-
1
ARTES
LIBRARY
1837
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
{ UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN |
FLORIOUS UNI
THEBOR
QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAMI
CIRCUMSPICE
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
NON
CIRCULATING
DA
300
H85
2-261
2097
A
COLLECTION
OF
LETTERS,
FROM THE
ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS
OF
Many PRINCES, great PERSONAGES and STATESMEN.
TOGETHER,
With ſome curious and ſcarce TRACTS, and Pieces
of ANTIQUITY.
RELIGIOUS, POLITICAL, and MORA L.
By L. HOWARD, D. D.
Rector of St. George's, Southwark, and Chaplain to her Royal High-
neſs the Princeſs Dowager of Wales.
LONDON:
Printed for the AUTHOR,
And fold by E. WITHERS, at the Seven Stars, between the
Temple-Gates. MDCCLIII.
I A
300
то
i
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
GEORGE
PRINCE of WALES.
}
SIR,
A
Ta Time of Life when YOUR
ROYAL HIGHNESS is receiving
the ADVANTAGES, and adding to
Your illuſtrious Birth, and great natural
Abilities, the ORNAMENTS and ACQUIRE-
MENTS of a liberal and princely Educa-
tion, of which an Acquaintance with the
Hiſtory of States and Kingdoms, and eſpe-
cially
a
ii DEDICATION.
cially of thoſe which Your ROYAL HIGH-
NESS is born to prefide over, is no inconfi-
derable Part; the following Collection
humbly intreats Your ROYAL HIGH-
NESS's Acceptance and Protection. Itcon-
fifts of feveral Pieces of Antiquity, and Let-
ters of Princes, great Perfonages, and Stateſ-
men in former Times, which, in their Ori-
ginal English Drefs and Manner of Writ-
ing and Behaving, have the Honor to
appear before You. I am not vain enough
to think them worthy of Your ROYAL
HIGHNESS's Attention, nor capable of ad-
ding any Thing to Your Improvement;
but hope, as Curiofities, they may be
fome Amuſement to Your ROYAL HIGH-
NESS, in an Avocation from Your import-
ant Studies and Employments.
I am tempted to make this humble Of
fering to Your ROYAL HIGHNESS, from
Your humane Difpofition, and a Sort of
Command from Your ROYAL FATHER,
1
to
DEDICATION.
to make theſe Pieces of Antiquity public
under his Patronage, whom I had the
Honor and Felicity to attend for a long
Courſe of Years.
May the great and wife Orderer of
all Things, who hath called to a celeftial
Diadem, that amiable Prince, alleviate
our Lofs in the Prefervation of Your
ROYAL HIGHNESS, the growing I-
mage and Repreſentative of his many Vir-
tues; and as Kingdoms are exalted, and
the Thrones of Princes eſtabliſhed by
Righteousness, may his divine and affifting
Grace continue You in that fafe Path of
Religion, which the most excellent, pious, to
and univerfally esteemed Princess, Your Roy-
al Mother, is fo careful to advife, guide,
and direct You.
May the Supreme Being preferve to You
and us the precious and valuable Life of his
prefent Majefty, Your great and influenc-
ing Example to rule well and happily, who
is
iv
DEDICATION.
1
is training You up to Greatness and Good-
ness, and fo tenderly watches over your
youthful State, that the hopeful and pro-
mifing Spring may proceed to a glorious and
happy Autumn. As there are many good
and great Qualities to raiſe our Hopes and
Expectations from Your ROYAL HIGHNESS,
fo there are many Things within Your
own View to make Your Profpect of Life
and Empire delightful: There is a National
Attachment to Your illuftrious Parents,
which entails itſelf on Your ROYAL HIGH-
NESS with all its Attendances of Duty and
Affection.
I am,
May it pleaſe Your ROYAL HIGHNESS,
7
Your most dutiful, most obedient,
And most devoted Servant,
i
LEONARD HOWARD.
PRE FAC E.
A
SJ fhould be wanting in the Gratitude which is due to my Friends, not
to take the firſt Opportunity of making my 'thankful Acknowledgments
for their Generofity and Patience, in waiting fo long for the following
Sheets; fo 1 fhould be wanting to myſelf in not giving the true Reaſons for
then being fo long poftponed, and clearing myfelf from the cruel, I was going
to fay, unchriftian Accufations of my Enemies, viz. That this Work never
would, never was defigned to come out.
I fhall not trouble the Public with many Apologies for the unhappy and
unforeseen Delay; it fhall fuffice, and I am fure it will fatisfy thofe of the leaft
good Nature, and charitable Reflection, that fome Years ago, when I was pre-
paring the Work for the Prefs with all Expedition, a fudden and difafterous
Accident of Fire, confumed the greateſt Part of the Manufcripts and Papers I
had collected; upon which I advertiſed my Willingneſs to return their Subfcription
Money who would call for it, and did not chuſe to wait till I could get up
another Collection; and by one only amongſt them all, the fame was demanded
and paid.
I have now been enabled by the Goodneſs of fome Great Friends and learned
Antiquaries, to prefent this Collection to the Public, and hope they will be
found both Uſeful and Entertaining, fince in the moſt immaterial Letters which
I have publiſhed of the Nobility and great Perfonages of former Times, there
is a Vein of Piety and Religion, which with Grief I fpeak it, is much wanting
in theſe our Days; every Nobleman and Lady in this Collection, concludes
his, or her Letter with a Recommendation of the Friend or Perſon to whom it
is wrote to the Care and Tuition of Almighty God, &c. So that Goodness in
thofe Times always accompany'd Greatnefs, and was the diftinguiſhing Cha-
racteriſtick of high Quality and Condition.
I may be charg'd with Inaccuracy, in not preferving Order of Time in the
following Collection, but my Defire to come out as foon as poffible, and
clear a Reputation very freely and familiarly dealt with, made me fend a Letter
to the Preſs as foon as I received it, and which was often follow'd with another
prior to the other in its Date and Period, but I have endeavour'd to fet this
right in the Contents.
And now in the antique Shape and Drefs they are in, I hope my Friends will
be fo good as to accept them, fince to have altered their Stile or Spelling,
would have made them lefs curious. I publifh many of them as Originals,
which if ever printed before, is their Fault who impoſed on me, and where I
mention any to be in the Hand-Writing of the King or Perfon named, I have
the ORIGINAL to fhew and produce to any Enquirer.
I fhall only add, and indeed I need not fay more to the humane Part of Man-
kind, who have that Greatness of Mind and Compaffion fo peculiar to this
Country,
PREFAC E.
Country, that an Affiftance and Encouragement of me in this large and ex-
penfive Work, will be extreamly feafonable, and for ever merit my humble
Thanks and Acknowledgements.
I have labour'd many Years hardly, I was going to fay diligently in the
Miniſtry, and have ftruggled with the Difficulties of a narrow Income, and
variety of Diſappointments and Uneafineffes; and as I have already hinted, I
have not been without Enemies and ill Offices, but this Misfortune I chufe
not to enlarge on, fince in a State of Nature wherein we are liable to err, I
may not perhaps have been altogether free (or may have been thought not
to be free) from fome Inadvertencies; but I hope they will always be di-
ftinguiſhed from enormous Vices, and that amongſt Chriſtians, a Veil will
never be wanting for thoſe Miſtakes in Life which are made rather from un-
happy Accidents, than bad Principles, from the unwilling Compliances of
powerful Neceffity. An Acknowledgment of human Frailties becomes us
all, for there is no Man liveth that finneth not. It is a Chriftian Virtue, a laud-
able Humility, and no Meanness to confefs our Errors, and whoever thus throws
himſelf down, 'tis inhuman to tread on. But were we ever fo perfect, to live
without Enemies is not to be expected, and if they are low Ones, not to be
regarded; if they have taken Antipathies without juft Provocation, or are fo
inveterate and implacable as not to be foftened or gained upon by Submiffion
and Entreaty, we are to make ourſelves as eafy as we can under their Injuries
and Oppreffions, referring our Cauſe to him that judgeth right, and before whom
we are all to appear; praying daily in the Words of our excellent Litany, That
it would pleafe God to forgive our Enemies, Perfecutors, and Slanderers, and to
turn their Hearts.
1.
To the Compiler of this COLLECTION.
I
Dear SIR,
Received your Information of the Accident which
confumed your Manufcripts, with a real Concern
for your private Lofs, and for what the Public will fuf-
fer; having had the Pleaſure of feeing many of the valu-
able Letters and Papers which compofed that Collecti-
on. Imuch approved of your Intention to advertiſe the
Misfortune, and as it might be fome Time before you
could be able to compleat another for the Prefs, thought
you extremely right to proffer your Subſcribers a return
of their Money; tho' in your Lift of Friends, I did not
fee one that in my Opinion would be unwilling to
wait till you had Opportunity to comply with your
Propofals, as your Cafe was unhappily circumftanced.
To fhew my Inclination to affiſt you, I have inclof-
ed two Manufcripts which I offer to your intended
Collection; one is a Letter from a + young Lady of great
Rank in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; and what
is remarkable in it is the great Humility of thoſe Times;
for the accepted of a caft-off Gown, and received with
great Thankfulneſs her Lady Mamma's Preſent of two
Crowns, a Sum which, in thefe Days, is an Offering too
mean for a Lady's Woman, and would produce many
Sneers and faucy Ridicule from the pretty party-co-
loured Gentlemen, if it fhould compofe the whole Gra-
tuity under the Candleſtick for their Cards, and con-
defcending Attendance to fnuff the Tapers.
If the modeft and humble Notions of this young and
valuable Antique (pardon the feeming Paradox)fhould
+ Katherine Baffett.
give
}
(ii)
give any uſeful Hints ſo as to reſtrain the foaring Flights
of our modern young Ladies, and thoſe whimfical
and extravagant Modes and Luxuries in Drefs which
too often render their future Huſbands uneafily cir-
cumſtanced, whofe fine Perfons more than Fortune
were the Objects of their Affection, I fhall receive
great Satisfaction from this Letter's being tranſmit-
ted to public View.
But now, Sir, I muſt offer ſomething by Way of Re-
commendation of the other Manufcript which confiſts
of Charges, Speeches, &c. of Sir Henry Butler (of the
Ormond Family) mentioned in fome Memoirs of the
Great Men of Ireland, to be a moſt uſeful Juſtice of
Peace, an upright and eloquent Member of Parliament;
and who would have made, if he was not (as is doubtful)
an admirable Speaker of their Houfe of Commons.
You may perhaps perceive a remarkable Singularity
in his Expreffions, but they are full of ftrong and nervous
Senſe; nor is there a Period but ſeems to me to have a
Tendency to promote public and private Virtue. I
hope you will find them Originals, as I have been af-
fured they are, and to be the Hand-Writing of the
Author, who in the firft Leaf has made this Memo-
randum. "I was called to the Bar by Sir Maurice
Euftace Knt. Lord Chancellor in Hillary Term 1664.
Upon the whole, allowing for the Time they were
wrote in, when the Stile of Writing fo much differed
from the prefent modern Elegance, I think thefe Pa-
pers worth the Perufal of the greatest Man, and every
Thing in them appears calculated to form a good
nor fhould I defire in any high Station a Plan of more
one
ufeful
[
(iii)
ufeful or fafe Politics. There is a proper Shade of
folid Senfe and Judgment mixt with the gay Colourings
of a Sprightly Wit and Imagination, which
makes the Piece extremely beautiful. If I may
be allowed to make you laugh with an aukward and
odd Simile, Sir Harry's Writings are like Ladies fine
Laces which have been laid by, and, in their
Terms, rough-dry'd; but they may be Sprinkled,
fmooth'd, and iron'd out by fome modern Genius, fo
as to appear again with great Beauty and Advantage.
A young Gentleman in the Commiffion of the
Peace may be inftructed from Sir Harry's Charges at
the Quarter-Seffions, to appear on the Bench with
fome Eclat, without the dry Reading of Law, or
Avocation from more uſeful and pleafing Studies.
With regard to his Parliamentary Speeches, I am
perfuaded they will entertain, tho' they may not be
able to improve our prefent Members, many of whofe
Judgments in the Buſineſs of Parliament, tho' they are
young in Life ſeemtobe arrivedatahappy and wonderful
Maturity. There is indeed no Speaker of a Houfe of
Commons for them to afford the leaſt Inſtruction to,
fince any Gentleman who fhall hereafter fucceed to that
Chair may learn from the Wiſdom and Experience
of the great Perfonage that at prefent fills it, but He
can receive nothing from any Predeceffor.
I might do juftice to fo great a Character in enu-
merating the many Virtues which render him fo va-
luable to the public and to his private Friends;
might enlarge on that ſtrict Order and inoffenfive Dif
I
cipline
(iv)
cipline which, without coming to diſagreeable Ex-
tremes, and from that Weight and Authority which
a univerfal Efteem gives him, immediately removes
any little Irregularity, and forms the Place where he
prefides into a moſt beautiful and decent Affembly.
But I am fenfible I fhould offend by any panegyrical
Enlargements, and fhall therefore conclude this little
and faint Sketch of this great Man's Character, in a
Congratulation of that County which by its unanimous
Vote and repeated Election, hath been the Inftru-
ment, the Materia prima, if I may ſo ſpeak, of the
Chair of a British Houfe of Commons being fo
ably filled for many Parliaments.
Permit me, Sir, to add my Wiſhes, that when the
Tribute of Mortality ſhall be demanded of him, or a
more advanced and declining Life fhould call for
Eaſe and Retirement from ſuch a Weight of Buſineſs
as hath many Years lain upon him; that his cordial
Attachmentand Fidelity to the preſent Royal and Illuf-
trious Family that adorns our Throne; his approved
Zeal and Affection for his Country; and his unfullied
Honour and Integrity, may be added to the great
Talents of his Succeffor.
Excufe the long Journey which my Pen has taken,
but for your Comfort it can Travel no further, for I
have hardly Paper-Room to affure you with what
Sincerity of Friendſhip and hearty Wiſhes of Succeſs,
Dear Sir,
Yours, &c. &c.
I am,
Inner-Temple,
March 1, 1750.
C. D.
A
COLLECTION
OFF
LETTERS,
Political, Religious, and Moral.
A Letter concerning the Expedition of Pen and
Venables againſt the Iſland of Hifpaniola.
SIR,
T
at
HE Opinion I was of, in that Difcourfe we had
--, touching the Western Voyage of
the English in the Year 1654. I have fince been
abundantly confirmed in, by the Perufal of fome
Papers and Memoirs of a Perfon of no mean Character
throughout that Action, whofe Employment gave him Op-
portunity to know all, at least the moſt confiderable, of its
Tranfactions: And I have Reaſon to believe, by the Ac-
B
count
2
A COLLECTION
count I have had of him, he was fufficiently able to take his
Meaſures of them aright. The Subftance of what I gathered
from his Notes, yea, and from Orders of their Councils of
War, of their Commiffioners, Declarations of the Army,
and Letters of other Officers of the Army, which gave Ac-
count of their Actions and Proceedings all along that Voyage;
I will here faithfully prefent you with: For, indeed, I am
very defirous to beget in you the fame Sentiments of that
Affair, which I have, I think, with good Reafon entertained.
And the rather, becauſe the Courſe you defign to fteer will
give you Opportunity of Converſe with thoſe Perfons, who
are moſt inquifitive after, as moft concerned to know, Matters
of this Nature; and yet, perhaps, under greater Miſtakes, in
this Particular, than any others.
}
It was, doubtless, none of the leaft Ends, which that Fox
Oliver had in that Defign, to rid himself of fome Perfons,
whom he could neither fecurely employ, nor fafely diſcard:
Which End feemed chiefly to influence the Managery of the
whole Bufinefs, as you will perceive by the Story.
It was pretended at firft, that this Defign fhould be carried
on with much Secrecy: But the Delay was fo great, and
thereby the Notice of it ſo public, as alarmed the Spaniards
to prepare for their Reception. 'Twas Venables's Motion to
have had Soldiers for the Service drawn out of the Irish
Army, which he had been well acquainted with; but it was
peremptorily denied; and they were appointed to be drawn
out of the Army in England, whofe Officers generally gave
out of their ſeveral Companies the raweft and worſt armed
they had: And theſe were haftily fhipped off at Portſmouth.
And the chief of the Land-Officers, who were to go with
them, were not suffered to rendezvous, or fee them together,
till they came to Barbados: Where (arriving Jan. 29. 1564.)
they
of LETTER S.
3
To fupply
they found their Men to want 500 of the Number promiſed;
and near half of thoſe they had were ill armed.
the latter Defect, they had been affured they ſhould find 1500
Arms at Barbados; but they could not there make up 200
Arms And all the Help they had was to make Half-pikes;
wherein, and in fixing thofe Arms they had, they met with fome
Difficulty; for their Smiths Tools were on board their Store-
ſhips, which were not yet come to them. For thoſe Ships (taking
in their Proviſions at London) they were promiſed ſhould meet
them at Portſmouth, and at Portsmouth they were told they
fhould reach them at Barbados; which yet they did not,
nor till at leaft Six Months after: So that much of the Pro-
vifion, which was defective at firſt taking in, was by that time
grown very corrupt.
