ancient Colchis. These Piki
Pliny places between the Palus Mæotis and Cerau-
nian Mountains. The Ceraunian Mountains, as ap-
pears from Ptolemy and others, were between the
river Tanais, or Don, and the Caspian Sea, to the
north-east of Caucasus, which was another chain ex-
tending from the Euxine to the Caspian. The Piki
were apparently where the map of Sarmatia and Scy-
thia, by Cluverius, places the Petigori on the river
Varadanus, being on the east of present Circassia.
These Piki were remarkable in ancient fable.
nus' tells us, that they were the same people who
were called Ipupa, Griffons, by the Greeks, and
against whom the Arimaspi fought to get the guard-
ed gold:
As when a gryfon through the wilderness,
With winged course, o'er hill or moory dale,
Pursues the Arimaspian, who by stealth
Had from his wakeful custody purloined
The guarded gold.-Milt. Par. Lost, II. 943.
Non-
M. D'Hancarville thinks they were called Griffons,
because they worshipped the sun, whose emblem was
a griffon, as appears from many coins of Abdera, a
city of Thrace. However this be, Plautus celebrates
the golden mountains of the Piki :
Picos divitiis, qui aureos montes colunt,
Ego solus supero.Aulularia, prope fin.
1
* Dionys. II. 641.
CHAP. III.
165
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
Upon the Argonautic expedition, 1263 years be-
fore Christ, a party of Colchians, pursuing the Ar-
gonauts without success, settled at the mouth of the
Danube. The kingdom of Colchis was anciently
very large and powerful, as appears from all the an-
cients, who mention it, and included many nations.
Of these it is highly probable the Piki were one; and
were those Colchian subjects who were sent in pur-
suit of the Argonauts. Ovid, who lived nine years
in exile at Tomi, southward of the Danube's mouth,
marks the Colchi as separated from his residence by
the Danube:
Solus ad egressus missus septemplicis Istri
Parrhasiæ gelido virginis axe premor.
Jazyges, et Colchi, Metereaque turba, Getæque,
Danubii mediis vix prohibentur aquis.
Trist. Lib. II. el. 1.
The Jazyges were a Sarmatian people on the north-
ern banks of the Tyras: Meterea was a town on the
Tyras the Getæ were on the north of the Danube :
the Colchi here mentioned were in all appearance of
Peuké, a large island in the mouth of the Danube.
The original Colchians were on the opposite shore of
the Euxine, and had no concern with the Danube.
It is true, that Apollonius Rhodius, in his admirable
poem, says that the Istrians on the Adriatic Sea were
those Colchians who pursued the Argonauts; but
his account is an absolute impossibility, for he tells,
that the Colchians sailed all up the Danube, in pur-
suit of the Argonauts, and drew their ships over land
to settle in present Istria. It seems apparent that
there was a people at the mouth of the Danube, or
Ister, called Istrii, and that these, being expelled by
the Colchians, went and settled on the Adriatic;
while the Colchians, who held their old seats, were, by
a confusion inseparable from tradition, mistaken by
some for the old inhabitants. Ovid, who lived on the
spot, is a clear evidence of a Colchian colony on the
166
PART III.
PIKS.
north of the Danube; for the Istrii he could not al-
lude to, as they were a thousand miles distant, and
on the south of the Danube, while all the other na-
tions he mentions were near him, and on the north.
If the Piki were the real ancestors of the Peukini,
and settled in Peuké 1263 years before Christ, they
might easily in the course of less than seven hundred
years populate the space between Peuké and the Bal-
tic; and passing the Baltic, possess the south of Scan-
dinavia more than 500 years before Christ; a period
about which it would appear, as mentioned in the
above quoted Dissertation, that their Scythic bre-
thren had peopled all Germany to the British Sea. If
this poetical hypothesis be followed, the whole Bas-
ternæ (Peukini, Sitones, and Atmoni) must be sup-
posed to originate from Peuké; as indeed Peukini
and Basternæ are synonymous names with Pliny and
Tacitus.
But the poet who chuses to commence the Pikish
origin only at the isle of Peuké, will approach near-
er to history, though he will not be the best skilled
in his own art. The Peukini can indeed be traced
with geographic certainty from Peuké into Scandi-
navia, as expressly shewn in the Dissertation annex-
ed. The reader will there see that part of the Peu-
kini still remained in Peuké and Thrace, in the time
of Strabo; that from thence they can be traced, from
Tacitus and Ptolemy, up to the shore of the Baltic
in present Prussia. That the Sitones, another Baster-
nic nation, or (if we follow Pliny and Tacitus, and
allow the Peukini and Basternæ synonymous terms)
a nation of the Peukini, were in Scandinavia in the
time of Tacitus. And that if, in opposition to Pliny
and Tacitus, we hold the Peukini to be only a nation
of the Basternæ, they lay nearer to the Baltic than
the Sitones, and proceeded, as appears from Ptolemy,
in a direct line; while the Sitones moved round by
the west side of the Vistula; so that the Peukini, as
CHAP. III.
167
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
they can be traced to the shore of the Baltic, while a
part of the Sitones held the opposite coast of Scan-
dinavia, had in every probability sent a colony into
Scandinavia before the Sitones, which proceeding
north-west was lost to the eyes of the ancients, by
whom no part of Scandinavia was known, save the
southern shores. It is also shewn from Strabo, that
the Basternæ held Scandinavia; and that, if we re-
fuse Basternæ and Peukini to be synonymous, it were
yet unreasonable to suppose that the Peukini, the
greatest nation of the Basternæ, and who can actual-
ly be traced to the very opposite shore, had no part
in these settlements. But having dwelt so fully on this
subject in that Dissertation, and produced the proofs
in order, it is unnecessary here to recapitulate more,
seeing that it is sufficient for the present purpose to
trace the Piks in that part of Scandinavia now called
Norway; and thence to Scotland.
§ II. Historical Origin of the Piks.
Tacitus, the first writer who mentions the people
of Caledonia, or Piks, expresses his opinion that they
were of German origin. Beda tells us they came
from Scythia, a name which Jornandes, about 530,
had given to Scandinavia; and which continued to
be applied to that country till the eleventh century,
when the special denominations of Denmark, Swe-
den, and Norway became known to all Europe. All
the other ancient writers, who mention the origin of
the Piks, derive them from Scandinavia; so that no
doubt can remain, save with such superficial writers
as speak of opinions when they should speak of facts,
and prefer their own weak conceits to that positive
evidence upon which alone all ancient history stands.
Indeed, to judge from reason only, it might readily
168
PART III.
PIKS.
be inferred that the Piks, a people, as all the ancients
shew, quite different from the old Scots, or Irish, and
from the old Britons, or Welsh, as possessing North
Britain, could only originate from a country near to
North Britain, as Norway is. And when reason and
ancient authorities thus coalesce, they constitute that
highest degree of historical truth, which even ap-
proaches to mathematical demonstration. In Scan-
dinavia therefore, that large peninsular track, inclu-
ding Norway, Sweden, and a part of Denmark, we are
to look for the Piks: and while we find a people of
the same name in the south of Norway, the part
next to Scotland, the evidence becomes as complete
as human history can afford.
Scandinavia was by the Romans, who only knew a
small part of its southern coasts, esteemed not im-
properly a German island. It is indeed more pro-
perly a vast island, than a peninsula; as its extent is
so great, and the part that connects it with the con-
tinent so narrow. For all the south, west, and north
quarters are surrounded with sea; and on the east,
the lakes Ladoga and Onega are connected by large
rivers, or rather outlets: and between the lake Onega
and the White Sea, being the only part where there
is a passage into Scandinavia by land, there is another
lake and river, rendering that single passage not above
two miles broad. The circumference of Scandinavia
is about two thousand two hundred miles; and of
that whole circumference only two miles being land,
it seems rather an impropriety to call it a peninsula,
than objectionable to term it an island. Tacitus
ranks the Sitones, a people of Scandinavia, among the
Germans; and the other ancients account it an island
of Germany, and its inhabitants Germans.
This vast country seems to have been first peopled
by Fins and Laplanders, whom Ihre thinks the ear-
liest inhabitants of the whole. But there is great
CHAP. III.
169
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
reason to suppose, that these people, being from the
east, had not extended further west than their pre-
sent bounds, when they were stopt by the Scythians,
or Goths, from the south. For there are no Finnish
or Laplandic names in Sweden, or in Norway, though
had such been given to rivers, or mountains, they
must have in some cases remained. The Finnish and
Laplandic names are very peculiar, and distinct from
the Gothic: almost all end in vi or o; and they are
generally soft as the Italian. Nor in the Eddas, or
ancient Sagas, is there a hint of any conflicts with
the Fins, or Laplanders, though they inform us that
Odin conquered the Cimbri.
Mela, who wrote in the reign of Claudius, about
45 years after Christ, says, Book III. ch. 3. that the
Cimbri and Teutones held the islands in the Sinus
Codanus, or gulf between Jutland and Scandinavia.
And ch. 6. he says, there were seven islands in that gulf,
and that the Teutones still had Codanovia, the largest
and best of these islands. These seven islands seem
Funen, Alsen, Longland, Laland, Falster, Mone,
Femeren. Funen, called Tutofunen in the map of
Cluverius, is by far the largest and best of these, and
is perhaps that meant by Mela. As to Zeeland, an
island equal in size to all these put together, it was
called Scandia by Ptolemy and other ancients, and
lies beyond these seven islands; so that it seems to
have been unknown to Mela, and by no means to
have been his Codanovia, as some think. Tacitus,
by some accident in his information, seems to have
known little of Jutland; for he says nothing of the
Cimbric Chersonese, nor Sinus Codanus, nor Teutoni;
and only mentions in general the nations that posess-
ed the large Cimbric Chersonese, though without
marking it by that name.,
Upon the whole, the Cimbri anciently possessed
Jutland; and the Teutones the islands between it
170
PART III.
PIKS.
and Scandinavia. But that the Cimbri, or Teutones,
ever were in Scandinavia itself, there is not a shadow
of proof. Pliny, the first writer who mentions Scan-
dinavia, says it was possessed by the Hilleviones. The
Basternæ, those Germans, or Goths, who peopled
Scandinavia, entering on the south-east, proceeded
north and west; and seem, some centuries after they
possessed Scandinavia, to have made expeditions
against the Cimbri and Teutones, who were on the
southern shores opposite to them. These nations,
being unable to withstand their invaders, were for-
ced to relinquish their territories to them. Being
also surrounded with other Germans, or Goths, on
the south, they seem to have obtained leave to pass
through the territories of the latter, in quest of new
inhabitants, which, as Cæsar' shews, was not an un-
usual practice among the nations of Gaul and Ger-
many. This the southern Goths would readily grant,
as every motive of policy and interest must have in-
duced them. The Cimbri and Teutones first came
to the territories of the Belgæ, who, as Cæsar tells,²
repulsed them. But turning to the east of the Belgæ,
where lay the forest of Arduenna, and tracks of de-
sert land, the Cimbri and Teutones burst upon Celtic
Gaul. For Cæsar expressly says, the Cimbri and
Teutones seized on ALL Gaul,3 that is, all Gaul Pro-
per, or Celtic Gaul, as he informs us that the Belgæ
repelled them; and that from thence they burst into
Provincial Gaul and Italy. This passage of Cæsar is
of great importance, and yet has never been explain-
ed, and hardly even attended to. The Cimbri and
* See the example of the Helvetii. De Bell. Gall. Lib. I. and
others.
* Lib. II.
3 Bell. Gall. Lib. I. quum OMNEM Galliam occupassent, ut ante
Cimbri, Teutonique fecissent: and Lib. II. OMNI Gallia vexata,
Teutones, &c. and again, Lib. VII.
8
CHAP. III.
171
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
Teutones, had they seized all Celtic Gaul, could not,
one would imagine, want new habitations; yet these
were all they required from the Romans, as we know
from history.' It is impossible to account for the
ideas of these barbarians. Had they wanted waste
grounds to cultivate, they might have found them in
the forest of Arduenna. Had they wanted to pos-
sess cultivated lands, they had them in Celtic Gaul,
and the province. Yet they abandon all to march
into Italy. Plutarch also informs, that they invaded
Spain before turning upon Italy. So far as can be
judged, the Cimbri and Teutones, finding the sweets
of a roving and plundering life, preferred it to any
settlement; and, being unused to agriculture in their
first seats, considered cultivated lands only with a
view of pillage. Their demand of lands from the
Romans seems to have been a mere pretence: rapine
and plunder their sole pursuits. Like the Huns af-
terward, they settled nowhere, but followed war as a
trade. Many of the German nations were agricultu-
ral, as Tacitus shews; and Cæsar tells that the Belgæ
of Britain were distinguished from the indigenes, or
Celts, by agriculture. The Celts were remarkable
even to late times for a total neglect of agriculture,
and for plundering their neighbours. Plutarch says
the Germans called banditti, Cimbri. For the Gothic
agricultors naturally gave this epithet to their Celtic
neighbours, who preyed upon their labours; as the
Highlanders, and Irish Celts, were called Caterens,
Kerns, or plunderers.
That the shock which drove the Cimbri and Teu-
tones out of the north of Germany must have come
from the north of their possessions, is clear; for, had
it proceeded from the south, they must have been
driven into Scandinavia. In other words, the Scan-
• Plutarch in Mario, &c.
毅
​172
PART III.
PIKS.
dinavians must have expelled the Cimbri and Teu-
tones; and it is reasonable to infer of course that
they seized their seats. Hence it appears to me, that
Jutland, and the Danish isles, were peopled with
Goths from Scandinavia, and not from Germany.
This opinion seems confirmed by that surest mark,
the speech of these parts; which is not the German
dialect of the Gothic, but the Scandinavian dialect.
of that tongue; and this distinction between Ger-
many and the Danish dominion has always been
marked and precise. The nations which Tacitus finds
in present Jutland, namely, the Angli, Varini, Eudoses,
Suardones, and Nuithones, and the Suiones of Zee-
land, will of course be originally Scandinavians.
Ptolemy names the nations in present Jutland, Sigu-
lones, Sabelengii, Cobandi, Chali, Phundusii, Cha-
rudes; but his authority, compared to that of Taci-
tus, who lived near the spot, is of little moment; and
not one name of his nations is to be found, save in
his book, while the real names, as given by Tacitus,
occur in many authors. But of this more fully in the
Dissertation annexed.
Having thus attempted to elucidate the origin of
the Scandinavian nations, especially the Cimbri and
Teutones, who might be supposed to have possessed
the south of Scandinavia, whence the Piks proceeded
to North Britain, it is proper to resume the consider-
ation of the latter. This name, which has been so
much mistaken by ancient and modern authors, re-
quires the first examination.
The labial letters, and among others the P and V,
are very apt to be interchanged in oral language.
Hence the same people were called Pihtar, or Piks,
more anciently and properly; and latterly Vihtveriar,
and by contraction, Vihtar, or Viks. The first name
was the most ancient, though even in Ammianus we
find Vecturiones for Piks. Common names are indeed
$
CHAP. III.
173
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
liable to perpetual corruption and abuse. In Norway,
the real ancient name seems to have been Pihtar, as
we find it in the Saxon Chronicle; but afterward
Vihtar, as in the Sagas, all of which are later than
that Chronicle. Having premised these remarks, let
us proceed to illustrate the ancient seats of the Piks
in Norway.
Torfæus, the greatest antiquary whom this century
has produced, and deserving of the highest praise,
not only from his country, but from all Europe, has,
in the description of Norway, which commences his
large and valuable history of that country, given us
many lights on Vika or Vichia, the ancient kingdom
of the Piks, though he has not dropt one hint that it
produced the Piks so noted in Roman history. His
researches, confined to northern antiquities, have not
suggested to him the least idea of this; and I am
forced to take upon myself the whole weight of this
discovery. Torfæus informs us, that the whole of
that country in the south of Norway, which sur-
rounds the bay of Opslo, or Osloa, or Christiana,
was anciently called VIKA, and its islands the VIKR
Isles. It comprehended the provinces of Raumarik,
Ringarik, Hadaland, Thotnia, Heidmarch, and Gud-
brandsdal. This country is in modern maps called
The Government of Agerhus, being about two hun-
dred miles long, and one hundred broad. It is re-
markable that it lies on the east, and not on the west
of Norway, where one would naturally imagine that
the government of Bergen, being the whole south-
west part of Norway, and stretching along the West-
ern Ocean, would have been the natural parent of
those Piks, who crossed that small track of that ocean
which lies between Norway and Scotland. But these
affairs do not happen in such formal order, else the
Dutch, and not the Jutes, Saxons, and Angles, would
have seized England. It may, however, well be in-
174
PART III.
PIKS.
ferred, that, in times preceding any Sagas, or other
memorials of Norwegian history, the whole Norwe-
gians were called Pihtar, as being Peukini, though
afterward this name only remained to a great part;
as Es-Sex, and Middle Sex, or East Saxony, and
Middle Saxony, remain names of counties in Eng-
land, though not exceeding a quarter of the ancient
dominions of the Saxons in that country. Be this
as it may, it is sufficient that ancient Vika stretched
along that sea, which is to the south of Norway, to
the extent of about one hundred and fifty miles; for
Vik-Siden, or the Vik Side, spread, even in the time of
Torfæus, down to Bahus on the east. Here were
150 miles of sea-coast open to the people of Vika,
directly opposite to the north of Scotland, and only
about 240 miles from it.
There are no Northern Sagas or Histories extant
which can be called older than the eleventh century.
Arius Frodi, the first historian, is of the twelfth cen-
tury; Snorro Sturleson of the thirteenth. Much ob-
scurity therefore hangs around the history of Norway
till about the year 900, when Harald Harfagre, one
of the petty kings of that country, conquering ten or
twelve others, arose monarch of all Norway. Among
the conquered kingdoms, Vika is expressly mention-
ed by Torfæus, II. 18. But the inland parts of this
large country had been split into three or four king-
doms, Rauma-rik, Ringa-rik, Heidmark, &c. all of
which occur often in Torfæus by these names, and
under distinct kings; while the kingdom of Vika was
confined to that part which lay along the sea, as ap-
pears from many passages of Torfæus, and especially
frequent mention of invaders landing and ravaging
the territories of Vika. And Olaus Magnus means
this part, when he says, Vichia olim regnum :
"Vichia,
anciently a kingdom."
I
• Historia (should be descriptio) Gent. Septen. ad fin. ubi Elen
chus Regn. Sept.
CHAP. III.
175
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
Such hints as can be found concerning Vika or
Vichia in the northern writers shall here be thrown
together. Torfæus describes Vik-Siden, a great part
of the coast of ancient Vika yet retaining that name,
as a beautiful country, ornamented with large plains,
thick woods of fir, and moderate hills, that, swelling
down to the shore, are intersected with large and
small creeks. The ancient inhabitants were of re-
markable ferocity, and scrupled not to invade and ra-
vage their neighbours. The river Gautelf runs through
this part of Vika, and forms a great cataract, under
which, between the water and the rocks, banditti used
to lurk. In this part of Vika is also Konga-hilla, or
Kings-hill, central to the dominions of Denmark,
Norway, and Sweden; and where the three kings
used to meet when a conference was appointed. This
country is fertile, and remarkable for ale of peculiar
strength. The shore was anciently noted for its her-
ring fishery, but the shoals have now abandoned it.
The south-east part was also called Alfheim, from
Alf, the king. Fredericshall, where Charles XII. was
shot, stands in the midst of this country. Dall Vik
was another division of Vika, comprising three pro-
vinces, Rauma-rik, Heidmarch, and Gudbrandsdal.
In the Edda we find Vitr-Gut, the grandson, and
Pitta, the great grandson of Odin. Some of these
names seem national, as we find Geta, &c. in other
genealogies from Odin; and it may well be suspect-
ed, that Vitr-Gut and Pitta have both reference to the
Vikr Goths or Pihtar. Torfæus observes, in his Se-
ries Regum Daniæ, that this Pitta is called Vitta by
the Saxon writers of England; and he generally oc-
curs in the genealogies of their kings from Ödin,
along with Geta, &c. In the Nori Regnum of Ramus,
being an history of Norway prior to Harald Harfa-
gre, or 900, we find the following story concerning a
king of Vika, which Ramus dates in the year of the
1
176
PART III.
PIKS.
world 3960, or about 40 years before Christ. But,
according to the error of last century, the northern
authors placed events many ages too ancient; and
Torfæus and Ramus have shewn so little judgment in
this point, as to suppose the events preceding our
era known, and those for many centuries after un-
known of which Ramus, in this very book, affords
a remarkable instance, for he narrates numerous mat-
ters prior to our era, yet gravely tells us, that for the
first 338 years after it, nothing is known! Torfæus
had in like manner dated the reign of Hrolf Krak,
king of Denmark, before our era; till, upon further
examination of his story, finding adventures with a
king of Northumberland, and the like, he was forced
to date it 500 years after. But, in fact, there is no
memory of northern affairs preceding the year 500;'
and this tale may be dated about the eighth century.
Here it is. "At that time died Asvid, son of Alf,
king of Heidmarch. Asmund, king of Vikia, the son
of Bero, wishing not to survive the death of his sworn
brother, took with him some meat and drink, and went
down into the sepulchre of Asvid, which was in a
deep cavern. Eric coming to the place with many
Swedes, his soldiers expecting to find a treasure in
the tomb of Asvid, opened a passage to the cavern
at its top, and let down one of their number in a bas-
ket. Asmund, repenting of his resolution, seized the
occasion, threw out the soldier, and mounting the
basket himself, was drawn up by the Swedes. They
being terrified out of measure at this unexpected ap-
parition, fled with great precipitation, Asmund in vain
trying to recal them. For he was so torn in the face,
by fighting every night with the ghost of Asvid, that
he resembled a mangled corse."*
• See Dissertation annexed.
i
* The book of Ramus being very scarce, the original is subjoin-
ed. "Illis diebus fato concesserat Asvidus; cujus sepulchrum, ob
CHAP. III.
177
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
Ramus also mentions Alf, king of Alfheim, or Vi-
kia, whose daughter Alfhilda, Starcater, the Fingal of
the north, carried off and married. Torfæus, in his
History of Norway, is quite full of Vika; as a coun-
try of Norway, and as bordering on the southern sea,
the most exposed to invasions. But of its kings, I be-
lieve few other names are known except the two above
mentioned. The whole history of Norway prior to
900, when Harold Harfagre, or fair-hair, became sole
king, is unknown, or bordering on romance. Vika
being latterly but one of ten or twelve kingdoms in
Norway, its history has perished, as that of the others;
both by reason of the confusion inseparable from the
mingled events of such small states, and because no
writers arose till the twelfth century, long after the
extinction of these states. Eric Blodox, son and suc-
cessor of Harald Harfagre, 933, had at first but half
of Norway; Olaf, one of his brothers, usurping Vika,
and Sigrod, the other, Thrandia: but Eric entering
Vika, engaged both his brothers, and slew them. In
938, Torfæus tells, that Haco, king of Norway, resto-
red Thorstein, lord of Vika, to his hereditary posses-
sion; and in 942, Haco cleared Vika of Danes and
pirates. About the year 1000, in the time of Harold
Blaatand, we find strong disputes in Vika, whether
the Pagan or Christian religion should prevail. King
Olaf Tryggvin, about 1025, converted all Vicha to
cum
amicitiæ fœdus, adscito potu et cibo, intraverat Asmundus Beronis
Vikiæ rex, jurati fratris neci superesse nolens. Inciderat jam forte
Ericus, cum magna Suecorum manu, in Asvidi tumulum:
Sueci, thesaurum se inventuros rati, perfracto colle, militem sporta
in antrum dimittunt. Ea captata occasione, militem de sede disjecit
Asmundus, ejusque loco corbem ipse conscendens a Suecis extractus
est. Illi forma ejus inusitata territi, in pedes se conjiciunt; Asmundo
timidos frustra revocante. Adeo enim erat facie laceratus, certamine
scilicet cum Asvidi manibus nocte quavis habito, ut defuncti plane
speciem referret." p. 33. Sworn brothers is a well known term of
chivalry, derived from the early customs of the Goths.
VOL. I.
M
178
PART III.
PIKS.
Christianity. After this Vika is often mentioned, till
the close of the Norwegian history, in the fourteenth
century, when it coalesced with that of Denmark.
The Vikar were a rebellious people; and in particu-
lar the grand faction of the Baglar, so prominent in
the later history of Norway, consisted chiefly of Vi-
kar.'
In the Icelandic, or old Norwegian tongue, wik is
a bay or haven, as some say; but, according to the
Icelandic lexicon of Andreas, Vik is a promontory, or
corner. Many towns in the northern kingdoms end
in wic or vic, as Sandwic in Norway, &c. But this
word cannot well, in either acceptation, be supposed
to be the very name of VIKA, a territory 200 miles
long, and 100 broad; for how absurd an appellation
would the Bay, the Haven, the Corner, the Promonto-
ry, be for such a country! Beside, the whole north-
ern writers call this country as often Vichia as Vika,
and have never dropt a single hint that this name was
from vik. There is one kingdom in Europe which
takes its name from a haven, Portugal from Portus
Calle; but this name is from a special haven; and
to have called it The Haven in general, would have
been so absurd, as never to have struck the weakest
mind; for it would have been a name that was no
name, but might apply to a thousand other places. It
therefore appears that VIK or VICH, the name of
this kingdom, has no more connexion with vik, "a
haven," &c. than any word has to do with another
identically so spelled, but of a quite different import.
We know what smiles Somner occasioned when he
derived Cumberland from people being cumbered in
going over its hills. Flintshire, it is presumed, did
not take that name from its abounding in flint; nor
Cheshire from its cheese. But so obvious a point need
not be insisted on; and it appears to me that the
Torfæi, Hist. Norv. passim.
CHAP. III.
179
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
name of Vik, and its people Vikar, are mere oral al-
terations of Pik and Pikar, the most ancient names;
and these, in all probability, a small variation from the
name Peukini, as Suitiod, or Sweden, is certainly from
the Sitones.
From Vik, a haven, the word Vikingur, a pirate,
seems to be formed, though Andreas derives it from
Vig, a ship. Some antiquaries have lately suppo-
sed that the name Piks is but a slight variation of
Vikingur, or pirates; but this opinion is liable to
many objections. 1. The very name Vikingur is too
remote from the name Pihtar, or Pehts, or Piks, to
be the same; for though all grant P and V are labial
letters easily commutable, yet the ingur of the ter-
mination is essential, and incapable of omission or
change. 2. The Saxon Chronicle, and King Alfred,
in his translation of Beda, call the Piks Pihtar, Pyhtar,
Pehtar, Peohtar; and the word Vikingur is not to be
found in writers more ancient than these, nor are the
Runic monuments in which it is found more ancient ;
so that had Vikingur been the real indigenal name,
it could not have escaped writers contemporary with
the Pikish monarchy, and of a nation bordering on
the Piks. 3. The old English historians sometimes
call the Danish pirates who invaded England Viccingi,
which is clearly the northern word Vikingur, but the
Piks they always call Picti. 4. The words Pihtar,
Pyhtar, Pehtar, Vikar, Vichar, are absolute national
names; while Vikingur, or pirate, is a mere profes-
sional denomination, and could only apply to those
actually engaged in it.
Before leaving this part of the subject, it must be
observed, that the names VIK and VIKAR can be
traced in Scandinavia, so as to shew that it must have
been once much spread. In Sweden, is Vikia, a track
of Ostrogothia, four miles long, and one and a half
broad. Nay, on the south-east shore of the Baltic, in
180
PART III.
PIKS.
Esthonia, is another Vikia, a district twelve miles long,
and ten broad. Though these small parts, compared
to the Vika of Norway, be as drops to the ocean, yet
being in the identic progress by which, as is shewn
in the Dissertation annexed, the Peukini proceeded
into Scandinavia, it might not be wholly unreason-
able to infer that they derive their names from some
of the Peukini settled there.' So the Saxons, who
gave their name to Saxony in Germany, have also
imparted it to Es-sex, and Middle-sex, and Sus-sex,
in England.
That the nations who over-ran Europe upon the
fall of the Roman empire proceeded from Scandina-
via, is shewn, in the Dissertation added, to be a vulgar
error, built solely on a gross misrepresentation of
the meaning of Jornandes, a weak writer of a barba-
rous age; who says the old Scythians proceeded from
Scandinavia, and that it is of course the real ancient
Scythia: but who in this wild assertion is flatly con-
tradicted by Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and other
ancients, who expressly mark the progress of the Scy-
thians to have been from present Persia; so that their
course lay north-west, instead of south-east; and
Scandinavia, instead of the first, was almost the last
country they held. Scandinavia is one of the most
mountainous regions in the world, and such countries
are always thinly inhabited, as it always has been,
and is at present. The sole colonies it ever sent forth
were, 1. The Piks into Scotland, the opposite shore.
2. The Jutes and Danes. And latterly, after the
eighth century, 3. The Normans into France. 4. The
I Rudbeck, Atlant. I. 673, mentions, as on the north of Sweden,
the "Packtar, Paiktar, Pitur, Medel Paktar; Britanni Peihtar appel-
lant:" and says in another place, Vol. II. "Nostri infimam plebem
Paik, et pueros servulosque Poikar appellant." It seems hence that
the ancient name remained in remote corners, and among the vul-
gar, who retain old usages longest.
CHAP. III.
181
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
Waregori into Russia. 5. Into Iceland and Green-
land. 6. Into Ireland, the Hebudes and Orkneys.'
I
Now it is remarkable, that in the three first of these
colonies the name of the Vikar, the chief people of
ancient Norway, occurs. The Piks bear it expressly,
with the mere change of a labial letter, which change
was in the word Vikar, not in Pikar; for the north-
ern nations, fond of close and hard sounds, as the
cold climate renders their fibres rigid, and makes them
speak much through the teeth, or with as close lips
as possible, naturally prefered the close to the open
P, and thus changed the ancient Pikar to Vikar.
The Jutes are by the northern nations called Yeuts;
and Jutland, Yeutland, the J having here the same
sound as in the Italian. But this country was an-
ciently called Vitland, or Pitland; and its inhabitants,
Vits, or Pits. Verelius, a learned northern antiqua-
ry, tells that Jutland is the mere modern name of
Vitland; and Beda expressly calls the Jutes always
Vitæ, or Vits. Nor was this appellation of Vits, or
Pits, confined to Jutland, but extended even to the
Danish isles; for Meursius informs us, that in an-
cient times Zeeland, the grand seat of the Danish
monarchy, with Langland and Mona, were called Vit-
slett; which the learned Stephanius, in his notes on
Saxo, p. 28. col. 2. confirms, adding, that the same
name also extended to Falster and Laland, two other
All these colonies are well known, except the Waregori. Mul-
ler, who published German translations of the old Russian Chroni-
cles, first brought them to light, about 40 years ago. Nestor, the
Russian annalist, who wrote about the year 1100, mentions that they
consisted of Urmans, or Normans, Inglani, or Angles, and Gothi, or
Yeuts. In 862 they had settled on the White Sea, and were thence
invited into Russia. Ruric, or Roderic, their leader, fixed his throne
at Novogorod in 864. Same year Oscold and Dir delivered Kiow
from the Cosars, and reigned there. From Kiow they sailed down
the Boristhenes, and invaded Constantinople. But Ruric was the
founder of the Russian empire; and his house held the sceptre of
Russia till 1598, or for seven centuries. Muller, Samlang Russ.
Gesch. Parerga Hist. Dantisci, 1782, 4to.
182
PART III.
PIKS.
of these isles, and that it preceded that of Denmark,
and that the name Vitslett means The field of the Vits.
Perhaps it arose from the circumstance of Scandina-
via being hilly, and these isles plain and fertile. In
the third colony of the Normans in France, though
later than the two former by a thousand years, and
caused not by an overflow of people, but merely by
numbers of the Norwegians leaving their country,
where Harald Harfagre exercised the tyranny of an
universal conqueror, we still find this eminent name.
For the province of Picardie, the derivation of whose
name has baffled all the French antiquaries, was the
earliest settlement of the Norwegians in France, who
thence advanced to besiege Paris; and after acquired
Normandie. But Picardie being actually seized and
possessed by them for some time before they gained
Normandie, it was not included in the grant of Nor-
mandie, because already theirs by full conquest and
possession. Picardie is a province 48 leagues long,
and 38 broad. Its rivers are la Somme, l'Oyse, la
Cauche, la Scarpe, la Lys, and l'Aa. The name of
Picardie is unknown till the thirteenth century, when
Guillaume de Naugis first uses it, as Matthew of
Paris, under the year 1229, speaks of the Picards
who border on Flanders. It was about 900 that
Ganga Hrolf, or Rollo the Walker, (so called, be-
cause no horse could support his weighty stature)
a Norwegian earl, who, as not dishonourable in that
age, practised piracy, landed and ravaged a part of
Vika. Harald Harfagre, the new monarch of all
Norway, banished Rollo, who first passed to the west-
ern isles of Scotland; then invaded England, but
without any success; and at last went to Neustria, or
present Normandie, in France. After ravaging a
great part of the north of France, and besieging Pa-
ris, at length in 912 a treaty was made, by which all
Normandie was yielded to Rollo and his followers.
¹ See a Dissertation on Rollo in Torf. Hist. Norv. Tom. II.
CHAP. III.
183
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
Rollo lived to a great age, and left that province se-
cure to his successors; one of whom was after to as-
cend the throne of England. It was in 1205, that
Normandie was re-united to France, by Philip Au-
gustus and it is remarkable that the name of Picar-
die begins first to appear at this time. This seems
owing to the writers of Norman history being French-
men, and other foreigners, who used a general name
for the whole people; but when the French had got-
ten possession, and complete knowledge of the coun-
try, they found that the inhabitants of the eastern
part called themselves Pikars, and used that denomi-
nation for them in course.
Having thus displayed the seats of the Piks in
Scandinavia, it remains to trace them from thence to
Scotland, which can be done with the utmost certain-
ty that ancient history can bear.
Tacitus is the first writer who mentions the Cale-
donians, or Piks, in North Britain, and he gives his
opinion that they came from Germany: and he in-
cludes the people of Scandinavia, the Suiones, and
Sitones in Germany, so that Scandinavia was a part
of his Germany. His words are, in describing Britain,
Ceterum Britanniam qui mortales initio coluerint, indi-
genæ an advecti, ut inter Barbaros parum compertum.
Habitus Corporum varii, atque ex eo argumenta. Nam-
que rutila Caledoniam habitantium come, magni artus,
Germanicam originem asseverant. Silurum colorati
vultus et torti plerumque crines, et positu contra His-
paniam Iberos veteres trajecisse, easque sedes occupasse,
fidem faciunt. Proximi Gallis et similes sunt: seu du-
rante originis vi, seu, procurrentibus in diversa terris,
positio cæli corporibus habitum dedit. In universum ta-
men æstimanti Gallos vicinum solum occupasse credibile
est. "Moreover what mortals first inhabited Britain,
I
Tacit. in Agricola. Tacitus adds, Eorum sacra deprehendas super-
stitionum persuasione. Sermo haud multum diversus. "He is speaking
184
PART III.
PIKS.
indigenal or adventitious, is, as usual with barbarians,
little known. The habits of their bodies are various.
whence arguments may rise. For the red hair and
large limbs of those inhabiting Caledonia, assure us
of their German origin. The tawny faces, and ge-.
nerally curled hair of the Silures, and their position
opposite to Spain, make us believe that they are old
Iberi, who passed over, and occupied these seats.
Those next to the Gauls resemble the Gauls: whe-
ther because the strong feature of their origin conti-
nues, or that, their lands running out in diverse di-
rections, the position of the climate gave a different
habit to their bodies. Yet to one judging upon the
whole, it is credible that the Gauls occupied the
part next them." This passage is entitled to a com-
mentary. The red hair and large limbs are to this
day the grand features of the Scandinavians, while
the Scotish, Irish, and Welsh Celts are remarkable
for black hair, and a stature rather diminutive. The
Germans were equally remarkable for their red, yel-
low, and flaxen hair, which are all but different shades
of the same complexion. If my memory serves, some
of the Roman writers mention the yellow hair of the
Gauls, meaning those Gauls who bordered on Italy,
those of Gallia Bracata, Helvetia, &c. up to Belgium,
all of whom were real Germans, who had expelled
the old Gauls to the west, or Celtic Gaul; and were
called Gauls, as an Englishman is called a Briton.
The marks here given by Tacitus, however slight
they may seem now, are in fact extremely strong
among savages, as the Britons then were. The olive
complexion and lank hair of an East Indian; the
copper colour of an American; the sable face and
woolly head of an African, are infallible badges now:
་་
of the Belgic Gauls, and the Belgæ in Britain; among the former
he lived, and the latter were the only Britons he could know from
proximity.
CHAP. III.
185
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS,
and so were the distinctions of the Britons in the
time of Tacitus. The word ASSEVERANT, "assure,
used by Tacitus with regard to the Caledonians be-
ing of German extract, is firm and invincible; for
he had lived long among the Germans of Belgium,
and if he did not attend Agricola to this country,
he had an almost equal advantage of intimate and
continual conversation with him. As to another di-
vision of the Britons, namely the Silures, Tacitus is
not so clear. He says they might be of Spain, the cir-
cumstances fidem faciunt, "make us believe," "make
it credible." Tacitus proceeds to mention that the
Britons next Gaul resembled the Gauls; that is,
the Belge of the south and east resembled the Bel-
gic Gauls. And it also striking him at the same time,
that the Celtic Gauls opposite to the inhabitants of
the south-west of Britain resembled them, as in fact
the Celts do at this day, in sun-burnt faces, and curl-
ed hair, he adds, that upon the whole it is credible
that the Gauls occupied vicinum solum, the land next
them; that is, it was credible that the Silures might
also be of Gallic origin, as they lay near Gaul. A cri-
tic or two, who have intended to explain Tacitus to
others, without understanding him themselves, have
imagined that by the words in universum,
upon the
whole," that great writer meaned flatly to contradict
himself in the course of two sentences; and to infer
that all Britain was peopled from Gaul. In universum
is a mere phrase of transition; and has perhaps been
put by Tacitus with the same negligence, as he would
have put Sed, or Et. He uses the very identic phrase
when speaking of the German armies, In universum
æstimanti plus penes peditem robur, "Upon the whole,
the infantry have more force." But as this implies
not that all the German armies were of infantry, so
neither does the former imply that all the Britons
were of Gaul. He expressly adds, vicinum solum, “the
66
186
PART III.
PIKS.
neighbouring land," which can never apply to Ca-
ledonia, a country 500 miles from Gaul; and the
German origin of whose people he says is SURE, ɑs-
severant.
The weapons of war used by the Caledonians and
Germans were also the same. Tacitus shews that
both used long swords. In Annal. II. he gives long
spears to the Germans, a weapon remarkable in Scot-
land to the latest times. Herodian, Book III. says,
the Caledonians had short and narrow shields; and
so Tacitus of the Germans, Annal. III.
The next writers who mention the Caledonians,
are Dio and Herodian, who say nothing of their ori-
gin, but mention their custom of painting them-
selves; a custom, as above shewn, unknown to the
Celts, and an infallible badge of a Gothic nation :
as were the Belgæ of South Britain, who also retain-
ed it.
Eumenius and others, who mention the Piks, drop
no hint of their origin. Claudian, who wrote about
390, alludes to it:
Maduerunt Saxone fuso
Orcades. Incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule.
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.
The whole of this passage alludes to the victory obtain-
ed over the Saxons, Piks, and Scots, the ravagers of
Britain, by the general Theodosius. Claudian uses
all the privilege of poetry, and swells even to bombast,
a not unusual fault of his. The Orcades, his deceit-
ful and poetic memory
(For, where the scorching beams of fancy play,
The memory's soft figures melt away)
has confounded with the Zagovwv vnoo, or Isles of the
Saxons of Ptolemy, his countryman; which were
above the mouth of the Elbe, and are now de Strand,
CHAP. III.
187
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
and other isles, almost swallowed up at the south-west
extremity of Jutland, the real old seat of the Saxons,
as Ptolemy marks them. These isles were opposite
to the Orkneys, according to Ptolemy; and Claudian
has from ignorance, or want of memory, confounded
them. His verses evidently mean in bombastic praise
to assert, that Theodosius, not content with repelling
the Saxons, Piks, and Scots, chastised them all in their
original seats, the Isles of the Saxons, here absurdly
called Orcades; Thule, or Scandinavia; and Ierne,
Iɛgvn, as the Greek writers call it, or Ireland. That
Scandinavia was the Thule of the later Roman writers,
is clear from Procopius. If with Claudian we assert
Saxons in the Orkneys, we must prefer the language
of fiction, to the sober prose truth of all the ancients.
Some, to save his error, say this must have been a
naval battle: but that this was impossible will appear
from the narrative of the expedition of Theodosius
given us by Ammianus. But, not to found on poetry,
let us leave this passage, valeat quantum valere potest,
and attend to plain prose.
Beda wrote in 731, and was an author of prodigious
learning and judgment for the time, as his numerous
works declare. His Ecclesiastic History of the Eng-
lish nation, in five books, is the best of these works.
Would that it had been the civil history; and that
with fifty pages of facts, we had not three hundred of
miracles! Yet have we reason to rejoice that the Chris-
tian religion was then profest in Britain; as, without
it, even these precious fifty pages of facts might never
have appeared. Tacitus has his miracles as well as
Beda, and without his apology. Nor is the memorant
qui interfuere, respecting the miracles of Vespasian,
much less risible, than the vidimus of Irish books
curing poison, in Beda; who in that passage perhaps
silently quotes, a practice not unusual in the middle
ages, for this single word vidimus is the most promi-
188
PART III.
PIKS.
nent of all Beda's book, who tells other miracles by
hearsay. Livy is also full of miracles, though his
judgment in other points has never been questioned.
Beda's account of the origin of the Britons, Scots,
and Angli, is unquestionably just, which makes us
secure when he treats the Pikish origin. The Bri-
tons, he says, came de tractu Armoricano. By the
Britons, Beda always means the Welsh; but the sig-
nification of his Armorica is not clear. The more com-
mon meaning of Armorica is Bretagne, and that the
Welsh did not come from that track is certain. But
the term Armorica was very lax; and seems to have
extended in its real meaning of on the sea, or sea-shore,
along the whole coast of Gaul, even up to the Rhine.
And that the Cimbri, or German Celts, passed into
South Britain from Belgic Gaul, as the Belge did
long after, is most probable. Beda says, Book I. c.
21. that Germanus, bishop of Altisiodorum, or Aux-
erre, in Burgundy, went to Ravenna, pro pace Ar-
moricanæ gentis supplicaturus, "to supplicate for the
peace of Armorica." Auxerre is quite remote from
Bretagne, but is on the borders of Belgic Gaul.
Beda's Armorica seems to be French Flanders. After
all, Beda is here speaking of the first population of
this island, which was certainly by Gael, from Celtic
Gaul, in which Armorica, in its usual acceptation of
Bretagne, lies. Beda, not knowing that the Cimbri
had driven those Gael into Ireland, might, from the
great remoteness of that event, confound the two
colonies; and thinking the Cimbri the first inhabit-
ants, and learning that the first inhabitants came
from Celtic Gaul, might of course derive the Cimbri
from Celtic Gaul. This origin of the Britons is the
only one given by Beda, which seems to need de-
fence and the reason is clear. The Gael had pos-
sibly peopled this country two thousand
years before
Christ, and the Cimbri one thousand. No wonder
then that, in such remote events, Beda might be em-
CHAP. III,
189
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
barrassed. But the Piks had not come in till about
200 years before Christ; the Scots till 258 years
after; nor the Jutes till 449 years after. The Piks
had expelled the Cimbri; and even their arrival was
a recent event, compared with that of the Welsh
Britons. Hence, though Beda might err with regard
to the origin of these Britons, this would never inva-
lidate his other origins. Indeed the origins of na-
tions are the greatest events in history, and leave the
strongest traces behind them. Beda's origin of the
Angli has never been questioned. That of the Scots
has, by the antiquaries of Scotland, who are the shal-
lowest that ever disgraced a country, and instead of
READING facts, persist in WRITING opinions.
grand points of history supported by all authorities,
which are FACTS in all other countries, are in Scot-
land OPINIONS; and by a species of ignorance, which
we term philosophy, we doubt of historic truth, but
greedily embrace any poetical fiction. Amid the
highest reverence for the literature of his country,
the warmest wish esto perpetua; the author, sensible
of his good intentions, hesitates not to point out its
faults. But the origin of the Scots is reserved for
especial consideration in its proper place.
The
Beda's account of the origin of the Piks supports,
and is supported by, that of Tacitus. It follows:
Et cum plurimam insulæ partem [Britones] incipientes
ab austro possedissent, contigit gentem Pictorum de
Scythia, ut perhibent, longis navibus non multis, ocea-
num ingressam, &c. and then they proceeded to Ire-
land, but not finding a settlement, went over to the
north of Britain, where they settled; Itaque petentes
Britanniam Picti, habitare per septentrionales insulæ
partes cœperunt. Nam austrina Britones occupaverunt.
And when the Britons, beginning from the south,
had possessed the greater part of the island, it hap-
pened that the nation of the Piks, entering the ocean
190
PART III.
PIKS.
from Scythia, as is reported, in not many large ships,"
came to Ireland, where finding no settlement, they
went over to North Britain; "Therefore the Piks
going to Britain, began to inhabit the northern parts
of the island. For the Britons had seized the south."
The SCYTHIA of Beda is the GERMANY of Tacitus.
The latter includes the nations of Scandinavia among
the Germans; and Scythia had by Jornandes, 200
years before Beda, been a name given to Scandina-
via: as indeed the Greeks had, 400 years before
Christ, called Germany Scythia, and especially the
north of it, as may be seen in the Dissertation an-
nexed. But to give the reader full satisfaction on
this point, let us examine it here a little.
The error of Jornandes did not consist in calling
Scandinavia, Scythia; for nothing is more certain,
as shewn in the Dissertation, than that the Germans
and Scandinavians were Scythians. But it lay in
supposing Scandinavia the most ancient Scythia, from
which all the Scythians proceeded. Jornandes tells,
that the Scythians, or Goths, went from Scandinavia,
his ancient Scythia, in three ships, under King Be-
rig; an event which, according to him, must have
happened four thousand years before Christ; for he
after proceeds to state their progress to Little Scythia,
on the Euxine, and their expedition against Vexores,
king of Egypt. This tale of Jornandes is in flat con-
tradiction to Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and other
ancients; and is so unfounded that it confutes itself.
The three ships; the one that lagged behind, whence
the nation of Gepidæ, or Loiterers; their arrival at
Owin, in the north of Germany, where, by the falling
of a bridge, a part were left, and the noise of their
cattle heard to this day; are all circumstances that
would disgrace one of Mother Goose's Tales. Yet
has this weak fable overturned the whole history of
Europe! I beg pardon of Jornandes; it is not his
CHAP. III.
191
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
tale, but a gross misconception of it, which has had
such important effects! A gross misconception, which
has passed current among the most able writers, and
at this hour stains the pages of Montesquieu, and
other famous men!
O cæcas hominum mentes! O pectora cæca !
This misconception lies in supposing that Jornandes
brings the Goths from Scandinavia, about 200 years
after Christ, as their name appears in Roman history
about 250. Jornandes, ignorant as he was, well knew
that, by the consent of all antiquity, the Scythians,
Getæ, and Goths, were one and the same people;
and he always uses these words synonymously; and
he never even dreamed of the Goths being a late co-
lony from Scandinavia, as above shewn. Hence this
gross error lies totally with our modern celeberrimi,
and not with Jornandes.
But the fact is, as amply detailed in the Disserta-
tion annexed, that the Scythians, otherwise called
Getæ, or Goths, proceeded from modern Persia up-
ward, over the river Araxes, in Armenia, and the
mountains of Caucasus, into Little or Ancient Scythia,
on the Euxine. Thence they spread into Thrace,
Greece, Illyricum, Dacia, Germany, Scandinavia.
From Scandinavia they proceeded to Scotland, Jut-
land, and the Danish isles. From Germany, to Gaul,
and Spain, and Italy; and form at this day almost
the whole inhabitants of Europe, the few Celts in
the British isles, the Fins of Lapland, Finland, and
Hungary, and the Sarmatians of Russia and Poland,
being the sole exceptions. Herodotus knew the
Germans by no other name or distinction, but as
Scythians. Timæus, and other ancient writers, quo-
ted by Pliny, call the north of Germany, Scythia.
But Jornandes, being a writer much admired in the
middle ages, was followed by Isidorus, Beda, Paulus
192
PART III.
PIKS.
Diaconus, &c. and it is from him that we must date
their ascription of the name of Scythia to Scandina-
via. The old geographer of Ravenna, who, accord-
ing to Gronovius, wrote in the eighth century, says,
Book V. p. 106. edit. Gronov. 1696, 8vo. In ipso autem
oceano septentrionali.... est insula
est insula quæ dicitur Scanza,
quæ et Antiqua Scythia a plurimis cosmographis appel-
latur. "In the Northern Ocean is an island called
Scanza,” (a name always given by Jornandes, &c. to
Scandinavia)" which is also called Ancient Scythia
by many cosmographers." Even so late as the tenth
century Audradus Modicus calls the Normans, who
ravaged France in his time, SCYTHE: apud Duchesne
Script. Franc. Tom. II. p. 361. Nay, our Fordun,
Lib. I. c. 5. describes Scythia as bounded by the Bal-
tic; and c. 30, 31, says the Piks came from it. And
the name was generally used; for Anastasius Sinaita,
a writer of the ninth age, says, Σκυθίαν δε ειώθασι καλειν
οι παλαιοι το κλιμα άπαν το Βορειον, ενθα οισιν δι Γοτθοι και
Δανεις : "The ancients are accustomed to call all the
northern region Scythia, where are the Goths and
Danes." But not to insist further on a point so well
known to the learned, let us proceed to state other
evidences that the Piks came from Scandinavia,
though the above be fully sufficient, and any further
proof be a work of supererogation.
Nennius wrote his history of the Britons, or rather
wild declamation concerning them, in 858, as appears
from his work (pref. ch. 1. and 11. &c.) and sent it
to Samuel, his friend, who made many alterations on
it. But as we know not whether Nennius, or Samuel,
was the weaker writer, it is absurd to imagine with
Bertram, his last editor, that Samuel was, and that
the weakest passages are his; while they seem to
have been perfectly matched, so that the whole work
may be taken in the mass and quoted as written by
Nennius and Samuel. The book has, however, its
6
CHAP. III.
193
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
value, as shewing the traditions and opinions of the
Welsh at the time it was written; and though, com-
pared to a Gothic Saga, it be as the dream of the
sick compared to the dream of a sound mind, it has
however been quoted by the most severe writers.
Nennius and Samuel, in their fifth chapter, after nar-
rating the arrival of the Britons, and before telling
that of the Scots into Ireland from Spain, say, that 900
years after the time of Heli the priest, mentioned in
ch. 4. and who lived 1200 years before Christ, that
is, three hundred years before Christ, the Piks came
to the Orkneys. Whence they seized all the north
part of Britain, amounting to one third; and "hold
it to this day:" that is, in 858, or just fifteen years after
the Celtic dunces, who were the fathers of our his-
tory, tell that Kenneth, who in fact merely acceded
to the Pikish throne, as shall be shewn after, had
conquered the Piks seven times in one day, and in-
viting that whole great nation to an entertainment,
had killed them all-and devoured them! But take
the words of Nennius and Samuel. Post intervallum
annorum multorum, non minus DCCCC, Picti venerunt,
et occupaverunt insulas quæ Orcades vocantur. Et
postea ex insulis affinitimis vastaverunt non modicas et
multas regiones; occupaveruntque eas in sinistrali plaga
Britanniæ, et manent usque in hodiernum diem. Ibi
tertiam partem Britanniæ tenuerunt; et tenent usque
nunc. "After an interval of many years, not less than
nine hundred" [from the time of Eli,]" the Piks
came, and possessed the islands called Orkneys. And
after from the neighbouring isles" [the Hebudes]
they ravaged many large regions; and seized on
those in the LEFT part of Britain, and remain to this
day. There they held the third part of Britain, and
hold it at present.
The word sinistrali, or left,
means the north; a term which would readily occur
VOL. I.
22
N
194
PART III.
PIKS.
..
The
to a priest who turns his face to the east.'
whole passage accords with Beda. The Piks coming
from Norway seized on the Orkneys; thence went
to Ireland, the usual course of the Norwegian inva
ders, but finding no settlement, returned to the He-
budes, where they fixt the first seat of their dominion
and where Solinus, about 250, describes their mo-
narchy. Thence they invaded and seized all Scot-
land by degrees.
;
The Saxon Chronicle, written in the eleventh cen-
tury, says, that the Piks came from rupan of Scitpiar,
Suthan of Scitthian, "south of Scythia." That is,
the south of Scandinavia, where Vika lay, as above
shewn.
The whole ancient English historians, who men-
tion the origin of the Piks, say they came from Scy-
thia, or Scandinavia. It is needless to crowd these
pages with their expressions, while the reader can so
easily satisfy himself, if he doubts.
Geofrey of Monmouth, though a Celtic writer, and
a fabulist, yet in so grand and known a point must
have followed the traditional opinion of his country.
He dates the first arrival of the Piks in the time of
Vespasian; and says, quidam rex Pictorum vocabulo
Rodric, de Scythia cum magna classe veniens, applicuit
in aquilonarem partem Britannia. Lib. IV. c. 17. A
second arrival Geofrey places in the time of Severus,
when one Fulgenius passing to Scythia, (transfretan-
tem in Scythiam) brought assistance from the Piks,
and settled them in the north of Britain. A third
arrival, under Gratian and Valentinian, is mentioned
by an old author of an Eulogium Britanniæ, quoted
• Nennius uses the same phrase in different places, as c. 61. and
c. 64. he says: "Ida filius Eobbæ tenuit regiones in sinistrali
parte Humbri." He is speaking of Ida, first king of Northumber-
land.
CHAP. III.
195
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
by Usher,' who says, Gratianus et Valentinianus, fra-
tres et imperii consortes, gentem Gothicam Pictorum,
in rebus bellicis fortem et strenuam, beneficiis et blan-
ditiis allectam, a Scythia finibus ad Britanniam direxe-
runt. At Britones inermes, et omni militia nudati, a
Pictis suppeditantur, sic quod Picti accolæ facti sunt
in parte Britanniæ aquilonari. "Gratian and Va-
lentinian, brothers and joint emperors, brought the
Gothic nation of the Piks (bold and vigorous in war,
and won by benefits and promises) from the country
of Scythia into Britain. But the Britons, unarmed
and destitute of discipline, are supplanted by the
Piks, so that the Piks became their neighbours in
the northern part of Britain." And Giraldus Cam-
brensis, de Institutione Principis, Lib. I.* says, Cum
Maximus tyrannus de Britannia in Galliam, cum
robore virorum et virium, necnon et armorum, insulæ
toto, ad occupandum Imperium transvectus fuisset,
Gratianus et Valentinianus, fratres Imperiique consor-
tes, gentem Gothicam, in rebus bellicis fortem ac stre-
nuam, sibi quoque vel confœderatam, vel subjectam, et
imperialibus beneficiis obstrictam, a Scythia finibus, in
aquilonares Britanniæ partes, ad Britones infestandum,
et tyrannum cum juventute revocandum, navigio trans-
miserunt. Illi vero, tum quoniam pro innata Gothorum
bellicositate prævalidi fuerunt, tum quoniam insulam
viris ac viribus vacuam invenerunt, Boreales ejusdem
partes, ac provincias non modicas, ex prædonibus accolœ
facti sibi usurpatas occupaverunt. "When Maximus
the tyrant had passed from Britain into Gaul, with
• Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates, Cap. XV. p. 308.
Edit. London. 1687, fol.
* Ibid. This work of Giraldus is a very scarce MS. One is in
the Cotton Library, Julius, B. XIII. and this passage may be found
literatim, Lib. I. c. 18. De Principum electorum tam vita laudabili
quam fine, f v. 50: where, in giving brief lives of Roman emperors,
he mentions the origin of the Piks and Scots, when they first appear
in Roman history.
196
PART III.
PIKS.
the whole force of men, strength and arms of the
island, in order to seize on the empire, Gratian and
Valentinian, brothers and joint emperors, transmitted
in ships a Gothic nation, strong and vigorous in war,
and either confederate with, or subject to them, and
bound by their imperial benefits, from the territory
of Scythia, into the northern parts of Britain, to in-
fest the Britons, and cause the tyrant to return with
his young army. But they, as well because that they
were very powerful from the innate warlike spirit of
the Goths, as by reason they found the island empty
of men and strength, from ravagers became inhabit-
ants; and usurping the northern parts, and no small
provinces, held them to themselves."
As we have Tacitus and Beda, writers unknown
to the Welsh fablers, we know that the periods above
fixt are absolutely false. 1. That the Piks could not
come in the time of Vespasian, we know from Taci-
tus and Ptolemy. 2. That they did not come in that
of Severus, from Dio and Herodian, who still found
the same Caledonii in Scotland, that Tacitus and
Ptolemy had. 3. That they came not under Gratian
and Valentinian, or after 375, when these emperors
began to reign, is clear from Eumenius, who mentions
Constantius in 306, as having pervaded Caledonum
aliorumque Pictorum sylvas, "the woods of the Cale-
donians, and other Piks." Indeed no one would ever
think of setting these Welsh fablers against Tacitus
and Beda, or even against Nennius and Samuel, their
countrymen, but older by three whole centuries, and
which last assert the Piks to have been here 300 years
before Christ. But not to insist on a point where no
difficulty occurs, it is well known to be quite another
matter to know a FACT, and to know the date of it.
The Northern Sagas, and earliest Histories, are infal-
libly right that the Goths came from Scythia on the
Tanais; but when they date this in the time of Pom-
CHAP. III.
197
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
pey, as Snorro does, they only excite ridicule; for
we know that the Goths could not, as they tell, pass
through all Germany, and go into Scandinavia by Jut-
land and Zeeland, while Cæsar was at that very time
warring in Germany, yet knew nothing of so enor-
mous an event. Chronology is always deficient among
barbarous nations; and in traditional history it is al-
ways confused. Nennius tells us that in his time the
Welsh had not one historian ;' and how Geofrey and
Giraldus, who wrote about 1150, three centuries after
Nennius, could discover these pretended settlements
of the Piks, save by a special revelation, is humbly sub-
mitted to the reader's judgment. But that the Piks
were Goths from Scandinavia, is clear from Tacitus.
and Beda; and that Geofrey and Giraldus knew this
great fact, though they erred in the date, is no wonder.
Facts remain while dates perish.
The countries nearest Scotland, and whose writers
had of course the best opportunity to mark the origin
of the Piks, are Norway and Denmark on the east,
Iceland on the north, Ireland on the west, and Eng-
land and Wales on the south. The writers of Nor-
way, Denmark, and Iceland, are silent as to the event
of the Piks passing to Scotland; just as Saxo and
others are silent as to the Jutes and Angles passing
to England. But from them we fully trace the Piks
in Norway, as above shewn. The English and Welsh
writers are decided that the Piks came from Scandi-
navia, as before specified; and so are the Irish, as
shall be stated. When all authorities thus agree, and
every argument from reason supports them; he must
be a visionary, who would advance the theories of
* Sed quoniam utcunque historiographum Britannorum me malo
esse quam neminem. Præf. Ego Nennius, Sancti Elbodi discipulus,
aliqua excerpta scribere curavi, quæ hebetudo gentis Britanniæ de-
jecerat; quia nullam peritiam habuerunt, neque ullam commemora-
tionem in libris posuerunt, doctores illius insula Britanniæ. Init, op,
198
PART III.
PIKS.
Camden, Lloyd, and Innes (certainly not profound
writers,) against a fact positive even to mathemati-
cal truth, or at least to a degree which no fact what-
ever in ancient history can exceed: for no fact of
Greek or Roman history is supported by numerous
testimonies of neighbouring nations as this is.
O Flaherty, in his Ogygia, Part III. ch. 18. treats
Pictorum in Hiberniam, et inde in Britanniam, migratio.
"The Migration of the Piks into Ireland, and thence
to Britain." His authority is nothing. It is that of
the ancient writers, whom he and other Irish anti-
quaries quote, that merits regard. These say that
the Piks came from Denmark and Norway to Ireland,
where finding no settlement, they went over to North
Britain. The whole Irish Annals that mention the
Pikish origin, and in particular the book of Lecan,
place the arrival of the Piks in the reign of Heremon,
the founder of the Milesian race; that is, as they
dream, thirteen hundred years before Christ. This
shews however that in Ireland, which was in the time
of Beda remarkable for such learning as then existed,
it was well known that the Piks had come to Scotland
at a most remote and ancient period.
It is unnecessary to add any more authorities. Suf-
fice it to say, that EVERY writer who mentions the
origin of the Piks till 1707, when Lloyd's Archæologia
appeared, derives them from Scandinavia, excepting
Camden alone. Camden applied to some very igno-
rant Welshman, as appears from his papers in the Mu-
sæum,' for etymologies and hints for his Britannia.
Humphrey Lluyd, though much too learned to make
the Piks Welsh, had yet by his Commentariolum, print-
ed about 1570, introduced a ridiculous desire among
his countrymen of making eminent men, and nations,
of antiquity, Welsh. Brennus and his German Gauls
* Cotton Lib. Julius, F. X
CHAP. III.
199
ORIGIN OF THE PIKS.
are with him all Welsh of Wales, with other such
anility. Hence this Cambrian counsellor of Camden,
being so ignorant as not even to suspect the blaze of evi-
dence against him, thought he would also try his hand,
and make some more Welsh; so seized on Galgacus
and the Piks, and threw them into his Welsh mould.
But Camden, who was himself far from versed in such
subjects, seems to have met his Welsh adjutant half
way; for some arguments, he details, seem to be from
his own store. It appears from his work, that he clear-
ly saw the Caledonians and Piks were all one, which it
indeed required no penetration to discover; he also
knew that the Caledonians were Britons-here was
the rub! He forgot that he was himself a Briton; and
yet was no Welshman. Had he acutely studied Cæsar,
he might have learned that the Belga, who possessed
half of present England, when Cæsar came, were Bri-
tons, and yet were not Welsh, but real Goths of Ger-
many; or, if you please, real Englishmen, being as
much English as the Saxons. But the arguments that
the Piks were Welsh being already shewn in the pre-
ceding Section to be absurd, that ground need not
be trodden again. Camden is a valuable topographer,
which he may well be without any pretence to learning;
but with regard to the origin of nations, a subject re-
quiring the most profound learning, his knowledge
was most imperfect, and is the object of contempt
to his learned countrymen, Usher, Stillingfleet, Sher-
ingham, and others.
At length the eighteenth century, fatal to real and
solid literature, was to arise. A century in which
learning, the grand foundation of philosophy among
the ancients, began to be despised; and ignorance
was called philosophy. Now and not before, among
other great discoveries, were the whole nations of
Europe to be Celts; and the Piks to be Welsh, Irish,
or what you will. That the Piks were Welsh, is sup-
200
PART III.
PIKS.
}
ported by the names of Lloyd, Innes, Guthrie, Hume,
Whitaker, &c. and within these ten years that they
were Gael, or Irish, by those of that par nobile the
Macphersons, of Henry, and I tremble to say Gibbon,
which last, instead of bestowing even the slightest
examination on the subject, has been led by the Mac-
phersons, whose little local designs his large mind
could not even suspect. Such is the progressive de-
cline of literature! To such heights will ignorance
arrive! But since printing is invented, the materials
of science cannot be lost, though science itself may:
and it may safely be prophesied that learning, as it
ebbs in one century, may flow in another. As it is
observed that the darkness of night is always thickest
just before the dawn springs, such is it to be hoped
will be the case here.
CHAP. IV. EPOCH OF THE PIKISH SETTLEMENT.
201
CHAPTER IV.
Epoch of the Pikish Settlement in Scotland.
THE time when the Piks first settled in present Scot-
land well deserves a separate consideration. Chro-
nology is the latest improvement of history; and is
never to be expected among uncivilized nations. Yet
of the period of the great event now considered there
are many marks.
From the Dissertation, at the end of this work, it
will appear that the Goths had peopled Germany and
Scandinavia about 500 years before our era. Being
a progeny whose sole trade was war, their inroads
upon their neighbours were perpetual; and their pro-
gress, from their superiority in arms, continuous.
The settlements of the Belge, and other German na-
tions in Gaul, cannot be dated later than 400 years
before Christ; for in Cæsar's time we find them spread
from Belgic Gaul over a great part of Britain, and
so effectually fixt as to be warring among themselves,
the Cimbri, their old enemies, being driven to the
north and west. Not less than 150 years can, in the
course of human affairs, be allowed for so ample and
complete a settlement as this of the Belge in Britain;
and Cæsar gives no hint that it was a recent affair.
So that it may safely be supposed that the Belgæ, the
real ancestors of three quarters of the present Eng-
lish, were settled in the south and east coasts at least
200 years before Christ; and began these settlements
about 300 years before Christ.
202
PART III.
PIKS.
The Peukini, Peohtar, Pihtar, Vichar, or Piks, were,
as would appear, also settled in Scandinavia at least
500 years before our era. From thence their only
two ancient migrations were into Scotland and Den-
mark. It is a matter of curious consideration which
of these colonies preceded in order of time. From
the greater vicinity of Denmark, it might reasonably
be inferred that it was held by the earliest colony.
But there are facts which weigh against this opinion;
and human affairs by no means proceed in formal
order.
The Cimbri, or Cimmerii, ancient Celtic inhabi-
tants of Germany, and who spread from the Bospho-
rus Cimmerius on the Euxine, north to about Mos-
cow in Russia; and west to the Chersonesus Cimme-
rius, or Jutland, and to Britain, where the Cumri, or
Welsh, still retain their name, as the aboriginal Irish
do that of Gael, or Gaulic Celts, these Cimbri pro-
ceeded into Italy 102 years before Christ. They had
been expelled from the north-west of Germany, not
by incroachments of the sea, as Plutarch fables, but
by invasion of that Gothic ocean of men, which over-
whelmed all Europe. Tacitus found only a few re-
mains of them at the south-west extremity of Jutland.
All around were German nations, who, if we do not
reject all authorities and facts, were Goths; while
the Cimbri, if we follow not the same plan, were Celts.
These small remains shew that the Cimbri were ex-
pelled; for had they left their country from excess
of population, as the Gothic nations did, that popu-
lation could not have totally failed in two centuries.
That they were driven out by a nation from the north,
has been already shewn; and that this nation was
the Piks, who seizing their possessions became the
Vits of Vitland, now Jutland, and of Vitslett, or the
Danish isles. That the Jutes and Danes came from
Scandinavia, has also been shewn to be clear from
CHAP. IV. EPOCH OF THE PIKISH SETTLEMENT.
203
that infallible mark, their language, which is the
Scandinavian dialect of the Gothic, and not the Ger-
man dialect of that tongue. Now Plutarch and other
ancients describe the progress of the Cimbri into
Gaul, and their attacks of Spain and Italy, as events
of rapid succession; and not more than ten years can
be allowed for the whole. So that the expulsion of
the Cimbri from Denmark could not take place more
than 112 years before Christ.
Far other was the case with the Pikish population
of Scotland. There was indeed a wider sea between
Scandinavia and Scotland, than between Scandinavia
and Jutland. But, on the other hand, to pass this sea
was a matter so easy even to barbarians, that Indians
in their canoes have peopled regions twice as distant;
and to this day the savage Greenlanders in their skiffs
have come even from Greenland to the Shetland and
Orkney isles, a course of at least six hundred miles
further than that between the south of Norway and
Scotland, which exceeds not two hundred and fifty
miles. Tacitus also informs us that the Suiones,
who were really the Piks of Vitslet, called Suiones,
or Zeewoners, by their southern neighbours, the Ger-
mans, because they dwelled in the sea (as islanders,)
were remarkable for navigation, having FLEETS, an
advantage quite unknown to the other German and
Scandinavian states. And these fleets were of SHIPS,
navium, which Tacitus thus describes. "The form
of the ships differs from ours, because that a prow at
•
2
It is also probable, that there were anciently sundry isles be-
tween Norway and Scotland, though now swallowed up. The Saxo-
num Insula of Ptolemy are lost: and Helgoland, an island in the
same parts, was, a few centuries ago, reduced to one quarter of its
ancient size. See Bleau's Atlas, for a map of ancient and modern
Helgoland. If the Piks coasted along the shore of Norway north-
ward, and then passed over to the Shetland isles, the passage is not
above 150 miles.
* Germania, prope fin.
204
PART III.
PIKS.
either end makes landing always easy. They have no
sails, nor are the oars ranged in order on the sides.
The vessel is of free construction, as used on some
rivers; and may be steered to whatever point is ne-
cessary." This shews to a certainty, that navigation
was not only known to these Scandinavians, but had
arrived at such perfection, that Tacitus talks of
their SHIPS, and compares them with the Roman. A
passage of 250 miles in open sea was certainly no
great enterprize to the dauntless courage of that peo-
ple. In later times we find them in vessels, perhaps
neither larger nor more artificial, ravaging England,
Ireland, and France; nay, discovering Iceland and
Greenland, and Vinland, or a part of North America.'
Their invasion of Scotland had none of these difficul-
ties to be found in that of Denmark. In Denmark
the Cimbri were compressed, and crowded to a point,
and very numerous. In Scotland the population was
loose, and vague, as usual among the Celts, a pastoral
people. In Denmark the Cimbri were confined, and
bold from despair. In Scotland they had free egress
to their brethren in the south, and to Ireland. In
Scotland there were no Suevi, no northern Germans,
"to whom the gods were not equal," to awe the Piks
from an invasion of territories contiguous to their
own, and marked as their prey.
I have all along considered the passage of the Piks
from Norway to the Orkneys as the sole point worth
consideration in this progress; and every reader will,
it is believed, regard it in the same light. For the
coasting voyage fron: the Orkneys to Ireland and the
* See the Vinlandia Antiqua of Torfæus, 1705, 8vo. and Northern
Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 280. It was part of Canada, or of Newfound-
land, and discovered, in the year 1001, by Heriol and Biarn, Ice-
landers.
* Cæsar, Bell. Gall. Lib. IV. where the southern Germans say,
sese unis Suevis concedere, quibus ne dii quidem immortales pares
esse possint."
CHAP. IV. EPOCH OF THE PIKISH SETTLEMENT.
205
Hebudes was nothing even to an Indian canoe. The
Romans thought it a serious affair to pass from Gaul
to Britain; yet their fleet, during Agricola's cam-
paigns, coasted all round Britain, and first discovered
it to be an island, as Tacitus shews. And they after
ventured into the Zuyder Zee and the Baltic. But
coasting voyages of great length are easily performed,
even by the most barbaric navigation: and there is
no occasion to explain the causes of a matter so well
known and obvious. The passage from Norway to
the Orkneys was the only difficulty; and that ceased
to be a difficulty to people so skilled in navigation
as in the time of Tacitus to have fleets of ships.
Hence there can be no hesitation in believing that
the Piks proceeded to Scotland near two centuries
before they were so bold as to seize on Denmark
while indeed we have direct authorities that such
was the case. And there are also collateral proofs,
that the Cimbri must have been driven out of Scot-
land (north of Loch Fyn, and Tay), sooner than out
of Denmark, for Tacitus found remains of the Cim-
bri in the south of present Denmark; and the Da-
nish histories are full of the Cimbri, who, according
to them, were conquered by the Goths about the
time of Pompey; while in Scotland, north of the
above bounds, we should not have known that the
Cimbri ever dwelled, save by a few Cumraig names
of rivers, mountains, and stations of old Cimbric
towns. But that the Piks did not possess Denmark
till about 112 years before Christ, has been shewn
above; and that they held Scotland at least 200
years before Christ, will appear from the following
discussion.
Tacitus is the first who mentions the people of
Caledonia, or Piks; and though he says they were
certainly of Germany, he drops no hint as to the
time of their passage. Eumenius, the Panegyrist,
206
PART III.
PIKS.
says, that before the time of Julius Cæsar the Piks
were the accustomed enemies of the Britons. He
uses the term Britons in the then acceptation of the
word, for the Cumraig Britons, those whom Cæsar
thought born in the island. For the Piks were quite
unknown to the Romans, save in Britain. Hence
Eumenius is a witness that the Piks were settled in
the north of Britain before the time of Julius Cæsar.
Beda dates the settlement of the Piks in Britain,
as coeval with what he thought its first habitation
by the Cumraig Britons: and he tells us in express
terms, that they were the first inhabitants of the
northern parts. The Cumri seem to have possessed
Britain 1000 years before Christ; and, by Beda's ac-
count, the Piks did as anciently. But Beda, speak-
ing of the passage of the Britons from Armorica,
seems rather to allude to the Belgic Britons; who
were in fact coeval with the Piks in their possessions,
both coming in, as would seem, between 300 and
200 years before our era.
Nennius and Samuel report, from British tradition,
that the Piks came to the Orkneys 900 years after
Eli, who lived 1200 years before Christ; that is,
THREE HUNDRED years before our era. Abandoning
the Orkneys, which Solinus mentions as uninhabited
even in his time, or 250 years after Christ, they pass-
ed to Ireland; then stood over to the Hebud isles,
their first possession here, and in time the early seat
of their kingdom. These are the neighbouring isles
of Nennius, whence he tells us the Piks ravaged and
seized on all the northern part of Britain, amounting
to one third. For this large conquest of a hilly coun-
try full of recesses, and consequent population of it,
we cannot allow less than a century: and the Piks
may be regarded as inhabitants of all the country
north of Loch Fyn and Tay, about 200 years before
Christ.
1
CHAP. IV. EPOCH OF THE PIKISH SETTLEMENT.
207
The Irish Annals, above quoted, date the first king
of the Piks as early as the time of Heremon; or, as
they dream, 1300 years before our era. But their
settlement preceded this first king a long time; and
the Pikish kings, down to 400 years after Christ,
were merely princes of the Hebud isles, as after to
be mentioned.
From these circumstances, and especially from the
direct authority of Nennius and Samuel, the settle-
ment of the Piks in the Hebud isles may be dated,
with as great certainty as any event in the earliest
Greek or Roman history, at 300 years before Christ.
And their possession of all Scotland north of Fyn
and Tay, at a century after, or 200 years before our
era. If you date this event later, you will find Eu-
menius, Beda, Nennius, and the Irish Annals, against
you. If earlier, you will interfere with the Gothic
progress, detailed in the Dissertation added. While,
with the date here assigned, all authorities and cir-
cumstances agree.
When the English history becomes studied by
English writers, and it is universally perceived that
the Belgæ, a Gothic people, who fought in this isle
against Julius Cæsar, are the real ancestors of three
quarters of the present English, it may prove a na-
tional question, whether the Belgæ, or Piks, were
the first Goths who took possession of Britain. This
question might be agitated for ever, for it is absolute-
ly impossible to decide it. It may be asserted, that
the Piks preceded the Belgæ, because the latter were
a colony of a colony, sent into Gaul from Germany;
while the former passed as a direct colony from Scan-
dinavia. It may be asserted, that the Belgæ prece-
ded the Piks, because the latter had to cross a wide
sea, the former only the Straits of Dover. For my
part, who as a British subject wish equally well to
the glory of all the three kingdoms, I shall content
208
PART III.
PIKS.
}
myself with observing that the point can never be
determined, so that controversy on it is absolutely
useless and that all authorities, facts, and reason,
warrant us to believe, that the Belgæ entered the
south, and the Piks the north of Britain, about one
and the same time.
!
行
​t
4
}
CHAP. V.
200
PROVINCE OF VESPASIANA.
CHAPTER V.
THIS
Province of Vespasiana.
HIS province rests entirely upon the authority of
Richard of Cirencester, a writer of the fourteenth
century; not one trace of it being to be found in any
other author, till after his book was published, in 1757.
It would seem from his accounts to have been founded
after the victories of Lollius Urbicus, and the erec-
tion of the wall of Antoninus, about the year 140;
and Richard specially mentions that it was lost in the
year 170, which was in the time of Marcus Antoni-
nus. His predecessor Pius, in whose reign it was ac-
quired, appears to have given it the name of Vespa-
siana, from the emperor, to whose reign Agricola was
indebted for his glory, in first subduing it.
I
Richard hints that it was called Vespasiana from
that emperor, who brought the Flavian family to the
Roman throne; and that it received that name in
Domitian's time. But that Agricola founded this
province seems improbable; for Richard, whose au-
thority is all we have for its existence, says express-
ly, it was lost in 170; and Hadrian built his wall,
between Solway and Tyne, about 120, and would cer-
tainly have built it between Clyde and Forth at least,
had Vespasiana been then subject to Rome. Richard
* P. 31. Hæc provincia dicta est in honorem familiæ Flaviæ, cui
suam Domitianus Imperator originem debuit, et sub quo expugnata,
Vespasiana.
VOL. I
Ο
210
PART III.
PIKS.
also repeatedly mentions the very short time that this
province was subject to Rome. Had Agricola found-
ed it about the year 80, it must have existed 90 years,
no short space; whereas 30 years seem the most that
can be allowed.
Tacitus is also a clear witness against Vespasiana
being founded by Agricola, for he says, perdomita
Britannia, et statim missa,' that Britain was conquer-
ed, and INSTANTLY given over. For after Bolanus, in
Domitian's time, we find no hint concerning Britain,
till Hadrian withdrew the boundary.
This province Vespasiana, according to Richard,
stretched north from the Forth and Clyde up to
Linnhe Loch and Loch Ness, or that line upon which
Forts William, Augustus, and George, now stand.
In it were the nations Horestii of Fife; Vecturones,
or Venricones, beyond the Tay, or in Perth and An-
gus; Taixali of Aberdeenshire; Vacomagi of Mur-
ray, and a part of Inverness; Damnii Albani and Atta-
cotti of Argyleshire. Richard's geography has no chro-
nology; and the times of Agricola and Theodosius
are all confounded by him; hence the Attacotti, un-
known to Ptolemy, or the Roman writers, till a late
period, and who actually came from Ireland, about
258, as after shewn, are foisted in here.
The towns of Horestii, by Richard's account, were
Alauna, Lindum, and Victoria. The Vecturones, or
Venricones, had Orrea, and two rivers, Esica and
Tina. The Taixali had Divana, and the rivers Devo
and Ituna. The Vacomagi, a large nation, had three
towns, Tuessis, Tamea, and Banatia, with Ptorbton,
perhaps now Inverness, the metropolis of the pro-
vince; their rivers, Varar, Tuesis, and Celnius. The
* Hist. Lib. I. init. Turbatum Illyricum: Gallia nutantes: per-
domita Britannia, et statim missa: coortæ in nos Sarmatarum ac
Suevorum gentes. Edit. Brotier, who remarks, Ab Agricola perdo-
mita, mox omissa et neglecta.
1
CHAP. V.
211
PROVINCE OF VESPASIANA.
Attacotti had Theodosia, or Alcluith, built by Theodo-
sius; which last is a palpable error, for Alcluith, or
Theodosia, was in Valentia.
Richard also gives an itinerary of this province,
thus: ITER. IX. A Luguballio Ptorotonim usque, sic:
Trimontio, m. p. . . . Gadanica, m. p. . . . Corio, m.
p..... ad Vallum, m. p. Incipit Vespasiana.
Alauna, m. p. XII. Lindo IX. Victoria IX. ad
Hiernam IX. Orrea XIV. ad Tavum XIX. ad Æsi-
cam XXIII. ad Tinum VIII. Devana XXIII. ad
Itunam XXIV. ad montem Grampium, m. p. . . . ad
Silinam, m. p. . . . Tuessus XIX. Ptorotone, m. p.
ITER. X. Ab ultima Ptorotone per mediam insula
Isca Damnonorum usque, sic: Varis, m. p. VIII. ad
Tuessim XVIII. Tamea XXIX. * * *
m. p. XXI.
in Medio IX. Orrea IX. Victoria XVIII. ad Val-
lum XXXII. Luguballia LXXX. &c.
This new province is the most prominent and re-
markable part of Richard's book. To trust an au-
thor of the fourteenth century for so great an affair,
seems rash. Yet two thirds of his work we know
to be true, from Ptolemy and other ancients; and
the Itinerary, he says, is from the memorials of a
Roman Dux, or governor of Britain. Certain it is,
that his accounts quadrate amazingly, and bear every
mark of truth. The few names he gives of rivers, &c.
not in Ptolemy, often resemble the present names;
yet are so truly latinized, that Roman mouths alone
seem able to have formed them. This province of
Vespasiana is repeatedly mentioned, upon many oc-
casions, in the course of his work, beside the special
description he gives of it.
Had such a province existed for 90 years, as Rich-
ard seems to insinuate, many Roman inscriptions,
coins, &c. must at this day be found in its limits.
But, as mentioned above, 30 years seem to have form-
ed its real duration. Yet even from that space in-
212
PART III.
PIKS.
scriptions and coins may be expected. Ptorotone,
or Inverness, the capital of the province, must in
that case have many Roman remains. Urns of Ro-
man coins have been found in the north of Scotland;
but these may have been carried off in booty by the
Piks. Roman inscriptions, roads, and remains of
buildings, are what we must look for, as confirma-
tions of the province of Vespasiana.
Arthur's Oven, which Horseley plausibly thinks a
sepulchre, stood about ten miles beyond the wall of
Antoninus. The author of an old map, in the Addi-
tamenta to Matthew Paris, says the great Roman
way went to Caithness,' a vague name for the north-
ern parts of Scotland. If my memory serves me, one
Roman inscription was found in Stirlingshire; though
I cannot say where I found this information. Chance
may befriend us afterward, and a peasant digging a
ditch may discover a Roman province. Mr Nimmo,
in his History of Stirlingshire, describes the great
Roman way running through that shire, and north
to Strathern. If it can be traced to Inverness, it will
be an INFALLIBLE confirmation of the province of Ves-
pasiana; for such ways were never made, save in the
provinces, as it would have been indeed madness to
attempt such a vast labour as a Roman military road in
an enemy's country, and impossible to accomplish it.
As the case stands, though not willing to lend credit
to Richard implicitly, yet I confess even this Roman
road to the Tay is with me a full and complete confir-
mation of Richard's account; for a Roman road was
never made, save in a Roman province. And it was
of course the first care, in order to facilitate inter-
course, and keep the province in order.
A military
way can be traced through Trajan's province of Dacia,
up to its furthest extremity; but beyond a province
no road was ever made: and the idea would have been
See it published in Mr Gough's British Topography.
CHAP. V.
213
PROVINCE OF VESPASIANA.
absurd, as it would have been to incur great danger
and expence—to serve the enemy; not to add, that
it was utterly impracticable.
This Roman road passes from Castlecary, on the
wall of Antoninus (along which wall a similar road
runs,) north to Stirling town, about sixteen English
miles. From thence it goes north by Keir to Dun-
blane; and thence on to Strathern, beyond which
Mr Nimmo says nothing of its progress, as not being
examined by him. But this course cannot be less than
30 miles. Mr Nimmo describes this great road as
consisting of several layers of stone and earth, which
seem to have been thrown upon one another as they
came to hand, for the stones are of all dimensions. It
is generally about twelve feet in breadth; and its
foundation is so deep, that, in the formation of it,
they seem first to have digged a ditch, which they
filled up again with stones and earth, till they raised
it at least a foot above the surface. It always rises
in the middle, and slopes toward the edges; and on
each side, especially where the ground is marshy,
there has been a small ditch, or drain, to keep the
work dry so that at present, when it is all covered
with grass, it has much the resemblance of a ridge
that has lain long unploughed. The stones of the up-
permost layer are generally of so large a size, that,
unless it was always well covered with gravel, it must
have been very incommodious to travel on. Its di-
rection is as straight as the nature of the ground,
through which it passes, will permit.
Another part of this Roman way still further north,
and in the shire of Angus, is described, and illustrated
with a map, in the Bibliotheca Topographica Britannia,
No. XXXVI. London, 1786, 4to. This part is seen
about three miles north-east of Forfar, and there are
two Roman camps on it, at about eight miles distance
from each other. Roman granaries were also found
214
PART III.
PIKS.
lately on the estate of Lundie, a few miles north-east
of Dundee and granaries certainly could not be
erected but in a province.
General Roy' says, the Roman way ends at Reedy;
but he suspects that vestiges of it may be discovered
further north; and he mentions that the people of the
country think it extends to Aberdeen.
Till it can be shewn that a Roman road was ever
made, save in a Roman province, we have therefore
absolute proof of the province of Vespasiana; and the
historian of Scotland will do well to mark its com-
mencement about the year 140, and its termination
in 170. It does honour to the military prowess of
the Piks, that this province had the shortest duration
of any ever held by the Romans.
Though this province was so soon abandoned, yet
the Romans repeatedly visited this part of Britain,
Our antiquists fondly ascribe all Roman remains in
it to Agricola, though this be nearly as ridiculous as
' Roman Antiquities in North Britain, MS. in the King's Library.
Other proofs of this province may be drawn from that valuable
work. Roman coins, he says, are often found at Nairn, which is in
the northern extremity of Vespasiana; as were also a Roman sword
and spear. Fortingal, in Glenlyon, Braidalbin, is well known to be
a Roman fort, not a camp. At Ardoch is a fine Roman station,
which the general thinks Lindum. Inch Tuthill, on the Tay, is an-
other, very remarkable and beautiful, which may be In Medio. Gor-
don also, Itin. Septen. mentions an urn and Roman coins found near
Glamis, Strathmore; nay, some on the Boyne, p. 186. Maitland,
Hist. Scotl. p. 149, tells us, that a Roman bath was found at Delvin,
a Roman station on the east side of Tay; and mentions, p. 214, a
Roman way from Fortingal toward Loch Tay. He also gives an in-
scription found at Ardoch, and preserved at Drummond castle,
Amonius Damionis cohortis prima Hispanorum stipendiorum xxvii.
Hæredes fieri curarunt. Horseley, p. 206, gives an inscription on a
rock upon the north side of Stirling castle, apparently Roman,
though copied by some ignorant hand. Sir J. Dalrymple, Remarks
on Camden, p. 181, mentions a fine marble vessel, curiously engra-
ven, and full of Roman coins, being found at Bean-castle, near
Nairn, 1460. Nairn may be the Castra Alata.
CHAP. V.
215
PROVINCE OF VESPASIANA.
it would be to impute those in Valentia to him. He
was rather the first discoverer of Vespasiana, than the
conqueror. In Valentia appeared Agricola, Bolanus,
Lucullus, Hadrian, Lollius, Urbicus, Marcellus,' Per-
tinax, Severus, Geta, Caracalla, Constantius Chlorus,
Constantine I. Constans, Theodosius, Gallio: and,
except distinguished by inscriptions, no sober antiqua-
ry will say to which of these must be ascribed the Ro-
man remains found in Valentia. In Vespasiana, Ta-
citus sufficiently marks the actions of AGRICOLA. The
battle with Galgacus, General Roy thinks, was fought
near Stonehaven ; and as he has travelled over Scot-
land with a military, as well as an antiquarian eye,
great respect is due to his opinion. Agricola appears
to have passed little further north; and, as he was in-
stantly ordered home by Domitian, there is no pos-
sibility of his having left many works behind him.
BOLANUS, as we learn from Statius, erected many
works in Britain, and apparently in the north. But
after this Britain was statim missa, as Tacitus says in
his History, written about the year 110. About the year
120, Hadrian, far from keeping Vespasiana, could
hardly retain Valentia; but built his wall from Sol-
way to Tyne. Yet about 150, when Ptolemy wrote, we
find Vespasiana full of Roman towns. For these we
are surely indebted to LOLLIUS URBICUS only, who,
about the year 140, carried the Roman arms in Bri-
tain to a greater extent than ever; as the wall of An-
toninus, and work of Ptolemy, remain lasting proofs.
To him therefore ought chiefly to be ascribed the
Roman remains in Vespasiana. This province was
quite lost about the year 170, in spite of the efforts of
CALPHURNIUS under Marcus Antoninus. After this,
Commodus thought it sufficient to keep the Mæatæ
I
༢
Xiphilinus in Commodo says, Commodus sent Marcellus Ulpius
to repress the Britons who had passed the wall.
See the next chapter.
216
PART III.
PIKS.
in subjection; but SEVERUS, in the years 207 and 208,
advanced even to the extremity of Britain, as we
learn from Dio, who says he lost 50,000 men upon
this occasion.' After this, CONSTANTIUS CHLorus,
in 306, advanced to the woods of the Caledonians,
according to the Panegyrist above quoted. But there
is no reason to believe that Constans, 342, Theodo-
'The Excerpta of Theodosius, taken from Dion, and published
in the edition of the latter by Leunclavius, p. 851, say, before men-
tioning the battle between Severus and Albinus; "Then likewise
in Britain, because the Caledonians did not keep their promise, be-
ing prepared to defend the Mæatæ, and because Severus was at
that time intent upon a neighbouring war, Lupus was obliged to
purchase a peace of the Mæatæ at a great price, some few captives
being delivered up to him." This happened nine years before Se-
verus came into Britain. He passed two years warring in Caledo-
nia; made peace in 209. In 210 he was still in York, as appears
from his famous rescript dated at York, Faustino et Rufo Coss. Cod.
Lib. III. tit. 32. 1. 1. He died at York in the beginning of February
211, as appears from Xiphilin, after a long illness. See Horsley's
Brit. Rom. Khell, in his Supp. ad Num. Imp. p. 101, gives a coin
of Severus, IMP. XIII. on his Caledonian conquest, and he bears
BRIT. on others.
Euseb. Vita Const. I. 25. says, Constantine defeated the Caledo-
nians about 310. Fulgentius was assisted by the Caledonii. Dion,
et Eclog. Theodos. For Constantius, in 306, see also Gelas Cizicen.
Lib. I. Acta Concilii Nicen. cap. 3. In the time of Honorius, Victo-
rinus restrained the Piks, as D'Anville says in his Etats, formés apres
la chute de l'Emp. R. p. 198; but I know not upon what authority.
Camden gives this inscription, Asterius Comes Pictorum, et Syra, cum
suis rotum solvere. Blondus, a respectable author about the year
1500, who had MSS. now lost, but, according to the custom of that
age, quotes no authorities, tells us, that a body of Piks was incorpo-
rated into the Roman army, under Honorius, and were called Ho-
noriaci; a name occurring more than once in the Notitia, as do Ho-
noriani Attacotti Juniores. The words of Blondus are, in describing
the actions of Constantine the Usurper, in the time of Honorius;
"Armavit vero, immisitque in istos, (Hispanos) barbaros Pictos,
qui ab Honorio, quietis ubique rebus, in fædus recepti, et in mili-
tiam Britannicam adlecti, Honoriaci vocabantur." This was in 406;
and these Piks, seizing the Pyrenees, soon after invited the Vanda-
li, Suevi, and Alani, into Spain, and shared the booty, as Blondus
says. Histor. ab inclinatione Romani Imperii, Decad. I. Lib. I. p.
edit. Froben. 1531, fol.
12.
CHAP. V.
217
PROVINCE OF VESPASIANA.
sius, 367, or any Roman general after, advanced fur-
ther than the northern wall. Which of the above
was author of any particular camp, or fort, no true
antiquary can venture to say. But the roads, stations,
and other durable marks of a province, certainly be-
long to Lollius Urbicus, and his successors, founder
and defenders of Vespasiana. Some of the Roman
camps in Vespasiana are even crossed with others, so
that they must have been held twice at distant times;
as a large one at Ardoch in particular.'
* Gen. Roy's MS. since published.
918
PART III.
PIKS.
CHAPTER VI.
Pikish Tribes.
TACITUS is the earliest writer from whom any know-
ledge of this subject can be drawn. The seven years
of Agricola's command in this island, were, from the
accurate statement of Tacitus, thus filled. They ex-
tended, as Horsley shews, from the year of Christ 78
to 84, inclusive.
1. A. D. 78. In the autumn Agricola, though the
soldiers had presumed on resting that year, (præ-
sumpta apud militem illius anni quies) quashes an insur-
rection of the Ordovices (Denbigh and Carnarvon ;)
and subdues Mona (Anglesey).
2. A. D. 79. By his sudden incursions many states
yielded to the terror of his arms, and gave hostages.
These states were clearly those south of Forth, the
Ottadeni and Damnii. Agricola tried the friths and
woods; and prepared all for invading Caledonia.
The winter was past in conciliating the minds of the
new subjects; and teaching them the manners of
Rome, as the chains of luxury are ever the strongest.
3. A. D. 80. This third year Agricola passing the
Forth, laid open new nations (novas gentes);_and
ravaged all the country to the frith of Tay. Forts
were built on the progress.
4. A. D. 81. To secure the new possessions, a
line of forts was built between Forth and Clyde.'
I
Statius, Sylva 2. Lib. V. has a singular passage concerning
these forts. He is addressing Crispinus on the actions of his
father.
CHAP. VI.
219
PIKISH TRIBES.
5. A. D. 82. Passing with his fleets along the
western shore, he subdued nations till then unknown,
and fortified that part of Britain which regards Ire-
land. The army must have wintered at the new line
of forts, between Forth and Clyde: and it appears,
from the tenor of the context, that Agricola, finding
there was a large tract unvisited on the west (Gallo-
way), thought it indispensable to subdue it, ere he
made further attempts on Caledonia, in order that he
might leave no enemies behind him. It was natural
indeed the fleet should be ordered up to the frith of
Clyde, to supply the army and forts with provisions;
and in this new progress they would necessarily dis-
cover modern Galloway; which would hitherto have
escaped Agricola, who, in his third year, had kept
to the east, and passing between Forth and Clyde,
had ravaged to the Tay. These unknown states
therefore were the Selgova, and Novanta, who lay
opposite to Ireland, and whose shores Agricola for-
tified."
6. A. D. 83. The fleet was ordered round to the
east, where it must have lain when the Usipii sailed
round Britain. The Caledonians rising in arms, sur-
prised an advanced camp; but were defeated.
7. A. D. 84. The grand campaign in which Gal-
Quanta Calydonios attollet gloria campos!
Cum tibi longævus referet trucis incola terræ:
Hic suetus dare jura parens: hoc cespite turmas
Affari. Nitidas speculas, castellaque, longe
Aspicis? Ille dedit: cinxitque hæc mania fossa.
Belligeris hæc dona deis, hæc tela dicavit ;
Cernis adhuc titulos; hunc ipse vacantibus armis
Induit, hunc regi rapuit thoraca Britanno."
1
It would hence seem that Vectius Bolanus, father of Crispinus,
warred in North Britain; and improved the forts of Agricola.
* Since writing the above, I have seen General Roy's MS. and
find he agrees with me in this point. He justly observes that Ar-
gyle and Cantire are so mountainous and rocky, that no army could
march, and that they have no Roman remains.
220
PART III.
PIKS.
gacus was defeated at the Grampian mountains. The
feet attended Agricola along the eastern shore, as
Tacitus shews. In the speech of Agricola, in our
editions of Tacitus, he calls this annus octavus, the
eighth year; but this, as Horsley observes, is a mere
error in transcribing; the numbers in old MSS. being
always in numerals, so that VIIIus had crept in for
VIIus. For Agricola says that the foe had surprised
his camp the year before, proximo anno; and Taci-
tus expressly calls that the sixth (sextum officii annum),
as indeed his whole narrative shews. Agricola re-
turning to the country of the Horesti (Fite) orders
his fleet to sail round Britain: but it seems only to
have visited the north-east shore, when it returned
to the Portus Trutulensis, a place I can find in no
geographer. Agricola is commanded home by Do-
mitian.
From Tacitus, and Ptolemy, it is clear that the
Caledonians, or Piks, held then all present Scotland,
north of Loch Fyn and Tay. The proper name of
the people, or that which they gave themselves, was
Pihtar, or Piks. The name of Caledonians was ap-
parently given them by their Cumraig neighbours;
but its meaning it is impossible to determine, and the
most plausible derivation may be the most false.
Kelydhon is the Cumraig for woods; and it would
seem that the name Caledonians means Woodlanders,
as their territories were then covered with woods,
and especially the vast Silva Caledonia. Tacitus and
Ptolemy shew, that the name Caledonians was peculiar,
and appropriated to these Northern Britons. In vain
does Mr Whitaker' attempt to prove it an indistinct
term, because Richard of Cirencester, a writer of the
fourteenth century, ignorantly plants a Silva Caledo-
nia in Kent, and another in Lincolnshire, as he gives
• Genuine Hist. of the Britons, p. 123.
CHAP. VI.
221
PIKISH TRIBES.
us also the true one in Scotland; and because Lu-
can says,
Aut vaga cum Tethys, Rutupinaque littora fervent,
Unda Caledonios fallit turbata Britannos;
and Valerius Flaccus to Vespasian,
Tuque, O pelagi, cui major aperti
Fama, Caledonius postquam tua carbasa vexit
Oceanus, Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos.
Richard tells us he altered his authorities; and,
when he differs from Ptolemy, deserves no credit.
The passage of Lucan only shews that even in his
time the Caledonians were the most warlike and fa-
mous of the Britons; whence he ignorantly and im-
properly applies their name to the whole. Flaccus
refers not to the storm that damaged the fleet of Ju-
lius Cæsar; but only says that the Caledonian Ocean
disdained him, for he never proceeded so far. But
to oppose Lucan, a poet who lived before any Roman
had seen Caledonia, and Richard of Cirencester, a
monk of the fourteenth century, to Tacitus and
Ptolemy, who so clearly testify that the name of Ca-
ledonians was peculiar to the Northern Britons, or
Piks, were too absurd to deserve an answer. Large
friths, and great fear, had separated the Piks from
the Cumri, so that the latter seem to have called them
But
Lib. I. c. 7. Ex Ptolemæo et aliunde nonnullis ordinem quoque,
sed quod spero in melius, mutatum hinc inde deprehendes. The
term Kelydhon, or Woodlands, might indeed be given by the Cum-
raig Britons to all the forests in Britain; and thence different Sil-
va Caledonia, the Romans taking Kelydon for a proper name.
no region in Britain was called Caledonia, or its people Caledonii,
except in the north. Ptolemy knew only of one Silva Caledonia,
that among the Caledonii. Richard quotes Lucan for his silva Ca-
ledonia in Kent; and Florus III. 10. for that in Lincolnshire! But
it
may be judged from these writers, that the Caledonians, and their
forest, were famous among the Southern Britons; and of course
vaguely spoken of by the Romans, till Tacitus and Ptolemy dis-
closed their real situation.
222
PART III
PIKS.
Caledonians, or Woodlanders, as we speak of High-
landers, not having any intercourse with them, so as
to know their proper name. But when the Romans
and Cumri in time discovered this proper name, they
adopted it, and called them Picti, and Phichtiaid,
as they modelled to their own tongues the word
Pihtar.
Nothing more puzzles a common reader than the
multitude of nations, which he finds in the ancient
barbaric countries. He is apt to conclude them
all nations, in the modern acceptation, of different
manners and origins. But these nations were only
tribes, or as we might say, people of different shires.
The nations of savages in America are living images
of these ancient nations.
Let us now proceed to state the Caledonians or
Pikish tribes, as given by Ptolemy. This geographer
wrote in the reign of Antoninus Pius, as appears from
his works. It seems also certain that he wrote after
the province of Vespasiana was established; for the
Roman towns Oνικτορια, Victoria, and Πτερωτον Στρατο-
Tedov, Castra Alata, could in no other case have ap-
peared in the shires of Perth and Inverness. It has
been shewn that the province Vespasiana could not
be erected before Hadrian's time; nor till Lollius
Urbicus by his victories obtained to Antoninus Pius
the style of Britannicus, which appears on some of his
coins and by his great progress to the north occasion-
ed the foundation of the wall of Antoninus. The very
name of Castra Alata, as given by Ptolemy, is an in-
vincible proof that the Roman light troops were sta-
tioned there, to protect this military and frontier pro-
vince. Had not this part of Scotland been subject to
Rome, the names of towns would have been barba-
rous, as those of Ireland given by Ptolemy, and could
not have borne these irrefragable marks of Roman
power. Agricola, to whom our superficial antiqua-
CHAP. VI.
223
PIKISH TRIBES.
rians impute all the Roman remains in Scotland, had
no time to build towns; as he was commanded home
the very year he defeated Galgacus. Had he built
them, the Piks, who, ravaging all the north, caused
Hadrian to retract the frontier to Solway and Tyne,
would have utterly demolished their name and exist-
ence. LOLLIUS URBICUS' had unfortunately no Ta-
citus to narrate his actions; but he seems to have
performed actions as much more glorious than those
of Agricola, as the wall of Antoninus was superior to
Agricola's line of forts. This wall could not have
been built in the face of an enemy; and a considera-
ble territory beyond it must have been subject to the
Romans, as we know to have been the case with that
of Hadrian. Ptolemy seems to have written his geo-
graphy about the year 150; and the Pikish tribes, as
he describes them, going up the east shore, and down
the west, were as follow.
1. The OTENIKONTEE, Venicontes, between Tay
and Dee, or in Angus and Mearns. The rivers of
the Venicontes were the Taova, Tava, Tay, Tivva,
Tinna, or North Esk, and Alova, Diva, or Dee. Rich-
ard says, p. 30, the Venricones, or Vecturones; but
the Vecturones, as he well marks in his own map, was
a great name, including the Venicontes and Taixali,
or all the east of Scotland. Nay, from Ammianus
Marcellinus, it appears to have included all the Piks,
save the Dicaledone on the Oceanus Deucalidonius,
• Nam et Britannos per Lollium Urbicum legatum vicit; alio
muro cespititio, submotis barbaris, ducto. Capitol. in Pio. Britannos
per Lollium Urbicum proprætorem, et Saturninum præfectum classis
vicit; alio muro, submotis barbaris, ducto. Ricard. Corin. Richard
seems to have seen, and copied, most writers concerning Britain ;
and had perhaps found occasion to consult many in his journey to
Italy. Yet Roger of Chester, a writer of the same period, shews
still greater learning, and quotes with much accuracy and care.
Good authors and MSS. must have been common in England in the
14th century; the invention of common paper, at the beginning of
that century, multiplying copies prodigiously.
224
PART III.
PIKS.
or Northern Sea; that is, the name of Vecturiones
spread over the whole province of Vespasiana up to
Loch Linnhe and Ness.
2. Next were the TEZAAOI, Texali, or Aberdeen-
shire, who had a town Aɛouava, Devana, or old Aber-
deen; the promontory Taiarov angov, or Buchan-
Ταιξαλον
ness; and rivers Keλvios, Celnius, or Devon, and Tovarois,
Tuesis, or Spey.
3. The OUAKOMAгOI, Vacomagi, or Murray, and
a part of Inverness and Perthshires, being at the ex-
tremity of the Roman power in this province, had
no less than four towns; Bavaria, Banatia, about pre-
sent Fort William, and ΠΤΕΡΩΤΟΝ ΣΤΡΑΤΟΠΕΔΟΝ,
Castra Alata, Inverness, or Fort George. These two
were the grand frontier stations against the enemy;
and the fortified line of Vespasiana was that drawn in
the reign of George II. against the Highlanders, ex-
cept that the Romans had no town at Fort Augus-
tus in the middle, though they may have had a fixt
camp and forts. The other two towns of the Vaco-
magi were Tovaris, Tuesis, on the Spey, and Tapesa,
Tamia.
4. The only other people' in Vespasiana were the
EПIAIOI, Epidii, of Argyleshire, who held all the west
of the province. Among them was the Aλamovios
xoxos, Lelamonius Sinus, or Loch Fyn ;and the E-
Siov axgov, Epidium promontorium, or Mull of Cantire.*
διον
The Tadavo, Gudeni, of Ptolemy were in present Dunbarton-
shire. But they were not Piks, but Cumri. 1. Because Ptolemy
marks the Lelamonius Sinus, or Loch Fyn, as the south-west boun-
dary of the Caledonians, or Piks. 2. Because the Cumraig kingdom
of Strat-Clyde included the south part of Dunbartonshire; and Dun-
barton was its capital.
Hector Boethius mentions Berigonium castellum in Loquhabria,
Hebridum prospectu, Dounstafage, id est, munitioni Stephani proximum.
This nonsense proceeded from Hector's supposing that Ptolemy's
Rerigonium in Galloway stood here, as he also thought Camulodunum
was in Scotland! Hence our tales of Berigon and Camelon, for fables
easily pass into tradition.
CHAP. VI.
225
PIKISH TRIBES.
As to the Damnii Albani and Attacotti, whom Rich-
ard places in Argyle, they were not there in Ptolemy's
time; but arrived about 258, being the first Scots
from Ireland, as shall be after shewn. So much for
the nations in Vespasiana, where only Ptolemy knew
towns, and two of them, as above shewn, infallibly
Roman. The other nations, beginning on the east,
and going down the west shore, were as follow.
5. The KANTAI, Canta, on the east of Ross-shire,
who had the Ouaga soxvois, Varar Estuarium, or Mur-
ray Frith, into which runs the river Beaulie, ancient-
ly called Farar, as its vale is yet styled Strath-Farar,
as Mr Shaw' tells: the Aoga Toтapos, Loxa fluvius, or
Losse Frith, now Cromarty Frith; and a place called
by Ptolemy Oxen Y↓nλn, Ripa Alta, which was infalli-
bly a promontory; and was that called Penoxullum
promontorium by Richard, who in like manner gives
the Varar, Loxa, and this promontory, to the Cantæ.
In Richard the name is Cumraig, Pen-ochel, the
high head; and has the same meaning as Ptolemy's
term. It is now Tarbat Ness.
6. The MEPTAI, Merta, were in the middle of
present Ross-shire, and having of course no large
rivers, &c. Ptolemy only gives the name.
7. The AoroI, Logi, in the south-east of Suther-
land, had Iα TOтαμos, Ila fluvius, Brora, or Vynes;
and Begoubiouμ axgov, Verubium promontorium, or Örd of
Βερουβιουμ
Caithness.
ποτ
8. The KOPNATIOI, Cornavii, who had all the north-
ern extremity of Scotland. These people Richard
calls Carnabii; and says that they and the Cantæ came
from South Britain, where were also Cantæ in Kent,
and Carnabii in Lancashire! Nothing more absurd
could be imagined; for the Cantæ of Kent were a
Belgic people; and the Carnabii of Lancashire a
VOL. I.
• Hist. of Moray, p. 5.
P
226
PART III.
PIKS.
Cumraig, 200 miles distant from them, on the oppo-
site shore of Britain. The Cantæ of Caledonia had
the same name as those of Kent, another Gothic tribe;
and from the same circumstances of their territories
jutting out as a promontory.' The name of Carna-
bii, supposing it the same in Lancashire and Caith-
ness, could never originate from both being of one na-
tion. The Carnabii of Lancashire were Cumraig, and
the Cumri had it is likely held the Cornabia in Scot-
land, and left a name to it, when the Piks drove them
out. We find two other Cars among these Pikish tribes,
the Caren and Carnonaca. Caer is now Welsh for a
town, but how came the Welsh by it? Is it not Gothic,
Kior, Lucus," a grove, because, as Cæsar tells, the
Belgic fortified towns were made in groves? If Car
be Celtic, how came so many Cars among the Scy-
thic nations? We find the Carini, a people bearing
the identic name of a Pikish tribe, in that part of an-
cient Germany which is now Pomerania, as Cluverius
shews or close adjoining to the track marked in
the Dissertation annexed, as that by which the Peu-
kini proceeded into Scandinavia. There was a Car-
rodunum on the Tyras, and another on the Vistula.
A Caravacium in Cisalpine Gaul. Carbilesi and Car-
bileta, two nations of Thrace. Cardia, a town of
Thrace. Carelia is now a province of Livonia. Ca-
rentia, a town of Pomerania. The Carians were of
Scythic origin. Carinianum, a town of Cisalpine
Gaul. Carniola, and Carinthia, provinces of Panno-
nia. Carmania was a country of the Asiatic Scythi-
The Carni, a people of Noricum. The Carpi-
ani, a Scythic people, between the rivers Tyras and
Hypanis. Carrhabia, a town of Pieria. Cartemund,
ans.
1
Kant, old German, a promontory, or head-land. See Wachter.
Kanton, a shore, a region, a province. Id.
2 Glossar. ad Orkneyinga Saga. See Dissertation annexed for a
quotation from Tzetzes.
CHAP. VI.
227
PIKISH TRIBES.
A
a town on the north of Zeeland in Denmark.
hundred other instances might be given; but these
suffice: and of these the Carini, Carbilesi, Carbiletæ,
Carians, Carmani, Carni, Carpiani, were nations of
Scythic origin. Richard says that, as traditions bore,
the Cantæ and Carnabii formed an alliance in the
time of Ostorius, and fled to Caledonia from the Ro-
man yoke. What traditions could reach Richard's
time concerning this event, it is impossible to con-
ceive; and I will venture to say there could be none;
but that the similarity of names led him to this
conjecture; and he pretended traditions, forsooth,
to strengthen it. Ostorius was here in the time of
Claudius, when the Roman arms had not reached so
far north as the Carnabii; nor, if so remarkable an
event had taken place, could it have escaped the
notice of Tacitus, who, in the twelfth book of his
Annals, relates the actions of Ostorius, and his con-
quest of Caractacus, at due length. This tale there-
fore wants all probability, and even wants possibi-
lity, when we consider that the Canta were 200
miles from the Carnabii; the former in present Kent,
and the latter in Lancashire; the former a Belgic peo-
ple, the latter a Cumraig; that is, as different as Welsh
from English. Each of these nations must have had
a fleet to transport themselves; while we find no
mention in the ancient writers of any British nation
having a fleet. But it is needless to insist longer in
confuting this dream of a writer of the fourteenth
century, who pretends traditions of matters that hap-
pened in the first! What the real traditions concern-
ing British affairs were, we may judge from the fabu-
lous pages of Nennius and Geofrey of Monmouth.
This large nation of the Cornavii had Ouisgousdgov
angov, Vervedrum promontorium, Dunsbay Head: Ta-
ρουίδουμ, η δε Όρκας ακρα, Tarridum vel Orcas promonto-
rium, Dunnet Head; and the river Navaos, Navæus,
228
PART III.
PIKS.
or Navern, from which the name Cornavii in all like-
lihood sprung.' The north-west extremity of Scot-
land, or Cape Wrath and its neighbourhood, seems
to have been unknown to the Romans.
9. The KAPHNOI, Careni, falsely called Catini by
Richard, were on the west of present Ross-shire.
Among them was that fine bay Ουόλσας κολπος, Volsas
Sinus, now Loch Broom.
10. The KAPNONAKAI, Carnonaca, were in the
south-west of Ross-shire; and the mouth of the river
ITUS, Itys, was in their country.
11. The KPEONEZ, Creones, were on the west of
Inverness-shire.
12. The KEPONEE, Kerones, were on the north of
Argyleshire; and in their country was the mouth
of the river Aolyos, Longus, now Loch Linnhe, or
Linny. Such are the Pikish tribes, as given by
Ptolemy.
2
This
It is well known that this geographer commits a
prodigious mistake with regard to the position of
present Scotland, making it tend quite to the east,
instead of running straight to the north, as it does: so
that the Mull of Galloway is, by his description, the
most northern point of Scotland; and Dunnet Head,
opposite to the Orkneys, the most eastern.
mistake is radical, and runs through his whole de-
scription of Caledonia, affecting all the longitudes
and latitudes he lays down. Mr Whitaker dreams
of an astronomical observation, taken at Inverness,
for which he, in his usual way, quotes Ptolemy, who
says nothing of the matter. Had such an observa-
tion been taken, it would have rectified this part of
Ptolemy's work at once. But, as before observed, it
¹ So Sir James Dalrymple thinks in his Remarks on Camden's Ac-
count of Scotland, p. 195.
The famous Roger Bacon in his geography long since blamed
Ptolemy for this prodigious error. But see Gossellin's Letter in the
App. Vol. II.
CHAP. VI.
229
PIKISH TRIBES.
is wonderful that we have any ancient geography at
all; but not so that what we have is full of errors.
Ptolemy's geography of Germany and Gaul has great
mistakes; though not so absolutely radical as that
respecting Scotland. To Ptolemy these remote re-
gions were Japans, and Americas; and, as we are
daily rectifying errors in our geography of distant
regions, it would be a miracle indeed if the ancients,
who wanted all our instruments and skill, had not
fallen into errors. Ptolemy's descriptions of Scot-
land and Ireland were certainly like our descriptions
of Japan, China, Kamchatka, &c. derived from mer-
chants and travellers; and the countries being sel-
dom visited, many mistakes would of course creep in.
In Ptolemy's geography of Scotland, the OxεαVOS
Tεquavixos, German Ocean, washes its east side, in
Γερμανικός,
which, opposite Taixalium promontorium, lie the
Σαξόνων Νησοι τρεις, οι Three Isles of the Saxons; which
Claudian, as above mentioned, confounded with the
Orkneys, though they were on the coast of Jutland.
The Ognades, or Orkneys, are rightly placed to the
north of Scotland, in the Oxɛavos ▲evnaλndovios, or Deu-
caledonian Ocean, which Ptolemy tells us elsewhere
was the same with the Sarmatic, or Baltic, the east
part of which lay on the north of the Sarmatæ. In
this ocean, above the Orkneys, Ptolemy places Thule,
a mere visionary country, which vanished and with-
drew to the north as discovery advanced. Ireland,
Shetland, Scandinavia, and perhaps Iceland, were re-
spectively called Thule at different times. To the
west of Scotland Ptolemy rightly places the Hebud
Isles; ECouda, Ebuda, or Lewis; ECouda μelaan, Ebuda
Major, or Skey; Maxsos, Maleus, or Mull; and Emidiov,
Επιδιον,
Epidium, or Jura and Ilay, which Ptolemy, not know-
ing the narrow strait between them, thought but one
isle and Pixiva, Ricina, or Rachlin, on the north of
Ireland. To the south of these he places Movaida,
230
PART III.
PIKS.
Monæda, or the Isle of Man. All these lie in the
Oneavos Iovegvinos, Oceanus Hibernicus, or Irish Ocean.
Richard has ignorantly placed the Oceanus Deucale-
donius on the west of Scotland, not knowing that
Ptolemy, Lib. VII. had expressly called it the same
with the Oceanus Sarmaticus, or Baltic; which lies
to the north, and not to the west of Scotland: and
no one will prefer the error of a monk of the four-
teenth century, to Ptolemy's positive authority. The
seas and isles around Caledonia are all right in Pto-
lemy's account: his sole error lies in the position of
the country itself.
;
CHAP. VII.
231
PIKISH KINGDOM.
CHAPTER VII.
Pikish Kingdom.
ONE of the greatest philosophers, and wisest men,
whom modern times have produced, has enquired
into the reason why mankind are so fond of false-
hood, as generally to prefer it to truth.
He justly
observes, that this is owing to the greater decoration,
the meretricious ornaments, which falsehood ever
bears; while truth, simple and plain, has no charms.
for the general eye. Truth, he says, is like open day-
light, which does not shew the masks and mummeries
of the world in so gaudy a trim as the candle-light
of falsehood.' In another place he most justly re-
marks, that "there is in human nature generally more
of the fool than of the wise; and therefore those fa-
culties, by which the foolish part of mens minds is ta-
ken, is the most potent." Indeed this weakness is
common to the wisest of us; and thence it is, that
owing to our natural love of falsehood, all human
history is justly thought, by many thinking men, to
contain an infinitely greater number of fables than
of truths. L'Histoire n'est qu'une fable convenue, says
Fontenelle. Men are hard as marble to truth; but
soft as wax to every impression of falsehood.
Now, in all philosophy, there cannot be a more in-
fallible axiom than this, that WHENEVER ANY FALSE-
HOOD IS RECEIVED AS TRUTH, THE OPPOSITE TRUTH
MUST OF ABSOLUTE NECESSITY PASS FOR FALSEHOOD.
Lord Bacor, Essays, I. On Truth.
232
PART III.
PIKS.
Thus the spherical figure of the earth; the Coperni-
can system; the plurality of worlds; were all regard-
ed as quite false, till certified beyond a doubt; and
then the opposite opinions became quite false. And,
in history, so long as the voyage of Francus into
France, and that of Brutus into Britain, were recei-
ved as truths, the real truth was esteemed complete
falsehood.
What France was two centuries ago, in regard to
its antiquities; and England was one century ago;
such is Scotland now; lost in fable, and regarding
the truth as falsehood. No fiction can be more ab-
solutely shewn to be false, than the succession of
kings of the Scots, from Fergus I. more than 300
years before Christ, to Fergus II. 503 after him. It
will afterward be demonstrated, as far as historic de-
monstration can go, that the Old Scots, or Dalriads,
far from being conquerors of the Piks in 843, were
themselves subdued by the Piks in 739, according to
the Annals of Tighernac and Ulster, the most authen-
tic Irish documents; and which certainly favour the
Dalriads more than the Piks, as the former were from
Ireland. That the kingdom of Dalriada, upon its
conquest by the Piks, in 739, vanishes from history,
and dwindles into nullity; which could never have
been the case had it grown in power, so as in 843
to vanquish the Piks. That Kenneth, noted in our
fables as conqueror of the Piks, was real and imme-
diate king of those very Piks, whom we dream that
he conquered. That the modern name of Scots, and
Scotland, unknown for the people and country of
North Britain till the year 1010 or 1020, did not
arise at all from the Dalriads, or Old British Scots of
Beda; who, on the contrary, had lost the name of
Scots for some centuries before, and were called
Gatheli, and Hibernenses, as terms of special distinc-
tion, from the modern Scori, a name given to the
CHAP. VII.
233
PIKISH KINGDOM.
Piks by later Celtic writers, as being Scythæ, or Goths,
as were also the Old Scoti of Ireland. That the
cause of all this confusion in our history arises from
Irish churchmen being our only literati, and histori-
ans, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, when this
confusion begins to appear; and from other reasons
afterward explained. That till Kenneth mounted
the Pikish throne, the Dalriads were confined to Ar-
gyleshire; and did not reach over the other High-
lands of Inverness and Ross-shires till centuries after;
nor into Sutherland, till the Norwegians left that
country. That they never, from their arrival till
this hour, exceeded 300,000; while the Piks, the
real people of present Scotland, now amount to
1,000,000, and always were to the Dalriads as three
to one. And that the line of Dalriadic princes, or
Scotish kings, as we dream, even from 503 to the
time Kenneth came to the Pikish crown, in 843,
is totally vague, and unsatisfactory, as might be ex-
pected in such a petty monarchy, or rather dukedom.
Yet so great is the propension of the generality to
falsehood, that the people of Scotland plume and
pique themselves upon fables concerning the Old
Scots or Dalriads, while the Pikish kingdom, so re-
markable in the pages of Beda, almost passes for a
dream! It was not till this century that the English,
so superior to us in antiquaries, discovered that they
had no concern with Brutus, and the Welsh fables.
The Welsh are to the English what the Dalriads, or
Highlanders, are to the people of North Britain : but
with this prodigious difference, that the Welsh were
in possession of England before the ancestors of the
present English; while the Dalriads did not arrive
in North Britain till many centuries after the Piks,
the real ancestors of the people. The change of the
name Piks into that of Scots has occasioned deplora-
ble confusion in our history. Yet it is in detecting
234
PART III.
PIKS.
and settling such singular events that the abilities of
an antiquary are chiefly to be exerted. These two
words, Scots and Scotland, have hitherto totally ruined
our history; but in time truth and good sense will
prevail. To these terms is it owing that we of Scot-
land are to this day enemies of the Piks; and that
our antiquaries are propagating falsehood, in order
to destroy the history of our ancestors!
I must confess with shame that these prejudices
clung around me at first; and that it was some time
before I could throw a candid eye upon the Pikish
history. After I clearly saw that the Piks were the
real ancestors of the present Scots, I looked upon
the catalogues of Pikish kings given by Fordun, Win-
ton, Lynch, and Innes, with a suspicious eye; and
thought the account of Old Scotish kings better au-
thenticated. As I went deeper into the subject, I
saw more and more uncertainty attending the list of
Old Scotish kings, even from 503 to 843; and new
circumstances to certify the series of Pikish monarchs.
Upon a careful perusal of many ancient historians of
Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, I saw no better evi-
dences of their old monarchs preceding the tenth
century than of our Pikish kings. At last I began
to ask myself seriously by what unaccountable preju-
dice it came to pass that I looked upon the Pikish
series with quite another eye, than upon those of
Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, which are no better
authenticated? If any instance had occurred, or could
possibly occur, of four different lists of kings being
all forged, and yet agreeing with Beda, the Irish
and Welsh Annals, nay, in one instance with a Ger-
man annalist? If Scaliger, Petavius, or other chrono-
logists, had better authority for many lists of kings,
given by them from one single writer, and universally
received by the learned, than we for the series of
Pikish monarchs? How it could come to pass that
CHAP. VII.
235
PIKISH KINGDOM.
the list of petty kings of Dalriada could be preserved,
and that of the monarchs of all North Britain perish,
while the Old Scots were not Christians, even in Ire-
land, till 432, and the Southern Piks were converted,
as Beda shews, about 412; so that the advantage of
the light of Christianity was on the Pikish side? What
four forgers could arise, so skilful as to follow exactly
Beda's account of the Pikish elective succession, that
it was in the female, and not in the male line? To
answer these questions, and others of the same ten-
dency, was to me utterly impossible; so I willingly
dismissed my prejudices, and reposed my mind on
the truth, that we have as complete evidence of our
Pikish kings, of the kings of all Scotland, from the
fifth to the ninth century, as human history affords
in such cases: and that the series from the first cen-
tury to the fifth is equal, as that from the fifth to the
ninth is superior, to those of Denmark, Sweden, or
Norway, during that whole period of the eight first
centuries. In short, it was discovered that the only
cause why the Pikish series has been neglected by
our historians, falsely so called, and, of course, by
our people in general, was the grand axiom above.
mentioned, WHENEVER ANY FALSEHOOD IS RECEIVED
AS TRUTH, THE OPPOSITE TRUTH MUST OF ABSOLUTE
NECESSITY PASS FOR FALSEHOOD. The Old Scotish
series, and the whole history of the Old Scots, are as
arrant falsehoods as ever invention propagated, and
ignorance believed; and when these were received
as truth, the Pikish series, and the real and solid his-
tory of the Piks, to be found in the Roman and other
grave writers, of absolute necessity passed for false-
hoods.
The reasons why the Scotish fables prevailed over
the Pikish history it is easy to offer. Innes has shewn
that, down to the year 1301, the Pikish series was
carefully preserved, and given by our chroniclers;
236
PART III.
PIKS.
who rightly commenced the Dalriadic series only at
503; and restrained their power to Dalriada, or Ar-
gyle, till 843, when, by their accounts, they ascend-
ed the Pikish throne. In 1301 the grand dispute
with Edward I. of England arose; and the Highland
bards and genealogists having, with their usual igno-
rance and venality, flattered their chiefs and district
so far at the expence of all truth, as to begin, in the
dark period of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, to
assert that their own Dalriadic race had come to the
Pikish throne by conquest; nay, that the Dalriads
had vanquished the Piks seven times in a day, and
afterward devoured the whole nation at an enter-
tainment;' incidents certainly not true, and begin-
ning now to be discredited, even in Scotland; the
nominal Scots were, by the delusion of these poor
senachies, brought to a sad dilemma. For the English,
having no idea what the extirpation of a people could
mean, and being strangers to the sanguinary roman-
ces of Highland bards, had, instead of extirpating
the Britons in a dream, with their usual good sense,
availed themselves of these very Britons to advance
their claim of great antiquity, in their possession of
this island. Edward commenced with Brutus; and
claimed by succession of the English to the Welsh
line. This was sense, and policy, for that age; but the
fables of the Highland bards had annihilated the Piks,
so that the nominal Scots had no claim of succession.
Their only claim was that of extirpation; a claim so
truly vague, that it could not have entered the ima-
* Convocatos itaque, tanquam ad convivium, magnates Pictorum,
captata crapulæ opportunitate, clavorum extractione quos tenebant
tabulata in bancorum concavitate, mira decipula, poplitenus comiter
et improvise lapsos, statim trucidaverunt. Sicque de duobus popu-
lis gens bellicosior totaliter evanuit.—So Giraldus Camb. the father
of the fiction, founded on a similar tale of Hengist and the Britons.
"Septies una die congreditur," says Fordun.
CHAP. VII.
237
PIKISH KINGDOM,
66
gination of a foreigner. Extirpation!" would the
Pope and Cardinals have said; there is no such
word in human history, ancient or modern." To veil
therefore this unheard-of claim, the history of the
Piks was totally sunk; and the Scots were asserted
to have been possessors of the country, by their name
of Scots, from the fifth century before Christ. Hence
sprung the utter ruin of the history of Scotland; and
to the wild imagination of the Highland bards and
senachies are we indebted for it. Had the smallest
ray of learning glanced across their minds, they must
have seen that on the Pikish history alone did the
whole honour of their line stand; and that their an-
tiquities were but as ivy round the Pikish column,
which, if the column fell, would fall with it. The
manifesto of the Scotish lords to the Pope, in 1301,
is well known to be the sole basis of our fabulous
history; and from 1301 to this hour, being five cen-
turies, has our ancient history remained a Celtic
dream, to the laughter and astonishment of all Eu-
rope. For every foreigner of the least learning,
knowing that the Caledonians and Piks are all one
people;' and that the Scots were unknown to the
Romans till the fourth century, and even then only
known in Ireland; the whole ancient history of
Scotland, as it stands, being directly opposite to the
Roman accounts, justly passes for an ignorant fiction.
Such are the fruits of fiction; while, had the Highland
bards and senachies preserved, and sedulously cul-
tivated, the Pikish history, and been even content
with asserting that the Dalriadic, or Old Scotish line,
came by inheritance to the Pikish kingdom, these
2
"Les Caledoniens ne sont point à distinguer des Picts," says
D'Anville, Geogr. Anc. Abr. Tome I. p. 110. So also Cellarius,
Geogr. Ant.; nay Buchanan, Caledonii,... planissime Picti fuerunt.
Lib. I.
* D'Anville, Schoepflin, &c. &c. See Part V. ch. 4.
238
PART III.
PIKS.
Scotish lords themselves, in fact all Piks, as three
quarters of the people were and are, would have
plumed themselves upon the Pikish history; and
might, from the Irish Annals, have shewn, if they
pleased, that the monarchy was older than Brutus;
and from Beda, that the Piks possessed their part of
Britain as early as the Welsh did theirs. If the
Scotish line came to the succession so late as 843,
the line then on the throne of England came in so
late as 1154; for the house of Plantagenet then as-
cended the English throne, by the same right as some
writers say the Scotish race ascended the Pikish,
namely, female inheritance. But the fiction of the
Scotish manifesto served not one purpose that the
truth would not have served in a far higher degree.
Indeed, it was only one word which caused all this
falsehood and delusion. Had the old name of the
country, Pikland, been retained, the fables of the
Highland bards would never have been infectious.
If William the Conqueror had changed the name of
England to Normandy, not all the superior clearness
of English history could have prevented shocking
mistakes.
Setting this weakness entirely aside, it is certain
that three quarters of the present Scots are Piks;
and that the only history of Scotland is that of Pik-
land. The slightest enquiry into the subject convin-
ced me, that to write our history, as done for these
five centuries, by arranging it under the line of Scot-
ish princes, falsely so called, is as absurd, as it would
be to write that of England under the succession of
kings of Wales. Winton indeed saw this so early as
1410; and has given our history under the Pikish
sovereigns. The Pikish kings were the kings of
North Britain. The Old Scotish kings were the
princes of Argyle, till 843, when Kenneth ascended
the Pikish throne. Such being the case, the plan of
CHAP. VII.
239
PIKISH KINGDOM.
constructing our history, which first occurred to me,
was to give no series of monarchs whatever till 843,
but from the Roman writers, Beda, Irish Annals, &c.
to give every circumstance that could be recovered.
But upon full examination of the subject it was clear-
ly seen that the series of Pikish kings was better au-
thenticated than those of the Danish, Norwegian,
and Swedish sovereigns of the time; as might na-
turally be expected in a country which became
Christian in the fifth and sixth centuries, while Den-
mark, Norway, and Sweden, were not so till the
tenth; and had no writers till the eleventh, while
Scotland had Irish writers, Cuminius and Adomnan,
in the seventh, beside its constant intercourse with
the learned countries of England and Ireland. It
was also seen that the series of Danish kings was
contained in old catalogues exactly similar to those
of our Pikish monarchs; and which it was usual
to keep in old calendars and mass-books. Had the
Pikish series perished, it would have been indeed a
miracle; but that it is preserved and is confirmed
by the collateral evidences of Cuminius, Adomnan,
Beda, the Irish annalists, and others, is no matter of
wonder. Soon after Fordun's book appeared in print,
1684, Sir George Mackenzie's ideas, concerning the
antiquity of the Scotish line, raised a singular party
heat in Scotland, that, like a furnace, burned the
most solid proofs of truth to ashes. At the time of
the Union, some English writers moved questions
concerning the independency of Scotland; and
though all men of sense and science in the latter
country began to open their eyes to the falsehood
of our history, so clearly evinced by Usher, Bishop,
Lloyd, and Stillingfleet, yet that the country had al-
ways been independent, was a certain truth, (now
universally allowed by English historians): but this
point being of supreme delicacy and importance,
240
PART III.
PIKS.
there was great hazard in changing the grounds of
our history at that time. And as Atwood, and other
writers against the independency of Scotland, had
availed themselves of charters, since demonstrated
by Rymer and others to be palpable forgeries, the
Scotish writers had a political right, in a political
question, to use their own old forgeries on the other
extreme. This ferment was not forgotten, when
Innes's valuable Essay on our ancient history appear-
ed, in 1729. That work contained such proofs, as
ought instantly to have turned the current of our his-
tory: but his own gross errors, concerning the Piks,
whom, with Camden and Lloyd, he thought Welsh
Britons, rendered the accuracy of his other reasons
suspicious to men of reading, who knew this to be a
new and futile opinion, directly opposite to all an-
cient accounts. Innes being also a Papist and vio-
lent Jacobite, his work became on these accounts
little acceptable, and almost neglected. Our old
history since that time has only fallen into the weak
and ignorant discussion of a Maitland, and a Guthrie ;
but even they begin to shew faint gleams of common
sense. So late indeed as 1759, Goodal, a warm bigot,
wished to reduce all our history to its old barbarism
and ignorance, by his superficial introduction to For-
dun; a piece which would have disgraced a monk
of the twelfth century, and in which all historic evi-
dence is attempted to be melted down in distempered
zeal. The two Macphersons, considering themselves
of the old Celtic race, have converted the Piks into
Celts, and denicd all the Pikish history; as it is in-
deed the grand characteristic of those writers to put
falsehood as truth, and truth as falsehood."
1 Dr Macpherson attempts to shew the names of Pikish king
Celtic; and instances the following: Cineoch, or Kenneth; Oengus,
or Angus; Ennegus, or Hungus; Elpin, or Alpin; Urgus, or Fergus ;
Canaul, or Conal; Donel, or Donald: that is, from 100 names he
·
5
CHAP. VII.
241
PIKISH KINGDOM.
But, ever since Innes published the two old Pikish
Chronicles, all men of sense and science in Scotland
have seen that upon them, and their collateral proofs,
the whole series of the kings of North Britain pre-
ceding 843 stands. Our men of talents have never
been antiquaries; and such a line of dunces have
discussed our antiquities, that it is no wonder the
study of them is disesteemed; and that a country,
productive of able writers, is remarkable for that
most contemptible of all kinds of ignorance, the ig-
norance of its own history. The want of public lib-
raries in Scotland is one great cause of this; and
the institution of such would contribute more to the
real learning of the country, than the foundation of
universities for those who have the use of libraries
generally want inclination; and the grand point is
to open up to inclination, which alone carries a man
through the toils of learning, easy means of indul-
gence.
Let us now proceed to a particular consideration
of the Catalogues we have of our Pikish monarchs.
If the reader be accustomed to the Scotish history,
can only pitch on seven or eight, and these he is forced to grant
are after Christianity appeared in Pikland. But his error lies in
supposing the Dalriadic line Celtic, whereas it was Gothic; and the
names are Gothic, as the reader will see after. Sir Robert Sibbald,
in his History of Fife, has long ago observed that the names of Pik-
ish kings are Gothic, not Irish; and Dr Macpherson's sad shift of
mangling seven names, even to make that number Irish, shews the
truth; though Dr M. did not know it. Dr M. also, p. 42, 43, fights
against the Pikish list preceding Brudi, 557; and says, why receive
it, when the same fragments, which preserve it, may also serve to
establish the Scotish kings before Fergus, son of Erc? The very re-
verse of this is the truth; for those fragments, which preserve the
Pikish list, have not one of these Scotish kings, but begin every one
with Fergus, son of Erc, as the first Scotish king. He also says, p.
16, that the Chronicles, published by Innes, only reconcile us to the
loss of the rest and it is no wonder that such mistaken zeal should
eagerly wish for the destruction of all our historic remains, in order
to make Ossian and falsehood triumphant.
VOL. I.
Q
242
PART III.
PIKS.
as it stands preceding 843, he may, it is likely, re-
ceive the plain truths here presented with a prejudi-
ced and reluctant ear. But much may be trusted to
that good sense which is shewn by my countrymen
in other affairs; and it is to that good sense I appeal:
and have so high an opinion of its general operation,
even in so obstinate a case as this, that I should not
be surprised to see even our shallowest writers fol-
lowing the true path, in a very few years. If the
reader does not drop old prejudices, the case is des-
perate; for after all prejudices are put aside, human
reason is but a weak affair, and the love of truth no
strong motive with mankind. All that is requested
of the reader is to follow Lord Bacon's counsel in
searching after truth, "to keep his mind in suspence,
till he resolve ;" and to take up this examination, as
the author has done, as a question concerning an an-
cient series of kings of Macedon, Egypt, Assyria, or
of Norway, Sweden, or Denmark. The Catalogues
we have of our Pikish kings amount to no less than
Five; and are as follow:
I. One given by Fordun, who wrote about 1385;
and who does not mention whence he had it. This
however agrees so well with Adomnan and Beda, that
it would, if solitary, satisfy every unprejudiced mind:
and Langbain has thought this alone a sufficient
foundation.
'
II. Winton's account of the Pikish kings, woven
into his Chronicle, written about 1410.
III. A Catalogue of the Pikish kings from Brudi,
557, published by Lynch, in his Cambrensis Eversus,
from an ancient Irish translation of Nennius.
IV. A Catalogue published by Innes, from the Re-
gistrum Sancti Andreæ, written 1251.
Chron. Reg. Pict. in his Elenchus Ant. Albion, una cum brevi Re-
gum Pictorum Chronico. Londini, 1673, 8vo.
CHAP. VII.
243
PIKISH KINGDOM.
V. The most complete, important, and authentic,
is the CHRONICON REGUM PICTORUM, published by
Innes, from a MS. in the Colbertine, and now in the
king of France's library, written in the fourteenth
century; but perhaps this part transcribed from one
of the ninth. This MS. was formerly in the collec-
tion of Cecil Lord Burleigh; is now in the French
king's library, No. 4126; and the reader will find its
contents in the Appendix.
All these Catalogues differ in some few points; a
clear proof that not one of them was transcribed from
any of the others. These variations will be marked in
the next chapter. The most remarkable is that I. II.
and IV. cut off no less than FOURTEEN kings, between
Cruthen the First, and Gilgidi the Sixteenth, but whom
they make the Second. For this the Scotish tran-
scribers had two reasons. 1. By thus reducing the
number of Pikish kings, they abridged the date of the
Pikish monarchy, and made it posterior to the ima-
ginary era of the Scotish. 2. Brudi Bout, the 15th
king, is said in the genuine Chronicle to have been
the progenitor of thirty sovereigns of Ireland, which
could only be by conquest; and the Irish origin of
the Old Scots, being anciently as certain, and well
known as the light of day, the Scotish transcribers
could not hear of this assertion, so dashed out this
monarch and his predecessors, all save Cruthen, who
was so well known as the first Pikish sovereign, that
the Irish called the Piks Cruthenich, after his name;
as they called the Dalreudini from Reuda, and applied
many other names of kings to different tribes and na-
tions. But that Number V. as it is the most full and
complete in all respects, so is also the most authentic,
Innes has shewn by these arguments.
I. The number of kings from Cruthen to Constan-
tin, is by the most ancient Irish Annals said to amount
to Seventy. This is exactly the number in this in-
244
PART III.
PIKS.
valuable record; while, by the list given by Fordun,
they are but Fifty-eight; by Winton's account, which
is quite imperfect, still fewer; and by the Register
of St Andrew's, only Fifty-two.
II. This Catalogue alone perfectly coincides with
other authentic writers, while the others differ widely.
Beda informs us, that the year of Christ 565 concur-
red with the ninth year of Brudi, son of Meilochon,
king of the Piks. Thence it follows that Brudi began
his reign in the year 557; and this is a fixt and im-
portant epoch, to which all the other reigns may be
referred.
1. All writers agree with Beda, that, in 685, Eg-
frid, king of Northumberland, was slain in battle by
the Piks; and the ancient additions to Nennius say
it was by Brudi, king of the Piks, that Egfrid was
killed. Now by this Chronicle, the reign of Brudi,
son of Bili, began 676, and ended 697. While, by
Fordun's list, this king began to reign in 660, and
reigned only eleven years, or till 671.
2. Ceolfrid, abbot of Wiremouth, wrote his famous
letter about Easter, and the Tonsure, to Naitan, king
of the Piks, in 715. Beda. And this agrees perfect-
ly with the chronology of this Chronicle, accord-
ing to which Naitan, son of Derili, or Nethan III.
reigned from 712 till 727. While, by Fordun's Cata-
logue, Naiton ended his reign in 703; and by the Re-
gister of St Andrew's, did not begin to reign till 747.
So that they must be both wrong, and the Chronicle
alone exact.
3. The death of Ungust, son of Vergust, king of
the Piks, is fixt to the year 761, by a short Chronicle
at the end of Beda, and by Roger Hoveden, and Si-
meon of Durham. Now this agrees exactly with this
Pikish Chronicle; according to the supputation of
which the death of Ungust happened just that year
761. While by Fordun's Catalogue, it would have
CHAP. VII.
245
PIKISH KINGDOM.
been 737; and by the Register of St Andrew's, about
year 800.
the
4. Kineod, king of the Piks, gave a retreat in his
kingdoms to Alcred, king of Northumberland, ex-
pelled from his throne in 774, according to Roger
Hoveden, and Simeon of Durham. The very name
of this Kineod is not to be found in any of the Cata-
logues, save this, and the one given by Lynch. And
in this Chronicle the death of Kineod is placed in
775, in which Roger and Simeon also agree.
These arguments, invincible as truth, must esta-
blish the great fidelity and authenticity of this Chro-
nicle beyond all possibility of doubt, even with the
most ignorant and prejudiced. Upon this Chronicle
alone then must our series of Pikish kings be given;
and all the rest be referred to it, as an infallible stand-
ard. This shall be done in the next chapter: but,
before proceeding further, as, in so essential a point
as the series of Pikish monarchs, the kings of North
Britain, no shadow of doubt should be left, a few ar-
guments shall be offered for the authenticity of this
series. No one, whose mind is not blinded by pre-
judice, can indeed question a series of monarchs es-
tablished in general by no less than Five Chronicles,
all bearing intrinsic marks that they are not copied
from each other, nor from any forged archetype; but
the following considerations are offered, which, it is
hoped, may remove all prejudice. For to him, who
looks into these monuments with the same freedom
of mind that is applied to a list of Macedonian or
Assyrian kings, the only wonder will be what distem-
pered fancy could suggest a doubt on the occasion.
That he who believes in the Scotish series will not cre-
dit the Pikish, that a believer in Ossian will not credit
authentic records, is indeed a natural consequence.
For to weak minds, by a perversion of mental vision,
truth seems falsehood, and falsehood truth: and it is
246
PART III.
PIKS.
ever found that WHEN FALSEHOOD IS RECEIVED AS
TRUTH, THE OPPOSITE TRUTH MUST OF ABSOLUTE NECES-
SITY PASS FOR FALSEHOOD.
1. The reason why the Pikish series has been ne-
glected, is the change of the name of Piks for that of
Scots in the eleventh century; and the fables which
our Irish Chroniclers built upon that change. No
Pik, or Lowlander, can be discovered as a writer, till
two centuries after this, when the very name of Pik
and Pikland was lost in the profound gloom of that
period; and in 1301 we find the name of Scots had so
far operated, that the Piks, or Lowlanders, were fight-
ing for the name of Old Scots, and gravely implying
their own extirpation! Now to trust these Celtic se-
nachies with the real history of a country, would be
as absurd as to search for the history of England in
Geofrey of Monmouth. Truth and falsehood are to-
tally heterogeneous; and as, in Geofrey of Monmouth,
the real and solid history of Britain is quite sunk,
and a series of Celtic phantoms given in place of it,
that, by utterly extinguishing the history of the Eng-
lish, exalt the Welsh, who were ever confined to a
corner of Britain, to the greatest glory, such was ex-
actly the case with our history. Alas, such actually
it is! for let the reader suppose for a moment that
Beda, and the Saxon Chronicle, (only two little books,)
had perished, as no other English historians arose
till the twelth century, Geofrey of Monmouth would
infallibly have been followed in all things, as he really
was in most till this very century; and the history of
England, had it not been for Beda alone, from whom
the early part of the Saxon Chronicle is taken, would
at this hour have been like the history of Scotland, a
mere Celtic dream. Pikland produced no Beda; and
of so vast importance is literature to a country, that
one literary man may, like a petty deity, give a whole
nation fame, and its constant attendants, power and
CHAP. VII.
247
PIKISH KINGDOM.
dignity. And the want of one literary man may sink
a country in the eyes of all other nations; and re-
duce it to almost a non-existence. What the English
are to the Welsh, such are the people of North Bri-
tain to the Highlanders. And as the real history of
England has quite perished, if regarded only in the
Welsh accounts; so has our history in the Highland
visions.
2. Beda tells us, that the Pikish elective succession
of kings was in the female line, from all antiquity,
and retained to his time. This succession shall be
further considered afterward; but it suffices here to
remark, that by this mode no son was successor to
his father; but the sister's son, daughter's son, or
next heir chosen on the female side. Now the series
of Pikish kings fully accords with this account. To
Drust, son of Erp, succeeds Talorc, son of Aniel, &c.;
to Brudi, son of Bili, succeeds Tharan, son of Entifi-
dich; and to him Brudi, son of Derili, &c.
To a
free mind this minute, but important, coincidence
must afford an infallible proof of veracity.
3. The Catalogue of Pikish monarchs, given by
Lynch, from an old Irish MS. of Nennius, perfectly
agrees with the most important Pikish Chronicle,
Number V. save that in one or two places the num-
ber of years assigned to a reign vary. The other
Catalogues all differ so much among themselves, as
to prove beyond a doubt that they could not be co-
pied from each other, nor from one archetype; and
yet all agree so far as fully to confirm the veracity of
the whole series.
4. The Psaltair Cashail; a Metrical Chronicle of
the kings of Dalriada, composed by the bard, or sena-
chy, of Malcolm III. 1056, as the conclusion bears;
the Leabhair Dromnasnacta; book of Lecan; and
other Irish monuments; ALL agree that there were
Seventy kings of the Piks preceding Constantin.
248
PART III
PIKS.
The invaluable Catalogue, Number V. gives just this
number; and it also agrees in four grand epochs with
Beda, Hoveden, Simeon of Durham, and other early
English writers; proofs of authenticity, which, in any
other case, would be held infallible. This piece must,
if a forgery, have been composed either before, or
after, the twelfth century; when the greater number
of the above authors appeared. If before, then they
copied it; if after, the forger, who, as appears from
his production, could hardly spell a Latin word, was
conversant in all the Irish and English historians;
and so skilful as to accommodate his whole produc-
tion to them. That the Irish Annalists, and Hove-
den, and Simeon, followed this Catalogue, and ac-
commodated their narration and dates to it, in events
of which no vestige is to be found in it, the most
wild imagination will never conceive. And that a
forger should arise in the fourteenth century, who
had carefully studied unique Irish MSS. Beda, Sime-
on of Durham, and Hoveden, and with an art which
has all the simplicity of truth, had adapted his whole
series to these writers; nay, to Four other Pikish Ca-
talogues; is yet more impossible than the former.
But no man, whose prejudices have not quite extin-
guished his rationality, can suppose either of these
cases. And the point comes at once to this issue.
Either this Pikish Chronicle is a forgery, and its coin-
cidences with the best and most authentic writers
are unaccountable; or it is most true and authentic,
and its coincidences with such writers are natural,
necessary, and unavoidable. Let the reader chuse ;
after taking this certain truth along with him, that all
historic forgeries, yet discovered, have violated chro-
nology, and clashed with authentic authors. If a fo-
reigner happens to look into this work, he may with
reason think meanly of the author's judgment, for
insisting on a matter which would appear so clear at
CHAP. VII.
249
PIKISH KINGDOM.
first in the history of Denmark, Germany, Italy,
Spain, France, or any country where ancient history
is cultivated but he will please to reflect, that in
Scotland ancient history is lost by the prejudices,
falsehood, ignorance, and indolent superficiality, of
our writers; and that with us the whole power of
reasoning must be employed to establish truth, which,
in learned and unprejudiced countries, establishes
itself.
5. We have FIVE Catalogues of Pikish kings, ALL,
though different, confirming each other. Scaliger,
Petavius, and others of the greatest learning and most
severe judgment, have, in many cases, given a series
of ancient kings, from only one list; and that series
has yet been universally received, and passes every
where current as undoubted Historic Truth. In the
name of common sense, is one single list, given by
one single author, who in some instances wrote a
thousand or fifteen hundred years after the series
closed, to be preferred to five several lists, all con-
firming each other, and confirmed by authentic an-
cient authors; and written within four and five hun-
dred years after the series closed; nay, according to all
appearance transcribed from originals, written when
the series existed? For though the Piks used no let-
ters, yet they had Welsh and Irish churchmen among
them, from the fifth century, who did use letters.
6. We must deny all historic evidence, if we deny
the Piks to be Goths from Scandinavia. Now many of
the names of Pikish kings are the very same found in
Runic monuments, and may be all traced in the Go-
thic, as I have especially traced all their epithets in
that language for which see next chapter. This adds
great authenticity to the CHRONICON PICTORUM.
::
7. Though the Danes and Swedes had no letters
till the tenth century, for the ridiculous antiquity as-
signed to the Runic monuments with inscriptions is
250
PART III.
PIKS.
now dispelled,' yet all allow the list of Danish and
Swedish kings to be authentic from the sixth centu-
ry. How were they preserved? By songs and tales; by
historic bards, and genealogists. That historic songs
were common among the German Goths, is clear from
Tacitus. From such songs did Saxo Grammaticus
compose his history; and he produces them constant-
ly as vouchers. But they are mingled with fiction,
and Saxo's history of Hamlet, immortalized by Shak-
speare, and which, by Saxo's account, happened before
our era, is palpably taken from a ballad, written not
above fifty years before Saxo; for it mentions a wood
between Scotland and England; and there was a sea
till after 1010, when the name of Scotland was first
given to North Britain. Saxo indeed, in another place,
following a real old ballad, calls present Scotland Pe-
tia, or Petland.³ The danger therefore was, that histo-
ric songs were liable to be confounded with romantic
ballads, as Saxo has done always. The true series of
kings was that preserved by the genealogists, who, at
coronations, and other solemn events, repeated the
series in barren verse, which only bore the names and
years of the reign. These historic lists are easily
known from this peculiarity, and their having no or-
naments nor incidents whatever, as shall be more
fully mentioned presently. They were in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, when learning appeared in
the northern kingdoms, as it then began to revive in
others, translated into Latin; or Latin Catalogues
* Dissert. de origin. Run. in Collect. Diss. de Ant. Sueciæ in Bibl.
Regia. Runic letters were in common use in Scandinavia, so late as
the 15th century. Venantius Fortunatus, about 530, knew them in
Gaul, whence they passed to Germany, but apparently did not reach
Scandinavia till the ninth century, at the soonest.
2 Celebrant carminibus antiquis, quod unum apud illos memo-
riæ et annalium genus est, &c. Tacit. Germ.
3 Lib. IX. p. 171, edit Steph. "Scotia ac Petiæ," that is, Ireland
and Pikland. He is speaking of Regnar Lodbrog, about 830.
CHAP. VII.
251
PIKISH KINGDOM.
made from them. These Latin Catalogues, which in
the Danish history exactly resemble the Scotish, have
been carefully collected, and esteemed, as they are,
the sole foundations of the real history of the king-
doms. The latest historians follow them only; and
reject the romances of Saxo, and others. Pikland
was a kingdom at least as powerful as ancient Den-
mark; and inhabited by the very same people. The
same manners must have prevailed; and the list of
kings must have been constantly repeated and pre-
served. But the Dalriadic bards came in time to be
preferred by our princes, as their speech was a writ-
ten one, and more polished than the Pikish, an un-
written tongue: but these bards, accustomed only to
the Dalriadic series, would continue to repeat it; as
we find the bard of Malcolm III. do in the poem of
this very kind, which is extant. And this bard con-
tents himself with barely mentioning that Seventy
Pikish kings had reigned over Pikland, from Cath-
luan, an epithetic name which the Irish writers give
to Cruthen,' the founder of the Pikish monarchy, to
Constantin. At the coronation of Alexander III.
1249, we find all mention of the Pikish kings dropt;
for a Highlander on that occasion repeated the famous
genealogy of that monarch in prose, which is preser-
ved by Diceto, Fordun, and others: in which he is
traced in the Dalriadic line of kings. Thus were the
Highland senachies, a set of the most ignorant strol-
lers that ever disgraced a country, totally to bury our
genuine history; and lay the foundation of that Cel-
tic edifice of falsehood and nonsense, which we call
the ancient history of Scotland. Utter falsehood was
received as truth; and the truth of consequence be-
gan to pass for falsehood. But as the Danes in last
So the Greeks, as Herodotus says, called the Candaules of the
Lydians Myrsilus.
252
PART III.
PIKS.
century believed in Saxo, whom they had credited for
five centuries, but now universally allow five or six
short lists of their old monarchs, exactly resembling
those of our Pikish kings, and but lately recovered,
like these, from old manuscripts, to be the sole found-
ation of their genuine history, such will be our case.
And if a few Goodals in Scotland, and Lyschanders
in Denmark, rise to oppose forgery to truth, they
will soon sink into neglect; for though mankind are
prone to falsehood, yet in all history truth has always
prevailed in the end. Nor is it to be supposed that
Scotland alone will ever deny to found its real his-
tory upon that broad and solid basis of Gothic sense,
and sobriety of mind, upon which that of other Eu-
ropean kingdoms stands; or be content, along with
the Welsh and old Irish, instead of real antiquities, to
hold out a weak romance to the derision of Europe.
Men who foster such prejudices, are the bitterest
enemies of their country; for they keep its history
out of that of Europe: and no foreigner has meddled
with our ancient history, or ever introduced it into
universal history, or indeed ever mentioned it but
with scorn. Hence the respect due to the nation is
violated; and its fame and honour destroyed in the
eyes of other nations.
I
8. The importance of the Pikish monarchy, whose
kings are never mentioned by Beda, a contemporary
writer, but with some epithet of great power, and
which was the largest in Britain, for it existed during
the Heptarchic Times, may warrant us to conclude
that it would have been indeed strange, if we had not
even a list of its kings. We have lists of those of every
heptarchic kingdom; nay, of the petty kingdom of
Dalriada: we have lists of the kings of Ireland, of
Denmark, of Norway; nay, of the judges of Iceland,
I
* Regnante Pictis Bridio filio Meilochon Rege potentissimo. III.
4. Domino excellentissimo, et gloriosissimo regi, Naitano. V. 22.
CHAP. VII.
253
PIKISH KINGDOM.
and of the Orkneys and Farroe isles. Was Pikland
alone, a kingdom in the heart of these countries, spe-
cially marked for oblivion by nature? What strange
prejudice can infer, that lists of the petty kings of the
Old Scots in Dalriada are infallibly true; and those
of the monarchs of North Britain, found in the very
same MSS. and supported by English and Irish autho-
rities (which the former contradict), are false? What
amulet, what magic charm, is there in the names of
Scot and Scotland, that should lead ignorant and su-
perficial minds to take truth for falsehood, and false-
hood for truth? Because falsehood has remained for
five centuries, is it less false than at first?
9. The best Catalogue of our Pikish kings was found
in a manuscript which had belonged to Lord Burgh-
ley, and which, as it chiefly relates to Scotish affairs,
had in all appearance been brought from Scotland. As
it was written about the year 1350,' after the expedi-
tions of Edward I. it seems uncertain how it passed
into England. The Register of St Andrew's, in which
another Catalogue was found, ends 1251. Fordun's
Catalogue of Pikish kings differs from both these, and
could not be copied from either. Winton's differs
from all the three; and is not copied from the Register
of St Andrew's, as Innes says, but was apparently
taken from a MS. of the monastery in Lochleven, of
which Winton was prior; for Maul of Melgum, in his
inaccurate History of the Piks, says he had his account
of the Pikish kings from MSS. formerly belonging
to St Andrew's, and Lochleven. These MSS. like
some others which totally abolished the Scotish anti-
quity, and established that of the Piks, are suspected
to have been wilfully destroyed by zeal for the Scot-
ish name.
Now all these Chronicles must have been
necessarily transcribed from ancient lists; for after
the name of Scotland was given to the country, about
* See its contents in the Appendix.
254
PART III.
PIKS.
1010, the Pikish name gradually vanished. In 1138,
at the War of the Standard, we find the last mention
of the Piks in history; and the name was then confi-
ned to the people of Galloway, who, till that century,
had been independent Piks under their own princes,
the lords of Galloway, and thus had escaped the deno-
mination of Scots, then given to the other Piks. After
1301, no nominal Scotishman would have sought to
honour the Piks, though his real ancestors, at the ex-
pence of the Scots, his name-fathers: far less have for-
ged Chronicles for that purpose. If these Catalogues
were forged, it must have been in the eleventh or
twelfth century, before the Pikish name was lost in the
Scotish. And they could only be forged by Piks, who
gloried in the name. Now let the reader conceive,
if he can, four such skilful forgers to arise among the
Piks, an illiterate people, as to compose these Four Ca-
talogues, differing in themselves, and yet agreeing so
far, as, with all the simplicity of truth, to establish each
other and the best of them wholly confirmed by the
English and Irish ancient authors. St Andrew's and
Lochleven were founded and protected by Pikish
kings; it was therefore most natural that they should
cherish the memory of their benefactors; and the
finding Catalogues of these kings at these places, is
a confirmation of their truth, at the same time that
the Register of St Andrew's, being written after the
name of Scots had prevailed, we find the Catalogue
mutilated, and the victory of the Scots over the Piks
asserted; a further confirmation of its truth to every
unprejudiced mind. The book in which the real an-
cient Chronicle of the Piks, confirmed by the old
English and Irish writers, as above shewn, is preser-
ved, I suspect to have belonged to some religious
house in Galloway, where the Pikish name remained
in full vigour in 1138, and to all appearance long after.
And that this Chronicle in particular is no forgery,
:
CHAP. VII.
255
PIKISH KINGDOM.
has been fully shewn above; not to mention that the
intrinsic evidence is very strong, its simplicity being
extreme. Nay, this very Catalogue must have been
transcribed by some nominal Scotishman, for in an-
other place of the MS. he asserts the extermination
of the Piks by the Scots, and has a declamation
against the sins of the Pikish nation, which brought
them to this utter destruction. Hence it is clear that
it was not written by a nominal Pik; but transcribed
from an older copy, like the other pieces in that col-
lection, by some nominal Scotishman :, and no Scot-
ishman would forge a series of kings in which a
Pikish conquest of Ireland was asserted; and such
great antiquity given to the Piks above the Scots.
10. The Southern Piks, between the Forth and the
Grampian Hills, or of present Fife, Stirling, Dumbar-
ton, Perth, Angus, and Mearns, by far the most po-
pulous tract of Pikland, were converted to Christian-
ity, by St Ninian, about 412, as Beda shews. In 565
the Northern Piks were converted, as the same wri-
ter, Cuminius, Adomnan, and others, testify. The
Christianity of the Piks seems indeed to have been
dubious, and precarious; as that of the Scandinavians.
was for centuries after their conversion, though so
late as the tenth century. For there is not one Pik-
ish saint, or churchman of any kind, on record, while
Dalriada, Ireland, Wales, and England, were swarm-
ing with them. The saints of England were indeed
chiefly Welsh and Irish, a race to whose understand-
ings the corrupt Christianity of the dark ages was
peculiarly adapted, and who carried fanaticism to
such extravagance as to pass for the most holy and
learned men that ever existed. A consideration
which escapes those who reflect not that the learning
then in vogue was very weak; and affect to wonder
that the aboriginal Irish, then so famous for learning,
have not produced one learned man since real learn-
250
PART III.
PIKS.
ing revived. But though we have innumerable lives
of Irish and Welsh saints, who lived in England; yet
we have none of any who lived in Pikland, for Ninian
and Columba were only visitors. And though we have
English saints; yet not one Pikish saint is known.
Had any such arisen, they would never have wanted
fame; for the Irish, Welsh, or English writers would
have preserved it. Had Christianity flourished in
Pikland, it would certainly have introduced letters,
as it did into every other country. Yet, while the
Saxons, Welsh, and Irish wrote their own language,
there seems every reason to doubt if the Pikish was
ever a written language till the thirteenth and four-
teenth centuries, when the name of Piks had vanish-
ed. However there were certainly Irish and Welsh
churchmen allowed to settle in Pikland, from the
fifth century downward. The church of Abernethy
was founded about the year 600, by Garnat IV. or
by Nethan II. kings of the Piks. Abernethy is south
of the Grampian Hills; and of course among these
Piks, who were converted by Ninian. To the north
of these hills there is no evidence of any religious
foundation whatever, till after the ninth century.
About 700, Brudi, son of Derili, founded religious
houses at Culross; and in Saint Serf's Isle, Loch-
leven, if we believe Winton. Dunkeld was founded
by Constantin, about 800. The story of St Regulus
is fabulous; and St Andrew's was founded by Un-
gust, about 825. In short, the four places of religion,
Abernethy, which Innes rightly puts as the most an-
cient, Lochleven, Dunkeld, and St Andrew's, were the
only places in Pikland where any Chronicle, or Ca-
talogue of the kings could be kept. For till after
the Pikish line is said to have failed, 843, there was
not another religious house in the whole kingdom.
There was a Chronicle of Abernethy,' which is un-
¹ Fordun, IV .12. quotes it once for the foundation of Abernethy,
by Garnat IV. son of Domelch.
CHAP. VII.
257
PIKISH KINGDOM.
fortunately lost. But Winton has copied his list from
a catalogue kept at Lochleven; and the Register of
St Andrew's has preserved another. Though Loch-
leven being near St Andrew's, and the monastery
there immediately subject to the canons of that see,
these two last lists have been mutilated by mutual
connivance, in order to bring down the commence-
ment of the Pikish monarchy to a later period than
the visionary date of the Scotish. The Register of
St Andrew's quotes the ancient books of the see,
which related to the Pikish period, by the title of
LIBRI PICTORUM; and produces a Latin charter of
Ungust II. from these libri Pictorum. An old de-
scription of Scotland, written, it is supposed, by Gi-
raldus Cambrensis, in the twelfth century, also refers
to PIKISH ANNALS.² From these considerations it
follows, that as the Piks had religious houses among
them, from the seventh century, and books concern-
ing their affairs were extant in the twelfth, the me-
mory of reigns and events must have been kept among
them; and the poor preservation of the names of
their kings is so much a matter of course, that it
would have been truly extraordinary, if it had not
happened, while the lists of Danish, Norwegian, and
Swedish kings from the sixth century are admitted;
though these nations had not Christianity, nor reli-
gious houses, till the tenth century.
11. For the kings of the Saxon heptarchies we
have only one authority older than the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, the Saxon Chronicle; and, as
it is by no means full, we freely trust authors of the
twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries, in any
further intelligence they give. Our latest Pikish
"in
¹ Sibbald's Hist. of Fife" in veteribus Pictorum libris scripta
reperimus."
2
Apud Innes: "in gestis et annalibus antiquis Scotorum et Pie-
torum."
VOL. I.
R
258
PART III.
PIKS.
Chronicle is from a manuscript of the beginning of
the fourteenth century; and supposing, what will
appear an impossibility to any one who looks into it,
that it was composed at the time of the manuscript's
being written, it is inconceivable to a candid mind,
why less credit should be given to it concerning early
transactions, than is given to other monuments of
that age concerning such transactions.
12. To conclude these considerations, it may be
safely said that he, who denies the authority of our
five lists of Pikish kings, may, with equal reason,
deny all historic authority; or believe, and reject,
at pleasure, as his own caprice shall dictate. For it
will, to every free mind, appear much more rational
to credit five different pieces, containing barely events,
so universally marked and known, as the names of a
succession of kings, with the number of years they
reigned; and all written in the country in which they
reigned, probably from more ancient monuments
composed during their reigns, but at any rate drawn
up
within four centuries after this series closed, than
to lend faith to the early history of Greece, or Rome.
For in the last instances we credit writers, who lived
five or six centuries after the events they relate, for
minute relations of these events; though they hap-
pened in a period when there were none to record
them. In the former we only credit the universally
known and marked circumstances of the names of
kings, and years of their reign, the surest and most
infallible features of history: and the greater part of
the series belongs to a period when Christianity pre-
vailed in the country, and there were men who used
letters to record it. In the early history of Greece
and Rome we have no collateral authorities. In the
Pikish series we have the strongest collateral autho-
rities, of authentic writers, of surrounding nations.
In the former we generally trust to one writer for
8
CHAP. VII.
259
PIKISH KINGDOM.
minute events. In the latter we trust five, for the
most notorious events in history.
13. This volume was written, and the Pikish chro
nology digested, before I happened to peruse a trans-
lation of the Annals of Ulster; which, with those
of Tighernac and Innisfallen, form the real ancient
history of Ireland after St Patrick's time, 432; and
are as free from fable as the Saxon Chronicle, or any
genuine annals digested in the driest manner can be.