While they ſtaid at Barbados, it plainly appeared, that
not only the Inhabitants there were againft the general De-
fign, as deftructive to their Intereft; but that the Seamen
bandied againſt the Land-Soldiers, and gave them not that
Furtherance and Affiſtance which was in their Power: For,
notwithſtanding the great Want of Arms among the Land-
Soldiers, the Sea Officers would not be prevailed with to
furniſh them with any; nor fo much as to lend them a Pike
or Lance, though they had above 1200 of the former to
fpare; and great Numbers of the latter were put on board
on purpoſe for the Soldiers to kill Cows with. At their
going off from this Iſland, the Seamen had their full Allow-
ance of Victuals, and, on their Fiſh-Days, Brandy; when
the Land-Soldiers, for Four Days in the Week, had but half
their Proportions of Meat, and on the other Three Fiſh-
Days only Bread and Water.
In this Condition they left Barbados the laſt Day of March
1655. By the Way they touched at St. Chriftopher's, whence
B 2
they
4
A COLLECTION
they took aboard a Regiment of Soldiers, who had been
raiſed in that Ifland: Among whom they were pleafed
to find Two Englishmen (Cox and Bounty), who had them
lately come from Hifpaniola, where the former had lived
Twelve Years, and ferved as a Gunner in the Caftle of St.
Domingo, the chief City of the Iſland.
Now there were with the Two Generals, Venables and
Pen, the former commanding by Land, the other by
Sea, Two others joined in Commiflion, Wmflow and
Butler, who were thereby equally impowered; and nothing
was to be done without their joint Advice and Orders. Yea,
when on Shore, Venables (though he had, by his own Com-
miffion, Command of all the Land-Forces in Chief, yet)
by this joint Commiffion (which was not broke up or dif
covered till they were all out at Sea) was reftrained from
acting any thing without the Concurrence of the Commif
fioners, or fuch one or more of them as fhould be prefent. A
great Debate aroſe between thefe Commiflioners, about di-
viding the Lion's Skin before he was caught; which occa-
fioned much Heat among them, and gave great Diffatisfaction
to the Soldiers. There was a Claufe in this joint Commif
fion, That all Prizes and Booties got by Sea or Land ſhould
be at the Difpofe of the Commiffioners, for the Advance
of the prefent Service and Defign. This the greater Part of
the Commiffioners judged was to be extended to all Sorts of
Pillage. Venables thought it was meet to interpret it only of
Ships and their Lading, and large Quantities of Treaſure and
Goods in Towns and Forts; and that to extend it to all Sorts
of Booty, by whomfoever got, would be both impoffible to put
in Execution, and hugely difguftful to the Soldiers to attempt.
When he could not prevail to have his Senfe of this hard
Clauſe paſs, he propounded a middle Way, That none
fhould
1
of LETTER S.
5
fhould conceal or retain any Arms, Money, Plate, Jewels, or
Goods, to his private Ufe, on Pain of forfeiting his Share in
the Whole, &c. but that all fhould be brought in unto Officers
choſe by mutual Confent, and fworn to true Execution; and
Diſtribution to be made to cach Man according to his Quality
and Defert: And accordingly he formed an Order to that
Effect for the Commiffioners to fign, and a Declaration for
the Officers of the Army to fubfcribe, teflifying their Sub-
miflion to the Order; and that they would endeavour, that
all under their respective Command fhould obferve it: And
further, that when their feveral Pays fhould be difcharged,
they would acquiefce in the Difpofal of the Surplus by the
Commiflioners, either in Rewards to the Deferving, or in
Neceffarics for the public Service, &c. This the Commif
fioners fo far approved, as to appoint it to be writ fair, and
Copies made, for each Regiment One. The Officers and
Soldiers alfo were content and fatisfied therewith. But, when
it came to the Pinch, only Pen and Venables figned the
Order; and fo the Declaration fell too: Which, furely, was
a great Overfight in the Commiflioners who refuſed: For,
by this means, they had foothed and pleafed the Army
with a fair Flourish; but, in reality, had obtained by
common Confent to have the Whole at their own Dif
poſe. Then the Commiilioners proffering a Fortnight's Pay
to the Soldiery, inftead of the Pillage of St. Domingo,
Venables prevailed with the Army to accept of Six Weeks
Pay But, when that would not be aſſured by the Commif-
fioners, he requested the Officers and Soldiers, without ftand-
ing on any Terms, to venture their Lives with him, and
truft Providence for the Iffue and Rewards: Which they
agreed unto for that time; but withal many of them de-
clared, they would never ftrike Stroke more, where there
fhould
6
A COLLECTION
fhould be Commiflioners thus to controul the Soldiers; but
would forthwith return for England. By this time they
drew near to Hifpaniola. The Land-General, and the Of
ficers, were for running the Fleet into the Harbour of St.
Domingo; but they of the Fleet oppofed it, Pen alleging
there was a Boom, which would hinder their Advance; tho'
Coxe, being called in, faid, He believed there was no Boom
in that Place; yea, he declared among the Soldiers, that he
conceived the Harbour was uncapable of any thing of that
kind. During the Debate about this Matter, Captain Crif
pin, who commanded a Frigate, offered to venture the run-
ning his Veſſel into the Harbour, and bore up ſo near, as to
fire on the Caſtle of St. Domingo, and diſcovered nothing
of any Boom, or other Obftruction, as he often declared ;
yet was he commanded off by Pen. Then they of the
Army refolved, at a Council of War (among other things),
that One Regiment ftaying to land to the Eaft of the City,
(which, by Lot, fell to Colonel Buller), the reſt of the Army
fhould land fome few Miles diftant, at the River Hine (the
Place where Drake landed), and force the Fort which ſtood
at the Mouth of it: Yet the Seamen carried the Army a deal
Weftward of that River, to Point Nizaoe, whence they had
above Thirty Miles March to the City, through a ſtrange,
woody, and very hot Country, where no Water could be
found; and many of them had but Two Days Victuals deli-
vered from the Fleet, none above Three: And in all this
March they had no Guide; for Coxe, who was defigned for
that Office, had been, a little before the Landing, fent by
Pen a fishing, and was not returned, nor could be heard of.
In the Want of him, Venables defired to have had Bounty,
or Fermes; but Pen would not part with either of them.
So
of LETTER S.
7
So foon as they were landed, the Commiffioners appointed
the publiſhing of an Order againſt plundering; and that all
Pillage fhould be brought into a common Store: But they
therein gave Venables Liberty to promife the Soldiers, in
cafe the City ſhould be taken by Storm, Six Weeks Pay, or
a Moiety of the Pillage (excepting Arms, Ammunition, or
fuch-like); or, in cafe it fhould be furrendered, Three Weeks
Pay, or a Third of the Pillage. This Order was figned by
Pen, Winflow, and Butler.
The Soldiers, who were before difgufted, were by this
exafperated into Mutiny. A Sea-Regiment, which came on
Shore, was the firſt that laid down Arms; and, by their Ex-
ample, all the reft: And much-a-do Venables had in any
fort to pacify them. At laft they were perfuaded to march,
though with much Difcontent; and in that unfatisfied mu-
tinying Humour they marched Four Days without any Guide,
tormented with Heat and Thirft, to come tired and ſpent to
that Place, where they might have landed fresh the first Day.
The mean while Colonel Buller had, according to his Or-
der, eflayed to land Eaftward of the City: But, finding no
Place for it, was afterwards appointed by the Commiflioners
to land at Hine River; but with exprefs Order not to flir
thence till the Army came up. Accordingly he landed on
Monday, April 17. and with him Colonel Houldip, and 500
of his Regiment, having Coxe in their Company. At their
approaching the Fort near the River's Mouth, the Spaniards
forfook it, leaving Two great Guns difmounted; and the
Fort was, as much as their Hafte would allow, difmantled.
This encouraged Buller to pursue them towards the City;
but, in the narrow Paffes of the Woods he loft his Way,
and came to fome Plantations vacant and waterlefs, where
he purpoſed to lie ftill, and expect the Army: Yet, next Morn-
ing,
8
A COLLECTION
ing, he fent out a Party to defcry the Fort of St. Hieronimo,
who expoſed themſelves too much to View, and alarmed the
Spaniards.
:
Soon after Buller was marched from the Fort where he
landed, the Army came to the other Side of the River Hine;
but could not pass it, wanting a Guide to fhew them the Ford;
which was, fomewhat unuſually, at the Influx of the River
into the Sea, where they never fearched; but marched Five
Miles up the River, fecking one; and, at laft, the Day being
ſpent, were forced to quarter that Night without either
Ford or freſh Water. Next Day, after marching Three Miles
more, a Ford was found, and the River paffed: And they
had not gone far, when a Farm, with fresh Water, chancing
in their Way, gave them great Refreshment; where making
a Halt, and confulting what was meet for them to do, they
all refolved to go to the Flect at the Harbour, for Provifion
for their hungry Men Unto which an Irishman, then
brought in by fome Soldiers, offered to guide them the next
Way. Venables, who had been well acquainted with that
Nation, was jealous of him, and would not have heeded
him; but Commiflioner Butler would have him followed;
and charged them, by virtue of their Inftructions, fo to do:
And follow him they did, till a fruitless March, Three or
Four Miles the contrary Way, proved him a Liar. At last,
hearing Buller's Drums, they made towards him, and met
with him near the frong Fort of St. Hieronimo (a regular
and well-fortified Pier) in the Road to the City. Venables,
being at this time in the Van, which he had led all their
long March, went himfelf with the Guide (for the Officers,
being very weary, were willing to be excufed) to fearch the
Woods before the Army, and difcovered the Spaniards in
Ambuſh, before they flirred, who prefently thereupon ad-
vanced.
of LETTER S.
vanced. The English Forlorn immediately fired upon them,
(too haftily, and at too much Diftance); which gave the Spa-
niards Advantage to fall in with them with their Lances,
before they could charge again, and gave them fome Dif
order, and killed fome Officers, among whom, to their
great Lofs, Captain Coxe perifhed. But the English, quickly
recovering themſelves, beat the Enemy back, and purfucd
them within Cannon-fhot of the City. Thefe weary ſpent
Men, drawn on by this Skirmish, forgot that Thirft, which,
fo foon as the Purfuit was over, they fainted under; many,
both Men and Horfes, dying on the Place for very Thirft.
Venables, being much endangered at this Action in the Rout
of the Forlorn, was earnestly intreated and preffed by the
Officers not to hazard himſelf fo again, but march with a
Body. This over, they called a Council of War; where
(confidering their want of Match, which was spent to Three
or Four Inches; and of Provifion, which all had been with-
out Two Days, and fome longer, and had no other Food
but what Fruits the Woods afforded) they refolved again for
their Ships, which the Iriſhman's Relation, and Commiſſioner
Butler's peremptory Counfel, had diverted them from; and
cauſed them to iofe many Men and Horfes, with Thirst and
Hunger, in marching back that Way, which otherwife had
been faved.
Four or five Days were ſpent at the Harbour in refreſhing
the tired fainting Soldiery, and taking new Refolutions for a
fecond March and Charge, wherein they could not well be
more ſpeedy; for Pen and Winflow, two of the Commiflioners,
keeping at Sea with the Fleet (which rode fome Leagues off
from the Fort by Hine River), and refufing to come ashore,
Venables (then ill with the Flux) was forced to make many
dangerous Paffages to them in fmall Brigantines for their con-
C.
curring
ΤΟ
A COLLECTION
curring Counsel; which, oft differing, caufed much Delay,
and
gave the Spaniards time to gather Heart and Strength,
and make Preparation for better Refiftance. The common
Soldiers the mean while were but ill treated from the
Flect: Thofe, that by Sicknefs or Wounds in the laft Action
were difabled for further Service (having no Tents or Car-
riages afhore to difpofe of them in), were fent a Ship-board;
and there they were kept 48 Hours on the bare Decks, without
either Meat, Drink, or Drefling, that Worms bred in their
Wounds (which they foon did in that hot Country); and
fome of them by that very Ufage perifhed, as particularly
onc Capt. Leverington, a brave Man.
The others afhore, being furnished from the Ships with the
worſt and moſt mouldy of the Bifcuit, and with Beef
altogether unwatered, and no Brandy to chear their Spirits,
had their Thirft greatly enraged; which that River, even
where it was freſh (yet coming from Copper), rather aug-
mented than affwaged. And this Ulage and Diet, together
with the extraordinary Rains that fell on their unfheltered
Bodies, caft them all into violent Fluxes: Sorry Encourage-
ments and Preparatives for a fecond March, which yet was at
laft refolved on.
Tuesday Apr. 25. they decamped, and marched, and had
with them one Mortar-piece, and two Drakes; in the drawing
whereof, and carrying Mattocks, Spades, and Calabafhes of
freſh Water, the ſtrongeſt Men were employed, till all were
reduced to almoft a like Weaknefs; and the crucl Sea Offi-
cers afforded them no more Brandy with them, then would
be about a good Spoonful to a Man. One Night they lodged
in the Woods; the next Day they advanced toward the Fort
St. Hieronimo, which they refolved to attack, being
in their Way, about a Mile from the City, and not fit to
leave
of LETTER S.
I I
leave at their Backs. Adjutant-General Fuckfon had this Day
the Command of the Forlorn, confiting of about 400 Men,
in the Van whereof he put Çapt. Butler, and himſelf brought
up
the Rear: Alfo he marched without any Wings on either
Hand, to fearch the Woods, and difcover Ambuſhes, which
was exprefly contrary both to his Orders, and to their conftant
Practice throughout their whole March from Point Nizaoe.
With this Forlorn thus managed, and all ready to faint for
Thirſt, having marched Eight Miles, without Water, in a nar-
row Pafs in the thick Woods, where but Six could well march
abreaft, they fell into an Ambufcado of the Spaniards, who
let the Forlorn all march within them, and then charged them
both in Van and Flank. Capt. Butler, with the Van, un-
dauntedly received the Charge, and in Order fired again, and
all of them ftood till he fell; but the Rear ran away with-
out abiding a Charge, Jackfon himſelf being the firſt Man,
that turned his Back. Venables's Regiment (with Furgufon
his Lieutenant-Colonel in the Head of them) being next,
charged their Pikes on Jackſon, and his flying Men; but they,
being too well refolved to be fo ftopped, first routed that Regi-
ment, and then moſt of Major-General Haynes's Regiment.
Thefe all came violently upon the Sea Regiment, which was
led by Venables and Goodfon (then Vicc-Admiral), who with
their Swords forced the Runaways into the Woods, chooſing
rather to kill than to be routed by them. At the fame time,
which was much to their Advantage, the Rear-part of Haynes's
Regiment having opened, and drawn themſelves on either
Side into the Wood, counter-flanked the Spaniards, and
charged their Ambufcados; which the Spaniards perceiving,
and that the Sea Regiment advanced unrouted, retreated.
The English then charged them afrefh, purfucd them, and
beat them back beyond the Fort, and regained the Bodies of
C 2
the
12
A COLLECTION
the Slain,and the Place of Fight; which Ground they kept the
reft of that Day,and the Night following,though the Guns from.
the Fort all that time, as well as during the Skirmish, played
hotly upon them, and killed fometimes Eight or Nine at a
Shoot.
In this Action the valiant Haynes and Ferguson before
named, and fuch other Officers of thofe Regiments as knew
not what it was to fly, fell by the Swords and Lances of the
Spaniards, and many common Soldiers with them. The
Engliſh, now about the Fort, Venables commanded to aſſault
it; and that to that End they ſhould play the Mortar picce
against it; and had it drawn up for that Purpoſe. But he him-
felf (being before brought very low with his Flux) the Toil of
the Day had fo far fpent, that he could not ſtand or go,
but as fupported by Two; and in that manner he moved
from Place to Place, to encourage the Men to ſtand, and to
plant the Mortar piece; but the latter he could not prevail for,
either by Command, Intreaties, or Offers of Reward: At
laft, fainting among them, he was carried off; and. Fortefcue,
who fucceeded Major-General in the ftcaa of Haynes, took the
Command, who laboured much alfo to get the Mortar-piece
planted, but without any Effect; for the Spirits of the English
Soldiers were fo funk by their Want of Water and Provifions,
and by the exceffive Heat, and their great Weakneſs by both
occafioned,that not any one upon any Account would be got to
work toplant it. Night drawing on, while the Soldiers buried
the Dead, they called a Council of War of all the Field-Officers:
Where it was agreed (no one diffenting), that the Diftrefs they
were in for Want of Water was not to be ftriven with; that if
they ſtaid there, though they beat the Enemy, they muſt perish
by Thirst: Whereupon it was unanimously refolved to retreat
next Morning, if the Mortar picce couldnot play before. The
Morning
of LETTER S.