The reader may believe that it was with great plea-
sure I observed not only the names and dates, but
many actions of the Pikish kings preserved in these
Annals, from the time of Brudi, 557, to that of Ken-
neth, 843, in as exact correspondence with the Pikish
Chronicle as possible: and that not even the slight-
est incoherence, or contradiction, occurred through
the whole. In these Annals the ancient matters, as
appears from repeated quotations, are from Tigher-
nac, who wrote in the year 1088; and Ware's account
of Irish history is derived almost wholly from them.
They are also consonant with the Saxon Chronicle,
and old English histories, as well as latterly with the
Icelandic and Danish, as to Scandinavian affairs in
Ireland. This additional and ultimate proof regards
the names, dates, and actions, of about thirty Pikish
monarchs and being written in a neighbouring
country, and interwoven with the history of that
country, must convince even the most prejudiced of
the veracity, and authenticity, of our Pikish history.
Having thus far combated the irrational prejudices,
entertained by the superficial ignorance of some of
my countrymen, against authentic monuments of our
real ancestors, let us proceed briefly to consider: I.
The nature of the Pikish succession. II. The man-
ner in which historic lists of kings have been preser-
ved by tradition. III. The plan upon which the
chronology of our Pikish monarchs is to be adjusted.
260
PART III.
PIKS.
I
§ I. The Nature of the Pikish Succession. It is a
striking peculiarity, in the Pikish series, that the son
of a king never appears as king; so that in the whole
list, till just at the close, not one king is seen, whose
father ever held the sceptre. The kingdom, like
those of Sweden and Denmark, was elective; but
the kings were chosen out of a peculiar and nume-
rous race of nobles; who all deriving their genealogy
from ancient monarchs, were called REGALIS PROSA-
PIA, or THE ROYAL RACE. Jornandes informs us of
similar races among the Ostrogoths, or Eastern Ge-
tæ; and Visogoths, or Western Getæ. The elec-
tion, as in other Gothic kingdoms, must have rested
with the people, who in Caledonia had such sway,
that Dio says, the government was chiefly democra
tic. As for men being delivered over, like sheep on
an estate, from one lord to his heir, though useful in
great and refined monarchies, such an idea does not
even occur to a warlike people. Among the Piks he
of the royal race, who was strong, valiant, and wise,
would be chosen ; but when two candidates of equal
worth appeared, and the balance was doubtful, he
was chosen who, descending of the royal race, by the
female line, was thought to have a surer claim to
royal blood, than him who descended by the male
line. Of this rule of elective succession, Beda thus
instructs us ut, ubi res veniret in dubium, magis de
foeminea regum prosapia, quam de masculina, regem sibi
ELIGERENT : quod usque hodie apud Pictos constat esse
servatum." Of the number of the Royal Race we
may judge from the charter of Ungust II. published
1
Anμoxgatovvtal Te ws wandel. Dio Lib. 76. de Caledoniis lo-
Δημοκρατούνται τε ως πληθεί.
quens.
The Saxon translation by Alfred is, Mid thy Peohtar wif næfdon
badon him fram Scottum. Tha gewafedon hi thare arednesse, ant him
wif sealdon, that ther seo wise on tweon cyme, that hi thone ma of tham
wif cynne him cyning CURAN, thonne of tham wæpned cynne.
{
CHAP. VII.
261
PIKISH KINGDOM.
by Sibbald in his account of Fife, where no less than
twelve witnesses are given; all sons of different fa-
thers; with this addition, Isti testes ex REGALI PROSA-
PIA geniti sunt, "All these witnesses are born of the
ROYAL RACE.'
Among the Marcomanni and Quadi the royal races
were the Marobodui and Tudri: Tac. Among the
Lombards Paulus Diaconus mentions two dynasties,
or races, the Gunginci, and Lithingi. Jornandes
mentions the Asdingi among the Vandals. The Per-
sians, says Strabo, were ruled by a race:' and the
royal race, or relations of the king, were very nume-
rous. Pontanus says the ancient Danes elected their
kings from the royal family; and the succession of
son to father, given by Snorro, is a romantic error
founded on the ideas of the later scalds.
2
Till the fifth century the Pikish monarchy was
confined to the Hebudes, where Solinus found it in
the third, as after stated. From that passage of So-
linus it is easy to account for the number of the Roy-
al Race; for the king was not allowed to marry, but
took any woman he chose, and dismissed her when
he chose. Though this custom must have fallen
when Christianity was introduced, yet the rights of
the Royal Race were, as appears from Beda, sedu-
lously preserved. This plurality of wives was merely
an indulgence of the great, and did not extend to
the people.
Ariovistus, according to Cæsar,³ had two wives.
Saxo represents Hamlet (king of Jutland, and not of
1 Βασιλευονται δε ύπο των απο γένους.
δε ύπο των απο γένους. Lib. XV.
* Curtius, Lib. III. “ Exiguo intervallo quos Cognatos Regis ap-
pellant, Decem et Quinque Millia Hominum." Vide etiam Justin.
Lib. X. Diodor. Sic. Lib. XVII. Arrian. Lib. III. But it appears
to have been latterly granted as a title of honour. Esdras III. c.
3, 4. Joseph. XI. 4. Arrian. VI.
3 De Bell. Gall. I. 59.
262
PART III.
PIKS.
Denmark, as he says) as having several.' Harald
Harfagre had so many that, when he married Ragn-
hildis, he put away nine. Tacitus³ observes, that the
nobles, among the Germans, were distinguished by
having many wives. Justin and others say that be-
fore Cecrops marriage was unknown in Greece. He-
rodotus describes the Massagetæ, as Cæsar does the
Britons, and he mentions that the Agathyrsi had
wives in common. So late as the year 770 Charle-
magne, though already married, wedded Desiderata.
Gregory of Tours observes, that kings Gontram,
Caribert, Sigebert, Chilperic, had several wives.
Walsingham, in his Ypodigma Neustriæ, tells us that
the Danes had many wives; and used to turn out
their sons to shift for themselves.
The above mode of elective succession must appear
very singular to modern ideas. Yet in some ancient
kingdoms, it is believed, similar institutes may be
found. Montesquieu* tells us from Du Halde, that it was
regulated in some of the Chinese dynasties, that the
brothers of the emperor might succeed; but that his
son should never succeed. This was to prevent the
danger of minorities. According to the customs of
Numidia, Delsacius, brother of Gela, succeeded to
the kingdom; and not Masinissa his son. And, at
this day, among the Arabians of Barbary, where
every village has its chief, according to that ancient
custom, the uncle, or some other relation, is CHOSEN,
but never the son. There are, says Montesquieu,
states where the princely maintenance of the king's
sons would be impossible to the people; and it
• Saxo IV.
p. 59.
* Snorro, Harfagre's Saga, c. 21.
3 Singulis uxoribus contenti sunt, exceptis admodum paucis, qui,
non libidine, sed ob nobilitatem, plurimis nuptiis ambiuntur. Germ.
c. 18.
4 Esprit des Loix, XXVI. 6.
CHAP. VII.
263
PIKISH KINGDOM.
may there be ordered that the sons of the king shall not
succeed him, but those of his sister. There are also
nations, adds he, where reasons of state, or some max-
im of religion, demand that a certain family should
always reign. Such is in India the jealousy of its
blood, and the fear of a defect in its succession, that,
to have always princes of the blood royal, the sons
of the king's eldest sister are preferred. Some tribes
of North American savages also follow this plan;
and give for reason, that the female is the surest side.
Let me add a few more instances of this practice.
Polybius, Lib. XII. tells us that the Locrians estima-
ted nobility, not by the male, but by the female line.
Necolaus Damascenus' says, that among the Lycians
the daughters and not the sons inherited. A late
author 3 observes that, among the Natches on the
Missisippi, who believe their royal race children of
the sun, the sister's son always succeeds: and that in
Fouli, a negro kingdom of Africa, the female line al-
ways inherit the crown, there being no security in the
male line, as the women are prone to gallantry. Vol-
taire* remarks, thatin Cochin the king's son is not heir,
but the sister's son; a practice also found in Guinea.
That the Pikish kingdom was ELECTIVE is clear
from the above decisive passage of Beda, who was
contemporary with it, and lived on its borders. That
this was the plan of the other Gothic kingdoms is
also well known. Tacitus says of the Germans, that
they chose their kings from the nobility of their race :5
and the highest race, that of royal progeny, must have
been the most noble. M. Mallet informs us, that in
In excerpt. Vales. p. 516.
⚫ Sueno observes, p. 73, that among the old Danes daughters and
sons were equal heirs; but he gives a fabulous origin of the custom.
³ Lord Kames, in his Sketches of the History of Man.
• Essai sur l' Hist. Univ.
5 Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt. Tacit. Germ.
264
PART III.
PIKS.
ancient Denmark and Sweden, the very same custom
prevailed; the kingdom was elective, but the people
always chose one of the royal blood, which they reve
red as sprung from the gods. But about the year 900,
we find the kings of Denmark, by a gradual increase
of power, had influence enough to pass the kingdom
to their own sons; for Gormo the Old then succeed-
ed his father Horda-Cnut; as Harald Blatang suc-
ceeded his father Gormo: and this mode generally
happened afterward. In Sweden also hereditary suc-
cession seems to have been as early allowed. Yet
these kingdoms continued elective to last century, as
is well known. The Runic characters were, it is
thought, unknown in the northern kingdoms till
Christianity appeared there; and at any rate all allow
that they were only used in inscriptions till that event;
so that we have not one written monument of any
kind till the eleventh century. Hence their history
being confined to the song of the bard, and the old
songs being constantly supplanted by new ones, the
authors of which often accommodated old times to
their own ideas, we know nothing certain concerning
the old mode of elective succession to the throne.
The names of the kings are preserved; but that they
were sometimes sons of their predecessors we have
no authority, except that of ignorant bards, who knew
no manners, save those of their own times. Saxo's
work, which is built on the songs of the bards, is now
justly regarded as quite fabulous down to the tenth
century, when the real history of Denmark begins,
as Mallet has justly observed.
The power of the Gothic sovereigns depended
wholly on the will of the people in every clime. In
Thrace, as in Pikland, we have examples of kings
deposed:' and in Scandinavia, though the king was
* See the example of Scyles. Herodot. IV.
CHAP. VII.
265
PIKISH KINGDOM.
also chief priest, it was not uncommon that he should
be sacrificed to the gods, as an atonement for the peo-
ple.' Even so late as the time of Canute the Great,
kings were subject to public penance, if they offend-
ed; and that not imposed by ambitious priests, but
established by equal laws." Schoening justly ob-
serves, that the government, among the ancient Scan-
dinavians, was at first Monarchico-democratic; but
degenerated into Monarchico-aristocratic.³ The
Scandinavian history abounds with examples of kings
dethroned; and the Swedes at a late period told king
Olaf Skotkonung, in the national council, that their
ancestors in the council of Mul had ordered five ty-
rannic kings to be thrown into a well; and that they
were ready to follow the precedent, if he gave occa-
sion. Rembert, in the life of St Amsgar, one of the
oldest pieces of Scandinavian history, says that, among
the Swedes, every public business depended upon the
voice of the people, more than on the power of the
king. In the assemblies the meanest peasant either
sat, or was represented; and the king followed their
instructions. Among the northern Germans, the
Lugii, Suiones, Sitones, the kings had indeed more
power, than among the southern, as we learn from
Tacitus: a circumstance apparently owing to the
wealth of individuals, and consequent aristocracy in
the southern states, which circumscribed the regal
power with perpetual rivalship; while in the north-
ern the king had no rivals in wealth, or power, but,
if a good monarch, was absolute in the united affec-
tion of his subjects; while, if bad, his power was an-
nulled by universal hatred and contempt.
In Pikland, it is clear from the Chronicles, that
* Loccen. Antiq. Sueo Goth. p. 15. and Snorro, passim.
* Kanuti Magni, Daniæ et Angliæ Regis, Leges Castrenses cap.
X. apud Suenon. Stephanii, Soræ, 1642, 8vo.
♦ Ibid.
3 Orat. Soræ, 1766, 4to.
266
PART III.
PIKS.
there must have been a law, as in other countries
above-mentioned, that the son should never succeed
the father in the kingdom. We find brothers chosen
to succeed brothers; but never sons to succeed fa-
thers. A grand reason for this was, the superior es-
timation of the female line; for uterine brothers were
of all heirs the surest, as both sprang of one mother.
Any other heir in the female line was more distant
from the fountain of royal blood. Another reason
was, that for a son to succeed his father, would have
been an usurpation of the rights of the other families
of the Royal Race, who were all intitled to their turn
of sovereignty, when next it by merit and by the fe-
male line. And another reason was, that the Piks,
living in constant war and invasion of the Britons,
they required to have always a sovereign leader of
mature prudence, as well as valour; whereas, in al-
most every case, the son of a deceast king would be
young and inexperienced.
I
Fordun has, with the consummate ignorance to
be expected in a monk of the end of the fourteenth
century, asserted, that the mode of succession among
the Old Scots and Piks was similar; namely, as he
states, that if the son of the deceast king was young,
his uncle or cousin succeeded; and the son came in
• IV. 1. "Quoniam et eis [Scotis] et Pictis, plerisque regnarum
regibus etiam, et imperii quibusdam principibus, eadem succedendi
lex erat; ut regis scilicet cujusque decedentis frater, aut filius fra-
tris, si filio regis ætate fuerat ac habilitate regendi potior, quamvis
gradu remotior, ipsum præcederet ad regendum." But Mr O'Fla-
herty and Mr O'Conor shew, that the kings and chiefs of Ireland
were elected by the people out of particular races. The difference
between them and the Piks lay chiefly in this, that the former pre-
ferred the male, the latter the female line. When the former was
preferred, the election carries appearance of succession; for nothing
but some defect, which might not occur in many ages, could set
aside the male heir. So in Denmark and Sweden, though elective
kingdoms, down to last century, the son almost constantly succeeds
the father.
: क
CHAP. VII.
267
PIKISH KINGDOM.
on the death of such heir. He totally mistakes the
case; for election, and not succession, was used in both
nations. But the fact is, that the succession, as he
calls it, among the old Scots, was wholly in the male
line, as every one, the least versed in their history,
must perceive at once: and though, as Fordun states,
if the son was too young, his uncle, or cousin, was
called to the throne, yet the son was never wholly
set aside, as with the Piks, but succeeded in his turn.
Thus when Fergus I. died, 506, Domangard his son
succeeded; whom followed Congal, son of Doman-
gard, then Gauran, brother of Congal, then Conal,
son of Congal, &c. &c. &c. In Ireland this was also
the exact case. And, so far was the female line from
being preferred, that it was wholly cut out from the
regal succession; as in other successions the law of
gavelkind was universal, by which the sons shared
equally, but the daughters were altogether thrown
out. This was a natural consequence of the con-
tempt which the Celts had for the fair sex, and still
have; for we may still behold them stretched at their
ease in their huts, and their poor women toiling, like
beasts of burden, for their unmanly husbands.
2 The
Very different was the state of women among all
the Gothic nations. The Goths, a wise, valiant, and
generous race, almost adored their women; and en-
deavoured to compensate the delicate weakness, and
numerous pains and infirmities of the sex, by tender
attentions and cordial respect. Even among the
Davis, O'Conor, &c.
Aristot. Polit. II. 2. The Samoieds are remarkable for the
same contempt of their women, whom they even regard as impure;
and treat their wives with the utmost tyranny and brutality. Tooke's
Russia, III. 25. They are also, like the Celts, remarkable for at-
tention to clans, or breeds, ibid. And so are the Greenlanders, ac-
cording to Crantz, who represents them as being as full of genealo
gies, as the Celts of Wales, Ireland, or Scotland.
268
PART III.
PIKS.
2
Scythæ, or earliest Goths, we find this original foun-
tain of modern gallantry. In Herodotus, Idanthyr-
sus, a king of the Scythæ, answers Darius, that he
knows of no superiors, save Jove, his progenitor, and
Histia, the queen of the Scythæ, his own wife.' The
Visigoths made daughters equal heirs with the sons.
The Germans, as Tacitus informs us, regarded wo-
men even with adoration, and admitted them to sove-
reignty equally with the other sex. The Sitones, an-
cestors of the present Swedes, were in his time ruled
by a woman. Mr Mallet observes,3" the northern na-
tions did not so much consider the other sex, as made
for pleasure, as to be their equals and companions,
whose esteem, as valuable as their other favours, could
only be obtained by constant attentions, by generous
services, and by a proper exertion of virtue and cou-
rage." In the early state of society courage was a vir-
tue of as great importance in the fair sex as in the
men; though in refined society an extreme delicacy
and modesty are most esteemed, and every thing man-
ly or forward justly regarded as blameworthy. Objects
of our tender respect, they must not violate their own
modest character by any manly office; for, when they
descend to such, we see them become our equals,
and drop our adoration; a female ceasing to be a
goddess as soon as she steps from the sanctuary of
timid and retired modesty. Such was also the opi-
nion of the Greeks and Romans, nations of Scythic
or Gothic origin, as fully displayed in the disserta-
tion annexed. In their early history we find the wo-
men bold as the men ; but in their advanced society,
a timid modesty was their chief praise. Yet their
women were ever free as nature made them; and not
slaves, as our superficial theorists dream. Among
• Herodot. IV. 127.
Northern Ant. I. 314.
2 Germania.
CHAP. VII.
269
PIKISH KINGDOM.
the early Goths, the women shared in the courage of
the men. Ancient writers testify, that the Scythian
women used often to proceed to battle, with their
husbands and brothers. Scandinavian tradition pre-
serves the names of Vegbiorga, Hetha, Visna, Lad-
gertha, Hervora, and other warlike ladies.' In Bri-
tain the name of Boadicea is illustrious. She was
queen of the Iceni, of the Belgic or Gothic part of
Britain.
Dr Stuart observes that, among the Franks, as well
as the Anglo-Saxons, the queen shared in the govern
ment; and, among the former, there is the example
of a queen who received a national homage. Greg.
Tur. Lib. IV. Werburgh, queen of king Wightred,
assisted at the Wittenagemot, or national council,
held at Berghamsted. Chr. Sax. p. 48. Malmsbury,
Lib. II. mentions a parliament held by king Edgar,
in which he was assisted by his mother Alfgina: and
Canute is said, in a national assembly, to have acted
by the advice of queen Emma, and the bishops and
nobility of England. Mat. West. p. 423. When the
crown fell to a prince in his minority, the queen-mo-
ther had the guardianship. Thus Fredegund, of
Clotarius II. Brunehild, of Theodebert, and Theode-
ric; and Balthildis, of Clotarius III. Let me add,
that the Sarmata were remarkable for devotion to
* Olaus Magnus. Hervarar Saga, &c. &c.
* Nicol. Damascen. in Valesii Excerp. p. 516. Damascen. de
morib. gent. The Amazons are shewn to have been Sarmatæ by
M. Freret, Mem. des Inscr. tome xxi. but Herodotus says they mar-
ried Scythæ; and learned the Scythic tongue, though they spoke it
ill. Mela I. 24. mentions the Mæotici yuvainengarovμevot, or ruled by
women. The Lycians were governed by women: Heraclid. de Po-
lit. Nicol. Damasc. ubi supra. At Sparta women interfered much in
the government. The Hurons, the most warlike of the Americans,
are ruled by women: Charlevoix, Let. 18. It may move the reader's
wonder that the most warlike nations should have this custom. Per-
270
PART III.
PIKS.
their women; and it is likely that the Peukini and
Basternæ, who peopled Scandinavia, might partly
derive this practice from them, as they were the ex-
treme Goths who bordered on the Sarmatæ.
•
This respectful attention of the Goths to their wo-
men must be regarded as one great cause of the at-
tachment of the Piks, a Gothic people, to the female
line. The succession however did not run in this
line for, according to Beda, it was only preferred,
ubi res veniret in dubium, when the matter was in
doubt. But this matter was not the succession, but
the election as is clear from the context, and word,
eligerent, "should ELECT," as above explained. They
who dream of hereditary succession of son to father
among the Piks, only shew gross ignorance of the
barbarous Gothic governments. The Goths in Italy,
France, Spain, nay England, soon adopted the refined
idea of modern succession. But it is in Germany
and Scandinavia, and among the Eastern and West-
ern Geta, the ancient and rude settlements of the
Goths, as was also Pikland, that we must look for the
model of the Pikish monarchy; and we will find it
elective, as shewn by Beda, and the Pikish Chronicles.
They elected the ablest of the royal race; but when
doubt arose, from the equal abilities of the candidates,
the most noble was chosen; and this nobility was cal
culated by the female line. Some may incline to think
that the above words of Beda, ubi res veniret in dubium,
"when the matter was in doubt," are superfluous,
and that the succession was direct in the female line.
But had this been the case, a child might have been
king by indisputable right; and Beda is not speaking
haps it may spring from their men disdaining all inferiority to each
We may
other; though they find it necessary to have a ruler.
therefore smile at Tacitus, who affects to despise the Sitones, be-
cause ruled by a woman. These barbarians would have scorned
the Romans, the slaves of an emperor.
CHAP. VII.
271
PIKISH KINGDOM.
of a succession, but of an election, as is palpable from
the context: and it is impossible, without wresting
the passage, to give it any other interpretation than
what is here shewn.
Before closing this consideration of the respect of
the Piks for the female line, the following hints, col-
lected by an ingenious writer,' may be produced.
Tacitus tells us that, among the Germans, "the sons
of sisters were equally regarded by the uncle as by
the father." Hence it is, says Montesquieu, that
our earliest historians speak in such strong terms of
the love of the kings of the Franks for the children
of their sisters. John de Laet remarks of the Brasi-
lians, that they call their uncles and aunts fathers and
mothers: and the same custom prevails among the
North American Indians. Among the Hurons, says
Charlevoix, with whom the dignity of chief is heredi-
tary, the succession is continued through the women:
so that, at the death of a prince, it is not his own
but his sister's son who succeeds; and, in default of
him, the nearest relation in the female line. The
Ethiopians, says Damascenus, exhibit the greatest
honour to their sisters; and the kings deliver the
succession not to their own sons, but those of their
sisters. These facts shew the early importance of the
sex; and confirm the remark of Aristotle, that the
Celts alone of all nations held their women in con-
tempt. They, at the same time, evince that the
ference given by the Piks to the female succession
was not derived from a compact, entered into be-
tween them and the Scots, as Beda fables, but was a
custom not unknown to other barbaric nations.
pre-
§ II. The manner in which historic lists of kings
have been preserved by tradition. The names of the
whole Danish, Swedish, and Norwegian kings pre-
* Dr Stuart, View of Society.
272
PART III.
PIKS.
ceding the eleventh century, have been preserved
by tradition only. This must also have been the case
with the Pikish till the fifth century, when Christian-
ity was received in the south of Pikland; and per-
haps later. A short disquisition into the method of
this tradition may not therefore be unnecessary.
The scalds, or bards of the Scandinavian nations,
are well known. These scalds were not only the
poets, but the historians and genealogists of the time.
Having judgment enough to perceive that, in matters
of succession and genealogy, the plain truth was the
only object, they composed historic and genealogic
songs, devoid of all ornament, and only valuable from
their veracity. Containing barely names and years,
a very short song commemorated the genealogy, or
history, of many ages. The Chronicle of St Olaf'
says of a scald, Oc taldi han long fedga till Semingh,
"And he computed the generations up to Seming.'
And again, I tui kvedi ero uptalde XXX lang fedga
Rognwalls, "In this song are enumerated the thirty
generations of Rognwall." Considerable informa
tion concerning the historic poets may be found
in the first volume of the History of Norway, by Tor-
fæus, which for the sake of brevity shall not be here
repeated. Snorro Sturleson tells us, in his preface,
that Thiodolf, scald of Harald Harfagre, king of Nor-
way in the tenth century, wrote historic songs to a
petty monarch, Rognvald, in which the names, ac-
tions, and sepulchres, of thirty of his ancestors were
declared. And that Eyvind, in his songs to Earl Ha-
quin, gave a series of his ancestors. Snorro chiefly
follows Thiodolf; and says, "Therefore we, in com-
posing our history, generally follow the thread of
those things which are commemorated in these songs;
because the poets themselves used to repeat them in
'Apud. Loccen. Ant. Sueo Goth. p. 90.
CHAP. VI.
273
PIKISH KINGDOM.
presence of the kings, and of their sons." The scald
was one of the king's chief officers, and always of his
council; and his chief employment was to compose
the lives of kings, and histories of the kingdom. Mr
Mallet has justly observed, that the preservation of
genealogies was one great part of the scald's office.
This method of composing history in verse was con-
tinued to late times. The most ancient work extant
in the Swedish language, is an anonymous metrical
chronicle written 1319. And our Winton wrote in
the same manner about 1420.
But it was from the short historic song, repeated
by the king's scald at coronations, that the most so-
lemn and authentic evidence was derived. This song
consisted merely of the names of the king's anteces-
sors, woven into barren verse: and the grandeur of
the occasion, and number of witnesses, made an high
regard to veracity requisite. The king's scald was an
envied office; and had he made any slip, many of his
brethren would have been happy to expose it, in hopes
of supplanting him by superior skill. It may easily
be conceived that the uncommon mode of determi-
ning the nobility of the kings among the Piks, would
render the preservation of genealogies absolutely ne-
cessary.
The computation by generations is in fact the very
basis of all barbaric history. Even the early history
of Greece and Rome depended on them. Sir Isaac
Newton has, in his Chronology, remarked that " Phe-
recydes the Athenian, in the reign of Darius Hystas-
pes, or soon after, wrote of the antiquities, and an-
cient genealogies, of the Athenians, in ten books;
and was one of the first European writers of this kind,
and one of the best; whence he had the name of Ge-
nealogus; and by Dionysius Halicarnasseus is said to
be second to none of the genealogers. Epimenides,
VOL. I.
S
274
PART III.
PIKS.
not the philosopher but an historian, wrote also of
the ancient genealogies."
And as in the most early society genealogies are
carefully preserved, so also the succession of kings.
For, though elective kings cannot be given in a ge-
nealogic series, yet their names are commemorated
with equal ease. And the importance of the list, and
its solemn repetition upon great occasions, would
naturally cause it to be preserved with the most se-
dulous attention.
§ III. The Plan upon which the Chronology of our
Pikish Monarchs is to be adjusted. This is easily done
from a noted passage of Beda, who informs us that
the year of Christ, 565, was the ninth year of the
reign of Brudi, son of Meilochon. His reign of
course commenced in the year of Christ 557; and to
this grand epoch all the other reigns can easily be
referred, by means of their duration being marked in
the catalogues. As for instance: Brudi began to
reign 557 years after Christ; his predecessor Galan
reigned two years, and of course began 555 and
Brudi reigning thirty years, his successor Garnat be-
gan to reign in 587 and so on. The accession of
Kenneth to the Pikish throne in 843; the death of
Ungust in 761, the year of Drust, in which St Patrick
went to Ireland, &c. are also epochs of the same use,
had Beda lent no assistance.
By this calculation the year 412, about which time
Ninian converted the Southern Piks, as appears also
from Beda, just precedes the reign of Drust, the thir-
ty-seventh of the Pikish kings. Of course with his
reign commences a new and luminous period, as the
Irish and Welsh churchmen who settled in Pikland
used letters, and tradition is exchanged for historic
authority. Now it is most remarkable, and must
alone of itself afford conviction to every free mind of
the veracity of our Pikish Chronicles, that with this
CHAP. VII.
275
PIKISH KINGDOM.
very Drust, under whom the light of Christianity ap-
peared, ceases a fabulous circumstance of these chro-
nicles, namely, the immoderate length of many of
the reigns. For this Drust is said to have lived a
hundred years, and fought a hundred battles; which
is only a barbaric phrase for living very long, and
fighting a prodigious number of battles: but AFTER
him no reign exceeds thirty years. Whereas BEFORE
him many of the reigns are fabulously long; owing
to the natural uncertainty of tradition, and the wish
of the scalds to increase the antiquity of the royalty.
Thus Talorc, the immediate predecessor of this Drust,
is marked to have reigned 75 years; and Garnat,
predecessor of Talorc, 60. Nay, five of the others
are put at 100 years each. But this fabulous length
of the reigns totally vanishes when Christianity began.
In like manner the most ancient Persian kings have
reigns of 800, or 1000 years. Nay Torfæus, in re-
forming the history of Denmark, is so careless as to
make Annius Grandævus live 210, and reign 190
years.
I
24
This grand and leading circumstance serves to
divide the Pikish series into two parts. The FIRST
of which contains the kings prior to Drust, and
Christianity the SECOND, those of the following
period.
The FIRST part of the Pikish series cannot be ad-
mitted to direct historic faith. For though the epi-
thets of the kings, and other minute, but important,
marks, serve to establish its general authenticity; yet,
as it stands on scaldic tradition alone, it would be
rash to give this part as historic truth. The length
of the reigns is palpably fabulous; and history is so
averse from fable, that it dreads the least connection
with it. But this part of the series stands on the
• Richardson on East. Lit.
* Series Reg. Dan. p. 233.
276
PART III,
PIKS.
same scaldic ground, and is equally authentic with
the accounts of Danish, Norwegian, or Swedish mo-
narchs, preceding the tenth century. Of course it
deserves attention; and if not fit for historic, is at
least proper for poetical authority. When our his-
tory becomes studied and understood, many future
poets may use these old kings with good effect. It
will presently be shewn that the Pikish kingdom was
confined to the Hebud Isles, till about the reign of
Drust; if he indeed was not the monarch some of
whose many battles established his authority over all
the Piks. This part of the series therefore contains
more properly the kings of the Hebud Isles, than of
the Piks in general: but as the other Piks lived in
democracy, as Dio shews, and this line of monarchs
afterwards extended its power over them, it has also
a claim to be regarded as belonging to the series of
kings of Pikland. As the fabulous length of the
reigns renders this part even unfit for the purposes of
poetry, which loves verisimilitude, this may be easily
amended in a veracious and mathematical manner.
Sir Isaac Newton has justly observed, in perhaps the
only laudable part of his Chronology, that the num-
ber of years assigned to the Roman kings from Ro-
mulus to Tarquin, the last of them, is most absurd;
and finds, from the succession of all ancient and mo-
dern monarchies, that no series of princes reign at a
medium above eighteen years each. Hence he takes
125 years from the antiquity of Rome; and supposes
it founded 625 years before Christ. Nothing is more
just than this; and the calculation is as infallible as
any in arithmetic, or geometry. But Sir Isaac cal-
culates from civilized monarchies, as the Roman
also was, when he allows so much as eighteen years
for a medium; and Mr Richardson justly observes,
that he assigns too great a length to reigns of kings
for his rule to be universal. For the Caliphs, from
CHAP. VII.
277
PIKISH KINGDOM.
the death of Mahomet to the sack of Bagdat, reigned
little more than ten years each: and, even in a set-
tled and civilized kingdom, the Greek emperors,
from Zeno to the taking of Constantinople, have only
fifteen years each. Sir Isaac indeed observes himself,
that the successors of Alexander have but 154; and
eighteen kings of Babylon only 113 years each. The
longest is that of the kings of Judah, who have 22:
but 16 is at any rate the medium, even in polished
and settled kingdoms; and not 18, as Sir Isaac makes
it. But in barbaric kingdoms the reigns are far more
tumultuous and short. From 430 to 778, were no
less than thirty kings of Ireland in succession, reign-
ing at a medium but eleven years each. The heptar-
chic kings of England have little more; those of Nor-
thumbria in particular almost the same. And among
the Piks, a yet more ferocious people, it is evident,
from the part of the series after Drust, that the kings
hardly reigned eleven years each at a medium. There
being also no reason to suppose that the early Pikish
kings reigned longer than the others, it is matter of
plain arithmetical calculation, to reduce the fabulous
length of these reigns to verisimilitude. For if the
last forty kings fill 429 years, the first thirty-six must
fill 386. These 386 years, calculated back from 414,
the beginning of Drust's reign, fix the reign of Cru-
then, and commencement of the Pikish monarchy,
to the twenty-eighth year after Christ's birth. And,
as the years of these first thirty-six kings, as they
stand, amount to no less than 1548, of which 386,
the just space, is almost exactly a quarter, if we put
down the reign of each king at one quarter of its pre-
tended duration, we shall attain every degree of ve-
risimilitude necessary for poetry, or perhaps attain-
able in such kind of history. This plan is according-
ly followed in digesting the FIRST part of this series.
The SECOND part requires no assistance; being
278
PART III.
PIKS.
quite uniform, complete, and historic. The years of
the reigns are taken ONLY from the invaluable Pikish
Chronicle, No. V. which also agree with the Irish
Nennius, save in one or two instances. Winton gives
no years of reigns; but only the names. The years
in the two other monuments, Fordun, and the Regis-
ter of St Andrew's, are almost perpetually erroneous;
and, contradicting contemporary Irish and English au-
thors, deserve no credit whatever. These two chro-
nicles, being also mutilated, and perverted, by Scotish
transcribers, only merit attention as collateral proofs
of the Pikish series. The SOLE error in the number
of years given by the Pikish Chronicle, No. V. be-
longs to Kiniod, son of Luthrin; who, in the publi-
cation by Innes in his Appendix, has but xi years,
while the Irish Nennius gives him xix. Innes also
gives him 19 in his Series of Pikish Kings, vol. I. p.
134, without even hinting that the chronicle bore
xi; though he be most exact in all the others: which
leads to a conclusion that xi is a mere error of the
press in Innes's Appendix, the last x of xix being
omitted. That xix is the just number is undoubted
from the whole chronicle, and its collateral proofs;
but whether the x be omitted by Innes's printer, by
a transcriber, or in the original MS., it must equally
be a bare omission, and a most pardonable one.. For
numbers, as all know, are very apt to be corrupted
in old MSS. and that in so many numbers but one
little x should slip out, is rather a miracle of accuracy,
than matter of blame.
4
In spelling the names I have compared the five
catalogues, and taken that which seemed most uni-
form and proper, sparing no pains to render the
The names of English heptarchic kings are as variously spelled
as the Pikish, hardly two old authors agreeing in orthography of
names.
CHAP. VII.
279
PIKISH KINGDOM.
spelling, I have followed, the most neat, and fit, so
that it might ever remain, and be generally followed,
as it is humbly hoped it will be approved. These
names being absolute Gothic, the genius of that lan-
guage has been followed: but the various old spel-
lings carefully given, with the following initials for
the sake of brevity; A. is the Pikish Chronicle, No.
V; B. The Register of St Andrew's'; C. Winton;
D. Fordun; E. The Irish Nennius; of which the part
published by Lynch only begins with Brudi 557.
}
280
CHAPTER VIII.
Catalogue of the Pikish Kings.
THE Piks, proceeding from Scandinavia about 300
years before Christ, as above shewn, would, in their
voyage toward North Britain, first arrive at the Ork-
neys, a barren and desert tract, which they would
despise. That these isles were uninhabited about the
year 240 after Christ, is mentioned by Solinus. And
it seems that the Piks left no settlement there; but
proceeded along the northern coast of Scotland;
which finding bleak, mountainous, and forbidding,
and probably at that time a continued forest of black
pines, echoing to the northern breeze, they coasted
along till they discovered the green vales of Ireland.
These tempted their approach; but perceiving that
fine island too large and populous for their armament,
and the people prepared to withstand them, they
stood over for the Hebud Isles, which, from their
comparative smallness, gave room to hope for better
success. Here they accordingly effected a settlement,
that was in the course of a century or two to spread
all over North Britain; the Cumri being driven be-
fore their arms, first from the Hebud Isles, where
names of places shew their ancient possessions: then
from the northern and western parts, so liable to at-
tacks from these isles; and lastly from the east and
south.
That this was the Pikish progress is clear from
Beda and Nennius. The first of whom mentions their
going first to Ireland, whence they stood over to the
CHAP. VIII.
281
PIKISH KINGS.
opposite tracts of Britain. Nennius says they first sei-
zed on the Orkneys; but Solinus shews that, if they
did so, they soon abandoned them; and Nennius
himself adds, that it was not from the Orkneys, but
the neighbouring isles, er insulis affinitimis, that they
invaded and subdued the north of Britain. These
neighbouring isles could only be the Hebudes; and
Beda's relation of their passing from Ireland over to
Britain fully confirms this. The usual tract of the
Norwegians afterward was quite similar. They pass-
ed the Orkneys, and north of Scotland; and pro-
ceeded to Ireland, or the west of Scotland. The
Orkneys were inhabited in the reign of Brudi, 565;
for Adomnan mentions a regulus, or prince of the
Orkneys, at the court of Brudi. The Piks had, to
all appearance, thought proper to seize and possess
them about the fourth century; when the Roman
arms confined them on the south; and that the Nor-
wegians, when they seized these isles in the ninth
century, found them possessed by the Piks, shall be
afterward shewn. But Solinus mentions them as de-
sert when he wrote, or about the year 240, while he
describes a kingdom in the Hebudes. All these cir-
cumstances so exactly correspond, that there is no
room left to doubt, but that the Hebudes were the
first possessions of the Piks, and those from whence
they subdued North Britain.'
The Piks, like other colonies, and early societies,
would long be strangers to kings. Divided into small
communities, as circumstances ordered, they would
only chuse one leader in times of common danger.
But in such societies, as not refined enough for regu-
lar and permanent republics, which depend on intri-
cate laws and regulations, the kingly power always
* The name Hebudes seems derived from Ey, an isle, and bud or
buth, a habitation, as Orcades from Ork, a desart. Hebrides is a cor-
ruption of Hector Boethius, from an erroneous edition of Solinus.
282
PART III.
PIKS.
་
goes
creeps in by degrees. And it was most natural that
this power should first be known to the first set-
tlement, where the society would have first past
through the previous stages. Accordingly there is
reason to believe, that the kingly name and power
were known to the Piks of the Hebud Isles, four cen-
turies before they extended over the rest.
This ap-
pears from the series of Pikish monarchs, which
back to twenty-eight years after Christ; and from
Solinus, who describes the Hebudian monarchy about
240; while it is clear from Tacitus, Dion, and Am-
mianus, that this monarchy extended not over the
other Piks of Caledonia. Tacitus gives no hint of
Caledonia's being under one monarch, though so sin-
gular a circumstance could not have escaped him.
Nay, he shews that it was not; for he mentions that
its states had formed an alliance for the common de-
fence, and Galgacus was only the most noble, and
able, of the leaders. Dion mentions, that the states
of Caledonia were chiefly democratical. Ammianus
Marcellinus tells, that so late as the year of Christ
368, the Piks were divided into two nations, the Di-
caledones and Vecturiones; so that it seems reason-
able to infer that these two nations had different go-
vernments. The former, or Dicaledones, were the
Northern Piks, beyond the Grampian hills; who, ha-
ving intimate and immediate connection with the He-
bud Isles, had, it is likely, before this acknowledged
the authority of the ancient Hebudian Royal Race.
The Vecturiones were still in all probability under
democratic government. If conjecture may for once
be allowed, where proof must ever be wanting, Drust,
who succeeded in 414, was the first sovereign of all
the Piks. Certain it is, that in 565 we find Brudi
king of all the Piks, without any hint of the mo-
narchy being new: while in 368 it seems certain that
the Piks had no universal king; so that the fifth cen-
tury forms the medium. And Drust is mentioned as
CHAP. VI.
283
PIKISH KINGS.
so great and warlike a prince, that he seems the most
likely to have accomplished this extension of power.
The Pikish monarchy therefore commenced in the
Hebudes, about 28 years after Christ. The Dicale-
dones, or Northern Piks, seem to have been wearied
out with democratic dissention; and to have acknow-
ledged the sovereignty of this ancient Royal Race,
about 300 years after Christ. This accession of power
seems to have enabled the monarch, after many con-
flicts, to extend his dominion over the Southern Piks
about 430. And as this account alone can reconcile
all authorities, it seems as true, as it is natural and
easy.
Šolinus, who wrote about the year 240, has given us
curious information concerning the Hebudian monar-
chy. He says; "There are five Hebudes; their in-
habitants are ignorant of grain. They live solely
onfish and milk. One king commands all; for these
isles are divided from each other only by narrow
channels. The king has nothing of his own; but
all his effects belong to all. He is bound to equity
by certain laws; and, lest avarice should turn him
from the truth, he learns justice from poverty; ha-
ving nothing of his own, but being nourished by the
public. No wife is given to him, but he takes any
woman he likes in her turn; whence neither the wish
nor hope of children is allowed to him. Next are the
Orkneys, in number thirty-three, desert of men, and
having no woods. A few reedy plants are found ;
the rest is rock, and barren sand."" The five He-
Solin. Polyh. c. 25. Inde excipiunt Hebudes insulæ, quinque nu-
mero: quarum incolæ nesciunt fruges, piscibus tantum et lacte vi-
vunt. Rex unus est universis : nam quotquot sunt omnes angusta
interluvie dividuntur. Rex nibil suum habet; omnia universorum.
Ad æquitatem certis legibus stringitur: ac, ne avaritia divertat a
vero, discit paupertate justitiam; utpote cui nihil sit rei familiaris,
verum alitur e publico. Nulla illi datur fœ nina propria: sed per
vicissitudines, in quamcunque commotus fuerit, usurariam sumit.
Unde ei nec votum, nec spes conceditur liberorum.
284
PART III.
PIKS.
budes here mentioned are doubtless the five Ebudæ
of Richard, namely, Lewis, Skey, North Vist, South
Vist, and Col with Tirey. Ptolemy also calls them
Elouda, Ebuda. That this very curious description
belongs to the Pikish monarchy in the Hebudes, there
is little room to doubt. The old Scots, or Irish, had
no settlement in these isles till four or five centuries
after this; and in 565 we find Hyona, or Icolmhill,
belonged to the Piks, for the Pikish king gave it to
Columba. If an isle so far south, and so near Ire-
land, was then in the Pikish possession, much more
must the Ebude have been. That the Piks seized
on the Hebud Isles, at the very first, is clear from
Beda and Nennius, as above stated. The description
indeed is quite foreign to the manners of the Welsh,
or the Irish; and can only quadrate with the Pikish
monarchy. The part concerning the king's want of
peculiar children, is most singular; and quite coin-
cides with the Pikish succession, in which no son of
a king ever ascends the throne.
It may not be improper to give some hints con-
cerning the Pikish names. Many end in ust; and
if the reader peruses the dissertation annexed, he will
find that the Persians were the oldest Scythæ, or Goths,
from whom the rest sprung, and it is remarkable that
different Persian names have the same close, as Zer-
dust, the Persian name of Zoroaster. Nay Drust, a
common Pikish name, is also Persian, and implies
Sincerus, “Sincere
"Sincere :" according to Hyde, Religio Vet.
Pers. p. 383, edit. 1760, where the reader will find
many instances of Teutonic words in the Persian, p.
439. Ke or Key, a Pikish king's name, is also Per-
sian; Key Gustasp, Hystaspes the Illustrious. Ibid.
and Jones's Nadir Schah. Many begin in Ver, as the
Scandinavian Gothic reads; or Wer, as the German
and Persian (for the Persians have W, which the
Turks and Tartars have not, but pronounce it V.)
CHAP. VIII.
285
PIKISH KINGS.
This is also Gothic. Vergobret, the name of a ma-
gistrate among the German Gauls, as Cæsar tells, is
pure German. Verg, or Vergen, to render justice.
Obret, or Obrest, first, or chief. Pelloutier. Junii Ba-
tavia, p. 669. Wer, a man, Franc. & Anglo-Belg.
whence Weregild, satisfaction for killing a man. Ver-
cingetorix, a German Gaul, in Cæsar. Veremund,
a Gothic king of Spain. Vermund, of Denmark.
Brudi may be from brudeln, Old Germ. æstuare, to
rage; Wachter. In Scandinavia the name was some-
times spelt Prudi, and sometimes Brudi, Worm. Mon.
Dan. where, p. 198, Brudu is the genitive. Scandi-
navian names in i are common, Frothi, Helghi, Frok-
ni, Uffi, &c. Sueno Hist. Dan. Vali Sterki, Islands
Landnama, p. 71. Bili is sometimes spelt Vile, as
Edda fab. 3. sometimes Bele, as a king's name in
Dissert. de Ant. Sueciæ (De Vikingis.) In Scandi-
navian, are also Tungu (or Tenegus.) Torf. Norv.
Hangus ib. and Ungu, a Danish king, Langebek I.
15. (Ungust.) Galgacus is apparently from Galagian,
collocare, ponere, or Galisan, colligere, congregare,
Lye Dict. Gothico Sax. both alluding to generalship.
Uven, or Owen, one of the last Pikish kings, is also
Gothic. Owen a Swedish name, Stiernhelm. Anti-
Cluver. p. 44. Owen, inimicus, Rudbeck. Atl. vol. I.
Owen Giedde, Danish, Pontopp. Gesta Dan. vol. I.
Old Pikish names are also found in Scotland at a late
Fordun mentions a Cruthe, or Cruthen, de An-
gus: Gartnach Comes, or Earl Garnat, is witness to
a charter of Alex. I. Spottiswood Monast. Scot. MS.
vol. I.
æra.
Add from the dictionaries of Wachter, Ihre, Lye,
the following hints. Kineoch, or Kenneth, may be
from Kene, acer, and od, præstans. W. Garnat from
Gare, Old English Yare, promptus. L. or Gard, reg-
num: I. Alpin from Alp, dæmon: the Scandinavian
is Alfwin: Olafi cum Álfvinio vel Alpino othleta duel-
286
PART III.
PIKS.
lum: Gunlaug's Saga, p. 92. Cruthen from Cruth,
a crowd. Tharan from Thor, fortis. Domel, or Dom-
nel, or Donel, from Doma, judicare. Bliki from Blia,
intentis oculis aspicere. Uscombuts from Uskott, selec-
tus. Brudi from Brod, pronounced Bruid, cuspis,
aculeus. Ungust from Ung, juvenis; gunst, gratia,
favor. Some ending in bust, from busa, cum impetu
ferri, irruere. Talore from Tall, pinus. In Gothic,
as in Latin, C is always pronounced K, whatever
vowel follows; and the E at the end is always sound-
ed, as in all languages but the English, which, like
the Attic, is fond of abbreviation: thus Brude is
sounded Brudé; except only where many consonants
meet, when the final e is sometimes sounded euphonic
causa, before the last consonant, as Cruthne, Cruthen;
hafne, hafen, &c. To assist the pronunciation K is
generally used for C, as it is in the Scandinavian :
and i for e at the end, according to the same idiom.
Let us now proceed to the Catalogue of Pikish mo-
narchs digested in chronological succession.
Part I. POETICAL. From the Foundation of the
Monarchy, about the Year of Christ 28, till the
Reign of Drust the Great, 414.
1. CRUTHEN Son of Kinni, A. C. 28. (Cruidne fil.
Cinge, A. Crutheus fil. Kinne, B. Cruthne, C. Cruy-
thne, D. the n and ne in Gothic are, after a conso-
nant, pronounced en, as rafn, rafen, &c. so in Eng-
lish le; able, abel, &c.) first king of the Piks, reigned
25 years. From him the Irish, who delighted in pa-
tronymics, called the Piks Cruitnich. So the Ro-
mans call the Parthians Arsacidæ from Arsaces.
Kinni if read as in the Pikish Chronicle Cinge (pro-
nounce Kinghé) assimulates with Cinge-torix, a Bel-
gic, or German name in Cæsar, Lib. V.
8
CHAP. VIII.
287
PIKISH KINGS.
2. KIRCU, A. C. 53. This king, and the thirteen
following, are only found in the Pikish Chronicle,
No. V. the others being castrated by Scotish_tran-
scribers, in order to reduce the period of the Pikish
monarchy, as before mentioned. Kircu, and his six
successors, are called sONS of Cruthen in the Pikish
Chronicle, because they were his immediate descend-
ants. He reigned 15 years.
3. FIDACH, A. C. 68, reigned 10 years.
4. FORTREIM, A. C. 78, reigned 18 years.
5. FLOCLAID, A. C. 96, reigned 8 years.
6. GOT, A. C. 104, reigned 3 years. Guta, a man's
name, Worm. Mon. Dan. p. 264. Guth, bellum: Lye.
Got, good.
7. Kɛ, A. C. 107, reigned 3 years.
names are peculiarly ancient Gothic.
name of a brother of Odin. Edda.
These short
Ve was the
Fab. 3.
8. FIVAID, A. C. 110, reigned 6 years.
9. GEDEOL, Gudach, A. C. 116, reigned 20 years.
Gudach is godlike, from the Gothic Guda, Dii, the
gods. See Lye Dict. Sax. Goth.
10. DENBACAN, A. C. 136, reigned 25 years.'
11. OLFINECTA, A. C. 161, reigned 15 years.
12. GUIDID, Gaed-brecah, A. C. 176, reigned 12
years. Gaed is socius; bræcan, frangere; Lye. Bræc-
ka, frangere ;. Ihre: whence the epithet means ei-
ther a breaker of friendships, or of conspiracies.
13. GESTGURTICH, A. C. 188, reigned 10 years.
14. Wurgest, A. C. 198, reigned 10 years. Nor-
nagest, a man's name in Thorlac. Spec. Ant. Bor.
Gast, or Gest, Sapiens, Junii Bat. p. 182.
15. BRUDI I. Bout, A. C. 208, reigned 12 years.
This is the first of the Brudis, variously spelled Bru-
deus, Bridius, &c. but Brudi is the real Gothic name,
'If we believe Irish history, the Pikish king about 137 assisted
Tuathal Techtmur to recover his throne, which was usurped by
Elim. Wynne's Hist. of Irel. p. 62. vol. I.
288
PART III.
PIKS.
as appears from a Runic monument given by Wor-
mius, Mon. Dan. p. 198. Bout is the wounded, (Bott,
ictus. Wachter). Under this king the Pikish Chro-
nicle tells us that his descendants ruled in Ireland for
the space of a hundred and fifty years. It mentions
thirty, but gives the names of only twenty-eight in a
most singular manner, the name of every second
prince being barely that of his predecessor, with UR
prefixed; thus, Pant, Urpant; Mund, Urmund; &c.
If the author was a forger, he was certainly the most
weak that ever tried the trade; for this must, at first
glance, appear to every eye an impossible absurdity.
But the fact is, that this very part offers a very sim-
ple, but most strong, proof of the veracity of this
Chronicle. Ur, in the Persian, Old Scythian, Go-
thic,' implies Illustrious, Chief, &c. and was an epithet.
naturally given to kings. Our ignorant transcriber
finding this epithet formally repeated to each name,
by some solemnity used in the coronation song, or
from some singular respect paid to this succession of
kings, as possessors of a daring conquest in the midst
of foes, was misled by it. Thus suppose an old list
of these kings thus written: Pant v. Urpant; Leo v.
Urleo; Gant v. Urgant, &c. &c. that is, Pant vocatus
Urpant, Leo vocatus Urleo, &c. Pant called Urpant,
or Pant called the Illustrious Pant; Leo called the
Illustrious Leo; Gant the Illustrious Gant, &c. a
list, from some special respect or solemnity, so order-
ed, might easily mislead an ignorant transcriber, who
did not know that the Ur was only an epithet solemn-
•
Ur: Gothi, Franci, et Alemanni, habent Ur; Saxones Or, signi-
ficatus suos accepit partim ab ar, principium, &c. Ur, Adverb.
ordinis, significans principatum in existendo et sperando: inde Ur-
wesen, essentia primitiva; Urbild, archetypus, &c. Ar, Or, Ur, princi-
pium, Græcis
Latin. origo. Wachter Gloss.-Or, Ord, Cimb.
Ar, et Ard, initium, principium, origo, auctor. Lye Dict. Chaucer
has twice ord and end, for beginning and end. But see Richardson,
адхия
&c. as the Persian.
CHAP. VIII.
289
PIKISH KINGS.
ly repeated with the name of each king. This idea
is confirmed by the number of kings, which amount-
ing to twenty-eight, by this mistaken reckoning, could
not have reigned less than ten years each, at a me-
dium, or 280 years; whereas the fourteen, to which
we reduce them, would, at the usual rate of the Pik-
ish reigns, of about eleven years each, just fill 154
years, as 150 is the round number given in the Chro-
nicle. That the Piks had a settlement in the north
of Ireland, is clear from Adomnan, Jocelin, Usher,
O'Conor, &c. and the following fourteen kings, men-
tioned in this Chronicle, must have reigned there.
1. Pant.
2. Leo.
3. Gant.
4. Guith.
5. Fekir.
6. Cal.
7. Cuit.
8. Fec.
9. Ru.
10. Gart.
11. Kinit.
12. Inp.
13. Grid.
14. Mund.
As they all descended from Brudi, they all bore his
name, as the Arsacidæ of Persia, &c. &c. with the
adjunct of Ur, or Illustrious: thus Brudi Ur Pant,
Brudi Ur Leo, Brudi Ur Gant, &c. and so the Chro-
nicle calls them, though misled by the Ur, as above
stated. This Pikish monarchy in Ireland, though it
continued only 150 years, under the house of Brudi,
yet lasted, under other kings, even till the conquest
of Ireland by the Danes in the ninth century; as ap-
pears from Tighernac, the Annals of Ulster, &c.
Adomnan mentions a king of the Crutheni, or Piks
in Ireland, called Echuvislaid, and mentions his fly-
ing in his chariot, from the battle of Ondemone in
Ireland, fought about 570. Mr O'Conor, in the map
of Ireland prefixed to his Dissertations, places the
Cruitnidi, or Piks, in the north of that island, and
gives another settlement of them in Galway. He
also tells us that he finds, from the old book of Glen-
VOL. I.
T
290
PART III.
PIKS.
dalogh, that there were some tribes of Cruitnidi in
Ulster, and in Conaught. It is almost unnecessary
to add that this Pikish kingdom in Ireland must have
been small; and the size of this kingdom may be
guessed from this, that Ireland was in these early
times divided into no less than twenty-one such king-
doms. But of this kingdom in next chapter.
After Brudi I. the chief Scotish castration ceases;
and most of the following kings are found in all the
Chronicles. No doubt the nominal Scots, who knew
the Irish origin of the real Scots, as well as we do the
passage of the English to New England in America,
could not bear that the Piks, their nominal enemies,
but their real fathers, should boast of any conquest
in Ireland; so the extension of the castration to
Brudi I. was matter of course.
16. GILGIDI, A. C. 220, reigned 25 years. (Gil-
gidi, A. Gedé, B. Gedé, C. Ghedé, D.)
17. THARAN I. A. C. 245, reigned 25 years.
(Tharan, A. B. D. Caran, C. The names in Winton
[C.] are the most corrupt of all; the old C, T, he
often reads G, G, or C, C, thus Galarg for Talarg,
&c.)
18. MORLEO, A. C. 270, reigned 3 years. (Mor-
leo, A. rest wanting.)
19. DEOKIL, Lunon, A. C. 273, reigned 10 years.
(Deocilunon, A. Duthil, B. C. D.) This abridgement
of the name shews Lunon to be an epithet. Lun, ege-
nus, poor. Lye. Lunnon, incerta significationis vox,
ap. Cadmon, 73. 10.
20. KIMOIOD, son of Arcois, A. C. 283, reigned 2
years. (Cimoiod filius Arcois. A. wanting in the rest.
Fordun has in his place Dinorthetisy.)
21. DEOORD, A. C. 285, reigned 12 years. (Deoörd,
A. Duordechel, B. Duordechal, D. Wergetel, C.)
22. BLIKI, Blitirth, A. C. 297, reigned 1 year.
CHAP. VIII.
291
PIKISH KINGS.
(Bliciblitirth, A. rest wanting.) The epithet seems
Blitheheort, glad. Lye.
23. DECTOTERIC, A. C. 298, reigned 10 years.
(Dectoteric frater Diu, A. Decotheth, B. Decothat, C.
Decokheth, D.) This name, like the rest, is quite
Gothic, as Theoderic, &c.
24. USCONBUTS, A. C. 308, reigned 7 years. (Us-
conbuts, A. the others, omitting the first syllable,
have Combust.) Perhaps Ur Combust.
25. Carvorst, A. C. 315, reigned 10 years. (Car-
vorst, A. the rest swell the name to Caranathrecht, B.
Caranacait, C. Caranathreth, D.)
26. DEOAR, Tavois, A. C. 325, reigned 5 years.
(Deoartavois, A. rest wanting.) The epithet may be
from Tawian, colere terram, (Lye,) because he first
perhaps introduced agriculture.
27. VIST, A. C. 330, reigned 12 years. (Uist, A,
rest wanting.) There are two of the Hebud Isles,
called North Vist, and South Vist.
28. Ru, A. C. 342, reigned 25 years. (Ru, A.
rest wanting.) This name, like all the rest, is Gothic:
Roe is the seventh king of Denmark. Ruric, a Scan-
dinavian, first king of Russia.
29. GARNAT. I. Boc. A. C, 367, reigned 1 year.
(Gartnoithboc, A. Gernath Bolg, B. Garnaird Bolg,
C. Garnath Bolger, D.) If Boc be the epithet, it is
Boc, Cervus, Wachter; Bock, Caper, Ihre. The
Stag, the Buck, from his swiftness. If Bolg, or Bol-
ger, it means, The Angry: Bolgenmod, iracundus.
Lye. The Pikish Chronicle observes, a quo Garnait,
"from whom the name of Garnat." And we accord-
ingly find several other kings of this name.
30. VERE, A. C. 368, reigned 2 years. (Vere, A.
rest wanting.)
31. BRETH, A. C. 370, reigned 2 years. (Breth,
A. rest wanting.)
32. VIPOIG, namet, A. C. 372, reigned 7 years.
292
PART III.
PIKS.
(Vipoignamet, A. Umpopenemet, B. Wypopmet, C.
Wypopneth, D.) Nam is captus, The prisoner: but
namet may be derived from nam, a name, see Lye and
Wachter; and may imply famous, renowned.
33. CANUT, Ulac-hama, A. C. 379, reigned 1 year.
(Canutulachama, A. Canatulmel, B. Enalculmel, C.
Canatulmel, D.) This name alone would sufficiently
mark the whole series Gothic. Who knows not the
Canuts of Denmark? Ula-hama, Hairy-skin, or Hairy-
mantle; a simple antique epithet like the others,
and like Bla-tang, Blue-tooth, and others of Danish,
and Swedish, and Norwegian kings. Ulah, Villus,
floccus, Lye. Ulohlic, villosus. Hama, cutis, tegmen,
Id. Ul, lana. Ihre.
34. WRADECH, Vechta, A. C. 380, reigned 1 year.
(Wradech vechla, A. Frachna Albus, B. Fathna, C.
Frachna Albus, D.) Thus we learn that the epithet
implies Albus, The White; as Vechta is near enough
to our word, White, to shew its being Gothic.
33. GARNAT II. di Uber, A. C. 381, reigned 15
years. (Garnaich di uber, A. Garnat Dives, B. Gar-
nard Dives, D.) Thus di Uber is interpreted The
Rich; and accordingly di is Gothic, German, for
the, and Uber is nota abundantia, Wachter.
36. TALORC I. son of Achivir, A. C. 396, reigned
18 years. Talore, A. Talarg, B. Thalorger, D.) The
name seems from Talian, dicere, Tal, sermo, Lye;
The Speaker, the Commander.
Here ends the First Part, which itself has amazing
marks of authenticity, and approaches nearer to his-
tory than poetry. The correspondence even of the
mutilated chronicles is striking; and would, with a
Scaliger, or a Petavius, men of the most rigid judge-
ment, have been sufficient to stamp historic faith
upon the whole. It must not be forgot that Fordun,
though he omits no less than 21 real kings, has 5 su-
perfluous ones, not in our Chronicle. The Register of
CHAP. VIII.
293
PIKISH KINGS.
St Andrew's omits 20 real, and gives 2 superfluous.
Winton, though quite careless, so as to omit 23 real
kings, has yet two superfluous.
These supernumerary kings seem to have been re-
bels and usurpers; and therefore rejected in the ge-
nuine Pikish Chronicle, which bears the exact num-
ber of 70 kings prior to Constantin, as mentioned in
the old Irish Annals, and so many collateral and in-
trinsic marks of authenticity, that it must ever be re-
garded as the sole standard. Fordun's five superflu-
ous kings are:
1. Blare Hassereth, whom he places next after Vi-
poig, the 32d king, and who may have been an usurp-
er, or rebel, whose power might be acknowledged
where the chronicle copied by Fordun was written.
2. Thalarger Amfrud, who in Fordun follows the
34th king, Wradech Vechta. A mere mistake, in
transcribing from a catalogue in double columns, for
this Thalarger fil. Amfrud was the 56th king, whom
see.
3. Dongard Netheles. This king the Register of
St Andrew's also has; but spelled Dinornacht Netalic
(Netelic, bestiis similis, Lye.) Winton calls him De-
nortenach Neteles.
4. Feredach, son of Finyel. This king also occurs
in the three authors, Fordun, the Register of St An-
drew's, and Winton. The Register calls him Feodak
Finleg. Winton Fourdauch Fyngiel.-These two fol-
low the 34th king also; and might be usurpers.
5. Hungus, son of Fergoso. This king is a mere
forgery of the priests of St Andrew's, as appears from
the Excerpts of the Priory Register,' and supported
by Fordun, the notorious father of 45 Scotish prin-
He was fabricated because a Hungus had
founded St Andrew's about 825; and its priests
ces.
• In Bibl. Harl. It calls him Hungus fil. Ferlon.
294
PART III.
PIKS.
wanted to pass Regulus for its founder in the fourth
century, so forged this Hungus to make the forgery
plausible, as Fordun forged a Fergus I. because Fer-
gus son of Erc founded the Scotish monarchy. He
places this Hungus after Garnat the Rich; and tells
in different places long fables concerning him and
Regulus.
End of Part First.
Part II. HISTORICAL. From the Reign of Drust the
Great, 414, till that of Kenneth, 843.
The Pikish monarchy, anciently confined to the
Hebud Isles, was by degrees extended over the north-
west of Pikland, or present Scotland; and Drust,
who begins this series, seems to have employed some
of his many battles in spreading it over all Pikland.
For in the next century we find that Beda mentions
Brudi II. as king of all the Piks, without any hint that
the title was new. The reign of Drust is remarkable,
and illustrious, in many respects; from Christianity
being established among the southern Piks in, or just
before his time; from the rude praise, that he fought
a hundred battles; from the frequent incursions of
the Piks, and their seizing on Valentia, when the Ro-
mans left the island. Hence the epithet of Great seems
his due; and is often given with less cause.
For no less than TWENTY-SIX reigns, after this, the
whole Four Chronicles agree in names, and generally
in years. And the Fourteen last of these Twenty-six
are also supported by two other authorities, the list
in the Irish Nennius, and the Annals of Tighernac;—
a coincidence which, were they different forgeries,
as they all differ in other points, would be wholly in-
conceivable.
CHAP. VIII.
295
PIKISH KINGS.
37. DRUST the Great, A. C. 414, reigned 38 years.
(Drust filius Erp, A. Drust fil. Urb, B. Drust fil. Ir-
bii, D. Drust, C.) Dursta is the name in Runic in-
scriptions. Worm. Mon. Dan. p. 277. The Pikish
Chronicle says it was in the xixth year of Drust's
reign, that St Patrick went to Ireland. Usher shews
that it was in 432 that event happened; which forms a
fixt epoch for the commencement of this reign. Drust
is said to have fought an hundred battles, that is, a
great number; many of them perhaps to establish
his authority over the Southern Piks; and many, no
doubt, against the Britons and Romans, the latter of
whom left the island. Conn, a king of Ireland, is al-
so called of the Hundred Battles. Otulfax, a king
of Norway, is said to have fought ninety battles, and
thirteen duels, and to have lived 130 years. Torfæi
Norweg. vol. I. p. 220.¹
38. TALORC II. A. C. 452, reigned 4 years. (Ta-
lore filius Aniel, A. Talarg fil. Amil, B. Golarg Mak
Amyl, C. Thalarger fil. Amyle, D.) Winton, for the
sake of his verse, uses Mak for son of, as the Irish;
though he oftener uses son at the end, as Brude Bili-
son, &c.
39. NETHAN I. Morbet, A. C. 456, reigned 25
years. (Necton Morbet filius Erp, A. Nethan Thel-
camot, B. Nectan Kellemot, C. Nectan Thaltamoth, D.)
Moer, celebris, famosus: Beta, pascere; jungere equos
currui; incitare, instigare: Ihre. The other epithet
may be from Telning, surculus; and Kam, apex, ver-
tex: Id. as being chief branch of his family. The
I
During this reign the Jutes came to England; and Geofrey of
Monmouth says the Piks of Vortigern's guard called them in! Gale,
in his notes to Nennius, thinks Vortigern himself a Pik, Ego suspicor
Guortigernum fuisse genere Pictum vel Scytham, qui Pictorum ope ad
regnum pervenerit. A wise suspicion no doubt! but when will Eng-
lish history begin to be treated with the same accurate severity as
the Greek, or Roman ?
296
PART III.
PIKS.
Pikish Chronicle tells at some length his founding of
Abernethy, (which, by that account, was dedicated to
St Bridget,) in the third year of his reign, or 458;
and calls him the great king of all the provinces of
the Piks. Usher shews that some date Bridget's birth
in 439, others in 450, which would contradict this ac-
count. Bridget certainly died about 520 ;' for, such
was the spirit of the times, that we have more cer-
tainty about saints, than any thing else. She was in
extreme old age when she died. But in no shape
could this foundation take place in the third year of
Nethan's reign; nor could a church be dedicated to
Bridget in her life-time. So that this is a mere ec-
clesiastic fable; and it is surprising that Innes should
have passed in silence so palpable an anachronism.
The Register of St Andrew's dates the foundation
of Abernethy in the reign of Nethan II. son of Urb,
or, as others, nephew of Erb; so that he might be
mistaken for the brother of Drust, son of Erp. For-
dun says Garnat, predecessor of Nathan II. founded
Abernethy to which Winton assents. As the Re-
gister of St Andrew's is a far better authority than For-
dun, it seems reasonable to think that Abernethy was
really founded by Nethan II. about the year 600.
And that he, being also son of an Erp, as was Nethan
I. an error crept into the Pikish Chronicle; or rather
an ecclesiastic fraud of the religious of Abernethy,
in order to enhance their own antiquity. Beda men-
tions that Naiton, or Nethan III. king of the Piks in
715, desired architects from the Angles of Northum-
berland to build a church of stone. I confess, it
seems to me that this was the period of the founda-
tion of Abernethy: but perhaps a wooden fabric
might have been reared by Nethan II. However
'See Usher Ant. Eccl. Brit. p. 459, from Marianus Scotus; the
Annals of Ulster, &c.
CHAP. VIII.
297
PIKISH KINGS.
Nethan I. is out of the question; and the veracity of
our Chronicle is here violated for once, by that grand
falsifier of all Chronicles, ecclesiastic fraud.
40. DRUST II. Gurthinmoch, A. C. 481, reigned 30
years. (Drest Gurthinmoch, A. Drust Gormot, B. C.
Durst Gorthnoth, D.) The epithet seems from Gur-
ten, cingere; Moge, potens, Wachter; with the strong
girdle.
41. GALAN I. Avetelich, A. C. 511, reigned 12
years. (Galan Avetelich, A. Galam, B. C. Galaam,
D.) Awita, amens, Ihre: lich, similis.
42. DADRUST, A. C.523, reigned 1 year (Da-
drest, A. wanting B. C. Durst, D.)
43. DRUST III. son of Gyrom, A. C. 524. After
reigning one year DRUST IV. son of Udrost, was asso-
ciated with him in the government; and reigned five
years. Then Drust III. reigned alone five years
more. Hence this reign is of eleven years. (Drest
filius Gyrom, et Drest filius Udrost A. Drust fil. Gigu-
rum, et Drust filius Hydrossig, B. Durst fil. Gigurum,
et Drust fil. Ochtrede, D. Drust Gygmor, et Drust
Hoderling, C.)
44. GARNAT III. another son of Gyrom, A. C. 535,
reigned 7 years. (Gartnoch fil. Gyrom, A. Ganut fil.
Gigurum, B. Garnat Gygmore, C. Garnart fil. Gigu-
rum, D.)
45. Kealtraim, another son of Gyrom, A. C. 542,
reigned 1 year. (Cealtraim fil. Gyrom, A. Kelturan
frater Ganut, B. Gelturnam, C. Kelturan frater Gar-
nart, D.)
46. TALORC III. son of Muircholaich, A. C. 543,
reigned 11 years. (Talorg fil. Muircholaich, A. Go-
larg fil. Mordeleg, B. Golarg Mak Mordeleg, C. Tha-
larger fil. Mordelech, D.)
47. DRUST V. son of Munait, A. C. 554, reigned
1 year. (Drest filius Munait, A. Drust fil. Moneth,
B. Drust Mak Moneth, C. Durst fil. Moneth, D.)
298
PART IIF.
PIKS.
48. GALAN II. A. C. 555, reigned with ALEPH, 1
year; with BRUDI II. 1 year; so 2 years. (Galam
cum Aleph et Briduo, A. Tagalad, B. Gagalad, C. Tha-
lagath, D.)
After this period the catalogue of Pikish kings,
which Lynch found in an Irish translation of Nen-
nius, comes in [E]; and the Annals of Tighernac,
and of Ulster, furnish much intelligence concerning
Pikish affairs.'
49. BRUDI II. Son of Meilochon, A. C. 557, reign-
ed 31 years, including the one he reigned with Galan
II. (Brides fil. Mailcom, A. Brude fil. Melchon, B.
Brude Methmessor, C. Brude fil. Meilochon, D. Bru-
deus fil. Nelchon, E. Brudeus, Adomnạn. Bridius
fil. Meilochon rex potentissimus, Beda, Bridus, App.
ad Marc. Com. Bruidi Mac Melcon, Tigh.) In the
ninth year of his reign, he was converted to Christi-
anity with most of the Northern Piks, by Columba.
See Cuminius, Adomnan, Beda, &c.
2
The Appendix to Marcellinus Comes, written by
some German, has this passage concerning Brudi
II. Anno 557. In Britannio Bridus rex Pictorum
efficitur. Hildebertus rex Francorum circa hæc tem-
pora moritur. The Annals of Tighernac say that
Brudi was born in 504; but put 507, as they are ge-
nerally three years antedated throughout. His death
they place at 583, though really 587. At 579 [582]
they bear Kenelath rex Pictorum moritur: and he is
the only king of the Piks mentioned in these Annals,
but unknown to our Chronicles.3 Perhaps he was a
local monarch; or, as depositions of kings were not
uncommon among the Piks, a king deposed in favour
of Brudi, and the same with the Aleph of our Chro-
nicles for in Ireland, as future examples evince, the
* See the extracts, vol. II. Appendix.
The dates are generally added on the margin by a late hand.
See App. Notes to Chr. Pict.
CHAP. VIII.
299
PIKISH KINGS.
names of our monarchs are sometimes altered by dif
ferent pronunciation. The two next kings are not
mentioned by Tighernac, or the Ulster Annalist: but
they have all the other Twenty-five to the end, ex-
cept four, whose reigns were very short: and they
uniformly confirm the Pikish Chronicle in names
and duration of reign.
50. GARNAT IV. son of Domelch, A. C. 587, reign-
ed 11 years. (Gartnaich fil. Domeich, A. Garnat fil.
Domnach, B. Garnat Mak Dounah, C. Garnard fil.
Dompnach, D. Garnad, fil. Domnach, E.) To this king
Winton and Fordun ascribe the foundation of Aber-
nethy.
51. NETHAN II. grandson of Verp, A. C. 598,
reigned 20 years. (Nectu nepos Verp, A. Nethan fil.
Ub, B. wanting C. Nectan fil. Irbe, D. Neckan nepos
Verp, E.) To this king the Register of St Andrew's
ascribes the foundation of Abernethy.
52. KINIOD I. son of Luthrin, A. C. 618, reigned
19 years. (Cineoch fil. Luthrin, A. Kinel fil. Luth-
ren, B. Kynel Mak Luthren, C. Kenel fil. Luchtren, D.
Kenethus fil. Luthrin, E. Cinedh fil. Luthreni, Tigh.)
By an error in the press, or transcription, the Pikish
Chronicle, as published by Innes, gives but xi. years
to this prince, instead of xix. as the Irish Nennius
expressly bears, and the chronology demands.
An unintelligible passage of Tighernac bears at
628 [632]. . . . Buidhe regis Pictorum per filios Aod-
hain. At 630 he has, Bellum Perlacartle, et mors
Cinedhon filii Luthreni regis Pictorum. Kiniod seems
hence to have fallen in this battle.
53. GARNAT V. son of Wid, A. C. 637, reigned 4
years. (Garnard fil. Wid. A. In B. he is styled
Nectan son of Fottle. Nattan Fodisson, C. Nectan fil.
Fode, D. Garnaid filius Vaid, E. Gartnaith Mac Oith,
Tigh.) The Fode mis-spelt Fottle, or perhaps Fothe
in B. is evidently the Wid of A. and this king had
1#
300
PART III.
PIKS.
probably two names, Garnat Nectan, as Fordun says
Drust I. was also called Nectan, Durst qui alias voca-
batur Nectan.
Tighernac says at the year 634, as marked on the
margin, Ecclesia Rechran fundata est. Mors Garnt-
nai Mac Foith. Bellum Hegaise in quo cecidit Lact-
na Mac Nechtain, cum Fotha Cumascach Mac Enea-
sa, et Gartnaith Mac Oith. It hence seems that
Garnat was slain at the battle of Hegaise, probably
in an intestine war. Tighernac often speaks even of
the kings of Ireland merely by name, without any
addition of title.
54. BRUDI III. another son of Wid, A. C. 641,
reigned 5 years. (Bridei filius Wid, A. Brude fil.
Fathe, B. Brude, C. Brude fil. Fachna, D. Brudeus
filius Vaid, E. Bruidi fil. Foith, Tigh.) "Mors Brui-
di filii Foith." Tigh. ad ann. 640.
55. TALORC IV. another son of Wid, A C. 646,
reigned 12 years. (Talore frater eorum [Ganat et
Brudi] A. Telarg fil. Fetobar, B. i. e. son of Fet
[Wid] above named: ober, Germ.-Golarge, C. Tha-
larger fil. Ferchard, D. Tolore frater eorum, E. Do-
lairg Mac Foith, Tigh.)
Mors Ferith Mac Tuathalan, et Dolairg Mac Foith
regis Pictorum. Tigh. ad A. 652.
56. TALORGAN I. son of Enfret, A. C. 658, reign-
ed 4 years. (Talorcon fil. Enfret, A. Talargan fil.
Amfrude, B. Golargan, C. Thalargan fil. Amfrud, D.
Talorcan fil. Enfret, E. Dolargain Mac Anfrith,
Tigh.) This monarch, by some error of Fordun, oc-
curs twice in the list, here, and after the 34th king;
a mistake probably arising from his copy being writ-
ten in double columns, so that his name had slipt
from one column into the other, yet was repeated in
its proper place. Mors Dolargain Mac Anfrith regis
Pictorum. Tigh. ad. 656.
57. GARNAT VI. son of Donell, A. C. 662, reign-
CHAP. VIII.
301
PIKISH KINGS.
ed 6 years. (Gartnait fil. Donnell, A. Garnat fil.
Domnal, B. Garnat Mac Donald, C. Garnard fil.
Dompnal, D. Garnad fil. Donel, E. Gartnaidh fil.
Donaldi, Tigh.)
Mors Gartnaidh fil. Donaldi, et Donaldi filii Tuatha-
lani. Tigh. ad 662.
58. DRUST VI. another son of Donell, A. C. 669,
reigned 7 years. (Drest frater ejus [Garnat] A. B.
Durst his brother, C. frater ejus Durst, D. Druse
frater ejus, E. Drost fil. Domnail, Tigh.')
Tighernac, at 663, has Bellum Ludhoseirn in For-
tren, or "the war of Ludhoseirn in Pikland;" for
Pikland he often calls FORTREN, from the king's re-
sidence at Forteviot, or some chief town; as the Laws
of Howel Dha term the king of England, king of
London. At 667, he tells us, that the sons of Gar-
nat sailed into Ireland, with the people Sceth; and
that they returned next year. Garnat VI. is proba-
bly alluded to. At 671, he puts Expulsio Drosti de
regno, "the expulsion of Drust from his kingdom;"
certainly Drust VI.
59. BRUDI IV. son of Bili, A. C. 676, reigned 21
years (Bredei fil. Bili, A. Brude fil. Bile, B. Brude
Bilis son, C. Brude fil. Bile. D. Brudeus fil. Fili, E.
Bruide Mac Bile, Tigh.) This Brudi slew Egfrid king
of Northumberland in battle, 685, as the addition to
Nennius informs.
At 681, Tighernac says, Orcades deletæ sunt a Bruide,
"the Orkneys ravaged by Brudi." At 692, Bruide
Mac Bile rex Fortren moritur, "Brudi son of Bili
king of Pikland dies." He also at that year marks
the death of Alphin, son of Nethan; and the slaugh-
About 665, the Piks invaded Ulster; but, as would seem by
the records, they were repulsed with loss. Wynne's Hist. Irel.
About 671, the Piks renewed their irruptions, burned a monas-
tery, and drove out the poor monks; after which, and other deprc-
dations, they retired to their own country. Ibid.
302
PART III.
PIKS.
ter of Ainfrith and Pithnel, sons of Boeno, apparent,
ly Piks,
60. THARAN II. son of Entifidich, A. C. 697, reign-
ed 4 years. (Taran fil. Entifidich, A. Taram fil. Am-
fredech, B. wanting C. Gharan fil. Amfedech, D. Ta-
ran fil. Enfidi, E. Taracin, Tigh.)
At 696, Tighernac puts the expulsion of Tharan
II. from his kingdom but the marker of the years
is generally from three to five years wrong.
61. BRUDI V. son of Derili, A. C. 701, reigned 11
years. (Bredei fil. Dereli, A. Brude fil. Derili, B.
Brude Dargardson, C. Brude fil. Decili, D. Breitef
fil. Derilei, E. Brude Mac Derile, Tigh.)
In the reign of Brudi, son of Derili, 697, i. e. 702,
Tighernac marks a war between the Saxons (Angles
of Northumbria) and the Piks, in which fell Brechtra
son of Bernith. At 705 is put Brude Mac Derile
moritur, “Brudi, son of Derili, dies." He founded
the churches at Culross and in Lochleven, as Winton
says; but others ascribe this last to Brudi VII.
62. NETHAN III. another son of Derili, A. C. 712,
reigned 15 years. (Nechton fil. Dereli, A. Nectan
frater ejus [Brude] B. his brother Nactan, C. frater
ejus Nectane, D. Nectanus fil. Derilei, E. Naitan, Beda.
Netan Mac Derile, Tigh.) To this Prince Ceolfrid
wrote his famous letter, given by Beda, in 715. Win-
ton says he founded Rosmarkin, a circumstance no
where else to be found; though Beda tells us he de-
sired, and had, architects to build a church, from
Ceolfrid,
Tighernac, in this reign at 710, i. e. 712, or 713,
mentions a slaughter of the Piks by the Saxons, in
Campo Manan, (perhaps in the Isle of Man) where
Finguin, son of Delaroith, fell. At 712, i. e. 714, or715,
he marks the slaughter of Kiniod, son of Derili, ap-
parently the king's brother; and of the son of Math-
gennan. Talorc, son of Drustan, was also that year
12
CHAP. VIII.
303
PIKISH KINGS.
put in chains by his brother Nethan, the king. He
must have been half-brother, or brother-in-law, or
brother-at-arms; for King Nethan's father was De-
rili. At 715, i. e. 717, he marks the death of Gar-
nat, son of Delaroith, apparently brother of Finguin,
above-mentioned. In 716, i. e. 718, he mentions that
the monks of Hyona were expelled beyond Drum
Albin, by King Nethan; probably in consequence
of the letter of Ceolfrid concerning Easter. At 718,
i. e. 720, we find the slaughter of Drustan. In 725,
i. e. 727, Nethan constringitur, "is bound," or put in
chains, by King Drust VII. (a Drost rege) his suc-
cessor; and same year Talorgan Maphan died.
After this, the Pikish Chronicle agrees with the
list in the Irish translation of Nennius, and with
Tighernac; but Fordun, and the Register of St An-
drew's, though agreeing between themselves, differ
widely from the two first authorities, through five, or,
as they bear, sia reigns, which amount to sixty years
instead of fifty, the real space, thus altering the whole
chronology, and most erroneously, as Hoveden and
other extraneous authors prove, Winton is quite im-
perfect, but he leans to Fordun and the Register.
The reason of this brief difference of the Scotish
transcripts from the genuine Pikish Chronicle seems
to be, that the nature of the succession to the Pikish
crown left room for many civil commotions, and the
old Scots of Dalriada being latterly at frequent vari-
ance with the Piks, it was their interest to support
every usurper. The most remarkable variety is in
the next reign. The Register of St Andrew's gives
it to Garnard, and says he reigned 20 years; but the
numbers in that whole list are totally corrupt. For-
dun assigns him 14 years. He seems to have been
an usurper supported by the Dalriads, and whose reign
was estimated by his life.
63. DRUST VII. and ELPIN I. A. C. 727, reigned
304
PART III.
PIKS.
together five years. (Drest et Alpin, A. Drestus et Al-
pinus, E. Drost, Tigh. Elpin, Id. wanting rest.)'
In 727, or 729, Tighernac mentions the intestine
battle of Monacrib fought among the Piks themselves.
Ungust, afterwards king, was conqueror; and many
on the side of Elpin the king (Elpini regis) were slain.
Another bloody battle was fought between them the
same year, near the castle of Crei, where Elpin fled.
But Drust still retained his throne, as appears pre-
sently. Next year, or 730, we learn from the same
authority that there was a battle between the army
of Nethan, commanded by exactatores, or officers, and
that of Ungust. Rikeat, son of Monet, and his son,
and Fingain, son of Drustan, officers on the part of
Nethan, fell. The house of Ungust, with Fenach,
son of Fingair, and Muti, were victorious. Who Ne-
than was, appears not; but there is every reason to
infer that he was Nethan III. and that he had either
escaped, or, as more probable, his friends had raised
this army to deliver him, and replace him on the
throne. Same year another battle was fought at Dro-
ma Derg Blathug, in Pikland, between Ungust and
King Drust, where Drust fell, and Ungust became
king. The Piks thus felt the usual disadvantages of
elective monarchy.
64. UNGUST I. son of Vergust, A. C. 732, reigned
29 years: the Pikish Chronicle, and Irish list, for the
sake of a round number, put 30; an usual plan in
barbaric times, when chronology is inaccurate, and
round numbers please the memory. The Register of
St Andrew's says, he reigned 16 years, and after gives
'Caradoc of Lhancarvon, at 733, puts the death of an Edwyn,
King of the Piks. Perhaps the name in MSS. was Elpin. At 750
he marks a battle between the Piks and Britons at Magedawc, in
which the Piks were defeated, and Talargan their king slain. This
king was surely a rex exercitus, or general; but from the silence of
all other writers, the event seems fabulous.
CHAP. VIII.
305
PIKISH KINGS.
him 36. Fordun gives him 14 years; but we know
from a Chronicle at the end of Beda, Simeon, and
Hoveden, that he died in 761. (Onnust fil. Urgust,
A. Oengusa fil. Fergusa, B. C. D. Onuis fil. Urgust, E.
Oengus, Chron. ad. fin. Bedæ. Unnust, Simeon Du-
nelm; et Hoveden. Aongus Mac Fergusa, Tigh.) This
prince is noted by extraneous authors, his reign be-
ing long, and full of enterprise and glory. In 744 was
fought a noted battle between the Piks and Britons
of Strat-clyde. Sim. Dunelm. &c. In 756, Edbert, king
of Northumbria, joined his army to that of Ungust,
against the Strat-clyde Britons; and Aleluid yielded
on terms (of homage, as would seem.) Simeon. Hove-
den. In 761 he died. Chron. ad fin. Bedæ. Hoveden
says in 762; Simeon in 759.
But it is to Tighernac that we are chiefly indebted
for his fame. Ungust I., whom the reader has already
seen always in war, and always victorious in former
reigns, the dethroner of two kings, and the conquer-
or of every rival, was, after Drust the Great, the
most valiant and powerful of our monarchs. His
reign, of twenty-nine years, was a succession of exer-
tions and acquisitions. The continuator of Beda says,
Anno 761, Oengus Pictorum rex obiit; qui regni sui
principuum usque ad finem facinore cruento tyrannus per-
durit carnifex, that Ungust, through his whole reign,
was a bloody tyrant, and executioner. He appears
indeed to have been a cruel prince, but at the same
time most brave and warlike; nor was clemency
a virtue of that age. In his numerous wars he might
not shew much respect to the monks; and this may
have induced the monastic continuator to slander his
fame; but let us judge him by his actions. The se
cond year of his reign, as appears from Tighernac, or
734, a battle was fought between Brudi, son of Un-
gust I. and Talorgan, son of Congust; the latter wast
defeated, and fled. Three years after, or 737, this
VOL. I.
U
306
PART III.
PIKS.
Talorgan, son of Congust, was defeated by his bro-
ther, and delivered to the people, who drowned him.
Nothing more is known concerning this Pikish chief.
Talorgan, son of Drustan, was seized and bound near
the castle of Olia; Don Lethfin, apparently his resi-
dence, was destroyed; and he was after obliged to
fly to Ireland from the power of Ungust. In 739
Ungust ravaged Dalriada, took Dunat, and burned
Creio; and put Dungal and Ferach, the two sons of
Selvac, late king of Dalriada, in chains. Brudi, son
of Ungust, died. A battle was fought at Twini Onir-
bre between the Piks and Dalriads: Talorgan, son
of Vergust, (apparently brother of Ungust) defeated
the Dalriads under Murdac, son of Ambkellach, and
pursued them with great slaughter. In 741, Talor-
gan, son of Drustan, king of Ahafoitle, was drowned
by orders of Ungust. He seems the same above-
mentioned, who had fled to Ireland, but had returned.
The title of king was very common in these times,
and applied to any chief of great power. The pu-
nishment of drowning, now unknown, was formerly
practised among the Gothic nations;' and even lately
in Russia. In 742, Cubretan, son of Congust, died.
In 743, a battle was fought at Droma Cathvaoil, be-
tween the Piks and Dalriads; and in this year Dal-
riada was utterly wasted by Ungust. The old Dal-
riadic race of kings now expires, and a new Pikish
one succeeds; as the reader will find, when we come
to the kings of Dalriada. Three years after, or 746,
Tacitus says of the Germans, "Proditores, et transfugas, arbo-
ribus suspendunt. Ignavos, et imbelles, et corpore infames, cæno
ac palude, injecta insuper crate, mergunt." Germ. c. 12. Hence
this punishment appears to have been a mark of great infamy. The
altum et bussum, pit and gallows, of feudal laws apparently rose from
this practice. Sueno, p. 113, tells that Eric King of Denmark, in
1135, Biornonem nepotem suum captivavit... annexumque molari in
profundum abyssi demersit. And Snorro tells us, that the Swedes
boasted of drowning five of their kings. Heimskr.
CHAP. VIII.
307
PIKISH KINGS.
the battle of Catho was fought between the Piks and
Welch of Strat-clyde; in which Talorgan, son of
Vergust, and brother of Ungust, fell. In 761, Un-
gust died, after an active and glorious reign. For all
these notices we are indebted to Tighernac, and the
Annals of Ulster. It is impossible to help suspecting
that the great actions of this prince, and in particular
his destroying the kingdom of Dalriada, an Irish set-
tlement, induced our Irish Chroniclers in Scotland to
pervert the Pikish Chronicles at this period. The
kingdom and name of the Old Scots in Britain, men-
tioned by Adomnan and Beda, totally cease with the
conquest of Dalriada, and are never after to be found.
The name of the new, or present Scots, was given to
the Piks about 1020, as after shewn; and the Dal-
riads are ever after 743 called Gatheli, Hibernenses, or
Irish.
65. BRUDI VI. another son of Vergust, A. C. 761,
reigned 2 years. (Bredei fil. Wirgust, A. Brude fil.
Tenegus, B. C. D. Brete fil. Urgust, E. Bruide,
Tigh.) Bruide rex Fortren mort. Tigh. ad Annum,
762.
66. KINIOD II. son of Wirdech, A. C. 763, reign-
ed 12 years. (Ciniod filius Wirdech, A. wanting B.
C. D. Kenethus fil. Viredeg, E. Cinaoh, Tigh. Cy-
noth, Hoveden. Kynoch, Simeon.) The want of this
prince in B. C. D. sufficiently shews them imperfect,
and illusory. It was to this Kiniod that Alcred,
king of Northumbria, fled for refuge in 774, as Ro-
ger Hoveden and Simeon of Durham tell; and they
also fix his death to the next year, or 775, in perfect
coincidence with this chronicle.
Tighernac at 763 bears, "A battle at Fortren, be-
tween Aod and Kinaoh :" the latter was the Pikish
king. At 774, he has, Mors Kinaoh regis Pictorum.
Caradoc of Llancarvon also mentions him.
308
PART III
PIKS
Here the six accounts again agree in names of
kings; and are nearly uniform to the end.
67. ELPIN II. son of Vered, A. C. 775, reigned 3½
years. (Elpin fil. Wroid, A. Alpin fil Feret, B. Alpin,
C. Alpinus fil. Feredech, D. Alpinus fil. Vrod, E.)
Tighernac, at 779, marks the death of Elpin king
of the Saxons. As there was no king of the Saxons
of that name, it seems an error of the transcriber for
Piks.
68. DRUST VIII. son of Talorgan, A. C. 779,
reigned 4 years. (Drest fil. Talorgan, A. Drust fil.
Talargan, B. wanting C. Durst fil. Thalargan, D.
Drest fil. Talorcen, E.)
At 781, Tighernac bears the death of Drustalarg,
king of the Piks, citra Monah, on this side Monah.
I know not if he means Drust Talorganson, or some
great chief.
69, TALORGAN II. son of Ungust, A. C. 783,
reigned 24 years. (Talorgan fil. Õnnust, A. Talar-
gan jil. Drustan, B. wanting C. Thalurger jil. Drus-
ke D. Totorcen fil Drustan, E.)
70. CANUL, son of Tarla, A. C. 786, reigned 5
years. (Canaul fil. Taría, A. Thalargan fil Tenegus,
B. D. wanting, C. Canul fil. Tang, E. Conal Mac
Teige, Tigh. si sic MSS.)
Tighernac, at 788, marks a battle between the
Piks, where Conal Mac Teige was vanquished, and
fled, and Constantin was conqueror: evidently this
king and his successor.
These complete the Seventy Pikish kings prece-
ding Constantin, as the ancient Irish Annals bear.
71. CONSTANTIN, son of Vergust, A. C. 791, reign-
ed 30 years. (Castantin fil. Wrguist, A. Constantin
fil Fergusa, B. Constantin, C. Constantinus fil. Fergu-
sii, D. Cuastam jil. Urgust, E. Constantin Mac Fer-
gs, Tigh.) The Register of St Andrew's, Fordun,
and Winton, all agree that this monarch erected the
CHAP. VIII.
309
PIKISH KINGS.
church of Dunkeld; and Winton dates this erection
in 815. Constantin Mac Fergus rex Fortren mor.
Tigh. ad 819.
In 796, Osbald, a Northumbrian nobleman, after
reigning in Northumbria for a month only, was ex-
pelled; and fled by sea from Lindesfarn to the Pik
ish king, and after died an abbot. Sim. Dun.
72. UNGUST II. another son of Vergust, A. C.
821, reigned 12 years. (Unnust fil Wrgust, A. Hun-
gus fil. Fergusa, B. Hungus, C. Hungus fil. Fergusii,
D. Vidanist fil. Urgust, E. Aongus Mac Fergus, Tigh.)
This king, all the above authors agree, founded Kil-
remont, afterward called St Andrew's. A part of
the charter, as preserved in the Register of St An-
drew's, is given by Sibbald in his history of Fife.'
The witnesses are Thalarg, son of Ythernbuthib;
Nactan, son of Chelturan; Garnach, son of Dosnach ;
Drust, son of Urthros; Nachtalech, son of Gighert;
Shinah, son of Lucheran; Anegus, son of Forchele;
Pheradach, son of Phinleich; Phiachan, son of Bulge;
Glunmerath, son of Taran; Demene, son of Cringa-
nena; Duptaleich, son of Bargah; ALL OF THE ROYAL
BACE. The account of the foundation of St Andrew's,
containing this charter, is written by Chana, son of
Dudabrath; and bears a singular addition, Regi Phe-
rath, filio Bargoth in villa Migdale. What is the
meaning of this address? Vered, (here called Phe-
rath,) son of Bargot, was king in 839, six years after
the death of Ungust II. Should we read Regi, as
here, and suppose the account was sent to the king?
Or is it not more reasonable to suppose the copy had
Rege, and was taken during his reign, and bore this
simple mark of his confirmation? Tighernac, at 833,
has, Aongus Mac Fergus, rex Fortren moritur...
1
* See the Excerpts from the Register of St Andrew's in the Ap
pendix to this volume.
308
PART III.
FIKS
}
Here the six accounts again agree in names of
kings; and are nearly uniform to the end.
67. ELPIN II. son of Vered, A. C. 775, reigned 3
years. (Elpin fil. Wroid, A. Alpin fil Feret, B. Alpin,
C. Alpinus fil. Feredech, D. Alpinus fil. Vrod, E.)
Tighernac, at 779, marks the death of Elpin king
of the Saxons. As there was no king of the Saxons
of that name, it seems an error of the transcriber for
Piks.
68. DRUST VIII. son of Talorgan, A. C. 779,
reigned 4 years. (Drest fil. Talorgan, A. Drust fil.
Talargan, B. wanting C. Durst jil. Thalargan, D.
Drest fil. Talorcen, E.)
At 781, Tighernac bears the death of Drustalarg,
king of the Piks, citra Monah, on this side Monah.
I know not if he means Drust Talorganson, or some
great chief.
69. TALORGAN II. son of Ungust, A. C. 783,
reigned 21 years. (Talorgan fil. Õnmust, A. Talar-
gan jil. Drustan, B. wanting C. Thalurger fl. Drus-
ke: D. Talorcen fil Drustan, E.)
70. CANUL, son of Tarla, A. C. 786, reigned 5
years. (Canaul fil. Taría, A. Thalargan fil Tenegus,
B. D. wanting, C. Canul fil. Tang, E. Conal Mac
Teige, Tigh. si sic MSS.)
Tighernac, at 788, marks a battle between the
Piks, where Conal Mac Teige was vanquished, and
fled, and Constantin was conqueror: evidently this
king and his successor.
These complete the Seventy Pikish kings prece-
ding Constantin, as the ancient Irish Annals bear.
71. CONSTANTIN, son of Vergust, A. C. 791, reign-
ed 30 years. (Castantin fil. Wrguist, A. Constantin
fil Fergusa, B. Constantin, C. Constantinus fil. Fergu-
sii, D. Cuastam jil. Urgust, E. Constantin Mac Fer-
g, Tigh.) The Register of St Andrew's, Fordun,
and Winton, all agree that this monarch erected the
CHAP. VIII.
309
PIKISH KINGS.
church of Dunkeld; and Winton dates this erection
in 815. Constantin Mac Fergus rex Fortren mor.
Tigh. ad 819.
In 796, Osbald, a Northumbrian nobleman, after
reigning in Northumbria for a month only, was ex-
pelled; and fled by sea from Lindesfarn to the Pik
ish king, and after died an abbot. Sim. Dun.
72. UNGUST II. another son of Vergust, A. C.
821, reigned 12 years. (Unnust fil Wrgust, A. Hun-
gus fil. Fergusa, B. Hungus, C. Hungus fil. Fergusii,
D. Vidanist fil. Urgust, E. Aongus Mac Fergus, Tigh.)
This king, all the above authors agree, founded Kil-
remont, afterward called St Andrew's. A part of
the charter, as preserved in the Register of St An-
drew's, is given by Sibbald in his history of Fife."
The witnesses are Thalarg, son of Ythernbuthib;
Nactan, son of Chelturan; Garnach, son of Dosnach;
Drust, son of Urthros; Nachtalech, son of Gighert ;
Shinah, son of Lucheran; Anegus, son of Forchele;
Pheradach, son of Phinleich; Phiachan, son of Bolge ;
Glunmerath, son of Taran; Demene, son of Cringa-
nena; Duptaleich, son of Bargah; ALL OF THE ROYAL
RACE. The account of the foundation of St Andrew's,
containing this charter, is written by Chana, son oj
Dudabrath; and bears a singular addition, Regi Phe-
rath, filio Bargoth in villa Migdale. What is the
meaning of this address? Vered, (here called Phe-
rath,) son of Bargot, was king in 839, six years after
the death of Ungust II. Should we read Regi, as
here, and suppose the account was sent to the king?
Or is it not more reasonable to suppose the copy had
Rege, and was taken during his reign, and bore this
simple mark of his confirmation? Tighernac, at 833,-
has, Aongus Mac Fergus, rex Fortren moritur.
See the Excerpts from the Register of St Andrew's in the Ap
pendix to this volume.
*
310
PART III.
PIKS.
It is remarkable of this king, Ungust II. that he is
the only prince, whose name, and that of his father,
were the same with Ungust I. and that he succeed-
ed his brother, who had reigned no less than thirty
years.
73. DRUST IX. son of Constantin, and TALORGAN
III. son of Uthol, A. C. 833, reigned together 3
years. (Drest fil. Constantin, et Talorgan fil. Uthoil,
A. Drest fil. Constantin, et Talorgus fil. Uthol. E.
wanting, C. The others B. and D. blunder the two
names into one, Dustalorg, B. Durstolorger, D.)
The Pikish succession seems here to have been
violated for the first time, as Drust, son of King Con-
stantin, ascended the throne.
74. UVEN, son of Ungust, A. C. 836, reigned 3
years. (Uuen fil. Unnust, A. Eoganan fil. Hungus, B.
wanting, C. Eoghane fil. Hungus, D. Unen fil. Unust.
E. Owen Mac Aongus, Tigh.) A second violation of
the succession.
At 838 Tighernac gives the last notice concerning
the Piks, till 857, when he marks the death of Ci-
naoh, or Kenneth, son of Alpin, king of the Piks. It
is that the Danes and Norwegians made war upon
Pikland; and a battle was fought, in which fell Owen,
son of Aongus; and Bran, son of Aongus; and Aod,
son of Boan; and many others. The first is certain-
ly Uven, son of Ungust, the king; and the second
his brother.
75. VERED, son of Bargot, A. C. 839, reigned 3
years. (Ured fil. Bargoit, A. Ferat fil. Batot, B.
wanting, C. Ferech fil. Budoc, D. Urard fil. Bargot, E.)
76. BRUDI VII. son of Vered, A. C. 842, reigned
1 year. (Bred, A. Brude fil. Ferat, B. wanting C.
Brude fil. Feredech, D. Breud, E. Unhappily A. and
E. do not give the name of his father; but it is clear
from B. and D. that he was the son of Vered, or, as
CHAP. VIII.
311
PIKISH KINGS.
they call him by Celtic pronunciation, Ferat, the last
king.)
This Brudi is called son of Dergard, in the Char-
tulary of St Andrew's, whence Ruddiman' quotes
this passage: "Brudi, son of Dergard, who was last
king of the Piks, according to ancient traditions, be-
stowed the island of Lochleven on God Almighty,
and St Serf, and the Culdees hermits residing there
and serving God, and who are to continue to serve
him in that island." But Winton imputes this found-
ation to Brudi V. son of Derili, which name he puts
Dergard and the Chartulary seems to have con-
founded him with Brudi VII. when it terms him last
king of the Piks.
After Kenneth's power was acknowledged, as is
clear from the invaluable Pikish Chronicle, and from
the Irish list, the former of which closes with Brudi
VII. and the latter next after this Brudi gives Ken-
neth, the son of Alpin, he had, as the Register of St
Andrew's and Fordun state, three successive usurp-
ers to struggle with. They were:
Kinat, son of Ferat, whose usurpation lasted one
month.
Brudi, son of Fotel, who stood out 2 years.
Drust, son of Ferat, who contested for 3 years.
This contest therefore lasted till 848. Two of the
usurpers were sons of Vered, or Ferat, the 75th king,
the Pretenders of the time, for Kenneth was support-
ed by the Pikish nation at large, as after explained.
Beside these three pretenders, the Register of St
Andrew's and Fordun have, in the Second Part, ad-
mitted one usurper, and one erroneous king; namely,
Garnat, son of Feredech, in the time of Drust VII.
and Elpin I. or about 727, an usurper. But this Gar-
¹ Introduct. ad Diplom. Scotia.
Dor M
312
PART III
PIKS.
nat is quite unknown to Tighernac and the Annals.
of Ulster, though at this period full' of Pikish affairs.
Nethan, son of Derili, whom they repeat at the same
period, by a mere error in transcription, as he prece-
ded Drust VII. and Elpin I. his reign ceasing in 727:
but this new reign of his they only extend to nine
months. Nethan, who had been deposed by Drust,
appears indeed, from Tighernac, to have re-asserted
his right to the crown, as above-mentioned, which
accounts for this repetition.
Some other kings are out of order, toward the end
of Fordun's list, and of that given in the Register of
St Andrew's; which are indeed only valuable as col-
lateral proofs of the two authentic monuments, the
Pikish Chronicle, and the List preserved in the an-
cient Irish translation of Nennius. The Annals of
Tighernac and Ulster, and the old English historians,
sufficiently confirm these two remains, and make the
latter part of Pikish history as clear as can be ex-
pected.
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONs.
313
}
CHAPTER IX..
Extent of the Pikish Dominions.
THE industrious and acute Innes, who ought never
to be named by a Scotish antiquary but with superla-
tive praise, has treated this part of my subject at such
length, as to leave me little to add. I shall therefore
on this one occasion do little more than abstract his
account; though with some corrections.
Tacitus, the most ancient author who gives any
account of the northern parts of Britain, includes in
the possessions of the Caledonii, or Piks, all the coun-.
tries on the north side of the Tay. Ptolemy, in his
geography, gives us the western boundary of the Ca-
ledonians on the south; namely, Lelamonius Sinus,
or Loch Fyn. Dio, in his relation of the expedition
of Severus into Caledonia, mentions the wall of An-
toninus, as the boundary between the Caledoniansand
Mæatæ, for the former had, about the year 170, bro-
ken the Province of Vespasiana, and seized all the.
country down to Forth.
I
Beda is clear that the Piks from an early period
possessed the northern parts beyond the friths, from
west to east. For he tells that the frith of Clyde was
anciently the boundary of the Britons and Piks. And
he gives us to know that the Dalriads, at their first.
coming to Britain, were received in a portion of the
Pikish teritories, in parte Pictorum, at the north side
I
I. 1. Yet the Gadeni, a part of the Strat-clyde Welch, had
Dumbartonshire; but of this presently.
314
PART III
PIKS.
7
of the frith of Clyde. It is also clear from Beda, that,
in 565, Hy, or Icolmkill, belonged to the Pikish ter-
ritory, seeing the king of the Piks gave it to Colum-
ba. They who would on this occasion confute Beda
from the Annals of Ulster, a work of the fifteenth
century, which say the Old Scots gave it to Colum-
ba, only shew gross ignorance of every law concern-
ing historic authority. The distance of time is so
great, that the latter testimony can in no way confute
the former; and these Annals being written by Irish
churchmen, they would naturally wish to make Hyona
belong to the Old Scots of Irish extract; and to give
them the merit of this saintly donation. It is there-
fore apparent, that in 565 the Old Scots of Britain
only held the south part of Argyle.
Ammianus Marcellinus, in the fourth century, di-
vides the Piks into Dicaledones and Vecturiones;
the former certainly the Northern Piks bordering on
the Deucaledonian sea; the latter the Southern, as
appears from Richard; and their name, which is
merely that of the Vikar, or Vichtar, the Icelandic
pronunciation of Pikar, or Pichtar, in a Latin form.
Snorro Sturleson, the venerable northern historian of
the thirteenth century, calls the Old Piks of Norway,
Vikveriar, or men of Vika; a name very near that of
Vecturiones. Beda confirms this division of Ammia-
nus, by mentioning that the Southern Piks, convert-
ed by Ninian, were divided from the Northern by
high ridges of hills. That is, the Southern Piks were
the Lowland Piks; the Northern, the Highland
Piks; the two grand divisions of Scotland in all
ages. These hills were the Grampians, which run
from Loch Lomond on the west, to Aberdeenshire
on the east.
Adomnan, in a remarkable passage of his life of
Columba, not to be found in the early editions, but
published by Bollandus in his edition about the year
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
315
1660, from a fuller MS. and which passage also oc-
curs in the invaluable MS. in the King's library,
written in the twelfth or thirteenth century, tells us,
that the hills of Drum-Albayn were the boundaries
between the Piks and British Scots. Pictorum plebe
et Scottorum Britanniæ, quos utrosque Dorsi montes
Britannici disterminant. The Dorsum Britannicum is
a mere Latin translation of Drum-Albayn, "The
Back of Britain." Father Innes has, upon this oc-
casion, much foreign matter about the Grampians,
as if the Grampians were the only hills in Scotland!
Every one knows that Drum-Alban is neither more
nor less than the highest part of ancient Braidalban ;
and so called even in last century.' Innes sup-
poses Drum-Alban must have been in a direct ma-
thematical line, between Hyona and King Brudi's
Castle, on the river Ness, near Inverness; because
Adomnan says, Columba used to pass it in his way to
that castle on the Ness. Of course he makes the
hills of Drum-Alban run from Athol, north-west, to
the coast opposite to the Isle of Skey. But as it is
universally known to a certainty, that Drum-Alban
is the highest part, or mountainous ridge, of Braid-
Alban, it is palpable that Columba crossed from Hy-
ona to the nearest shore, that of Mid Lorn, in a line
with Inverary, and from thence passed Braid-Alban
to Inverness: a way which common sense points out
as the nearest and most convenient. Innes seems to
imagine that Columba went through the Isle of Mull,
and kept to the northward of Loch Linny and Loch
Ness. But in this case he could not have passed
Drum-Alban, and must have gone a far way about,
"And the highest part of Braid-Albin is called Drum-Albin,
that is, the back of Scotiand, so termed, for forth of the back wa-
ters do run in both the seas." Moneypenny's Description of Scot-
land, London, 1612, 8vo. Edin. 1633, 1760, 12mo.
It is now probably the Muir of Rannoch. See Roy.
316
PART III
PIKS.
through the region of the Piks: while the other way
was nearer; and he went through the territory of
his countrymen to its extreme frontier, and so pass-
ed at once to the Pikish court, where the scene of
his mission lay. Indeed the position of Drum-Alban
is so well known, that it is needless to argue the
point. In this remarkable passage, concerning the
boundary of the Piks and Dalriadic Scots, Adomnan
is speaking of a plague that happened in his own.
time, about the year 702, when he visited Alfred,
king of Northumberland, as he himself, and Beda,
tell which plague, as the passage bears, visited all
nations, save the Piks and British Scots, which were
divided from each other by Drum-Alban. That is,
the British Scots in the eighth century were confined
to Argyleshire, with the Isles of Jura and Ila.
Adomnan, in speaking of the Pikish dominions,
uses always the barbaric phrase of his age, Pictorum
PROVINCIA. The word Provincia had now become
low Latin, for a region, land,. or territory, however
large, as under the Romans whole kingdoms had been..
provinces. In lib. I. c. 10. Adomnan uses Galliarum
Provinciis; for Gaul. Du Cange, in his glossary, ob-
serves that the kingdom of France is called Provin-
cia by an ancient writer; nay, that Tertullian calls
the world itself, Provincia.'
Those of the Hebud Isles, which are mentioned:
by Adomnan, are, 1. Hyona, or Icolmkill. 2. Malea,
or Mull. 3. Colosus, or Colonsa. 4. Himba, where
there was a monastery, founded by Columba, and
which would seem to have been upon the coast of
¹ Pro regno Franciæ adhibet Adeodatus, PP. in privilegio pro.
majori Monast. In cujus volumine et aliorum per Gallicanam provinci- .
am constitutorum antistitum. Provincia mundus ipse dicitur Tertull.
ady, Valent. c. 20. Igitur Demiurgus cxtra Pleromatis limites con--
stitutus.. novam provinciam condidit, hunc mundum. Du Cange iu
voce..
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
317
Ireland. 5. Rechrea, or Rachlin. 6. Scia, or Skey,
where Columba was some days, lib. III. c. 4. edit.
Messingham. This isle was then full of woods; and
Columba slew aprum, "a boar," in it.
a boar," in it. In lib. I. c.
12. edit. Mess. § 31, Surü et al. beginning, Cum per
aliquot dies in insula demoraretur Scocia vir beatus;
read, as the MS. in the king's Lib. bears, in insula
Scia. Unhappily Adomnan gives no hint to which
nation Mull and Skey belonged; but it seems certain
that, while Hyona belonged to the Piks, these two
great islands to the north of it must have also been in
their hands. The history of the Hebud Isles is ob-
scure to excess, till the ninth century, when the
Norwegians got them. When the Piks acquired bet-
ter habitations in Britain, they seem to have left the
Hebudes very thinly inhabited; and in the ninth cen-
tury we may safely suppose the Old Scots, or Irish,
were the most numerous people in them; and their
speech prevailed, as at this day.
Of the Orkneys little is known. It is sufficient to
observe here, that Adomnan shews there was a regu-
lus, or prince of the Orkneys, at the court of Brudi,
king of the Piks, when Columba visited it about
570; and that this prince had given the Pikish sove-
reign hostages for his fidelity; whence Columba re-
quested the king to recommend to this prince the
monks then in the Orkneys. Thus it is clear that
the Orkneys were subject to Pikland. Nennius also,
who wrote in 858, shews that the Piks then held the
northern extremity of Britain; for he says the Ork-
neys were "situated at the extremity of Britain, be-
yond the Piks." The life of St Findan, written by a
contemporary, and published by Goldastus, is an au-
Egea, or Egg, and several others are also mentioned.
• Tertia insula sita est in extremo limite orbis Britanniæ, ultra
Pictos, et vocatur Orcania ins. Nenn. c. 2. p. 98. edit. Gale.
318
PART III.
PIKS.
2
thentic monument of the ninth century. The author,
a companion of the saint, relates that Findan was
carried away captive from Ireland, by the Norwegi-
ans, about the end of the eighth century; and that,
in going from Ireland to Denmark, they came to
certain islands called the Orkneys, in the neighbour-
hood of the Pikish nation, ad quasdam venere insulas,
juxta Piciorum gentem, quas Õrcades vocant. From
an invaluable monument, published in the second
edition of Wallace's Orkney Isles, London, 1700,
being a Diploma of the year 1443, we learn that,
when the Norwegians seized the Orkneys in the ninth
century, they found them possessed by the Pets, or
Piks, and Papas. Who these Papas were, shall be af-
terward examined; but it suffices here to add, from
that Diploma, that the Orkneys were then called
Terra Petorum, "a land of the Piks." The name of
Pentland Frith, called in the Navigation of James V.
Pictland Frith, also confirms this. The guttural name
of the Piks to be found in the Saxon Chronicle, and
in the vulgar mouth, namely Pelts, being hard to
pronounce, and somehow indefinite in the enoun-
cing, Pent was in frequent use substituted; whence
Pentland hills in the south of Scotland, and Pentland
Frith in the furthest north.
The SOUTHERN extent of the Pikish dominions is
rather more difficult to adjust, as being more change-
able and obscure. The point is curious and import-
ant; for on it depends the question, whether the in-
habitants south of Forth and Clyde be of English or
Pikish origin? It therefore deserves to be examined
with care; for though the Angles and Piks were ori-
ginally the very same people, the former being Danes,
* Goldasti Aleman. rerum Script. Vet. 1606, fol. Vita Findani, p.
318.
2
* Not 1403. See Hist. of Scotl. by the author, under the year
1443.
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
319
and from Scandinavia, as were the Piks, yet the dis-
cussion is interesting. Impartiality necessarily at-
tends the subject; for, let the question be determi-
ned either way, the people of the south of Scotland
are of Scandinavian origin; and it amounts barely to
this, Was the south of Scotland peopled with Goths,
from the north of Scotland, or from the north of Eng-
land?
Innes divides the southern extent of the Pikish
dominions into three epochs. 1. From the first men-
tion we meet with in history of the Caledonians, or
Piks, till the coming in of the Saxons, 449. 2. From
thence till the death of Egfrid king of Northumber-
land, 685. 3. From Egfrid's death till the union of
the Piks and Old Scots of Dalriada, 843. The first of
these epochs is improper, and ought to have been till
the year 426. But Innes also errs in supposing that
Tacitus and Ptolemy extend the Caledonians to the
Clyde and Forth.
There are really Four Epochs.
EPOCH I. Tacitus and Ptolemy shew, that the Piks
originally extended only to Loch Fyn, and Tay, on
the south. Nor did they reach to the Forth and
Wall of Antoninus till Vespasiana was broken, about
the year 170.
EPOCH II. Dio, Gildas, Beda, mark the Forth and
Wall of Antoninus, as the southern boundary of the
Piks, from about the year 170 till 426. Beda in one
place, lib. I. c. 1. expressly mentions the frith of Clyde,
as the ancient boundary between the Piks and Bri-
tons. But he errs, as is clear from Ptolemy, who puts
the Lelamonius Sinus, or Loch Fyn, as the southern
boundary of the Caledonians, or Piks, on the west;
and the Clyde never was a boundary of the Piks in
any shape. For on the north of the very mouth
of Clyde were the Gadeni, a Cumraig people, south
of the Lelamonius Sinus, and afterward a part of the
820
PART III.
PIKS.
kingdom of Strat-clyde, which lasted till the tenth
century; when, and never before, Dumbarton-shire
and the rest of Strat-clyde fell into the hands of the
Piks, being in fact the very last territory which they
held. About 258, the Attacotti, or Dalriads, had
Cowal, or that part of Argyleshire between Clyde
and Loch Fyn, along with other contiguous territo-
ry, as Beda himself says in this very passage when he
mentions that the Dalreudini settled on the north of
the frith of Clyde: and lib. I. c. 12. where he de-
scribes the British Scots as passing the Clyde, and the
Piks the Forth, to invade the Britons. Thus it is
clear from Ptolemy, a far more ancient authority,
and from his own testimony in another place, that
Beda is mistaken when he mentions the Clyde as a
boundary between the Piks and Britons. But if he
extends the frith of Clyde to the mull of Cantire, he
is right; for the Epidii, a Pikish people, were inha-
bitants of Cantire before 258, when it was given to
the Dalriads. And his description of the frith of
Clyde, as sinus maris permaximus, favours this inter-
pretation of his context.
EPOCH III. In the year 425, or 426, as appears
from Gildas and Beda, the Piks seized the whole
province of Valentia, up to the wall of Gallio, be-
tween Solway and Tine. Gildas says, cap. XV. edit.
Bertram, 1757, 8vo. Tetri Scotorum, Pictorumque gre-
ges...... omnem aquilonarem, extremamque, terræ
partem, pro indigenis murotenus capessunt. "The
dreadful crowds of Scots and Piks seized, as old in-
habitants, the whole northern and extreme part of
the land, up to the wall," namely, of Gallio, as his
context shews. And he tells us, cap. XIX. that, af-
ter writing to Aetius, in 446, without success, the
Britons attacked the invaders; and the Scots, or Irish,
went home, but the Piks retained the extreme part
of the island: "Revertuntur ergo impudentes gras-
2
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
321
satores Hyberni domum, post non multum tempus
reversuri. Picti in extrema parte insulæ tunc pri-
mum et deinceps requieverunt, prædas et contritio-
nes nonnunquam facientes." The extrema pars insu-
læ is here universally known to mean the extreme part
of the Roman possessions in the island, to wit, the
province of Valentia. The friths of Forth and Clyde
are, by Gildas and Beda, regarded as seas of separa-
tion between the Roman island, or part of Britain,
and the barbarous Piks, and Scots of Argyle. So
Beda himself explains, lib. I. c. 12. speaking of the
Piks and these Scots, Transmarinas autem dicimus has
gentes, non quod extra Britanniam essent positæ, sed
quia a parte Britonum erant remotæ, duobus finibus
maris interjacentibus, &c. "We say these nations
came from beyond the seas, not because they were
out of Britain, but because they were distant from
the possession of the Britons, two arms of the sea
lying between," &c. and he then describes the Forth
and Clyde.
Beda narrates these transactions in the same way,
and generally in the same words with Gildas.
Thus the Piks got possession of the province of
Valentia: of which, as shall be after shewn, they ever
afterward remained the inhabitants. But here a most
obscure and difficult question occurs, concerning that
darkest incident in the ancient history of England,
namely, the territory subdued by Ochta and Ebusa,
son and nephew of Hengist, about the year 460.
This question is only obscure and difficult, because
it has never been examined, as indeed no part of the
ancient history of England has been. Its full discus-
sion is reserved for another place,' where is shewn,
1. That there is great reason even to doubt the ex-
istence of Ochta and Ebusa, they being quite un-
VOL. I.
I
Supplement to this work, Sect. I.
X
322
PART III.
PIKS.
known to Beda, the Saxon Chronicle, Ethelwerd, and
other the most ancient and authentic writers, and
being only found in Nennius, an interpolated author.
2. That, if they did exist, there is no room to believe
they made any settlement.
settlement. 3. That if such settle-
ment existed, it must have been south of the wall of
Gallio. 4. That, in all events, such settlement, if it
existed, was destroyed in a year or two by the Piks.
The reader who wishes here to be satisfied of these
points, has only to turn to the Supplement, Sect. I.
Such being the case, we may rest assured, that till
547, when the great Ida led his Angles in forty ships
from the continent, landed at Flamborough in York-
shire, and marching north, founded the kingdom of
Bernicia, afterward to become the kingdom of all
Northumbria; the Piks, far from diminishing their
territory, or restraining their progress, greatly advan-
ced them. It is evident, from Gildas and Beda, that
the Piks in 426 had seized on all the territory down
to the wall of Gallio, between Solway and Tine; and
that they held that part EVER AFTER, in the words of
Gildas, who wrote about 560, in quiet possession ;
tunc et DEINCEPS requieverunt. This word requieve
runt can solely bear such meaning, for they only rest-
ed, or remained in that acquired province, pro indi-
genis, as fixt inhabitants; but by no means rested
with regard to incursions on the south, as that very
sentence of Gildas, and his subsequent text, bear.
Had the Piks been contented with the province of
Valentia, the Saxons would never have been called
in. But when the Britons were quite debilitated by
a plague, as Gildas and Beda shew, the Piks taking
that advantage carried their arms into the very heart
of Britain and the Belgic Britons, exhausted by
Roman luxury and calamities, found the Pikish hur-
ricane burst upon their own possessions south of
Humber, and were forced to ask assistance of the
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
323
Jutes, who apparently had landed on their shores by
chance. In 368, when Theodosius came over, we
find that he defeated some parties of Piks and Scots,
in his progress through Kent to London.' In 448
and 449, there is room to think that the Piks had
got nearly as far south, when Hengist and Horsa ar-
riving in Kent marched against them, and defeated
some of their advanced parties. Henry of Hunting-
don says, the main battle between Hengist and Hor-
sa, and the Piks, was fought at Stamford in Lincoln-
shire, which is but 89 miles north of London. The
Piks, it is said, were defeated. But this is not a lit-
tle obscure. Matthew of Westminster says, that
Hengist was forced to retire to Germany for some
years. According to the common accounts, Hen-
gist came here in 449, and sent for more Jutes with
Rowena his daughter, and Octa his son, in 450; and
died in 488, when he could not be less than 80 years
of age. It seems probable that Hengist did return to
collect his powerful armament of Jutes, who were to
found the kingdom of Kent; and did not arrive with
them till about 460, when Carte, an author of indus-
try, seems rightly to mark the arrival of the reinforce-
ment. However this be, all writers, ancient or mo-
dern, join in this, that instantly after the first battle
was fought with the Piks, the Jutes, their country-
men, speaking the same tongue, concluded an alliance
with them. This alliance could be founded on no
other basis, than that either party should retain what
lands they could conquer. Beda says that the Piks
were driven somewhat back at the time of this trea-
ty; and he dates it after the arrival of the reinforce-
ment; that is, in 450, according to the common ac-
counts, though more probably about 460: but this
2
* Amm. Marcell. XXVII. p. 625, edit. Lugd. Bat. 1732, 12mo.
Longius pepulerunt." I. 15. The passage is presently pro-
2.60
duced.
8
324
PART III.
PIKS.
is of no moment, nor are ten years of any consequence
in treating of the settlement of nations. The Piks
had advanced as far as Stamford at least; and they
were driven somewhat back, that is, to the other side
of the Humber. This great Gothic swarm pouring
from the Caledonian mountains, where they had been
long pent up by the exertions of Roman power,
now spread like a flood that bursts a mound. The
Brigantes fled from it to the mountains of Cumber-
land, and the western shore: and the Piks certainly
seized, as inhabitants, the whole eastern part, down
to the Humber. From 448 to 547, being a century,
they held this whole tract as part of their sovereign-
ty: but from 547 to 685, only as inhabitants; after
685, one half of it, being the southern part of present
Scotland, reverted to their monarchy, and continued
to belong to it ever after; as inhabitants of the whole,
they remain in their progeny to this day.
That the Piks seized all the country down to the
Humber is no less clear, from the deduction necessa-
rily arising from the ancient authors, than from this,
that, had not such been the case, the speech of all
that tract would have been Cumraig, or Welch, at
this day; whereas it is more Gothic than that of any
other part of England. Ida, who in 547 founded the
kingdom of Bernicia; and Ella, who about 559
founded that of Deira in this tract; had not, if both
their armies be put together, above 15,000 men. A
pretty number to people such a country! Had the
Cumri been then the inhabitants, they might amount
to a million; and their speech would infallibly have
prevailed, as all know is ever the case with the most
numerous people. The Danes afterward were in the
same predicament.
Another circumstance corroborating the Pikish
origin of the Northumbrians, is the decree of the
Council of Calcot in Northumbria, held in the year
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
325
787, against that noted practice of the Piks, the
painting, or staining, of their bodies. It is as follows:
Annexuimus ut unusquisque fidelis Christianus a Cha-
tholicis juris exemplum accipiat; et, si quid ex ritu
Paganorum remansit, avellatur, contemnatur, abjicia-
tur. Deus enim formaverit hominem pulchrum in de-
core et specie. Pagani vero, diabolico instinctu, cica-
trices acerrimas superinduxerunt: dicente Prudentio;
Tinxit et innocuam maculis sordentibus humum.
Domino enim videtur facere injuriam, qui creaturam
fœdat ac deturpat. Certe si pro Deo aliquis hanc tinc-
turæ injuriam sustineret, magnam inde remunerationem
accipiet. Sed quisquis ex superstitione gentilium id agit,
non ei proficit ad salutem. Labbé Concil. Tom. VI.
p. 1872. That is, "We also have added, that every
faithful Christian ought to receive example of law,
from the true believers; and that if any thing of Pa-
gan rite remain, it should be torn off, despised, and
thrown away. For God has formed man fair in per-
son and hue. But the Pagans, by diabolical instinct,
have covered him with deep marks: as Prudentius
says, "He has covered the innocent ground with
base stains." For he seems to injure the Lord who
stains and defiles his creatures. Certainly if any one
receives the injury of this dye for the sake of God,
he will receive a great reward therefore. But he who
does it from the superstition of the gentiles, it will
nothing avail to his salvation." William of Malms-
bury indeed tells us that the Angli painted them-
selves; but he is singular in this account, unknown
to Beda, and the elder writers: and, if they did, it
seems most reasonable to impute this practice to that
of the Piks, among whom they settled, as the man-
ners of the most numerous people must have had
much influence.
That the Old Scots had nothing to do in these in-
326
PART III.
PIKS.
vasions and possessions is clear. For in 447, we learn
from Gildas and Beda, that they went to Ireland: nor
did they return, as shewn in the next part, till 503.
Even the Attacotti, or Dalreudini, the Old Scots of
Argyle, were driven to Ireland at this time, as both
Irish and Scotish writers confirm. This could only
be in consequence of a quarrel between the Piks and
Scots; and perhaps concerning the acquired territo-
ries. Beda fully instructs us that the Piks alone were
concerned in these acquisitions; for he tells, lib. I. c. 15.
Tum subito inito ad tempus fædere cum Pictis, quos longi-
us jam bellando pepulerant, &c. "that Hengist and
Horsa, having formed an alliance with the Piks, whom
in the course of war they had driven somewhat back,”
turned their arms against the Britons. As to Ethel-
werd and William of Malmsbury, who for Piks put
Scots, no man will dream of setting the testimony of
writers, who lived four centuries after Beda, against
his. Though indeed in their time, as after shewn,
the very same people, anciently called Piks, were
called Scots.
In 547, Ida founded the kingdom of Bernicia.
The Pikish dominions, south of Forth, were far from
the seat of sovereignty, and detached by that frith.
Their inhabitants being remote from protection, seem
willingly to have owned the royalty of Ida, an Angle,
their own countryman; and having, for a century,
enjoyed a rich country, were mollified enough to pre-
fer a peaceful submission to the new monarch, and
his little army. The kingdom of Bernicia, as is clear
from Beda, extended up to the frith of Forth, on the
northern bound: its western limits are not so clear.
Beda tells, that Candida Casa, or Whitherne in Gallo-
way, was in it ;' as was Abercorn on the Forth.*
'V. 24. Pecthelm was bishop of Candida Casa when Beda wrote.
Malmsbury de gest. Pont. Angl. III. says Beadwulf, the last bishop,
was ordained 791
* Beda IV. 26.
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
327
:
Clydesdale was the kingdom of Strat-clyde. To the
west of Strat-clyde, the kingdom of Bernicia perhaps
never extended. Present Ayrshire and Renfrewshire
never appear to have acknowledged the power of the
Bernician, or Northumbrian kings. Beda gives no hint
concerning that large tract of country. There is indeed
a passage of Beda, which Smith, in his valuable edi-
tion, refers to the country now called Cunningham
in Scotland; and has accordingly in his map marked
that country as the Cuningum of Beda. This pas-
sage occurs, lib. v. c. 13, where Beda tells the vision
of a man in Cuningum, who afterwards became a
monk of Melrose and it is Erat autem vir, in re-
gione Nordanhumbrorum quæ vocatur Incuningum, re-
ligiosam cum domo sua gerens vitam; but the Saxon
translation, by Alfred, has Cununingum. Yet Beda
unfortunately gives no hint where this region was;
and Smith's idea is a mere conjecture, for it may
have been some district in the north of England.
Names fluctuate and change: and it is dangerous to
build on a name only, without any description: not
to mention that the real name given by Beda, namely,
Incuningum, is very different from Cuningham. The
continuator of Beda tells us that, in the year 750,
Eadbertus campum Cyil cum aliis regionibus, suo regno
addidit, ' Eadbert added the field Cyil, with other re-
gions, to his kingdom." Milton' interprets this to
be Kyle; and justly observes, from the same conti-
nuator, that in 740 Edbert, king of Northumberland,
was occupied in war against the Piks; and that this
acquisition shews it was successful. Now the event
mentioned by Beda, as happening in the country
called Incuningum, falls about the year 696 eleven
years after the Piks regained their possessions from
the Northumbrians. If therefore Cunningham, a coun-
'Hist. Eng. p. 175.
328
PART III.
PIKS.
:
try immediately on the north of Kyle, belonged to
the Northumbrians still in 696, I cannot see how Ed-
bert, in 750, should acquire Kyle from the Piks. For
the Piks did not, as appears, enlarge their possessions
in Galloway, from 685, till about 820, when they
seized Candida Casa, and all the south, upon the de-
cline of the Northumbrian kingdom, as William of
Malmsbury shews. At the same time it is very pro-
bable, that the Piks of Cunningham and Kyle were
subject to the Northumbrian crown in 696; and that,
between that year and 740, they had thrown off the
yoke and that in 750, Edbert, the last warlike mo-
narch of Northumbria, while in Anglic power, reco-
vered Kyle, and perhaps Cunningham. In 756, we
know that Edbert joined Ungust I. king of the Piks,
in reducing Strat-clyde; which seems to indicate that
his domains bordered on that kingdom, as well as
those of Ungust, and that they united their arms for
reciprocal advantage. Now Edbert's kingdom did
not border on Strat-clyde on the east and north, ter-
ritories belonging to the Piks; but certainly did on
the south of Strat-clyde, and, if he had Kyle and Cun-
ningham, on the west. It seems certain that Ungust
I. one of the bravest princes who ever held the Pik-
ish sceptre, and who had just confirmed and enlarged
his power by the conquest of Dalriada, would not
have joined Edbert, if this monarch had conquered
any part of his own territory, but would have turned
his arms against him. Hence it appears that the Piks,
against whom Edbert made war, were those of Gallo-
way, who had assumed independence, both of the
Northumbrian and Pikish crowns. Nor is there any
dispute between Ungust I. and the Northumbrians,
mentioned by any writer, English or Irish. As Beda,
after mentioning the acquisitions of the Pikish crown
Gest. Pont. Ang. lib. III.
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
329
in the south of Scotland, 685, is supposed to speak of
Cunningham, as subject to the Northumbrians in 696,
and implies that all things remained in the same con-
dition 731, when he closed his work, it might seem
that, about 740, the Piks in Galloway rebelled, that
Edbert made war on them, and in 750 re-annexed
them to his dominions. And that about 820, on the
fall of the Northumbrian kingdom, they seized all
Galloway, and became quite independent both of the
English and Pikish kingdoms, till the twelfth century.
At the same time the word addidit, in the passage
above adduced, is against this interpretation, and im-
plies that Kyle was a new acquisition: which indu-
ces me still to hesitate if Incuningum be Cunning-
ham; and the reader must excuse my writing uncer-
tainly on an uncertain subject. Being quite separated
from the Pikish monarchy by the kingdoms of Strat-
clyde and Dalriada, the Piks of this province had
their own chiefs, who were in time to be the powerful
princes of Galloway. In an old charter, Irvin' is
said to be in Galloway; and Jocelin, who compiled
his life of Kentigern from two old lives, speaks of the
Piks in Galloway as a detached people, when Kenti-
gern lived, or in the sixth century. And even in the
twelfth century, the princes of Galloway were only
feudatory to the Scotish king."
EPOCH IV. In 685, the Pikish monarchy acquired
that extent to the south which it was ever after to
hold. That year Egfrid, king of Northumberland, be-
ing defeated and slain by the Piks, a great revolution
followed. Beda says, Ex quo tempore spes cæpit et
virtus regni Anglorum fluere, ac retro sublapsa referri.
Nam et Picti TERRAM POSSESSIONIS SUÆ, quam tenue-
runt Angli; et Scotti qui erant in Britannia, et Brito-
I
2
¹ Goodal. Introd. Fordun. c. 10. Dalrymple's Annals. Ao. 1160.
Dalrymple's Annals, Ao 1160. ex Chron. Stæ Crucis.
L
330
PART III.
PIKS.
num quoque pars nonnulla, LIBERTATEM receperunt,
quam et hactenus habent per annos circiter quadragin-
ta sex. "From which time the hope and virtue of
the kingdom of the Angli began to melt, and flow
backward. For the Piks recovered the LAND OF THEIR
POSSESSION, which the Angli had held: and the Scots
who were in Britain, and a small part of the Britons,
recovered their LIBERTY, which they hold still, being
a space of about forty-six years." A memorable
pas-
sage! Saint Oswald, king of Northumberland, who
had lived in Ireland and Pikland, before he ascended
the throne in 634, carried the Northumbrian power
to great height. Before his death, in 642, after a
reign of only eight years, he was, says Cuminius, Im-
perator totius Britanniæ, " Emperor of all Britain :"
and according to Beda, lib. III. c. 6. Denique omnes
nationes et provincias Britanniæ, quæ in quatuor lin-
guas, id est, Britonum, Pictorum, Scottorum, Anglo-
rum, divisa sunt, in ditione accepit. "He received in
subjection all the nations and provinces of Britain,
which are divided into four languages, that of the
Britons, of the Piks, of the Scots, of the English."
Such were the happy fruits of a king's being a saint!
The truth is, that the two predecessors of Saint Os-
wald had done what these writers did not approve,
in extirpating the Christian religion from their domi-
nions, which Oswald restored, and went to the other
extreme, by calling in Irish churchmen, and giving
religion every encouragement; himself a saint, whose
miracles Beda relates at much length. Yet was Os-
wald certainly a victorious prince, as his restoring
Northumbria to one great and powerful monarchy
proves; and the above panegyrics, though given by
an Irish and an English churchman, in excess of gra-
titude and zeal, were not without grounds. He gain-
ed a bloody battle against Cadwalla, king of the Bri-
tons, or Welch: the Britons of Strat-clyde were also
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
331
subject to the kings of Northumbria, as the above
passage of Beda, only applicable to them, indicates:
as were their neighbours the Dalriadic Scots; two
small kingdoms that required support against the
Pikish power. Cuminius was a Scot, who wrote in
Hyona, about 657, when he was abbot of that place;
and in that character, and as a contemporary of Os-
wald, is an infallible witness that the British Scots
acknowledged the imperial power of Saint Oswald.
But as to the Piks, it is suspected the fable of the
lion and the man might be applied. They had no
painters of history. The assertion with regard to
them is as ridiculous as with regard to the rest of
England, whose six other kingdoms never acknow-
ledged this emperor. That Pikland, a monarchy of four
times the size of Northumbria, and impracticable to
its power, should have been subject to its saintly king,
is incredible. Oswald had been educated in Pikland
and Ireland, as Beda tells; and among his favours to
the Old Scots, or Irish, certainly was not so ungrate-
ful to the Piks, as to usurp any title of authority over
them. It is however extremely probable, that the
independent Piks of Galloway might join the British
Scots, and Strat-clyde Britons, their neighbours, in
acquiring the friendship of so powerful a prince as
Oswald, by acknowledging him lord paramount. The
panegyric given to him is a monkish rant, but not
void of foundation.
*
There is a curious passage in the Appendix to
Nennius, which is thought to have been written in
the tenth century, by a Northumbrian, as it relates
to Northumbrian history. It says: "This is the Eg-
frid who made war against his brother-in-law, the
king of the Piks, by name Brudi, and fell with all the
flower of his army, the Piks with their king being vic-
torious. And the Saxons never sent a devouring tax-
gatherer to exact tribute of the Piks, from the time
332
PART III.
PIKS.
of that war, which is called Guerchlumgaran." Ge-
neral expressions argue little; but the information
here is particular, that the Northumbrian kings used
to receive tribute from the Piks. A writer more an-
xious for the cause of the Piks, than for that of truth,
might argue that only the southern Piks of Lothian
paid this tribute: but there is room to believe that
the king of the Piks paid this tribute to the Northum-
brian monarchs from Oswald's time, 634, and that
the above authorities of Cuminius and Beda are much
to be credited. The Northumbrian kingdom, the
greatest of the heptarchy, and the name of whose sub-
jects, Angli, prevailed over all the rest, was superior
to the Pikish in wealth and arts. The Saxon Annals
say, that Oswi, brother of Oswald, and his successor,
in 658, subdued all Mercia, and the greatest part of
the Pikish nation. This accounts for the tribute,
arising most probably from the conquests of Oswi,
and not from the sanctity of Oswald.
Beda, in the above passage, says the Piks recover-
ed their POSSESSIONS; but the British Scots, and
Strat-clyde Britons, their LIBERTY. In the dark ages,
when Beda lived, it was thought that the Angli,
Saxons, and Jutes, had actually peopled their posses-
sions in Britain! It was thought that Ida's 10,000
men had peopled a territory, whose inhabitants could
'Echfrid ipse est qui fecit bellum contra fratruelem suum, qui erat
Rex Pictorum nomine Bridei; et ibi corruit cum omni robore exer-
citus sui; et Picti cum rege suo victores extiterunt. Et nunquam
addiderunt Saxones ambronem, ut a Pictis vectigal exigerent, a
tempore istius belli: vocatur Guerchlumgaran. Nen. App. c. 64.
edit. Bertram. Ambro means a devourer, see Du Cange; and here
a greedy tax-gatherer.
Eddius, who, about the year 720, wrote a curious life of St Wil-
frid, bishop of York, published by Gale in the first volume of his
Script. Hist. Angl. mentions c. xix. a victory of king Egfrid in his
first years, or about 674, over the rebellious Piks, who after remain-
ed subject till the year he lost his life. He speaks of the Piks as
gentes innumeræ, and says two rivers were filled with their slain.
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
333
not be much less than a million! This ignorance is
now matter of ridicule. Beda means simply that the
Pikish nation recovered their ancient property, a land
of their possession, inhabited by themselves, though
long subject to another crown. But how far south
did this possession extend? It is clear from Beda,
that in 731, when he wrote, Candida Casa, or Whit-
herne, was in the hands of the English. So Mailros
on the south bank of the Tweed seems also to have
been.' If therefore a line be drawn along the course
of the Tweed from Berwick, and that of the river Et-
teric in a west direction to the river Stinfar, between
Wigton and Ayrshire, it will form as accurate a bound
as can be given in a debateable march, of the Pikish
and Bernician possessions from 685 till 793, when
the Danes first invaded Northumbria. About which
time, or soon after, during the confusions of the Da-
nish settlers in Northumbria, which lasted near two
centuries, the independent Piks of Galloway extend-
ed their possessions into present Wigton and Kircud-
bright shires, parts of old Galloway, while those on
the east seized present Roxburgh and Dumfries shires,
the present southern limits of Scotland: as compact-
ly and naturally bounded by the Tweed and Esk, on
the east and west; and mountains of Cheviot in the
middle.
In 756, Ungust, king of the Piks, and Edbert, king
of Northumbria, joined their arms, and besieged Al-
clyde, or Dunbarton, capital of the kingdom of Strat-
clyde, which surrendered on terms of tribute to both
kings, as would seem. But the Britons retained pos-
session, as elsewhere shewn.
The Northumbrians naturally gave the name of
• Beda IV. 27, V. 13. In his life of St Cuthbert, Beda mentions
lerra Pictorum Nedsair, or, as other MSS. Niduari, to which the
saint went in a vessel from Carlile. This appears to have been on
the river Nid.
334
PART III.
PIKS.
Angli to all their subjects, though in fact Piks, as
Beda gives repeatedly the same name of Angli to the
very people, who, he tells us expressly, were Saxons,
or Jutes. Thus Beda says the Forth divided the
Angli from the Piks, that is, the Anglic kingdom of
Northumbria from the Pikish. But that part of Ber-
nicia which adjoined to the Pikish kingdom was es-
pecially called Provincia Pictorum, and its inhabitants
Piks, even while it was under the Bernician monarchs,
as is clear from Beda.' Trumwin, the bishop of these
Piks, resided at Abercorn, nine miles west from Edin-
burgh. That the Bernician or Northumbrian kings
never had any territory beyond the frith of Forth, is
certain from Beda, and all the ancient writers. The
Piks, over whom Trumwin was bishop, were the Piks
of Lothian; as the bishop of Whitherne presided over
those south parts of Galloway which were subject to
the Angli. But of this in the chapter of Ecclesiastic
History. The history of Northumbria is known to
be very obscure. It is highly probable that Ida's
acquisition did not extend over Lothian, the western
part of which was the frontier province of the ancient
Pikish kingdom, and main entrance to it; so that it
is reasonable to suppose that tract was long and
warmly contested by the Pikish and Northumbrian
monarchs. Therefore it seems to have been a late
addition to the latter kingdom; and being specially
and more lately won from the Pikish monarchy, it
was called a Pikish province, and its inhabitants Piks.
Roger Hoveden, in his account of the battle of the
standard, 1138, calls those people Lodonenses, or of Lo-
thian, whom other ancient writers call Picti. Roger
of Chester, mentioning Edinburgh, says it was in ter-
ra Pictorum, in the land of the Piks. A ridge of
hills running through Mid Lothian is still called
IV. 26. Carta ap. Langhorne, Chron. Reg. Angl. p. 236.
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
335
}
Pentland Hills, as the frith to the North of Scotland
is called Pentland frith; of which above.
To return for a moment to Galloway: the history
of that country, anciently so noted, is rather obscure.
The Piks, in pouring from Caledonia down to the
Humber, preferred the fertile provinces of the east to
the western hills. When Ida came in and founded
the kingdom of Bernicia, A. C. 547, some of the
Piks, preferring the roving independence of moun-
taineers, seem to have retired to the western parts of
Galloway. The duration of the kingdom of Strat-
clyde may seem remarkable, for it lay in a plain and
fertile country, surrounded by hills, so that it might
be expected to have fallen a prey to surrounding
enemies. But this very circumstance of its being
between two powerful foes, the Piks and Angli, must
necessarily have protected it, and it did not submit
till Piks and Angli joined against it in 756. Till the
Angli came in 547, the Piks were occupied in the
rich and fertile provinces of England, as we have
seen. Even in the mountains of Argyle, they allow-
ed the British Scots to re-settle in 503. Alclud had
been well fortified by Theodosius; and the strength of
the capital naturally defended the state. Around it
the most warlike Britons, those of Valentia the fron-
tier, were assembled; and were so strong, that it re-
quired the joint armies of Piks and Angli to bring
them to terms. These circumstances considered, we
need not wonder that this small state, like many
others, long existed among powerful neighbours.
The Piks of Galloway lay beyond it on the south-
west among numerous mountains; but, contented
with self-defence, they were not powerful enough to
attempt the conquest of Strat-clyde. These Piks
were themselves sometimes tributary to the Northum-
brian monarchs, whose dominions extended all along
their southern frontier. William of Malmsbury, and
336
PART III.
PIKS.
Roger of Chester, testify, that upon the decay of
the Northumbrian kingdom, about the year 820,
Whitherne and these southern parts were taken from
the Angli by the Piks. And it is likely that about
the same time they re-annexed to their domains pre-
sent Roxburgh and Dumfries shires. The name of
Galloway also occurs in an Irish province Galway.
The etymology of names is altogether uncertain; but
it may just be hinted that the name of Galloway is
unknown till the eleventh century, till when, and af-
ter, the Irish churchmen were the only writers in
Pikland. And as this name occurs in Ireland, it may
be supposed Irish. Gall implies an alien; as the
Galwegians, long an independent people, were to the
present Scots. It is observable, that in Galway of
Ireland there were also Crutheni, or Piks."
The Wild Scots of Galloway are remarkable in our
old writers and poets. The people of Carrick were
noted, two or three centuries ago, for speaking Irish,
which was spoken by none of their neighbours. They
seem to have past from the opposite shore of Ireland
by degrees, as many Scots have since passed into Ire-
land, but when it is impossible, and of no moment,
to determine. The rest of that vast tract, anciently
called Galloway, speak the broad Scotish, or Piko-
Gothic, though with a peculiar accent, which is as
likely to be the Buchan, or genuine Scandinavian
dental pronunciation, as any. Those used to the
Irish accent think it Irish; those used to the Welch
think it Welch. The names over Galloway, save a
few in Carrick, are purely Gothic. Cunningham,
the country of Cunnyngs, as our old poets call rab-
bits. Kyle, Beda's continuator calls Campus Cyil:
it may be from a person's name, from the old Ger-
man Kel, cavus, (Wachter), or the Scandinavian Kil,
a narrow angle, (Ihre).
* O'Conor's Dissertations.
CHAP. IX. EXTENT OF THE PIKISH DOMINIONS.
337
It may be proper, before closing this chapter, to
give a hint or two concerning the settlements of the
Piks in Ireland. Mr O'Conor, in his map, marks
two colonies of Crutheni, the one in the northern
extremity of Ireland, the other in Galway. From
Probus, in his life of St Patrick, and Adomnan, in
that of St Columba, it is also clear that there were
considerable settlements of the Crutheni, or Piks, in
Ireland. The Pikish Chronicle, as we have seen,
dates their settlement in the time of Brudi I. or about
210, which seems very probable. The extent and
history of these settlements are unknown, but they
must have been pretty considerable. Adomnan men-
tions Echuvislaid, a king of the northern Crutheni.
The Welch writers call them Gwydhyl Phictiaid, or
Irish Piks. Price, in his description of Wales, tells
from Welch annals, that about 540, these Irish Piks,
and the Irish Scots, ravaged the shores of Cardigan;
and then the isle of Man, whence they were driven by
Caswalhon Lhawhir, or Caswalhon with the long hand,
who slew Serigi, their king, with his own hand.'
The Annals of Tighernac, and of Ulster, have many
notices concerning these Crutheni, or Piks in Ireland.
The first I find is at the year 562, "The battle of
Moindor Lothair, upon the Cruthens, by the Nells
of the north [of Ireland]. Bædan, son of Kin, with
two other Cruthen chiefs, fought against the rest of
I
• Ware, in his notes to the Fragments of St Patrick, says, "Præ-
ter Pictos Albanienses, qui in Annalibus Ultoniensibus nonnun-
quam Picti, sed plerumque Cruithnei, appellantur, erant et olim
Picti quidem Hibernici, qui Cruithnei etiam vocabantur. Horum
regionem, in parte boreali Ultoniæ sitam, Probus Cruthenorum re-
gionem nuncupat. De Pictis Hibernicis Y Gwydhil Phichtiaid a
Britannis dictis, vide Humf. Luid in Anglica sua Wallie Descr.
p. 14. 15." And see Usher, Ant. Eccl. Brit. p. 302, edit. 1687,
who rightly observes, that Adomnan distinguishes the Picti from the
Crutheni. The Annals of Ulster, in Latin parts, always use the Picti,
for Piks, and the Crutheni for Irish Piks; but in Irish parts the
context only can mark the difference, both being called Cruithme.
VOL. 1.
Y
338
PART III.
TIKS.
1
the Cruthens. The cattle and booty of the Eolargs
were given to them of Tirconnel and Tirowen, con-
ductors, for their leading, as wages.'
""
Next is 628, "Battle of Fedha Evin, in which
Maolcaich, son of Skanlan, king of the Cruthens,
was victor, the Dalriads fell with Kenneth Keir, their
king."
At 643 is "the death of Loken, son of Finin, king
of the Cruthens."
At 645, "the wounding of Scannal, son of Bec,
son of Frachra, king of the Cruthens."
At 665, "death of Maolduin Eoch Iarlach, king
of the Cruthens."
At 667, "War of Feroti, between Ulster and the
Cruthens.'
وو
At 680 is mention of Dungal, son of Scannal, king
of the Cruthens.
At 681, "War of Rathmor at Maghlin against the
Britons, where fell Cathasó, son of Maolduin, king
of the Cruthens."
In 691, Dalriada was wasted by the Cruthens, and
people of Ulster.
In 707, Canis Cuarain, king of the Cruthens, was
killed.
In 709, Fiachra was slain by the Cruthens.
In 730 was a battle between Dalriada and the
Cruthens, at Marbuilg, where the Cruthens were con-
quered.
In 748, Cathaso, son of Aillila, king of the Cru-
thens, was killed at Ruhbehech.
In 773, Flahrus, son of Fiachra, king of the Cru-
thens, died.
In 807, is the last mention of the Cruthens, who
vanished beneath the Danish power, and, being in
the north of Ireland, first felt its rage.
All the above dates may be placed too soon by
three or four years, as usual in these Annals, to which
the dates are affixed by a late hand.
CHAP. X.
339
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
CHAPTER X.
The Pikish Language.
The
EVERY one, who has been in North Britain, knows
that the Lowlanders of that country are as different
from the Highlanders, as the English are from the
Welch. The race is so extremely distinct as to strike
all at first sight. In person the Lowlanders are tall
and large, with fair complexions, and often with flax-
en, yellow, and red hair, and blue eyes; the grand
features of the Goths, in all ancient writers.
lower classes of the Highlanders are generally dimi-
nutive, if we except some of Norwegian descent;
with brown complexions, and almost always with
black curled hair, and dark eyes. In mind and man-
ners the distinction is as marked. The Lowlanders
are acute, industrious, sensible, erect, free. The High-
landers indolent, slavish,' strangers to industry.
The chiefs and gentry, and some even of the in-
ferior classes, must not be confounded with those in-
digenous beings, by the observation of many travel-
lers, of a different stature and complexion, sufficient-
ly indicating their Norwegian origin.
The Lowlanders amount to two thirds of the inha-
bitants of Scotland: and, if all history were utterly
extinguished, we should know to a certainty from
their persons, manners, and language, that they came
I
It is surprising that the Highlanders are perhaps the only moun-
taineers who are strangers to "the mountain-nymph, sweet Liber-
ty."
Ever the ready tools of despotism, their conduct and condi-
tion present a sad contrast to those of the Norwegians, Swiss, &c.
340
PART III.
PIKS.
from the opposite continent. Of that continent the
south of Norway is by much the nearest part to Scot-
land; and plain sense would lead us to conclude
they came from thence. Language is of all others
the surest mark of the origin of nations. Had the
Lowlanders of Scotland been originally Celts, either
Gael, or Cumri, no change, or chance, could have
introduced the Gothic tongue among them. In vain
do some of our superficial writers dream that they
received their tongue from their southern neigh-
bours and to such a degree has their ignorance
gone, as to think that, when Malcolm III. married
an English princess, the English became the court,
and then the common language! A language pass
from a score of people to more than a million! If
any foreigner of learning happens to peruse this work,
he will be apt to think that I have created a shadow
to fight with. But the case is real and such is the
state of learning at present in Scotland! That the
Lowlanders of Scotland were not Celts, who received
their speech from their southern neighbours, requires
no proof; as no such matter ever happened in any
period, or country. The Celts are most tenacious of
their speech and manners. In Ireland, where there
were numerous settlements of English, the English
speech was so far from prevailing, that ordinances
were obliged to be given' against adoption of the
Celtic dress and language, which were prevailing
over the English; as those of the most numerous
people always do. The people of the plains of Ire-
Irish Statutes; and see Spenser's State of Ireland. Lynche, in
his Cambrensis Eversus, says, "Barnab. Rich, Descr. Hib. p. 34,
author est decem Anglos citius Hibernorum se moribus accommo-
dare, quam unum Hibernum Anglorum ritus amplecti." The cause
is evident, for an indolent life has supreme charms for the vulgar,
who in advanced society are forced to work for subsistence, but in
uncivilized need only hunt, or steal.
CHAP. X.
341
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
land speak the Gaëlic, as well as those of the moun-
tains; and in the most mountainous part of Ireland,
the north, English, and Scotish, are chiefly spoken,
while Celtic is the speech of the southern and mid-
land plains. If such be the case with Ireland, a
country conquered by the English, and widely colo-
nized by them, what must have been the case in
Scotland, a country unconquered, and uncolonized,
and ever inimical to England, till the happy junction
of the crowns? Had the Lowlanders of Scotland been
Celts, they would have viewed the English language
with utter abhorrence and aversion. But this needs
not be insisted on; as, putting all history aside, we
have infallible marks that they are not Celts but
Goths.
More plausible is the opinion of those who think
the Lowlanders of Scotland real Saxons from Eng-
land. Such say that the southern parts belonged to
the Northumbrian kingdom, and were peopled with
Saxons, (they mean Angles) along with the rest of
that kingdom. That this could not be the case is
clear for Ida's army did not exceed 10,000 men, of
which not one quarter could be settled in the south
of Scotland, if any settled there at all. The Lothians
are by Beda called Provincia Pictorum; and Trum-
win, whose see was there, was Episcopus Pictorum.
When the Piks, in 685, recovered all the south of
Scotland, Beda says they regained, or re-annexed to
their crown, terram possessionis suæ, "the land of
their possession ;" which shews it was always possess-
ed by them, though subject to the Northumbrian
kings. In all events, the phrase positively forbids
any interpretation, that, after 685, the Angli had any
footing there. But this is vain argumentation, for it
has been shewn above, that the Piks, a Gothic swarm,
long confined by Roman power, as soon as that mound
was removed, burst like a torrent over the fertile
plains of England, and peopled that country down to
342
PART III.
PIKS.
the Humber; though their name, like that of the
Belgæ, was lost in that of the new invaders, long be-
fore Beda wrote. In present Renfrew, and Lanerk-
shire, it is clear that the Angles never had any foot-
ing. No towns, nor possessions there, are ever men-
tioned by Beda. In Ayrshire, the Piks of Gallo-
way, mentioned by Jocelin, lived: the kingdom of
Strat-clyde spread over the rest. But so gross is our
ignorance, that the Piks, so remarkable in the Roman
page, and in that of Beda and the other early writers,
are totally forgotten by our superficial antiquaries.
The dominion of a country is totally different from
the population of it. The inhabitants of Scotland,
south of the friths, must amount to half a million ;
and it is questioned, if ancient population was great-
er than modern. But no one can ever imagine that
a quarter of Ida's army, or 2,500 men, could have
peopled that tract in two centuries, or before Beda's
time. The question is, who were then the inhabitants,
among whom those 2,500 men were as a drop in the
sea? It has been shewn, from Gildas and Beda, that
they were Piks.
But how came the Gothic language to be spoken
all along the Eastern Lowlands of Scotland, up to its
extremity? This embarrasses our antiquaries. One'
will have it that Saxon merchants settled there,
and occasioned this change! Others, not quite so
absurd, say that, at the Norman conquest, many
of the English fled into Scotland, where they intro-
duced their language. But those English were peo-
ple of rank; and it is known, that French was then
the language spoken by such in England before the
conquest; so, if by a special miracle, a hundred or
two had spread their speech among a million of the
24
• Mr Macpherson, Introd. to Hist. of Brit. and Irel. p. 91.
Warton's Hist. of English Poetry, vol. I.
CHAP. X.
343
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
common people, that speech would have been the
French. And, after all, King Dovenald Ban, 1093,
obliged all these foreigners to leave the kingdom.3
But there are two passages of ancient English his-
torians which deserve especial notice.
The first is of Simeon of Durham, who wrote about
1164. He says, that after Malcolm III. had ravaged
the English frontiers in 1070, the prisoners were so
many, "that Scotland is filled with male and female
servants of English race; so that, even at this day, I
will not say no little village, but not even a hovel
can be found without them."4 But supposing these
prisoners to amount to 100,000, that number could
not have introduced a language among a million of
people; for if a language is perpetuated, it is an in-
fallible sign, that those who speak it are the most
numerous: so that more than a million of prisonèrs
would have been required to effectuate this. A maid,
or man servant, in every hut, must have spoken as
the family did but no man can suppose that the fa-
mily assumed the speech of its servant. When the
Franks poured into Gaul, and the other Goths into
Italy, Spain, &c. the people were to them as twenty
to one, and the speech of the old inhabitants overcame
of course. In such instances, the language of the in-
ferior people prevails from their numbers: but the
case is widely different here. These English captives,
as such, were for the time inferior to their masters;
but their numbers were comparatively so few, that it
is impossible their speech could prevail. Inferior in
numbers, as in situation, their language would rather
be matter of aversion and derision, than of imitation:
and no doubt, at the very first, they tried to accom-
3 Dalrymple's Annals.
♦ Simeon Dun. Col. 201. sub. Anno 1070. "Repleta est ergo
Scotia servis et ancillis Anglici generis; ita ut, etiam usque hodie,
nulla non dico villula, sed nec domuncula, sine his yaleat inveniri."
344
PART III.
PIKS.
modate even their dialect to that of their masters, in
order to abandon an odious distinction, and to con-
ciliate favour. That prisoners should introduce a
language into a country, would be a phænomenon in
history, totally unknown in ancient or modern times,
and cannot be admitted even in theory, far less in
fact.
The other passage is extremely curious and singu-
lar. It is of William of Newburgh, who wrote about
the year 1200. He says, "There was in the army of
William, king of Scots, [1173] a great number of
English; for the towns and boroughs of the Scotish.
kingdom are known to be inhabited by the English.
The Scots, taking the occasion of the king's absence,
revealed their innate hatred against them, which they
had dissembled for fear of the king; and slew as
many as they could find, those who could escape fly-
ing to the royal castles." Malcolm III. 1056, and
Edgar, 1098, were married to English ladies, as were
Alexander I. and David I. These princes had a na-
tural and laudable favour for the English; and, be-
ing sensible of their superiority in the arts of life,
had apparently used all means to induce them to set-
tle in their kingdom, and forward these arts there.
The knowledge of these arts had gradually past from
the south from Italy to France, from France to
England, and so from England to Scotland. In the
countries more immediately Gothic, borough towns
are of late origin. In Germany they are not older
than the reign of Henry the Falconer, or about 930.
In France, boroughs or corporation towns were in-
I Lib. II. c. 34. "Erat in Gulielmi Scotorum regis exercitu in-
gens Anglorum numerus: regni enim Scottici oppida et burgi ab
Anglis habitari noscuntur. Occasione ergo temporis Scotti innatum,
sed metu regio dissimulatum, in illos odium declarantes, quotquot
incidebant perimerunt; refugientibus in munitiones regias ceteris
qui evadere potuerunt."
CHAP. X.
345
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
troduced by Louis the Gross, about 1120. But it is
to be suspected that they passed from Germany to
England. At any rate, borough towns and corpora-
tions are not older in England than the eleventh cen-
tury at most and they seem almost instantly to have
past from thence into Scotland. The Scotish mo-
narchs, with a patriotic view of advancing the inte-
rests of their kingdom, gave boroughs with due pri-
vileges to English merchants, tradesmen, and mecha-
nics, in like manner as the English did to French and
Flemish. These towns and boroughs must be care-
fully distinguished from the old towns, which even in
England were no better than villages, without any
privileges or corporations whatever. As the English
monarchs gave such boroughs to the Flemings, and
other foreigners, for the advantage of mechanics and
commerce, so did the Scotish to the English. The
Danes and Swedes are, in like manner, indebted for
their early boroughs, commerce and arts, to German
merchants from the Hanse, and other towns of the
north of Germany: and these advantages were un-
known to Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, till the
thirteenth century, for such was their gradual pro-
gress northward. Now these burghs and towns, in-
habited by the English, could never exceed fifty;
though half that number would appear nearer the truth
to those who know how few such were in Scotland till
the time of the Stuarts. And any one who considers
how small even Edinburgh, the capital, was before
that time, will think that the medium of 1000 Eng-
lish to each town will exceed, and not fall short of
the fact. Say then there were 50,000 English inhabit-
ants of burghs and towns, and 100,000 English cap-
tives used as servants in Scotland, in the twelfth cen-
tury, the number will be 150,000. But even imagi-
ning this prodigious number, which every cool en-
quirer will allow to be in all probability double the
346
PART III.
PIKS.
truth, their language would in that of a million, or
1,100,000 people, the real amount of the Scotish
Lowlanders, be as nothing. These Lowlanders, far
from even imitating their language, would detest it as
foreign and inimical, as this very passage of New-
burgh too plainly proves; and the English would ra-
ther abandon their dialect as an odious distinction,
than spread it through the country. In England the
French and Flemings introduced no language, but
on the contrary soon lost their own. In Denmark,
Sweden, Norway, the Germans made no alteration
on the language. An author would be regarded as
a visionary in those countries, if he were to advance
so weak a dream. The analogy as to Scotland is po-
sitive, direct, and mathematical.
It has been said that some Danes may have settled
in the east parts of Scotland, and assisted in bringing
in the Gothic tongue. But this is not only gratis
dictum, without one shadow of the smallest authori-
ty, but can be shewn to be absolutely erroneous. The
Norwegians, along with the Orkneys, held Caithness,
Sutherland, and a part of Ross, for some time. Si-
gurd added these domains to his earldom of Ork-
ney, about 920; and they were held by his successors
for three or four centuries: the inhabitants of these
tracts are mingled Norwegians and Piks; though
these northern parts, being separated by Murray
Frith from the Lowlands of Scotland, and adjoining
to the Celtic part, the Gaëlic tongue has lately gain-
ed much ground there. But that any Norwegians,
or Danes, ever settled in the parts south of Murray
Frith, there is not a shadow of authority. The Mo-
ravians were Piks, as Fordun tells, lib. II. c. 30. Du-
ring the early Pikish period of our history, the Danes
and Norwegians appear to have regarded Pikland as
possessed by their own people, and do not seem to have
molested it. In the ninth century they began their
CHAP. X.
347
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
incursions; but were constantly repelled by the Pik-
ish inhabitants, a people as martial as themselves, and
who alone, of the surrounding nations, seem to have
matched them in arms. They were always regarded
as the bitterest enemies, and could never effectuate
any settlement whatever; except those on the north
and west above mentioned; far less settle in such
numbers as to make any alteration on the language
of the country.
As those who have travelled in Scandinavia think
all our Lowlanders, Scandinavians, from identity of
speech and manners; so, from a great resemblance
in these matters, those who have travelled in Germany
think them Germans. But the nearest part of Ger-
many is twice as far from Scotland as the south of
Scandinavia; and to think that any German colony
arrived in, or after, the Roman period of our history,
can be shewn to be subversive of all historic evidence
concerning North Britain. Our language has many
German words, as the German and Scandinavian are
but dialects of the same tongue. We have old Ger-
man words not to be found in the Scandinavian; and
old Scandinavian not to be found in the German.
But of this presently.
In short, to wind up the confutation of these su-
perficial opinions, advanced merely because their as-
sertors, had not examined the matter, it is not the
embroidery, or the sewing of the robe, which must
be attended to, but the cloth of which it is made.
These adventitious settlements, granting them all for
the sake of argument, would, if the body of the peo-
ple had been Celtic, have been lost in the number;
and would have assumed the Celtic tongue, as the
Belgic, Pikish, and Danish settlers in Ireland; and
as the English themselves, though a numerous and
conquering people, would have also done, had not
special laws been made against it. Language de-
348
PART III.
PIKS.
pends on the universal population of a country; not
on scattered settlements of adventitious people. Our
Scotish antiquists are to this day enemies of the Piks ;
and would allow them nothing if they could. It is
their trade to fight against all authorities, all truth,
and common sense. On this occasion, being really
ignorant of that grandest feature of our history, that
the Piks were a Gothic people, they have erred egre-
giously; and had recourse to absurd ingenuity, in-
stead of reading every thing that could be read on
the subject, in order to find facts. One would have
imagined that some one of them might have blun-
dered on the truth: but in fact they have, like Fal-
staff, a natural alacrity in sinking; and, in antiqua-
rian matters, it is an infallible rule that truth can
never be discovered by ignorance.