13
Morning came, and no Place found to plant the Mortar-picec,
nor Men that would work, the Guns from the Fort beating
them off from every Place, they buried their Shells, drew off
their Mortar-picce, Drakes, Spades, &c. and, making a ſtrong
Rear-guard, retreated to their Ships at the Harbour. In this
Attempt on the Fort the common Soldiers fhewed themfelves
extremely heartlcfs; if they followed their Officers to charge,
they left them there to die, unless they were as nimble-footed
as themſelves: And, of all others, the Planters, whom they
had raiſed in thofe Parts, were the worst, being only for-
ward to do Miſchief; Men fo debauched, as not to be kept
under Diſcipline; and fo cowardly, as not to be made to
fight.
Being come to the Harbour, they betook themſelves to
the Examination and Punishment of the Cowardice of fome,
and of divers Mifcarriages and Diſorders of others. Jackson
was accuſed, 1. That, contrary to exprefs Order, he had
marched, without appointing any to fearch the Woods:
2. That he took but few Pikes, and thofe he placed in the
Rear, as if he feared only his own Party: 3. That he put
others in the Van, and himſelf brought up the Rear: 4-
That he was the firft Man that ran away; and, when there
was a Stop, he opened his Way with both Hands to get fore-
moſt. Theſe being proved before a Council of War, he was
fentenced to be cafhicred, his Sword broke over his Head,
and he to be a Swabber, to keep the Hofpital-Ship clean:
Which was executed accordingly; and well it might; for
fure it was much gentler than he deferved. A Serjeant
alfo, who in the Skirmifh threw down his Arms, cry-
ing, Gentlemen, ſhift for yourſelves; we are all loft; and
ran away; was hanged. Other Offences met with other
Punishments.
Now
14
A COLLECTION
Now the Bufinefs was to confult what was next to be
done. Commiflioner Winflow came afhore to prefs for a
Third Attempt; which the Officers of the Army would not
be perfuaded to undertake, all, with one Confent, refufing
to lead on their Men; faying, they would never be got to
march to that Place again; or, if they did, they would not
follow them to a Charge: But the Officers freely offered
to regiment themſelves, and to live and die together. Where-
upon the Commiffioners, judging it needful to try to raiſe
the Soldiers Spirits by Succefs in fome fmaller Enterprize,
reſolved to attempt fome other Plantation; and, at laſt,
Jamaica was fixed upon to be the Place.
During this Debate, the Soldiers at Land were in great
Want and Streights; for their Provifion was spent: Yet
Pen forbad any Supply to be fent them from the Fleet: And
their Scarcity, yea, Famine, grew fo high, that they cat what
Horſes, Afſes, and Dogs, were in the Camp; and fome eat
fuch poiſonous Food, that Forty-fix died of it at once. But,
beyond all this, a Motion was made, that, fetting Sail for
England, the Soldiers (whom they of the Fleet ufually
called Dogs) fhould be left afhore to the Mercy of the Ene-
my: But Venables, who was more concerned for the Land-
men, decried it with Detcftation: Yet the Soldiers were fo
apprehenfive of fuch a Trick, that, when they came to go
aboard, their Officers would not fuffer the Sea Regiment,
which was on Shore, to be firft fhipped, left they fhould be
fo left in the Lurch.
The Fifth Day after they fet Sail from Hifpaniola, they
came before Jamaica: And now, remembring the Cow-
ardice of the Soldiers (which, if not experienced, would
fcarce have been believed fo great in Englishmen), they pub-
Lifhed an Order againſt Runaways, that the next Man to any
that
}
of LETTER S.
15
that offered to run fhould kill him, or be tricd for his own
Life: Which done, Pen and Venables placed themſelves in
the Martin Gally, and made up to the Fort, and played
upon it with their great Guns (as it did upon them) all the
time that the Soldiers were getting into the flat-bottomed
Boats; which fo foon as they had done, a freſh Gale of
Wind arofe, which drove the Boats directly upon the Fort:
Which the Spaniards feeing, and a Major, their beft Soldier,
being difabled by a Shot from the Martin Gally, they were
fo daunted, that they took to their Heels, and left the Fort
to the English. The Army, finding fresh Water at this Fort
(called Caguaya), and fearing to advance farther, left (it
being then Three o' Clock) they fhould, in a ftrange Country,
and without Guides, be inconveniently overtaken with Night,
in fome Place where they might be more expofed to the Ene-
mics Affaults, and beating up their Quarters, refolved to ſtay
at that Fort and Landing-place that Night, and reft their
weak and fick Mcn.
Next Morning they marched early; and, about Noon, came
to a Savanna near the chief Town of the Ifland, called St.Jago,
where Two or Three Spaniards appeared at Diſtance, making
fome Signals of Friendship. The like Number of English were
fent to them: Upon which they rode away; but, making a
Stand, One was fent out to know what they defired. They an-
fwered, A Treaty. The English replied, they would treat, when
they faw any impowered thereunto. After fome time, a Pricft
and a Major were fent from the Town. The English, as an In-
troduction to the Treaty, first demanded to have 100 Cows,
with Caffavia Bread proportionably, fent them immediately;
and fo daily, while the Treaty lafted, Cows were fent them;
but no Bread, that being, as they faid, fcarce with them:
Whereupon, Commiffioners being appointed on both Sides,
they
16
A COLLECTION
they entered into Treaty; and, in Conclufion, the Spaniards
yielded to render the Ifland, and all in it, and all Ships in
the Havens, unto the English; the Spaniards and Inhabitants
having their Lives granted them, and, fuch as would, Li-
berty by a certain Day to depart the Ifland; but to take no-
thing with them fave their wearing Apparel, and their Books
and Writings. Articles of Agreement to this Purpoſe were
drawn, and figned on both Sides. The English, for true Per-
formance, demanded, and had, the Governor of the Island,
and the Spanish Commiffioners, for Hoftages; and fo they
feemed in a fair Way of Settlement here with little a-do:
But yet, that they might have fomething adverfe, a Colonel
among the Spaniards, who had no Kindness for the Governor,
and was a Man of Intereſt among the Commonalty, per-
fuaded them to drive all the Cattle away, and thereby they
fhould ſtarve out the English: Which being understood, one
of the Spanish Commiflioners (Don Acofta, a Portuguese)
fent his Pricft, an underflanding Negro, to them, to diffuade
them from that Courfe: But they, being refolute, and put
put on by the Colonel, hanged the Pricft. Upon which,
Acofta, to be revenged on them for the Death of his Pricft,
whom he loved, advifed the English how to recover the
Cattle; telling them, they could not be kept long, but nc-
ceffarily, in a while, must come down into the Plains to drink;
where, Wait being laid, they might cafily be furprifed: And
by his Counſel and Direction the English recovered the
Cattle, and prevented their Deſign.
After this an Order was publifhed, that no private Soldier
fhould go out to fhoot Cows: Which was done for Two
Reaſons: First, Becauſe the Soldiers, ftraggling about for
this Purpoſe, and going fingle, were oft knocked on the
Head; and, next, Becauſe they maimed and marred more
than
of LETTER S.
17
;
than they killed For, it being a very woody Country, un-
lefs a Beaft was fhot dead (which was but feldom done), it
eſcaped its Purſucr, though it after died of its Wounds; and
many Hundreds were found dead in the Woods, that had
been fo flain; and very many were feen running about hurt
and wounded. And thus great Deftruction was made of
them to nobody's Advantage; and, in the End, they muft
need have finarted for the Want of thofe, which had been
thus lavishly ſpoiled and loft: Befides, the Cattle, which at
their first coming were feen in great Numbers, and fo tame,
that they might have been eafily managed, and driven up,
were fo affrighted by the Soldiers diforderly chafing and
fhooting after them, that they were now grown wild and
untractable: And therefore, commanded Partics with their
Officers were thenceforward ordered out to fetch in Cattle,
as there was Need; and, by that means, they were fuffici-
ently fupplied, and no Waſte made.
But Bread they ſtill much wanted; for their own Storefhips
being not yet reached them, they had no Bread but what came
from the Fleet; whence it was very fparingly fent, and ſcarce
any but what was bad and corrupt. I find it noted, that, in Sc-
venteen Days time, they had but Three Bifcuits a Man: That
they could feldom get any thing from the Flect, unless the
Commiffaries would fign Acquittances for greater Proportions
than were indeed delivered: That, of above 100 Ton of
Brandy, which was put on board in England for this Ser-
vice, and above 30 Ton more taken in at Barbados, it could
not be obſerved that the Land-men ever had 10 Ton to their
Uſe, between the Middle of April and the Middle of July :
And that, whereas they of the Fleet excufed themſelves as
to Bread, pretending they had none to fpare, there happen-
ing, a while after, a Ship (called the Discovery) to be ſet on
D
Fire
18
A COLLECTION
Fire in the Harbour by Careleffneſs, it was acknowleged by
fome that eſcaped from her, that 120 Ton of Biſcuit was
burnt in that Veffel. So that the Soldiers being put to feed
wholly on freſh Fleſh and Fruits, without cither Brandy, or
any kind of Bread, and that after they had been long at a
fcanty Diet upon falt Meat, Sicknefs hugely increafed among
them, infomuch that, after their coming to Jamaica, they
died by Fifty, Sixty, and fometimes an Hundred, in a Week,
of Fevers and Fluxes.
*
Their Streights and Diftreffes being great, put them on a
Neceffity of haftening to diftribute the Soldiers to plant for
themſelves, that they might have fomewhat of their own to
ſubſiſt on, without depending on the Courteſy of others:
And accordingly feveral of the Regiments were diſperſed
into ſeveral Places. But though fuch were their Occafions,
each of them, for his particular private Goods and Necefa-
faries, yet they could not, without much Difficulty, and
many fruitless Labours, obtain to have their Trunks and
Stuff afhore to them; and many never had them at all; but
they were carried back with the Fleet into England.
Some Difcontents grew among the chief of them. Ve-
nables, telling Commiflioner Butler of his Drunkenness.
(which he was oft guilty of, and, in that Condition, had
diſcovered too much to the Spaniards), and reproving him
for it, made him his Enemy, and to practiſe againſt him: And
thenceforwards he endeavoured to make Factions, and beget.
Difgufts in the Army. Pen gave Notice of his Intentions fud-
denly to fet Sail for England; and would not be diffuaded or
diverted from that his Purpofe, tho' it was urged to him, that
it was contrary both to the Promiſe made to the Land-Forces
in England, that this Flect fhould not leave them till a new
one came to them; and alfo contrary to the Engagement
mutually made between him and Venables, not to defert
or
4
of LETTER S.
19
or forfake each other. Now Pen having, at the Beginning,
put on Pool, his Nephew, to take the Invoices of the Prizes
which fhould be feized, before he went away, fent a Com-
miflion to Venables, dated in December before, to authorize
Pool to take Charge of the Prizes, &c. and with it a War-
rant (dated at the prefent time) to remove him from that
Place, importing alfo a general Difcharge and Acquittal of
him, defiring Venables to fign them both. As to the former,
Venables remembred Pen, that he and Commiflioner
Butler had offered to join with him in it, when Tool was
first placed in that Office, that fo he might have acted by joint
Commiflion from all, and have been infpected by all; and
Pen then refufed them, affirming he had Power to do it
himſelf. The latter Venables declared he would not fign,
unless there was firft an Auditor appointed to take and exa-
mine Pool's Accounts: For (to add this by the way) I find it
remarked, that the Accounts of the Prizes were Secrets to
the Land-Officers; that they never had the original Invoices.
thereof fhewed to them; that One Invoice being once by
chance dropped, a Land-Officer took it up, and obferved the
Number of Elephants Teeth in it to be 391; but afterwards
the Copy made thereof had only 150 Teeth: The Officer
then faid (and offered to make Oath), that the Invoice itſelf
he had ſeen, which, he well remembred, had 391 Teeth in
it: Yet neither he, nor any other of them, could ever prevail
more to ſee it, or to have any Copy made of it to be above
191, or any more brought to public Account. But how-
ever Commiflioner Butler figned both Pool's Commiffion,
and Warrant of Diſcharge, without either Examination or
Scruple; and alfo joined with Pen in felling fome Ships,
which were very fit, and would have been needful enough,
for the Service of thofe Parts; and, 'twas faid, they were
fold
D 2
་
20
A COLLECTION
fold to pay off fome public Debts: For which Purpofe alfo
it was moved, to have had fome Deductions made out of the
Landmens Pay: But Venables would not yield to this, nor
meddle with the other; alleging that there were Prizes fuf-
ficient, if truly accounted for, to difcharge all. Some of
theſe Ships fome Officers of the Fleet bought, and laded
them to Virginia, whither Pen alfo laded the Catharine (a
Ship of 500 Ton, and 30 Guns, and given him by the Powers
in being, with all her Ordnance, Sails, and Tackle): But where
the Freight of theſe Ships was had, was not fo eafily known;
for it was not obſerved, that they, who laded thefe Veffels,
had bought or taken in any private Goods at Barbados, St.
Christophers, Hifpaniola, or Jamaica; and they had not
touched at any other Place after they came from England.
Venables's Flux and Weakness increafing upon him, a
Deſign was ſet on Foot (chicfly by Commiffioner Butler
and Colonel Buller) to get the Officers to join to put him
upon returning to England, to reprefent there their ill Con-
dition: And accordingly, at a Council of Officers held in
his Abſence, it was propounded, and voted, that they would
defire him ſo to do, and to take the Opportunity of going
in the Fleet with Pen; and that Buller fhould accompany
him; which Buller was fond enough of, thinking the other
would fcarce live to get home, and then he fhould be the
only Man. The Officers alfo proceeded to form and draw
up fome Confiderations, which they defired might be repre-
fented in England; and all figned them. This being fignified
to Venables, he did not much hearken thereto, hoping yet
to overcome his Diftemper, and to be able to ſtay and fee
them ſettled himſelf: But his Weakneſs grew upon him fo
much, that he left the Command of the Army to Fortefcue
(who was now Major-General), and, in a while, was forced
to
1
of LETTER S.
21
to take his Bed; and at laft, defpairing of Life, fent to the
Commiffioners to come to the opening a dormant Commif-
fion; which had an Indorfement, that it fhould not be
opened, but on the Death, Diſability, or Abfence, of both or
one of the Generals: And, when it was opened, the Purport
of it was, that, if fuch a Cafe happened as the Indorſement
fuppofed, the Commiffioners, or Two of them, fhould
chooſe and appoint others to fucceed them: And, purſuant
thereunto, Goodfon was pitched on to fucceed Pen, and For-
teſcue to be instead of Venables.
Soon after this, Venables falling into a Delirium, Pen
left him, and ſet fail for England; and, when Venables had
continued a Month delirious, his Friends carried him, in that
Condition, a Ship-board; and, after he had been fome
time at Sea, he came to himſelf, and recovered.
Fortescue, the mean while, took the Command of the
Army, and appointed a general Rendezvous, at which were
muftered above 5000 Men. And here I may note, by the
way, that this Muſter was not taken till after they had been
Ten or Twelve Weeks afhore at Jamaica, and had loft very
many Men by Sickness, both there and at Hifpaniola, as
fome have reported: For their higheft Mufter, that I can find
they at any time had, reached not to more than 6551 Men.
How the Miſcarriage of this Action was charged upon
Venables, and he, at his Arrival in England, fent to the Tower,
but never brought to any Hearing, where he might have made
his Defence; and how, after his lying there for fome time a
cloſe Prifoner, he was at laft fet at Liberty, and nothing faid
to him; I fhall not trouble you or myfelf to inquire or
relate: For, having done the Bufinefs I first defigned, viz.
to give you a plain Narrative of the Voyage, I leave it to
you to make ufe of, and remain
Yours, &c.
22
A COLLECTION
I
SIR,
Herewith ſend you a very curious and ftrong Letter;
which I think an Original, and never faw in Print. It
has been affirmed to be written by Sir Thomas Bodley to the
King. I am
Yours, &c.
P. S. It was procured from the Manufcripts of Mr. John
Hardisty.
A fort Difcourfe of the principal Commodities and
Supports of your Majefty's Dominions, with fome
prejudicial Defects in the Commonweal: Wherein
is proved and projected, that your Majesty and
the Subject annually expend Two hundred thouſand
Pounds at the leaft on One only Commodity; which
may not only be faved, but a far greater Sum
clearly gained into your Majefty's Coffers.
YOUR Majefty's Commodities and Profits of theſe your
Highness's Kingdoms (in few Words) may be intimated
out of Jacob's Sons Anſwer unto Pharaoh: Thy Servants
are Herdsmen, and Tillers of the Ground. Your Majeſty's
Subjects are no other: For out of the Genus of Husbandry
are produced the feveral Species, and the native Riches of
the Subject, with the Glory and Strength of your Perfon
and State: And whatſoever elſe of Importation comes from
the Stranger, is more of Petulancy than Neceffity; your
Majeſty's Kingdoms may very well fubfift without it. In
brief, your Majefty's native Profits have only a refpect ad
victum
of LETTER S.
23
victum et veftitum; and are no other, in the Bulk, than the
Abundance of Grain, and the Superfluity of Wools and
Breed, the Ingrediency of our Food, and the Materials of
our Raiment :And with this, did not our natural Ambition
overfway and tranfport us beyond the Limits of Sufficiency,
we might and ought to be content.