It has been amply shewn that the Piks were a Go-
thic people; and the inhabitants of all present Scot-
land and its isles. The Gaël, or Celts in Scotland,
do not now exceed one quarter of the people. The
Lowlanders of Scotland amount to two-thirds of its
inhabitants. Of the other third being Highlanders,
and people of the Isles, a great part consists of Goths,
though now using the Celtic tongue. For the Old
Scots, who came into Argyle, in 503, were from the
north of Ireland; and were mixt with Crutheni, or
Piks, inhabitants of these parts, though the tongue
had been lost in the surrounding Celtic. In the He-
budes and in Argyle, and the north of Scotland, the
Norwegians were lords, for four centuries from the
ninth and they, in like manner, lost their speech
among the more numerous Celts. When these parts re-
turned to the Scotish crown, the inhabitants remained
as before. The chief families in the Highlands are all
of Norwegian extract. The Celtic Mac is nothing:
it is the name itself we must judge from. Thus the
Mac Leods are so called from Liod Earl of Orkney:
CHAP. X.
349
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
the Mac Sweyns, Mac Neils, with a score of others,
all bear the Mac, with a Norwegian name. Even
when the second name is Celtic, it was often taken
by a Norwegian to gratify his subjects, or bestowed
by a Highland bard; as the Mac Donalds are known
to be direct male descendants of Reginald, Earl of
Orkney. These Highland bards, it is well known,
will alter a plain Gothic name to a Celtic one, in a
moment; and are very ready in aspersing people with
this honour. A part of the Isles still speaks the Go-
thic tongue, namely, the whole Orkney and Shetland
Isles. The other parts speak Gaëlic; but of them
a great part are Goths, though their speech be lost
in that of the most numerous people.
There are in Scotland and its isles, of
people, by the latest and surest calcu-
lations, about
1,600,000
Lowlanders upward of two thirds, or
about
1,100,000
500,000
Highlanders and Islanders
Of whom the people of the Ork-
ney and Shetland Isles, all
using the Gothic tongue, may
be
Piks. and Norwegians of Ross,
30,000
Sutherland and Caithness,
the Hebud Isles, &c. &c. now
using the Celtic, about
70,000
100,000
Real Gaël, or Celts in Scotland, being
400,000
a quarter of its people,
These Gaël are most slavish and poor, natural ef-
350
PART III,
PIKS.
fects of their indolence. The better ranks in the
Highlands and Western Isles are almost all of Nor-
wegian race, which is in fact the very same with the
Pikish.
To proceed to a few remarks on the Pikish tongue,
let us begin with observing, that the Gothic Language
divides itself into Two Grand Branches, namely, The
GERMAN, and The SCANDINAVIAN. Of these the Ger-
man deserves the superiority upon many accounts:
1. The Scythians must have begun the population of
Germany long before they entered Scandinavia, and
they passed through a part of ancient Germany, on
the east, before they went over to Scandinavia. That
part of them, which peopled the vast extent of Ger-
many, had arrived at its western extremity as soon, if
not sooner than those who peopled only the southern
tract of Scandinavia, had gained its western extremi-
ty. 2. The Basternæ, who peopled Scandinavia,
were only held a fifth part of the Germans. 3. The
German, of course the more ancient dialect, also
proves this antiquity' by its great resemblance of the
Asiatic tongues; as the old Scythic, or Gothic, was an
Asiatic tongue. 4. The superior antiquity of the
German also appears from this, that it bears far more
resemblance to the Gothic of Ulphilas, the genuine
ancient Scythic, than the Scandinavian does. 5. We
have written monuments of the German, from the
eighth and ninth centuries till now; but none of the
Scandinavian before the twelfth century. 6. The
many countries peopled from Germany, namely,
France, England, Italy, and Spain, in a great degree,
render the German a more important and interesting
dialect than that of Scandinavia, from whence only
Scotland, Denmark, and a few isles, were peopled.
¹ See a learned and accurate Memoir of Mr Tercier, shewing that,
of all European tongues, the German preserves most vestiges of its
antiquity, in Mem, de l'Acad. des Inser. Tome xxiv.
CHAP. X.
351
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
From the ancient German dialect of the Gothic
spring, i. The Tudesque. 2. Francic. 3. Belgic.
4. Anglo-Belgic, or, as we call it, Anglo-Saxon. 5.
Swabian. 6. Swiss. 7. Frisic. 8. Modern German.
9. Modern Dutch. 10. Modern English.
From the ancient Scandinavian dialect of the Go-
thic spring, 1. Swedish, which resembles the Ice-
landic, or oldest Scandinavian, more than the Da-
nish. 2. Norwegian. 3. Pikish. 4. Danish, now
much mingled with German. 5. Icelandic; which,
from the very remote and detached situation of the
country, has been kept the purest of all, and is justly
esteemed the standard of the Scandinavian tongue.
6. Modern Scotish, or corrupted Pikish, as spoken
in Angus, Mearns, Buchan, &c.
I
These two Grand Dialects have always been differ-
ent, as is well shewn by the learned author of the
Dissertatio de lingua Danica, to be found at the end
of Gunlaug's Saga, Hafnia, 1775, 4to. The Scan-
dinavian was in the middle ages termed Danish; then
Norse, as Norwegian; and latterly Icelandic, because
now found in the greatest purity in that remote island.
An old writer says, that William I. Duke of Nor-
mandy, when he heard Heriman, a Saxon general,
speak Danish, asked in admiration, quis eum Daciscæ
regionis linguam, Saxonibus inexpertem, docuerit?
"Who had taught him the Danish tongue, unused by
the Saxons?" He who enquires into the origins of the
English tongue will find them in Flanders and Ger-
many but those of the Scotish must be traced in
Scandinavia.
In both these Grand Dialects of the Gothic, nouns
and verbs are declined and inflected by changing the
terminations, as in Greek and Latin. The Modern
English and the Modern Scotish form the sole ex-
¹ Dudo Gest. Norm. apud Du Chesne.
352
PART III.
PIKS.
ceptions, being changed only by prepositions and
auxiliary verbs. This singularity of these tongues
passed from the French to the English at the Norman
conquest; and from the French and English to the
Scotish.
A curious distinction between the German dialect
and the Scandinavian is, that the latter has, properly
speaking, no letter P in it. Not above twenty words
begin with P; and they are all names of foreign pla-
ces, or real foreign words, as Petland, so called by
the inhabitants; Papa, a foreign word, father, applied
to a priest; and the like. And even in these, P is
pronounced V, Vetland, Vava. The Scandinavian has
also no W at all. The Runic alphabet wants E, G,
P, Q, W, V, X, Z. On the contrary the Gothic
of Ulphilas has both P and W; as have also the
Anglo-Belgic, of which so many noble specimens re-
main; and the Tudesque. These tongues have also
E, G, P, Q, W, Z. The later Anglo-Belgic has X
and V. But V in particular, which supplies both P
and W in the Scandinavian, is unknown to the Go-
thic of Ulphilas; Tudesque; and oldest Anglo-Bel-
gic. The Scandinavian has also no C, which is a
superfluous letter in every language having k and s;
and no Q, X, or Z; for q, it uses kv; for X, ks; for
, sd. The Scandinavian has but one supernumerary
letter P, TH; the Gothic of Ulphilas has G, or Y,
open, thus written in Anglo-Belgic small letter 3, and
in our Scotish 3, which being the identic form of Z,
has made our ignorant printers of old poetry totally
confound our language by putting Z in its place in-
stead of Y. Ulphilas has also Y, TH;' ∞, or QU, which
begins so many words in the old Scotish; and X, or
CH. But the total want of P and W may be looked
on as the grand literal distinction between the Scan-
dinavian and the German dialects of the Gothic.
And this seems a remarkable instance of the effect of
?
•
CHAP. X.
853
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
climate upon language; for P and W are the most
open of the labial letters; and V is the most shut.
The former requires an open mouth: the latter may
be pronounced with the mouth almost closed, which
rendered it an acceptable substitute in the cold clime
of Scandinavia, where the people delighted, as they
still delight, in gutturals and dentals. The climate
rendered their organs rigid and contracted; and cold
made them keep their mouths as much shut as pos-
sible.
Hence also another grand distinction between the
German and the Scandinavian; namely, the length
of the words in the former, and their shortness in the
latter dialect. Long words, as a late author very just-
ly observes, are infallible proofs of an original and
ancient tongue. In time by frequent use, and that
desire of saying much with little effort, which is so
natural in a cold climate especially, words are con-
tracted by degrees. The words of Ulphilas are as
long, or longer, than the German, or Tudesque. The
Anglo-Belgic words are shorter. The Scandinavian
shorter still.
The Piks, being divided from Scandinavia by a wide
sea, and being planted in North Britain, in an early
period, when navigation was only undertaken for set-
tlements, or ravages, and not to maintain intercourse,
they were consequently quite detached from their pro-
genitors. At first the Cumri were their only neigh-
bours in the island; but fear kept them at a distance;
and the Cumri, who only knew them as ravagers,
could have little or no intercourse with them. About
412, the Southern Piks were converted to Christianity
by Cumraig missionaries; and it is likely that a few
Latin and Cumraig words might now appear among
them. About 430, the Piks, bursting from the moun-
tains, to which the Roman power had long confined
them, poured over the plains, driving the Cumri to
VOL. I.
Z
354
PART III.
PIKS.
the western shores, and peopled the country down to
the Humber. The Belgic Britons were now their
neighbours; and the Piks, softened by a fertile coun-
try, would soon begin, in their southern settlements,
to adopt the arts and manners of that more polished
people. With these arts and manners, many new
words would creep in, from the German dialect of
their civilized neighbours. The Cumri, their old
neighbours, were a barbarous pastoral people; the
Belgæ, even in Cæsar's time, an agricultural people,
and now polished as Roman provincials with every
elegance and luxury. These Piks, who were divided
by the Wall of Gallio from their brethren, would na-
turally regard themselves as detached from their own
kingdom, and as inhabitants of a new. The Belgæ
being the most numerous people, their speech would
prevail as such among the detached Piks; the more
especially as it was but a superior dialect of their own
tongue. When Ida arrived with his Angles, a cen-
tury after, the progress of the Belgic language among
these Piks would of course have been great.
When Beda wrote in 731, or about three centuries
after this southern settlement of the Piks, he informs
us there were four tongues spoken in Britain, name-
ly, English, Pikish, British or Cumraig, and Scotish
or Irish. We see from this, that, as the name of An-
gli was given by Beda to all the possessors of South
Britain, save the Welch, this speech, which Beda calls
Anglic, was in fact the Belgic, with a new name. No-
mina non mutant rem. Beda calls the Jutes of Kent
and the south; Saxons of the middle parts; and real
Angli of the north, all Angli promiscuously. And it
is clear from him, that one speech had now prevailed
among them all; because Jutes, Saxons, Angles, were
but as drops in the sea of Belgæ, and their language
would vanish in less than a century. That this speech,
which Beda calls Anglic, was not Anglic, is known
CHAP. X.
355
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
to all. It is improperly called Saxon by the learned;
but all grant, and this very name implies, that it was
not the Scandinavian dialect of the Gothic, as it must
have been, had it been Anglic, from Anglen, a Da-
nish province; but was the German dialect of the
Gothic, Saxon by name, but in fact Belgic. Cædmon
wrote in it in this century, when Beda lived; and
Alfred and others after; so that we can judge of it
perfectly. It is German-Gothic; and not Scandina-
vian-Gothic. The Saxon was in fact German-Gothic,
as well as the Belgic. They were the same tongue;
but it is the real propriety of the name that is con-
tended for. Asser, who wrote the century after
Beda, but lived among the West Saxons, as Beda
among the Angles, calls this Anglic of Beda repeat-
edly Saxon. We have no writer who lived among
the Jutes, else we should have it called Jutic. The
fact is, all the settlers spoke this language in a cen-
tury or so after their arrival; and of course all gave
it their own name. This Belgic must have, long be-
fore Beda's time, made great progress among the Piks
of Northumbria, from their detached situation, from
their fewness when compared with the Belge, and
other causes above specified. Less than three cen-
turies will, in such situations, totally change a lan-
guage; much more alter one dialect of the Gothic
into another, as the example of the Normans in France
may shew. No wonder then that Beda should call
that speech Anglic, which Asser calls Saxon; and
should specially distinguish this Anglic, spoken all
over England in his time, from Northumbria to Corn-
wall, and Kent, from the Pikish, or old and broad
Scandinavian of Pikland. For though the people of
Northumbria, the greatest domain of the Angli, were
really Piks, yet from their situation, separate go-
vernment, and other causes, their speech had assu-
med the Belgic hue, while the old Piks retained their
356
PART III.
PIKS.
Scandinavian original speech. From a similar si-
tuation the German has greatly gained, and is daily
gaining, on the Danish; while the Swedish remains
purer.
The Saxon Chronicle was certainly begun, if not
completed, in Northumbria, for it distinguishes the
South Humbrians from Us, as it expresses, a term
only applicable when a work was written in North-
umbria. It seems to have been begun in the eleventh,
and finished in the twelfth century. Its language is
Belgic, not Scandinavian. The Yorkshire dialect of
the English is full of Scandinavian words; but in
Beda's time, when language was rude, this distinc-
tion would be little striking.
Beda produces one word in the Pikish language,
namely, Peanvahel, the name of a town at the east
end of the wall of Antoninus, now, as is thought,
Kineil. This name has been said to be Welch; but
most falsely, for neither Pean nor Vahel are to be
found in the Welch language. Pen is, in Welch, the
head of a hill, the top of an object;' but no vahel, or
fahel, is to be found in that tongue. The Welch for
wall, is gwal, a modern word derived from the Latin
vallum, or from the Gothic veal, as our wall; as al-
most all words in the pretended Celtic are either
Gothic, or Latin. Baxter says, that, in Welch, Pen-
y-wall is the head of the wall; but this is not Pean-
vahel. Beda, who specially distinguishes the Welch
as a different tongue from the Pikish, and lived in a
country bordering on both Piks and Welch, certainly
knew the Pikish tongue from the Welch. Nennius,
cap. 19, speaking of this, says the wall was called in
24
So is Pinne, or Penne, in German. The Celtic is quite full of
Gothic words.
2 Baxter was a true Celtic etymologist; witness his deriving
Blackness from Balg na isc, "venter aquæ." Stirling, from Es
trev Alaun, "Oppidum Alauna!'
CHAP. X.
357
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
Welch Gual, which is the mere Roman vallum, with
the Welch G prefixed; and that the town was, in
Welch, called Pengaaul, a very different word from
Peanvahel. The Pikish word is broad Gothic, Paena,
"to extend,” Ihre; and Vahel, a broad sound of veal,
the Gothic for "wall," or of the Latin vallum, con-
tracted val: hence it means, "the extent, or end of
the wall," as the Piks, who followed it to the south-
east, would naturally term it; for they would not
follow it to the west, where the Britons of Strat-clyde
dwelled. The English name, as Beda says, was Pen-
veltun, which is merely the Pikish, in a softer dialect
with tun, or town, at the end of it; and it is amazing
our Welch dreamers do not prove the English lan-
guage to be Welch, for the English name is far near-
er to the Welch than the Pikish. But to leave this
trifling.
The nature and design of this work forbid my
entering on a formal dissertation concerning the Pik-
ish language; and I shall therefore close this subject
with a few brief remarks. The earliest remain we
have of the Lowland Scotish, or modern Pikish, is
the poem of Barbour, written in 1375. Here is a
specimen, faithfully copied from the MS. in the Ad-
vocates' Library, Edinburgh, dated 1489.
A! Fredome is a nobill thing!
Fredome mayss man to haiff lyking.
Fredome all solace to man giffis:
He levys at ess, that frely levys.
A noble hart may haiff nane ese,
Na ellys nocht that may him plese,
Gyff Fredome failyhe; for fre lyking
Is yharnyt our all othir thing.
Na he, that ay hass levyt fre,
May nought knaw weill the propyrte,
The angyr, na the wrechyt dome,
That is cowplyt to foule thyrldome.
Bot gyff he had assayit it,
Than all perquer he suld it wyt,
358
PART III.
PIKS.
And suld think Fredome mar to pryss,
Than all the gold in warld that is.
Of this, as of all our old Scotish language, the GRAM-
MAR is perfectly ENGLISH. That is, there are no in-
flections of verbs and nouns, as in the German and
Scandinavian dialects; but their purpose is served
by prepositions and auxiliary verbs. The grammar
of any language is its most essential and permanent
form; and nothing is more certain than that the old
Scotish language derives its grammar from the Eng-
lish, as the English does from the French, and the
French from the Italian. The origins of the English
language have never been enquired into with any de-
gree of labour and minute attention; nor the time
marked when the French grammar prevailed over the
Belgic, or, as it is called, Saxon, which had inflections,
as the other Gothic dialects. This Belgic, or Old
English, had certainly some inflections, down to the
twelfth century, though many of them had worn out
before; for the grammar of a language is very diffi-
cult to change, and it took three centuries at least
totally to change the English, namely, from the
eleventh, when French was first spoken by the court
and nobility before the Conquest, and after by all,
save the common people, till the fourteenth century,
when some inflections still remain in the work of
Robert de Brunne. It must, however, be remarked,
that the inflections of the later Gothic are few; and
that the genius of that language often admitted pre-
positions, and auxiliary verbs, from the first. But it
was infallibly the influence of the French speech,
which has no inflections in nouns, that led us to dis-
card them. The French, Italian, and Spanish, have
inflections of verbs; and so have we, though very
few and in this we abide by the later Gothic, while
they follow the Latin; of which all these tongues.
are but corrupt and rustic dialects.
CHAP. X.
359
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
From the reign of Malcolm III. 105, to the end
of that of Alexander III. 1286, most of the Scotish
monarchs were married to English ladies; and a con-
tinual intercourse prevailing between the kingdoms,
from their natural situation and connection, it is then
no wonder that the language of a kingdom, so very
superior to Scotland as England was, and is in all re-
spects, should have been always gaining ground there.
The Danish language is now very much German,
owing to the same causes. The house of Oldenburg
is a German house; as Malcolm III. from his long
residence in England, was almost an Englishman, as
to manners, &c. The borough towns of Scotland
were, as we have seen, tenanted by Englishmen. All
these causes, no doubt, contributed to introduce gra-
dually English words and idioms, nay such small gram-
mar as the English bears, into the Pikish or Scandi-
navian dialect of the north of Britain. The English
was also a written tongue, while there is no room to
suppose that the Pikish ever was, being spoken in a
rude and barbarous kingdom; while the Belgic, or
English, had been long the written language of a great
and civilized country. When it was above shewn
that the Lowland Scots could not receive their lan-
guage from the English, it was not meant to deny
that they received the form of their written language
from the English. All that was intended to be proved
was, that, as the Piks spoke a dialect of that very lan-
guage before, the English improvements of that dia-
lect were natural and easy; whereas, had they spo-
ken the Celtic, the English language would have
gained no ground. For the causes above given are
sufficient to alter one dialect almost wholly into ano-
ther; but by no means to introduce a new language.
As we have no work written in Scotland in the
common tongue prior to the eleventh century, when
the Belgic, or English, had begun in all appearance
260
PART IIF
PIKS.
to prevail, the Pikish is beyond doubt a lost lan-
guage, or rather a lost dialect of the Scandinavian, as
the Spartan is a lost dialect of the Greek. But one
half of the words, still used in the remote Lowlands
of Scotland, are not English, or Belgic, but Pikish,
or Scandinavian. The Pikish never being a written
dialect, it must be sought for only in the vulgar
mouth; and it were well worth the curiosity of some
man of skill to give us a glossary of the uncommon
words used from the Forth to Murray Frith. We
find in our old Scotish poets, and in provincial poet-
ry of Scotland, that nearly half the words are Scan-
dinavian, not English. A Scotishman can learn the
Scandinavian in very short time; while an English-
man finds it difficult. In Icelandic the Lord's Prayer
runs thus:
1
I
Fader uor som est i Himlum. 1. Halgad warde thitt
nama. 2. Tilkomme thitt Rikie. 3. Ski thin vilie so
som i Himmalam, so och po Iordannè. 4. Wort dach-
licha brodh gif os i dagh. 5. Och forlat os uora skuldar,
so som ogh vi forlate them os skildighe are. 6. Ogh in-
led os ikkie i frestalsan. 7. Utan frels os ifra ondo.
Amen.
In Tudesque thus:
Fater unser thu thar bist in Himile. 1. Si geheila-
got thin namo. 2. Queme thin Rihhi. 3. Si thin willo
so her in himile, ist o si her in erdu. 4. Unsar brot ta-
galihhaz gib uns huitu. 5. Inti furlaz uns nusara sculdi
so uuir furlazames unsaron sculdigon. 6. Inti ni gi
leitest unsih in costunga. 7. Uzouh arlosi unsi fon ubile.
Amen.
I
"Accedit linguæ cognatio, quæ facit ut Scoti in Suediam ad-
venientes Suedice loqui facillime discant." Loccen. Ant. Sueo
Goth. This must have been easily observed in the many Scotish
who advanced the arms of Gustavus Adolphus. Mr Coxe, in his
Travels, I. 504, observes the great similarity between Swedish and
broad Scotish; and mentions a Swedish traveller, who found many
obsolete Swedish words common in Scotland.
CHAP. X.
361
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
In Anglo-Belgic thus:
Uren fader thic arth in Heofnas. 1. Si gehalgud
thin noma. 2. To cymmeth thin ryc. 3. Si thin willa
sue is in heofnas and in eortho. 4. Uren hlaf oferwist-
lic sel us to daeg. 5. And forgefe us scylda urna, sue
we forgefan scyldum urum. 6. And no inlead usig in
custnung. 7. Ah gefrig usich from ifle. Amen.
Chamberlayne, in that curious work the Oratio
Dominica omnibus fere in linguis, and which serves
more to illustrate the origin and propinquity of na-
tions, than many huge works, gives us the following
as the Lord's Prayer in the language of the Orkneys.
Favor ir i chimre. 2. Helleur ir i nam thite. 3. Gilla
cosdum thite cumma. 4. Veya thine mota vara gort o
yurn, sinna gort i chimrie. 5. Ga vus da on da dalight
brow vora. 6. Firgive vus sinna vora sin vee firgive
sindara mutha vus. 7. Lyve us ye i tuntation. 8. Min
delivera vus fro olt ilt. Amen; or, On sa meteth vera.
This was originally published by Wallace, in his
account of the Orkneys, London, 1700, 8vo. Bishop
Percy' suspects that there are errors of the press,
such as helleur for helleut: and I think at 7. ye for ne.
Wallace says the Orcadians call the language Norns,
or Norse but it is a different dialect from the Nor-
wegian, Icelandic, Danish, Swedish. It approaches
nearer to the Icelandic than to any of the others; but
differs considerably even from the Icelandic, as the
reader may observe. But whether this difference be
merely the effect of change and time, to which all
tongues are liable; or, as we know that the Piks in-
habited the Orkneys, when the Norwegians came in,
and that the former must have been the most nume-
rous people; this may therefore be really the old Pik-
ish, preserved in that remote situation, though with
some corruptions; is a question not easily determi-
nable.
Northern Antiquities, vol. I. Pref.
362
PART III.
PIKS.
In the oldest Lowland Scotish recoverable, the
Lord's Prayer would run thus:
Uor fader quhilk beest i Hevin. 2. Hallowit weird
thyne nam. 3. Cum thyne kingrik. 4. Be dune thyne
wull as is i hevin, sva po yerd. 5. Uor dailie breid
gif us thilk day. 6. And forleit us uor skaths, as we for-
leit tham quha skath us. 7. And leed us na intil tem-
tation. Butan fre us fra evil. Amen.
In this it is attempted literally to follow the four
former, as far as the language would bear. When the
resemblance between all these four specimens is so
great, the reader will not wonder that there is so
much proximity between the old English and Scotish.
The Pikish so differed from the Anglo-Belgic in Be-
da's time, that he marks them as distinct languages.
The one retained all its German peculiarities; the
other all its Scandinavian. But by collision, and at
an early period, by an interchange of words, they be-
came very similar. For we must not imagine that all
the profits were on one side. The early English bards
were all of the north country; and from them many
words, not to be found in the Anglo-Belgic, passed
into the old English. It is indeed a singularity worth
remarking, that the Germans were never so re-
markable for poetry as the Scandinavians. The nor-
thern Angli, and Piks, a Scandinavian people, brought
poetry into first repute in England: the Normans,
another Scandinavian people, did the same in France;
for the claim of the insipid Troubadours has been
laid asleep by M. le Grand." But it is clear to me, as
This word is the only heterogeneous one. In Francic it is cos-
tunga, in Ulphilas fraistubujai. But I know no Scotish word for
temptatio.
In the able prefaces to his Fabliaux ou Contes, 5 vols. 12mo. a
work translated from the old northern poets of France, and which
has past through many editions, while the works of the Trouba-
dours, translated in like manner, have been received with the cold-
ness their insipidity merited.
1
2
CHAP. X.
363
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
is natural to suppose, that the form of the language,
and the greater number of mutual words, passed from
England into Scotland.
On the subject of our Scotish poetry it is worth
observing that our ballads and songs are as similar to
the Danish as possible, as the reader will find on
looking into the Prisca Cantilenæ Danica of Velleius,
published last century; or the Levninger af Middel-
Alderens Digtekunst, Kiobenhavn, 1780, 8vo. None
of these Danish songs are older than the fourteenth
century; and in all points they perfectly resemble
our Scotish ones, tragic and comic. They who en-
quire into the origins of Scotish music, should study
that of Iceland and Scandinavia.
Fordun tells, lib. II. c. 9. "The manners of the
Scots are various as their languages; for they use
two tongues, the Scotish and the Teutonic, which
last is spoken by those on the sea coasts, and in the
Low Countries: while the Scotish is the speech of
the mountaineers, and remote islanders." He then
describes the former as a civilized people: the latter
as mere savages. Sir John Clerk, perhaps the best
antiquary that Scotland has yet produced, though he
was quite deficient in erudition, has, in a work writ-
ten in 1742, but not published till 1782, and which
did not happen to be seen by me till after the mate-
rials of this Enquiry were collected, attempted to
shew that the Piks were Saxons, and of course their
tongue Saxon. In this he lies open to easy and di-
2
• "Mores autem Scotorum, secundum diversitatem linguarum,
variantur: duabus enim utuntur linguis, Scotica, videlicet, et Teu-
tonica; cujus linguæ gens maritimas possidet et planas regiones;
linguæ vero gens Scoticæ montanas inhabitat et insulas ulteriores.
Maritima quoque domestica gens est, et culta, fida, patiens, et ur-
bana; vestitu siquidem honesta, civilis atque pacifica, circa cultum
divinum devota, sed et obviandis hostium injuriis semper prona. In-
sulana vero sive montana, ferina gens est, &c.
• Bibliotheca Topographica Brit. Reliquiæ Galeanæ, p. 362,
364
PART II.
PIKS.
rect confutation: for, to go no further, the Piks and
Saxons are by all the ancient writers marked as quite
different nations; and we know from Beda that in his
time the Pikish, and Anglic, or Saxon, were differ-
ent tongues. But in other articles of that disserta-
tion, on the Ancient Language of Great Britain,
Sir John is entitled to the highest praise, as the ONLY
antiquary, who has seen that infallible truth, that the
Belgic Britons spoke that language afterward called
Saxon, and that the Celts, even in Britain, were con-
fined to the western parts, long before the time of
Cæsar. This discovery arose to me, when collecting
materials for the dissertation at the end of this work,
before I began to compile those of this work itself,
and two years before I saw Sir John's production;
yet Sir John has no doubt the priority of a discovery,
which in the history of no other country would have
been reserved for this century, and which I will ven-
ture to say is more important to English history, than
any yet made, or that can be made. For it not only
adds SEVEN CENTURIES to the history of Englishmen,
as such, but will, if duly attended to, put the whole
history of Law, Manners, Antiquities, &c. in England
upon quite a new and far more interesting footing.
Unhappily Sir John wanted learning sufficient to
stamp full authority upon this; and he rests upon
the meaning of a few German words what depended
on a display of the whole progress of the Scythians,
or Goths, shewn in the dissertation annexed to this
work. His ideas on the subject are of course confu-
sed and inaccurate; and he only sees, through a
mist, a vast object, which is capable of receiving the
whole blaze of day. Concerning the Piks, he is to-
tally mistaken; and he ought to have studied more
deeply, before he attempted the antiquities of his coun-
try. Sir Robert Sibbald, the earliest antiquary Scot-
land produced, saw this matter better, the end of last
CHAP. X.
365
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
century; and tells us expressly, that the Piks were
Goths, and that the names of their kings are all Go-
thic, not Celtic.' Pity that Sir Robert also had only
that kind of superficial and ignorant learning, so re-
markable in the works of our Scotish antiquists, who
ought to read hundreds of books before they pretend
to write a word; and that he was so weak, as not to
know that the name of a country is nothing, either
in regard to its inhabitants, or its history. But the
little word Scot totally perverted Sir Robert's under-
standing; and made him, who was a Pik, regard his
own ancestors as his enemies.
To display the origins of the old Scotish language
of the Lowlands; and the words of it which belong
to the Anglo-Belgic and to the Scandinavian, and
those peculiarly its own, would require a work as
Jarge as the whole of this, or much larger and is
well deserving the attention of some able hand. But
this subject so little concerns my present purpose, that
I shall leave it after some remarks on the name the
Piks gave themselves in their own language.
The old Anglo-Belgic writers, who were the neigh-
bours of the Piks, and had frequent intercourse with
them, certainly called them by that very appellation
they gave themselves, and pronounced as they pro-
nounced it. King Alfred, in his translation of Beda,
and in that of Orosius, calls them repeatedly Peoh-
tas, Peahtas, Pehtas. The Saxon Chronicle Pihtas,
Pyhtas, Pehtas, Peohtas. Ethelwerd, lib. II. 12.
Peohta; lib. IV. Pihti. And many other Saxon re-
mains preserve these appellations.
Wittichind, a German Saxon writer, who lived un-
der Otho I. about the year 950, narrates fabulously
that the Britons sent to the Saxons for assistance
against the Piks and Scots; and calls the former re-
* Hist. of Fife.
366
PART III.
PIKS.
peatedly Pehiti, which is merely a softer pronuncia-
tion of Pehti. Andrew Winton, a Scotish Chronicler,
who wrote about 1410, calls them Peychts, Pechts,
Pihts. The common denomination among the peo-
ple of Scotland, from the Pehts Wall in Northumber-
Îand to the Pehts houses in Ross-shire, and up to the
Orkneys, is Pehts.
The genuine name the Piks from the earliest times
gave themselves, and which they bore among neigh-
bouring nations, was therefore that of PEHTS, various-
ly pronounced PIHTS, and PEUHTS; for Peöhtas, in
the Scandinavian, would now sound Peuchtas, the ö
in Icelandic having the sound of a French u.
This name being guttural, and somehow indefinite,
and lax in the mouth, it was softened and rendered
firm and distinct, by different nations in different
manners. In their original seats on the Euxine,
Greek and Roman writers call them РIKI and PEU-
KINI; being the real names РIHTS and PEUHTS, mol-
lified and rendered more distinct. The latter name
follows them into Scandinavia, as formerly shewn.
On their emerging again to Roman view in the
North of Britain, they were at first called Caledonians,"
from a Cumraig epithet; but when the Romans by
further acquaintance had discovered the real name,
the writers of a declining age unfortunately termed
them PICTI; a name, which though only the real one
PIHTS, softened to Roman pronunciation, yet gave
rise to great confusion. For the word Picti, imply-
ing painted people in Latin, the identity of the words
blended matters totally distinct, and made the real
name of a nation pass for a Latin epithet, so that
even their own writers were led astray; and Clau-
dian, a poet full of quibble and conceit, says Nec fal-
Lloyd in pref. to Archæolog. says, the Welch still call Scotland
Kelidhon; Baxter, in his Glossary, tells that the Welch call the
North Britons Kelydhon, and their woods Coit Kelydhon,
CHAP. X.
367
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
so nomine Picti. The English and Irish were alike
unfortunate in their Latin appellations. Angli has
been gravely derived from Anguli," corners," be-
cause England has many promontories. The Hiber-
ni, or Irish, have been confounded with hiberni,
"wintry people, or people in a wintry climate," by
several writers; nay, by Sir James Ware, who quotes
Hibernique Getæ, pictoque Britannia curru,
;
as belonging to Ireland! The Britons were in like
manner thought to be named from the Latin Brutus,
for ten centuries. Such was Latin etymology: and
now we promise fair to have ten centuries of Celtic
and then ten centuries of Laplandic; for human folly
is always the same. But to return to the Picti, the
Romans, unhappily not catching from the pronuncia-
tion the old name Peukini, must have been puzzled
how to modify this barbaric term: for as Piki implied
in Latin wood-peckers, &c. a victory over these Piki
would have sounded odd in their annals. The Cum-
raig Britons called them Phichtiaid, and the Romans
could have only Latinized this name Ficti, which was
worse and worse; for a battle with Ficti, feigned peo-
ple, of fiction, would have been matter of laughter.
From Scandinavian pronunciation, the name was Vici,
towns, or Victi, conquered, or Vecti, carried, so that
the confusion was endless. Picti, coming first to
hand, took the place of all. Ammianus calls the
southern Piks, by the Scandinavian pronunciation,
Vecturiones; that is, Vect-veriar, or Pikish men, as
the Icelandic writers call them in their old Norwe-
gian seats Vik-veriar. But the mountain Piks, being
then under a different government, and forming a
separate nation from the southern Piks, the old name
of Ducaledones, or Northern Caledonians, was still
continued to the former, with whom the Cumraig
Britons had no neighbourhood, nor intercourse;
PIKS.
PART III.
£68
while the real name of the Southern Piks became
perfectly known to them from neighbourhood.
In Scandinavia, even among the Piks themselves,
the sound of P vanished, and it was pronounced as
V, from circumstances above explained. Hence the
Vika and Vikr of Icelandic writers and Norwegian
charters. The same names were also pronounced
Vicha and Vichr, even in the sixteenth century, as
Olaus Magnus shews; nay, Torfæus, in the begin-
ning of this century, uses Vika and Vicha, indiscri-
minately. This V is in fact only the Scandinavian
pronunciation of P, and prevails in the Icelandic to
this very day; P being never pronounced but as V
in that tongue, even in foreign words, for in Icelandic
there is no P at all. Saxo, lib IX. speaks of the con-
quests of Regnar Lodbrog, in Scotia, Petia, and the
Ĥebudes. This must have been taken from a poem
preceding 1020, for Scotia is here palpably Ireland,
the only Scotia, prior to about 1020, and Petia is
Petland, or present Scotland. Saxo, a traveller, and
a man of great information, knew that the inhabit-
ants, the English and the Germans, called the coun-
try Pehtland, and he uses the genuine, not the Ice-
landic pronunciation. For about the sixth century,
and from that time downward, as above explained,
the Anglo-Belgic began to prevail among the south-
ern Piks in Northumbria, and by degrees proceeded
northward, so that in Alfred's time, or about 880,
the real sound of the letter P would be restored
among the Southern Piks at least: if indeed the
Scandinavian V for P be not a late corruption. And
neither in the old Scotish, nor in the present Buchan
dialect, is V put for P at all. In Icelandic writers
we find Pets and Petlands Fiord, for Piks and Pent-
land Frith; while the old Piks of Norway are called
Vikir, and their country Vik. This arises from our
having no Scandinavian authors at all, till the twelfth
CHAP. X.
369
PIKISH LANGUAGE.
century; long before which time the Piks of Britain
had become perfect foreigners to the Scandinavians,
and their origin quite unknown to them. Hence the
change of name, for one and the same people, the
old name of Pikir, pronounced Vikir, continuing to
the Norwegian Piks; while the British Piks, calling
themselves Pehts, the name was softened to Pets, but
really pronounced Vets and Vetland. Thus, though
the English proceeding from Anglen in Denmark, it
might be supposed their country would be called
Angleland in Icelandic writers, it is uniformly term-
ed England; and neither Saxo, nor any old Icelandic
writer, ever hints, or seems to have known, that the
English were from Anglen. Such instances of igno-
rance are frequent in the most enlightened times;
no wonder then that they should occur in dark pe-
riods.
?
*
2 A
VOL. I.
$70
PART III,
PIKS,
CHAPTER XI.
Manners of the Piks.
TH
HE manners of a people are either Public or Private.
Under the head of Public Manners, may well be put,
1. Government, and 2. Religion, as they strictly be-
long to such, not only as having vast influence over
the manners, but as forming an actual part of them.
Other articles of Public Manners are, 3. War, 4. Na-
vigation; and, by a singular fate among the Gothic
nations, 5. Poetry and Music.
Private Manners may be referred to, 1. Birth, Mar-
riage, Death. 2. Eating and Drinking. 3. Houses
and Dress. 4. Occupations. 5. Arts and Sciences.
6. Amusements. Under these divisions every part
of Manners is included.
But in treating of the people now under view, their
Manners admit not only of Two Grand Divisions, Pub-
lic and Private, but of Two Descriptions. The First
Description is that actually given of Pikish manners,
as such, by Roman and other ancient writers. The
Second Description springs from the certainty that
the Piks were Goths, and that of course their Man-
ners were the same with those of other Gothic na-
tions, in the same state of society.
An historian of Scotland ought to enter fully into
both descriptions; for the manners of a barbaric peo-
ple form by far the most interesting part of its histo-
ry; but my present purpose confines me to a few
brief hints.
CHAP. XI.
371
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
§ I. Description of Pikish Manners, as given by the
Roman and other ancient Writers.
Division I. Public Manners.
I. GOVERNMENT. Tacitus, the very first writer from
whom any hints concerning the manners of the Ca-
ledonians, or Piks, can be derived, shews, that in the
time of Agricola's expedition, they were divided into
several small states, as the Germans, and other an-
cient nations. As Tacitus rightly considers the Scan-
dinavians as Germans, and expressly tells us, that the
Caledonians, or Piks, were Germans, it follows that
the fine description of the German governments, gi-
ven by Tacitus, must be that of the Pikish states also,
namely, a democracy, which chused its own chiefs,
but reserved all liberty, and the most essential part
of the power, to the people. Dio accordingly tells
us expressly, that the Caledonian states were demo-
cratic. And Tacitus does not mention that they had
one king among them, but positively implies that they
had none, by calling Galgacus only the most eminent
of their generals.' In Germany and Scandinavia,
Tacitus mentions kings; but the Piks being a later
settlement, had not proceeded so far in society, save
in their first British seats, the Hebud Isles, where a
kingdom had already been formed, which was in time
to extend its power over all the Caledonians. Taci-
tus mentions that in Britain there were formerly kings,
but that in his time there were only factions. This
description belongs to the southern Britons, with
whom alone, as procurator of Belgium, Tacitus had
acquaintance, as is clear from the context, in which
these Britons are compared with the opposite Gauls;
Inter plures duces virtute et genere præstans, nomine Galga-
cus. Agric.
372
PART III.
PIKS.
and from his adding that the states formed no con-
federacies, ita dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur,
"so that fighting apart, all are conquered;" whereas,
in the very same work, the same writer tells that the
states of Caledonia, with surprising prudence, joined
in a common league against Agricola.
24
In the Hebudes, Solinus, who wrote about 240,
describes the singular state of the early Pikish mo-
narchy, above inserted. From Adomnan we learn
that the Pikish kings had a senate;' and that there
was a nobile genus, or noble race, as among the Ger-
mans and from the Register of St Andrew's, that
there was a Regalis Prosapia, or Royal Race: from
whom it has been above shewn that the kings were
chosen.
II. RELIGION. Of the religion of the Caledonians
there is no hint in any Roman writer, as the country
was little known or described. Adomnan is the ear-
liest author, from whom any information on this sub-
ject can be drawn, and that information very small.
It appears from him that the Piks reverenced foun-
tains,³ and ascribed great virtues to them, a notion
common to the ancient Goths: That they had sui
Dei, "their own gods," whom they thought stronger
than him of the Christians: That they had Magi or
Magicians, priests who were thought to possess the
power of raising storms: many adventurers of Co-
lumba, with Broichanus, one of these Pikish magi-
cians, are narrated by Adomnan.
• Rex cum senatu valde pertimescens, domo egressus, obviam
cum veneratione beato pergit viro. Adom. Vita. Col. II. 14. de Bru-
deo loq.
Quendam de nobili Pictorum genere II. 11. He also mentions
the "familiares regis," II. 13. the comites of the Germans, in Cæsar
and Tacitus.
ve-
3 In Pictorum Provincia ... audiens in plebe gentili de aliquo
fonte divulgari famam, quem quasi divinum stolidi homines
nerabantur. II. 6.
•
CHAP. XI.
373
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
III. WAR. On this head almost the whole Roman
information necessarily rests. From Tacitus we learn
that the Caledonians, or Piks, used cars in battle, as
the Belge and other Gothic nations. That the Celts
ever had cars there is no proof. Adomnan describes
Echuvislaid, king of the Crutheni, or Piks in Ireland,
as using a car. Cars continued among the Scandi-
navians down to the tenth or eleventh century. In
describing the battle of the Grampians, Tacitus also
shews that the Caledonians had a body of cavalry.
He does not specify the arms peculiar to each class;
but only mentions that the Caledonian swords were
very large, and without points, so as to cut, but not
thrust; and their shields were small;3 matters in
which they exactly correspond with the Germans, as
described by the same author. The Caledonians also
used archery, as all barbaric nations, and as Tacitus
especially shews. The arrows were pointed with
flints, now often found, and called elf-stones. In the
time of Severus, Dio says, the Caledonians also used
daggers, as the Saxons, and many other Goths. He-
rodian mentions their small shields; and adds lances
to their armour. The last are also mentioned by Dio,
who says their lances had an hollow ball of brass at
the handle-end, which served as a kind of rattle.*
• Sed et de rege Cuithniorum, qui Echuvislaid vocitabatur, quem-
admodum victus currui insidens evaserit prophetizavit similiter
sanctus. MS. in Bibl. Reg. lib. I. c. 6. omitted by Canisius.
* See Dissertation annexed, p. 70. So late as 1182, cars of bat-
tle were used in Flanders. "Le Comte de Flandres y parut escorté
de plusieurs chariots armés en guerre a la façon des anciens:" in
battle against the French king, 1182. Essai sur l'Hist. de Picardie,
I. 311. This was the old custom of the country, the Belgica esseda
of Virgil, if he means not the Belge of Britain. Saxo. lib. VIII. p.
147, mentions the car of Harold Hyldetand, about the year 800.
3 In Roman coins, Britannia has a small round shield and long
spear.
Lib. 76. Herodotus describes bands of Persians, with gold and
silver pomegranates, on their javelins, lib. VII.
374
PART III.
PIKS.
Gildas mentions that the Piks had a kind of hooked
spears, with which they drew the Britons down from
the battlements of the wall of Gallio. Such spears.
were used among the Scandinavians; and Bartholin
gives us a print of one found in Iceland. Sidonius
Apollinaris, describing the Gothic princes, says, mu-
niebantur lanceis uncatis.
IV. NAVIGATION. The Piks were perpetually pass-
ing the friths of Forth and Clyde to molest the Bri-
tons. Their boats were usually of osiers, interwoven,
and covered with the skins of beasts, as appears from
Solinus, Gildas, and Nennius. Sidonius Apollinaris,
car. 7, mentions such boats as used by the Saxons.'
Maitland tells us they are still used on the river Spey,
in Moray; being round at both ends, five feet long,
and three broad. Such were also the boats of the old
Welch and Irish. Tacitus describes navigation as at
a great height among the Suiones, or Danes, of his
time. But the case was different in Caledonia, an
earlier and more barbaric settlement of the Goths.
The Piks, however, would naturally advance in this
science, though I cannot find that they ever had fleets,
like their Scandinavian ancestors. In the year 1726,
under several strata of earths and fossils, was found
in the bank of the Carron, a large boat, 36 feet long,
and 4 broad; made of one entire piece of oak, and
well polished, both within and without. From the
number of strata, Sir John Clerk thought it an ante-
diluvian boat; but, that jest apart, these strata cer-
tainly shew it very old; and it is most probable that
it was Pikish, because found in the country of the
Piks.
V. POETRY and MUSIC. With regard to these the
¹ Quin et Aremoricus piratam Saxona tractus
Sperabat, cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum
Ludus, et assuto glaucum mare findere limbo.
CHAP. XI.
375
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
ancients have hardly left one hint. Tacitus mentions
the war-song, and military shouts of the Piks. The
manners of the other Goths must here be recurred to.
Division II. Private Manners.
I. BIRTH, MARRIAGE, DEATH. The whole accounts
of private manners of the Piks are most defective.
Dio tells us the Caledonians had their wives in com-
mon, and brought up their children in public. Cæsar
tells us the same thing of the southern Britons, that
ten or twelve had wives in common; and chiefly bro-
thers with brothers, and parents with children; but
that the children belonged to him who first wedded
the mother. These are most singular and striking
features of barbaric society, hitherto rather rashly de-
nied, than illustrated by similar examples. The Ger-
mans, as Tacitus shews, had quite the contrary prac-
tice; all being content with one wife, save the rich,
who had several. They were palpably in a more ad-
vanced state of society, than either the Piks or Bel-
gæ of Britain, their brethren. Montesquieu observes
it as a feature of pastoral society, that men have many
wives, or wives in common, altogether as beasts; but
he gives no examples. Herodotus tells us expressly,
that the Agathyrsi, a Scythic nation in Germany,
had their wives in common in his time. Tacitus
says the Germans, alone of all barbaric nations, had
not wives in common; a clear proof that the Celts
and Sarmatians had their wives in common: and he
tells us of the Peukini; that, through the promiscu-
ous marriages of their chiefs, they were disgraced by
a resemblance of the Sarmatæ. The Belga and Piks
seem to have been in one identic state of society, as
might be expected from common Gothic origin, from
insular situation, and from both settling about one
376
PART III.
PIKS.
and the same period. Not so barbarous as to have
all wives in common, neither seem they to have been
so civilized as the Germans. The custom, however,
seems to have been peculiar to the great, as among
the Peukini in Germany; and Solinus describes it in
his time as a privilege only of the Pikish king, to
chuse and dismiss any woman he pleased. This was
the natural progress of the custom, for the great would
certainly be the last to abandon such licence. There
is indeed every reason to believe that Cæsar judged
only from the chiefs in Britain, as too many tra-
vellers apply the vices of the great to whole na-
tions. But of this custom we have spoken before.
Concerning the rest of this article we know next to
nothing. From Adomnan it appears that the Piks
did not in Columba's time burn their common dead,
but buried them.' People of rank may, however,
have been burnt. Among the other Goths it appears
to me that burning the dead was never very frequent,
but always confined to the chief ranks, being labori-
ous and expensive."
II. EATING AND DRINKING. Of these we have al-
most as little direct information. Dio tells us that
the Caledonians used a certain root which supported
them long, without their suffering hunger; and the
same is told of the Scythians.3 Solinus says that the
Piks of the Hebudes lived on fish and milk; but
hunting seems to have afforded a chief food of the
Piks of Caledonia. In the old forts, bones of deer
have been often dug up. From Adomnan we learn
* In Pictorum provincia... alios ex accolis aspicit misellum hu-
mantes homunculum. II. 12.
• So Tacitus expressly, "Funerum nulla ambitio: id solum ob-
servatur ut corpora CLARORUM virorum certis lignis crementur."
Germ.
3 Dio, lib. 76. And see Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXV. 8. for the use of
the herbs scytice and hippace, among the Scythæ,
CHAP. XI.
377
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
that the Piks used glasses for drinking, as he describes
Broichan the magician using one. Ale, the drink of
all the Goths, was certainly that of the Piks.
III. HOUSES AND DRESS. From Tacitus it is clear
that the Caledonian houses, of whatever materials
formed, had combustible roofs; for he describes them
as all smoking around, being set on fire by the Cale-
donians in their retreat. The walls were probably of
turf, or wood. Adomnan describes that of the Pik-
ish king, Brudi, to have been a munitio, or castle.'
But it was surely of wood; and no ruins of such edi-
fices can remain at the present time. The Caledo-
nians, like the Germans, were almost naked. Ro-
man writers sometimes mention them as naked; and
if we saw a savage, with only a deer's skin thrown
over his shoulders, and the rest of his body bare, we
would, like these writers, call him naked. For it ap-
pears from Cæsar that the Belgæ, and from Tacitus
that the Germans, wore a skin of some beast. No
doubt the Romans saw the Piks in their most naked
state, for they only visited them in the summer, the
season of war. And the chiefs, as in Germany, appa-
rently wore a tunic and breeches, under their man-
tle. Gildas, c. 15, mentions the Piks as partly clothed,
or at least girt with a cloth about the middle. This
was in the fifth century. In the sixth, when Colum-
ba lived, Adomnan drops no hint of dress or naked-
ness; but it is inferable that they were clothed. The
custom the ancient Piks had of staining their bodies
has been formerly shewn to be peculiar to the Gothic
nations. The Belgæ also retained the same custom,
till the Romans introduced luxury and dress among
* Alio in tempore, hoc est in prima Sancti fatigatione itineris ad
regem Brudeum, casu contigit ut idem Rex fastu elatus regio, suæ
munitionis, superbe agens, in primo beati adventu viri non aperiret
portas. II. 14.
378
PART III.
PIKS.
them. But the Piks of Northumbria had its remains
down to the eighth century, as appears from a decree
of the council of Calcot, in 787, above adduced.
This staining was done like the tattooing of American
savages by pricking the skin with a thorn, or other
sharp substance, and then rubbing in the juice of a
plant.' From Cæsar we learn that the plant used
among the Belge was the vitrum, or woad; which
made them of a blue colour. Pliny tells that this
plant was in Gaul, called glastum, and that the Bri-
tish matrons in particular used it. Cæsar's vitrum is
palpably a translation of this Gallic word glastum, or
glass; and the word must have originated with the
Belgæ, being Gothic, and given to amber by the Ger-
man Goths, as we learn from the same Pliny. This
tattooing, as a terrible ornament, the Piks did, like
the Americans, in various figures. So Claudian;
Venit et extremis legio prætenta Britannis,
Quæ Scoto dat froena truci, ferroque notatas
Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.
De Bello Getico.
Besides this tattooing, the savages of North America
often paint their faces red, or some other colour.
This they vary as occasion demands; one colour de-
noting mourning, another joy, &c. But whether this
custom was known to the Piks or not, cannot be now
determined. The savages of North America, though
the cold be certainly, at least, equal to any ever felt
anciently in North Britain, go mostly quite naked
though some wrap a skin about them in winter, as
the Piks no doubt also used. Herodotus tells us of
the Neuri, a Scythic nation, who were in winter turn-
ed into wolves: Pelloutier ingeniously explains this,
that in winter they clothed themselves in the skins
of wolves.
viridem distinguit glarea muscum,
Nota Caledoniis talis pictura Britannis. Auson. in Mosella.
CHAP. XI.
379
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
IV. OCCUPATIONS. The chief occupation of a sa-
vage is to procure food and dress: the chief occupa-
tion of civilized society is the same, to procure money
to buy food and luxuries. As Solinus tells that the
Hebudian Piks lived on fish and milk, fishing and
pasturage must have been their main occupations.
The other Piks added hunting: and in time agri-
culture.
V. ARTS AND SCIENCES. The houses of the Piks
were certainly only built with wood, or wattles, and
mud; as among the Gauls, and the Germans. But
from the ancient writers who mention the Piks, we
can only learn that they could make weapons of war;
which were certainly of brass, as were those of all
other early nations; and war chariots, in which brass
was no doubt used in those parts now made of iron.
Of the Sciences of the Piks we find no vestige; and
while in South Britain one or two learned men arose,
we have every reason to believe that the Piks did
not even know the use of letters, and that their
churchmen, and men of letters, were all Irish and
Welch, down to the twelfth century. This proceed-
ed from the supreme contempt, which the barbaric
Goths, as a wise people, had for that jumble of fana-
ticism and fiction, called learning in the dark ages.
VI. AMUSEMENTS. Of these, as might be expect-
ed, we find no account in those ancient authors, who
mention the Piks.
§ II. Description of Pikish Manners, as being those
common to other Gothic Nations.
This theme is very extensive, and can therefore be
here only slightly sketched.
380
PART III.
PIKS.
Division II. Public Manners.
I. GOVERNMENT. It is now universally known that
the government of the early Goths was generally a
Democratic Monarchy. Herodotus describes the ear-
ly Scythians as having kings: and from Tacitus we
learn, that the Germans had them. But these kings
were merely as Indian chiefs; men, who from supe-
rior merit, had acquired influence, and which influ-
ence remained to their descendants and relations,
from a natural veneration of the people for the su-
periority which had established it, and a hope of
finding it continued in the same progeny. The ex-
ample of Iceland may satisfy us, that the barbaric
Goths were not incapable even of a regular repub-
lic, established upon wise laws. But in this repub-
lic riches had such natural influence, that if a man
became very rich, the laws, passed in the General
Assembly, in which even all the peasants appeared,
were not held ratified, if such a man were absent.
Some man of this description, adding great talents,
art, and courage to his wealth, would have in time
come to be king. For in such society riches and
power are the same; and nobility always originates
in wealth. But how does wealth originate in such
society? Certainly by chance. For a man of the
greatest talents, or courage, may make many inroads.
or expeditions without success: while another, by one
lucky hit, may acquire vast riches: and a man with-
out capacity may find a treasure, or be sole heir of
many relations. This Republic of Iceland highly me-
rits the attention of the learned, as we have all its
Laws, Constitution, and History, in far higher per-
fection than those of Greece and Rome. It presents
a picture of the progress of barbaric society prior to
the year 1000, when it became Christian, and letters
CHAP. XI.
381
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
were introduced. A progress of nine centuries, un-
influenced by foreign manners, had taken place be-
tween the state of the Germans, given by Tacitus, and
that of Iceland. But it must be remembered that Ta-
citus tells, the Suiones, or Danes, had wealth; and
were from situation more advanced in society than
the Germans, even in his time. They obeyed a king
with greater, and a more fixed power: but there is
no room to think the royalty was hereditary, else Ta-
citus would not have omitted so strange a peculiari-
ty, while all the Germans elected their monarchs, as
he tells, from the nobility of their race.
From a per-
fect similarity of situation the Pikish monarchy ori-
ginated in the Hebudes; while Caledonia was divi-
ded into democratic states. Cæsar instructs us, that
the Gallic states were mostly democratic; and that
the few kings were chiefly usurpers. Tacitus mentions
no pure democracies in Germany; and the Gauls
were, from Grecian and Roman intercourse, more
advanced in society than the Germans. Like the
Greeks they had past from petty kingdoms, known
at the siege of Troy, to republics; while the Germans
were still in their heroic age. The Piks, during the
Roman period of our history, as may be inferred from
their remote situation, resembling that of the Ger-
mans, had also the German government. Tacitus
mentions no kings in Caledonia. Dio, a suspicious
authority, names one Argentocoxus, and tells a pret-
ty tale about him. It is indeed mere matter of cu-
riosity to enquire whether the Caledonian states had
their petty kings, or not. Such kings were mere
chiefs, or first magistrates; and with no power over
the people, save what the people pleased to allow. It
has been agitated, whether monarchy or democracy
be the most ancient form of government; but the
fact is, that the most ancient monarchies were really
democracies. We are certain from Tacitus and Dio,
382
PART III.
PIKS.
that the Caledonian states were democratic; and if
writers would candidly examine the subject, they
would see that in early society monarchy itself is al-
ways democratic. In the Hebudes alone, as among
their fellow islanders, the Suiones, a remarkable and
real monarchy was established, which in time spread
over Caledonia. The coincidence of both these mo-
narchies being in a cluster of isles is curious. Divide
et impera was here done by nature.
II. RELIGION. The religion of the ancient Goths
has been lately explained by so many writers, that I
need not enter so vast a field. Suffice it to observe,
that the mythology of a barbaric people must be full
of confusion, while even that of the Greeks and Ro-
mans is so. Odin is at present the God best known
to us, as he is most celebrated by the Scandinavian
scalds but Tuisco was in the time of Tacitus the
chief god of the Germans; and Irmensul was, in the
days of Charlemagne, he of the Saxons. In the Scan-
dinavian mythology, the chief confusion rises from
this, that Thor, beyond doubt the Jupiter, or chief
god, is sometimes called father of Odin, sometimes
son of Odin. The Eddas of Sæmund, and of Snorro,
also palpably imply two Odins; and the Scandina
vian antiquaries assert an elder, and a later. If I may
humbly offer an opinion, after so many men of real
and profound learning, a similarity of names seems
in traditional times so liable to errors of this sort, to
have confounded Odin, the god of war, with Godin, a
name for the Supreme Being; whence our word
God, and originating from god, GOOD. For it is clear
from the Eddas, that the Scandinavians, as many of
the Greeks and Romans, admitted a Grand Creator
and Preserver, to whom these gods were but as ser-
vants. When they became Christians, they naturally
retained this name for that Great Being. This the-
ory might be supported by arguments very valid,
CHAP. XI.
383
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
but this is not the place. And I shall close this ar-
gument, with only admonishing the reader to beware
of that grand error of the Scandinavian antiquaries,
so unerring in other matters, namely, their supposing
Odin and his Asæ to be real persons, who led their
people from Asia, 70 years before Christ; whereas
they belong wholly to mythology, and not in the
least to history. Snorro Sturlason, a writer of the
thirteenth century, is the grand source of this delu-
sion; by mentioning in his Edda' that Odin fled
from Pompey: and the veneration paid to Snorro
maintains this puerile fable, though it be a mere ro-
mantic fiction, similar to that of Scota, daughter of
Pharaoh, the British Brutus, &c. Snorro could only
find this tale in a Saga, written by some ignorant ro-
mancer, who had heard of Pompey the Great, and so
brought him in as he would have done Alexander
the Great, Judas Maccabæus, King Arthur, or Char-
lemagne. For where else could Snorro find this, save
by special revelation? It is shewn in the Dissertation
annexed, that the progress of the Scythians, or Goths,
into Scandinavia, was completed, at least 500 years
before Christ. Nor did they even come out of it
again, save into Britain, Denmark, Russia, Iceland,
and Normandy. And it is demonstrable from all the
ancient writers, from Herodotus down to Cæsar, Ta-
citus, and Ptolemy, that this pretended expedition of
Odin is a mere fable, founded on the allegory that
Odin, the God of War, led the Goths into Scandina-
via, that is, they opened their path by the sword.
III. WAR. The peculiar warlike spirit of the Ca-
ledonians, or Piks, unknown to the other Britons,
marks them as Goths, and as Scandinavian Goths, the
most warlike of men. Northern climates produce iron
Apud Torf. Ser. Reg. Dan. In his history Snorro dates Odin in
the time of the Roman emperors.
384
PART III.
PIKS.
men. The mountains of Scandinavia, and of Scot-
land, were the natural soil of such a race.
An iron race the mountain-cliffs maintain,
Foes to the gentler genius of the plain.
What wonder if, to patient valour train'd,
They guard with spirit what by strength they gain'd?
And while their rocky ramparts round they see,
The rough abode of want and liberty,
(As lawless force from confidence will grow)
Insult the plenty of the vales below?
GRAY.
This admirable description applies so well to the Piks
in particular, that one would imagine it drawn from
their invincible spirit, and constant incursions into
the southern plains. If our Highlanders be in fact,
as some assert, more warlike than their Irish ances-
tors, their mountainous situation must be one chief
cause, as the great mixture of Goths among them is
another. But had the Romans found Celts in Cale-
donia, they would have totally vanquished them at
once, with a single legion, as they did Celtic Gaul;
and, as Tacitus says, they could have done Ireland.
The conquest of the Celts, south of Forth and Clyde,
was so easy that Tacitus gives no hint of it, but passes
it as a thing of course and in another place says,
that Agricola discovered the Celtic tribes in Gallo-
way, and went and planted castles among them. But
when the Caledonians appear in Roman history, it is
to open a new scene; and to give a sample of such
people as were to overturn the Roman empire, a spe-
cimen of the Ostro-Goths, and the Westro-Goths on
the Euxine, and of the Northern Germans. Would
that, for the sake of civilization, the Piks had been
subdued! Yet their defiance, for three hundred years,
to all the power of Rome, is certainly a striking spec-
tacle in history. That their country was not subject
to Rome, is no compliment to it; but that the Ro-
mans so repeatedly attempted the conquest, and not
'
2
CHAP. XI.
385
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
only failed, but were forced to build many ramparts
and walls in their own defence, gives us a surprising
idea of the warlike spirit of these northern Goths, to
whom, as their southern brethren said, "the gods
themselves were not equal.""
When we see the state of war among the northern
Goths in particular, this mystery vanishes. Utter
contempt of death, joined with vast strength of body
and mind, necessarily insured to them defence and
conquest. But why enter upon so trite a theme, as
the spirit or manner of Gothic war? Why describe
the hall of Odin, and the eternal luxuries of those
slain in battle? Why paint the martial terrors, thun-
dering around a people who compared the delights of
a conflict to those of love, and who died laughing?
IV. NAVIGATION. As we meet with no distant ma-
ritime expeditions of the Piks, it is needless to en-
large on this head. It has already been shewn that
the Scandinavian ancestors and brethren of the Piks
were so skilful in navigation as to have regular fleets
in the time of Tacitus.
V. POETRY AND MUSIC. The Gothic Poetry forms
one of the most singular features in the history of
human manners. Its familiar and constant use is so
remote from modern ideas, nay from the practice of
any barbaric nation, ancient or modern, that it seems
to us almost incredible. Yet nothing is more certain
than that to be taught the composition of verse, and
the use of arms, formed the whole Gothic education.
Verse was in such familiar use among the Goths, that
it was common to accost a stranger in verse, who at
1
Cæsar, IV. 7.-The weapons and battles of the Gothic nations,
are perfectly known. Their ensigns were at first heads of boars,
wolves, bulls, and other beasts. But Arrian, in Tactic, describes the
Scythic ensigns of his time as dragons made of cloth, and hissing in
the wind. The Scotish banner, 1138, was a dragon. Dalrymple's
Annals, p. 79, from Aldred de Bello Standardi.
VOL. I.
2 B
386
PART III.
PIKS.
24
once answered in the same.' The Scalds were only
men more distinguished for this talent; and who,
from superiority in it, were led especially to practise
it. But, even to understand their verses, it was re-
quisite to have studied poetry much; for their me-
taphors are so violent and remote, and the construc-
tion so entirely changed, that a poem was required
to be committed to memory, and often revolved,
before it could be thoroughly understood. As a
specimen of the figures, gold is called the dragon's
bed, the tears of Freya; poetry, the present, or the
drink, of Odin; a combat, the bath of blood; the
hail of Odin, the shock of bucklers; the sea, the field
of pirates; a ship, the horse of the waves, &c. &c. &c.
Hardly any idea was exprest in simple and direct
terms. Hence the obscurity is prodigious: and to
explain one ode of Edda of Sæmund, Eric Hallsen,
an Icelandic poet of last century, employed ten years,
and was forced, after all, to give it up in despair.³
This, to be sure, is an unique instance, as that ode
is the most obscure remain of northern antiquity.
Nor does this darkness arise from the metaphors only,
but from the construction, which is so perverted,
that the most perverted part of a Greek or Roman
poet seems plain English to it.
Hence it required superior understanding and skill
to develope this poetry. But it may naturally be con-
cluded, that the more ancient the Gothic poetry is,
it will be the more simple. The Death Song of Reg-
nar Lodbrog, who was king of Denmark about 820,
is an ancient remain of Scandinavian poetry; and,
though not so perplexed as many later pieces, it has
nevertheless very remote figures, as a battle is called
the ocean of wounds. In short, simplicity seems to
{
1
* Sagas, and Northern Writers, passim.
* Gunlaug's Saga.
3 Edda Sæmundi, Hafnia 1787, 4to, tom. 1.
CHAP XI.
387
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
have been shunned as a matter of ease; and the more
art, labour, and such scaldic science as then prevail-
ed, that were employed, so much higher was the
praise. Thus we see that even barbaric society is
capable of false taste, and false refinement, in poetry.
The Goths were too ingenious; and sacrificed the
delicious poetry of the heart to that refined art, and
remote sense, which only employ the head; and em-
ploy the head in vain, for nothing can be more fool-
ish, than for a man to use much time and labour to
wrap a thought in obscurity, only in order that an-
other may use much time and labour to develope it;
while the former, by speaking plain at once, might
have saved the whole toil, and have attained far su-
perior praise. This unhappy taste for ænigmas per-
vades much of the Gothic poetry, and only serves
now to excite our wonder at seeing extreme inge-
nuity, and false refinement, in barbaric society. In
other barbaric poetry, perfect simplicity is sure to be
found; but in the Gothic the case totally differs;
and the very study of the ancient Scandinavian poe-
try, is to this day a peculiar and real science by it-
self; requiring as much, nay more, skill in its my-
thology; kinds of verse, which amount to at least
three times the number ever known to the Greeks,
or Romans; metaphors, phraseology, &c. than is
necessary to the perfect knowledge of the Greek and
Roman poetry. A phænomenon altogether asto-
nishing; and which sets all theory of human man-
ners at defiance! The Celtic poetry is quite differ-
ent; having no mythology at all, and only such few
metaphors and perversions, as are found in all rude
poetry, as in the Laplandic and Indian Heroic and
Amatory Ballads.
The Gothic poems were all short, as common sense
dictates must be the case in all traditional poetry.
388
PART III.
PIKS.
The story of Homer's poetry being preserved by tra-
dition, for three centuries, is quite fabulous; for he
wrote about four hundred years after letters were
used, both in Greece and Asia. The Death Song of
Regnar Lodbrog is among the longest pieces of Go-
thic poetry supposed to be traditionally preserved;
and it extends to about twenty-nine octave stanzas,
of short lines. Ossian, and Epic Poems, preserved
by tradition, are ideas which could not have occurred
but to a Celtic understanding. The longest kind of
poem, known to the Goths, was that called the Dra-
pa,' which to relieve the memory had always a bur-
den and it was a very long Drapa which had thir-
ty octave stanzas, of these very short lines, so usual,
and so disagreeable in Gothic poetry, consisting of
but three, four, or five syllables each. A piece of this
sort, would not of course contain more words than
sixty, or eighty lines of Homer. The Floker was a
shorter kind, without burden. The Mals, Lioths,
and Quidas, of the Edda of Sæmund, the earliest re-
pository of Scandinavian poetry, being collected
about the year 1110, never exceed fifty short stanzas,
of very short lines: and it is suspected by some Scan-
dinavian antiquaries, that a few of them are of his
own composure. Rhyme is unknown to the early north-
ern poetry; and seems never to have been used till
after the Scandinavians were Christians, in the ele-
venth century, and began to imitate the rhyming Latin
verses of the monks, the real inventors of rhyme.
The Celtic poetry, as that of a weak and dispirited
people might be expected to be, is almost wholly me-
lancholic in a supreme degree. All the mock Ossian
is full of misery and death. The Gothic poetry is the
exact reverse of this, being replete with that warm
* See an account of the Drapa, in Gunlaug's Saga, p. 1. 15, 113.
Of the Floker, ib. 113.
CHAP. XI
989
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
alacrity of mind, cheerful courage, and quick wis-
dom, which attend superior talents. It was a custom
of the Gothic warriors, to sing their own death song.
So did Regnar Lodbrog; so did also king Bodvar;
and many others, noted in northern story. We have
a most remarkable corresponding instance in Proco-
pius, who wrote about the year 560. He attended
Belisarius in his expedition against Gilimer, king of
the Vandals, in Africa, 533; and tells us, that Gili-
mer being defeated, and blocked up in the mountain
Pappua, he composed a song on his own misfortunes,
which he sung to the harp. Soon after he was for-
ced to yield himself; and Procopius informs us, that
he laughed much, when he came before Belisarius,
for that purpose: though the step was to him worse
than death, had he not apparently hoped that he
might thereby intercede for his people.
The Pikish poetry, no doubt, consisted, like that
of the other Goths, altogether in ballads, or songs
upon the subjects of mythology, history, genealogy,
moral advices, panegyrics of heroes, and love. In
particular, Heroic Ballads, and Love Ballads, are the
earliest poetry of all nations. The Laplanders cele-
brate old chiefs, as well as their mistresses; but we
have no specimen of the former, though the Specta-
tor has made the latter well known. Even in the
confined circle of the Farroe Isles, the Gothic inha-
bitants have their songs on celebrated champions.
And that this custom was most ancient among the
German Goths appears from Tacitus, who tells us of
the great Arminius, caniturque adhuc apud barbaras
gentes," he is yet sung by the barbarous nations.'
Eginhart tells us, that Charlemagne "wrote and
committed to memory the barbarous and most an-
I
* Debes's account of the Farroe Isles, p. 273. Torfæus de rebus
gestis Forræensium, passim.
390
PART III.
PIKS.
cient songs, in which the acts and wars of former
kings were celebrated." Asser tells us the same of
Alfred. Jornandes says, the funeral of Theodoric,
the Gothic king, was cantibus honoratum, "honoured
with songs." Of historic and genealogic songs I have
treated above. Of moral songs we have fine exam-
ples in the Haavamal, and other pieces of Sæmund's
Edda. Love ditties form another species of early
poetry, known, like the Heroic, to all barbaric na-
tions. Some of the old Scandinavian, I am informed,
are exquisitely tender; and though few have been
published, yet good examples appear in the Sagas.
Take these translations of two stanzas.'
Virgin of the beautiful face, learn my verse s.
you remember them, they will deceive your languid
hours, when your lover is distant; and the youth of
your heart will appear in your memory."
"We stood together upon the green grass, when
the damsel with beauteous locks, and sweet counte-
nance, embracing me with her arms, weeped bitter-
ly; and, with linen whiter than snow; wiped the
thick-falling tears from her radiant eyes."
The Scandinavians had also ludicrous and satiric
poetry; of which good specimens may be found in
the Edda of Sæmund, as the Ægis-drecka, or Feast
of Æger, at which Lok appears, and tells all the gods
and goddesses present their faults; and other pieces
similar.
Of Gothic or Scandinavian Music we know little.
In battle the horn was chiefly used, as in Scotland,
down to the fourteenth century. The harp was a
Gothic instrument, first invented in Asia, and pass-
ing with the Goths to the extremities of Europe,
and into the Celtic countries. The ancient Irish
harp was small like the Gothic. The bagpipe, so
1 From Gunlaug's Saga.
CHAP. XI.
391
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
foolishly thought a peculiar old Highland instrument,
was used by the Greeks and Romans, as we know
from many marbles, coins, &c. and Roman authors.
From Procopius we learn, that in the sixth century
it was the instrument of war among the Roman in-
fantry, as the trumpet was among the horse.' Hence
there is little doubt began its warlike use in Britain
and in other countries subject to the Romans.
Division II. Private Manners.
I. BIRTH, MARRIAGE, DEATH. Among the Goths,
children were dipped in a stream, or lake, soon after
the birth; and a name was given them. This was
considered as an holy office, for all waters were held
sacred. Exposition of children was cruelly allowed,
as among the early Greeks and Romans. If the fa-
ther desired that the child should be preserved, he
took it in his arms, or put it on his knee. Exposition,
though always very rare, continued lawful in Scandi-
navia till 1024. Men of eminent science often edu-
cated children gratis, from infancy to manhood.
In marriage I cannot discover a shadow of any sa-
cred ceremony among the Goths.3 The bridegroom
* Lib. II. c. 22, he describes the bagpipe as a bugons te, nai Žvλou
VπEgayαv HETTOV, "made of leather, and thin wood." Nero used to
perform on the bagpipe, and there is a coin of his with that instru-
ment on the reverse: See Sueton. in Nerone, c. 14, and Vossii
Lexicon Etym, in voce Utricularius; where he observes that Var-
ro calls it Pythaula; and above all Blanchini de tribus generibus
musicæ veterum organicæ, Romæ, 1742, 4to. The bagpipe is still
familiar among the Greek and Italian shepherds. In Scotland and
Ireland it seems quite modern, for Giraldus Cambrensis, though so
full on the music of these countries, does not mention it. See his
Top. Hib.
See a long and curious memoir De expositione infantum at the
end of Gunlaug's Saga.
3 Judge Blackstone observes in his Commentaries, vol. I. that
marriage was totally a civil contract, till Pope Innocent III. about
the year 1210, ordained its celebration in the church.
392
PART III.
PIKS.
presented a present to the damsel's father, or guar-
dian; which has been strangely interpreted by su-
perficial theorists, as if he bought his bride. It was a
mere token of respect, usual on this occasion among
the Greeks and Romans; and Tacitus tells us, that
the German Goths gave and took presents upon many
occasions. Women were held in such adoration
among the Goths, that to have bought a wife would
have ruined the richest of them. The bride also
gave a present to the husband. The parties and
friends being met, the father solemnly delivered the
bride to the bridegroom, with a form of words.
After which the marriage feast, the chief part of the
ceremony, followed.
Bodies of common people, and of enemies, were
buried; those of chiefs burnt, if opportunity served;
if not, they were buried. When burnt, the ashes were
put in earthen urns, as among the Greeks and Ro-
mans; and a barrow of earth, in proportion to the
rank, was thrown up. That of a beloved king was
sometimes like a little hill.
II. EATING AND DRINKING. Pork was a favourite
food of the Scandinavians; and boars' flesh the main
article of Odin's Feast. In Iceland, when first plant-
ed, herds of swine, and of sheep, are often mention-
ed.' Horse flesh was used in Scandinavia and Iceland
till the eleventh century, when it was forbid by the
Christian missionaries. A curious relic of the old
Scythian manners described by Herodotus! The chief
drink of the Goths was ale. Wine and meed were oc-
casionally used. They drank out of horns, as the an-
cient Thracians and other Scythians. I have seen a
Scandinavian drinking-horn, carved, painted, and
* Islands Landnama. The Christianity of the dark ages induced
an horror for swine's flesh, as the gospel represents the devils enter-
ing into the swine.
CHAP. XI.
393
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
adorned with silver; with a whistle made of bone at
the small end, in order to call servants. Cæsar de-
scribes such horns as used by the Germans.
The
III. HOUSES AND DRESS. The houses of the com-
mon people in all the countries of Europe, were at
first wooden; and continued so till within these two
centuries. Among the Goths, the houses of the kings,
and great men, were also of wood: consisting of
many apartments on a floor, surrounded with a wood-
en palisade, forming within a curtis, or court.
women's apartment was separated from the rest, and
often fortified with another ditch, and palisade, to pre-
vent their being carried off in these barbarous times.¹
The eating room, or hall, was the chief part of the
house. At an entertainment, the guests sat on large
benches, on either side the hall, and in the midst of
each bench was an high chair, or seat of honour, for
the chief persons, with one opposite for the next in
rank. The floor was sprinkled with straw, a custom
continued in the royal palaces in England, till the
sixteenth century. The fire was in the middle of the
hall; and all along its wall were boxed beds, yet much
used in Scotish villages. The guests sat just before
their beds, so as they could step into them with ease.
A vast vessel of ale was placed on the floor, whence
to fill the horns.
24
The dress of the early Goths consisted only in a
skin thrown over the shoulders. But the chiefs even
then wore a close jacket and trousers. The last habit
in time became common to the people. In the co-
lumn of Trajan, the Daci are so represented; and
such was the early Icelandic habit. Breeches were
the peculiar habit of the Goths, and unknown to the
See Cleffel. Ant. Germ. and the Northern Antiquaries, for an
account of the skemmur, or women's apartments.
* Curious prints and descriptions of old Icelandic houses may be
found in Gunlaug's Saga.
5
394
PART III.
PIKS.
Celts, from the beginning to this day. Gallia Brac-
catta, or Breeched Gaul, was infallibly inhabited by
Gothic-German Gauls, as its position might also shew.
The mantle was also a part of dress among the chiefs.
The ancient German women wore only a close
shift of linen, often striped with purple. It had no
sleeves; and a part of the neck was left bare. In the
Icelandic poetry, clothed in linen is a frequent epi-
thet for the women. But in the earliest times the
linen shift was a dress of rank; and the other wo-
men roamed naked, like dryades, among the German
woods, glittering in the natural splendour of a snow-
white skin, rosy cheeks, and a prodigious length of
golden hair. For the hair of the Gothic women was
often so plenteous, as when they combed it to cover
them all around, and reach the ground as they sat. In
winter, a skin of some beast was thrown over their
shoulders, and fastened before with a thorn, or other
rude pin. As the skin was of no use without such
pin, the antiquists may hence derive the necessity
and origin of pin-money. In time the women also
adorned themselves with glass beads, which they pro-
cured from foreign merchants, as the Indians do now.
Such beads of most colours are found in urns in Ger-
many; with hair-pins, and hair-rings, to fasten on
the ringlets with the pins, as an ornament. Such ar-
ticles distinguish a woman's urn; as brass razors do
a man's: for we learn from the ancients, that the
German men shaved their beards, and only wore
mustachios.
IV. OCCUPATIONS. It is well known that the early
Gothic occupations were hunting, fishing, and pas-
turage and in time agriculture. From Tacitus it
appears, that German Goths had orchards. But war
was the grand occupation of the Goths.
V. ARTS AND SCIENCES. Herodotus, and other an-
cients, pronounce the Scythians the wisest of man-
CHAP. XI,
395
MANNERS OF THE PIKS.
:
kind and wisdom is the parent of true art and
science. They had philosophers, and were skilled in
astronomy. Tacitus describes the German houses as
built of rude materials, without mortar or tyles. He
mentions not the materials; but another ancient
tells us, they were of wood. But Tacitus adds, that
some of them were done over with an earth, so pure
and splendid, that it resembled painting. This cus-
tom continued a long time; and the earth used was
called rothe erde, red earth, and Englische erde, be-
cause they brought it from Britain. The only ge-
nuine specimens of the early Gothic architecture,
are the Piks houses, singular exertions of barbaric
art. The old Scandinavians were remarkable for
carving, with a knife, little figures of wood, or bone,
and such have been found in Scotland; particularly
a little image of a king, on a throne, dug up near
Dunstafnage, and probably a Norwegian work, done
when these people were possessed of the Hebud Isles,
and part of the western coast. On the Gothic arts
and sciences, much might be said; but it is the great-
ness of the subject which forces me not to enter on
it here.
VI. AMUSEMENTS. Gaming was the favourite
amusement of the Gothic nations, and known among
them in the earliest times, and in all their most bar-
baric professions. Tacitus describes the Germans as
passionately addicted to gaming. In Iceland, chess
was general; and in the eleventh century we find
Gunlaug the scald playing at chess with the beautiful
Helga, whose love so excited him and Rafen, an-
nother scald, that they fought, and fell by mutual
wounds.3 Conversation was another chief amuse-
ment; and was employed principally in narrating
• Herodian VII. 5. • Cleffel. Ant. Germ. p. 168.
* See that beautiful northern love-tale, Gunlaug's Saga.
396
PART III.
PIKS.
the acts of great men, in proposing and solving ænig-
mas, and in trials of poetic skill. But news were a
perfect feast of the rude Goths. In Iceland, when a
foreign ship arrived it was a privilege of the chief
men to hear the earliest news; and the vulgar were
not allowed to approach till they were satiated. Their
counsels were often guided by such intelligence as
chance supplied. An exact picture of the Gothic
Gauls, as described by Cæsar. The polite Athenians
were also remarkable for this love of news. But I
have already exceeded the bounds proposed in the
sketch of early Gothic manners, whereby to illustrate
those of the Piks, and must begin another chapter.
J
!
CHAP. XII.
397
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
CHAPTER XII.
Pikish Antiquities.
It is much to be lamented that accuracy and pene-
tration are so rare in works written upon antiquarian
subjects. In every country, if the most unfortunate
books were to be named, it is believed that the anti-
quarian class would be immediately named. One
would imagine that, in such subjects, quite a different
mode of reasoning is allowed, than is employed in
treating any other branch of science. Instead of
facts, we find mere imagination: instead of argument,
only groundless conjecture, supported by such incohe-
rent and inconclusive sophistry, as must argue a de-
ranged understanding, if exerted on any other litera-
ry department.
Perhaps it may be said, that the very subject of an-
tiquities can only admit of opinion, and conjecture;
and never of real science: that we want grounds for
certain knowledge: that of course the mind, having
no fixt barriers, roams at pleasure in the wilds of con-
jecture, without any path to conduct it to the tem-
ple of truth.
But it must be answered, that the study of antiqui-
ties stands exactly on the same ground with that of
history. It is impossible indeed to write the ancient
history of a country, without being an antiquary.
Nay an historian must be an antiquary, if he ventures
on the history of any country, two centuries before
his own time; else he will err most grievously, in
narrating facts, founded on customs, and language,
$98
PART III.
PIKS.
different from those of his own times. The study of
history is thus so intimately connected with that of
antiquities, that it becomes almost the same. But
especially no man can treat of the antiquities of a
country, without knowledge of its history. The
origin of any law, or custom, the occasion and na-
ture of any monument of antiquity, can never be
displayed, without knowing what nations held the
country, and what events happened in it. The
foundations of antiquarian science, therefore, rest
solely on the ground of history.
Now in history, it is believed, none can deny that
there are fixt principles, whereby to distinguish truth
from falsehood, and opinion from science. In an-
cient history, the accounts of ancient authors form
the sole ground; and leave no room for opinion or
conjecture. We must abide by their testimonies;
and, when they differ among themselves, abide by
the most ancient, or best informed.
But ancient monuments generally escape the no-
tice of ancient histories; and we learn nothing from
Herodotus, or Ctesias, that can particularly illustrate
the ruins of Persepolis. We only know in general
that they must be remains, either of the Assyrian
empire, a part of which existed in the Babylonic, af-
ter the Median held the north of present Persia, or
of the Persian. And as Persian coins and gems pre-
sent us with the same dresses, and symbols, as are
found on these ruins, it must follow that they belong
to the Persian empire, which began so late as 570
years before Christ.
To apply this example to the present subject, it is
certain from ancient authors, and from present evi-
dence, that the Celts first possessed Britain and Ire-
land, till the Scythians, or Goths, came in and van-
quished them. No trace of any other nations than
the Celts, and the Goths, can be found in these is-
CHAP. XII.
399
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
lands, either from the testimony of ancient writers,
or from that infallible evidence, the language. The
civilized Romans, and their monuments, are here out
of the question; as their remains are perfectly mark-
ed, and known. The only question, therefore, among
antiquaries, is, whether to impute our barbaric mo-
numents to the Celts, or to the Goths?
It is well known that Stonehenge, as it is one of
the finest barbaric monuments in the world, has af-
forded the greatest room for antiquarian contesta-
tion. Inigo Jones, when he wrote a work to shew
it Roman, only gave a lamentable proof of that
truth, too much experienced in all countries, that
antiquities, like law, medicine, moral philosophy, na-
tural philosophy, form a peculiar and distinct branch
of science, only attainable by laborious study, and
experience in the subject; and that he who ventures
on them, without any claim to the character of an
antiquary, must err, however great his talents may
be in other respects. Indeed, it may safely be said
that good antiquaries are still more rare than even
good historians and any great library will afford
convincing proofs of the assertion. Dr Charleton,
who imputed Stonehenge to the Danes, because
many monuments of that kind are found in Den-
mark, came very near the mark; but reflected not
that the Danes were so late a people in England, that
its erection could hardly escape historic notice. Such
monuments are also common in Germany, so that it
might as plausibly have been given to the Saxons.
At last, the Celts and Druids becoming fashionable
in this century, Dr Stukeley assigned Stonehenge to
the Druids.
:
From this instance, and innumerable others, it is
perfectly known, that the only debate, concerning
the rude monuments in Britain and Ireland, is whe-
ther they are Celtic, or Gothic. There being indeed
400
PART III.
PIKS.
no end of conjecture, some French writers have late-
ly dreamed of a primitive people, as they call them,
to whom such monuments belong. It suffices to say,
that there is not a trace to be found of this primitive
people, but in imagination, all history being quite
mute and it is a certain rule, de non apparentibus, et
non existentibus, eadem est ratio. Not to mention that
those writers, so skilled in the ideal part of antiqui-
ties, always shew gross ignorance of the real. Their
reasoning is also truly antiquarian, and inconsistent.
From a similarity of barbaric monuments, from Ja-
pan to Britain, they reason that they are all remains
of one people: totally forgetting the similarity of
mental, and manual, powers through the whole ex-
tent of human naturc. Nay the very similarity they
find is chiefly imaginary; and no greater than be-
tween an English steeple and a Chinese pagoda. A
writer,' who deserves to be mentioned with respect,
but who is capable at times of dealing in all the non-
sense of genius, as a late work of his deplorably
proves, has lately started an idea of a people now
lost, to whom all nations are indebted for their arts
and sciences. This people he places in Tartary, be-
cause he found that the oldest astronomical observa-
tions indicated their being made in that clime. Fol-
lowing M. de Buffon's system, that the earth is a
piece of the sun, struck off by a comet, and must
have cooled first, and been first inhabited at the poles,
he concludes this people to have come from the north
pole, down to Tartary. In Britain, immediately ir-
2
* M. Bailly Lettres a M. Voltaire sur l'origine des Arts, &c.
Lettres sur l' Atlantide; a work built on an Egyptian fable told
by Plato, in utter forgetfulness that the Egyptians were noted for
falsehood. Did M. Bailly believe the Egyptian story, that the sun
had risen in the west, and reverted twice to the east, in the memory
of their annals? Which was the west, and which the east, when the
Atlantic affair happened?
CHAP. XII.
401
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
radiated with the light of Newton, M. de Buffon's
system has appeared, and will ever appear, a fanciful
reverie, unworthy of confutation, as it has no grounds
whatever, either to reason on, or be reasoned against.
M. Bailly's argument from old astronomical observa-
tions is curious; but may be answered, by granting
the opinion of many ancient and modern philoso-
phers, that this globe has suffered a change in its
position. A comet may change the posture of the
earth, far more easily than it could dash off all our
planetary system from the sun. If you grant one
conjecture, why not grant another to confute it?
But perhaps it is too much to allow M. Bailly's idea
of the ancient astronomical observations solid, for
the greatest astronomers have used these observations
before, without any such discovery. And it may be
that these observations are forged by the Greek au-
thors, who preserve them; Greece being in the same
climate with Tartary, though not with Babylon and
Arabia, generally reputed the very parent countries
of astronomy, till M. Bailly controverted their claim.
As to M. Bailly's argument, that the north of Asia
was once a warm climate, because elephants' bones
are found there, he must allow his conjecture to be
answered by another, that there was a breed of ele-
phants in remote ages, peculiar to a cold, as the pre-
sent is to a warm climate; just as Arabia, a hot cli-
mate, produces a peculiar and beautiful breed of as-
ses. Of conjectures there is no end; and he who
deals in them must expect to be confuted by them.
His idea, that the riches found in Tartaric tombs be-
long to this primitive people in Tartary, only shews
his total ignorance of antiquities; for it is perfectly
known, that they are, for the most part, Persian
spoils, won by Genghis Chan, and Timur, in their
VOL. I.
* Niebuhr Descript. d'Arabie.
2 C
402
PART III.
PIKS.
expeditions, as appears from their fabric: and that
the fragments, really Tartaric, are of no older date
than the first of these conquerors, who first brought
wealth into Tartary. In short, his idea of a primitive
people in Siberia and Tartary, from whom the arts
sprung, is not only opposite to all ancient history,
but is confutable from the certain fact, that no ruins,
coins, nor reliques of any kind, used by a civilized
people, can be found in these countries, but what
are of very late date: and it is not to be supposed
that this civilized people, from whom arts and sciences
sprung, would be strangers to those arts which mark
the residence of civilized nations. But of this too
much.
For my part, who never venture further than his-
tory will carry me, I have nothing to do with the
primitive world, nor with any primitive nation; but
shall leave literary Quixotes to conquer such islands
on dry land for their Sanchos. From ancient Greek
and Roman writers, it is perfectly known that the
west of Europe was anciently inhabited by two grand
races of men, the Scythians and the Celts: the latter
being indigenes, the former an Asiatic people. When
Cæsar entered Britain, and first disclosed it to histo-
ric authority, he found the indigenes, or Celts, con-
fined to the interior, or distant parts of the island;
while the Belgæ, a German progeny, as he informs
us, had all the maritime parts. The Celts were, as
he says, strangers to agriculture, and lived by hunt-
ing and their flocks; while the Belgæ were an agri-
cultural people. Britain again remained unvisited
by the Romans for a century longer, when Claudius
began the conquest.' During that century, the Bel-
gæ had been always gaining ground, as civilized co-
lonies do among savages. In Ptolemy's time, it is
* See the authorities produced, Part II. c. 1.
CHAP. XII.
403
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
clear that the Belgæ had all the south and east of
present England. In the north the Piks were a Go-
thic people, as the Belgæ in the south: but the Piks
had expelled a Celtic people from the north, as the
Belgæ had from the south.
Thus history so far illustrates the barbaric monu-
ments in Britain, as to make it certain, that they
must be either Celtic or Gothic. The first and grand
enquiry therefore, among antiquaries, ought to have
been, whether they are Celtic or Gothic; or which
are Celtic, and which Gothic? But most unhappily
they have taken them all for Celtic, while the truth
is quite on the other side. It is indeed the peculiar
defect of antiquaries to take, as sure foundations,
those very points which are entirely false and delu-
sory. Thus Pelloutier, Mallet, and others, regard
the Celts and Goths as all one people: and, without
using a single authority or argument upon the sub-
ject, assume, as granted, a gross error; building vast
edifices upon a morass, without once examining the
foundation, though that foundation ought to have
been their principal care. In like manner none of
our antiquaries has ever examined, if our barbaric re-
mains be really Celtic, or Gothic: but they have
taken it for granted that they are Celtic, nay, that
they are Druidic, as they facetiously call them, with-
out ever using a single argument or authority on the
subject. This error is indeed chiefly owing to their
gross ignorance of the ancient history of their caun-
try, which leads them to regard the whole inhabitants
of Britain and Ireland as Celts, till the Saxons enter-
ed England: whereas all Britain and Ireland were
conquered, and in a great measure possest, by the
Goths, two centuries before the birth of Christ, as
shewn, or to be shewn, in these volumes. Indeed
the French antiquaries, though infinitely superior
to ours in all other respects, have to this hour shewn
1
404
PART III.
PIKS.
little knowledge of the conquest of Gaul, and popu-
lation of one third of it, by the Belgæ, a Gothic peo-
ple; but whom they regard as being themselves Celts.
In all science error has first appeared, by the natural
propensity of the human mind to falsehood; but not
without beneficial effects, for truth is never firm till
erected upon the ruins of error. Malebranche pre-
ceded Locke; and Descartes, Newton. May history
keep pace with other sciences in England; and be
erected upon the ruins of foreign error!
CC
Another radical cause of this error is, that antiquaries
regard the Druids, and their rites, as universal among
the western nations in Germany, Scandinavia, Gaul,
Britain, Ireland. Here they again take for granted a
foundation, not only to be proved, but impossible to be
proved, and utterly false. Cæsar tells us expressly of
the Germans, neque Druides habent, they have no
Druids:" Tacitus, in his long and valuable account
of Germany, says not one word of Druids: nor is
there one authority in all antiquity for Druids being
at all known, except in Gaul and Britain. Even in
these two countries they were only known among
the Celts of the west. For Cæsar tells us, the Belgæ
of Gaul were Germans of quite different speech, laws,
and manners, from the Celts; and, as Germans, it
follows from this express testimony, that they had no
Druids. The Belge of Britain are exactly in the
same predicament. When the Romans attacked An-
glesey, they found Druids; but there is not one au-
thority for their existence among the British Belgæ,
nay direct authorities, as above seen, against it. The
Caledonians, Tacitus calls Germans; and Beda, with
other proofs above given, evince them Scandinavians;
and it is of course impossible that they could have
Druids. In Ireland there is not a shadow of an au-
thority for the very name of Druid being known;
and antiquaries might, with equal reason, give us
CHAP. XII.
405
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
Bonzes and Dervises in Ireland. Cæsar tells us, that
Druidism was invented in Britain, and passed to
Gaul; and there is reason to conclude, that it was
originally taught by the Phoenicians to the people of
Cornwall, where they traded for tin, as its deities and
mythology are clearly Phoenician. The god Beli-
nus or Baal, the mystic egg, &c. are mere transcripts
of Phoenician theology; and, if we had much light
on the Druidic system, there is room to infer that
the resemblance would be complete : but all we have
from the ancients concerning the Druids would not
fill a page. As to the dreams of French and British
antiquists on the subject, they are only fit for laugh-
ter; and Druidic is beginning to be a term for the
most nonsensical nonentity of antiquism. The cus-
toms of all nations and languages are huddled toge-
ther, to make out a mass of Druidism; while there
is no authority at all for Druids being known beyond
present North Wales on the north, and the river Ga-
ronne, the bound of the Celtæ in Gaul, on the south.
A line drawn by the Severn in Britain, and Seine in
Gaul, forms the eastern bound, while the ocean forms
the western. Pliny tells us, that Tiberius abolished
the Druidic religion, which he could not have done,
had it spread so wide as we dream. But in Nero's
time there were Druids found in Mona, or Anglesey,
by Suetonius Paullinus; which would seem to have
been their last refuge : and Paullinus destroyed their
groves to root up a superstition so detestable to
good government, from the power-of its priests above
kings, and to civilized manners, from its human sa-
crifices. But as superstitions are not easily eradica
ted, some individuals continued their veneration of
I
Præsidium posthac impositum victis, excisique luci sævis super-
stitionibus sacri; nam cruore captivo adolere aras, et hominum fi.
bris consulere deos, fas habebant. Tacit. Annal. xiv.
12
406
PART III.
PIKS.
Druidism to a late period. It is also remarkable, that
after that event only female Druids are mentioned.'
That our old barbaric monuments are Celtic or
Druidic, not one authority or argument has been
used to prove. That they are not Celtic, but Gothic,
may be shewn from the following authorities and ar-
guments.
2
1. They are found all over Germany and Scandi-
navia, nay in Iceland, where it is certain no Celts
nor Druids existed. As it is perfectly known that
the Gothic inhabitants of Britain came from Germa-
ny and Scandinavia, while no Celts nor Druids ever
went there, the inference is direct and obvious.
2. The Celts from all ancient accounts, and from
present knowledge, were, and are, a race, incapable
of labour, or even rude arts. They were indigenes
of Europe; as are the Fins; and no stone monuments
can be traced among the Fins. The Goths, on the
contrary, were only a barbaric race, with barbaric
arts from the beginning; and originated from Asia,
where the rude, as well as the cultivated, arts first
began.
3. The most remarkable barbaric monuments in
Europe are those circles of erect stones, which anti-
quists of this century call Druid temples. Nothing
I
* So the British Druidess foretold the fate of Diocletian. Aure-
lian consulted Gallicanas Druidas, Vopis. in Aur. Silvano sacr. et
nymphis loci, Arete Druis Antistita, somno monita, D. Inscr. apud
Grutet. p. 58, n. 9, found near Metz, where this Druidess perhaps
attended a Gallic cohort in the wars against Germany; if the
stone was not carried thither by chance, either in ancient or modern
times.
The latest mention of Druids is by Ammianus Marcellinus, lib.
xv. but he speaks of them as past, viguere, &c. as does Ausonius to
Patera.
Tu Baiocassis stirpe Druidarum satus,
Beleni sacratum ducis e templo genus.
This place was in Celtic Gaul. See Edit. Var.
* Worm. Mon. Dan. Keysler, Coxe's Travels, &c. &c. &c.
CHAP. XII.
407
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
can be more certain from all the ancients, who men-
tion the Druids, than that they had no temples, but
worshipped in groves. Had these been Druid tem-
ples, the Romans, when they abolished Druidism,
would have destroyed them in the very first place;
whereas many remain in the south of Britain, as well
as in the north. Tacitus, who especially mentions
the destruction of the Druidic groves, could not have
avoided mentioning that of the temples, had any such
existed.
4. In no Celtic author is there any mention of such
edifices or their use. Nennius thought Stonehenge
a work of Merlin's magic. But Scandinavian writers
specially mark the use of these circular monuments,
namely, to hold parliaments and courts of justice;
which, as all know, were among the Goths always
held in open air, to a late period. In Iceland,
which retained its pagan customs long, a native of
Iceland, Mr Thorkelin, professor of history at Copen-
hagen, informs me the very date of erecting some of
these circular monuments is known. And the use
of them is retained in the old annals and laws of the
country as well as their names still in the popular
mouth, namely, ting, or court. Islands Landnama,
a work of the thirteenth century, says, Oc thar hia er
sa domhringr er their dæmdu menn til blota. Thar
setti Thordr Geller fiordungs thing, med radi allra fi-
ordungsmanna ;' "A judicial circle stands there,
where men were doomed for sacrifice. There Thor-
der Geller erected a court for one quarter, by the
consent of all that quarter's men." Adam of Bre-
men says, the Danes called a council of the nation
Warph or Thing. These courts occur of all sizes,
2
* P. 94. Havniæ, 1774, 4to. In the same work, p. 257, is men-
tion of rock idols worshipped by one Fyvind; and it affords innu-
merable other lights on Gothic antiquities.
* So Upsalating, Lanasting, Allting, Almenting, &c. Loccen. Ant.
Sueo Goth. p. 73, 74.
408
PART III.
PIKS.
from the national council down to the court of the
district. Twelve stones were often set for the twelve
judges to sit under, in chief courts of justice. But
national councils had larger space, and more stones;
´and courts for a district, from their confined jurisdic-
tion, had fewer judges, and stones. A rope drawn
around the stones impannelled the court, and kept
off the crowd. Greek and Roman writers afford us
no light concerning these monuments, which is in-
deed surprising, especially in Tacitus, who mentions
the courts of the Germans held in open air. But
the vastness of the Koman works made them look
upon monuments, which strike us with surprise, as
beneath notice. The Icelandic writers are indeed
late but the argument hinges upon this, that they
mark the use of these monuments, as familiar to their
people; whereas not one Celtic writer gives any hint
concerning their use. The argument is therefore
clear and fair, that these monuments are Gothic, not
Celtic. And these four arguments must be allowed
convincing, when it is reflected that not one authori-
ty, or argument, can be used on the other side.
:
A respectable writer,' but whose work betrays
crude and inaccurate reading, and want of judgment,
in eternally blending authors of the first and sixteenth
cénturies, that is, authorities with no authorities; and
mingling the whole with a mass of tradition, etymo-
logy, and vague conjecture; has indicated the fol-
lowing as Druidic monuments. 1. Single stones
erect. 2. Rock idols, and pierced stones. 3. Rock-
ing stones, as ordeals. 4. Sepulchres of two, three,
or more stones. 5. Circular temples. 6. Barrows
or tumuli. 7. Cromlechs, or heaps of stones. 8.
Rock basons for Druids expiations. 9. Caves for re-
treat in war.
"Borlase's Cornwall.
CHAP. XII.
409
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
Most of these sorts are found in Scandinavia and
Germany, as every one who has glanced at the works
of Wormius and Keysler, not to mention many other
German and Scandinavian antiquaries, must perfect-
ly know. Divisions, 2. Rock idols, and pierced stones;
3. Rocking stones: 8. Rock basons, I must confess,
do not seem, as far as I recollect, to have been re-
marked in Scandinavia and Germany. Indeed anti-
quaries of these countries, being little addicted to vi-
sions, seem to have consigned these articles to the
naturalists, as there is great room to infer them of
the lusus naturæ. Natural history now informs us,
that gravel and sand are often comminuted rock;
and, in the course of this comminution, the hardest
parts of the rocks remain entire; and may, in some
instances, form odd shapes. These odd shapes are
rock idols in some cases: in others one hard part of
rock is left suspended on another, as if by human
art, whence some rocking stones; though others
may be real monuments of battles, &c. as are the sin-
gle stones. But for their being ordeals, there is no
proof; but puerile conjecture. As to stones pierced,
either horizontically, or excavated on the top into
apparent basons, both cases proceed from local soft-
ness in the rock, as the former two from local hard-
ness. But as the whole scheme of Borlase rests upon
his confounding the Gothic with the Celtic nations;
and his opinion upon this subject has been confuted
by a writer of real and solid learning; it is unnecessa-
ry to attack parts of a work, which stands altogether
on a false foundation. That rocking stones were se-
pulchral among the early Greeks may appear from a
passage of Apollonius Rhodius, hitherto, so far as I
remember, not produced on this subject.
' Dr Percy, pref. to Northern Antiquities.
410
PART HI
PIKS:
Τηνω εν αμφιρυτή πεφνεν, και αμησατο γαιαν
Αμφ' αυτοις ; στηλας τε δύω καθυπερθεν έτευξεν,
Ὧν ἑτερηθαμβος, περιοσιον ανδρασι λευςειν,
Κινυται ηχηεντος ύπο πιοιη βορειο.
"He slew them in sea-rounded Tenos, and raised
a hillock about them; and placed two stones on the
top of which one (the admiration of men) moves
to the sonorous breath of the northern wind."
3
But it may be said, if these monuments be Gothic,
how came they to be found in the west of England,
and in Ireland, peculiar seats of the Celts, though
the east and north of Britain were in the hands of
the Goths two centuries before Christ? Be it answer-
ed, that the Belgæ had not only peopled the east
of England, but also the south of Ireland: and, as we
know from Strabo," that they not only held all the
east of Gaul, but had colonies in the furthest west,
such may be presumed to have been the case with
Britain and Ireland. The people of Wales and
Cornwall must in the course of four centuries, that
the Romans held South Britain, have been mixed
with Romans and Belga. Not to mention that many
of these monuments may be Danish; for the Danes,
in the ninth century, conquered Ireland, as univer-
sally known. And from Borlase himself, p. 42, 43,
372, it is clear that the Danes, in 787, settled in
Cornwall, and that the Cornwallians remained under
their protection till 938, when conquered by Athel-
stan, who first brought them under the Saxon yoke.
1
Argon I. M. d'Hancarville says, rocking stones are found from
Japan to Britain.. Apollonius also mentions a cromlech, or altar of
loose stones, lib. II.
* Lib. IV. The Veneti were Belgæ.
3 Menapia in Wales was doubtless found by the Menapii of Ire
land, and of Belgic Gaul. Cæsar speaks as if all the maritime part
of Britain was possessed by the Belga. If so, they held all the
shores; but he can only be trusted as to the part he visited.
CHAP. XIL
411
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
Yet Borlase never thinks of assigning these monu-
ments to the Pagan Danes! In Wales the Danes had
also frequent alliance, intercourse, abode. But it is
most probable that in Ireland, Wales, Cornwall, most
of these remains are really Belgic.
The erection of such vast stones, and the placing of
one upon another, occasions great surprise. A work
upon Barbaric Arts would be curious and interesting.
In Peru the erection of regular edifices, with stones
of equal size, is certainly matter of more wonder.' It
has lately been shewn that all our difficulties, con-
cerning the barbaric monuments in Europe, may be
done away by a simple process. Whole armies and
tribes were employed in erecting such monuments;
and what could not be done by art was effected by
the numbers employed. Large mounds of earth were
thrown up, with a gentle declivity, along which the
stone was forced with wedges of wood, and the strength
of successive parties. When got to the top, it was
forced over an aperture, at the further and precipitous
end of the mound. Another stone, if required, could
be placed on its top, by the same method. For cir-
cles successive mounds were made, and removed;
and patience and numbers compensated the want of
machines and of art.
But let us pass more immediately to our present
subject. The antiquities of the Piks, the Gothic in-
habitants of Scotland, may be reduced to these clas-
ses..
I. Single Stones erect; being 1. Sepulchral. 2
Memorial. 3. Boundaries.
II. Barrews, or Sepulchral Hillocks.
III. Temples, and Places of Judgment.
IV. Castles
V. Caves.
I
Voyage of Ulloa.
412
PART III.
PIKS.
VI. Entrenchments.
I. SINGLE STONES. Plain erect stones are common
in Scotland, as in most other countries.
II. BARROWS. There is no authority, and no rea-
son to believe, that the Celts ever used to raise hillocks
over their illustrious dead. The plain cromlech, or
little heap of stones, was more consonant to their in-
dolence; and it is well known, that they used it till
a late period. Barrows are certainly Gothic, as they
were ancient Scythian. Many such have lately been
opened in England, with laudable curiosity. Some-
times urns are found, sometimes small stone coffins,
in which the bones were put; sometimes entire skele-
tons; so that it is inferable that burning, or burial, was
used as opportunity served, or as superstition dictated.
Among the Romans, burning the dead ceased in the
third century. Among the Goths it continued to be
occasionally used till their conversion to Christianity.
There is no room to believe that the Celts ever burn-
ed their dead at all. In Scandinavia sepulchral
mounts are frequent. They are sometimes surround-
ed with stones at the bottom, and have sometimes a
stone on the top. The tombs of the old Swedish kings
near Upsal are all conic mounts: as others in the Isle
Biorkoo.
Mr Pennant, vol. III. p. 155, describes a singular
Cairn in the parish of Fettercairn, of vast size, which
he considers as sepulchral, an opinion which his de-
scription renders dubious. But a large barrow near
Inverness was also discovered to be a pile of stones
and sand, covered with sod. This was a
This was a Scandina-
vian mode, as may be seen in Dahlberg's Suecia An-
tiqua et Hodierna, plate 323.
III. TEMPLES, AND PLACES of Judgment. It is
singular that no ancient writer mentions those cir-
cles of vast stones, which strike us with so much sur-
prise. Had they been Druidic temples, surely, in
CHAP. XII.
418
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
the ancient accounts we have of the Druids, their
using such remarkable temples would not have been
omitted. But the ancients mark groves as the only
Druidic temples. These circles are therefore, in
every appearance, chiefly Courts of Justice. They
are Gothic; and are found in Scandinavia, and in
Iceland in the last country a place of this kind is
called Dom-thing, implying a Court of Judgment.'
In the middle is a stone for the judge to sacrifice,
who in the Pagan times was always a priest; as
among the Greeks, priest and king, or chief magis-
trate, were generally united in one person. Hence
these places were in fact regarded as both temples
and courts of justice and it was no unusual thing
in Pagan Iceland for a human victim to be sacrificed,
before proceeding to hear causes, and administer
justice. There is reason to conclude that Stone-
henge, and other such monuments of enormous stones,
were used for the same purpose. The magnificence
of Stonehenge, and such fabrics, may arise from their
being Supreme Courts, in which the king sat, and
rude parliaments were held; the chiefs being within,
the people without the circle. For all courts were
anciently held in the open air; and the rude parlia-
ments especially, in which, as Tacitus expressly tells,
the whole people had a vote. The stones across the
top of two others were apparently conveniences for
the chiefs to get up, and speak to the people, who,
as Tacitus describes, dissented by murmurs, or ap-
plauded by clashing their shields. Stonehenge may
have been the Supreme Court of the Belgic Britons.
For the Belgæ, properly by superiority so called,
are by Ptolemy and Richard placed in that very tract:
and Sorbiodunum, their capital, was Old Sarum, as
all agree. That Stonehenge, and such monuments,
* Also Domhring," circulus judicialis." Isl. Landn. p. 94.
414
PART III.
PIKS.
might easily be erected by a simple process of raising
mounts has been lately shewn; so that there is no
occasion to have recourse to giants, beings of imagi-
nation. This opinion that Stonehenge was really a
barbaric parliament house, being, it is believed, new,'
it is, after the various opinions of so many great men
concerning this wonderful monument, most humbly
submitted to the reader's candour. The noble circle
at Classernis in Lewis may also be of this kind; an
ancient Gothic court, in which great affairs were
decided the avenue, &c. being mere pieces of rude
magnificence, as the double circle is at Stonehenge,
and others.
2
We are not, however, to imagine that every small
circle of stones is a court of justice. Some such were
family burying places: others, temples erected to
several small deities. Some large ones were solemn
to the election of the king, or chief; and such have
commonly twelve stones in a circle, and a large one
in the middle, upon which the king was placed and
crowned, or acclaimed. But all kinds are Gothic,
and abound in Scandinavia. It is no wonder indeed
that, while our writers take for granted that all Bri-
tain was possessed by Celts, they should regard these
monuments as Celtic. This is only a lamentable
proof, among many, that they have begun at the
wrong end; and pretended to illustrate antiquities,
without knowledge of history, that is, they have at-
tempted to see without light.
'I since find the same opinion expressed by M. Brotier, in his
Tacitus, where at the words of the Germania, considunt armati, he
refers to Mallet for the courts in Scandinavia; and mentions Stone-
henge, and the Champ de Mars, et de Mai, and Etats Generaux
among the Franks.
* See Martin's Western Isles.
♣ Wormius Mon. Dan. That some were burying places appears
from Olaus Magnus, lib. I. saxa, ordine sphærico, familiarium desig-
nantia sepulturas: and see Dahlberg Suecia Ant. et Hod. vol. III.
3
CHAP. XII.
415
PIKISH ANTIQUITIES.
Justice was also administered upon conspicuous
hills of easy access, whence the Laws, Moot-hills, in
Latin Montes Placitorum, noted in our ancient history
and modern topography, as Traprane Law, Dunpen-
der Law, Moot-hill of Scone, and many others.
IV. CASTLES. The Pikish castles, as appears from
some remains, consisted of round ramparts of earth
with ditches.' In later times, the edifices called
Piks Houses appear, which will be described at a sub-
sequent period.
2
V. CAVES. Subterraneous retreats in war are com-
mon to most early nations. Tacitus tells us they
were used by the Germans. In Picardy there is a
most remarkable vast excavation, in the form of a St
Andrew's cross; of which a print and description
are published. In the Hebud Isles, and other parts
of Scotland, artificial caves are found.4 Those of
Hawthornden, near Edinburgh, are remarkable, being
cut out of a freestone rock, in several apartments.
Some think them Pikish: but they may be suspected
Roman, as a similar work in Cumberland seems to
be.5
VI. ENTRENCHMENTS. There is no proof that the
ancient Gauls, Germans, or Scandinavians, ever for-
tified their camps as the Romans. Cæsar seems to
mention as singular, and a first instance, that the
Gauls fortified their camp. The Gauls preceded the
Germans, Britons, and Scandinavians, near three cen-
turies, in every art, as is clear from Cæsar's whole
work. That great man tells us, that when the Bri-
tish Belgæ raised a rampart of felled trees, they called
* Gordon's Itin. Sept.
2 in Germania.
3 Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscrip.
4 Martin's Western Isles. Cordiner's Ant. & sc. for those in Ross-
shire.
5 Pennant's Scotland, II. 69, 70.
素
​416
PART III.
PIKS.
it a town. Oval and round entrenchments are found
in Scotland; and are generally termed Danish and
Pikish camps. The Danes used to fortify tops of
hills in their invasions, though they remained but for
a short time, as the Saxon Chronicle observes. Ca-
ter-thun, and other artificial entrenchments in Scot-
land, of an oval and round form, seem Pikish works,
on the model of the Roman entrenchments, round
their military stations; but not square, as the Roman
always are.
APPENDIX
TO
THE FIRST VOLUME.
VOL. I.
2 D
APPENDIX
TO
VOLUME FIRST.
No. I. Ptolemy's Geography of North Britain, collated with
the Palatine MS. and with the Latin Editions, 1462 and
1490.
BEGINS at the north (really the west), going east (north)
stops at Orcas From.-Then begins the west side, going
south, from Mull of Galloway to Cape of Cornwall.-Thence
along the south to Kent.-Then the east, beginning at the
north, Orcas Prom. going south to Kent.-In this circuit he
only marks the rivers and promontories.
He then proceeds to the names of the nations, beginning
at Galloway, on the north-west extremity, as he supposes.
He then goes east (north), and enumerates progressively
west, north, and east, the nations in North Britain, till he
comes down to the Brigantes in Yorkshire. After which,
going south, he enumerates the nations in South Britain, till
he ends in Cornwall.
He concludes with mentioning the islands on the north
and south of Britain. Those on the west he gives at the
close of his account of Ireland, in the preceding chapter.
Αρκτικής πλευράς περιγραφή, ἧς υπερκειται Ωκεανος καλούμενος
▲ounxaλndovios (Pal. habet xλ).
Νουαντων (Pal. Νοουαντων) χερσονησος, και ὁμώνυμον ακρον
κα : -Eα : yo'
The Greeks divide the degree only into twelve parts of the As, or
whole. An explanation of these fractions of the degree may be found in
the Preface of Bertius.
420
APPENDIX.
Ρέριγονιος κολπος
Ουιδόταρα (Pal. Ουιδογαρα) κολπος
Κλωτα εισχυσις
Λελααννονιός (Pal. Δεμααννονιος) κολπος
Επιδίον ακρον
Λογγου ποτ. εκβολαι
Ιτυος ποτε εκβολαι
Ουόλσας κολπος
Ναυαίου ποτ. εκδ. (Pal. Ναβαιου)
Κ : L-E : Ly
γ- ξ : I
κα : γ
κβ : δ: νθ : γο
κδ :
- ξ : γο
κγ :
κ :
κζ :
χθ :
λ
ξ : γο
- ξ
ξ : γο
ξ
ξ
:
L
. .
·
..
: Ι
L
Ταρουίδουμ ή και Όρκας ακρα (Pal. Τα-
ρουεδουμ)
λα : γ - ξ : δ
γ-
Δυσμικης πλευρας περιγραφή, ἡ παρακειται ὁ τε Ιουβέρνιος
Ωκεανος και ο Ουιεργιουιος, μετά την Νουακτων χερσονησον
και : - α : γο
η επέχει
Αυραουάννου (Ρal. Αβρανάνου) ποτ. εκβολαι ιθ : γ - έα :
Την εισχυσις
Δηουα ποτ. εκβολαι
Νοουιου ποτ, εκβολαι
Ιτούνα εισχυσις
ιθ : ξ : L
:
ξ :
เท
: γ
Y
νθ : L
เท
: L - vn : Ið
(Cætera hujus lateris, et MERIDIONALIS ad Angliam pertinent.)
Των εφεξης προς έω και μησημβριαν πλευρων περιγραφη εις
παρακειται Γερμανικός Ωκεανος.
Μετα το Ταρουεδουμ ακρον η Όρκας όπερ ειρηται.
Ουσερούεδρον 3 ακρον
Βερουβιουμ ακρον (Pal. Ουερουβιουμ)
Ιλα ποτ. εκβολαι
Οχθη ύψηλη
Λόξα ποτ. εκβολαι
λα :
λ
λ
χθ :
ξ:
: Ι - νθ
νθ : γο
: νθ : γο
κα : L
-
νθ : γο
I -
v0: yo
x²; L
x2:
X :
ζ : Ι
L
-
Ουαρα είσχυσις
Τουαι είσχυσις (Pal. Ταουαις)
4
Κελνιου ποτ. εκβολαι (Pal.ut semper εκβολή)
Τα ζαλον ακρον
¹ This mark stands for half a degree.
νθ : γο
νθ :
νη : La
νη : L
2 Sic: sed Latinæ edit. melius hic tantum ξ. et ίτυος ποτ. ξ : γον
Et sic ed. prim. Gr. 1533.
3 Ουτερονδρουμ. Ead.
4 Τουρισις.
PTOLEMY.
1421
*
Διουα ποτ, εκδ.
Ταουα εισχυσις
XE
Τινία ποτ, εκβολαι
ха
κ' : L
κη : Σ
νη : L
L - un: Lo
L
Βοδερια εισχ
xɓ
: L - νη : Lo
(Catera Anglia sunt.)
Οικουσι δε τα μεν παρα την αρκτικήν πλευράν ύπο μεν την
ὁμώνυμον χερσόνησον ΝΟΥΑΝΤΑΙ. Παρ δις εισι και πόλεις
άι δεν
Λουκοπίδια
ξ : Υ
Ρέτιγονίου
x : 5. - ξ : γα
Υφ. ους ΣΕΛΓΟΥΑΙ παρ εις πολ, (Pal. addit. διδε.)
Καρβαντόριο
Ούξελον.
Корба
14
: L
Ι - νθ :
ανθ
γ
γα
ανθ
Τριμοντιον
1
*
Τούτων δε προς ανατολας ΔΑΜΝΙΟΙ μεν αρκτικώτερον, εν οις
πολεις (P. addit αιδε).
Κολάνια
Ουανδαυαρα
Κορια
Αλαυνα
Λινδον
Ουικτορια
ΓΑΔΗΝΟΙ δε αρκτικώτεροι.
x
: L
xx : yo - € :
κα
καὶ : L
νθ : γ
xG: Id - v# : y.
:
xy: L-v0 :
γ
I
ΩΤΑΔΗΝΟΙ δε μεσημβρινώτεροι, εν δις πολεις (P. addit άνδε.)
Κούρια (Ρ. Κορια)
Βρεμενιον (Ρ. Αρεμενιον)
x : 5 - v0
νθ :
κα :
νη : Lo
'Solummodo, x. Ed. Gr. 1533.
422
APPENDIX.
Μετα δε τους Δαμνόνιους προς ανατολας αρκτικωτεροι μεν, από
του Επιδιο ακρου ως προς ανατολας ΕΠΙΔΙΟΙ.
Μεθ' ους ΚΣΡΟΝΕΣ. (Ρ. inf. ειτα ανατολ. ΚΡΕΟΝΕΣ.)
Ειτα ΚΑΡΝΟΝΑΚΑΙ.
Ειτα ΚΑΡΗΝΟΙ.
Και ανατολικωτεροι και τελευταιοι ΚΟΡΝΑΒΥΟΙ.
Απο δε του Λαιλαμνονιου κολπου μέχρι της Ουαραρ εισχύσεως
ΚΑΛΗΔΟΝΙΟΙ.
Ο
Και ὑπερ αυτους ὁ Καληδόνιος δρυμος.
Ων ανατολικωτεροι δε ΚΑΝΤΑΙ.
Μεθ' ους ΛΟΓΟΙ συνάπτοντες τοις ΚΟΡΝΑΥΙΟΙΣ.
Και υπερ τους Λόγους ΜΕΡΤΑΙ.
Υπερ δε τους Καληδονίους ΟΥΑΚΟΜΑΓΟΙ παρ οις πολεις.
Βανάτια
Ταμεια
κδ :
νθ : L
Πτερωτον ςρατοπεδον
Τουεσις
Κε :
νθ : γ
:
: δε νθ : γ
κς
: Ιδ - νθ :ς
κδ :
νη : Ιδ
κς : δανθ : Lo
Υπό δε τουτους δυσμικώτεροι μεν ΟΥΕΝΙΚΟΝΤΕΣ, εν δις πόλεις.
Ορρέα.
Ανατολικωτεροι δε ΤΕΞΑΛΟΙ.
Και πολις Δήουανα
(Tunc redit ad Brigantes, et Angliam.)
ΝΗΣΟΙ δε παράκεινται τη Αλόυιωνος κατα μεν την Ορκάδα
ακράν.
Οκητις νησος
Δομνα νησε;
λβ : γο - ξ : Lo
λ : ξα :
Υπερ ην ΟΡΚΑΔΕΣ, περι τριακοντα του αριθμον ών το μετάξυ
επεχει μοιρας
Και ετι ύπερ αυτας ἡ
ἡ ΘΟΥΛΗ ἧς τα μεν
δυσμικώτατα επεχει μοίρας
Τα δε ανατολικωτατα
Τα δε αρκτικωτατα
Τα δε νοτιωτατα
Τα δε μεταξύ
λ :
ξα : γο
χθ :
Ey:
λα : γο - ξγ :
1881
λ: γ - ξγ : δ
- :
λ: γ - ξ : γο
λ: γ- γ :
}
1
PTOLEMY.
423
INSULE OCCIDENTALES ex lib. II. c. 2. de Hibernia.
Ὑπερκεινται δε νήσοι της Ιουερνίας, είτε καλούμεναι ΕΒΟΥ.
ΔΑΙ, ε τον αριθμον, ὧν ἡ μὲν δυτικώτερα καλείται Εξουδα
Η δε έξης αυτών προς ανατολας ὁμοιως
Εξουδα
Ειτα Ρίκινα
Είτα Μαλεος
Ειτα Επιδιον
σε :
Ee:
ૐ
Lε : yo - EC
६७
દુ :
..
15: 1-86
in : L-Ee:
TRANSLATION.
The Greek MSS. differ much; and the Editio Princeps,
Basil. 1533, is not published from a good MS. In col-
lating with the Palatine, Sylburgius has forgotten the
degrees. The Latin Translation is generally preferable
to the Greek text, being taken from better MSS.
SEPTENTRIONALIS LATERIS descriptio, quod alluit Ocea-
nus qui vocatur Deucaledonius.*
Novantum Chersonesus, et ejusdem nominis promonto-
rium
Rerigonius Sinus
Vidotara (Pal. Vidogara) Sinus
2
Clota æstuarium
Lelaannonius Sinus (Pal. Lemaannonius 3)
Longi fluvii ostium
Epidium prom.
Ityis fluvii ostium
Volsas Sinus
Nabæi fluvii ostium
21 61 40
20 30 60 45
21 20 60 30
22 15 59 40
24
60
23
60 40
24 30 60 40
27
60 40
29
60 30
30 -
60 30
* In collating with the Latin editions, 1. denotes that of 1462; and 2.
that of 1490.
¹ Vindogara, 1.
3
Clatais, 1.
3 Lemanonius, 1.
424
APPENDIX.
Tarvidum, quod et Orcas Promontorium (Pal.
Tarvedum)
OCCIDENTALIS LATERIS descriptio, quod Iber-
nicus ac Vergioius alluit Oceanus. Post No-
vantum Chersonesum quæ habet
Auravanni (P. Abranani ) fluvii ostium
Iena 3 æstuarium
4
Devæ fluvii ostium
Novii fluvii ostium
Ituna æstuarium 5.
31 20 60 15
61 40
21
19 20 61
19-60 30
18 60
18 20 59 30
18.30 58 45
[The remainder of this, and the south side, belong to Eng-
land.
}
ORIENTALIS deinde, ac AUSTRALIS, PLAGE LATERA, quæ
Germanico alluuntur Oceano, describuntur sic.
Post Tarvedum, quod et Orcas Promontorium, jam dictum.
Virvedrum promontorium
Veruvium prom.
Ripa alta
31 6 60
30759 40
30
30
59 40
29 8
59 40
Ila fluv. ostia
Loxæ fluvii ostium 9
Vara æstuarium
27
27
28¹º 30 59 40
30.59 40
59
27
58 45
27" 30 58 30
26
58 30
58 30
Tuæsis æstuarium
Celnii fluvii ostium
Taizalum prom.
Divæ fluvii ostium
Tava æstuarium
Tinæ fluvii ostium
Boderia 14æstuarium
• Tarvedi 24
25**
24 30 58 45
22 30 58 45
[The rest belong to England.]
Orcas 31-60
6 30, — 591, (1.)
4 Dubæ, 2.
2
Abravani, 1. 2.
1
7 31, (2.)
8 29, (1. 2.)
11
II
28 — 583, (1.) 12 27, (1.)
+
3 Ieæ, 2.
5 Itucæ, æstus, 2:
9 Palatinus Varum æstuarium præponit ostio Loxæ amnis, et sic ed. 1.
10
27, (1.)
14 Bogderiais, 1. Bogderia, 2.
13 Tiva, 2.
J
PTOLEMY.
425
Juxta Septentrionale latus, sub Chersoneso eodem appellati
nomine, NOVANTE habitant apud quos urbes hæ:
19
60 20
20¹ 10 60 40
Sub eis SELGOVÆ, apud quos urbes hæ:
Lucopibia
Retigonium
Carbantorigum
Uxelum
Corda
Trimontium
19
59 20
18 30 59 20
20
59 40
19
59
His versus solis ortum, magis septentrionales, DAMNII sunt,
in quibus urbes hæ:
Colania
Vanduara 3
Coria
Alauna
Lindum
Victoria
20
30 59 10
21
40 60
21
30 59 20
22
45 59 20*
23
59 30
23
80 59
GADENI vero magis Septentrionales.
OTADENI autem magis australes sunt, in quibus urbes hæ:
Curia
Bremenium
20 $ 10 59
21
58 45
Post Damnonios, versus solis ortum magis Septentrionales,
quasi ad ortum vergentes ab Epidio prom. EPIDII sunt.
Post quos CERONES: inde Orientaliores CREONES.
Deinde CARNONACE.7
Deinde CARENI.8
Et Orientaliores, ultimique, CORNABII,9
A Lælamnonio autem sinu usque ad æstuarium Varar sunt
CALEDONII.
Et supra eos CALEDONIA SYLVA.
Quibus magis Orientales sunt CANTA,
Post quos LOGI 10 contigui Cornabiis.
ΤΟ
Et supra Logos 10 MERTE sunt.
1
26, (1.)
2 Colanica, 2.
5 26, (1.)
Cerini, 2.
• Aremenium, 1.
9 Carnavii, 1.
3 Vandogara, 2. + 28-58 } (1.)
7 Cornonacæ, 1.
8 Terini, 1.
10 Lugi, Lugos, 1.
426
APPENDIX.
Sub Caledoniis autem VACOMAGI; apud quos hæ sunt
urbes :
Banatia
Tamia
Alata Castra
Tuesis
24
59 30
25
59 20
27
15 59 20
26
45.59 10
4
Sub iis qui magis Occidentales sunt habitant VENICONTES:
In quibus urbs.
Orrea³
Deinde qui magis Orientales sunt TEXALI.
Et urbs Devana
24 15 58 45
26 15 59 45 s
[He then returns to the Brigantes, and England.]
INSULA autem adjacent Albioni juxta Orcada prom.
Ocetis insula
Dumna insula
Supra quam Orcades Insulæ sunt numero
xxx. circiter; quarum medium gradus
habet
Et super ipsas Thule est : cujus insulæ pars
quæ maxime ad occasum tendit gradus
habet
Quæ maxime ad ortum
32 40 60 45
30
61
30
- 61 40
29
63
Quæ maxime ad arctos
Quæ maxime ad austrum
Medium Insulæ
31 40 63
30 6 20 63 15
30 620 62 40
6
30° 20 63
[The Western Islands, from book II. c. 2. Ireland.]
Hiberniæ superjacent quinque insulæ, Ebudæ nomine: qua-
rum occidentalior vocatur.
Ebuda
15 62
Deinde quæ ad ortum extenditur similiter Ebuda 15 40 62 -
Postea Rhicina
Post Maleos
Post Epidium
17 62
17 30 62 10
18 30 62
I
¹ Raconagi, 1.
4 24, (1.)
2 Vernicomes, 1.
5 26 59, (1, 2)
3 Orrhea, (1.)
6 33. (1)
6
-
427
PTOLEMY.
The Latin translation in the best edition of Ptolemy, that
of Bertius, Amst. 1618, is often incorrectly printed in
the numerals, and varies from the Greek thus Veru-
vium prom. in the Greek has 30: 50, in the Latin 39 :
50. Ripa Alta in Gr. 29, Lat. 39—Orrea Gr. 24. 15=
58. 45, Lat. 26. 1559. 45—Devana, Gr. 26. 15-59.
45, Lat. 19. 15-57. 45-Thule on east 31 in Gr. 21
in Lat. These shameful inaccuracies may shew how
much a new edition of Ptolemy is wanted; for they
are mere errors, and not variations of the old Latin
translation.
The author has perused this part of Ptolemy in 13 or 14 edi-
tions; but the only other remarkable variations are in that
of 1482, or the second edition. To Deva it gives 17° for
18°—to Lindum, with all the Latin editions, it assigns 23°,
though the Greek erroneously has 20°-and between Curia
and Bremenium it introduces a second Alauna, 23°-583°:
it is believed rightly, for the Geographus Ravennas has
another Alauna, as presently to be mentioned. The ed.
1482 has thus two Alaunas, but the old copiers seem to
have omitted the second, as thinking it only the first mis-
placed. For Ocetis it reads Sectis, as does a fine Latin MS.
in the Musæum, of Angelo's translation about 1450; that
of Boetius is unfortunately lost. In both Greek and Latin
Devana has 59-45, but it must be corrected 58-45, as
all the maps bear, or 59, as ed. 1, 2.
428
NOTITIA.
ง
No. II. Extracts from the Notitia Imperii, and the Anony-
mous Geographer of Ravenna.
NOTITIA.
BRITANNIARUM PROVINCIÆ Quinque-Maxima Cæ-
sariensis. Valentia. Britannia Prima. Britannia Secunda.
Flavia Cæsariensis.
EQUITES intra Britannias cum viro spectabili COMITE Bri-
tanniarum-Equites Catafractarii Juniores. Equites Scutarii
Aureliaci. Equites Honoriani Seniores. Equites Stablesiani.
Equites Syri. Equites Taifali.
Sub dispositione viri spectabilis VICARII Britanniarum.
Consulares-Maximæ Cæsariensis. Valentia-Præsides-
Britanniæ Primæ. Britanniæ Secundæ. Flaviæ Cæsariensis.
Officium autem habet idem vir spectabilis Vicarius hoc
modo: Principem de schola Agentum in rebus ex Ducena-
riis. Cornicularium. Numerarios duos. Commentariensem.
Ab actis. Curam Epistolarum. Adjutorem. Subadjuvas.
Exceptores. Singulares et reliquos Officiales.
Sub dispositione viri spectabilis Comitis Britanniarum.
Provincia Britanniæ.
Officium autem habet idem vir spectabilis Comes hoc mo-
do: Principem ex officio Magistri Militum præsentalium al-
ternis annis. Commentariensem, &c.
APPENDIX.
429
Sub dispositione viri spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum.-
Præfectus legiones sextæ. Præfectus equitum Dalmatarum,
Præsidio. Præfectus equitum Crispianorum, Dano. Præ-
fectus equitum Catafractariorum, Morbio. Præfectus Nu-
meri Barcariorum Tigrisiensium, Arbeia. Præfectus Numeri
Nerviorum Dictensium, Dicti. Præfectus Numeri Vigi-
Jum, Congangios. Præfectus Numeri Exploratorum Lava-
tres. Profectus Numeri Directorum Veterum. Præfectus
Numeri Defensorum, Braboniaco. Præfectus Numeri Solen-
sium, Maglova. Præfectus Numeri Pacensium, Magis. Præ-
fectus Numeri Longovicariorum, Longovico. Præfectus Nu-
meri Derventiensis, Derventione.
Item per lineam Valli.
Tribunus cohortis quartæ Lergorum, Segeduno. Tribunus
cohortis Cornoviorum, Ponte Elii. Præfectus alæ primæ
Astorum, Conderco. Tribunus cohortis primæ Frixagorum,
Vindobala. Præf. alæ Savinianæ, Hunno. Præf. alæ se-
cundæ Astorum, Cilurno. Trib. cohortis primæ Batavorum,
Procolitia. Trib. cohortis primæ Tungrorum, Borcovico.
Trib. coh. quartæ Gallorum, lindolana. Trib. cohortis primæ
Astorum, Esica. Tr. coh. secundæ Dalmatarum, Magnis.
Tr. coh. primæ Ælia Dacorum, Amboglanna. Præf. alæ Pe-
trianæ, Petrionis. Pr. Numeri Maurorum Aurelianorum,
Aballaba. Tr. cob. secundæ Lergorum, Congavata. Tr. coh.
primæ Hispanorum, Axeloduno. Tr. coh. secundæ Thracum,
Gabrosenti. Tr. coh. primæ Elie Classicæ, Tunnocelo. Tr.
coh. primæ Morinorum, Glannibanta. Tr. coh. tertiæ Ner-
viorum, Alione. Cuneus Armaturarum, Bremetenraco. Præf.
alæ primæ Herculex, Olenaco. Tr. coh. sexta Nerviorum
Virosido.
Officium autem habet idem vir spectabilis Dux hoc modo.
Principem ex officiis Magistrorum, &c.
430
NOTITIA, &c.
GEOGRAPHUS RAVENNAS.
THIS geographer seems to have lived in the eighth century.
His work, though written in the most barbarous style, is cu-
rious and valuable, but stands in need of an able and learned
commentator.
In describing Britain, he mentions the arrival of the Saxons
under Anchis, (Hengist); and says, the Gothic philosophers,
that is, Aithanarid, Heldebald, and Marcomir, whom he of-
ten quotes in his accounts, called this island a microcosm.
He then gives a list of many civitates et castra, ' towns and
camps,' in Britain.
Though he observes not much order in this list, yet he
palpably begins with the southern part of Britain, and after
passes to the north; as appears from many of his names to
be found in Ptolemy, the Notitia, and Imperial Itinerary.
His arrival at the north is marked by his first giving us many
names together, to be found in the preceding Per lineam
Valli of the Notitia, as Gabrocentio, Derventione, Magnis,
Vindolande, Cogangis, &c. and next by his saying " Iterum
sunt civitates in ipsa Britannia quæ recto tramite de una parte
in alia, id est de oceano in oceano, et Sistuntiaci dividunt in
tertia portione ipsam Britanniam, id est Serduno, Conderco,
Vindovalva, Onno, Celunno, Brocoliti," &c. For all these
names are to be found in the above Per lineam Valli of the
Notitia; only here they are corrupted, like the other names
in the book, to a kind of Italian: and the Sistuntii, as well
known, were in present Cumberland, close to Hadrian's wall.
Horsley in his Britannia Romana has therefore rightly put
the following names as belonging to present Scotland.
"Clidum, CARBANTIAM, Tadoriton, Maporiton, Alitace
non, Loxa, Locatrene, Canibroiana, Smetri, UXELA, LUCO
TION, CORDA, Camulosessa, PRESIDIUM, Brigomono, Abis-
son, Ebio, Coritiotar, Celerion, Itucodon, Maremago, Dua-
blisis, Venutio, TRIMUNTIUM, Eburocaslum, BREMENIUM,
Cocuneda, ALAUNA, Oleiclavis, Ejudensca, Rumabo. Ite-
rum sunt civitates in ipsa Britannia ubi plus angustissima de
oceano in oceano esse dinoscitur. Id est Velunia, Volitanio,
APPENDIX.
431
Pexa, Begese, COLANICA, MEDIO, Nemeton, Subdobiadon,
Litana, Cibra, Credigone. Iterum est civitas, quæ dicitur
Iana, Maulion, Demerosesa, Cindocelum, Cermo, Veromo,
Matovion, Ugrulentum, Ranatonium, IBERRAN, Præmatis,
TUESSIS, Ledone, Litinomago, DEVONI, Memanturum, De-
cha, Bograndium, Ugueste, Leviodanum, Pareo Classis, Le-
vioxana, Cermium, VICTORIE, Marcotaxon, Tagea, Voran."
The following islands, from his account, clearly belong to
the Hebudes in part.
" Iterum ipsi oceano occidentali ponuntur diversæ insulæ,
ex quibus aliquantas nominare volumus; id est Corsula, Mo-
NA, REGAINA, Minerva, Cunis, MANNA, Botis, Vinion,
Saponis, Susura, Birila, Elaviani, Sobrica, Scetis, Linnonsa.'
>"
He then adds the following islands, which may perhaps be
the Scilly islands, or some others in the western ocean, for
none of their names seem to infer any of the Hebudes.
"Item ad aliam partem dicitur insula Maganica, Anas, Cana,
Atino, Elete, Darocela, Essigradena, Maiona, Longis, Ciri-
mon, Exosadeos, ubi et gemmæ nascuntur." He immediate-
ly adds, "Legimus ut in ipso oceano jam expleta parte occi-
dentali, tanquam ad partem ingredientes meridianam, sunt
insulæ numero triginta tres, quæ et Dorcadas appellantur."
This intelligence, that the Orkneys lay on the south of the
western ocean is singular: but this writer also says, that the
Orkneys are on the east of Britain; Gaul and the Pyrenees
on the west; Ireland on the north; and Germany on the
south!
But errors in the greater parts of geography invalidate not
his names of places in Britain, which deserve a few remarks.
The towns put in capital letters are found in Ptolemy, the
Notitia, and the Itinerary given by Richard of Cirencester.
The others are unknown. Horsley conjectures that Clidum
is Glasgow, upon no grounds, it being put among the towns
near the wall of Hadrian. For it is clear from the author's
mention of the Sistuntii, and from his after passing to the
towns situated where Britain is narrowest, that is, at the wall
of Antoninus, that he understood the Per lineam Valli of the
Notitia to refer to the wall of Hadrian. This seems to con-
firm Horsley's account of the stations, controverted in p. 51
of this volume. At same time it serves to establish that cu-
rious fact, that the Roman walls were not the utmost bounds
of their power in Britain; for while they held Valentia, still
the stations were at the southern wall, that is, this wall was
432
NOTITIA, &c.
the real fortified barrier. Carbantium is palpably the Car-
bantium of Richard, and Carbantorigum of Ptolemy, now
thought to be Kirkcudbright. Uxelia is the Uxellum of Pto-
lemy. Lucotion the Lucopibia. Corda is the southern Coria
of Ptolemy. Trimuntium is the Trimontium of Ptolemy.
Bremenium lay near it, but in present England. The Alauna
here seems evidently a station on the river Alauna near Bre-
inenium; if the geographer has not confounded the river
itself with a station; for it cannot be Alauna on the north of
Forth, the other names all lying near the southern wall, as
the author says, and as evident from those known. Horsley's
conjectures that Alitacenon is Elgin; Loxa, Innerlochy;
Celerion, Calendar; Duablisis, Duplin, &c. are therefore ri-
diculously absurd, and founded merely on an imagined re-
semblance of names.
The geographer next passes to the places near the narrow-
est part of Britain, that is, near the wall of Antoninus between
Clyde and Forth. Of these Colanica, or Colania, is found in
Ptolemy and Richard, and thought to be present Lanerk.
Medio is found in Richard's Itinerary, nine miles on the north
of Orrea, or near the Tay: but possibly there was another in
the middle of the wall of Antoninus. The other names here
are quite unknown.
Our author then passes to other places, which, as we can
judge from the few known, were more to the north than the
former. Tuessis and Victoria are known from Ptolemy.
Iberran seems the Hierna of Richards. Devoni, the Devana
of Ptolemy. Tagea, the Tamea of Ptolemy. The dreams of
Horsley on the rest are beneath notice.
Of the islands, Mona is Anglesey. Manna, Maun. Regaina
is surely the Ricina of Ptolemy, the Racina of Richard, or
Rachlin. Botis seems Bute. Scetis, Scia or Skey. The rest
can hardly be guessed at.'
1
Geographi Gr. Min. tom. III. Varia lectiones Anon. Ravennatis,
ex Codice Vaticano, cum ed. 1688, Paris. 306, l. 3. Clindum-4. Alithace
non-5. Locatreve, Cambroianna-6. Lucotion—8. Colovion-9. Maroma-
go, Duabsissis-10. Triminitium-11. Cocenneda, mox Oleaclavis—12. Pro
Eiudensca potest etiam legi Evidensca-13. In ipsa Britannia recto tra-
mite una alterius connexæ ubi et ipsa Britannia plus angustissima.
307, l. 1, Medionemeton-4. Lano-5. Cerma, Veromo; sed potest etiam
legi Veronio-6. Ravatonium-7. Pinnatis, Tuessis, Lodone-10. Levioxava
309. Iterum ipso-310. Elaviana-Linonsa.
[433]
No. III. Description of Caledonia, from Richard of Cirences
ter, Book I. c. 6.
VESPASIANA, or ROMAN CALEDONIA.
EXTRA murum sita provincia VESPASIANA. Hæc est illa
Caledonia, regio a Romanis nimium quantum et desiderata,
militibus et incolis valde defensa. Negotium cujus amplam
Historiæ Romanæ, alias nimis de istiusmodi rebus silentes,
mentionem faciunt. Hic fluvium Tavum conspicere licet,
qui longo cursu regionem in duas quasi partes dissecare vi-
detur. Hic quoque arduum atque horrendum jugum Gram-
pium offendimus, quod Provinciam istam bifariam secabat.
Atque hæc eadem erat regio quæ, a commisso inter Agrico-
lam et Galgacum prælio, Romanis utilissimo, famam in anna-
libus habet insignem. Hic vires eorum, veteresque castra-
mentationes, hodieque magnitudo ostendit mænium.
Nam
in loco ubi ingens supradictum prælium habitum erat, qui-
dam ordinis nostri, hanc viam emensi, affirmant se immania
videsse castra, aliaque argumenta Taciti relationem confir-
mantia.
Nationes vero Romanis hic subjectæ ordine jam sequen-
tur. Ultra isthmum usque ad Tavum gens erant HORESTII,
quorum urbes post prætenturam quidem extructam (prius
enim Damniis accensebantur) fuerunt Alauna, Lindum, et re
non minus quam nomine reliquis gloriosior Victoria, ab Agri-
cola ad flumen Tavum xx. milliaria ab ejusdem in mare exitu
ædificata, memoriæ proditum dicunt.
Supra hos ultra Tavum, qui limites constituit, erant VEC-
TURONES, sive Venricones, quorum urbs primaria Orrea, flu-
vii vero Esica et Tina.
Oceani littus ultra horum fines accolebant TAIXALI. His
urbium princeps Divana: fluvii autem Deva et Ituna. Pars
Grampii montis, quæ ut promontorium late se in oceanum,
quasi in Germaniæ occursum, extendit, ab illis nomen mu-
tuatur.
VOL. I.
2 E
434
APPENDIX.
His contermini ad occidentem, interveniente montium
Grampiorum serie, extitere VACOMAGI qui amplissimam re-
gionem tenebant, quorum urbes Tuessis, Tamea et Banatia.
Romanorum autem statio, simulque Provinciæ urbs primaria,
erat ad ostium fluvii Varar in littore situm, Ptoroton. No-
tiores hujus regionis fluvii præter Vararem, qui Provinciam
terminabat, fuerunt Tuesis et Celnius.
Infra Vacomagos, Tavumque, habitabant DAMNII-AL-
BANI: gentes parum notæ, et intra lacuum montiumque
claustra plane reconditæ,
Inferius adhuc Clotte ripas accolebant ATTACOTI, gens
toti aliquando olim Britanniæ formidanda. Maxumus hic
visitur lacus, cui nomen olim Lyncalidor; ad cujus ostium
condita a Romanis urbs Alcluith, brevi tempore a duce Theo-
dosio nomen sortita, qui occupatam à barbaris provinciam
recuperaverat: cum hac comparari potuit nulla; utpote quæ
post fractas cæteras circumjacentes provincias impetum hos-
tium ultimo sustinuit.
Hæc Provincia dicta est in honorem familæ Flaviæ, cui
suam Domitianus Imperator originem debuit, et sub quo
expugnata, VESPASIANA. Et ni fallor sub ultimis impera-
toribus nominata erat THULE, de qua Claudianus vates his
versibus facit mentionem :
incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule;
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.
Sed non tam diu sub aquila suopte tenuerunt Romani, ut
posteritati innotescerent ejusdem et nomina et subjectio.
Cursorio hucusque oculo qualis sub Romanorum Imperio
erat Britanniam lustravimus: restat ut parili compendio Ca-
ledoniorum terras lustremus.
[ 435 ]
DE CALEDONIA.
LICET tota ultra isthmum prædictum Britannia non impro-
prie dici potest Caledonia, ipsi tamen Caledonii ultra Vara-
rem sedem habuere; unde ducta linea terminum Romani in
Britanniam imperii accurate satis ostendit. Citerior vero
insulæ pars alio atque alio tempore ab illis possessa fuit :
reliqua ut supra meminimus a Britonibus barbaris occupata.
Hucusque et proficiscentibus lumen aliquod fænerant anti-
qua historiarum monumenta. Trajicientes autem Varar flu-
men extincto lumine, in obscuro quasi versamur; et (quam-
vis non nobis ignotum sit extructas ibi pro limitibus Imperii
Romani fuisse aras, Ulyssemque tempestate fluctibusque
jactatum heic vota persolvisse,) siquidem condensæ arbori-
bus sylvæ, cum perpetuis montium saxetis, ab ulteriori nos
scrutatione prohibent. Relationem sequentem a mercatori-
bus Britonibus fugitivis acceptam, posterisque relictam, ut
sufficientem æstimemus necesse est.
Ad Occidentem igitur Vararis habitabant CALEDONII,
proprie sic dicti ; quorum regionis partem tegebat immensa
illa CALEDONIA SYLVA.
Littus incolebant minores quidam populi; ex quorum nu-
mero, ultra Vararem, et erectas supradictas aras ad Loxam
fluvium, habitabant CANTE; in quorum finibus promunto-
rium Penorullum.
Huic ordine proximus est fluvius Abona, ejusdemque ac-
colæ LOGI. Hinc Ila fluvius; et ad illum siti CARNABII,
Brittonum extremi, qui ab Ostorio Proprætore subjugati,
jugum Romanum indigne ferentes, adscitis in societatem
Cantiis, ut referunt traditiones, trajectoque mari ibi sedem
eligunt. In varia heic promuntoria sese extendit Britannia,
quorum primum antiquis dictum Vinvedrum; tum Verubrium
aut extremitas Caledoniæ.
Post illos CATINI. Deinde interiores, Logisque proximi
MERTE siti sunt. In his oris promuntorium Orcadum positum.
Cui adjacebant Orcades insule. Ulterius manabat Nabæus
fluvius, qui terminus erat Carnabicæ jurisdictionis.
436
APPENDIX.
Ad inferiorem hujus regionis partem habitabant CAR-
NONACE; in quorum finibus promuntorium Ebudum, ad cu-
jus extrema eximium Oceanus sinum efformat, qui olim Vol-
sas appellatus. Ad inferiorem istius sinus ripam tendebant
CERONES; et infra Ityn, CREONES. Ad Longum usque
procurrit inde, Oceanum inter et sinum Lelanum, dictum ab
incolis EPIDIIS promuntorium.
Provectus jam ultra flumen Vararis idem illud remetiri
non possum, quin in transgressu admirer Romanos, alias sa-
tis expertos judicio atque experientia, heic quasi destitutos,
tam perabsurda opinione laborasse ut istam Britanniæ partem,
quæ jam armis ipsorum intacta quiescebat, reliquam jam subac-
tam atque possessam longe majori et longitudine et latitudine
metirentur, quam tamen eos fovisse opinionem satis superque
constat. Qui enim ea qua par est mente insignem Romano-
rum ambitionem, atque insatiabilem regnandi cupidinem,
consideraverit; et quo hostem, vix ira ipsorum et notitia
nedum timore dignum, excluderent, stupenda ista, quæ to-
tum orbem in admirationem sui facile trahunt, opera erexisse.
In hoc, ut in cæteris quam plurimis, magnam summi Nu-
minis merito providentiam veneremur, cui ut omnia subjec-
ta sunt regna, ita et sempiterna ab incolis gloria debetur et
erit. Amen.
•
Lib. I. c. 7. ITER VIIII. A Luguballio Plorotonim usque
sic: Trimontio m. P.
Gadanica m. p. . . . Corio m.
p. ad Vallum m. p. . . . Incipit Vespasiana. Alauna
m. p. XII. Lindo VIIII. Victoria VIII. ad Hiernam
VIIII. Orrea XIIII. ad Tavum XVIIII ad Esicam
XXIII. ad Tinam VIII. Devana XXIII. ad Itunam
XXIIII. ad montem Grampium ad Selinam
Tuessis XVIIII. Ptorotone . .
ITER X. Ab ultima Ptorotone per mediam insula Isca
Dannoniorum usque. Sic. Varis m. p. VIII. ad Tuessim
XVIII. Tamea XXVIIII.
m. p. XXI. In
Medio VIIII. Orrea VIIII. Victoria XVIII. ad Vallum
XXXII. Luguballia LXXX, &c.
[ 437 ]
No. IV. Dio's Account of the Expedition of Severus into
Caledonia.
A FRAGMENT of Dio in the excerpts of Theodosius, publish-
ed by Leunclavius, bears the following short notice concern-
ing the Caledonians, just before the battle between Severus
and Albinus, or the year of Christ 198. "Then also in Bri-
tain, because the Caledonii did not abide by their engage
ments, but were prepared to defend the Mæatæ, while Se-
verus at that time was intent on the approaching war, Lu-
pus was forced to purchase peace of the Mæatæ, by paying
a large sum of money, getting back however a few captives.
It is well known that there are more coins of Commodus with
BRITANNIA, or VICTORIA BRIT. than of Antoninus
Pius or Severus: and it appears that Marcellus, the general
of Commodus in Britain, subdued the Mate, and forced
the Caledonians to the above-mentioned engagements, about
the year 183.
But before Severus went into Britain his generals there
had obtained some advantage, for Dio mentions his anger
that he could not seize Bulas the robber, "while by the help
of others he subdued his foes in Britain.' Then follows the
account of his celebrated expedition into Britain, as excerpt-
ed by Xiphilin, for the greater part of Dio's history is lost.
"After this Severus proceeded into Britain with his army,
perceiving that his sons were intemperate, and that the
legions dissolving in ease became corrupt. This expedition
he entered upon, though he knew that he should never re-
turn, by considering the stars under which he was born:
and whose appearance he had caused to be painted in the
ceiling of the hall in the palace, where he gave judgment,
evident to all; except as to the hour of his birth, by the
Greeks called horoscope, for this he delineated on both
sides in different ways. He also knew his fate from the
soothsayers. For a thunderbolt struck that gate, through
which he was to lead his army, and dashed out three letters
of his name. Severus therefore, as was foretold by the sooth-
sayers, never did return, but died the third year after, having
amassed great treasures."
438
APPENDIX.
"Of the [barbaric] Britons there are two great nations,
called Caledonii and Mæate; for the rest are generally re-
ferred to these. The Mæatæ dwell near that wall which di-
vides the island into two parts. The Caledonians inhabit be-
yond them. They both possess rugged and dry mountains,
and desert plains full of marshes. They have neither castles
nor towns; nor do they cultivate the ground; but live on
their flocks and hunting, and the fruits of some trees; not
eating fish, though extremely plenteous. They live in tents,
naked and without buskins. Wives they have in common,
and breed up their children in common. The general form
of government is democratic. They are addicted to robbery;
fight in cars; have small and swift horses. Their infantry
are remarkable for speed in running, and for firmness in
standing. Their armour consists of a shield; and a short
spear, in the lower end of which is a brazen apple, whose
sound, when struck, may terrify the enemy; they have also
daggers. Famine, cold, and all sorts of labour they can bear,
for they will even stand in their marshes for many days, up
to the neck in water, and in the woods will live on the bark
and roots of trees. They prepare a certain kind of food on
all occasions, of which taking only a bit the size of a bean,
they feel neither hunger nor thirst. Such is Britain, and such
are the inhabitants of that part, which wars against the Ro-
mans. That it is an island, has been shewn before. Its length
is seven thousand one hundred and thirty-two stadia: its ut-
most breadth two thousand three hundred and ten stadia
its least breadth three hundred stadia.
"Of this island not much less than the half is ours. Seve-
rus, wishing to reduce the whole under his power, entered
into Caledonia. In his march, he inet with unspeakable dif-
ficulties, in cutting down woods, levelling eminences, raising
banks across the marshes, and building bridges over the ri-
vers. He fought no battle, the enemy never appearing in ar-
ray, but advisedly placing sheep and oxen in the way of our
troops, that while our soldiers attempted to seize them, and
by the fraud were drawn into defiles, they might be easily
cut off. The lakes likewise were destructive to our men, as
dividing them, so that they fell into ambuscades; and while
they could not be brought off, were slain by our army, that
they might not fall into the hands of the enemy. Owing to
these causes, there died no less than fifty thousand of our
troops. Severus, however, did not desist till he had reached
DIO.
439
the extreme part of the island, where he diligently remark-
ed the diversity of the solar course, and the length of the
nights and days in summer and winter. At last, after having
been carried through most of the hostile land, (for because
of his weakness he was generally borne in an open litter,) he
returned to the friendly part of Britain, the [barbaric] Bri-
tons being forced to conclude an alliance, on condition that
they should yield up no small part of their country."
Xiphilin, from Dio, then relates, that Severus, in a confer-
ence with the Caledonians, had a most been slain by his son
Antoninus Caracalla. He then adds:
"After this the Britons again revolted; upon which Se-
verus assembling his army, ordered them to invade the
country, and to give no quarter; repeating these verses:
Let none escape your hands, and cruel slaughter,
Not even the babe yet guiltless in the womb.
And finding that the Caledonii as well as the Mæatæ had
arisen, he prepared to conduct the war himself, but was pre-
vented by death." Xiphilin last mentions as happening du-
ring the short truce, the noted reply of a Caledonian lady to
Julia the empress.
[ 440 ]
No. V. The fabulous Account of Britain given by Procopius
translated.
3
Procopius de Bello Gothico, lib. IV. cap. 20.
Ι
ABOUT that time the warlike people who inhabit the island
called BRITTIA, fought with the Varni; the war having ari-
sen from this cause: The Varni dwelt beyond the river
Ister, and extend to the Northern Ocean, and to the river
Rhine, which divides them from the Franks, and other neigh-
bouring nations. Of the nations who anciently inhabited
Of
either bank of the Rhine, each had its peculiar name.
these nations, one is now called Germans, a name formerly
common to all. The isle of BRITTIA is situated in this ocean,
not more than two hundred stadia from the continent, and
opposite the mouth of the Rhine, being between BRITAIN
and the isle THULE. But BRITAIN, lying toward the setting
sun, where it is opposite to furthest Spain, is about four
thousand stadia from the continent. BRITTIA is opposite to
the furthest parts of Gaul, which stretch to the ocean, be-
ing on the northern side of SPAIN and BRITAIN. THULE,
so far as mortals can discover, is removed to the extreme of
the Northern Ocean. But I have spoken of BRITAIN and
THULE in former books.
The isle of BRITTIA is inhabited by three most numerous
nations, each under its proper king, namely, the ANGLI, FRI-
SONES, and the BRITTONS synonymous with the isle. So
great is the multitude of its people, that every year, not a
few, with their wives and children, migrate into France,
where habitations in desart grounds are assigned them:
whence it is said the Franci claim some right to the island
itself. Certainly the king of the Franci, not long ago, when
he sent some of his familiar servants ambassadors to Justinian
' Ch. 17. Silk-worms brought to the west, 22 &c. wars of Narses with
Totilas, A. D. 550.
2
Procopius wrote in Palestine.
3 Accurate reasoner!
PROCOPIUS.
441
the emperor, joined some ANGLI to their train; proudly
shewing that he also commanded this island. So much for
the island BRITTIA.
Not long ago, HERMEGISCLUS reigned over the Varni.
He desiring to strengthen his kingdom, had married the sis-
ter of THEODEBERT, king of the Franci; his former wife,
who left him one son, called RADIGER, being lately dead.
Him the father espoused to a virgin of BRITTIA, whose bro-
ther was then king of the ANGLI, and in the name of mar-
riage-gift HERMEGISCLUS sent her a great sum of money.
On a time, riding in the fields with the chiefs of the Varni,
he saw a bird sitting on a tree, and croaking disagreeably.
Then, either that he understood the song of the bird, or pre-
tended to know an omen from it, he immediately said to his
company, that he should die in forty days, as he learned from
the augury of the bird; then added, "But I have exerted all
my prudence, that you should live in safety and ease, and for
that cause have contracted an affinity with the Franci, ha-
ving married my wife from their race, and espoused my son
to a wife from BRITTIA. Yet now, when I know that I shall
shortly die, nor have received either male or female offspring
from my last marriage, nor is my son's marriage yet consum-
mated, hear my advice, and if you see good, follow it as soon
as I depart this life. I think then that the affinity of the
Franci is of more importance to us Varni, than that of the
islanders; for the BRITTI cannot enter into commerce with
us, but with difficulty; while only the river Rhine separates
us from the Franci. Wherefore, while these last are near,
and very powerful, they can easily do us good or evil, when
they please and must be our enemies unless joined by affi-
nity. For such is the nature of men, that they hardly bear
the power of a neighbour greater than their own; and thus
are ready to injure, for a strong neighbour easily finds occa-
sions of war. Wherefore send to the island-bride of my son,
and whatever money she has received from us as a marriage
gift, let her keep it, to atone for the ignominy, as the com-
mon law of mankind orders. But let RADIGER, my son, mar-
ry his step-mother, since the law of our country permits."
Having spoken thus he died, the fortieth day after the pre-
diction. The son of HERMEGISCLUS succeeding to the king-
dom of the Varni, by the advice of the chiefs of that barbar-
ous nation, followed the counsel of the deceased king; and
immediately renouncing his bride, married his step-mother.
442
APPENDIX.
Which when his bride heard, impatient of the indignity, she
eagerly desired revenge. For these barbarians value modes-
ty so much, that a woman seems to have forfeited it who is
betrothed but fails of marriage. And first by some of her
familiar friends, whom she sent to RADIGER, she enquired
the cause why she was so basely left, when she had in no
shape violated her faith. But this way availing nothing, with
a manly mind she prepared for war. Immediately therefore
making ready four hundred ships, filled with at least ten
thousand soldiers, she herself led this army against the Varni:
having taken with her, to assist in the management of her
affairs, one of her brothers, not the king, but a private man.
But these islanders are, of all the barbarians we know, the
bravest. They fight on foot, not only ignorant of riding, but
ignorant what a horse is, the image of one being never seen in
that country. For this animal is never beheld in BRITTIA ;
and if at any time these islanders, on account of an embassy, or
the like, have any business with the Romans, or Franci, or
any other people using horses, and must then of necessity
ride, they know not how to leap on a horse, but are lifted up
by others; and when they wish to dismount, are helped down.
The Varni are also not horsemen, but all fight on foot.
Such are these barbarians. All are rowers aboard their vessels;
and no other sea service is required; for they use no sails,
but always navigate with oars.
After they landed on the continent, the virgin general rai-
sing a rampart near the mouth of the Rhine, remained there
with a few troops; and desired her brother to lead the rest
against the enemy. Then the Varni formed their camp, not
far from the sea and mouths of the Rhine, where, when
the ANGLI Soon arrived, battle was joined, and the Varni de-
feated with great slaughter, the survivors flying with the king.
The ANGLI pursuing them but a little way, as foot-men could
do, returned to their camp. The virgin bitterly reviled them,
and loaded her brother with reproaches; affirming that they
had done nothing, who had not brought RADIGER to her
alive. Having then chosen a band of the bravest, she order-
ed them to use every means to take him. They obeying
her carefully, searched all the region round, till they found
RADIGER lurking in a thick wood, and brought him bound
before the virgin, while he stood trembling in expectation
of immediate death. But she, beyond hope, neither punish-
ed him capitally, nor severely; but thinking it enough to
1
PROCOPIUS.
413
reproach him for his conduct, she asked him the cause why,
breaking his faith, he had wedded another, and that while
his bride was free from fault? He, excusing the deed, plead-
ed the command of his father, and the advice of his chiefs:
and with earnest entreaty, ascribing his crime to necessity,
he promised to be her husband if she would, and to atone
for his faults by future offices. The maid consenting, RADI-
GER was freed from his chains, and kindly treated. Soon
after having sent back the sister of THEODEBERT, he mar-
ried the virgin of BRITTIA. So ended this matter.
In that island, BRITTIA, the ancients built a long wall,
which divides a great part of it from the other; because that
the affections of the soil and sky, and all things else, differ
much in these two parts. For the region which reaches from
the wall to the rising sun, enjoys a healthy heaven, and just
seasons; the summer being temperately hot, the winter mo-
derately cold; and it abounds with inhabitants who live like
other people. The trees shine with fruits in their seasons,
and happy harvests rise, as elsewhere; the land is also pe-
culiarly blest with wealth of water. But on the west all is
quite the contrary, so that a man could not live there half an
hour. Vipers, innumerable serpents, and venomous beasts
of all kinds, obtain that region. Nay, what is very remote
from common ideas, the BRITTI relate that if any man passes
over the wall, he that moment expires, opprest with the pes-
tilent gale. Animals also who go beyond the wall are seized
with instant death. And since I am fallen upon this part of
history, it becomes necessary to commemorate a matter very
like a fable. Which however I do not think true, though
related by many people, who asserted their being on the
spot where it happens, and their hearing what was said. Nor
do I think proper to pass this, lest in describing the affairs
of the isle BRITTIA, I should seem ignorant of any one of
them.
They relate therefore that the souls of dead men are ac-
customed to be carried there: and the manner this is done
I shall soon declare, as I have heard it from the inhabitants
of these parts, who related it very seriously: which, however
commonly told, I imagine to be delusions of sleep. Many vil-
lages crowd the shore of the region opposite to the island BRIT-
TIA; in which villages dwell fishers, farmers, and others, who
navigate into that island for the sake of trade. They are sub-
ject to the kings of the Franci, but always free from tribute,
444
APPENDIX.
being relieved of old from this burden, on account of some
service of which I shall now speak. The natives tell, that
they have power, each in his turn, of bringing souls into this
other world. Wherefore they, who are to enjoy that privi-
lege next night, going to their houses fall asleep, expecting
the president of the business. Late at night they hear knock-
ing at their doors, and an obscure voice summon them to the
task. Rejecting all delay, they rise from their beds, and go
to the shore, ignorant by what force they are driven, but yet
absolutely forced. There they see boats ready, not their
own, but others, and empty. Entering them they seize the
oars, and perceive the vessels quite full of passengers, so that
they are immersed to within an inch of the water. They see
nobody, nor do they take more than an hour to reach BRIT-
TIA, although when they use their own vessels, and oars alone
without sails, they hardly pass thither in a day and a night.
Arriving at the isle, as soon as they find their passengers
landed, they depart; the vessels being suddenly unloaded,
and so emergent that the keels alone are under water. They
see none, either navigating or leaving the ship; only they
assert they hear a voice which seems to repeat the name of
each passenger, his former station of life, and the name of
his father. If any women are with them, the names of their
husbands are also called. So the natives report. But I re-
turn to my subject.
[ 445 ]
No. VI. Some Passages in Adomnan's Life of Columba, omit-
ted in the printed Copies.
ADOMNANI VITA COLUMBE, Bib. Reg. 8 D. IX.
Lib. I. Post c. 6. susceperit.
De bellorum fragoribus longe commissorum beati prophecia
viri.
POST bellum Culedrebene, sicuti nobis traditum est, duobus
transactis annis, quo tempore vir beatus de Scotia peregrina-
turus primitus enavigavit, quadam die, hoc est eadem hora
qua in Scocia commissum est bellum, quod Scotice dicitur
Ôndemone, idem homo Dei coram CONALLO rege filio COM-
GIL in Bryttania conversatus, per omnia enarravit; tam de
bello commisso, quam etiam de illis regibus, quibus Dominus
de inimicis victoriam condonavit. Quorum propria vocabula
ANMORIUS filius SCETNI; et duo filii MAICERCE, DOM-
NALLUS et FORCUS. Se et de rege Cruithniorum, qui EcHU-
VISLAID Vocitabatur, quemadmodum victus, currui insidens,
evaserit, prophetizavit similiter sanctus.
C. 7. De bello Miathorum.
C. 8. De tribus filiis suis regnaturus, ARCURIUS an ECHO-
DIUS FIND, an DOMINGARTUS.