In the Abundance of Food of this your Majeſty's Kingdom
(which is an inexhauftible Treaſure, and was of old one of the
Magazines of Europe) your Majefty's Might and Power con-
fifts: By this you are inabled to breed and feed Men. Tillage
was the Trade of the old Britons: The great Cæfar had,
divers times, large Supplies of Grain from the antient Natives:
His Cæfar imperat obfides quadraginta frumentumque exer-
citui: And therefore, that Prince which hath a rich com-
pacted Granary, with Store of Men to defend it, is of more
Force than he that poffeffeth large and diſtracted Territories,
and hath Scarcity of People to keep them; as the Compa-
rifon may not impertinently be made between your Majeſty
and his Majefty of Spain.
To this Purpoſe (and it was a main Policy of your
Progenitors) were the old Laws enacted, which tended to
the Preſervation of Tillage and Breeding: And although,
in my poor Obfervation of old Acts and Laws of that
Nature, there fell out much Repugnancy, even in the
Laws themſelves; as one Age, aiming at Sheep, and
Growth of Wool, have enacted to that Purpofe; another
Age, deeming an Overbalance in the Increaſe of Sheep,
cnacted for the Increaſe of Tillage, and depreffing of the
Over-multiplication of Sheep: So that there appeared, in
former times, a kind of Competition for Pre-eminence be-
tween the Food and the Raiment of the Kingdom. How-
focver, both theſe Purpoſes (though Contraries) have fo well
accorded, that no great Detriment hath at any time befallen
the
24
A COLLECTION
the State of the Commonwealth, or hath hindered the pub.
lic Good: For both of thefe were fo commodious to the
State, that the Queſtion, it ſeems, grew not of their Utility,
but which of the Two (either Sheep or Tillage) might be
chiefly refpected.
But, before I come to touch on any Defect, I paſs on
to the Second Pillar or Support of the Kingdom, the
Matter of our Raiment, the Wools; in the Production
whercof antient Times have left us fo large Teftimony
that the old Natives have been therein very induftrious, as in
the main Matter of their Exportation, whereby they drew
much from the Forcigner; only they were, not without
good Caufe, taxed of Dulnefs, and want of Ingenuity: For,
before Edward the Third's time, they were for the moft
part ignorant in the Manufacture of Cloths, which, by that
noble and victorious Prince, was got from the Foreigner.
For, although the Subject had then the Materials of their
Cloaths, together with that plentiful Meaſure of their Food,
yet was that great Superfluity of their Wools generally
tranſported and fold to the Stranger; and nonc, or very little
Cloth was in thoſe times made in England: So that the Dutch
in former Times had a ſcornful Proverb, That they could buy
the Fox-skin of an Engliſhan for Four-pence, and could fell
the Tail to him again for Twelve-pence: And it was true:
For they bought up the Wools of the whole Kingdom (as
having, through many Ages, been Maſters of the Manufacture)
at their own Prices, converted them into Cloth, and re-fold
it to the English at their own Rates.
Edward, who was a Prince of Reach and Courage, dif
dained to be abuſed by thofe that drew their principal Profits
from out of his Kingdom; and, diving into the Secret and
Benefit of the Manufacture, partly to cry quit, and to bridle
the Infolence of the Dutch, and partly to relieve his poor
People,
འ
of LETTER S.
25
People, made Stoppage of his Wools, enforced his Subjects
to drape, and to make their own Wools into Cloth, and
then to fell the Overplus to the Foreigner.
This Courfe of the King's (being in the Nature of an
Innovation) encountered with divers Impediments: For
the Subject being then ignorant in the Manufacture, and
the Stranger refractory, refuſed to buy that in another
Nature which he could not be without. The Conclufion
was, The Fleming had fundry Treaties with the King
and the Council touching the Removal of his Staple, Stop-
page of his Wools, and buying of the Cloth; whereby
they delayed, deluded, and wrought upon the King's and the
Subjects Neceffities, on whofe Hands a great Quantity of
their new Cloth then lay unvented: Which cauſed the King
in Choler to burn a great Quantity thereof in Sight of the
Stranger. This Art of the King's converted their Stubborn-
neſs into Amazement. The Upfhot was, Edward gave
Leave unto the Flemings, which were skilled in the Manu-
facture, to come over into his Dominions, and to enjoy the
Benefit of free Denizens; whereby, in few Years, he not
only gained the full Benefit, and the whole Manufacture, of
his Wools for his pooreft People, but exceedingly enriched
the better Sort of his Subjects; the Effects whereof we enjoy
to this Day.
Out of theſe Promiſes it is confiderable how the poorer
Sort (before Edward's Reign) fubfifted without the Manu-
facture of their own Wools, inafmuch as common Experi-
ence teacheth, that, on the leaft want of Vent of Cloth,
that great Body of poor People, which fwarmeth throughout
your Dominions, and who, for the most part, eat the Bread
of Carefulness out of the Manufacture of the Wools, are
ready to ſtarve or mutiny: Wherein appeareth fome evident
Defect of State, or Want of due Provifion to employ the
E
meaner
26
A COLLECTION
meaner Sort of all neceflitous Occafions, as on Dearths, and
Damps of Trade: And this Defect is made the more manifeft
by comparing, or fetting Side by Side, the Condition of
your Majeſty's poor People, with the State of the poorer Sort
in the Low Countries, where every Perfon is ſeen to earn his
Living, none to beg his Bread: For, from the Example of
the Lacedemonians, they fuffer no improfitable Perfon in
their Commonweal, that is not difenabled cither by Age or
Impotency; which are truly the Poor, and to whom our
Charity fhould be extended; not upon the Vagabond and
Impoftor, which is a miſerable Creature all the Day on your
Majefty's Highway, but at Night a rank and ftout Rogue.
But, before I defcend to the Remedy of this Defect, which
is Want of Employment for fuch as would work, and Want
of Government in not compelling the Idle, and fuch as whoſe
Trade is Travel, and maftering the Highways, if their Party
light on fitting Occafion; I will humbly prefent unto your
Majefty the Opinions of divers knowing Perfons, who argue
againſt the new Plantations, and late Undertakings; wherein,
they fay, we overlook the Domeftic, by cafting our Sight
beyond our Kenning, and lofe the Bone by chopping at the
Shadow: That, in this Courfe of Adventure, not a few of
your Subjects have perifhed, and not a little of the Treaſure
of the fame hath been exhauſted, to the weakening of your
Majefty (as they fuppofe). And this their Opinion is fe-
conded with prevalent Reafons: For, they fay, your Majefty's
Countries at home are not much more than half peopled,.
nor fo fufficiently ftocked as they may be: That moſt Part
of the North, Ireland, the Principality, and divers other
Parts of your Dominions, want Manurance and Improve-
ment; which, by ordinary Expence, and no great Induftry,
would be mightily enriched: That a Dutchman, by the Ma-
nurance of One Acre of Ground, lives plentifully; and an
Englishman,
of LETTER S.
27
Englishman, by his Slothfulness, turns Beggar in the Poffef
fion of One Hundred. Again, they fay, as thefe Under-
takings favour of Honour and Reputation, yet, on due Exa-
mination, they are but Arguments of our Levity and Incon-
ſtancy; and that the Conceit of disburdening your fuper-
fluous People, as though our Hives were great with Swarming,
favours more of Chimera than of Judgment; for that your
Majefty wants People more than Land; Conftancy, Induſtry,
and Ingenuity, more than Men: That the Fortifying and
Manuring of this Kingdom, and Ireland, are the true Ways
of enriching and ftrengthening your Majefty, not the far-
fought and needlefs fetching and planting of Tobacco and
Drugs in and from Virginia, St. Christopher's, Nova Francia,
and the reft; which, although they promiſe fome Advantage
to your Majefty's Cuſtoms in time to come, doth, in the
prefent, impoverish, effeminate, and blunt, the Subject at
home: And, in the general, they conclude, that the Ex-
pence of your remote Adventures, employed in Manurance
at home, is a fafe and a more beneficial Courfe than any
the new.
of
These are Diſputes, which I conceive fit for your Ma-
jefty's Confideration; but far diftant from my Purpoſe:
Yet, if your Majefty will be gracioufly pleaſed to take an
Effay of my Experience in the way of Improvement, be it
in any of your Parks, or Parts of them, which are moft fterile,
I am confident to double, if not treble, the worſt and moſt
barren Part. I am the bolder to inlarge my Digreflion in
this Point; for that, if your Majefty begin to play the Huf-
band, and to dive into our Mother Earth, your Kingdom
will follow you:
Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis:
And the Charge fhall not be great, if your Highneſs pleaſe
to try the Conclufion in an Outſide of any of your Parks :
Your
E 2
28
A COLLECTION
Your Majesty, by God's Favour, fhall behold the Fruit of your
Labour within the Year. And I would in this, or any other,
ferve your Majefty very cheap; for my Defire is, that your
Majefty might have the full Honour of beginning to your
People: And although the Way be open, and in common
Experience, yet it is no where driven home, and in that en-
riching Courſe which it may take on timely Obfervation, and:
fuch Conclufions which I have effayed on feveral Molds.
But I proceed to the Purpoſe intended: Which is, the fruit-
lefs Expence of 200,000 Pounds, at the leaft, paid over to the
Stranger for Linen Cloth, another Species, and a great Part,
of our Raiment; and fo will briefly pafs on to fhew your
Majefty, that, by virtue of One Law now in Force, though
neglected, and, in outward Shew, of fo little Confequence,
that your Majeſty may think it a Recreation of the Parliament
of thoſe Times more than a deliberate Advice; yet is your
Majefty enabled thereby to make a prefent Levy (and that,
as. I conceive, as it may be handled, without Noife or Grudge)
of 300,000 Pounds. Now, that the Disbursements of your
Majefty for Sails and Cordage for the Navy Royal, and of
your Subjects for their Linen Cloth, will not amount to the
preſcribed Sum, will not be a Point difputable; for, I think,
a far greater Sum is yearly expended in thoſe Commodities..
And as for the Feaſibleneſs of ſaving the faid Sum, with the
gaining of a treble Sum to your Majefty, both theſe likewife
will be of no difficult Effect, if your Majefty pleaſe to make
uſe of your Power: For, 24 H. VIII. and Quinto of the late
Queen, it was enacted, that all Perfons, having Sixty Acres
of Land fit for Tillage, fhould, on the Penalty of Five.
Pounds, fow yearly One Acre thereof with Hemp or Flax.
The Parliament in thoſe Times, without Doubt, had fome
provident Reach to ſave this vaſt Sum annually expended on.
Linen:
of LETTER S.
29
Linen Cloth, and to wear that of their own growing: But
whether they did then penetrate or dive into the beneficial
Effect of their own Law, and that which it would now pro-
duce, were it re-enforced, I dare not difpute: But, howfo-
ever this petty Law feemeth of little Importance, yet would
it be of wonderful Confequence, as well for the enriching of
the better Subjects, as for the gaining of the Linen Manufacture
for the Poor, as your noble Progenitor drew in that of the
Woolen; which, in every Part and Creck of the Kingdom,
will of Neceflity employ all the idle People; which is a Care
not to be defpifed, inafmuch as the great Poverty of your
People mightily waxeth, and groweth fearful to all good Men,
through the Idlenefs of People left unto themfelves to do as
they pleaſe: Which, without a timely Prevention, will
plunge the State into a curelefs Condition.
I come now to touch on the Defect of the former Law
for fowing of Hemp and Flax; which is, that the State did
then forget to prohibit the running in of the Strangers
Linen; whereby there remained an Inlet of the Foreigners
Vent and Profit, to the Prejudice of the intended Effect: As
alſo that Law, together with many more of older, and of
thefe Times, have had the ill Fortune to light on Times or
Perfons of no Execution: For it was a full Saying of your
Majefty's Royal Progenitor in Parliament, That we wanted not
Laws, but Execution. But, if your Majeſty ſhall be pleaſed to
obferve what Normandy alone doth gain by this only Com-
modity of Linen Cloth, it will give you very good Encourage-
ment to re-enforce a Law, which will not only have the
Treaſure of the fame, but mightily enrich your better Sub-
jects, and gain a fure Employment for your poor People.
If therefore your Majefty pleafe to relifh thefe poor Concep-
tions, it will be requifite that you prohibit, by your Royal
Pro
30
A COLLECTION
Proclamation, all foreign Cloth, except fome Reſervations of
Holland, Lawns, and Cambricks, which, whether theſe our
Vegetables will yield or not, I dare not aver; although, I
prefume, Time and Experience may produce much: Which
being done with a Re-enforcement of the former Act, and
taking the Whole, or Part, of the Penalty (which amounteth
to Two Subfidies in the Moiety), would undoubtedly work
a ftrange Change in the State.
As for taking the Advantage of the Penalty, I acknow-
lege it hath fome Affinity with Empfon and Dudley's Plot
in the latter End of Henry the Seventh, who adviſed the
King, without Refpect to any, to take the Penalty of all
the Laws: Which was accordingly put in Execution, to the
great Grievance of the People, although the King's Coffers
were then the richeft in Chriftendom. But, in that Cafe, if it
be handfomely carried, by a fitting Declaration, to the Bufinefs
intended, it may very well pafs, without either the Grievance
or Infight of the People. And to this End, together with
the Project, I have hereunto annexed the Tenor of fuch a
Proclamation as might ſuit to the Intent; not out of Sauci-
nefs to direct, but humbly to fubmit it to your Majefty's far-
ther Confideration and Correction: For, may it pleaſe your
Highneſs, were there in this no other Matter intended than
the Manufacture for the Employment of your moſt miſerable
poor Subjects, this poor filly-feeming Law of Hemp and Flax
very well worthy of Regard and Re-enforcement, omitting
the Advantage, which refteth in your Majcfty's Election, the
faving of your Purfe in your Sails and Cordage, and the
Subjects for their Linen, which, within Two Years, they
may have of their own, and as uſeful as any is in Europe.
is
To this Re-enforcement, it would be very furthering in
the Eafe of the Poor, that your Majefty gave new Spirit to
the
of LETTERS.
31
the late Laws againſt Drunkenneſs, and that of the Queen's
against wandering Rogues and Beggars, that fo none ſhould
be feen in the Highways; the able Perfons to be fet to La-
bour, and the impotent to be maintained in the Places of
their Birth: For your Laws have fome Refemblance with
Wonders; which amaze and ftrike a Terror for a while, but
loſe their Force, and quail, by a little Time and Connivancy.
I will omit the general Obfervation in the Impair and Decay of
the Gentry throughout the Kingdom, thro' their Excefs: But
this is a wretchlefs Poverty, habituated by Idlenefs, where-
with we have to do; wherein your Majefty's Juftices, in
moft of the Counties of the Kingdom, are very much to
blame, and too remifs in the Execution of the Laws; for
they having your Majefty's Laws retailed unto them, it refteth
in their Difcretion to reform much of this Diſorder.
Now, that I may not moleft your Majefty with fuper-
Aluous Inlargements, I will prefent you with the Sum and
Scope of this little Fragment. The Riches, Glory, and Re-
putation of this Kingdom confifteth, as I have ſaid, in the
Abundance of Meat and Cloathing: And it was the Com-
mendation of the Land of Promife, that it flowed with
Milk and Honey. Your Majefty's Dominions exceed the
Plenty of Canaan. From thoſe Two proceed the Support
of your whole State, and the Aid of your Confederates:
Your Food is abounding, and, with fome Additions of no
great Charge, may be made more abundant; which, al-
though the Demonſtration of them would not be exceeding
tedious, yet I forbear to preſent it here in Theory, as hoping
to give your Majefty better Content and Pleaſure in fhewing
it unto you by the Practic. Your Cloathing is alfo, as I have
already intimated, defective principally in your Linen: And
this also may, with great Facility and Profit to the Public, be
amended,
3:2
A COLLECTION
amended. The Way, as compendioufly as the Subject, and
my Capacity, will admit, I have prefcribed. If ever your
Majefty will be affured of the Effect, you must take the Pe-
nalty in Whole or in Part: It will relieve your Wants; and,
in future, will move your Subjects to a greater Awfulneſs of
your facred Perfon, and to a better Obfervance of your Laws.
It is but One Penalty; and it will neceffarily light on landed
Men, without Touch on a mean Perfon (as often your Sub-
fidies do). The levying of it once will, in One Year, en-
force the Grower to get it again with Advantage; for it is
a Vegetable of Profit, were it once on Foot. Henry the Se-
venth ventured on all the Penalties: His Coffers were full;
your Majesty's exhaufted: The Ground of this is a Point of
State and Profit, and, in future, will enrich the Subject; his
a Strain unneceffited. It is a Law not of your Majeſty's, nor
of your immediate Anceſtor's, but of another Reign; and it
maketh for the poor diftreffed People of your Kingdom; for
that the working thereof is of a buſy and contiguous Nature,
fuch as yieldeth an everlaſting Employment, and extendeth to
fet as well the Aged as the very Child to Labour, and to do
fomething therein.
In your Majeſty's Dominion of England and Wales there
are 8000 and odd Parifhes: Deducting 1000, which may be
allowed for Cities and Towns, there remains 7000 liable to
the Penalty. Admit then, that, one with the other, 50%.
be levied in each Pariſh; which, for tuning of their Bells,
or fome other trivial Caufe, they often disburse for their Plea-
fure: Let them pay this for their Profit, and your Majeſty's
Honour: 7050l. arifeth to 350,000l. If the Sum feem vaft
in the Grofs, it doth not fo in the Particular.
may
If it be objected, that it is inglorious and diſhonourable ;
and that the State of your Majeſty's Particular is reduced to
a
of LETTER S.
33
a very low Ebb, to be driven on the Advantage of penal Sta-
tutes; the Anfwer will be, A Parliament engaged your Ma-
jeſty, and a Parliament gives you Means to difengage your-
ſelf; and that other Reigns have ventured on many more
grieving, none on fo profitable a Project, and on more war-
rantable Terms.
God forbid I ſhould project any thing which might juftly
caft your Majeſty into the Obloquy of your People! although
mobile Vulgus has not been their Stile for nought: But it is
utterly againſt Reaſon to admit that for a Grievance, which,
by Project, and the very Act of Parliament itſelf, was both
made a Law, and the Mulet thereof bequeathed to the King
of the Realm: And it is abfurd for any Man's Senfe and Be-
lief to admit, that the Parliaments, in all Convocations, fhall
enact Laws, and thereon Penalties to be recovered by the
King; and, if he fhall accept of their own Grants, fhall
preſently be accounted burdenfome to his People: For, furely,
I am bold to affirm, that there hath not been a greater Pre-
judice to the Government of theſe Kingdoms, through many
Reigns, than the making of Laws with Penaltics, which, by
Connivancy, within One Year, fall from the Purpoſe and
Intent of their making, and utterly lofe their Vigour and
Virtue, over and above the intrenching on the Prerogative
of the Prince, to whom all the Mulets are given, and with-
out Grudge cannot receive them; but muft look on them
as a Noli me tangere.
I will not trouble your Majefty with any prolix Catalogue
of fuch things which your Predeceffors have done on juft
and neceffited Grounds, or what fome of them would do,
without Examination either of the Juftness or Fitneſs; as
thofe of the Blank Charters, taking of Fifths, and fome others,
which doubtlefs were offenfive to God, the People, and, in
F
fine,
34
A COLLECTION
fine, to the Undertakers; for that they were wholly unjuft:
But if your Majefty pleafe to caft your Eye on fome modern
Enterprizes of a lawful Strain, as on the Diffolution of the
religious Houfes, the Seizure of Afferts, the Refuming of the
Duchy Lands fold on valuable Confideration; all which were
taken for Grievances by the Subject, who generally is clamor-
ous without fufficient Ground; although the Things them-
felves, on the opening of the Caufes, appeared to be neceffary,
and to be justly done; then may your Majefty fee, that this
Propofition is not fo fearful, nor fo difficult, as it may feem,
being backed with Law, and neceffited to be put in Execu-
tion, as well for the Subjects future Benefit as your Majefty's
prefent; of the which all wife and good Subjects ſhould be
tenderly compaffionate, when they fhall behold a frugal
Prince incumbered with Burdens properly none of his own.
It may be objected, that the late Queen attempted none of
thefe Ways, nor ventured on any Novelty, more than on
the Sums by Privy-Seal, moſt of which fhe repaid; and thereby
kept her Credit, and increafed her Reputation: As alfo that
fhe was fo thriftily given, as that, out of her own,
in very
fhort time, fhe paid the Debts of her Father and Brother,
which lay a long time loaded with Intereft. It is true, fhe
compaſſed much, and underwent great Burdens: Yet had ſhe
handſome Ways and Means to bring her Ends to her Beck;
for fhe raiſed few Perfons out of the Duft, neither had the many
overchargeable Servants. She carried always an open Ear to
her Profits, and Improvements of her Revenue; and fhe
would attentively liften to fuch as could, without Clamour,
inform her of Purloining and Cofenage; whereby fhe de-
terred her Great Officers from taking without her Privity.
And, as ſhe had much to do, ſo had fhe the Fortune to paſs
through many Streights; and therewithal was not without
good
of LETTER S.
35
good Helps: She had the Faculty of Applaufe and Popularity;
and, above all her Progenitors, had the right Daps * of her
Parliaments. Be it far from me to with it otherwife to your
Sacred Perfon, than that you may truly enjoy the Hearts and
Love of your People, and to accord with your Parliaments
in all reaſonable things; which hath been the fure Stay and
Relief of the Kings of this Land.
But, confidering the old Debts left on your Majefty, and
that theſe late unhappy Diftractions of your Parliaments may
promife in the future little Relief unto your Highnefs; in
my fimple Opinion, this Bufinefs will beft befit the Times,
and your Occaſions: For it will inftruct your future Parlia-
ments, that they burden not themſelves with Laws and Pe-
nalties, which ſhall only ſtand for States, as though your Ma-
jefty were bound to ftand Cypher, and not to take the Advan-
tage of their Laws and Breaches. Befides, your Majefty, in
taking of this, fhall be affured of a contrary Operation in
your Parliaments to come, and clean contrary to common
Expectation, whenfoever you pleafe to fummon them: For
that, when they fhall perceive your Majefty, out of the Ne-
ceffity of your Condition (fuppofing the taking of this only
refted on that Point), have begun on one Advantage, fhould
they prove repugnant and obdurate in the Relief of fuch
Wants as may neceffarily befal your Highnefs in the future,
it will cauſe them to give you reaſonable Aid, rather than
to enforce you on the Point of your Power and Prerogative
to venture farther on the Penalties.
Theſe poor Conceptions, in the Sincerity of an humble
Heart, I both prefent and fubmit to your Highneſs, moſt
humbly craving, that your Majefty will be graciouſly pleaſed
to interpret them, as the good Meaning of him, that ſhall
* Sic Orig.
F 2
never
36
A COLLECTION
never cease to pray for your Majefty's Profperity, and to ferve
faithfully your Highness, and my Country, in what I may.
The Scope of the Proclamation, which I have thought
fit and ſuitable to the Project, I have hereafter inferted; and
fo do proftrate both this, and myfelf, at your Highness's Feet.
Your Majesty's most humble Servant.
* I approve not of all Parts of this following Proclamation.
'Forafmuch as we are now credibly given to underſtand,
"by the Informations of divers of our trufty, knowing, and
"loving Subjects, that the annual Expence iffued and disburfed
"for all forts of Linen-cloth, ufed and worn throughout our
"Dominions, amounteth to Two hundred thouſand Pounds
<<
at the leaft; and that our Canvaſs and Cordage, for the
"Ufe of our Royal Navy, doth likewiſe draw yearly out of
our Coffers a very great Sum of Money; all which Sums
ar
<<
"l
are wholly received by Strangers and Aliens; whereby the
"Treaſure of theſe our Dominions is, and hath been, much
"diminiſhed, to the great and general Decay of trading,
"and to the Prejudice of our own Royal Particular: We
therefore, by the Advice and Deliberation of our Privy-
Council, having maturely confidered, and dived into, the
"Cauſes of the Idleneſs and Poverty of our People, in many
"Parts of our Kingdoms, through Want of Employment,
Decay of Trades and Manufactures of feveral Natures; and
finding the great Caufe thereof confifteth in the Neglect
"and Difregard of fuch of our Laws and Statutes, which, in
"Prevention of the former Miſchiefs and Expence, have
"been enacted by our late Predeceffor of famous Memory,
Queen Elizabeth, with the Conſent of Parliament, in
66
* This was in another Hand in the Manufcript.
"the
L
of LETTER S.
37
"the first Year of her Reign, for the fowing of Hemp and
"Flax throughout thefe our Dominions, the faid Law
cr
having been heretofore declared profitable to the public
"Good of this Kingdom, by her Royal Proclamation, ac-
"cording to the Tenor of the faid Statute; and yet our
Subjects, both in this, as in many other of our Laws, have
cr
66
grown ſo remifs and careleſs in the Obſervance thereof,
"to the great Damage of our Kingdom, that we are now
"enforced to remedy the fame. In which Statute, we can-
not but admire the great Wiſdom and Providence of the
"State in thofe Times, whofe Aim it was thereby not only
cr
'
to fave and cut off fo vaft an Expence, yearly paid over to the
"Stranger for Commodities, which, with common Induſtry,
"we might have of our own, but wholly to ingrofs (to the
"great Benefit of our People) the Growing and Manufacture
" of Sails, Cordage, and Linen-cloths, unto ourfelves.
"We therefore, having duly confidered of the Premifes,
by the deliberate Advice of our Council of State, and
"for the future Good of all our Subjects, have refolved
"to re-enforce the faid Statute fo neglected, and to give it
"the Life of our regal Power; commanding all our loving
Subjects, throughout thefe our Dominions of England and
"Wales, fully and without Delay to put the faid Statute
(c
.
in Execution, according to the full Intent and Meaning
"thereof; it being of great Confequence, and tending to
"divers profitable Effects, more than hitherto within the
"Reach of common Capacities.
"And, to the end, that the forefaid Statute may be
"henceforth with more Care put in Execution, for the
"Benefit of our Kingdoms, we have therefore given ftrict
"Command to every of our High Sheriffs throughout our
"Dominions, with fome ſpecial Gentlemen of each County
" joined
·38
A COLLECTION
"joined in Commiffion with the Sheriffs, to levy through-
(C
(6
out every County the Penalty of One Year's Forfeiture
"alloted by the faid Statute; viz. on every Perfon which
"hath Sixty Acres of Land (fit for Tillage), and fhall not be
"found to have One Winchester Acrc fown with Hemp or
Flax at the Time of the Date of this our Royal Declaration.
Notwithstanding, it is our Will and Pleaſure, That if our
Sheriffs, and fuch Perfons in this Cafe deputed, fhall find
any impoverished Perfon on the publifhing of this our
"Proclamation, to have the Half, or One Quarter, of the
"Acre fown with either of the faid Vegetables, that then they
"fhall not levy on fuch Perfons the faid Penalty; provided
"that fuch Ferfon, for the time to come fhall, fow the full
Quantity of Land, as in and by the faid Statute is
" ordained.
..
re
46
"And further, by this our Royal Declaration, and out of
our proper
and mere Motion, we give all our loving and
"dutiful Subjects to understand, that we intend not to take
any other or further Benefit, either by this or any other
"Penalty whatfocver, unless they fhall provoke us by their
"Difobedience, or croffing of thefe our juft, lawful, and ne-
(c
ceffited Defigns; we having ever been confcientiouſly
"careful how we might avoid, not only the Oppreffion,
"but the very Grievance of our People (notwithſtanding
"the Neceffity of our Affairs); this our Purpoſe being in-
"forced upon us, for the full effecting of our Royal Intent
"of enriching and employing our People throughout our
"Kingdoms, and to no other End, than to enforce and give
"Life to this Statute; thereby, as we have declared, to fave
"our Treaſure, enrich our Subjects, and to gain a Manu-
"facture for the full Employment of our poor People,
"whoſe
I
of LETTER S.
39
.
=
(C
"whofe miferable Condition wc, out of our princely Care
"and Compaffion, have taken into fpecial Confideration.
"And we further declare, by this our Proclamation, the
Diſpleaſure which we take, on the Breach and Neglect of
"divers other of our late Laws (which tends to the Ruin of
"our People, and the crofling of our pious and royal Purpoſe)
"against Drunkennefs, Alehoufe-haunting, vagrant Beggars,
Profanation, and Sabbath-breaking, with the Connivance
of fome of our principal Officers, in every of our Counties,
"in the duc Execution of thefe our Laws. Wherefore we
are fully refolved to call our Minifters and Juftices of all
"our Counties to a ftrict Account for thefe their Neglects of
"us, our State and Government; willing all our Minifters
"whatſoever, that have, by virtue of their Places, any Part
"of our Power committed unto them, henceforth to look to
"their Charges; for we intend, by God's gracious Afliftance,
"hereafter more narrowly to attend the Service of God,
"the Increaſe of our Honour, the Good and Profit of our
People, with the general Reformation of the Neglect and
"Non-obfervance of our Laws.
(C
t
re
c
"And further, by this our Proclamation, we do henceforth
"prohibit, that after the Expiration of One whole Year,
following the Date of this, our Pleafure is, that no Mer-
"chant, or any of our Subjects whatsoever, fhall from
"thenceforth bring from beyond the Seas any fort of Linen-
"cloth, Sails, Cordage, Hemp, or Flax, upon the Penalty and
"Forfeiture of all fuch Goods, and the perpetual Impriſon-
(c
ment of the Offenders; except fome Quantity of Lawns,
"Hollands, and Cambricks, as by our further Pleafure fhall be
"limited. For that it is our Royal Will, and full Purpoſe,
having the Opportunity of fo much and adapted Land,
through-
cc
66
40
A COLLECTION
tr
throughout our Dominions, for the bearing and producing
"of the faid Vegetables, to fupply the richer fort of our
66
Subjects by their Induſtry, and our Poor by the
"Labour incident unto the Manufacture; as alfo to erect, in
"divers Parts of our Kingdom, certain Store-houfes and
Magazines for Cablage and Sails, thereby to fit the
"Merchant, and our Royal Navy, as alfo to compel all our
" idle People to labour, now ready to ftarve in many Parts
"of our Kingdom, and therewithal to clear all Parts of our
"Dominion of all wandering Rogues and Beggars, which
"wait on all Occaſions of Miſchief, in the Highways, under
"Colour of craving the Charity of our People; and to re-
"duce all impotent Perfons to their Parishes, to be maintained
according to the Statutes of our Realm."
"
A Letter from Sir Thomas Lake, Secretary of
State.
My very good Lord,
I Thought it fit for his Majefty's Service, that fome Ac-
count fhould be made unto him, of our Proceedings in
the Matter of the Cloth, fince his Departure; becauſe I do
find it, from mine own Opinion, more and more perplexed.
At Hampton-court, before his Majefty's Going, it may
pleaſe him to remember, that the Refolution there taken was,
that after the Merchants had agreed to take away the Stand
of Cloth till Christmas, that it concerned his Honour,
that the Hollanders fhould fomewhat feel his Power, and
Means to diftrefs them; and, for that Purpoſe, that the Mer-
chants ſhould call away all their Cloth, now in the United
Provinces;
4
1
of LETTER S.
4 I
Provinces; and by Proclamation, a Prohibition fhould go
forth, for any more Cloth to be carried to thoſe Parts: And
accordingly, after their Lordships coming to London on
Wednesday, they met, and acquainted the Merchants with
this Purpoſe of his Majefty, and they took time to give their
Lordships Anſwer till Friday, they being, as they ſaid, but
a few, and not able to bind the whole Company, which
muſt be done by a Court. So Yeſterday they came, and
Alderman Cockaine, in the Name of the reft, delivered, That
although, at the Court, the greater Part did by Voice carry
it, that the Trade fhould be removed, and that Cloth now
there, prefently be fett away; yet there were fo many great
Traders of the contrary Mind, as he could not but defire,
that their Reaſons might be heard and weighed by their Lord-
fhips, before they took any Refolution.
The Reafons (whereof I fend your Lordſhip a Copy) were
ready brought in Writing; and, being opened, we find them
to proceed from two forts of Men; fome that deal in min-
gled coloured Cloths, which is confeſſed to be a great Trade,
and which hath his full Manufacture of dreffing and dying,
before it go from hence: Thefe fay, that they find from
Middlebourgh,notwithſtanding the Oppofition of the Holland-
ers, reaſonable Vent, both'among the Soldiers in their Pay, and
especially up to Antwerp for the Soldiers in the Archduke's
Pay, and cannot have the like Vent from any other Place;
and if it be prohibited them, the Trade will fall into the
Hand of Strangers, who may carry that kind of Cloth from
hence, and will carry it wholly into the Archduke's Terri-
torics: The other fort of Oppofers was, of thoſe who dealt in
fine Cloths, whereof, they fay, there is no Vent in Germany,
and must be fold either in the United Provinces, or in the
Archduke's Countries, where they cannot expect any fud-
G
den
42
A COLLECTION
den Settling, if they fhould remove. And fo theſe two forts
defire to stay the Succefs of the Treaty now in Hand with
their Deputies, who are already with the States. And theſe
are, although the fewer in Number, yet, by Confeffion of the
whole Company, the greatest in Trade.
This Diſtraction appearing in the Company, hath put my
Lords into a Perplexity, what the Iffue will be; for, if they
fhall prefs them to remove preſently, or demand it without
their Confent, they fufpect that it will ferve them for a Co-
lour, to excuſe the not taking away the Stand of Cloth at
Home, between this and Christmas, which they have under-
taken; and fo, in fome fort, fome of them did obfcurely in-
finuate, that if they had not fome Vent, they would not
perform the Buying here. If they ſhall ſtay the Remove, and
ſuſpend it, then is his Majeſty's Honour, in ſome ſort, in Que-
ſtion, becauſe it is known, that ſuch a Reſolution is taken
by their Lordſhips with his Majeſty's Approbation. And,
although their Lordships have given the Merchants fur-
ther Time to confider till Monday, yet I thought good
his Majeſty ſhould know how it ftandeth now, that he may
weigh, in his own great Judgment, what Direction he will
give, if on Monday they be not otherwife refolved for the
Remove, than yet we find them.