Euchodius, leg. EUCHODIUS Buide.
Adimpleta sunt, adde: Nam ARTURIUS (sic) et ECHODIUS
FIND, non longo post temporis intervallo Micitorum (sic, lege
Miatorum) superius memorato in bello trucidati sunt. Do-
MINGARTUS vero in Saxonia, bellica in strage interfectus
est. ECHODIUS autem BUIDE post patrem in regnum suc-
cessit.
C. 9. "Ad S'tum Columbam in Dorso Ceta per nutritores
adductus est."
Post c. 10. (De Scandlano.)
De Duobus aliis regnatoribus, qui duo nepotes MUIRETHACHI
vocitabantur, BAITANUS filius MAICERCE, et EUCHUDIUS
filius DOMNAIL, beati prophecia viri.
Alio in tempore, per asperam et saxosam regionem iter
faciens, quæ dicitur Ardamuircol et suos audiens comites,
446
APPENDIX.
LAISRANUM utique filium FERADACHI, et DERMICIUM mi-
nistratorem, de duobus supra memoratis regibus in via ser-
mocinari, hæc ad eos verba depromit. "O filioli, quare in-
aniter de his sic confabulamini? Nam illi ambo reges de qui-
bus nunc sermocinamini nuper ab inimicis decapitati dispe-
riere. In hac quoque die aliqui de Scocia adventantes nautæ
hæc eadem vobis de illis indicabunt regibus." Quod vene-
rabilis viri vaticinium eadem die de Hybernia navigatores,
ad locum qui dicitur Muirbolc paradisi pervenientes, supra-
scriptis ejus bini comitibus, et in eadem navi cum sancto
navigantibus, de hisdein interfectis regibus expletum retule
runt.
De OINGUSIO filio AIDO COMANI, Sancti prophecia viri.
Hic namque de patria, cum aliis duobus fratribus, effuga-
tus, ad Sanctum in Brittania peregrinantem, exul venit.
Cuique benedicens hæc de eo prophetizans sancto promit de
pectore verba.
"Hic juvenis, defunctis ejus ceteris fratri-
bus, superstes remanens multo est regnaturus in patria tem-
pore, et inimici ejus coram ipso cadent. Nec tamen ipse
unquam in manus tradetur inimicorum; sed morte placida
senex inter amicos morietur." Quæ omnia juxta sancti ver-
bum plene sunt adimpleta. Hic est OINGUSIUS cujus cog-
nomentum BRONBACHAL.
De filio DERMITI regis, qui AIDUS SLANE lingua nominatus
est Scottica, prophecia beati viri.
Alio in tempore, cum vir beatus in Scocia per aliquot de
moraretur dies, ad supradictum AIDUM (ad se venientem) sic
prophetice locutus ait. "Precavere debes, fili! ne tibi a Deo
tocius Hiberniæ regni prerogativam monarchiæ prædestina-
tam, paricidali faciente peccato, amittas. Nam si quandoque
illud commiseris, non toto patris regno sed ejus aliqua parte
in gente tua, brevi finieris tempore." Quæ verba sancti sic
sunt expleta, secundum ejus vaticinationem. Nam post SUIR-
NEUM filium COLUMBANI dolo ab eo interfectum, non plus.
ut fertur, quam quatuor annis, et tribus mensibus, regni
concessa potitus est parte.
ADOMNAN.
447
De Rege RODERCO filio TOTAIL, qui Petra Cloithe regnavit,
beati viri prophecia.
Alio IDEM in tempore, ut erat Sancti viri amicus, aliquam
ad eum occultam per LUGREUM MOCUMIN, legationem mi-
sit, scire volens si ab inimicis esset trucidandus, an non. At
vero LUGBEUS a Sancto interrogatus, de eodem rege, et reg-
no, et populo ejus, respondens, quasi misertus dicit: "Quid
de illo inquiris misero, qui qua hora ab inimicis occidatur
nullo modo sciri potest?" Sanctus tum deinde profatur:
"Nunquam in manus tradetur inimicorum; sed in sua, super
suam plumatiunculam, morietur domo." Quod sancti de
rege RODERCO vaticinium plene adimpletum est. Nam juxta
verbum ejus domo sua morte placida obiit.
(Tunc, c. 11. et post.)
De COLGIO AIDO, DRAIGNICHE filio, a nepotibus FECHUREG
orto, et de quodam occulto matris ejus plecato, prophecia
Sancti.
Alio in tempore supra memoratum COLGIUM apud se in
Hyona commorantem insula, Sanctus de sua interrogat geni-
trice, si esset religiosa, an non. Cui ipse inquiens ait bene
moratam, &c.
De LAISRANO ORTHOLANO homine sancto.
Vir beatus quendam de suis monachum, nomine TRENA-
NUM, gente MoCURUNTIR legatum ad Scotiam, &c.
(Post. c. 12.)
De quodam BAITANO, qui cum ceteris, desertum marinum appe-
tens, enavigaverat, Sancti prophecia viri.
Alio in tempore quidam BAITANUS, gente nepos MATHA-
LOIRC, benedici a sancto petivit cum ceteris in mari here-
mum quesiturus, &c.
448
APPENDIX.
De NEMANO quodam ficto penitente.
Post 13. De i vocali litera.
De libro in aquarum vas sicuti prædixerat ca-
dente.
De corniculo attramenti inaniter defuso.
De alicujus adventu hospitis, quem sanctus pra-
nunciavit.
De aliquo miserabili viro qui ultra supradictum
clamitabat fretum.
Tunc 14. Romani juris civitas.
C. 19. pro Scocia lege Scia.
Post 19. 3 fol. et inter alia.
Sed et illud non est tacendum quod aliquando de tali in-
comparabili vocis ejus sublevatione, juxta Brudei regis mu-
nicionem, accidisse traditur. Nam ipse sanctus cum paucis
fratribus, extra regis municionem dum vespertinales Dei
laudes ex more celebraret, quidam magi ad eos propius ac-
cedentes, in quantum poterant prohibere conabantur, ne de
ore ipsorum divinæ laudis sonus inter gentiles audiretur.
Quo comperto sanctus quadragesimum et quartum psalmum
decantare cepit. Mirumque in modum ita vox ejus in aere
eodem momento, instar alicujus formidabilis tonitrui elevata
est, ut et rex et populus intolerabili essent pavore perterriti.
De quodam divite qui LUGUDIUS CLODIUS rocitabatur.
(Post. c. 30.)
De bello quod in municione Cethirni post multa commissum est
tempora; et de quodam fonticulo ejusdem terrulæ proximo ;
sancti prescientia viri.
I
Alio in tempore vir beatus cum post regum in Dorso Ce-
tæ condictum, AIDI videlicet filii AMMIRECH, et AIDANI
filii GABRANI, ad campos reverteretur equoreos, ipse et
COMGELLUS abbas, quadam serena estivi temporis die, haud
procul a super memorata municione resident. Tum proinde
aqua de quodam proximo, ad manus lavandas, fonticulo ad
sanctos in eneo defertur vasculo, quam cum COLUMBA ac-
cepisset ad abbatem COMGELLUM a latere sedentem sic pro-
fatur. "Ille fonticulus, O COMGELLE, de quo hæc effusa
nobis allata est aqua, veniet dies quum nullis usibus humanis
Drumkeat in Hibernia,
ADOMNAN.
449
aptus erit." "Qua causa," ait COMGELLUS, " ejus fontana
corrumpetur unda?" Sanctus tunc COLUMBA: "Quum hu-
mano," inquit, "cruore replebitur. Nam mei cognitionales
amici, et tui secundum carnem cognati, hoc est, NELLIS ne-
potes, et CRUTHINI populi, in hac vicina municione Cechirni,
belligerantes, committent bellum. Unde insuper memorato
fonte aliquis de mea cognitione trucidabitur humuncio; cujus
cum ceteris interfecti sanguine ejusdem fonticuli locus reple-
bitur." Quæ ejus veridica, suo tempore, post multos vatici-
natio expleta est annos. In quo bello, ut multi norunt populi,
DOMNALLUS AIDI filius victor sullimatus est: et in eodem,
secundum sancti vaticinium viri, fonticulo quidam de paren-
tela ejus interfectus est homo. Alius michi ADOMNANO
Christi miles, FINANUS nomine, qui vitam multis anachore-
ticam annis juxta Roboreti monasterium Campi irreprehensi-
biliter ducebat, de eodem bello, se presente commisso aliqua
enarrans, protestatus est in supradicta fonte truncum cadave-
rinum vidisse, eademque die ad monasterium sancti Coм-
GELLI, quod Scottice dicitur Cambas, commisso reversum
bello, quia inde prius venerat; ibidemque duos sancti Coм-
GELLI monachos reperisse. Quibus cum de bello coram se
acto, et de fonticulo humano cruore corrupto, aliquanta en-
arravit, illi consequenter: "Verus est propheta COLUMBA,"
aiunt," qui hæc omnia quæ hodie de bello, et de fonticulo,
expleta enarras, ante multos annos futura nobis audientibus
coram sancto COMGELLO, juxta Cethirin sedens municionem,
prænunciaverat.”
LIBER II.
Cap. 32. De FENTENI filii AIDO, in extremis positi
sanitate.
Alio quoque in tempore sanctus, cum trans Britanicum
iter ageret Dorsum, quidam juvenis, unus comitum, subita
molestatus egrimonia ad extrema usque perductus, nomine
FENTENUS. Pro quo commilitones sanctum mosti rogitant
ut oraret. Qui statim eis compaciens, sanctas cum intenta
oratione, expandit ad cælum manus, egroque benedicens,
VOL. I.
2 F
450
APPENDIX.
ait: "Hic, pro quo interpellatis juvenculus, viva vivet longa;
et post omnem nostrum, qui hic assumus, exitum superstes
remanebit, in bona moriturus senecta." Quod beati vivi va-
ticinium plene per omnia expletum est. Nam idem juvenis,
illius postea monasterii fundator quod dicitur Kailli An find,
in bona senectute presentem terminavit vitam.
Cap. 47. Pictorum plebe et Scottorum Britanniæ, quos
utrosque Dorsi montes Britannici disterminant.
A great plague through all the world in Adomnan's time,
nostris temporibus-Piks and Scots of Britain only except-
ed. Nos-et in Saxonia regem Alfridum visitanter amicum,
adhuc non cessante pestilentia, et multos hinc inde vicos de-
vastante, ita tamen nos Dominus, et in prima post bellum
Egfridi visitatione, et in secunda interjectis duobus annis, in
tali mortalitatis medio deambulantes periculo liberavit.
***These few passages are only given as illustrative of
this work. The others to be found in this MS. are
too numerous for insertion.
[451]
No. VII. The CONTENTS of, and EXTRACTS from, the Re-
gister of the Priory of St Andrews.'
EXCERPTA QUÆDAM DE MAGNO REGISTRO PRIORATUS
S'TI ANDREÆ.
MS. Harl. 4628.
PARS I.
CONTENTA REGISTRI.
In Registro Prioratus S'ti Andreæ sunt:
1. INSTRUMENTUM electionis Johannis de Haddington in
priorem S'ti Andreæ.
2. Carta per Gilbertum priorem, facta Ricardo filio Roge-
ri de Fedmohe.
3. Alia Carta per Walterum priorem, dicto Rogero, quæ
terræ fuerit in carta secunda limites designatæ. (sic.)
4. Relatio quid acciderit de contraversia post mortem
Willielmi Phraser Episcopi, et instrumentum de eo, 1209.
5. Antiqua Allusio de numero Septenario, et Interpretatio
loci Apocal. de 7 Sigillis.
6. Decisio contraversiæ inter Keledeos et Episcopum de
jurisdictione agri, per Thom. Ranulphum, Guardianum citra
Mare Scoticum, A° 1309.
7. Tractatus de Dictionibus Bibliæ; usque ad fol. 44.
This Register has been missing ever since 1660, when it was last seen
in the hands of James Nairn, minister at the abbacy of Holyroodhouse.
Dalr. Coll. p. 106.
These Contents and Extracts had however been taken, and passed into
the library of Sir R. Sibbald, who communicated part to Innes. They are
now published entire from a MS. in the Harleian Library, N° 4628; written
after 1708, for it contains a piece of Lord Cromarty's, dated that year, and
transcribed in the same hand-writing. There are several other MSS. on
Scotish affairs in the same library, written by the same hand. (Query, If
Anderson's, the publisher of the Diplomata?)
From Sir R. Sibbald's History of Fife, and from Innes's account, this co-
py is clearly taken from the one in Sir R. Sibbald's library.
452
APPENDIX.
8. Bulla Innocentii 4. Papæ, confirinans terras et dona-
tiones et privilegia facta prioratui S'ti Andreæ, 1248. Anno
5to Innocentii 4ti.
9. Nomina Regum Scotia et Pictorum, a fol. 46 ad fol. 49.
10. Oblatio Alexandri Primi Regis et Sybillæ uxoris ejus,
fol. 49.
11. Petitio Kelideorum, et subjectio eorum Episcopo S'ti
Audreæ.
12. Proverbia Catonis, Pamphyli, Maximiani, Annani,
Ovidii, ad fol. 55.
13. Relatio quo David, filius Roberti Regis, factus fuit Miles,
Anno 1331, per Thomam Ranulphum Comitem Moravia, per
licentiam Comitis de Fyfe; et postea coronatus fuit per Jacobum
Ben, Episcopum S'ti Andrea, apud Scone, Dominica proxima.
14. Consecratio magnæ Ecclesia per Episcopum Willielmum
de Lamberton, in presentia Roberti Regis, et 6 Episcoporum, et
multorum Comitum et Baronum, Anno 1328, 3 Nonas Julii;
et Oblatio Regis, et Episcoporum, illo die.
15. Cartæ Ricardi Regis Angliæ de Restitutione Bervici,
et Roxbrugh, Willielmo Regi Scotia, et omnium Cartarum
quos pater Ricardi extorsit a dicto Willielmo, per ejus cap-
tionem, ita ut omnia sunt in posterum ut erant tempore Mal-
colmi Regis.
16. Genealogia Regum Anglia ab Henrico 2do ascendendo
ad Noah per Matrem, fol. 56.
17. HISTORIA Originis Scotorum ex Egypto ad Hispa-
niam in Hiberniam, breviter inde in Britanniam, fol. 57; et
Genealogia S'te Margareta uxoris Malcolmi, fol. 57.
18. HISTORIA. A fol. 58 ad fol. 99.
19. Constitutiones Davidis Episcopi de Regendo Clero.
20. Carta facta per Jacobum Priorem S'ti Andreæ de Loch-
leven, A° 1396.
21. Confirmatio Ecclesiæ de Errol, monachis de Cupro.
22. Ecclesiæ de Lauder, Abbati de Driburgh.
23. Ecclesiæ de Hilleminesin,, Hospitali de Lochlevin,
et aliorum privilegiorum concessorum Hospitali de Lochle-
ven.
24. Concessio Arnot, eidem Hospitali.
25. Confirmatio Ecclesiæ de Bambeith, &c. facta ca-
nonicis de Dunkeld, per Hugonem Episcopum Dunkeld.
26. Confirmatio Wilelmi Episcopi S'ti Andreæ, super
ecclesiis in Coldingham, et reliquis spectantibus ad Episco-
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS.
453
pum Dunelmensem; cum concordia inter eos de piscaria in
Berwick.
27. Ecclesiæ de Kethems.
28. Confirmatio Rogeri Episcopi S'ti Andreæ Ecclesia-
rum de Durhame, de piscaria in Perth, et vicaria in Perth.
de Fedinche.
29.
30.
31.
de Rosinclerach.
de ecclesia de Kilcontach, concessa per Davidem
Episcopum monialibus de North Berwick.
32. de ecclesia de Kircaldy, concessa Abbati de Dum-
fermline per eundem Episcopum.
33. Confirmatio ecclesiarum datarum abbati Stæ Cru-
cis per episcopos S'ti Andreæ, Anno 1240. Ecclesiæ sunt
de Castello, S'ti Curthberti, cum capellis ecclesiarum de
Erth, de villa Levin, de Kumeil, de Kareden, de Gamer, de
Hanel, de Bathket, de Boultoun, de Eglisbrek quæ Varia Ca-
pella dicitur, de Monte Laodoniæ, Capella de Pentland, et
medietatibus decimarum garbalium ecclesiæ de Kingorn;
quas ecclesias Robertus, Arnaldus, Ricardus, Hugo, Williel-
mus, et David, Episcopi dederunt.
34. Confirmatio terrarum de Hulotston condatarum in
Carta.
35. Taxatio Vicariarum in ecclesiis S'tæ Crucis.
36. Carta capella de Wederly, facta per David episcopum
S'ti Andreæ Abbati de Kelcho.
37. Carta duarum particarum terræ, in villa de Dunde,
facta Radulfo Corbrige.
38. Carta terræ in Clachmanan, facta Murivo filio Gilmu-
melmi, pro redditione unius carri, vel 2 solidorum, cum ædi-
ficatione hospitii.
39. Carta facta Abbati de Driburgh, de Vicariorum sus-
tentatione.
40. Carta ecclesiæ de Restenet per David episcopum, Ab-
bati de Jedword 1242, et confirmatio ejusdem.
41. Carta ecclesiæ de Aberlemni iisdem facta, per eundem
Davidem.
42. Carta maritagii Thomæ de Lidel, cum terris de Inche-
raye Midmor.
43. Confirmatio ecclesiæ de Kuledon, facta Abbati de
Kelso.
44. Carta terrarum de Cure in Forfar, facta Nicolao Bur-
gensi.
45. Compositio inter Abbatem de Culross, et Rectorem
454
APPENDIX.
de Kylmany, super decimis de Zachtulit infra parochiam de
Kilmarin, facta per Davidem Episcopum S'ti Andreæ.
46. Carta per Davidem Episcopum S'ti Andreæ, facta fra-
tribus de * * * Scotia, terrarum in dicta carta diversarum
et condatarum, viz. Kelgad, &c.
47. Carta terrarum de Pethmulin Ricardo Monepenny,
cum libertate molend. grana apud molendinum de Puthekin
sine multura.
48. Carta ecclesiæ de Dumanum, per eundem episcopum
facta abbati de Jedworth.
49. Carta duarum perticarum terræ, in burgo de Lin-
lichco.
50. Carta per Walterum priorem S'ti Andreæ, facta Wil-
lielmo Giffard, et heredibus suis, de capella de Aldcathyn.
Reddendo ecclesiæ de Linlichco dimidium Marcæ, et xvi
denarios, et etiam concessit capellam de Laneditum et ca-
pellam de Polganeltyn.
51. Carta Adæ filii Odonis de maritagio.
52. Carta ecclesiæ de Duminam, facta abbati de Jedworth.
53. Carta terrarum de Knispinetbyn, et Finegally, et
Dundinauch, facta per Davidem episcopum Malcolmo de
Knispineth, 1247.
54. Confirmatio ecclesiarum de Innerwych, et Liggardis-
wood, facta abbati de Paslay, per Willielmum et Davidem
episcopos S'ti Andreæ.
•
55. Renunciatio actionis de terris de Pethpont.
56. Compositio inter monachos de Cupro, et ecclesiam de
Errol.
57. Taxatio vicariarum de Aberbrothock.
58. Carta terræ de Abel, facta per Davidem episcopum
Willielmo de Breichen, 1249.
59. Carta ecclesiæ S'ti Cuthberti, de ecclesiis et capella
de Brighen, et de Mersington, et de Letham, facta moniali-
bus de Eccles, 1250.
60. Carta ecclesiæ de Bucham, facta monialibus de Eccles
per eundem Davidem episcopum.
#
61. Carta ecclesiæ de Smalam, facta per episcopum S'ti
Andreæ decano et capitulo Glasguensi, 1265.
62. Carta vicariæ ecclesiæ de Eggles, quæ vocatur Kirk-
town, facta abbati de Cambusknel.
63. Compositio de annuo redditu, de fermis de Ardmoir,
debitis priori S'ti Andreæ.
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS.
455
64. Carta terrarum de Ardmoir, facta per priorem S'ti
Andreæ domina Margareta Lindsay, anno 1285.
65. Carta ecclesiæ et terræ de Logindunde, per Ricardum
episcopum S'ti Andreæ abbati de Scone.
66. Alia carta per Hugonem episcopum, confirmans dona-
tiones per predecessores suos factas, viz. Ecclesiarum de
Skone, cum capella de Kinfans, de Cragy, et de Rate, de
Liff, et de Innergowry, de Rankismuch, de Lachor, de Ber-
mount, abbati de Skone.
67. Alia carta earundem per Willielmum episcopum.
68. Confirmatio ecclesiæ S'ti Servani, in insula de Loch-
levin, per Gamelum episcopum S'ti Andreæ, apud Inchmau-
hat, anno 1248.
69. Alia carta facta per Joh. priorem de insula in Loch
levin.
70. SUCCESSIO in Prioratu, fol. 118, 119.
71. Pars cartæ cujusdam de divisione de Seck, facienda
per præpositum capeile S'ti Andreæ episcopo S'ti Andreæ.
72. Carta de Rossiclerack, facta per priorem Jacobo de
Perth.
Et sic finitur Registrum fol. 121.
PARS II.
EXCERPTA QUÆDAM EX DICTO REGISTRO.
§ I.
Nomina Regum Scotorum et Pictorum, supra in Contentis,
No 9.
Hic articulus ab Innesio publici juris est factus in Appen-
dice, p. 797. seqq. sed hoc MS. paululum discrepat in se-
quentibus.
P. 797. Innes Sluaghmuner, MS. Sluaghmaner.
Ordo regum variat: nam hîc 5. Conal 14-3.
Heoghedbud 16-7. Kineth Ker 3 menses-6.
Edan fil. Garan. Ultimus poni debet ante Heog-
hedbud transferri debet, annotat transcriptor.
:
$
456
APPENDIX.
798. 11. Dovenald Durn, MS.
13. Heoghed Rinnavel fil.
Dovenal Dunn.
Dovenghart, filii Do-
venald Brec. MS. Heoghed Monanel fil. Dond-
qhart, fil. Donavald Bick.
17. Heoghan fil. M. 3 an. MS. Geoghan fil. M.
2 an.
18. Hethfin fil. Heoghed Rinnevale, MS. Heschel
Ramele.
20. Selvhanc, MS. Icalulanc.
799. 6. Deootheth, MS.
Deokleth.
10. Umpopnemet, MS. Wmpopniall.
12. Canatulmel, MS. Canatuimet.
13. Dinornacht, MS. Donarmocht.
14. Feodat Finleg, MS. Feredak filius.
17. D. f Urb, MS. D. f. Irb.
20. D. Gormot, MS. Gernot.
21. Galam, 15 an. MS. Gulam 25 an.
23. Hydrossig, MS. Hudresseg.
26. Mordeleg, MS. Madolei.
800.31. N. fil. Ub. MS. fil. Irb.
32. Kinel, MS. Kinet.
36. T. f. Amfrude, MS. T. f. Confrud.
40. Amfredech, MS. Amsedeth.
42. Nectan frater ejus, MS. Ferthin frater ejus.
801. 54. Dustalorg, MS. Drustelorg.
55. Eoganan, MS. Coganan.
59. Fotel, MS. Fetal.
Ibid. Reg. Scot.
25. Roith in Veramont, MS. Raith Inverameat.
28. Girg Mac Dungal, MS. Carus Mac Dungal.
802. 32. Inverculan, MS. Inertolen.
34. Laudonia, MS. Laodana.
35. Finellæ filiæ Cunechat, MS. Finele Cunnuchar
comitis de A. Dunfinoen, MS. Dunis-
moen.
36. Malcolm I. MS. Malcolmi.
803. 37. Girgh, MS. Girus.
39. Bothgouanan, MS. Bothganenan.
44. Macloen, MS. Mackcolm.
804. 46. Crasleti, MS. Cinfleth.
Post 49. Willelmus, insere, "Summa annorum a
Kinat Mac Alpin ad regnum Alexandri 501 annis:"?
error pro 371.
51. Zabulo seminante, MS. diabolus seminatus.
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS.
457
§ 2.
Successio Priorum. (No. 70, supra ?)
Anno 1140, Robertus, primus prior, per Robertum episco-
pum vocatus; hic obiit anno 1197. Cui successit Walterus,
qui propter infirmitatem demisit prioratum. Et successit
Gilbertus, qui post duos menses obiit apud Clackmahan, ad-
huc vivente Waltero qui resumpsit prioratum, et quantum
poterit prestitit, sed obiit anno 1200. Ei successit Thomas,
qui propter fratrum impietatem dimisso prioratu, factus est
no'mtun Iraba (sic) de Cupro. Huic successit Simon; hic
etiam reliquit prioratum et cepit prioratum insulæ de Loch-
levin. Huic successit Henricus de Norham, anno 1226.
Huic successit Joannes Prior; hic obiit anno 1258. Huic
successit Gilbertus; hic obiit anno 1263. Huic successit
Joannes de Haddingtoun; hic obiit anno 1804. Huic successit
Adam de Manchan; hic obiit anno 1813. Huic successit
Joannes de Forfar.
§ 3.
Historia beati Reguli, et fundationis ecclesia Sancti Andreæ :
adjiciuntur quædam de Keledeis; et alia ad dictam ecclesiam
pertinentia. [scripta cir. A. 1140.]
Anno ab Incarnatione Domini nostri Jesu Christi 345,
CONSTANTINUS, nepos Constantini filii Helenæ, congrega-
vit exercitum magnum ad depopulandum Patras civitatem,
in vindictam suspensionis beati ANDREE Apostoli Christi,
et ut inde auferat Reliquias ipsius. Tertia autem nocte,
antequam Imperator cum exercitu intraret civitatem, Ange-
lus Dei descendens de cœlo apparuit sanctis viris, qui cus-
'This seems to be the HISTORIA, No. 18, of the contents. There is
no room anywhere else in the contents for this piece; and no other title to
which it can refer. The Historia of the contents has 41 folios; but how
widely written? for nothing is so common in MSS. of this kind, written by
various hands, as extreme variety in the size, and wideness, of the writing
Besides, this Historia seems to extend quite to the end of these excerpts:
and the many charters after mentioned seem to have been given at full
length in the original; for they belong to the history of the Priory, and are
not found in the contents.
458
APPENDIX.
todiebant Reliquias Sancti Andreæ Apostoli, et præcepit
sancto episcopo REGULO, ut ipse cum clericis suis iret ad
sarcophagum, in quo erant recondita ossa beati Andreæ, et
inde tolleret tres digitos manus dextræ, et brachium inter
cubitum et humerum, et patellam genu illius, et unum ex
dentibus suis. Ipsi vero has partes de reliquiis tollentes, sicut
Angelus illos jusserat, in loco secretissimo reposuerunt. Die
vero sequente post harum reliquiarum repositionem, sub ortu
solis, venit Imperator CONSTANTIUS (sic) cum exercitu
suo, et urbem depopulavit, et provinciam ; et secum Romæ
asportavit Scrinium, in quo cætera ossamenta Saucti Apos-
toli invenit reposita. Quo adveniens depredavit Insulam
Tyberis, et Colossiam, et inde tulit secum ossa S'ti Lucæ
Evangelistæ, et Timothei discipuli Beati Pauli Apostoli,
usque ad Constantinopolim cum reliquiis Beati Andreæ.
Tunc temporis HUNGUS, filius FERLON, magnus rex Pic-
torum, congregavit exercitum suum contra ADHELSTANUM
regem Saxonum, et castrametatus est ad ostium fluminis Tyne.'
Nocte vero ipsa, ante congressionem duorum exercituum,
Beatus ANDREAS apparuit Regi Pictorum HUNGO in som-
niis, dicens ei quod ipse Apostolus, in die sequente, inimicum
exercitum ita expugnaret, ut ipse HUNGUS plene de inimi-
cis triumpharet. Cui rex ait, "Quis es tu? et unde venis?”
Beatus Andreas respondens ait "Ego sum Andreas Aposto-
Ius Christi, et nunc de cœlo veni a Deo missus revelare tibi,
quod in die crastino expugnabo inimicos tuos, et tibi subju-
gabo; et læta victoria potitus ipse cum exercitu tuo incolu-
mis reparabis. Et in regnum tuum Reliquiæ meæ afferen-
tur; et locus ad quem deferentur cum omni honore et vené-
ratione celebris erit, usque in ultimum diem seculi." Rex
autem, ex somno evigilans, enarravit omnibus suis ea quæ
dormienti revelaverat Beatus Andreas. Quibus auditis Pic-
torum populus exhilaratus, jurejurando affirmavit, perpetuo
cum omni diligentia se Beato Andreæ venerationem exhibi-
turum, si ea quæ Regi suo monstraverat ad effectum duce-
rentur. Die autem postero Picti, ex sponsione Apostoli leti-
ficati, prælium pararunt; et, diviso exercitu, circa Regem
suum septem aginina statuerunt. Saxones vero suum divi-
dentes exercitum, Regem suum ADHELSTANUM bis septem
constipati sunt agminibus. Facto autem congressu, Saxones
omni virtute illico destituti, Deo volente, et Sancto Apostolo
Fabricatio lepida! Saxones in Britannia, A. D. 345!
}
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS.
459
Re-
Andrea pro Pictis interveniente, in fugam detorsi sunt.
gis autem Saxonum ADHELSTANI capite amputato, innume-
ra Saxonum facta est cædes. Rex vero HUNGUS victoria
potitus, cum exercitu non modico in terram suam rediens,
caput ADHELSTANI secum precepit adferri, et in loco qui di-
citur Ardchinnechun, infra portum qui nunc dicitus Portus
Regina, ligno fecit affigi. Post istam ope coelesti adeptam
victoriam, in Pictos postmodum non ausi sunt insurgere Sax-
ones.
Post hujus belli felicem victoriam non multis evolutis die-
bus, Angelus Die iterum, de coelo venit ad Beatum Episco-
pum REGULUM, quem ita alloquitur: "Ex Dei summi præ-
cepto partes Aquilonares adire non differes, adversus solem
orientcm, cum Reliquiis discipuli Christi Andreæ; quos ex
monitu nostro jamdudum reservasti. Et quocunque loco na-
vis illa, quæ te et tuum vehet per mare conventum, conquas-
sata fuerit, te cum Sociis salvo et incolumi ibi in nomine Do-
mini et Apostoli sui Andreæ, jace fundamentum Ecclesiæ.
Locus enim ille vobis erit per seculum requies, et ibidem erit
resurrectio in die extremi examinis." REGULUS vero epis-
copus, juxta præceptum Angeli, Sanctis Viris comitatus, cum
reliquiis S'ti Apostoli, erga Aquilonem tendit navigio.
Et,
per unius anni spatium et dimidii, multis tempestatum jactus
procellis, per Insulas Greci Maris quocunque appulsus fuit,
oratorium in honorem S'ti Andreæ constituit.
Innumeros itaque Sancti Viri labores perpessi, per marina
littora, Deo ducente, in Aquilonem vela direxerunt, et in ter-
ra Pictorum, ad locum qui Muckros fuerat nuncupatus, nunc
autem Kylrimont dictus, nocte S'ti Michaelis, applicuerunt.
Muckros vero nemus porcorum dicitur. Navi vero qua vehe-
bantur ad scopulos conquassata, crucem quandam, quam se-
cum de Patris portaverant, ibidem sibi erectis papilionibus
in terra fixerunt, in signum quod portaverant sacrorum, et
contra demonum insidias curamentum. Et ibidem per dies
septem et totidem noctes manserunt. Ibidem dimissis seni-
oribus S. DAMIANO, et fratre suo MERINACH, in ipsius loci
custodiam, REGULUS, et cæteri viri, cum sanctis Reliquiis
Sanctissimi Apostoli Andreæ ad Forteviet perrexerunt.
illic tres filios Regis HUNGI reperierunt, sciz HOWONAM,
et NECHTAN, et PHINGUINEGHERT. Et quia pater illorum
in expeditione in partibus Argathelica tunc temporis extitit,
de cujus vita filii multum soliciti crant, Deo et S'to Andreæ
dederunt decimam partem de urbe Forteviet. Ibidem vero
460
APPENDIX.
eruce quadam erecta, loco et loci habitatoribus Regis filiis,
benedixerunt. Inde perrexerunt Moneclatu qui nunc dicitur
Monichi, et ibi Regina FINCHEM Regi HUNGO filiam enixa
est quæ MOUREN vocata est. Corpus illius virginis Mou-
REN apud Kylrimont sepulta est, nullo ante hoc ibidem se-
pulto. FINCHEM vero Regina domum in qua filiam Mou-
REN pepererat dedit Deo, et Sancto Andreæ, et totum
atrium Regale perpetuo. Inde transierunt montana, seu Mo-
neth, et venerunt ad locum qui vocabatur Doldencha, nunc
autem dictus Chondrochedalvan. Ibi HUNGUS Rex sublimis
de expeditione rediens, viris sanctis obvenit, et coram Reli-
quiis S'ti Andreæ Apostoli sibi ostensis, cum omni humilitate
et reverentia se prostravit; Pictis omnibus qui cum illo erant,
similiter cum Rege humili, prostratis coram Reliquiis. Rex
vero locum illum, seu Doldancha, dedit Deo et Šaucto An-
dreæ Apostolo, et ecclesiam ibi ædificavit ubi Reliquiæ sibi
nudæ ostensæ erant. Inde Rex cum sanctis viris montana,
seu Moneth, transiens venit usque ad Monichi. Ibidem et in
honorem Dei et beati Apostoli ecclesiam ædificavit. Et ita
venit Rex cum sanctis viris ad Fortevieth; et ibi Deo et Apos-
tolo basilicam ædificavit.
Postea vero Rex HUNGUS, cum sanctis viris, venit Chylri-
mont,' et magnam partem loci illius circumiens obtulit illam
Deo et S'to Andreæ Apostolo, ad ædificandum ibi basilicas
et oratorias. Locum vero ipsum, nota evidente designatum,
ex magna devotione septies circumierunt. Rex HUNGUS,
et ipse Episcopus REGULUS, et viri cæteri, circuitione et per-
ambulatione ita disposita septena præcessit Episcopus RE-
GULUS, super caput suum cum omni veneratione Reliquias
S'ti Apostoli deferens, suo sacro conventu Episcopum cum
comitibus hymnidicis sequente. Illos vero devotus secutus
Rex HUNGUS est pcdentim, Deo intimas preces et gratias
fundens devotas. Regem vero secuti sunt viri optimates,
totius regni nobiliores. Ita locum ipsum Deo commenda-
runt, et pace Regia munierunt. In signum vero Regiæ com-
mendationis, per loci circuitum divisim 12 cruces lapideas
viri sancti erexerunt; et Deo coeli humiliter supplicabant,
ut omnes in illo loco mente devota, et intentione pura, ora-
tionis suæ petitionis efficaciam obtinerent.
I
¹ Kylrimont vere fundata est ecclesia ab Ungusto II. rege Pictorum circa
Annum 825, ut ex Wintono et aliis patet. Forsan Regulus eidem contem-
poraneus fuit. Reliqua de locis ad ecclesiam S'ti Andreæ pertinentibus,
&c. videntur esse verissima.
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS.
461
Postea Rex HUNGUS Basilica S'ti Apostoli in parochiam
dedit quicquid terræ est inter Mare quod Ishundenema dice-
batur, usque ad Mare quod Sletheuma vocabatur; et in ad-
jacienti provincia per circuitum de Largaw, usque ad Siren
canum; et de Sireis usque ad Hyhatnoughten Mochehirb, quæ
tellus nunc dicitur Hadnachten. Rex vero dedit hunc locum
sc. Chilrymonth Deo, et Sancto Andreæ ejus Apostolo, cum
aquis, pratis, cum agris, cum pascuis, cum moris, cum nemo-
ribus, in eleemosynam perpetuo; et tanta libertate locum il-
lum donavit, ut illius inhabitatores liberi et quieti semper
existerent de exercitu, et de operibus castellorum, et pontium,
et de inquietatione omnium sæcularium exactionum. RE-
GULUS vero Episcopus Deo cantavit orationem Allej, ut Deus
locum istum in eleemosinam datum in sempiternam prote-
geret, et custodiret in honorem Apostoli. In memoriale datæ
libertatis Rex HUNGUS cespitem arreptum, coram nobilibus
Pictis, hominibus suis, usque ad altare S'ti Andreæ detulit;
et super illud cespitem eundem obtulit. In præsentia Tes-
tium horum hoc factum est, Thalarg filii Ythernbuthib, Nac-
tan filii Chelturan, Garnach filii Desnach, Drusti filii Ur
throst, Nachtalich filii Gighergh, Shinah filii Lutheren, Ane-
gus filii Forchate, Sheradach filii Finleich, Phiachan sui filii,
Bolge, Glunmerach filii Taran, Demene filii Aunganena,
Duptalaich filii Bergib. Isti Testes ex Regali Prosapia ge-
niti sunt.
Postea in Chilrymont sancti viri SEPTEM construxerunt
ECCLESIAS. Unam in honorem sancti Reguli : Secundam in
honorem S'ti Aneglas Diaconi: Tertiam in honorem S'ti Mi-
chaelis Archangeli: Quartam in honorem S'te Maria Virgi-
nis: Quintam in honorem S'ti Damiani: Sextam in honorem
S'ta Brigida virginis: Septimam in honorem Muren cujus-
dam virginis; et in illa ecclesia fuerunt 50 virgines, de semi-
ne regio procreatæ, omnes Deo dicatæ, et velatæ undecim
annis, et sepultæ sunt omnes in orientali parte ipsius ecclesiæ.
Hæc sunt nomina illorum sanctorum virorum qui sacras
reliquias S'ti Andreæ Apostoli attulerunt in Scotiam. Stus
Regulus ipse. Gelasius Diaconus. Mattheus Heremita. S.
Damianus Presbyter: et Merinachus frater ejus. Nervius
et Crisemus de Nola Insula. Mirenus: et Thuluculus Diaco-
nus. Nathabeus, et Silvius frater ejus. Septem Heremitæ
de Insula Tiberis, Felix, Juranus, Mauritius, Madianus, Philip-
pus, Eugenius, Lunus. Et tres virgines de Colossia, sciz. Ki-
2
或
​462
APPENDIX.
duana, Potentia, Cineria. Hæ virgines sepultæ sunt ad ec-
clesiam S. Anaglas.
THANA FILIUS DUDABRACH HOC MONUMENTUM SCRIPSIT
REGI PHERATH FILIO BERGETH IN VILLA MIGDELE.
1
Hæc, ut præfati sumus, sicut in veteribus Pictorum libris
scripta reperimus, transcripsimus. Affirmant plerique Scoto-
rum Beatum Apostolum Andream viventem in corpore, ibi-
dem fuisse, hoc argumentum assertionis suæ assumentes,
quod terram Pictorum sc. Scythicam, in sortem prædica-
tionis accepit; et ideo locum istum præ cunctis locis carum
habebat; et quod non explevit vivus expleat carne solutus.
Quod quia scriptum non reperimus, in neutram partem, ne-
gando, vel affirmando, nimium inclinamus: sed quoniam de
virtutibus et miraculis, quæ per sanctum Apostolum suum
Deus et fecit, et facit, facta est mentio, unde et quædam il-
lorum scribendi obtulit se occasio, quæ vel scripta reperimus,
vel a veridicis audivimus relatoribus, vel etiam ipsi perspexi-
mus, scribere Deo donante disposuimus: et hoc non fratres
postulaverunt. Interim autem distulimus donec inceptum
compleamus.
DELETO igitur funditus Pictorum regno, et a Scotis occu-
pato, vicissim res et possessiones ecclesiæ crescebant, aut
decrescebant, prout reges et principes devotionem ad sanc-
tum apostolum habebant. De quibus non est dicendum mo-
do per singula, sed quæ ad nos spectant compendiose trac-
tanda. Erat autem regia urbs Rymont Regius Mons dicta,
quam præfatus Rex HUNGUS Deo et Sancto Apostolo dedit.
Sublatis vero a presenti vita Sanctis, quorum supra mentio-
nem fecimus, qui cum Reliquiis beati Apostoli advenerant,
et eorum Discipulis atque Imitatoribus, cultus ibi religiosus
deperierat, sicut et gens barbara et inculta fuerat.
Vered filius Bargot fuit rex Pictorum ab Aº 839 ad 842. Si per hoc
monumentum intelligitur omnis fabula, putidum est mendacium monacho-
rum S'ti Andreæ, namn impossibile est talem fabulam venditari intra quinde-
cim annos post veram fundationem ecclesiæ S'ti Andreæ ab Ungusto II. Sed
per hoc monumentum forsan intelligere debemus verba Chartæ fundationis
sciz. Rex Hungus Basilica, &c. Utcumque sit vestigia Geographiæ priscæ,
et Morum antiquorum, hoc in fragmento facile apparent.
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS.
463
Habebantur tamen in ecclesia S'ti Andreæ, quota et quan-
ta tunc erat, tredecim per successionem carnalem quos KE-
LEDEOS appellant, qui secundum suam æstimationein, et ho-
minum traditionem, magis quam secundum sanctorum statu-
ta patrum, vivebant. Sed et adhuc similiter vivunt, et quæ-
dam habent communia pauciora sciz. et deteriora; quædam
vero propria plura sciz. et potiora; prout quisque ab amicis
suis aliqua necessitudine ad se pertinentibus, viz. consangui-
neis et affinibus, vel ab iis quorum animæ charæ sunt, quod
est amiciarum amici, sive aliis quibuslibet modis, poterit quis
adipisci. Postquam KELEDEI effecti sunt, non licet eis ha-
bere uxores suas in domibus suis, sed nec alias; de quibus
mala oriatur suspicio mulieris. Personæ nihilominus septem
fuerunt, obligationes altaris inter se dividentes ; quarum sep-
tem portionum unam tantum habebat episcopus; et hospi-
tale unam : quinque vero reliquæ in quinque cæteros divide-
bantur, qui nullum omnino altari vel ecclesiæ impendebant
servitium, præterquam peregrinos et hospites, cum plures
quam sex adventarunt, more suo hospitio suscipiebant, sor-
tem mittentes quis quos vel quot reciperet. Hospitale sane
semper sex, et infra, suscipiebat. Sed quod nunc, donante
Deo, postquam in manum Canonicorum devenit, omnes sus-
cepit eo advenientes. Statuerunt etiam Canonici ut si quis
eo æger deveniat, vel infirmatus ibi fuerit, cura ipsius agatur
in omnibus necessariis, juxta domus facultatem, usque dum
convalescet, vel moriatur. Si quid autem habuerit, faciat
inde quod voluerit; et disponit ad libitum suum, quoniam in
domo illa nihil exigetur ab illo. Constitutus est etiam a
Canonicis capellanus, qui et infirmatorum et morientium
curam agat. Et duo patres, qui custodiunt domum, et hos-
pites suscipiunt, atque infirmis ministrarent; qui tamen ibi
neque comedunt, neque bibunt, neque induuntur. Ad hoc
quoque concesserunt Canonici decimas propriorum suorum
laborum, et reliquias ciborum suorum. Si quid vero neces-
sarium sive sanis sive infirmis in cellario eorum fuerit, quod
de hospitali haberi non poterit, sine contradictione donetur.
Personæ autem supra memoratæ redditus et possessiones
proprias habebant; quas, cum e vita decederent, uxores eo-
rum, quas publice tenebant, filii quoque, vel filiæ, propinqui,
vel generi, inter se dividebant. Nihilominus altaris obla-
tiones, cui non deserviebant, quod puduisset dicere, si non
libuisset eis facere. Nec potuit tantum auferri malum,
us-
464
APPENDIX.
que ad tempus fœlicis memoriæ Regis ALEXANDRI,' sanctæ
Dei ecclesiæ specialis amatoris: qui et ecclesiam beati An-
dreæ apostoli possessionibus et redditibus ampliavit; multis-
que et magnis muneribus, cumulavit; libertatibus et consue-
tudinibus, quæ sui regii muneris erant, cum regali posses-
sione donavit. Terram etiam quæ Cursus Apri dicitur, quam
cum allatæ fuissent reliquie beati Andreæ apostoli, rex HUN-
Gus, cujus supra mentionem fecimus, Deo et sancto aposto-
lo Andree dederat, et postea oblata fucrat ex integro insti-
tuit; eo nimirum obtentu, et conditione, ut in ipsa ecclesia
constitueretur religio ad Deo deserviendum. Non enim erat
qui beati apostoli altari deserviret, nec ibi missa celebraba-
tur, nisi cum rex vel episcopus illo advenerat, quod raro con-
tigebat. KELEDEI namque in angulo quodam ecclesiæ,
quæ modica nimis erat, suum officium more suo celebrabant.
Cujus donationis regiæ TESTES multi sunt SUPERSTITES.
Quam donationem et comes David, frater ejus, concessit;
quem rex heredem destinaverat, et in regno successorem,”
SICUT EST HODIE. Ob cujus etiam donationis monumen-
tum, regium equum Arabicum, cum proprio freno, et sella,
et scuto, et lancea argentea, opertum pallio grandi, et pre-
tioso, præcepit rex3 usque ad altare adduci ; et de prædictis
donis, libertatibus, et consuetudinibus omnibus regalibus, ec-
clesiam investiri: arma quoque Turchensia diversi generis.
dedit, quæ cuin ipsius scuto et sella in memoriam regiæ mu-
nificentiæ, usque hodie, in ecclesia S'ti Andreæ conservan-
tur. Quæ undecunque advenientibus populis ostenduntur,
ne oblivione ullatenus delentur, quod tam crebro ad memo-
riam revocatur. Hujus nempe regis ALEXANDRI diebus,
prope vitæ temporalis finem, dominus ROBERTUS primus
Sconensis ecclesie prior, (quam et idem rex Canonicis de-
derat, et multis donis atque possessionibus ditaverat,) in Epis-
copum Scotorum electus fuit. Sic quippe, ab antiquo, epis-
copi S'ti Andreæ dicti sunt. Et in scriptis tam antiquis,
quam modernis, inveniuntur dicti Summi Archiepiscopi, sive
Summi Episcopi Scotorum. Unde et conscribi fecit in theca
evangelii Fothet episcopus, maximæ vir authoritatis, versus
istos :
Hanc evangelii thecam construxit aviti,
Fothet qui Scotis summus episcopus est.
'Nominis I. 1107-1124.
2 A. D. 1124–1153.
* Alexander I. Ritus hîc descriptus est singularis, et cujus in historiis
medii ævi difficiliter exemplum reperies.
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS.
465
Sic et nunc quoque in vulgari et communi locutione Escop
Alban, i. e. Episcopi Albaniæ, appellantur. Sic et dicti sunt,
et dicuntur per excellentiam, ab universis Scotorum episco-
pis; qui a iocis quibus præsunt appellantur.
Sed ante ipsius electi consecrationem memoratus rex
ALEXANDER, ad extrema deductus, fratrem suum regem Da-
VID, qui solus ex fratribus supererat, et SUPEREST, non tam
regni quam devotionis erga Dei ecclesiam, et pauperum tu-
telam, reliquit heredem. Satagit enim, et sataget, ut quod
frater ejus rex, sæpe dictus, inceperat, ipse ad finem Deo ju-
vante perduceret. Plures et ecclesias, et plura monasteria,
tam inonachorum, quam canonicorum, necnon et sanctimo-
nialium constituit; quibus et multa beneficia contulit. Pra-
terea in servos et ancillas Christi multa operatus est opera
misericordiæ; quæ non est nostræ facultatis evolvere. Im-
petravit autem consecrari antistitem ecclesiæ S'ti Andreæ.
jam dictum D. ROBERTUM, a piæ memoriæ THURSTINO
Eboracensi archiepiscopo, sine professione, vel qualibet ex-
actione; salva duntaxat utriusque ecclesiæ dignitate, et sanc--
tæ atque apostolicæ sedis authoritate. Ordinatus igitur epis-
copus, atque ad sedem propriam reversus, quod anhelabat in
pectore, exercere studebat in opere, ut ecclesia, viz. amplia-
retur, et cultui divino dedicaretur. In multis tamen, et ante
ordinationem, et post, adversatus est ei Satanas. Multas sus-
tinuit injurias, et contumelias, juxta quod ait Apostolus, Om-
nes qui volunt pie vivere in Christo persecutionem patiuntur. Por-
tiunculam autem septimau altaris, quæ in eum contigebat,
et quam de propriis usibus suis substrahebat, in ecclesiæ opus
expendebat. Sed quoniam impensa erant modica, modice
erigebatur et fabrica: donec Domino cooperante, et proxime
rege David annuente, oblationes in manibus laicorum, tam
virorum quam mulierum, exceptæ, in usus ecclesiæ sunt re-
ceptæ. Dein ubi magis quod daret ad manum haberet, ma-
gis ac magis opus accelerabat.
Basilica igitur in fundamentis inchoata, et ex majori jam
parte consummata, domibus quibusdam ita exactis, cum
claustro ut jam possint habitationes introduci, qui non nimia
quærerent, et interim per patientiam expectarent D. ADE-
BOLDUM episcopum Carleolensem expetiit, tam per literas,
quam per missalios per vivam quoque vocem, regi DAVID
sibi concedere ecclesiam S. Oswaldi, cui ipse episcopus jure
prioris præerat, personam quam in partem sui laboris assu-
meret, et Canonicis, quos in ecclesià S'ti Andreæ statuere
VOL. I.
2 G
466
APPENDIX.
disponebat, Priorem constitueret. Familiarius siquidem sibi
videbatur, et dulcius de ipsa ecclesia ubi se Deo devoverat,
et habitum religionis susceperat, unde et Sconensi ecclesiæ
primus Prior destinatus fuerat: de qua, ut prefati sumus, in
Episcopum electus, et assumptus erat; quam aliunde perso-
nam accipere. Nec tamen quamlibet postulavit personam,
sed fratrem ROBERTUM, non quidem fama notum, vel con-
versatione, sed tantum nomine, quem juxta quod ab amicis
et familiaribus suis qui eum noverant ad hoc idoneum esti-
mabant. Petiit ergo eum et accepit, nec enim ei de ipsa
ecclesia negare poterat, vel debebat, quia quid rationabiliter
postularet.
Memoratus autem frater ROBERTUS ex præcepto D. Epis-
copi aliquandiu apud S'tum Andream conversatus est, et sine
Canonicis, non tamen sine Clericis, prebente Domino Epis-
copo necessaria sibi et suis. In ecclesiam vero nullam habe-
bat, nec habere volebat, potestatem, donec ei Dominus pro-
curaret quam optabat ad Dei servitium societatem. Nihil
tamen de se presumerit; sed totum se Deo deferens, et se
ordinationi submittens, Deum sedulo depræcabatur ut eum
visitari et consolari dignaretur, aut tale donaret, se religionis
fundamentum ponere, supra quod constructum edificium fir-
mum esset, et stabile. Sicut enim in corde statuerat nequa-
quam in alienos labores intrare volebat, quod fortasse sibi fa-
cile foret de aliis et diversis ecclesiis, sibi fratres sociare, ne forte
diversi diversa sentientes, dum qui essent videri appeterent, in
unitatem non convenirent; et sic antequam jaceretur funda-
mentum, pateretur fabrica detrimentum. Si quos tamen, mo-
do quo ipse disponebat vivere paratis, ei Deus adduceret, eos
benigne susciperet.
Interea fratre ROBERTO ex præcepto Episcopi ut dictum
est ibidem commorante, D. Episcopo autem circa inceptum
segnius agente, venit Rex,' una cum filio suo HENRICO Co-
mite, et Rege Designato, ad Sanctum Andream, orationis
gratia; multique cum iis Camitum et Potentium terræ. In
crastino autem, andita missa, et horis ex more et oblatione
factis, veniens Rex in claustrum, quale illud tunc erat, simul
cum iis qui secum venerant; et residentibus cunctis, primum
multa quæ nihil attinet, tandem causam pro qua precipue
venerat apperuit Rex. Convenit igitur Episcopum cum sicut
disposuisse dixerat, et Rex Alexander constituerat opus, et
servitium Dei non acceleraret, ut in Ecclesia Beati Andrea
• David I.
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS.
467
religionem constitueret. Cumque post multas contraversias
causareter D. Episcopus possessionem Episcopii non licere
sibi minuere, vel dispergere, ne forte a successore suo, a servis
Dei, auferret, in quod ipsis ab eo conferretur. Respondet Rex,
et dixit, ut de terra illa quæ Cursus Apri dicitur, quæ de Epis-
copatu non erat, quam Rex ALEXANDER frater ejus, propter
hoc Deo et S'ti Andreæ devoverat, ut in ecclesia ejus religio
constitueretur, sufficienter eis tribueret; et tam ipse quam fi-
lius ejus concederent, et ad instaurandam terram auxilium fer-
rent. Quod et fecerunt; et alios quosdam cum jurando juvare
compulerunt. Tunc D. Episcopus, quasi sponte coactus, de
terris personarum quæ abeuntibus eis in manum ejus obve-
nerant, quam libuit portionein, consilio et assensu Regis et
filii ejus, et ceterorum Baronuin qui aderunt, fratri ROBERTO
in manum tradidit; unde fratres ut Dei servitium illo veni-
entes interim sustentari debuissent. Nec tamen circa opus
ecclesiæ segnius egit; sed quo citius consummaret omnibus
modis satagit. Ipsa die piæ memoriæ ROBERTUS presbiter.
Domini, Episcopi frater uterinus, corde voce et opere secu-
lum abrenuncians ad Deo deserviendum, in ecclesia Beati
Andreæ sub canonica regula S'ti Patris nostri Augustini, in
manum fratris ROBERTI Prioris se reddidit, cum ecclesia sua
de Tinningham, annuente Domino Episcopo, ita sane ut vel
ecclesiam illam haberent Canonici, vel L solidos per annum.
SEQUUNTUR Carta Donationis Roberti Episcopi, Regis
David, et Henrici Comitis filii Regis David, anno 1144.
Robertus Episcopus sæpe dictus mortuus est 1159; Arnoldus
Abbas Calchrensis eligitur 1160; et confirmatus a Willielmo
Episcopo Moraviæ, ut a Legato Pontificis, et consecratus.
Anno 1162 fundata est nova ecclesia S'ti Andreæ a Rege
Willielmo, et Arnoldo Episcopo.
Arnoldus Episcopus mortuus, et Ricardus Canonicus Regis
Malcolmi, electus 1163; hic obiit 1178.
Inde secuta contentio Canonicis eligentibus Joannem Sco-
tum, et Rege pro Hugone Capellano suo intento. Tandem
Hugo factus Episcopus S'ti Andrea; et Joannes Episcopus
Dunkeldensis.
468
APPENDIX.
Hugone mortuo, Rogerus filius nobilis viri Comitis Lei-
ceistriæ, electus 1189, et consecratus a Ricardo Episcopo
Moraviensi, astante Rege Willielmo: hic quarto post anno
moritur.
Post hunc Willielmus Episcopus Glascuensis translatus ad
St Andream. Hic vixit et rexit ecclesiam 36 annis.
Longa altercatio subsecuta; tandem David de Benham
Regis Camerarius, electus est; et consecratus 1239; et mor-
tuus 1952.
Willielmus Fraser Cancellarius electus in episcopatum S'ti
Andreæ, et consecratus tempore Alexandri Regis 1270.
↑
FUNDATIO ecclesia de LoCHLEVIN, quæ postea data Pri-
ori S'ti Andreæ.
BRUDE filius Pictorum, qui secundum antiquas traditiones
dicitur ultimus Regum Pictorum, dedit insulam S. Servano
et Keledeis.
MACBETH filius Finlach dedit eis Kirkness, et alias terras
ibi bondatas, ad Saxum Hiberniensium. Cujus nominis ratio
hæc est. MALCOLMUs Rex filius DUNCANI concessit eis
Salinagium, quod Scotice dicitur Thonan: et venerunt Hi-
bernienses ad Kirkness, ad domum cujusdam viri, nomine.
Mochan, qui tunc fuit absens; et solum mulieres domi erant,
quas Hibernienses violenter oppresserunt, non tamen sine
rubore et verecundia. Rei autem eventu ad aures prefati
Mochan perveniente, sciens domum festinavit et invenit ibi
Hibernienses in domo sua cum matre sua. Exhortatione au-
tem sæpe matri suæ facta, ut extra domum veniret; quæ
nullatenus voluit exire, sed Hibernienses protegere, et eis
pacem dare, in ultionem tanti facinoris oppressores mulierum,
et barbaros, et sacrilegos, in medio flammæ ignis una cum
matre civiliter combussit. Et ex hac causa locus ille Saxum
Hiberniensium dictus.
Idem Rex MACBETH dedit dictis Keledeis villam de
Bolgyn.
EDGARUS filius Malcolm dedit eis Petnemokin.
MALCOMUS Rex, et MARGARETA Regina, dedit eis villam
de Balchristin.
REGISTER OF ST ANDREWS,
469
EDELREUDUS, vir venerandæ memoriæ, filius MALCOLMI
Regis Scotiæ, Abbas de Dunkelden, et insuper Comes de
Fyffe, dedit terras de Admoire. Et quia dictus Edelredus
erat infra ætatem, donationem hanc confirmarunt duo fratres
ejus ALEXANDER et DAVID, in presentia Constantini Comi-
tis de Fife; et Nessa; et Carmac filii Macbeath; et Mat-
necther filii Beellan, sacerdotum de Abernethy: et Malle-
bride alterius sacerdotis; et Chuadet; et Angustin Sacerdo-
tis Keledeorum; et Berbeadh RECTORIS SCHOLARUM DE
ABERNETHY; et coram cætibus totius UNIVERSITATIS tunc
de Abernethy, ibidem degentibus; et coram Deo Omnipo-
tente, et Omnibus Sanctis. Et ibi data est plenarie et univer-
saliter ab omnibus sacerdotibus, et laicis, maledictio Dei Om-
nipotentis et Beatæ Mariæ Virginis, et Omnium Sanctorum,
ut Dominus Deus daret eum in exterminium et perditionem,
et omnes illos quicunque irritarent et revocarent, et diminu-
erent elemosinam de Admore; omni populo respondente,
Amen.
MALDINUS Episcopus S'ti Andreæ, dedit ecclesiam de
Sconan pro suffragiis orationum.
MODOCH filius Malmikel, vir piissimæ recordationis, Epis-
copus S'ti Andreæ, cujus vita et doctrina tota regio Scotorum
est lustrata, contulit eis ecclesiam de Harkindocach.
Istæ sunt antiquæ Constitutiones quas præfatæ ecclesiæ
solvebant antiquitus; 30 panes decotos cum antiqua men-
sura farinæ ibi depositæ ; et 30 caseos quorum quilibet facit
chudrem; et octo mala de Brasco, et Derchede male, et Cha-
dre male.
Adjudicatio quartæ partis terrarum de Kirkness, per no-
biles et prudentes viros, a Rege DAVID constitutos, quam
Robertus Burgonensis Miles a Keledeis per vim rapuit:
quam cum Keledeis restituerent victo Roberto Burgonensi.
Tandem DAVID Rex hanc Insulam, et omnia prius donata
Keledeis in illa morantibus, concessit Prioratui S'ti Andreæ.
Terræ concessæ Priori et Canonicis S'ti Andreæ per Ro-
BERTUM Episcopum, 1144.
Balrimund. Strunuthum. Kinmunnins. Cast Dovenald.
Drukarachin. Leodechin. Strathkimen. Belluca. Roth-
manan. Pettulum. Kinnastarsi.
Kinnastarsi. Balgsa. Kinnamore.
Drumsec. Balemacdunethin. Egglisnamen. Ballochin.
Sconin. Hæ omnes sunt in una carta.
470
APPENDIX.
Item Kinninmund in alia Carta ejusdem Roberti Epis-
copi.
Ex concessione RICARDI Episcopi.
Terræ utriusque Struithin. In alia Carta terram de Slud-
hachhelm in escambum de Portmoch et de Arnoch. In alia
Carta Dunnoir vel Ferdis, Gartech Menethin, Endorech.
Item per aliam Cartam dicti Ricardi, Lethin, Pulhun, Peth-
nacrem, Douredin, Resthoch, Pethmulin, Balentagardh,
Pethiwenoche, Cremacherrin, Classanagasch.
Et per commutationem ab Archidiacono pro Trathyrim
habent terras de Crague, Pethtendreoch. Christin Mack-
grig tenet de eis Dunoot aniel, Ballebecklin, carrucatæ ter-
ræ infra Cursum Apri proquibus respondetur Regi
de exercitu et auxilio; et has terras habet in manu sua :
Radinuneth, Kyndargog, Pentalcin, Ballegone, Kineflair,
Kinnemone, Strath Kynnes Martin, Strathkinnes Melserog,
Ballehucke, Drunsel, Ballemoe, Drendguid, Eggles Nammin,
Rescog, Donachre din, Pethunleg, Balle fagard, Crefina-
karri, Petengared, Heneteindorech, Elin, Sconin, Cast Do-
venald, Druckerrach, Leddouchon, Struhythin, Lethim, Cra-
gen, Dunortferdu, Garried, Pelhendrech.
Terræ quas Adam filius Odonis tenet de eis.
Kinninmuneth ubi aula est. Ballemoedunegin, Peltin-
dreich, Malgast, Madech, Malgastamerien, Leodhethin, Bal-
lemohob quod ascondit Ballerimuned.
Terræ quas Crestin Magnus tenet de eis.
Balleboethin, Dunort aniel.
Archidiaconus tenet Thruthtyrin.
Terræ quas tenet KELEDEI.
Kinkel, Kynnadanfihs, Kynnadin Equ, Lethin, Kerin,
Kerneis, Kynninis, Rathmergullum, Syreii, Baletath, Kale-
turse, Baleocherthyn, Pethkenyn, Kingerg.
Istas terras tenent EPISCOPUs, et Homines sui.
Nidin Ardulf, Nidin Rusticorum, Nidin Ecclesiæ, Claw-
han et Burkelin, Kincapel Balesten, Kynapull Macfindul,
Kincapel Bochalin, Balewarryn, Kyncapel Ballonsunnyne,
Hynedthyn Infirmorum, Inchmorthal, Baledufgal, Kindaras,
Ballewyne, Kynglessyn, Puthekyn, Indunnenochen, Baleca-
telyn, Bale eccles, Balealin, Petendruch, Strathfatha, Bale-
bolin, Dunorge, Macorgetsin, Odoresterche, Dufnipre, Blad-
bolg, Balepsin, Keenebaesenim, Kinehard, Cragginferdis,
Barrimont et Galgille, Ballemmigi, Kenebeck Rusticorum,
Gille Michel, Malewan in qua erat Kathimel, et Locolosag,
Item Imbladobus Balareth.
[ 471 ]
NUMBER VIII. Contents of the French King's Manuscript.
Cat, Bibl. Cod. MS. Regis Galliæ, vol. III. p. 549.
IV MCXXVI.
CODEX Membranaceus olim Colbertinus. Ibi continentur :
1. Innocentii VI. Decretalis contra Fratres Mendicantes,
procurata per Magistrum Richardum Fitz Rauf, Archiepis-
copuin Armachanum.
2. Benedicti XI. Decretalis super privilegiis Fratrum Men-
dicantium.
3. Bonifacii VIII. Decretalis de eodem argumento.
4. Versus de præstantia regni Scotorum.
5. Joannis XXII. Decretalis contra Joannem de Poliaco.
6. Magistri Stephani, Medici Hugonis Episcopi Dunelmi,
tractatus de quodam prodigio.
p
7. Versus de diversis signis et prodigiis mundi, quæ fecit
Deus ut terreret homines: quæ descripsit sanctus Patricius
Hiberniæ Episcopus.
8. Ejusdem descriptio de rebus Hiberniæ admirandis.
9. Cosmographia Prisciani.
10. Itinerarium maritimum Antonini Agusti.*
11. Versus de tribus mundi partibus, et de distributione
totius orbis montium, et fluminum.
12. Mensura totius terræ, secundum Romanos doctissi-
mos, gnomonica ratione certissime comprobata.
13. Descriptio trium mundi partium, excerpta ex Orosio.
14. Chronica de origine antiquorum Pictorum.
15. Chronica regum Scotorum, annos trecentos et qua-
tuordecim complectentia.
16. Narratio qualiter acciderit, quod memoria sancti An-
'Hoc est Itinerarium vulgare quod sub Antonini nomine circumfertur
sicuti per specialem inquisitionem edoctus sum. J. P.
472
APPENDIX.
*
dreæ Apostoli amplius in regione Pictorum, quæ nunc Sco-
tia dicitur, quam in ceteris regionibus sit; et quomodo con-
tigeret quod tantæ Abbatiæ ibi factæ antiquitus fuerint, quas
multi adhuc sæculares viri jure hæreditario possident.
17. Petri Amfulfi doctrina clericalis.
18. Methodii Patarensis episcopi liber de initio et fine
sæculi.
19. Giraldi Cambrensis topographia Hiberniæ, sive de
avibus, et aliis mirabilibus, et de habitatoribus Hiberniæ, li-
bri tres, ad Henricum II. Angliæ Regem.
20. Álexandri Magni epistola ad Aristotelem.
21. Ejusdem Alexandri mors.
22. Metrum in destructionem Trojanorum.
23. Daretis Phrygii Historia Trojana.
24. Aliud carmen de excidio Troja.
25. Excerpta e Polychronico Radulphi Cestrensis mona-
chi, ad historiam Britonum pertinentia.
26. Aliud carmen de excidio Trojano.
27. Galfridi Monemutensis historia Britonum, cum præ-
fatione Alfridi Beverlacensis,
28. Alfridi Beverlacensis liber de gestis regum Britanniæ,
a Bruto ad Henricum IV.
29. Continuatio ejusdem historiæ ad Edwardum III. se-
cundum polychronicon Ranulphi Cestrensis monachi.
30. Prophetia Cyrilli, Eremitæ de monte Carmelo, inter-
prete fratre Gilberto Anglico.
31. Sanctæ Hildegardis epistola ad Colonienses, de futura
tribulatione clericorum.
Is codex decimo quarto sæculo exaratus videtur.
Contents of the same, more fully detailed by M. VAN PRAET.'
Etat des pieces contenues dans le MS. de la bibliotheque du
Roi de France, No. 4126.
Fol. 1 recto,
1. Decretalis contra fratres, procurata per magistrum
Richardum Fitzrauf, Archiepiscopum de Armagh.
'Here begin the communications of this respectable correspondent, an d
they extend to No. X. inclusive.
FRENCH KING'S MS.
473
Fol. 4 verso,
2. Sans titre: Benedicti XI. decretalis super privilegiis
fratrum mendicantium.
Fol. 7 recto,
3. Sans titre: Bonifacii VIII. decretalis de eodem argu-
mento.
Fol. 9 verso,
4. Piece de 56 vers, sans titre, commençant par ces deux vers;
Regnum Scotorum fuit, inter cetera regna
Terrarum, quondam nobile, forte, potens, &c.
Fol. 10 recto,
5. Sans titre: Joannis XXII. decretalis contra Joannem
de Poliaco.
Fol. 11 recto,
6. Incipit tractatus magistri Stephani, medici Hugonis
Episcopi Dunelmi, de quodam prodigio.
Fol. 12 recto,
7. Incipit de diversis signis, et prodigiis mundi, quæ fecit
Deus ut terreret homines; quæ descripsit Sanctus Patricius
presbyter, Yberniæ episcopus.
Fol. 12 verso,
8. De rebus Hiberniæ admirandis.
Fol. 14 recto,
9. Incipit Cosmigrafia Prisciani.
Fol. 19 recto,
10. Incipit Itinerarium mar.
Fol. 20 recto,
11. De tribus mundi partibus; et de distributione tocius
orbis moncium et fluminum. (en vers.)
Fol. 21 recto,
12. Mensura tocius terre, secundum Romanos doctissimos
gnomonica racione certissime comprobata.
Fol. 22 verso,
13. Incipit descriptio Orosii de tribus partibus mundi, &c.
Fol. 26 verso.
14. De situ Albaniæ, quæ in se figuram hominis habet;
quomodo fuit primitus in septem regionibus divisa; quibus-
que nominibus antiquitus sit vocata; et a quibus inhabitata.
Fol. 27 recto,
15. Cronica de origine antiquorum Pictorum.
Fol. 29 verso,
16. Cronica regum Scottorum ccc. et iiij. annorum.
474
APPENDIX.
Fol. 31 recto,
17. Qualiter acciderit quod memoria S'ti Andreæ (&c.
see former contents.)
Fol. 33 recto,
18. Sans titre: Petri Amfulfi doctrina clericalis.
Fol. 45,
19. Hic incipit prologus in libro Methodii martyris.
Fol. 49 recto,
20. Giraldus Cambrensis de mirabilibus Hiberniæ.
Fol. 97 recto,
21. Sans titre: Alexandri Magni ad Aristotelem de mira-
bilibus Indiæ.
Fol. 106 verso,
22. Incipit metrum in destructione Trojanorum.
Fol. 108 recto,
23. Historia Daretis Trojanorum Frigii, de Græco trans-
lata in Latinum a Cornelio nepote Salustii.
Fol. 199 verso,
24. Vastacio Troie. (en vers.)
Fol. 120 verso,
25. Incipit præfatio in historia Britannorum, extracta a
libro qui dicitur Policronicon.
Fol. 133 recto,
26. Versus de excidio Trojano.
Fol. 133 verso,
27. De primis autoribus, sive scriptoribus historiarum.
(Id est prologus Alfridi.)
Fol. 134 verso,
28. Cronica Galfridi Monumetensis. Incipit Ystoria Bri-
tonum.
Fol. 211 verso,
29. Explicit Cronica Galfridi Monumetensis in Historiam
Britonum. Sequitur Continuacio regum Saxonum secun-
dum Cronicas Alfridi Beverlacensis, et Henrici Huntingdon.
ORA PRO POPILTON, QUI ME COMPILAVIT EBORACI.
Fol. 230 recto,
Explicit præfatio. Incipiunt excerpciones de Historiis
Anglorum: et unde Angli venerunt, et originem duxerunt.
ORA PRO FRATRE ROBERTO DE POPULTON.
30. Explicit Hystoria magistri Alfridi thesaurarii Bever-
lacensis, incipiens ad Brutum, et finiens in Henricum 4tum,
annorum duorum milium ducentorum. Sequitur Continuacio
Hystorie, vel Cronica Ranulphi monachi Cestrensis, in suo
FRENCH KING'S MS.
475
Policronicon, usque ad Ewardi Tercii regis tempora. ORA
PRO FRATRE ROBERTO DE POPULTON.
Fol 229 recto,
31. Sans titre : Prophetia Cyrilli eremitæ de monte Car-
melo, interprete fratre Gilberto Anglico.
A la fin de cette piece, qui finit au recto du 312e feuil-
let, on lit ce qui suit.
Qi tñscipta compilavit.
ego frå Pet's Maymeti ordīs
bē marie de Carmelo exñs scola
ris Parysz illú libellū manu p
1
p'a sc'psi et abstraxi a qdă exempla
ri valde antiq et cũ dyptongis
scipto i q Cirillus cũ sac's et sac
dotalibz uestibz et fr Eusebi? cu
mantello barrato. et ang's veste
ī p'ncipio. erăt curiose et mirabilî
depicti.
Fol. 299 verso,
R. Populton.*
32. D'une autre ecriture: Epistola Sancte Hildegardis ad
Colonienses, de futura tribulacione clericorum, et de novis
religiosis.
* Id est : Qui transcripta compilavit. Ego frater Petrus Maymeti, ordi-
nis beatæ Mariæ de Carmelo, existens Scolaris Parisiis, illum libellum manu
propria scripsi, et abstraxi a quodam exemplari valde antiquo, et cum dyp-
tongis scripto, in quo Cirillus cum sacris et sacerdotalibus vestibus, et frater
Eusebius cum mantello barrato, et Angelus veste, in principio erant curiose
et mirabiliter depicti. R. POPULTON.
This certainly refers only to the prophecy of Cyril. And the signature
of Populton, here and before, fully marks that he was the real writer and
collector of this MS. from various ancient pieces, which he had found; per-
haps chiefly in the great library founded at York in early times: the title
of No. 29 bearing "Pray for Populton who compiled me at York:” and
the close of that No. and No. 30 express that Robert de Populton was a
monk. M. Van Praet thinks the writing French; but some fac-similia in
my hands testify it the common writing used in England, in the fourteenth
century. Yet that Populton may have been educated, and taught to write,
at Paris, is not improbable, supposing M. Van Praet's idea to be well found-
ed.
476
APPENDIX.
1
Ce Manuscrit est in folio, sur velin, du 14me siecle, a deux co-
lonnes, avec les titres en rouge. Il contient 313 feuillets, non-
compris deux feuillets, qui sont au commencement; et dont l'un
renferme une mappemonde, ou sont principalement marquées les
provinces maritimes de France, et des Pay-Bays. Le second con-
tient la table des traités écrite en rouge. Le corps du volume com-
mence an troisieme feuillet, au bas duquel on lit Guilielmus Ce-
cilius Mil' d' burghley. Les abbreviations y sont fréquentes, et
quelque fois difficiles: mais l'ecriture, qui paroit être d'une main
Françoise, se lit avec assez de facilité. On peut aisément en con-
fondre l'u avec l'n: let avec le c: ni avec m: un avec nn, &c.
A
[ 477 ]
每
​NUMBER IX. Collation of that MS. with the Pieces published
from it by Innes, in his Appendix.
Collation du No. I. de l' Appendix d'Innes.
P. 768, l. 3. primitus-fuit primitus.
9. Albanacto-Albanecto.
769, 1. 1. Scotti vero-Scotti autem.
3. Malcolmi-Malcolini.
7. Arregathel-Arregarthel.
8. vero autem.
9. Arregaithel—Arregarthel.
15. et Mar et Buchan-et Mari et Buchen.
27. etiam
enim.
Stradeern-Sradeern.
770, l. 1. Fife-Fif.
16. Dunfermlis-Dunfermelis.
22. Tac, vel Tae.
771, 1. 3. Athrin-Athran.
10. Muref-Mures.
11. fuit-erat.
14. Gaitheli-Gattheli.
15. Gaithelglas-Gatthelglas.
16. applicare-applicari.
772, 1. 1. Fergus-Fergius.
4. Inchegall-Inchegal.
No. II. is given next in this Appendix, complete, in the spelling
of the MS.
Collation du No. III. de l' Appendix d' Innes.
P. 782, 1. 4. Kinadius-Cinadius.
783, 1. 8. Duanan-Cluanan.
10. Forthuir-tabaicht-
Fothuir-tabaicht.
12. tempora-tempore
14. Fothur-thabaicht-
Fothiur-thabaicht,
478
APPENDIX.
P. 784, 1. 1. Kinadi-Cinadi.
>
10. Coachcochlum-Coachcochlam.
14. nrurin-uturim.
15. Ku-Ku, i. e. Kun.
16. Kinadi ac fil.-Cinadei ex filia.
785, 1. 1. Giricium-Ciricium.
1. 3. Niel-Neil.
7. Donevaldus-Donivaldus.
8. vastaverun-vastaverunt.
9. bellum fuit-bellum autem factum.
16. utique anno, adde, occisi sunt in Fraith h'emi
Normanni: ac in vi. an. Constantinus rex,
et Cellachus.
786, 1. 3. (nomen) meruit-meruit nomen.
5. Lagnechoisi. Cormac-
Laignechos. i. Cormace.
8 Flanni-Flanu (seu Flami.)
9. Nail-Niall.
Flann-Flanu (seu Flami.)
14. Dubican-Dubucan.
16. Eochod-Eochaid.
17. decrepita-decrepitus.
20. Malcolm-Maelcolaim.
Domnail-Domnaill.
787, 1. 2. albudorum-albidosorum.
4. Maelcolam-Maelcolaim.
7. cum-eum
8. mortuus autem Constantinus in x anno ejus
-mortuus est autem Constantinus in x ejus
anno.
12. Indulfus-Idulsus.
15. Sumerlidiorum-Somarlidiorum.
Buchan-Bucham.
16. Maelcolam-Maelcolaim.
19. Dulcalden-Duncalden.
788, 1. 1. Culen-rig-Culen-rīg, id est ring.
4. Maelbrigd-Maelbrigd'.
Ferdulaig-Ferdalaig.
5. Maelbridge-Maelbrigde.
10. uacornax-uacornar, adde, Scotti prædave-
runt Saxoniam ad Stammoir, et ad Cluiam,
et ad Stang na Derām.
COLLATION WITH INNES.
479
Collation du No. IV.
P. 789, l. 1. Eric-Eric ipse.
4. Inchegall-Inchegal.
6. Domangart-Domangrat.
7. xxxii-xxxiii.
11. Eeohod-Eochid.
13. Fercar fil. Eu.-Fercar fil. eu.
14. Ecohid-Eochid.
790, 1. 2. Eochol-Eochal.
10. Selvac-Selvach.
11 Eochal-Fochal.
17. Het-Hed
18. Dungal-Dunegal.
19. Doneval-Duneval.
21. Malcolin fil. Doneval-Malcolin fil. Dune-
vald.
791, 1. 1. Malcolm-Malcolin.
•
3. Malcolm-Malcolin.
11. Macbeth-Macheth.
13. Malcolm fil. Duncan-Malcolin fil. Dunec.
16. Maria-Mariæ.
18. in pauperes, adde, et in ecclesias.
792, 1. 1. filia M.-filia N.
7. sponsum
sponsam.
8. progenitam-progenitum.
11. cujusque-cujuscumque.
22. incarnatione-incarnatione Domini.
793, l. 13. acuti—acutum.
14. cella, adde, Cluni accensi, quæ ibi sita est,
&c.
17. Dunchad fil. Malcolmi-Dunchahd fil. Mal-
colin.
18. Edgarus-Eadgarus fil. Malcolin.
23. vigil-vigilus.
794, 1. 5. conserat-conferat.
9. funditus-funditur.
.
11. puellare-puellarum, adde, sancte Marie et
m. puellarum.
14. lychnis-lichinis.
decoratur-decorantur.
15. omnia, adde, ipse.
magnis-magnus,
10
480
APPENDIX.
P. 794, 1. 16. pretiosarum, adde, exornavit.
795, 1. 3. Malcolm-Malcolin.
8. fili, adde, David fili Maelcolain.
10. Maelcolai-Maelcolain.
Domnail-Domnaill.
13. Domnail-bric-Domnail-brie.
14. Domangrat-Dommungrat.
Eirc-Eire.
15. Oengus-saphir-Oengu-saphir.
16. Fedelinthe-ramnaich
Fedilinthernamnaich.
17. Seanchormaic-Senchormaic.
Cruith-linde-Cruitlinde.
18. Fiachrachcathmail-Fiaerachcathmail.
19. Ecdach-riade-Echdachriada.
Conare-Conore.
Mogalande-Mogalanda.
20. Corpre-cruphini-Corprecrunpchimi.
21. Corbre fadmoir-Corbre fil. Admoir.
796, 1. 1. Etersceail-Eterscenil.
Eogam-Eogami.
4. Aramni-Arami.
6. Firatbrig-Firaibrig.
7. Elela-cassiacleg-Elelacasiaclaig.
Conliach-Conlaich.
8. Coabtaig-coelbreg-Cobthaigcoelbreg.
Ugane-more-Iugamemoir.
9. Eedaigluadaig-Ecdaigbuadaig.
11. Brigt, adde, fil. Emidib, f. Edom, f. Glais,
f. Miadat, f. Ail, f. Elchadaolchaim, f.
Sirna, f. Dem, f. Demail, f. Rodchada, f.
Ogmaich, f. Óengussa, f. Olmochada, f.
Fiachrachlaibrinne, f. Sinergnaid, f. Si-
nereta, f. Eumocha, f. Tigernaig, f. Fal-
laig, f. Etheoir, f. Jair, f. Dermeom, f.
Meledespain, f. Bili, f. Nema, f. Brige,
f. Brigomd, f. Bracha, f. Theacha, f. Erc-
chada, f. Aldoit, f. Noda, f. Nonailthe-
mir, f. Goildilglais, f. Nenil, f. Fenius far-
said, f. Eogani, f. Glumid, f. Janind, f.
Etheoir, f. Jair, f. Agmemnom, f. Thri, f.
Boi, f. Sem, f. Mair, f. Esro, f. Aduir, f.
Hieridach, f. Aoth, f. Sran, f. Esro, f.
COLLATION WITH INNES.
481
裴
​Boid, f. Riafich, f. Gomur, f. Jafeth, f.
Noe, f. Lameth, f. Matusaalem, f. Enoc,
f. Jarech, f. Malalechel, f. Caman, f.
Enos, f. Sed, f. Adam, f. Dei vivi.
VOL. I.
2 H
482
APPENDIX,
NUMBER X. The First Part of the Chronicon Pictorum, with
the Contractions, &c. of the original MS.
MS. du Roi de France, No. 4126.
(Folio recto 27: 2de colonne.)
Cronica
de origine antiquoz pictoz
picti ppa ling nomen
ħt a picto corpe eo q.
aqileis ferreis cu atramto
uariaz figuraz stiugmate
i
anotantur. Scotti q nūc cor
rupte uocantur hib❜nienses
U
qi sciti q² a scithia regione ue
ñunt 7
inde origine duxert
siue a scotta filia pharaois
(au verso xere colonne)
regis egypti que fuit ut fert-
tor
regina scocie. Sciend' u est q.
btonesi i fcia mudi etati abi
1
i
tāniam uenut scite a'. i. scotti
i quarta etate scocia siue hi
bniam obtinuerūt gētes
scitie albo čne nascut ab assi
CHRONICON PICTORUM.