If his Majefty fhall refolve, that the Prohibition of the
Trade fhall proceed, I had conceived a Form of a Proclama-
tion, which I beseech your Lordship to acquaint his Majeſty
with; and, if he like it, then, when Time is, it fhall be ready
to be uſed.
Touching the Commiflion his Majefty gave to my, Lord
Fenton, Mr. Attorney, and me, upon fome Overtures made
to Mr. Attorney, by fome of the old Company, we have
ſpoken with Towerſon, and find little Foundation in it to-
wards
of LETTER S.
43
wards his Majefty's Ends, as my Lord Fenton can more par-
ticularly inform his Majefty and your Lordſhip, if you be
defirous to hear of it.
In the Matter of the Strangers, whereof the City re-
newed the Complaint fince his Majefty's going, their Lord-
ſhips have thought fit to proceed by theſe Degrees: Firſt, To
give prefent Warrant to my Lord Treaſurer, and Mr. Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, to put in Execution the Statute of
Employment, according to certain Articles, a good while
fince agreed upon by their Lordships, but fufpended for a
time. Then, touching Artizans and Merchants, trafficking
against the Laws of the Realm, have fent to the Lord
Mayor, to deliver in the Names of ſome few, and moſt no-
torious, that their Lordships, knowing the Quality of the
Perſons, may give Order for proceeding against them, and fo
fee what Effect will fall out. So, with Remembrance of
my Service, I reft
Charing Cross,
5 Oct. 1616.
Your Lordship's to command,
THO. LAKɛ.
My very good Lord,
MR.
From the fame.
R. Vice-Chamberlain's Books being now ready, he
fendeth one exprefly to your Lordship with them, to
procure them to be figned. There be two Pieces: One, fub-
ſcribed by Mr. Attorney, is the Grant of the Land to him;
the other is a Difcharge of the Ten thouſand Pound, being the
Confideration mentioned in the Grant: He prayed to fignify
G 2
fo
44
A COLLECTION
fo much to your Lordship, becauſe it would not come fo well
from himſelf alone in his own Cafe: And, when he return-
eth them figned from your Lord/hip, they fhall pass the Seals.
This I thought good to add, that, for the Thoufand Pound to
Panmure, and the other to my Lord Stanhope, he hath left
with me the Acquittances of the Receipt thereof by them:
And for the 100 /. a Year of Annuity to George Digby, the
fame cannot be done till the Grant be paffed; becauſe it is
to iſſue out of the Land. So I leave further to trouble your
Lordship.
From Charing-cross, this
19th Novemb. 1616.
Tour Lordship's, to command,
THO. LAKE.
The Old Merchants have, Yefternight, refolved upon fome
Offer to his Majefty; and I ſend Sir Lionel Cranfield to
you with it: But the Particulars I know not; for they
keep them fecret. Sir Lionel cannot go till To-morrow
be paſt, becauſe he is not ſworn till To-morrow after Din-
ner; for I could not get the Council to meet till then.
From the fame.
My very good Lord,
WE
E have been this Day at Council, as I wrote to your
Lordſhip: And, firſt, have given Anſwer to the Old
Merchants, according to his Majefty's Commandment figni-
fied by Mr. Edmonds; which was alfo confirmed by my Lord
Chamberlain being prefent. One of them, Mr. Towerfon,
befought their Lordships, that they would be Mediators to
his Majefty, that their next Offers might be accepted. He
was
of LETTER S.
45
3
was answered, That my Lords had clean difmiffed them, and
were to have no more of their Offers. But we gather, by
that Speech, that they had fomething in Purpoſe. I pray
God it prove to his Majefty's Contentment.
Then their Lordships heard fome of the New Company,
and fome Dyers, and the Projectors of the new Dying with
Logwood; and, after fome Altercation, granted a new
Trial to be made, on Friday next, upon two or three
Cloths; which fhall be afterwards worn for Six Months, to
try the Surenefs of the Colour. But, to my feeming, the
Projectors do fomewhat faint in their Affurance, and acknow-
lege, that it is not to be expected, that thefe Colours will
prove as good as thoſe of Cochinillo and Madder.
After that, we heard the Courſe of my Lord Treaſurer, and
Mr. Chancellor, for the raifing of Fifty thouſand Pounds
upon Woods: And, though we concluded nothing, yet this I
find, in my poor Opinion of both, that, by either Way, either
his Majeſty muſt be long before he receive the Money, or, if
he will fooner have it, be a great Lofer. The longer Way
will be with lefs Lofs, but with no prefent Eaſe to his Ma-
jefty's Charge; the fhorter with more Ufe to his Majefty,
but with great Danger of Lofs. Whereupon I moved, that
if my Lord Treasurer would move to thofe who deal with
him, that, if they could not lay down ready Money, they
would undertake the Discharge of fo much Debt for his Ma-
jefty as Fifty thoufand Pounds within One Year's Pay; which
he faid he would propound: And then my Lords to confider
what Gain was meet to be allowed unto them upon their
Bargain. I mentioned farther, that if it were poffible that
One hundred thousand Pounds might be borrowed in the
Low Countries, upon Bonds of the City of London (if they
could be intreated to it), and his Majefty to fecure them
again;
46
A COLLECTION
again; a Courſe which I offered their Lordships to fhew had
been often used in the Times of Queen Elizabeth, in the
Beginning of her Reign; of Queen Mary, King Edward,
and of King Henry the Eighth: And, if that could be, his
Majefty fhould have time to raiſe Money for Reimburſement
thereof again, with lefs Lofs than by fudden Sales of his
Woods, or other Goods. Many of the Lords feemed to like
this Way, and purpoſe to confider of it at another Meeting.
Mr. Secretary told me, that he thought, upon fome Grounds,
that if the Merchants would make their Refidence at Am-
fterdam, that Town would lend the Hundred thoufand
Pounds: Which I wifhed were done; for it would work
our Goods, be a Vent for the Merchants, and Money for his
Majefty. What will come of this, I know not; but fure I
am, that it is unlucky that the Offers of the Old Merchants
have been no more agreeable to his Majefty: For, if they
were a Corporation, as heretofore, I affure myſelf they would
have taken up the Money for his Majefty upon their Credit.
Then Mr. Secretary and I spoke with Sir William Cockain,
to know what they had done for procuring any Reſidence
out of the United Provinces. He told us, that they had
good Hope given them by the Archduke's Agent here, and
by Mr. Trumbull, that they fhould have a Vent there upon
reaſonable Terms; which we willed them to purſue. I
wifhed him to ſpeak with the Spanish Embaffador about it,
and to procure him to write in it; which would not a little
further them: For I had caufed him to be dealt with; and
he did in a manner affure they ſhould have Contentment in
Matter of Religion. And I find the Merchants think it
convenient for them, how focver they may hereafter have the
Vent opened in Holland; yet to keep fome Refidence at
Antwerp alſo, if once they get it, to keep the others in Awe.
So
of LETTER S.
47
}
So as, if his Majefty like they ſhould ufe the Help of the
Spanish Embaſſador, I will caufe them to follow it.
When I was laſt at Royston, I moved his Majefty concern-
ing one Jones, condemned in the Premunire for refufing
to take the Oath of Allegiance; becaufe fome good Friends
of his had dealt with me, that, if he might receive fome
Favour, he might be uſed for fome good Service amongst
thofe of his Profeffion. His Majeſty ſeemed to incline to
it, ſo as he would take the Oath; for, without that, his Ma-
jeſty thought he was not to be trusted. I have anfwered fo to
them: And Word is brought me, that he will take it; and
that he had before not refufed it, but he was fomewhat
quickly dealt with. I beseech your Lordfhip acquaint his
Majefty with this; and, if he like to make Trial of him, I
will take fome other Counsellor to me, and give him the
Oath: And, that being done, I do not wifh a Pardon for
him at firſt, but that we may fee what Service he will do to
deferve a Pardon. Private Services must be done by fuch
Inftruments; and I am made believe, that in that Kind he
fhall deſerve well.
I have troubled your Lordſhip too long; and, by my next,
will ſend the Matters concerning the Borders, as his Ma-
And fo I reft
jefty commanded me.
Friday Night,
15 Nov. 1616.
Tour Lordship's to command,
THO. LAK E.
I forgot to let your Lordship know, that we agreed upon the
Form of a Proclamation for Apparel; and have thought
fittest to make it without Diftinction of Degrees; but
that, of all Sorts, the outer Garment of Gown, Cloak,
Jerkin, or Hofe, fhall be of Cloth, faving upon Sundays,
Holidays, and Feſtival-Days, and Times of Triumph. Of
this, I think, Mr. Attorney will advertiſe when it is ready.
2
A
78
A COLLECTION
!
A Letter from the fame, on the Proceedings in the
Star-Chamber against P. Semayn.
My very good Lord,.
TH
บ
HIS Morning my Lords did all affemble at the Star-
Chamber, upon a great Cauſe againſt Peter Semayn,
for transporting great Quantities of Ordnance, meaning to
make it exemplary; and Mr. Attorney, upon his own Con-
feſſion, was to proceed againſt him this Term. On Wed-
neſday laft Mr. Attorney moved it at Council; and the
Lords promiſed all to be here this Day, to countenance the
Cauſe. But they find themſelves fuddenly eluded and ſcorned,
the Man being escaped Yefternight, either by Corruption or
Negligence of the Meffenger who had him in Charge. And,
because my Lords do doubt left he may be gone to the Court,
and there make fome Means to his Majefty to ſtay Proceeding
againſt him, I do, by Advice of my Lord Chancellor, and
my Lord of Canterbury, the reft being not yet come hither,
fend away to your Lordſhip, to pray you, on the behalf of
my Lords, to acquaint his Majefty with the Caſe, and to be-
ſeech him that he will not give way to any Favour, or Inter-
ruption of their Proceeding, being a Matter determined in
Council, and known abroad, and in great Expectation;
fecing withal his Majefty may get more by a judicial Fine,
than any Body can do by Corruption. So, in Hafte, I leave
further to trouble your Lordfhip.
From the Star-Chamber,
this 18th Oct. 1618.
Your Lordship's, to command,
THO. LAKE,
From
1
of LETTER S.
From the fame.
My Duty to your Lordship humbly remembred;
HA
49
AVING received this Day about Noon theſe Letters
from Sir Henry Wotton, I thought fit to fend them to
your Lordship, that his Majefty may be made acquainted with
them. I do believe that the Peace of Italy is made; and
we hear none other from elsewhere. The Note which is a
Part, touching the Two Perfons like to conform, would have
fome Signification of his Majefty's liking, how he fhall pro-
ceed with them, if he do hear any more of that Purpoſe.
I have fent to his Majefty the Refolutions of Council about
the Mid-fhires; which, becauſe it is a Piece of Work that
his Majefty hath had the Honour to begin, and can fay more
to it than any body, it may pleaſe your Lordſhip to preſent
to him to peruſe; and, if any thing occur to his Judgment
fit to be added or amended in theſe Opinions of my Lords,
upon Signification thereof it may be done, before the Exe-
cution of thefe Orders can be perfected.
I have alſo ſent to your Lordſhip the Opinion of the
Civilians upon the Cafe of the Re-delivery of the Dutch
Skipper who ſtayed Brotin in Scotland, whereof though I
hope there will now be no Uſe, becauſe the Man is like to
be delivered; yet I thought it not unfit for his Majefty's
Sight.
Concerning his Majefty's Buſineſs, the Work of my Lords
this Day hath been about the Penfions: And therein they
have begun with my Lord Steward, and taken away his
whole Allowance of 1400/. by Year, which he had inſtead
of his Diet before he was Lord Steward, having, now that
he is Lord Steward, his Diet again.
H
They
50
A COLLECTION
They have followed upon all his Majefty's Servants of the
Bedchamber, and Privy-chamber, and fome others; from
whom they have abated a Third Part; faving of fuch as they
conceive to be poor, and to have none other Maintenance.
And this they do for Example-fake. And fo far have they
gone this Day, and will proceed as they meet; which I think
will not be till Saturday, being Star-Chamber Day: For the
Term, now ending, giveth them fo much to do in their
Offices, as they cannot meet fooner.
Your Lordſhip knoweth, that Embaffadors and Agents
will expect to have Correfpondency kept with them, as it is
fit; and therefore it may pleaſure your Lordship, if his Ma-
jeſty have no Directions to give upon any of thefe Letters,
at leaſt to ſend them back, that, upon perufing of them again,
I may ſtrike off fomething to be writ to them, as of mine
own, till his Majefty's Directions do come.
My Lord Treaſurer, Sir Edward Coke, and I, have re-
folved to give Direction to Mr. Attorney for drawing the
Letters Patents for Sir Edward Villars; but think fit to
mediate with him, that he would deal well with Reynolds,
who has the Reverſion.
I have nothing further to trouble your Lordship with, but
that, now the Term is ended, and I think his Majefty's Bufi-
neſs in as good Forwardneſs as we can put it, I have a Pur-
poſe, in the Beginning of the next Week, to come to New-
market, to kiss his Majefty's Hands, though to make no long
Stay there: For I think I may be back time enough before
the Houshold be ready; which, I hear, go but flowly on. So
I humbly take my Leave.
From Charing-croſs,
this 26 Nov. 1617.
Your Lordship's humbly to command,
THO. LAKE.
My Coming I intend, if I hear not from your Lordſhip to
the contrary.
of LETTER S,
51
From the fame.
My Duty to your Lordship humbly remembred;
I'
Have thought it fit to give his Majeſty an Account of
what hath paffed this Day in Council in his Majefty's
Affairs, or in fuch as have been commanded to me from him.
Firſt, to the Matter of the Houfhold: My Lords had be-
fore them the Cofferer, and fome other of the Officers,
as many as could be gotten together, and renewed unto
them his Majefty's former Commandment, of reducing his
Houſe to the Proportion your Lordship knoweth of: To
which they replied much, and would have done more; but
that, after ſome Altercation, my Lords told them peremp-
torily, It was a Matter of Obedience, and not of Diſpute;
and fo charged them with it upon their Peril: And hath
given them this Day Fortnight to bring in, and preſent to
their Lordships, the new Frame.
At another Seffion, on Wednesday next, the Matter of the
Penfions will be proceeded in as far as my Lords fhall be able.
For that of Ireland, my Lords have this Day received an Ex-
cuſe from the Deputy and Council, that the Officers fent for
cannot well come, the one of them being very fick, and the
Council not ready to fend them furniſhed till after Christmas.
for
The Matter of the Borders is fully concluded on, only in
the chief Point; which is, the Affurance which the Lords
and Gentlemen fhould give for their Tenants. My Lord
Clifford giveth fome Reafons, why it is more inconvenient
my Lord his Father, and him, than for other Lords; and
hath craved time to deliver his Reaſons in Writing; which
my Lords have not denied him, although otherwife they have
ſpoken very ftifly to him, as of a thing that must be done:
For that they find, that if it be not univerfal, and in all, it
H 2
will
52
A COLLECTION
will never hold in any: So as they hope he will conform
himſelf. And now, after fome Conference with fome of
the Judges, and his Majefty's Counfel, about the manner of
proceeding in the Matter of Remanding, there will remain
nothing to do, but to give Warrant to his Majefty's learned
Counſel for making ready the Proclamation, and the Com-
miffions.
The Complaint against my Lord William Staward was
ſpoken of; and my Lord Clifford reported what he had feen
to that Purpoſe in a Letter: But, becauſe he would not name
the Party, and fo there was neither Accufer nor Proof, my
Lords knew not what farther to do, but to fend to the Com-
miffioners, to know what was the Truth; and to will my
Lord Clifford to deliver in Writing the Party's Name who
was reſcued, and ſuch other Particulars as he knew, that my
Lord William might make his farther Anſwer in Writing.
Mr. Evelling was alſo heard upon his Petition againſt my
Lord of Worcester, about his Patent for making of Powder;
and my Lord of Worcester's Anfwer read: Whereunto, be-
cauſe the young Man that followeth would not venture to
reply out of his own Judgment, he defired to be heard by
his Counſel; which my Lords granted; appointing withal,
that his Majesty's learned Counſel fhould be prefent on the
Behalf of the Patent.
I have fent your Lordship herewith the Letter to the King
of Denmark; which, as foon as your Lordship fhall return,
his Man fhall be diſpatched withal. So I humbly take my
Leave.
From Whitehall,
Novemb. 22.
Your Lordship's humbly to command,
THO. LAK E.
'The Letter to his Majefty is my Lord Wallingford's Anſwer
to my Lord Bedford's Suit: Wherein it may pleaſe your
Lordship to fignify his Majefty's Pleaſure.
of LETTER S.
53
From Mr. Secretary Calvert.
May it please your Lordship,
THE Star-chamber Day being now paffed over, wherein
the Dutchmen have had Juſtice, and his Majeſty Ho-
nour, in the Procceding; I have thought it my Duty to ac-
quaint his Majefty with the Sentence, by your Lordship's means,
who, I doubt not, but by his learned Counfel, was before
fufficiently informed of all the Particularities of the Offences,
for which the Defendants have this Day had their Tryal.
Day, the Broker, and wicked Inftrument betwixt Row-
land and the Dutch, for his Ambidextry, and betraying his
Majeſty's Cauſe, by Treachery and Subornation of Rowland
to retract his Oath, was cenfured, Firſt, to be degraded of
his Place of Attorney in the Court of Common- Pleas; to
forjure, and never to deal as a Solicitor hereafter in any
Cauſe again; to be fined Two thoufand Pounds, impriſoned
during the King's Pleaſure, and to ftand upon the Pillory at
Westminster and in Cheapfide, with an Infcription on his Fore-
head containing his Fault.
Outremer and Burlamachi, were both in the fame Fault,
but not in the fame Degree, by far, as the Court conceived; be-
cauſe Outremer had entertained Day's Offer, and given him
a Bribe: Burlamachi only hearkened unto it, but would give
him no Money: And yet he joined with the reſt, to proſecute
Rowland and Sir H. Brittaine, with a Crofs-Bill in the Star-
chamber. Wherefore Outremer was fined at Two thouſand
Pounds, and Burlamachi at One thouſand Marks.
Stamfwell, the Fourth Defendant, for bribing Day with
Ten Pounds, and Promife of Forty Pounds more, for faving
him from Profecution in the main Caufe of Tranſportation,
was fined a Thouſand Pounds.
Thus
54
A COLLECTION
Thus have I made your Lordſhip, as fhort an Account as
I can, knowing more Length to be both needlefs and trou-
bleſome.
I fhall not wait upon his Majefty again, perhaps, till Satur-
day; becauſe I am to examine the Matter of Peacock and
the Conjurer a little further, by his Majefty's Commandment.
I humbly beg your Lordship in the mean time to excufe
me.
I had almoſt forgot to let his Majefty know Mr. Attorney's
Anſwer, touching the leaving out of Delabarro, in this ore
tenus: He faith, That he thinks, in his Confcience, he was
as guilty as the reft; but, becauſe they could get nothing from
him by Confeffion, as they did from the reft, he could not be
proceeded withal, ore tenus.
This Afternoon my Lords the Commiffioners for my Lord
of Suffolk's Buſineſs have met, and had his Majefty's learned
Counſel before them, who did there briefly open the Cauſe;
and my Lords, together with the two Chief Juftices there
alſo preſent, were fo well fatisfied with it, as they think fit
it ſhould proceed according to the Appointment; and the
learned Counſel are all of them affigned their Parts.
His Majefty commanded me to write to Sir Lyonel
Cranfeild, about the Payment of the Ten thouſand Pounds,
Parcel of the Bargains for the petty Farms. He hath fent his
Anſwer; which I humbly befeech your Lordſhip, at the beſt
Opportunity, to prefent unto his Majefty. And fo, craving
many Pardons of your Lordship, for putting you to this Trou-
ble, I humbly reft
Your Lordships most faithful and obliged Servant,
St. Martin's Lane,
13 Oct. 1619
GEO. CALVERT.
From
of LETTER S.
55
From Sir Geo. Calvert to the fame.
May it please your Lordship,
As
S foon as I received your Letter, I acquainted the
Lords with his Majefty's Pleaſure concerning Sir Ar-
thur Afton; who inftantly gave Order to diſcharge the Re-
ftraint, which was before upon his Paffage.
For our Proceeding Yefterday in the Star-chamber, I pre-
fume, his Majefty hath had an Account thereof from other
Hands: If not, I fhall be forry this Letter hath ftaid fo long.
Your Lordſhip may therefore be pleaſed to acquant his Ma-
jefty, that in the Morning, before the Sitting of the Court
in the outer Chamber, my Lord Steward delivered a Letter
from my Lord of Suffolk to the Lords, to this Effect; That he
was much grieved to enter into Conteſtation with his Ma-
jeſty, and would therefore make any Submiflion, which their
Lordships fhould think fit, acknowleging himſelf guilty of
any Errors or Faults, which he might have committed; and
therefore defired their Lordships to be Mcdiators unto his
Majefty for him, and that, until his Majefty's Pleaſure were
known, the Proceeding might be put off. Mr. Attorney,
on his Majeſty's behalf, oppofed it; and defired that the
Evidence might proceed as was appointed; to which my Lords
all affented, finding nothing in the Letter, that might induce
them to alter their Courſe, without Prejudice to the Caufe,
and to his Majefty's Service. Whereupon, the Court
fat, and fell to the opening of the Evidence; which was
as well, and as orderly done as poffibly could be.
They are of fuch length, as we paffed over only the
Three firſt Points of the Charge; that is to fay, the Jewels,
2
the
56
A COLLECTION
the Matter of the Ordnance, and the Alums. The next are,
Miſemployment of the King's Treaſure, and Extortion upon
the Subject. For that of the Jewels, it was only touched,
and no Evidence produced, becauſe a Pardon was pleaded,
and allowed of by the Court.
This is as much as I have to trouble your Lordſhip withal
at this time, humbly attending to receive your Command-
ments, that in any thing elſe I may ferve you, who am
St. Martin's Lane,
23 Oct. 1619.
Your Lordship's humble, affectionate,
and much obliged Servant,
GEO. CALVERT.
I
From the fame.
May it please your. Lordship,
HAVE received your Letter, dated Yeſterday at Royston;
and by it perceive, that his Majefty, of his great Good-
nefs and Favour towards me the unworthieft of his Servants,
is pleaſed to grant me my Suit. I render my humbleſt Thanks
unto his Majefty therefore, and acknowlege myſelf much
bounden unto your Lordship, for your honourable Recom-
mendation.
Concerning the Paffage of the Bufinefs in the Star-cham-
ber; fince it pleaſeth his Majefty to inform himſelf from me,
what the Reaſons were of fo fmall Fines being impoſed upon
the Delinquents,. I fhall give the beſt Account thereof I can,
out of the Obſervation I made.
His
of LETTER S.
57
His Majesty, by the Courfe of that Court, can have no
Damages; yet, in fuch a Cafe as this was, where his Ma-
jeſty ſuſtained ſo much Lofs, Confideration was to be had of
Damages equivalent to the Lofs, though they paffed under
the Name of the Fine; and an Overplus likewiſe to be added
to the Fine, in refpect of the Crime, as it concerned the
King and Commonwealth, without relation to his Majefty's
private Intereſt. This being the Ground, Sir Edward Coke,
who began firft, fuppofed his Majefty's Damage to be Fifty
thouſand Pounds, viis et modis; and therefore cenfured him
at One hundred thoufand Pounds, which is the Double; al-
though, he ſaid, he might have very well have made it Qua-
druple. Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer followed; and,
without giving any particular Reafon, other than the great
Abuſes and Corruption in general laid to the Defendant's
Charge, agreed with him in the Sentence.
My Lord Hobart was the firſt that diffented; and, though
he condemned my Lord and my Lady both, as guilty in the
whole Charge, yet agreed not with Sir Edward Coke in his
Calculation. For the Ordnance, he did hold him guilty of
a grofs and wilful Negligence, much to the King's Differvice,
and great Peril of the State; but acquitted him of all Bribery
or Corruption in that Particular, for any thing that appeared
to the Court.
For the Alums, wherein his Majefty was faid to lofe
13,000 /. Arrearages, by cancelling of the Articles and Bond
of the first Contract without Warrant, He condemned him
for it, as a very great Fault; but, iniomuch as there was great
Probability, by the Proofs on the Defendant's Part, that the
Second Bargain was more advantageous to his Majefty than
the First; and that, without the cancelling the Firth Bargain,
and all its Dependences thereupon, the Contractors would not
I
have
58
ACOLLECTION
have entered upon the Second; though his Act in itſelf was
unwarrantable, yet it had the more favourable Conftruction
in that regard.
For Mifemployment of the King's Treaſure, and Extortion,
he cenfured him likewife as moft guilty: But the Mifem-
ployment, though it were a great Abuſe and Deceit to the
King, in an Officer of fo great Truft as he was; yet it was
but a temporary Lofs, the Moneys being ftill reftored again,
after they had been employed a while to his private Ufe: In
which Particular, though the Proofs pointed more directly
and preciſely, for the moſt part, at my Lady and Sir John
Bingley; yet neither in that, nor in the Matter of Extortion,
could he fever my Lord from my Lady; but did con-
demn him as privy and confenting thereunto; fecing thoſe
Moneys were all employed to my Lord's Ufe, and for the
Payment of his Debts, and other his neceffary Occafions;
whereof it was impoffible but he fhould take Notice. So
as, upon the whole Matter, he cenfured my Lord as guilty
of every material Part of the Charge; but, all thofe Con-
fiderations aforefaid being weighed, could not audite his Ma-
Majeſty's Lofs to fo much, by a great deal, as Sir Edward
Coke did: In which refpect, regarding the Crime itſelf, for
which he impofed much more, he thought Thirty thousand
Pounds a Fine fufficient for him and my Lady; the rather,
for that the Law of England is, that every one fhould be
fined, falvo contenemento; which is with a Saving to himſelf
of a convenient Maintenance; otherwife it were a Ranfom,
and no Fine. And for Sir John Bingley, it appeared plainly
that he had been a baſe Broker between my Lord and Lady
on the one Part, and the Subject on the other: Yet, becauſe
he was a petty Officer under the Command and Rule of the
Lord Treaſurer, who might cruſh him at his Pleaſure; and
that
1
of LETTER S.
59
that the Bribes which he had taken (for ſo far as appeared
upon Proof before us) were flight unworthy things, tho'
with Corruption enough; it was thought fufficient to lay
Two thouſand Pounds upon him, befides his Impriſonment
at his Majesty's Pleaſure. This was the Effect of my Lord
Hobart's Sentence, to my best Remembrance; which all
the Court afterwards followed, except Sectetary Muncton:
And I affure your Lordship, for mine own Opinion, being
thus carried as it was, I think his Majefty hath got as much
Honour in the Proceeding as ever he had in any Caufe;
which, I know, his Majefly values before all other Refpects
whatſoever.
Thus have I dealt freely with your Lordship, to my poor
Underſtanding; wherewith your Lordship may be pleafed to
acquaint his Majefty, and to excufe my Errors, who am
Your Lordship's,
Most humbly and affectionately to ferve you,
St. Martin's-lane,
15 Nov. 1619.
GEO. CALVERT.
I have committed your Letter to the Fire, as your Lordship
commanded me.
From the fame.
May it please your Lordship,
HIS Day we have made an End of that longfome Bufi-
TH
nefs of my Lord of Suffolk, and have given him his
Doom; which is, Thirty thoufand Pounds Fine for him and
his Lady, and both of them to be imprifoned in the Tower,
at their own Charge, during the King's Pleasure: And Sir
John
1 2
60
COLLECTION
A
John Bingley in Two thouſand Pounds Fine, and to be com
mitted to the Fleet.
Sir Edward Coke, who began the Sentence, did, before
he came to the Particular, open unto the Court fundry Pre-
cedents of Record in antient Times; whereby it appears,
that Treaſurers of England have been grievously fined for
leffer Delicts: Which, I affure your Lordſhip, was to very good
Purpose; and I doubt not but hath given great Satisfaction
to all the reaſonable Auditory, that the Proceeding againſt
my Lord of Suffolk was upon juſt and honourable Grounds,
and no fuch rigorous and extraordinary Work as many in the
World were made to believe. So did Mr. Secretary Naunton
likewife declare the whole Proceeding in this Caufe feriatim,
before his Majefty and the Council, from the firſt granting
forth the Commiffion of Inquiry, and the Occafion thereof;
by which it hath aifo appeared, how graciouſly his Majefty
was ever inclined to Mercy and Lenity, in remitting all Pro-
ceeding this way against the Earl, if his Council would
have perſuaded his Majeſty, that in Honour he might have
done it. So as, I hope, with his Majefty's Honour it was
firft enterpriſed, and with his Honour is ended.
My Lord of Arundel tells me, that his Majefty inquires after
the Commiffion, which it pleaſed him to give me in Charge
to perfect, touching the fupprefling of Rogues, and fetting
the Poor on Work. I humbly befeech your Lordſhip, do
me the Favour, as to let his Majefty know, that it is no
Slackneſs in me: I put it into the Hands of a Lawyer to
make the first Draught, becauſe it is a Matter legal; and
though I have ſent to him for it every Day this Sevennight,
yet could I not get it till Yefternight; fo bufy are they this
Term time. And now I have it, it must be perufed and con-
fidered on again, by his Majeſty's learned Counſel: And I will
3
alfo
of LETTER S.
61
alſo adviſe with Sir Edw. Coke about it, before it be pre-
fented as a perfect Work unto his Majefty; becauſe it is a
Buſineſs of great Weight, and will find Oppofition, as all
Reformations do. But all the Diligence ſhall be uſed by me
that is poffible, God willing; and I am glad with all
my Heart, that his Majefty's princely Care continues ftill
towards that good Work. God continue him, many and
many Years, in all Health and Profperity among us. But I
hold your Lordship too long beyond Good-manners: I hum-
bly pray your Pardon, and reſt,
St. Martin's Lane,
14 Nov. 1619.
Your Lordship's most obliged,
faithfully and humbly to ferve you,
GEO. CALVERT.
The following Letter from Lord Chancellor Bacon,
to the Duke of Buckingham, in the Caballa, may
Serve to explain and illuftrate the foregoing.
My very good Lord,
Y
My Lord of Suffolk's Caufe is this Day fentenced; my
Lord and his Lady fined at Thirty thouſand Pounds,
with Imprifoument to the Tower at their own Charges;
Bingley at Two thouſand Pounds, and commited to the Fleet.
Sir Edward Coke did his Part, I have not heard him do
better; and began with a Fine of One hundred thouſand
Pounds. But the Judges firft, and most of the reft, reduced it
as before. I do not diflike, that things pafs moderately; well
confidered, it is not amifs, and might cafily have been worfe.
There
62
A COLLECTION
There was much fpeaking of interceding for the King's
Mercy; which, in my Opinion, was not fo proper for a Sen-
tence. I ſaid, in Conclufion, that Mercy was to come ex mero
motu; and fo left it. I took fome other Occafion pertinent
to do the King Honour, by fhewing how happy he was in all
other Parts of his Government, fave only in the Manage of
his Treaſure by thefe Officers.
God ever preferve and keep you, &c.
A Letter from his Grace of Canturbury, to Mr.
Cecil or Mr. Chcek, on the Prohibition, by Pro-
clamation, to print any Book without the King's
Licence, or Six of the Council.
To my very loving Friends, Mr. Cecil One of the King's
Two Principal Secretaries of State; or to Mr. Cheek.
AFTER my very hearty Commendations, theſe be to fig-
nify unto you, that Raymer Wolf, at my Defire, hath
fully finiſhed the Printing of my Book, for Answer to the late
Biſhop of Winchester's, written against mine, of the Doc-
trine of the Sacrament. And forafmuch as both Printing
and Selling any Matters in the English Tongue is prohi,
bited by a Proclamation fet forth, unleſs the faid Matter be
first allowed by the King's Majefty, or Six of the Privy-
Council, as you yourſelf fhall more plainly perceive, by the
Proclamation which herewith I fend unto you; therefore
I heartily pray you to be a Suitor to the King's Majefty, or
to the Privy-Council, that Mr. Raymer may have Licence
for the Printing and Selling of my faid Book accordingly;
and,
1
of LETTER S.
63
and, the ſame ſo obtained, to fend me with convenient
Speed: For, in the Beginning of the Term, I think were
very neceffary to be fet forth, for the Voluntation of many,
which have had long Expectations for the fame.
As foon as I fhall receive Advertiſement, when the King's
Majefty will be at Hampton Court, I will come thither to
fee his Grace, and to do my Duty towards the fame. Thus
fare you heartily well. From my Manor at Croydon, the
30th of September 1551.
Your loving Friend,
T. CANT.
May it please your most excellent Majefty,
PRESENTLY, upon your Majefty's Letters, we re-
paired to the Tower, and called the Lady Roos before
us, and fignified unto her your Majefty's Royal Pleaſure and
Command, requiring her to take her Oath, for Diſcovery of
Truth. She very obftinately refuſed to take her Oath, fay-
ing, She had denied your Majefty, when you preffed her to it,
neither would fhe now be fworn before us: We uſed all the
good Counſel, and faireſt Perſuaſions, we could give her; but
all in vain. We then let her know, in angry Words, that this
Offence was greater than that for which fhe was justly fen-
tenced; for that was but a Wrong to a Lady her Peer; this
was a Contempt to the King her Sovereign: But nothing
would prevail with her: Wilfully and abfolutely fhe refufed
to take her Oath; which Refufal we have here certified to
your Majeſty, and did not queſtion her upon any Particu-
lar:
64
A COLLECTION
lar; for fo was your Majefty's Directions, in cafe fhe refufed
to take her Oath: Only this in private I faid to her, that
when your Majefty delivered, in the Star-chamber, how fhe
had refuſed to take her Oath, and to anfwer your Majefty in
thefe Things, whereupon fhe had been formerly examined;
this one Thing did more convince and condemn her, in the
Opinion of all that heard it, than all that in the Books was
proved againſt her: Alfo I fhewed her Sarah Swarton's Hand
to her long Confeffion, which put her to a great Bluſh,
though I told her nothing, that fhe had confefied. Thus,
fearing to be over-troublefome to your Majefty, I reſt
Your Majesty's most obliged Servant,
London,
25 Feb. 1618.
From the Original.