483
duis niuib 7 ipi capilli co
lor gēti nom dedit - ide di
7
cutur albani de quibz origi
nem duxerüt scoti 7 picti
hoz glauca ocl'is. i. picta i ē
pupilla adeo ut nocte pł⁹ q.
die cernāt albani uicini
amazonibz funt gothi a
magog filio iapheth noïati
putāt de similitudie ultime
filabe q. uet'is gci magis
gethas q. gotos uocaūūt̃
ges fortis potētissima corp
7
ū mole ardua armož geñe
i
tribil'. de qbz lucan' hinc da
cus pmat ide gethi icurrat
hib'is. daci à gottoz soboles
fuerūt dictos putāt dacos
qi dagos q² de gottoz stirpe c
ati sūt. de quibz ille ibis arcos
pcul usqz dacos. Scithe
7 go.
thi a magog originē traxe
rūt scithia 93 7 gothia ab eod'
magog filio japhet fertur
i
9gnominata: cuius tra oli
igēs fuit. nā aboriēte i die
a septētōine: p paludes meoti
484
APPENDIX.
das īť' danubiū 7 oceanũ usz
ad ğmanie fines porigebat'
(2de colonne)
i
i
postea minor effecta e ad ext' ori
entis pte q occeanus siric? 9ditur
usz ad mare caspiù q. è ad occasu
dehinc a meridie usz ad caucasi
iugū deducta est cui subjacet
hircania ab occasu. hñs piter
gētes ml'tas pp t'raz ifecūdita
tē late uagantes. ex qbus qda a
gs icolût qda portētuose ac trces
carnibz humais 7 eoz sāgne ui
uūt scithie plures t're sť locu
pletes ihitabiles tū plures. nā
q, in plerisq. locis auro 7 gemis
affluant griphorū īmaïtate
accessus hoim rarus ē smarag
dis a' optimis h' pata est ciane⁹
quoqz lapis 7 cristallus õissim
scithie ē. ħt 7 flumina magna
oscoz fasidē 7 araxen pma euro
pe regio scithia īcipies it' danu
biū 7 occeanu septētonalē usq3
ad ğmania porrigitur q tra ge
ñalit' pp barbaros gētes qbz i
hitatur barbarica d2 hui9 ps
CHRONICON PICTORUM.
485
pma alania est q ad meotidas
paludes ptigit. post hāc dacia
u 7 gothia. deide ĝmania ubi
plurima ptem sueui incoluert
in partes asiatice scithie sut
gentes q post'os se iasois cdūt
albo cne nascuť' ab assiduis ni
uibz. de hiis ista sufficiūt
Cruidne filius cinge p2 pic
to hītāciū ī hac īsula. c.
ānis regnauit. VII filios ha
i
(fol. 28, 1ere colonne)
buit hec sūt noĩa eoz fiv.
fidach. floclaid. fortreim. got
cecircum. circui lx. reg. fidaich
xl. fortreim lxx. floclaid xxx.
got xij. Ce xv. fivaid xxiiij.
gedeolgudach. lxxx. denbecan. c.
olfinecta. lx. guididgaedbrecha
ch. 1. gestgurtich. xl. wurgest
xxx. brudebout a q xxx. bru
de regnaŭunt hib’niā 7 albaniā
p centũ. 1. anoz spaciū. xl. viii ā
nis regn. i. brude pant. b. urpāt
b. leo. b. leo. b' uleo. b. gant. b.'
urgant. b.' guith. b.' urguith. b.'
fecir. b.' urfecir, b.' cal. b', urcal. b'.
486
APPENDIX.
by
ciut b' urciut b' fec. b.' urfec. b.
ru beru bgart 7 urgart b cinid
b' urenid b' iup. b' 7 uriup b'grid
b' urgrid. b' mud b' urmūd.
gilgidi c. j. añ reg. tharam
c. morleo. xv. deócitunō
xl. cimoiod filius arcois vij. deo
ord. 1. bliesblitirth. v. dectotric, fr
diu xl. ufconbuts. xxx. carvorst
xl. deoartavois, xx. vist. 1. ru. c.
gartnaithloc a quo gartnait. iiii.
regna. vere. IX. a. reg. breth fili
buthut. vii. vipoignamet xxx
an. reg canutulachama. iiij. an.
reg. wradechuecļa. Įv. añ regñ.
gartnaichdi uberr. Ix añ reg. ta
lore fili⁹ achiuir lxxv. añ reĝn
drust fili⁹ erp. c. an reg 7 c. bella
pegit. Ix decimo āno regni ejus
pat'cius spc ses ad hib'nia pueït
īsulā. talore fili9 aniel iiij ān reg.
(2de colonne)
nectō morbet fili9 erip xxiiii
reğ t'cio ano regni eius dar
lugdach abbatissa cille darade hib'
nia exulat på ad btāniā scđo
año aduentus āno sui īmolau
i
nectonius aburnethige deo 7
t
CHRONICON PICTORUM.
487
sce brigide psente dairlugtach
q cātauit all'a sup istă hostiă
i
optulit g nectoĭus mag
nus fili⁹ wirp rex oīm
puinciaz pictoz apurnethige
scē brigide usz ad die iudicii cũ
cũ suis finibj a posite st a lapide
ī apurfeirt usz ad lapidē iuxt
cairfuill. i. lethfoss 7.īde ī altū
usqz ad athan causa aŭ oblacōis
hec est. nectoīs ī uita iulie m
nens fre suo drusto expulsate
se us3 ad hib❜nia brigidă scăm
petiuit ut postulasset deu p se
orǎs a' p illo dixit. Si pueies
ad pat¹am tuā dñs míserebit'
tui regnū picto ī pace possideb
drest gurthinmoch. xxx.
an regnū. Galananetilich
xij añ reg. dadrest. i. drest fili?
gyrom. i. drest fili9 wdrost. v.
añ 9regn. drest fili9 girom sol9
v. an. reg. gartnach fili9 girom
vii. añ reg'. gailtram fili⁹ girom
uno āno reg.' talorg fili muir
cholaich, xi. ăn. reg. drest fili
munait uno ǎno. reg. galam
cennaleph uno año reg. cũ b’ri
488
APPENDIX.
duo. i. āno bridei fili? mailco
xxx ăn. reg. in octauo ano reg
(fol. 28 verso, 1ere colonne)
eius baptizatus est são a colūba
gartnait. f'domelch xi. ān reĝ
nectu nepos uerb xx. añ reg.
î
cineoch. fili⁹ lutn. xix. an reg.
garnard. fili⁹ wid. iiii an. an reg.
breidei. fili⁹ wid. v. ān reg. ta
lore fr eoz xii. ăn rg, tallorce
fili9 enfret. iiij än reg. gartnait
fili⁹ donnel. vi. ān reğ. 7 dimi
diŭ drest fr e⁹ vij. fg. bre
dei fili⁹ bili. xxi. an îĝ. tarā
f9 entifidich. iiij ān. îg. bredei
fi⁹ derelei xi. an rg. necthō f
derelei. xv. á fg. drest elpin
7
cōggaūūt v. ā. onnist fi
urguist. xxx. reg. bredei fili
wirguist ii. ān. reg. Ciniod f9
wredech. xij än reg. elpin fi
wroid. iij. ān. reg. 7 dimidiū
drest fi⁹ talorgen iiij. l'v. ān.
reg. talorgen. fi onnist. ii. ā.
7 dimidiu îg. Canaul. fili⁹ tarl'a
v. a. rg. Castantin. fi' wrguist
xxx. v. ā îĝ. unuist fi⁹ wrguist
CHRONICON PICTORUM.
489
xij. a. reĝ. drest fi⁹ 9stātini 7 ta
lorgen fi⁹ wthoil. iii. ān. a'9gga
unt uuen. fi⁹ v. nuist. iij. ā.
reg. wrad. f bargoit iii. 7 bred
uno āno reg.
cinadius ğ fili⁹ alpini
p'mus scotto rexit. (&c. as Innes, No. III.)
(Signed) VAN PRAET,
de la bibl. du Roi.
L
490
APPENDIX,
NUMBER XI. The Chronicon Pictorum, complete, collated with
the MS.
[Written about A. D. 1020.]
Cronica
De origine antiquorum Pictorum.
PICTI propria lingua nomen habent a picto corpore: eo
quod, aculeis ferreis cum atramento, variarum figurarum
stigmate annotantur. Scotti (qui nunc corrupte vocantur
Hibernienses) quasi Sciti, quia a Scithia regione venerunt,
et inde originem duxerunt; sive a Scotta filia Pharaonis re-
gis Ægypti, quæ fuit ut fertur regina Scottorum.
Sciendum vero est quod Britones in tertia mundi ætate ad
Britanniam venerunt. Scitæ autem, id est Scotti, in quarta
ælate Scociam, sive Hiberniam obtinuerunt.
Gentes Scitiæ albo crine nascuntur ab assiduis nivibus; et
ipsius capilli color genti nomen dedit, et inde dicuntur Alba-
ni: de quibus originem duxerunt Scotti et Picti. Horum
glauca oculis (id est picta) inest pupilla, adeo ut nocte
plusquam die cernant. Albani autem vicini Amazonibus
fuerunt.
Gothi a Magog filio Japheth nominati putantur, de simi-
litudine ultimæ syllabæ; quos vetéres Græci magis Gethas,
quam Gothos, vocaverunt. Gens fortis et potentissima, cor-
porum mole ardua, armorum genere terribilis. De quibus
Lucanus,
I
Hinc Dacus premat, inde Gethi incurrant Hiberis.
Daci autem Gothorum soboles fuerunt: et dictos putant
Dacos quasi Dagos quia de Gothorum stirpe creati sunt: de
quibus ille,
'Hinc Dacus premat, inde Getes: occurrat Iberis
Alter.
Pharsal. II. 54.
"
10
CHRONICON PICTORUM,
491
Ibis arcos procul usque Dacos.
Scithæ et Gothi a Magog originem traxerunt. Scithia,
quoque et Gothia, ab eodem Magog filio Japhet fertur cog-
nominata: cujus terra olim ingens fuit; nam ab oriente In-
diæ, a septentrione, per paludes Mæotidas, inter Danubium
et oceanum, usque ad Germaniæ fines, porrigebatur. Postea
minor effecta est a dextra orientis parte qui oceanus Siricus
conditur, usque ad mare Caspium, quod est ad occasum.
Dehinc a meridie usque ad Caucasum jugum deducta est;
cui subjacet Hircania ab occasu habens pariter gentes mul-
tas, propter terrarum infecunditatem late vagantes, ex quibus
quædam agros incolunt; quædam portentuosæ, ac truces,
carnibus humanis, et eorum sanguine, vivunt.
2
I
Scithiæ plures terræ sunt locupletes, inhabitabiles tum
plures. Namque in plerisque locis auro et gemmis affluant;
Griphorum immanitate accessus hominum rarus est. Sma-
ragdis autem optimis hæc patria est. Cianeus quoque lapis,
et cristallus purissimus Scithiæ est. Habent et flumina mag-
na, Oscorim, Fasidem, et Araxen. Prima Europæ regio
Scithia, incipiens inter Danubium et oceanum septentrio-
nalem, usque ad Germaniam porrigitur: quæ terra generali-
ter propter barbaras gentes quibus inhabitatur Barbarica di-
citur. Hujus pars prima Alania est, quæ ad Mæotidas pa-
ludes pertingit. Post hanc Dacia, ubi et Gothia deinde
Germania, ubi plurimam partem Suevi incoluerunt. In par-
tes Asiaticæ Scithiæ sunt gentes, quæ posteros se Jasonis
credunt: albo crine nascuntur ab assiduis nivibus. De his
ista sufficiunt.
2
1. CRUDINE filius Cinge, pater Pictorum habitantium
in hac insula, c. annis regnavit: vii filios habuit.
Hæc sunt nomina eorum; Fiv, Fidach, Floclaid,
Fortreim, Got, Ce, Circum.
2. Circui lx. reg.
3. Fidaich xl.
4. Fortreim lxx.
5. Floclaid xxx.
6. Got xij.
7. Ce xv.
8. Fivaid xxiiij.
9. Gedeolgudach lxxx.
Locus corruptus, et obscurus.
Scythiæ inferior quæ a Mæotidis paludibus incipiens. Innes.
492
APPENDIX.
10. Denbecan c.
11. Olfinecta lx.
12. Guidid gaedbrechach 1.
13. Gestgurtich xl.
14. Wurgest xxx.
15. Brude bout (a quo xxx. Brude regnaverunt Hiber
niam et Albaniam, per centum I. annorum spaci-
um) xlviij annis regnavit. Id est Brude Pant,
Brude Urpant, Brude Leo, B. Uleo, B. Gant, B
Urgant, B. Guith, B. Urguith, B. Fecir, B. Urfe-
cir, B. Cal, B. Urcal, B. Ciut, B. Urciut, B. Fec,
B. Urfec, B. Ru, B. Eru, B. Gart, B. Urgart, B.
Cinid, B. Urcinid, B. Iup, B. Uriup, B. Grid, B,
Urgrid, B. Mund, B. Urmund.
16. Gilgidi ci. an. reg.
17. Tharam c.
18. Morleo xv.
19. Deocilunon xl.
20. Cimoiod filius Arcois vij.
21. Deoord 1.
22. Bliesblitirth v.
23. Dectoteric frater Diu xl.
24. Usconbuts xxx.
25. Carvorst xl.
26. Deoartavois xx.
27. Vist 1.
28. Ru c.
29. Gartnaith loc, a quo Garnait, iiij regna.
30. Vere ix an. reg.
31. Breth filius Buthut vij.
32. Vipoig namet xxx. an. reg.
33 Canut ulachama iiij. an. reg.
34. Wradech vecla iv. an. reg.
35. Gartnaich di Uberr lx. an. reg.
36. Talore filius Achivir lxxv. an. reg.
37. DRUST filius Erp c. an. reg. et c. bella peregit. ix
decimo anno regni ejus Patricius episcopus sanc-
tus ad Hiberniam pervenit insulam.
38. Talore filius Aniel iiij an. reg.
39. Necton morbet filius Erp xxiiij. reg. Tertio anno
¹ Sic, Innesius habet xl.
↑ Sic. Innes ii.
CHRONICON PICTORUM.
493
ד
regni ejus Darlugdach, abbatissa cillæ Daradæ,
Hibernia exulat proxime ad Britanniam. Secun-
do anno adventus sui immolavit Nectonius Abur-
nethige Deo et Sanctæ Brigidæ, præsente Dair-
lugtach, quæ cantavit Alleluia super istam hosti-
am. Optulit igitur Nectonius magnus filius Wirp,
rex omnium provinciarum Pictorum, Apurnethige
sanctæ Brigidæ, usque ad diem judicii; cum suis
finibus, quæ positæ sunt a lapide in Apurfeirt,
usque ad lapidem juxta Cairfuill, id est, Lethfoss;
et inde in altum usque ad Athan. Causa autem
oblationis hæc est. Nectonius in Vita Juliæ' ma-
nens, fratre suo Drusto expulsante se usque ad Hi-
berniam, Brigidam sanctam petivit, ut postulasset
Deum pro se.
Orans autem pro illo dixit: "Si
pervenies ad patriam tuam Dominus miserebitur
tui: regnum Pictorum in pace possidebis.'
40. Drest gurthinmoch xxx. an. reg.
41. Galan anetilich xij. an. reg.
42. Dadrest i.
43. Drest filius Girom i. Drest filius Udrost v. an. con-
regnaverunt. Drest filius Girom solus v. an. reg.
44. Gartnach filius Girom vij. an. reg.
45. Gailtram' filius Girom uno anno reg.
46. Talorg filius Muircholaich xi. an. reg.
47. Drest filius Munait uno anno reg.
48. Galam cennaleph 3 uno anno reg. cum Briduo i.
anno.
49. Bridei filius Mailcon xxx. an. reg. in octavo anno
regni ejus baptizatus sancto a Columba.
50. Gartnait fil. Domelch xi. an. reg.
51. Nectu nepos Verb xx. an. reg.
52. Cineoch filius Lutrin xix. * an. reg.
53. Garnard filius Wid iiij. an. reg.
54. Breidei filius Wid v. an. reg.
55. Talore frater eorum xii. an. reg.
56. Tallorcen filius Enfret iij. an. reg.
I Sic. Videtur latina interpretatio alicujus nominis Hibernici.
Sic. Innes Cealtraim.
3 Sic. Innes Galam cum Aleph: male, nam hic rex Kennaleth a Tigher-
naco nominatur.
4 Sic. certissime in MS. Innes, xi.
494
APPENDIX.
57. Gartnait filius Donnel vj. an. reg. et dimidium.
58. Drest frater ejus vij. an. reg.
59. Bredei filius Bili xxi. an. reg.
60. Taran filius Entifidich iiij. an. reg.
61. Bredei filius Derelei xi. an. reg.
62. Necthon filius Derelei xv. an. reg.
63. Drest et Elpin conregnaverunt v. an.
64. Onnist filius Urguist xxx. reg.
65. Bredei filius Wirguist ij. an. reg.
66. Ciniod filius Wredech xij. an. reg.
67. Elpin filius Wroid iij. an. reg. et dimidium.
1
68. Drest filius Talorgen iiij. vel. v. an. reg.
69. Talorgen filius Onuist ij. an. et dimidium, reg.
70. Canaul filius Tarla v. an. reg.
I
71. Castantin filius Wrguist xxx. v. an. reg.
72. Unnuist filius Wrguist xij. an. reg.
73. Drest filius Constantini, et Talorgen filius Wthoil,
iij an. conregnaverunt.
74. Uven filius Unuist iij. an. reg.
75. Wrad filius Bargoit iii. et,
76. Bred uno anno reg.
77. Cinadius igitur filius Alpini, primus Scottorum, rexit
feliciter istam annis xvi. Pictaviam. Pictavia
.
autem a Pictis est nominata; quos, ut diximus,
Cinadius delevit. Deus enim eos pro merito suæ
malitiæ, alienos ac otiosos hæreditate dignatus est
facere: quia illi non solum Deum, missam ac
præceptum, spreverunt; sed et in jure æquitatis
aliis æqui pariter noluerunt. Iste vero, biennio an-
tequam veniret Pictaviam, Dalrietæ regnum sus-
cepit. Septimo anno regni, reliquias S. Colum-
bæ transportavit ad ecclesiam quam construxit.
Et invasit sexies Saxoniam ; et concremavit Dun-
barre atque Malros usurpata. Britanni autem
concremaverunt Dulblaan. Atque Danari vastave-
runt Pictaviam, ad Cluanan, et Duncalden, Mor-
tuus est tandem tumore ani, Id. Febr. feria tertia,
in palacio Fothuirtabaicht.
• Sic. sed chronologia tantum xxx. patitur, ut Innesius habet: v. forte
significat vere vel vero, nam dividitur à xxx. Secundum Tighernacum et Am-
nal Ulton. Constantinus regnat ab A. 789 ad 819, hoc est 30 annis.
2 Haud apparet. Locus forsan interpolatus.
L
CHRONICON PICTORUM.
495
78. Dunevaldus, frater ejus, tenuit idem regnum qua-
tuor annis. In hujus tempore jura, ac leges reg-
ni, Edi filii Ecdach, fecerunt Goedeli cum rege
suo in Fothiurthabaicht. Obiit in palacio suo
Belachoir, Id. April.
79. Constantinus fil. Cinadi regnavit annis xvi. Primo
ejus anno Mael Sechnaill, rex Hybernensium,
obiit; et Aed fil. Niel tenuit regnum. Et post
duos annos vastavit Amlaib, cum gentibus suis,
Pictaviam, et habitantes eam, a kal. Januar. usque
ad festum S. Patricii. Tertio iterum anno Am-
laib, trahens cetum,' a Constantino occisus est.
Paulo post ab eo' bello, in xiv. ejus facto, in Do-
lair inter Danarios et Scottos, occisi Scotti in
Coachcochiam. Normanni annum integrum de-
gerunt in Pictavia.
so. Edus tenuit idem uno anno. Ejus autem brevitas
nil historiæ memoriæ commendavit: sed in civi-
tale Uturim est occisus.
81. Eochodius autem, filius Ku regis Britannorum, ne-
pos Cinadei ex filia, regn. an. xi. Licet Ciricium
fil. alii dicunt hîc regnasse; eo quod alumnus,
ordinatorque, Eochodio fiebat. Cujus secundo
anno Aed fil. Niel moritur. Ac in nono anno, ipso
die Cirici eclipsis solis facta est. Eochodius, cum
alumno suo, expulsus est nunc de regno.
82. Donivaldus fil. Constantini tenuit regnuin xi. annis.
Normanni tunc vastaverunt Pictaviam. In hujus
regno bellum autem factum in Vifidcollan, inter
Danarios et Scottos: Scotti habuerunt victoriam.
Opidum Fother occisum est a gentibus.
83. Constantinus fil. Edii tenuit regnum XL. annis. Cu-
jus tertio anno Normanni prædaverunt Duncal-
den, omnemque Albaniam. In sequenti utique
anno occisi sunt in Fraith heremi Normanni.
Ac in vi. an. Constantinus rex, et Cellachus epis-
copus, leges, disciplinasque fidei, atque jura eccle-
siarum, evangeliorumque, pariter cùm Scottis, in
'Phrasis Hibernica: colligens exercitum,
Locus corruptus.
496
APPENDIX.
Colle Credulitatis, prope regali civitate Scoan,
devoverunt custodiri. Ab hoc die collis hoc me
ruit nomen, i. e. Collis Credulitatis. Et in suo
viii. anno cecidit excelsissimus rex Hybernensium,
et archiepiscopus, apud Laignechos, i. Cormace
filius Culenan. Et mortui sunt, in tempore hujus,
Dovenaldus rex Britanorum, et Dovenaldus filius
Ed rex eligitur;' et Flanu filius Mael Sethnail, et
Niall fil. Ede, qui regnavit 111. annos post Flanu,
&c. Bellum Tinemore factum est, in xviii. anno,
inter Constantinum et Regnall: et Scotti habue-
runt victoriam. Et bellum Dunbrunde, in xxxiv.
ejus anno; ubi cecidit filius Constantini. Et post
unum annum mortuus est Dubucan, fil. Indrech-
taig, Mormair Oengusa. Adelstan fil. Advar, rig
Saxan; et Eochaid fil. Alpin; mortui sunt. Et in
senectute decrepitus [R. Constantinus] baculum
cepit, et Domino servivit: et regnum mandavit
Mael filio Domnail.
2
84. Maelcolaim fil. Domnail x1. an. regn. Cum exerci-
tu suo Maelcolaim perexit in Moreb, et occidit
Celach. In vii. anno regni sui prædavit Anglos
ad annum Thesis; et multitudinem rapuit homi-
num, et multa armenta pecorum: quam prædam
vocaverunt Scotti prædam Albidosorum, i. e. Nau-
udisi. Alii autem dicunt Constantinum fecisse
hanc prædam, quærens a rege, i. Maelcolaim,
regnum dari sibi ad tempus hebdomadis, ut visita-
ret Anglos. Verumtamen non Maelcolam fecit hanc
prædam, sed instigavit eum Constantinus, ut dixi.
Mortuus est autem Constantinus in x. ejus anno,
sub corona pænitenti, in senectute bona. Et oc
ciderunt viri na Moerne Malcolaim in Fodre-
sach, i. in Claideom.
85. Indulfus tenuit regnum octo annis.
pore oppidum Eden vacuatum est,
Scottis usque in hodiernum diem.
lidiorum occisi sunt in Bucham.
¹ MS. elig.
3 Vox Hibernica, de.
In hujus tem-
ac relictum est
Classi Somar-
2 Phrasis Hibernica, rex Saxonum.
CHRONICON PICTORUM.
497
I
86. Niger fil. Maelcolaim regn. quinque annis. Fothach
episcopus pausavit, [Bellum] inter Niger et Cani-
culum,' super Dorsum Crup, in quo Niger habuit
victoriam: ubi cecidit Duchad Abbas Duncalden,
et Dubdou Satrapas Athochlach. Expulsus Niger
de regno, et tenuit Caniculus brevi tempore. Dom-
nall fil. Canill mortuus est.
87. Culen Ring quinque annis regn. Marcan fil. Breo-
dalaig occisus est in ecclesia S. Michaelis. Leot
et Sluagadach exierunt ad Romam. Maelbrigd
episcopus pausavit; Cellach fil. Ferdalaig regna-
vit. Maelbrigde fil. Dubican obiit. Culen, et
frater ejus Eochodius, occisi sunt a Britonibus.
88. Cinadius fil. Maeicolami regn. an. Statim prædavit
Britanniam : ex parte pedestres Cinadi occisi sunt
maxima cæde in Moni Vacornar. Scotti præda-
verunt Saxoniam ad Stammoir, et ad Cluiam, et
ad Stang na Deram. Cinadius autem vallavit ri-
pas vadorum Forthin. Primo anno perexit Cina-
dius, et prædavit Saxoniam, et traduxit filium re-
gis Saxonum. Hic est qui tribuit magnam civi-
tatem Brechne Domino.
* Niger Hibernicè Duff: Caniculus, Culen.
3
2 Sic. forte proximo,
2 I
VOL. I.
498
APPENDIX.
NUMBER XII. On the Devotion of St Andrew among the
Piks. From the same MS. fol. r. 31.
Qualiter acciderit quod memoria Sancti Andreæ Apostoli
amplius in Regione Pictorum, quæ nunc Scotia dicitur,
quam in cæteris regionibus sit: et quomodo contigerit.
quod tantæ abbatiæ ibi factæ antiquitus fuerint, quas multi
adhuc seculares viri jure hæreditario possident.
ANDREAS, qui interpretatur, secundum Hebream Ethimo-
logiam,' Decoris sive Respondens, sermone enim Græco, a
viro, Virilis interpretatur, germanus beati Petri Apostoli,
choeres autem ejus gratiæ; secundum Joannem Evangelis-
tam primus Apostolus a Christo Jhesu Domino nostro elec-
tus; secundum vero Matheum, Marcumque, secundus. Hic
sorte prædicationis aquilonales nationes Ĉithias,* Pictones-
que; postreme Achaidas, ipsamque civitatem nomine Patras,
accepit. In qua etiam cruci suspensus est, 11. Kalendarum
Descimbrium, ibique obcubuit. Et in qua custodita sunt ossa
illius, usque ad tempus Constantini Magni, filii Helenæ,
atque filiorum ejus Constantini cum Constante; quasi spatio
cclxxtorum annorum. In quorum regno a Constantinopoli-
tanis, miro famosoque ductu, inde suscepta, atque translata
sunt Constantinopolim ; et cum magna gloria et maximo ho-
nore ibidem recondita sunt: et manserunt semper usque ad
tempus Theodotionis, Christiani Imperatoris, spatio scilicet
cx annorum.
Tunc divino instinctu Rex Pictorum, nomine Ungus filius
Urguist, cum exercitu magno consurgens, Britannicas na-
tiones dexteram 3 ejus insulæ inhabitantes, crudelissima vas-
tatione interficiens, postremo pervenit usque ad Campum
Merc, illic hiemavit. Eo tempore omnes pene totius insulæ
gentes, unanimo impetu venientes, circumdederunt eum, vo
lentes cum exercitu suo penitus delere. Altera autem die
evenit Regi prædicto, cum septem comitibus amicissimis,
ambulare: et circumfulsit eos divina lux; et proni in facies
suas, non valentes eam sustinere, ceciderunt in terram. Et
'Orthographia MS. servatur.
3 Partem australem.
2 Scythas.
DEVOTION TO ST ANDREW AMONG THE PIKS.
499
ecce vox de cœlo audita est: "Ungus, Ungus, audi me Apos-
tolum Christi, Andream nomine, qui missus sum ad te defen-
dendum, atque custodiendum. Scilicet vide signum crucis
Christi, quod stat in aiere, atque procedat contra inimicos
tuos. Verumptamen decimam partem hæreditatis tuæ, et
elemosinam Deo omnipotenti, et in honore Sancti Andreæ
eius, offer."
Tertia autem die, divina voce ammonitus, suum exercitum
in XII turmas divisit: et signum crucis unamquamque par-
tem præcedebat; lux autem divina de uniuscujusque signi
capite fulgebat. Tunc victores facti, Deo omnipotenti, at-
que Sancto Andreæ Apostolo, gratias egerunt. Patriam au-
tem venientes incolumes, decimam suæ hereditatis partem-
Deo, et Saneto Andreæ Apostolo venerabili, volentes offerre,
implendo quod scriptum est, Date elemosinam, et omnia
munda sunt vobis. Incertum vero habebant in quo loco
specialiter vectigalem Deo, principalem eivitatem Sancto
Andreo Apostolo, ordinarent.
tes;
Tunc, inito concilio, binis, ternis, quatriduanis, diebus, je-
junantes; atque Dei omnipotentis misericordiam postulan-
unus custodientium corpus Sancti Andreæ Apostoli
Constantinopoli, visione divina et revelatione ammonitus
atque instructus est, dicente ; "Exi de terra tua, et de cog-
natione tua, et de domo tua, et vade in terram quam mon-
stravero tibi." Tunc venit, Angelo comitante, atque viam
illius custodiente.
Prospere pervenit ad verticem Montis Regis, id est Rig-
mond. Eadem autem hora, qua illic lassus sederet cum suis
septem comitibus, lux circumfulsit divina Regem Pictorum,
venientem cum suo exercitu ad specialem locum, qui dicitur
Kartenau; et claritatem non ferentes ceciderunt in facies
suas. Et sanati sunt claudi, et cæci, numero septem; et
unus a nativitate cæcus illuminatus est. Et inde vidit locum
plenum visitatione angelorum. Postremo Dei ordinatione.
Rex, cum suo exercitu, venit ad locum, quem Dominus illo
cæco qui illuminatus fuerat ostendit.
.
Regulus vero monachus, a Constantinopolitana urbe pe-
regrinus, Regi obviavit, cum reliquiis Sancti Andreæ Apos-
toli, quas secum hinc huc adduxerat, ad portam quæ dicitur
Matha, id est Mordurus. Salutaverunt se invicem cives et
hospites; atque tentoria ibi fixerunt, ubi nunc est aula Regia.
Rex vero Ungus hunc locum, et hanc civitatem, Deo Omni-
potenti, Sanctoque Andreæ Apostolo, ea semper libertate
500
APPENDIX.
dedit, ut sit caput et mater omnium ecclesiarum, quæ sunt
in regno Pictorum. Ad istam enim civitatem conveniunt
peregrini palmarii de Jerusalem, Romani, Græci, Armenii,
Theutonii, Almanni, Saxones, Daci, Gallicani, Gallı, Angli-
ci, Britones; viri et fœminæ ; divites et pauperes ; sani cor-
pore et ægri; claudi; cæci. In equis et curribus debiles.
huc deferuntur; atque per Dei misericordias, ad honorem
et gloriam sui sumini Sancti Apostoli Andreæ, infestissime
curantur. Virtutes, et signa, et innumerabilia prodigia, per
suum sanctum Apostolum Andream, Dominus fecit bic, fa-
cit, et facturus est, quæ hîc non possint scribi. Regulus ve-
ro abbas, atque monachus, cum suis charis comitibus, habi-
tavit in loco isto, in monachica vita; serviens Deo, die ac
nocte, in sanctitate et justitia, cunctis diebus vitæ suæ. Quo-
rum corpora hîc requiescunt.
ISTE Regulus tertiam partem tocius Scotia in manu sua,
et potestate habuit, et per Abbatias ordinavit atque distri-
buit. Patria illa siquidem Pictis, Scottis, Dacis, Norvagen-
sibus, ceterisque qui ad vastandum insulam applicuerant, situ
locorum, amenitatique, paverat. Et si aliquando refugii
opus fuisset, tutum receptaculum eis semper præstabat; et
sese infra eam quasi in propria castra receperunt.*
I forte placuerat.
τ
2 Talis est prima et rudis delineatio fabulæ de Regulo. Vide Excerpta
Reg. St And.
[ 501 ]
NUMBER XIII. Versus de præstantia Regni Scotorum, (or
rather a pretended Prophecy concerning the Welch and Scots,
written about 1310.) From the same MS. fol. 9. v.
REGNUM Scotorum fuit, inter cætera regna
Terrarum, quondam nobile, forte, potens.
Reges magnifici, Bruti de stirpe, regebant
Fortiter, egregiè, Scotica regna prius.
Ex Albanacto, trinepote potentis Eneæ,
Dicitur Albania: littera prisca probat.
A Scota, nata Pharaonis regis Egypti,
Ut veteres tradunt, Scotia nomen habet.
Post Britones, Danaos, Pictos, Dacosque, repulsos
Nobiliter Scoti jus tenuere suum.
Facta ducis celebris, super omnia, Scotia flebit;
Qui loca septa salo junget ubique sibi.
Principe magnifico tellus viduata vacabit ;
Annis bis ternis, mensibus atque novem.
Antiquos reges, justos, largos, locupletes,
Formosos, fortes, Scotia mosta luget.
Ut Verilinus ait, post reges victoriosos,
Regis more carens, regia sceptra foret.
Serviet Angligeno regi per tempora quondam,
(Proh dolor!) Albania; fraude subacta sua.
Quod respirabit, post funus regis avari,
Versibus antiquis prisca Sibylla canit.
Rex Borealis enim, numerosa classe potitus,
Affliget Scotos ense, furore, fame:
Extera gens tandem Scotorum fraude peribit;
In bello princeps Noricus ille cadet.
Gallia quem gignit, qui gazis regna replebit,
O dolor! O gemitus! primus ab ense cadet.
Candidus Albanus, patriotis causa ruinæ,
Traditione sua Scotica regna premet.
Posteritas Bruti, Albanis associata,
Anglica regna premet morte, labore, fame.
Quem Britonum fundet Albani juncta juventus;
Sanguine Saxonico tincta rubebit humus.
502
APPENDIX.
Flumina manabunt, hostili tincta cruore
Perfida gens omni lite subacta ruet.
Regnabunt Britones, Albani gentis amici;
Antiquum nomen insula tota feret.
Ut aquila profert, veteri de turre locata,
Cum Scotis Britones regna paterna regent.
Regnabunt pariter, in prosperitate quieta,
Hostibus expulsis, Judicis usque diem.
Historiæ veteris Gildas luculentus orator,
Quem retulit, parvo carmine plura notans :
MENS, cor, cur capiunt; lex Christi vera jocunda,
Primam cunctorum tibi dat formam futurorum.
Draco draconem rubens album superabit;
Anglorum nomen tollet; rubei renovabit.
Solis in occasu leopardi viscera frigent;
Vertices et cerebrum Cambria tollet ei.
Quo duce sublato, tria ovantia regna peribunt,
Saxoniæ soboli lilia frena dabunt.
Virtus Germanici leopardi tincta veneno
Lilia vincendi fugere presto cadet.
Eufrates, et Tigris, Forth rever,' atque Nilus,
Per mundi metas lilia subtus erunt.
foxth reu. MS.
[503]
NUMBER XIV. The Origin of the Piks; extracted from the
Book of Ballymote.
EGO Nennius Elvodugi discipls a q discerpta scribere
curavi, i. e. Ro deithnigiusa coro scribaid airoile dolo
martha, & me Nennius deascupal Elvodaigh daigh
rodramaid beas & aenach na nam Brethnac seanchasa
& buanda na ceat daine conafileadh ifăitne iscribea-
naib na leabrib misi hi ro coimthinoilius na seancusa
in analtaib na Roman & ic croinicib na srutha naem,
i. e. es Suidir (Suidas) & Cirine & Eusebius & aha-
naltaib Gaedil & anafuarus athidhnacul arnairsata de
bunadh Crutneach and seo.
Cruithne.
mc Cinge.
mc Luctai.
mc Partolan.
mc Agnoin.
mc Mais
mc Fathecht.
mc Jafet.
mc Noe.
Ise athair Cruitneach & cet ₺ła do irrighe.
Secht mic Cruithneach an so i. e. Fib. Fi-
dach. Fodla-fortreand. Cathac. Cait. Ce.
Cirig. agus secht randaib ro roindset in fea-
rann ut dixit Colum Cilli :
Moirseisir do Cruithne clainn
Randset Albain i secht rainn.
Cait, Ce, Cirigh, Ceathac, clann,
Fib, Fidach, Fotla fortreand.
504
APPENDIX.
Acus ise ainm gac fir dib.
Fib 34 bła irrige.
Fidach 40. Bruide pont
Fortreand 70 bt Urpont.
Cait 2 bła ar xx Uleo.
Cirig 80 bf B. gant.
Ce 12 bł. B. uleo.
Aenbeccann im B. urgant.
Caith 30 b. B. gnith.
Finecta 60 bl. B. urgnith.
Guidid gad bre B. feth 1. Geis. 1bl.
B. urfeichir geast ĝid 40 b. B. cal.
Urgeas 30 bl. B. Urcal.
Bruide pont 30. B. cint ri Uladh. 51 Urcint ded₺-
tea fri B fet, gach fir dib, & B. urfeth randa na fea-
rann B. ruailero gabsadar 50. ut est illeabraib na Cruit-
neach. Bruide ero. B. gart B. Urgart. B. cind. B.
urcind. B. uip. B. uruip. B. grith. B. urgrith. B.
muin, B. urmuin.
Britannia insola, a Britone filio Isicon dca est (dic-
ta est) i. e. Briton mc Isicon ro aiñigheadh. 1. m. c.
consul ro bai ir Romanaib Ailbion ro be c. aim idsi
Breatain da c. mile alleithi. Ocht pm cathraca 20
indti & isiatso sis. Caer Goirthighirnd Caer Gutais,
&c. &c. &c.
de Cruithneacaib incipit.
A tir Tracia tangadar Cruithnigh. 1. Clanda Ge-
leoin me Ercoil iad. Agathyrsi anamanda. Seisur
brathar tangadar toiseac. 1. Solen. Ulsa. Neachtan.
Drostan. Aengus. Letcind.
Fatha-a-tiactana. 1. Policornus ri Tragia do rad
gradh da siar, co ro triall abreth gan tocra. Lodar
carsin tar Romanchu co Frangcu & cumtaigit cathar
an. 1. Pictavis a pictis 1. an armtaib. Acus do rac
ri Fñgcu gradh dia siar. Lodar fommuir iarneg in
tseiseadh brathar. 1. Letcind. Ic and dalaa iarndul
5
BOOK OF BALLYMOTE.
505
formuir at bath a siur, gabsat Cruitnigh inb. Slaine
im Uib Ceinnselaigh.
Atbt riu Creamthand Sciathbal Ri Laighen do
bad failti doib ar dichur Tuaithe fidhbha. Adbt
Drostan Drui Cruitneac 1. Bleogan. sechtfighit bo
find do dhortugh maile is fearfaidh im cath do ron-
nadh indi sin, & do ronnadh im cath doib. 1. Cath
arda leamnacta im Uib Ceindsellagh, gac aen no
ghontis, no laighed isin leamnact, ni cumgadh a
neimh ni doneocaib.
Romarbtha dam iartain Tuatha fidhbha. Mairb-
ccathra do Cruitneacaib carsin Drostan, Solen, Neac-
tan, Ulfa. Gabais gub & amc. 1. Cathluan neart mor
an Erñ go ionarbar Erimoin. & go tarda mna na fear
ro baitea immaille fond doib. 1. mã bresse, & bua-
maisse. &c. &c. Anais seis dib os Breagmaigh. Is
uadibh gac geiss, gac sen, gac freod, & gotha en &
Cathluan ba aird-ri orro uile & ise c. ri
gac mna.
rogabh dib an Albain. LXX righdibh f Albain o Cath-
luan gu Constantin & ise Cruithneac deidhenac. Ro
scab damc. 1. Catinolodor & Catinolocan imda cu-
radh. Lin mc Pirn & Cind athair Cruthne. Crus
me Cirigh, amilid Uaisnem afilid, Cruithne a ceard.
Domnal mc Ailpin, ise toiseac go ro marb Britus
indsi Isicon. Clanna Neimidh ro gabsat iarm Britus.
3. iarglun. Cruithne ro gabsat iarsin iarteact doib a
Heirinn. Gaedil im ro gabsat iarsin. 1. mc Eire me
Eacdach.
506
APPENDIX.
TRANSLATION.
I Nennius, disciple of Elvodug, from whom I have care-
fully made the following extracts; viz. the origin and man-
ners of the ancient Britons, supported by the best authority.
IH.² well skilled in the antiquities and annals of the Romans,
and in the chronicles of pure authors, viz. Suidir, Cirin Eu-
sebius; and in the Irish annals; and I find sufficient evi-
dence for the origin of the Cruitne, in manner following, viz.
Cruitne son of Cinge. S. Luctai, S. Partolan, S. Agnoin, S.
Mais, S. Fathecht, son of Japhet, son of Noah.
He was the father of the Cruitne, and ruled 100 years.
Cruitne had seven sons, viz. Fib, Fideach, Fodiafortreand,
Cathac, Cait, Ce, Cirig; and they divided the kingdom into
seven parts, as says Colum Kill.
The seven sons of Cruitne, into seven parts divided Alban;
Cait, Ce, Cirigh, Ceathec, Fib, Fideach, Fotlafortreand.
And these are their names (and reigns.)
Fib 34 years kings
Fidach 40 Brude pont (&c. see original.)
Brude pont 30 years, &c. &c. &c. Bruide Cint K. of Ul-
ster, 51 years. Urcint made war on Bruidefeth and destroy-
ed every one of the Clann, and Bruide Urfeth divided the
land. Bruide Ruaile ruled 50 years, as in the books of the
Cruitne, &c. &c.
The island of Briton was so called from Briton, son of
Isicon, viz. in the first consulship of the Romans; its first
name was Albion; it is 200 miles in breadth, and contains
This piece from the Book of Ballymote, written in the 14th or 15th
century, is partly copied from the Chronicon Pictorum, but corrupted with
errors and gross fable. The name of Nennius is used by the weak forger
of it, to give it more authority. It is a good specimen of Irish fabulous his-
tory: and as it makes the Piks proceed from Ireland to North Britain, in
opposition to all ancient authorities, it is no wonder that the Irish fabulists
should insist that the modern Scots (who are the same people antiently
called Piks) came from Ireland.
2 Say N. that is, Nennius,
BOOK OF BALLYMOTE.
507
28 chief cities, viz. Caer-Goirthighernd, Caer-Gutais, &c.
&c. &c.
Here begins the history of the Cruitne.
The Cruitne came from Thrace; they were the sons or
clann of Gelon of Hercules: they were called Agathyrsi.
Six brothers came over chiefs or leaders; viz. Solen, Úlfa,
Neachtan, Drosten, Aengus, Letcind.
Fatha-atiactana, alias Policornus, king of Thrace, fell in
love with their sister, and endeavoured to seduce her, with-
out settling a dowry on her. Then they passed through the
(country of the) Romans to that of the Franks, and there
built a city, viz. Pictavis, so called from Pictis, that is, a kind
of arms or weapons. And the king of the Franks fell in love
with their sister. Then the sixth brother Letcind, dying, they
roamed about the seas, and it so happened that the sister
dying on shipboard, the Cruitne made for Inver-Slaine in
Hy-Kinsillagh (in Leinster.)
Creamthan Sciathbal king of Leinster told them, they
should be welcome, provided they would free him of the
tribe widows. Drostan, alias Bleogan, a priest or Druid of
the Cruitne, replied, to-morrow at the rising of the sun (the
milk of) seven score white cows shall be spilt; this occasion-
ed an engagement, and they fought the battle of Arda leam-
nacta in Hy-Kinsilligh; where not one escaped being wound-
ed or speared, receiving no support from their horses or
****
Then all the widows died: after that died Drostan, Solen,
Neachtan, Ulfa of the Cruitne.
Cathluan began to gather great strength and power in Ire-
land, till he was expelled by Erimon, who gave his people
women and land; and they settled in Breagmaigh: they
were in want of order or distinction; had neither spears
(for hunting) nets (for fowling) nor women.
Cathluan was chief over all; and he first led them to Al-
ban.
LXX kings over Alban, from Cathluan to Constantine;
and he was the last of the Cruitimian (kings.) He left two
sons, Catinolodar and Catinolocan, both in great distress.
Lin, son of Pirn, and Cind Athair Cruitne, Crus mc Cirigh,
Uaisneim the File, Cruitne the mechanic. Donald mc Alpin
was chief when Britus, son of Isicon, died. The Clanna Nei-
mid ruled after Britus, (i, e. his descendants.) The Cruitne
508
APPENDIX.
1
ruled next, coming from Ireland. The Gaedhal came next,
viz. mc Eire me Eacdach.!
In another Irish poem in the Book of Ballymote, which seems to be a
transcript of Nennius put into Irish verse, it is said
Agatyrsi anamann, amrann Erctbi
Ocearptar dia cuctli adbtar iad Picti.
"They were called Agathyrsi, and from a kind of slaughtering weapon
they were called Picti." Translator.
1
É
1.
[ 509 ]
NUMBER XV. Pikish Kings, from Lynche's Cambrensis Ever-
sus, London, 1662, fol. p. 93.
IN Hibernica Nennii versione, penes me, catalogus est Re-
gum Pictorum, cujus partem hic exhibeo; ut lectori constat
vel diversos ejusdem nominis reges Pictis et Scotis impe-
rasse, vel quod ego contendo Scotos Pictorum reges sibi ar-
rogasse.
Brudeus filius Melchon (cujus nono regni S. Columbam in
Britanniam venisse Beda scribit,) regnavit annis 30. Gar-
nad filius Domnach 11. Neckan nepos Verp 20. Kenethus
filius Luthrin 19. Garnaid filius Vaid 7. Brudeus filius
Vaid 5. Tolore frater eorum 12. Talorcan filius Enfret 4.
Gornad filius Donel 6 et dimidio an. Druse frater ejus 7.
Brudeus filius Fili 20. Taran filius Enfidi 4. Breitef filius
Derilei 11. Nectonus filius Derilei 10. Drestus et Alpinus
conregnaverunt 5. Onuis fil. Urgust 30. Brete fil. Urgust
15. Kenethus fil. Viredeg 12. Alpinus filius Vrod 3. et di
midio an. Drest fil. Tolorcen 11. Tolorcen fil. Drusten 5
vel 15. Tolercen fil. Uniust 12. et dimidio. Canul fil. Tang
5. Cuastain fil Urgust 35. Vidanist fil. Urgust 12. Drest
fil. Constantin et Talorgus fil. Uthol conregnaverunt 3. Unen
fil. Unust 3. Urard fil. Bargot 3. Bread 1. Kenethus fil.
Alpini 16. Domhnal fil. Alpini 4. Constantinus fil. Aedi
45. Moelcolumb fil. Domnalli 9. Culen fil. Illdolbh fili
Constantini 4. Kenethus fil. Moelcolumb 24. Constantin
fil. Culen uno et medio anno. Kenethus filius Dubh S.
Moelcolumb fil. Keneti 30. Donatus nepos vel filius Moel-
columbi 6. Macleathad fil. Finlaigh 16. Luboch quinque
menses. Moelcolumb fil. Donati postea.
[ 510 ]
NUMBER XVI. Commentary on an obscure Passage in the
Chronicon Rhythmicum.
THE Chronicon Rhythmicum, to be found at the end of many
MSS. of Fordun, has the following passage, concerning the
time when the Piks and Scots settled in Britain.
Quod jam promisi, tempus sic ecce relisi ;
4
Bis bis centeno, quater endeca, sed minus uno
Anno, quo sumpsit primos Ergadia Scotos,
Ut referunt isti, fuit incarnatio Christi.
Annorum summa, Pictis præoccupatorum,
Hic dat Scotorum, dèca quinque centibinorum,
Et annos quindecim; tres menses jungito quidem.
Tunc Scoti quærunt quot anni præterierunt,
Postquam vicerunt Pictos, qui tunc coluerunt
Albaniam, citro Drumalban, sed minus ultra.
Ut Scoti valeant memoratum tempus habere,
Par Scotiam totam quo ceperunt residere.
[Qui Picti terram rexere mille ducentis,
Et pariter junclis viginti quatuor annis,
Ut verum renovem, mensibus atque novem.]
Pictis amotis, datur hæc responsio Scotis:
D. semel et ter C.; post X. ter; et X. quater inde;
Įstorum numeri monstrant quo tempore Christi,
Sed trans Dun-Alban, coepit regnare Kenedus.
*
Sed cum septenis Kened regnaverat annis,
*-
Ex tunc Albaniæ regnum totale regebat.
Before commenting on this obscure passage, it will be
proper to offer a few remarks on the ideas of some other old
Scotish writers relating to this subject.
Innes has observed, in his critical Essay, that after the
year 1301, when the dispute with Edward J. arose, we first
find the Scotish writers claiming a priority of settlement, for
the Irish Scots, over the Piks.
Baldred Bisset, in his Memorial to the Pope, 1301, asserts
wildly, that the Scots had thirty-six catholic kings before
the English were converted.
CHRONICON RHYTHMICUM.
511
A writer in Fordun's Scotichronicon, IV. 10, says the
Scots had twenty-three kings, before the Piks came into
Britain; which, by his account, was about 200 years before
Christ.
The letter of the Scotish nobility to the pope, 1320, says
that Robert Bruce was the 113th king of Scots. But this
number, as appears from Innes, p. 712, extends from Simon
Brec, first king of the Scots in Ireland.
Winton, Book IV. informs us:
Four hundreth winter, and fourty,
And twa, to rekkyne evynly,
Before the blist nativitie, &c.
As in our storie written is,
Than in Scotland the Scottis
Begouth to ring, and to steir;
Twa hundreth fullie, and forty yeir,
Five winteir, and moneths thrie,
Gif that all suld rekkynit be,
Or the Peychtis into Scotland
Cam, and in it were regnand.
I
He also says, that when Kenneth vanquished the Piks,
the latter had been sovereigns of Scotland,
A thousand, ane and sixty yheres.
And, some chapters after, he dates the coming of the Piks
from Scythia to Scotland,
Twa hundreth wintyr, and na mair,
Or that the madyn Marie bair.
Fordun, I. 31, says that, according to an old chronicle,
the Scots came to Scotland 1543 years before Christ: the
Scots reigned before the Piks 249 years, 3 months: and the
Pikish kingdom lasted 1061 years: but by other accounts,
1224 years, 9 months. In book I. cap. ult. he remarks, that
some accounts bore that the Scots reigned before the Piks
265 years, 3 months: others 317 years under 23 kings. In
IV. 10, he repeats these remarks. But he himself allows, I.
37, that the Piks and Scots were in Britain about one and
the same time.
Giraldus Cambrensis, in his Descriptio Albania, says, that
some made the Pikish kingdom last 1070, others 1360,
years.
* Winton gives no positive date for this event. Alpin's reign he dates
340, Kenneth's 843 (in Dalriada), Kenneth's death 859.
512
APPENDIX.
These observations being premised, the above obscure
passage remains to be considered.
Bis bis centeno, quater endeca, sed minus uno
Anno, quo sumpsit primos Ergadia Scotos,
Ut referunt isti, fuit incarnatio Christi.
Bis bis centeno is "the twice two hundredth," that is, 400:
quater endeca, "four times eleven," is 44; minus uno, " less by
one," leaves for the sum 443 years. After anno supply a, and
the clear sense is, 443 years after the Scots arrived in Argyle
was the Incarnation of Christ; that is, the Scots came to Ar-
gyle 443 years before Christ. Winton reckons only 442, in
the above passage. Fordun no where expressly marks the
year when the Scots came in; but supposes them to have
been in Britain some time before Fergus I. whose reign he
dates, II. 12, in the 330th year before Christ.
Annorum summa, Pictis præoccupatorum,
Hic dat Scotorum, deca quinque centibinorum,
Et annos quindecim; tres menses jungito quidem.
Deca quinque "five tens" fifty: centibinorum "two hun-
dred:" quindecim, tres menses; in all 265 years 5 months, as
Fordun above interprets. But Winton has 245,
Qui Picti terram rexere mille, ducentis,
Et pariter junctis viginti quatuor annis,
Ut verum renovem, mensibus atque novem.
Fordun interprets this 1224 years, 3 months.
D. semel; et ter C.; pest X. ter; et X. quater inde.
1
seems to denote that Kenneth began to reign in Dalriada,
(sed trans Dunalban,) in 844: and he vanquished the Piks,
septenis annis, or seven years after, as our poem says. For-
dun dates Kenneth's reign in Dalriada 834; Winton 843.
The first passage tells us that the Scots came to Britain
443 years before Christ. The second that they preceded
the Piks 265 years, 3 months. That is, the Piks arrived 177
years, 9 months, before Christ.
The third says the Piks had ruled 1224 years, 9 months,
when in 851 they were vanquished by Kenneth. It follows
that the Piks began to rule 373 years, 9 months, before
Christ. How can this be reconciled? The difference is just
196 years.
CHRONICON RHYTHMICUM,
"513
And how reconcile this piece with the Descriptio Albania,
which bears that some extended the duration of the Pikish
kingdom to 1070; others to 1360 years? The numbers are
so discordant, that it is utterly impossible to reconcile them;
and if it were possible, the labour were very ill bestowed, as
the different accounts are equally visionary and fantastic.
But the intention of this little comment was merely to
shew, that the numbers even in this poem are irreconcile-
able. And the reason is, that Inncs has grossly mistaken its
nature. He supposes, p. 609, that all the part down to Alex-
ander III. is written in his time; and all after by another
hand. Yet in his notes on the piece itself, p. 816, when he
comes to the pretended Second Part, he observes Hactenus
continentur quæ AUCTOR ex scriptis, sive priscis chronicis, desump-
serat. Hic incipit describere quæ vel ipse per se, vel ex coacorum
relatione, noverat: hinc addendum censuimus titulum hunc Se-
cunda Pars. Here we find only one author mentioned: and
how he could have lived in different ages is submitted to the
reader. The fact is, that he lived and wrote in the year
1447, as he tells us in his concluding lines.
This poem can only be found in the end of Fordun; and
is, as the preface says, an abstract of his chronicle; or rather
of the Scotish chronicle, or history, in general. It is never
quoted, nor referred to, either by Fordun or Winton, though
they quote the Chronicon Elegiacum often: so that certainly
it was not written before their time. The supposed Second
Part is a mere imagination of Innes. The whole is of one
form and complexion. The same confused kind of verse,
sometimes rhining at the middle and end; sometimes in
couplet; sometimes not rhiming at all; just as the rude com-
poser could make it, occurs throughout.
What misled Innes is, 1. That the author, according to
the Paris MS. from which Innes published this piece, says
in his preface he composed it, "scripto veteri metrico et novo
ad propositum respondente," but the Paisley MS. reads, “par-
tim ex metris veteribus, partim ex recentibus ad propositum fa-
cientibus." Innes, following the former reading, supposes
distinct parts are implied. But the second reading explains
the first to mean only that the author inserted some old
rhimes. Which he really has; and with wonderful address !
For the three lines,
VOL. I.
Qui Picti terram rexere mille, ducentis,
L
514
APPENDIX.
Et pariter junctis viginti quatuor annis,
Ut verum renovem; mensibus atque novem.
are taken literatim from Fordun, who quotes them, I. 31.
And our sagacious poetaster breaks a chasm for them, be-
tween two lines so closely connected, as not even to admit a
comma; and without once perceiving that they totally con-
fute what he had just said. At same time these three lines,
and a few marked by Innes as interpolated, p. 813, are the
only ones in the whole poem to be found quoted in Fordun,
where else before 1447; and it is clear that Fordun
did not take them from this poem, but the poem from For-
dun.
or any
2. The grand reason, which induced Innes to infer that
this poem is more ancient than Fordun, was, that the list of
our early kings, to be found in it, differs from Fordun's new
scheme; and is consonant with our old chronicles; for it
omits all Fordun's fictitious monarchs, beginning only at
Fergus son of Erc, and passing over Fordun's interpolated
kings. As the author calls his poem an abstract of Fordun,
this is indeed surprising. But as he has confessedly told us
one falsehood, in calling his poem an abstract of a writer
whom he contradicts; so we know not where, or how, to
believe him, for he who deceives us in one instance, may in
others. Innes also falls into another contradiction, when he
supposes the first part of this piece written in the time of
Alexander III. yet says that the idea of the Scots being in
Britain before the Piks, was adopted after his reign, while this
very pocm asserts the Scots to have been in Britain before
the Piks. That there are some scraps in this misbegotten
piece, older than 1447, seems clear; but there is no reason
to infer that there is a line in it written before 1320.
it was in 1447 so altered and interpolated, that no more re-
liance can be placed on it than if it were wholly written at
that time. So that it cannot be ranked as an early, or au-
thentic, monument of our history.
And
Innes was anxious for proofs that Fergus son of Ere, and not
the fabulous Fergus I. was really first king of the Scots in Dal-
riada. This is sufficiently clear from the other two ancient ca-
talogues of our kings, produced by him, and from the Irish An-
nals; so that there was no occasion to give this piece of mock
antiquity to enforce the truth. And as this truth is now al-
lowed on all hands, it is of no moment that the Chronicon
Rhythmicum should be received in the new point of view in
i
CHRONICON RHYTHMICUM.
515
which Innes has placed it. There seems little doubt, from
the similar manner of marking the numerals, down to the
very end, 1447, that the list of early monarchs is not an
old fragment, but really written in 1447. It indeed differs
from Fordun, but we are not to conceive that Fordun's new
scheme was universally received; and perhaps this differ-.
ence was owing merely to the indolence of the author, who,
instead of turning over Fordun's vast mass for the little scraps
concerning our early kings, found it easier to take one of the
short catalogues ready made to his hands, and turn it into
verse.
These remarks are here given, because had this piece been
a real monument of our early history, it would have been
proper to have considered it in Part III. ch. 4, of this work,
concerning the epoch of the Pikish settlement in Britain.
1
516
APPENDIX.
NUMBER XVII. Instrumentum possessionum Ecclesiæ Glas
cuensis.' [circa A. 1118.]
IGIT
GITUR quandoquidem predecessorum instituta mortalium
literarum ostentatione, et scribarum deliberatione, ad memo-
riam revocantur, nos Cumbrensium quædam gesta nobilium
presentibus apicibus memoriæ commendamus. In Cumbria
itaque, regione quadam inter Angliam et Scotiam sita, fide
Catholica in illis climatibus exuberante ac propagante, do-
mestici filii, ac proceres regni, cum rege provinciæ coope-
rante, in honore Dei, et Sanctæ Mariæ piæ genetricis, Ec-
clesiam Glasguensem, sedem scilicet Pontificalem Cumbren-
sis Regionis, fundaverunt; et dignis sanctionibus, pro pristi-
na sanctorum religione patrum, solidaverunt. Hæc vero pul-
chris initialibus, et ecclesiasticis institutionibus, sanctæ quo-
que fidei rudimentis, inolevit; et dispositione divina Sanc
tum Kentigernum in episcopum admisit, qui celestis affluen-
tia doctrinæ fidentibus propinaret; et cibum spiritualem, ut
fidelis dispensator, esurientibus ministraret. Verum enim-
vero fraudulentus exterminator supradictam ecclesiam diu
inviolabiliter constare ingemiscens, consuetis versutiis suis,
post multa temporum curricula, scandala intolerabilia Cum-
brensium ecclesiæ machinavit. Dicto namque Kentigerno
pluribus successoribus, sub piæ religionis perseverantia, ad
Dominum transmigratis, diversæ seditiones circumquaque in-
surgentes, non solum ecclesiam, el ejus possessiones, destruxe-
runt; verum etiam totam regionem vastantes, ejus habitato
res exilio tradiderunt. Sic ergo omnibus bonis exterminatis,
magnis temporum intervallis transactis, diversæ tribus diver-
sarum nationum, ex diversis partibus affluentes, desertam re-
gionem præfatam habitaverunt; sed dispari gente, et dissi-
mili lingua, et vario more viventes; haud facile sese consen-
tientes, Gentilitatem potius quam Fidei Cultum tenuerunt.
Quos infelices damnatæ habitationis habitatores, more pecu-
From the Appendix to Sir James Dalrymple's Collections, compared
with that in the Appendix to Gibson's History of Glasgow, published from
a copy of the Chartulary, in the library of Glasgow University.
INSTRUMENTUM GLASGUENSE.
517
I
dum irrationabiliter degentes, dignatus est Dominus, qui ne-
minem vult perire, propitiatione sua visitare: tempore nimi-
rum Henrici Regis Angliæ, Alexandro Scotorum rege in
Scotia regnante, misit iis Deus David predicti regis Scotia
germanum, in Principem et Ducem, qui eorum impudica et
scelerata contagia corrigeret; et animi nobilitate, et inflex-
ibili severitate, contumeliosam eorum contumaciam refrena-
ret. Hic nempe bene vivendi studio fervidus, prophanæ
multitudinis miseriæ condolens, ut pastorali sollicitudine,
qua diutius caruerunt, eorum opprobria deleret, Divino insti-
gatus hortamine, Joannem quendam religiosum virum, qui
eum educaverat, vitamque ejus Deo non imbeciliter devotum
noverat, consilio peritorum, clericorumque suorum auxilio,
in Episcopum elegit. Sed cum Episcopus cognita infelicis
populi feritate, et abhominabili vitiorum multiplicitate, ut-
pote perterritus, Hierusalem proficisci disposuisset, ab Apos-
tolico Paschali, licet invitus, consecratus, officium susceptæ
sollicitudinis nullatenus differre voluit; sed cum gaudio, sub
plebis alacritate, a principe, et a proceribus regni receptus.
verbum predicationis, Spiritu Sancto largissime operante, per
Cumbrensem parochiam diffudit. David vero Cumbrensis
regionis princeps, amore præcipue Dei, partim quoque reli-
gionis dilectione et admonitione, terras Ecclesiæ Glascuensi
pertinentes, singulis Cumbriæ provinciis quæ sub dominio
et potestate ejus erant, non enim toti Cumbrensi regioni do-
minabatur, inquirere fecit; ut avidus ipsius ecclesiæ restau-
rationis, possessionum earum, quas antiquitus tenuerat, pos-
teris et sequacibus suis certitudinem relinqueret. Has vero
auxilio et investigatione seniorum hominum et sapientiorum
totius Cumbriæ, pro posse suo, investigavit ; quæ inferius
subscribuntur: Carlemen, Cavicas, Cavicatlethein, Lengar-
theyn, Patelanthe, Conclut, Pamichel, Stobetis, Pentejacob,
Alnecromha, Kenecoun, Lilescliva, Aschecheyre, Hodelm,
Edingaheyin, Abermelio, Drinisdal, Colchtaim, Kenercrold,
Papa II. A. D. 1115. Keith.
2 In Gibson's copy the lands are: "Carlevien, Camcau, Camcahe-
theyn, Lengartheyn, Pathel, Asserhe, Canclut, [Chefernenuat, Carnetheyn,
Carvil, Quendal, Abercarf, Meeheyn,] Planmichel, Stobo, Pentiacob, Alne-
rumba, Keveronum, Lilleseliva, Hodelm, Edyngahum, Abermele, Drives-
dale, Colchtam, Kevertrole, Aschib, Brumesheyd, Keversgyrt; in Peblis
una carruc. terræ et ecclesia; in Kincayrd una car. et ecclesiæ; in Mere-
boda una car. et ecclesia." Sir James has surely omitted a line: in G.
Aschecheyre is wanting,
1
518
APPENDIX.
Aschebi, Brumerhede, Kenergilt. Lii Peebles una carrucata
terræ et ecclesia. Lii Kenegryd una acra et ecclesia. Lii
Mereboda una carrucata et ecclesia. Has terras juraverunt
fore pertinentes ecclesiæ Glasguensi rogatu et imperio pre-
dicti principis Uchtrede filius Waldef, Guil. filius Boed, Ley-
sing et Ogga Cumbrenses judices, Halden filius Eadulf. Hu-
jus rei testes sunt, ut andientes et videntes, Matildis Comi-
tissa quæ ex parte concessit sua, Willielmus nepos ipsius
Principis, Cospatricius frater Delphini, Waldef frater suus,
Cospatricius filius Uchtred, Cospatricius filius Alden, Osolf
filius Eadmer, Maccus filius Undneyn, Uchtred filius Scot,
Ulchel filius Alstan, Hugo de Morevil, Paganus de Brausa,
Osber de Ardenna, Gervasius Riddel, Guido de Caynes, Be-
rengarius Engarn, Robertus Corbitts, Walterus de Lindesaya,
Robertus de Burnevilla, Renaldus Denninstans, Walterus
filius Winemarii, Gulielmus Venator, Alanus de Parci, Wal-
terus de Bron.
(
لسنا
519 Î
NUMBER XVIII. Kings of Northumbria.
Bernicia.
547. Ida son of Eoppa, 12
years over both king-
doms.
Deira.
559. Adda, or Odda, his son, 559. Ella, another son of Ida,
5.
564. Clappa 7.
571. Theodulf 1.
$0.
572. Freothulf 7.
579. Theodoric 7.
588. Ethelric 2.
These two last were 589.
also sons of Ida;
and reigned while
Ella was king of
Deira.
593. Athelfrid 24, over both
kingdoms 14.
Edwin son of Ella, ex-
pelled by Athelfrid
king of Bernicia, who
ruled both k.14 years.
Then Edwin restored.
617. Edwin son of Ella 17 over both kingdoms. On his
death they were separated.
634. Osric son of Athelfrid.
634. Eanfred son of Athel-
frid.
Both slain in one year.
634. Oswald brother of Eanfred 9 over both kingdoms.
642. Oswi brother of Os-
wald, 9 in Bernicia.
644. Oswi son of Osric in
Deira 7: slain by Os-
wi of Bernicia.
652. Adelwalt 4.
660. Alfred, bastard son of
Oswi, is made king of
Deira by his father
10.
The Kingdoms finally united.
670. Egfrid, son of Oswi, 15.
685. Alfred, bastard son of Oswi, 19.
520
APPENDIX.
704. Eandulf an usurper, 2 months. Malmsb. Gesta Pont.
Lib. III. fol. v. 152.
704. Osred, son of Alfred, a child, 11.
715. Kenred, kinsman of Osred, 2.
717. Osric, brother of Kenred, 11.
728. Ceolwulf kinsman of Kenred, 8. To him Beda dedi-
cates his history. He turned monk.
736. Egbert cousin german to Ceolwulf, 20. Turned monk,
as many Saxon monarchs did.
756. Oswald, 1.
757. Ethelwald, surnamed Mollo, an usurper, 11.
768. Alred, 11.
779. Ethelred son of Mollo, 5.
784. Athelwold, 11.
796. Osred, 1.
Ethelred restored, 4. Follow 40 years of civil wars.
Eardulf.
Alfwold.
Eandred.
Ethelred.
Redulf.
840. Osbrecht.
Ella slain at York by the Danes.
860. Ricsig, a Dane.
871. Egbert, a Saxon.
Guthrun, Dane, 11.
894. Ricsig II. Dane.
903. Regnald and Nial, Danes.
914. Sihtric, a Dane.
919. Inguald, a Dane
926. Guthfert, a Dane.
Anlaf.
Anlaf II. expelled by Edmund. Restored in 944: ex-
pelled by Eadred 947.
948. Eric, last king, to 950.
*The history of Northumbria is very obscure from the
year 800; and a long dissertation would be requi-
red to adjust it.
[ 521 ]
1
NUMBER XIX. Earls of Northumbria.
Bib. Cotton. Dom. D. VIII. Various Chronicles, &c.
[De Successione Comitum Northumbrensium post Eiricum
ultimum regem. Catal.] Sæc. 12, vel 13.
PRIMUS Comitum post EIRICUM, quem ultimum regem ha-
buerunt Northanimbrenses, Osulf provincias omnes North-
anymbrorum, sub EDREDO rege procuravit. Deinde, sub
EADGARO rege, Oslac præficitur comes Eboraco, et locis
ejus pertinentibus; et Eadulf cognomento Yvelchild a Teisa
usque Myreford, præponitur Northymbris. Isti duo comites,
cum Aelfsio, qui apud Sanctum Cuthbertum episcopus fue-
rat, perduxerunt KYNET regem Scottorum ad Regem EAD-
GARUM. Qui cum illi fecisset hominium, dedit ei rex EAD-
GARUS Lodonenum; et multo cum honore remisit ad pro-
pria. Hiis comitibus successit in comitatum Walthef, ille
senior, regnante ATHELREDO. Deinde Uctredus filius Wal-
tefi, administravit comitatum omnium Northannymbrorum
provinciarum. Huic rex ATHELREDUS, suam filiam Elge-
onam dederat uxorem; ex qua filiam habens Aldgitham,
dedit in conjugium prædiviti cuidam Maldredo, filio Črinani,
de qua habuit Cospatricium comitem, patrem Dolphini, Wal-
tefi, et Cospatrici. Occiso autem Uctredo a Turebrando
cognomine Hold, per voluntatem CNUTONIS regis, frater
ejus Eadulf Cudel administravit comitatum. Et post eum
Aldred, filius Uctredi præfati, quem habuerat ex filia Alduini
episcopi, antequam duceret filiam regis ATHELREDI. Ha-
buit etiam alios filios ex alio conjugio, Cospatricium et Ea-
dulfum. Cospatrici erat filius Uctredus, de quo genitus est
Eadulf Rus, qui princeps erat et autor illorum qui interfece-
runt Walcherum episcopum. Interfecto vero Aldredo co-
mite a Carl, cujus prænomen, scilicet Turebrandum prædic-
tum, ipse Aldredus occiderat in ultionem sui patris Uctredi
522
APPENDIX.
Comitis, ab ipso Turebrando interfecti, successit illi frater
suus junior Eadulfus. Qui postmodum, regnante EDWARDO,
occisus est a Siwardo; qui, post illum, totius Northanimbro-
rum comitatum, HOC EST AB HUMBRA USQUE TUVEODAM,
suscepit comitatum. Mortuo autem Siuvardo rex ÆDUVAR-
DUS comitatum tradidit Tostio, fratri Haroldi regis. De-
hinc ipso Tostio, ab universis sui comitatus, propter nimiam
ejus violentiam, projecto de comitatu, et exlegato, Eduvinus
et Morkarus, quibus rex EDUVARDUS comitatus ipsius curam
delegaverat, filio Eadulfi comitis fratris Aldredi comitis, no-
mine Osulfo, Comitatum A TINA USQUE TUVEDAM' com-
miserunt. Sed postea Copsi, a WILLIELMO rege suscipiens
præposituram comitatus, expulit de comitatu Osulfum. At
ille, collectis postmodum viribus, eundem Copsi in introitu.
ecclesiæ de Niweburne interfecit. Ipse quoque post paucos
menses, dum impetu equi currentis ferretur in lanceam ob-
viantis sibi latronis, delatus statim moritur. Deinde Cospa-
tricius, ex nepte regis ATHELREDI progenitus, ut supra dic-
tum est, emtum a rege WILLIELMO comitatum administra-
vit. Quem postea idem rex, ei auferens, dedit Waldefo, filio
Siwardi comitis, quem ipse habuerat ex Ælfleda filia Aldredi
comitis. Waltefo vero capto et occiso, commisit rex comi-
tatum Walchero episcopo. Quo occiso, dedit comitatum
cuidam Albrio. Illo vero relinquente comitatum, datus est
cuidam Roaberto de Mulbreio. A quo rex WILLIELMUS
JUNIOR offensus, dum eum vi eepisset, ipse in sua manu
retinuit comitatum: hodieque frater ejus HENRICUS rex re-
tinet. Tu autem Domine. Explicit.
¹ So that the present extent of Northumberland began in the time of
Earl Osulf, about the year 1065: till which time it comprized all Yorkshire
and Durham.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
EDINBURGH:
Printed by James Ballantyne and Co.
Pikish Kings.
Tab. I. end of vol. 1.
Part I.
Chron. Pictorum.
1. Cruidne f. Cinge.
2. Kircu.
3. Fidaich.
Reg. St. And.
Fordun.
1. Crutheus f. Kinne.
1. Cruythne f. Kynne.
4. Fortreim.
5. Floclaid.
6. Got.
7. Ke.
8. Fivaid.
9. Gedeol Gudach
10. Denbecan.
11. Olfinecta.
12. Guidid Gaedbrecach.
13. Gestgurtich.
15. Brudi I. Bout.
14. Wurgest.
16. Gilgidi.
17. Tharan I.
18. Morleo.
19. Deokil Lunon.
20. Kimoiod f. Arcois.
21. Deoord.
22. Blies Blitirth.
2. Gede.
3. Tharan.
4. Duchil.
5. Duordechel.
23. Dectoteric.
24. Usconbuts.
Winton.
1. Cruthne Mak Kynny
6. Deootheth.
7. Combust.
8. Caranatorecht.
2. Ghede.
3. Tharan.
4. (Dinorthetisy).*
5. Duchil.
6. Duordeghal.
7. Decokheth.
8. Combust.
9. Caranathreth.
}
2. Gede.
3. Caran.
4. Duthil.
5. Wergetel.
6. Dekothot.
7. Combust.
8. Caranacait.
25. Carvorst.
26. Deoar Tavois.
27. Vist.
9. Gernath Bolg.
28. Ru.
29. Garnat Boc.
30. Vere.
31. Breth.
32. Vipoig Namet.
33. Canut Ulachama.
34. Wradech Vechla.
35. Garnaich di Uberr.
36. Talore f. Achivir.
10. Umpopenemet.
11. (Fiachua Albus.) †
12. Canatulmel.
13. Dinornach Netalic.
14. Feodac Finleg.
15. Garnat Dives.
16. Talarg f. Keother.
10. Garnath Bolger.
11. Wypopneth.
12. Blare Hassereth.
13. (Frachna Albus.)
14. (Thalarger Amfrud.) ‡
15. Canatulmel.
16. Dongard Nethles.
17. Feredach f. Finyel.
18. Garnard Dives.
19. Hurgust f. Fergoso.
20. Thalarger f. Keother.
9. Garnaird Belg.
10. Wypopmet.
11. Fathna.
12. Enalculmel.
18. Denortnach Neteles.
14. Feurdach Fingel.
* This king is surely 26. Deoartavois, out of his rank.
+ Is 34. Wradech Vechta, out of place.
Belongs to Part II. The others in Italics are usurpers, or fictitious.
Pikish Kings.
Tab. II. End of Vol. I.
Part II.
Chron. Pictorum.
37. Drust f. Erp.
38. Talore f. Aniel.
39. Necton f. Erp.
40. Drust Gurthinmoch.
41. Galan anetelich.
42. Dadrest.
43. Drust f. Girom.
Drust f. Udrost.
44. Gartnach f. Girom.
45. Gailtram f. Girom.
46. Talorg f. Muircholach.
47. Drust f. Munait.
48. Galam Kennaleph.
49. BRUDI f. Mailcon.
50. Garnait f. Domelch.
51. Nectu n. Verb.
52. Cineoch f. Luthrin.
53. Garnard f. Wid.
54. Brudi f. Wid.
55. Talore.
56. Talorcen f. Enfret.
57. Gartnait f. Donnel.
58. Drust.
59. Brudi f. Bili.
60. Taran f. Entifidich.
61. Brudi f. Derili.
62. Necthon f. Derili.
63. Drust et Elpin.
64. Onnust f. Vergust.
65. Brudi f. Vergust.
66. Kiniod f. Wredech.
67. Elpin f. Wroid.
68. Drest f. Talorgen.
69. Talorgen f. Onust.
Reg. St. And.
17. Drust f. Irb.
18. Talarg f. Amil.
19. Nethan Thelcamot.
20. Drust Gormot.
21. Galam.
22. Drust f. Gigurum.
23. Drust f. Hydrossig.
24. Ganut f. Gigurum.
25. Kelturan frater ejus.
26. Golorg f. Mordeleg.
27. Drust f. Moneth.
28. Tagalad.
29. Brude f. Melchon.
30. Garnat f. Domnach.
31. Nethan f. Irb.
32. Kinet f. Luthren.
33. Nectan f. Fottle.
34. Brude f. Fothe.
35. Telarg f. Fetobar.
36. Talargan f. Amfrud.
37. Garnat f. Domnal.
38. Drust.
39. Brude f. Bile.
40. Taram f. Amfredech.
41. Brude f. Derili.
42. Nectan frater ejus.
43. Garnath f. Ferath.
44. Oengusa f. Fergusa.
45. (Nethan f. Derili.)
46. Alpin f. Feret.
47. Oengusa f. Brude.
48. Brude f. Tenegus.
49. Drust f. Talargan.
50. Talargan f. Drusten.
51. Talargan f. Tenegus.
52. Constantin f. Fergusa.
53. Hungus f. Fergusa.
70. Canaul. f. Tarla.
71. Constantin f. Vergust.
72. Unust f. Vergust.
73. Drust f. Constantin
?
Talorgen f. Uthoil.
S
54. Dustalorg.
74. Uven f. Ünust.
75. Wrad. f. Bargoit.
76. Bred.
55. Eoganan f. Hungust
56. Ferat f. Batot.
57. Brude f. Ferat.
58. Kinat f. Ferat.
59. Brude f. Fotel.
Fordun.
21. Drust f. Irbii.
22. Thalarger f. Amyle.
23. Nectane Thaltamoth.
24. Durst Gorthnoth.
25. Galaam.
26. Durst f. Gigurum.
27. Drust f. Ochtrede.
28. Garnard f. Gigurum.
29. Kelturan fr. ejus.
30. Thelarger f. Mordelech.
31. Durst f. Moneth.
32. Thalagath.
33. Brude f. Meilochon.
34. Garnard f. Dompnach.
35. Nectane f. Irbe.
36. Kenel f. Luchtren.
37. Nectane f. Fode.
38. Brude f. Fachna.
39. Thalarger f. Ferchard.
40. Thalargan f. Amfrud.
41. Garnard f. Dompnal.
42. Durst.
43. Brude f. Bile.
44. Gharan f. Amfedech.
45. Brude f. Decili.
46. Nectane fr. ejus.
47. Garnard f. Feradach.
48. Oengusa f. Fergusa.
49. (Nectane f. Derely.)
50. (Alpinus f. Feredech.)
51. Oengusa f. Brude.
52. Brude f. Tenegus.
53. Alpinus f. Tenegus.
54. Durst f. Thalargan.
55. Thalarger f. Drusken.
56. Thalarger f. Tenegus.
57. Constantinus f. Fergusii.
58. Hungus f. Fergusii.
59. Durstolarger.
60. Eoghane f. Hungus.
61. Feredech f. Badoc.
62. Brude f. Feredech.
63. Keneth f. Feredech.
64. Brude f. Fotehel.
Winton.
15. Drust Hyrbson.
16. Golargis Maik Amyle.
17. Nectane Kellemot.
18. Durst Gormot.
19. Galane.
20. Durst Gygmour.
21. Durst Hodderling.
22. Garnot Gignoure.
23. Gilturnane.
24. Tolarg Mak Mordelay.
25. Durst Mak Mouthay.
26. Gagalage.
27. Brude Methenessor.
28. Garnach Mak Donah.
29. (Nectan Fadison.)
30. Kenel m. Luthren.
(Nectan Fadison.)
31. Brude.
32. Golarg.
33. Golargan.
34. Garnat m. Donald.
35. Durst.
36. Brude Bylisson.
37. Brude Dargardson.
38. Nactan.
39. Garnat m. Ferach.
Irish Nennius.
Brudeus f. Melchon.
Garnad f. Domnach.
Neckan n. Verp.
Kenethus f. Luthrin.
Garnaid f. Vaid.
Brudeus f. Vaid.
Tolore.
Tolorcan f. Enfret.
Gornad f. Donel.
Druse.
Brudeus f. Fili.
Taran f. Enfidi.
Breite f. Derilei.
Nectonus f. Derilei.
Drestus et Alpinus.
40. Oongus Fergus fynis son. Onuis f. Urgust.
41. Nectane.
42. Elpyne.
43. Oongus Brudeson.
44. Brude m. Tengus.
45. Alpine m. Tenegus.
Conslantyne.
Hungus.
Brete f. Urgust.
Kenethus f. Viredeg.
Alpinus f. Vrod.
Drest f. Talorcen.
Tolorcen f. Drusten.
Tolorcen f. Unust.
Canul f. Tang.
Cuastain f. Urgust.
Vidanist f. Urgust.
Drust f. Constantin.
Talorgus f. Uthol.
Uven f. Unust.
Urard f. Bargot.
Bread.
Tighernach.
Kennaleth.
Bruidi Mac Malcon.
Cinedh f. Luthreni.
Gartnaith m. Oith.
Bruidi f. Foith.
Dolairg m. Foith.
Dolargain m. Anfrith.
Gartnaidh f. Donaldi.
Drost f. Domnail.
Bruide m. Bile.
Taracin.
Brude m. Derile.
Netan m. Derile.
Drost. Elpin.
Aongus m. Fergusa.
Bruide.
Cinaoh.
Conal m. Teige.
Constantin m. Fergus.
Aongus m. Fergus.
Owen m. Aongus.
77. KENNETH f. Alpin.
60. Drust f. Ferat.
61. KINETH M. Alpin.
65. Drusken f. Feredech.
66. KENED f. Alpini.
KENNETH Mac Alpin.
KENNETHUS f. Alpini.
CINADH m. Alpin.

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