H. MOUNT AGU.
The following Letter was added to the foregoing in
the fame Manufcript.
Monfieur,
E tiens à beaucoup d'Honneur celles qu'il vous a pleu m'e-
par veure us
crire par Monfieur de Biron, votre Parent, et non moins
le Choix qu'il a fait de fon Sejour en cette Ville, pour vous,
y pouvoir temoigner en fa Perfonne, combien je defere au
Merite de la votre, et au Lieu que vous tencz auprés de ce
très fage Roi, duquel le feul Faveur et bonne Grace eft une
Approbation par tout le Monde. Il vous dira donc, Mon-
fieur, que votre Recommendation m'a cté une Commande-
ments
;
of LETTER S.
65
ment; ce que vous connoitrez en Effet par mon très humble
Service, fi j'ai ce Bonheur que vous le voulicz emploier. Sur
Monfieur, je vous baife très humblement les
Mains, et fupplie le Createur vous avoir en fauve Garde.
De Saumur ce dernier Avril, 1620.
ce
Votre très humble, et très affectionné Serviteur,
DU PLESSIS.
An original Letter, in French, from Stephen Lord
Scroope to King Henry IV. 1405.
TR
Res excellent, tres redoute, et mon effovereyn Seigneur;
je me recommand a voſtre haute et Reall Majeſte a
tant come aucun lege homme puis a fon Seigneur foveryn;
defyrant ad tout mon coer de oyer et favoyr bonez novelles de
vos et de voſtre haute Majefte, le quell je pry a ly tout puif-
fant que tous jours maintener et encrez com voftre coer mef
mes faver a multz foheyder ou devifer; et vos doynt toujours
le victoyr de tous voz enemyz: Et, tres redoute et mon ef
fovereyn Seigneur, je vous fupply par dicux, et en overe de
charyte, que vos pleffe, que je puis cftre en voftre memoyr:
Et pour tant que je fuy cn voſtre ſervyffe ovesk_mon tres re-
doute Seigneur voftre Fitz, que je ne foy pas en obly. Et
parce je ay envoye devant voftre haute prefenz Hugh Cordoys,
porteur de cefte, pour purfuer devent voftre haute preſenz
touchant mon bille que je ay baylle a voftre hauteffe a mon
defeyn de partir de voftre haute prefenz, touchant le ylle de
Man, en cas que vous pleft que ill pourfue pour le dit matre:
Et altrement je le met en voftre haute et gracioufe volunte.
Par en bon foy de dieux, mon cffovereyn Scigneur, je ne
ay null efpoyr, ne null eyde de null creature fors que de dieux
et de voſtre gracyoufe et haute Majefte: Et parce par dicux,
que
K
66
A COLLECTION
que vos pleffe penfer de mon pover eftat, le quel je ne puis
mayntener ne fuftener en null manier fanz voftre gracyóufe
ayde. Et ferteyn et en bon foy vos me troverez touz jours
humble et loyale lege, et preft a touz fervyces que vos mé
commandrez ad teftous mon poayer en corps et bienz fanz null
fayntiffe; Trés excellent, tres redoute, et mon effuer eyn
feigneur, je pry aly Tout-puiffant, que touz jours maynten
et encrez volt haute et Realle Majefte en ioy, honer, et
profperite, com voft gracioufe coeur meſmez faver a multz
foheyder. Efcrit a Cheft, le xxvii. jour de Aufte, de ma
propre rude mayn, en deffaute de un alt' clerk. Et par ce
ie fupply a voft hauteffe, que vos pleffe me tener pou ex-
cufe de ceft Lettre.
Voft humble Lege,
S. SCROPP.
A tres excellent, tres redoute, et mon effovereyn ſeigneur,
le Roy.
1
An original Letter from the Magiftrates of MUR-
RENBURGH (as Suppos'd, tho' hardly legible) a
City in Pruffia, to Henry IV. on Publick Af-
fairs, dated 5 October, 1412.
Hv
Umili Recommendationi, voluntario cum Servitio ad
quævis Majeftatis Regiæ beneplacita jugiter antemiffa.
Sereniffime Rex, magnifice Princeps, et Domine gratiofe,
Serenitatis veftræ Majeftati gratiarum actiones devotas refe-
rimus, quamquam non condignas, pro eo quod magnificen-
tia veftra, Anno præterito, Ambafiatores, Nuncios, feu Pro-
curatores noftros ad veftræ Dominationis Gratiam ex parte
Summa
1
of LETTERS.
67
Summe pecuniarum ad nos, Ordinifque noftri provincias,
et Subditos, fpectantium, pro tunc deftinatos, reverenter
tractare decrevit benignis favoribus et gratiis promotivis;
Quodque prædictos Nuncios Ambafiatores, feu Procuratores
noftros, tunc temporis duo millia Nobilium nobis de eadem
Pecuniarum Summa gratiofe deftinare decreviftis, intimo cx
affectu, juxta veftrarum Literarum Continentiam; fupplican-
tes, quatenus Solutionem adhuc de Summa ejufdem Pecu-
niæ refidua, Majeftati veftre Regiæ, ufque ad Feftum Nati-
vitatis Chrifti proxime affuturum prorogare, prout học ip-
fum Animo grato Celfitudinis veftræ ob refpectum fecimus,
dignaremur. Quare, Sereniffime Princeps, et Domine Gra-
tioſe, Ambafiatores noftros, Nuncios folempnes, feu Procura-
tores Dominationis veltræ Majeftatem, fupra Feftum Nati-
vitatis Chrifti nunc venturum, tranfmittere difpofuimus,
Magnificentiam veftram defideriis votivis humiliter implo-
rantes, quatenus cum dictis Nunciis noftris, nobis, et Subditis
noftris, refiduam ejufdem Pecuniæ Summam, fine Dilationis
ulterioris Obftaculo, prout de innata veftra Benevolentia, et
fpeciali Gratia, indubie confidimus, dignemini deftinare.
J
Infuper Celfitudini veftræ Regiæ fignificamus per Præfen-
tes, nos circa Feftum Penthecoft nuper præteritum ordi-
naverimus noftri Ambafiatores folempnes ad tractand' Ne-
gocium, quod inter Regem et Regnum Poloniæ ex una,
nos Ordinemque noftrum parte vertitur ex altera, ad Illuf-
triflimum Principem et Dominum, Dominum Sigifmund.
Ungaria Romanorumque Regem, non fine gravi expedi-
tione et apparatu deftinaffe, fperaturi cofdem ante Feftum
Affumptionis Mariæ Virginis gloriofæ nuper præteritum, in-
dilatius reverfuros; de quibus tamen nil aliud, quod ctiam
dolenter fcribimus, comperire potuimus, nifi quod funt in
via revertendi. Ut igitur Serenitatem veftram Regiam,
qualiter Negotium hujufmodi inter Regem et Regnum Po-
K 2
loniæ,
68
A COLLECTION
loniæ, nos Ordinemque noftrum, quod vertitur, in Unga-
ria finaliter conclufum fit, clarius valeamus informare; me-
moratos Nuncios noftros ad Serenitatis veftræ Celfitudinem
fuper Nativitatis Chrifti Feftum proxime venturum dirigen-
dos circa nos in Diem protrahimus hodiernum, quoufque a
dictis Ambafiatoribus noftris Ungariæ miffis fufficienter
edocti fuerimus, qualiter hujufmodi Negotia ſopita funt, feu
decifa; ob quod, multiplicatis finceris precibus, Serenitatem
veftram devotiffime fupplicamus, in cafu quo iidem Nuncii
noftri fupra memoratum Nativitatis Chrifti Feftum proxi-
me venturum Majeftatis veftræ Confpe&ui fe offerre non va-
lerent, fed quibufdam poft Feftum Chrifti Nativitatis Heb-
domadis, tranfactis cum certis noftris Literis fe exhiberent,
quod Regalis Serenitas hujufmodi Prorogationis Negligen-
tias nec nobis, nec Nunciis noftris, fed Dilationi Amba-
fiatorum noftrorum de Ungaria, dignetur imputare. Pro
quo, immo pro quibufvis et innumeris aliis Gratiis, quibus
Celfitudo veftra Regia nos, ac Ordinem noftrum, jugiter
confpicere confuevit, et fovere, pronis Famulatibus et Com-
placentiis, quibus poterimus, parere Volumus veftræ Majefta-
tì, quam Deus Omnipotens fanam et incolumem confervare
dignetur per Tempora diuturna. Datum in Caftro noftro
Marienburg, quinta Die Octobris, Anno Millefimo Qua-
dringentefimo Duodecimo.
Frater Henricus de Plaullin,
Ordinis Thef. Magifter Generalis.
Sereniffimo Principi, ac metuendo Domino, Domino
Henrico Regi Anglie et Francia, Domino noſtro
gratiofiffimo, d. d.
1
1
The
of LETTER S.
69
The Papers of Sir HENRY BUTLER, of Ireland (of
the Ormond Family); confifting of fome very excellent
Charges delivered at the Quarter Seffions held at
Londonderry; andof Speeches in Parliament on
taking the Speaker's Chair, and preſenting Bills.
The Whole tending to promote publick and private Virtue,
and to lay down a Plan of very useful and ſafe Politicks.
At a Seffion of the Peace at Newtown, 21 Jan. 1655.
Gentlemen, and good People,
IN
M
N Obedience to this Command, and in purſuance of the
Truſt repoſed in us by this Commiffion, which you have
heard, we are thus publicly and openly affembled here this
Day: A Day, which is to us a Calm after a Tempeft, a Sunſhine
after a Fog, a Time of Peace and Tranquillity after the Hor-
tor and Confufion of an inteftine War, and the Diſtractions
of an unfettled Commonwealth. It were but Lofs of Time
and Labour, to defcant on the preſent State of Things, or
to caſt into the Balance the Advantages and Emoluments of
a peaceable and orderly Government, with the Spoils, Ra-
pines, and innumerable Calamities, of a rebellious and do-
meftic War: You all, that are now Partakers of the Benefits
of the one, can give a more ample and judicious Account,
having a more diftin&t Remembrance, and fome of you a
woful Experience, of the Effects of the other. Religion the
Mother of Peace, Plenty the Daughter, and Law the Guar-
dian, how often, how long, have they been obſcured,
eſtranged, and raviſhed from us! And in their ſtead, Hereſy
hath miſguided us, Famine devoured us, and the lawleſs arbi-
trary
70
A COLLECTION
trary Humours of evil Men undone us! But now, through
the great Goodneſs of God, and the prudent Care of Him
that governs us, we begin to recover from onr Mifcries, and
to return to our priftine Establishment. Religion is pre-
fented to us in fo many Shapes, and preached to us by fo
many Mouths of all forts, that, unless we be blind and deaf,
we cannot mifs of it: Plenty was never more generally, more
fenfibly, known in this our Nation: The Windows of Heaven
are largely opened, and the fertile Womb of the Earth hath
prodigally delivered her Burden, to our Comfort and Refreſh-
ment; infomuch that I might well fay (but that Latin is for-
bidden) there is a Cornucopia among you.
}
The Laws, which the loud Clamour of War had fo long filen-
ced, do now ſpeak aloud in our Ears; the Courts are re erect-
ed, and the Law-books thrown open before us; and being
tranflated into our Mother-Tongue, we can now, without
relying on the Subtlety and Sophifms of the Lawyers,
and the weak Crutches of human Learning, pry into thofe
Secrets, which were hidden from our Forefathers, and fpeak
our Minds in plain English. A ready Inftance and Confir-
mation hereof is our free and unmolefted Meeting here this
Day; where, according to the feveral Articles impowering us
to fit here, I fhall briefly inform fuch as know not, and put in
Mind fuch as know already, their Duty and Bufinefs in
this Place. Two Sorts of things are here to be taken No-
tice of: First, Such things as are not properly cognizable,
but only to be heard and inquired after: Secondly, Such
things as may be here heard, inquired after, and determined.
Of the firſt Sort, are Treaſons and Felonies; the feveral Kinds
whereof I fhall not need particularly to enumerate and ex-
plain, they being not the proper Bufinefs of this Court:
The other Sert are venial, or fineable Offences. Some other
Things
}
of LETTER S.
71
Things I fhall briefly run over, and only name them, they
being most frequent and epidemical Vices of this Country,
too well known among us.
You are impartially to prefent all fuch as are guilty of,
1. Profaning the Sabbath, by keeping Fairs and Markets,
by manual Labour, by Plays, haunting Taverns and Ale-
houſes.
2. Curfers, and common Swearers.
3. Common turbulent Drunkards.
4. Common Adulterers.
5. Fornicators.
6. Keepers of common Gaming-houſes, and common
Gamefters.
7. Alehouſe-keepers, that keep Miſorder in their Houſes.
8. Plowing by the Tail.
9. Pulling the Wool off living Sheep.
10. Burning of Corn in the Straw.
11. Selling of Wine, Ale, or any other Liquor, in any
Town franchiſed, by Meaſures not fealed.
12. Cofherers, and idle Wanderers, &c.
I have now only one thing to mind you of, as a general
Caution to you in your Prefentments: That in thoſe you
make, you do fet down a Certainty of the Perfons prefented,
with the Time, and Place, and Manner of the Fact: Otherwiſe
Jet the Matter be what it will, for which you do prefent any
Man, your Prefentment may become void, and of little or no
Effect: For Defect in the manner of making it, and fetting
it down, will make it void.
Now, Gentlemen, proceed to your Bufinefs; and let your
Skill and better Judgment fupply in your Prefentments, what-
foever Defects you have diſcovered in the Charge, and in
me the Deliverer of it, whom my Brethren have defired to
perform this Task, as being the leaft able, and only a Proba-
tioner in the Place.
At
72
A COLLECTION
At the re-aſſembling of the Parliament, at Chi-
chefter Houſe, Oct. 26th, 1665.
Mr. SPEAKER,
THE many repeated Prorogations of this preſent Parlia-
ment are plain and convincing Arguments, how great
an Eftcem and Favour our Sovereign Lord the King doth re-
tain for us; that he hath not only a Confidence in our Inte-
grity, but fome Opinion of our Ability and Readineſs to ſerve
him; elfe he might with the fame Breath have diffolved us,
with which he hath fo often prorogued us: The Confideration
whereof ought in good Reafon to excite our Gratitude, as
well as Induſtry, to promote his Honour and Advantage by
all Ways imaginable. But, alas! how fhall we contrive the
Settlement of the Kingdom, who are reported to have con-
tributed to its Ruin? How fhall we be the Authors of
wholfome Laws, and eſtabliſh the common Quiet, when
fome of ourſelves have endeavoured its Subverfion, and to
deface the very Form of Government? To ſpeak plainly and
briefly; although it be not conſonant to the Rules of Logic,
in all Cafes, to denominate the Whole from a Part; yet
we are ſo unfortunate to lie under the Scandal of an horrid
and unnatural Plot, becauſe fome Members of this Houſe
have apoſtatized into their accuſtomed Treaſon. I know, to
fome of them the Ax hath been applied; to others, the Scep-
tre of Mercy hath been held out; and as we admire the King's
Clemency, fo we fubmit to his Pleaſure: But fhall I be bold
to ſay, though the King hath pardoned them, the Parliament
hath not? Mr. Speaker, we are Judges of our own Mem-
bers, and have an innate Power to cenfure and puniſh them:
We are one united Body; and there cannot be a Fefter, or
Gangrene,
+
1
of LETTER S.
73
Gangrene in any Member, but the whole Body muſt ſuffer
by it; and cannot continue in a State of Health, till by in-
ward Purging, or outward Amputation, it be delivered
from that which offends it. The End of my Motion is this,
that we do immediately iffue a Declaration to the World,
teſtifying our utter Abhorrence and Deteftation of that ac-
curfed Plot, and of the Joy and Honour we receive, from
the Prudence and Vigilance of that moft excellent Perfon,
who, under his Sacred Majefty, governs this Kingdom; and
in the mean time, that it be ordered, that fuch of our
Members, as have had any Hand in that abominable Plot, be
expelled the Houſe, and voted uncapable to ferve again in
this, or any future Parliament. For my own Part, I fhall
not adventure to come any more under this Roof, till the
Houſe be ſwept and aired, and the Guests fecured from the
Venom of thefe Serpents, that have crept in among us.
At a General Seffion of the Peace at Derry,
Oct. 14th, 1668.
Gentlemen,
IT
T hath pleaſed my Brethren of the Bench, to impoſe this
Task upon me, which I ingeniouſly profeſs myſelf utterly
uncapable to difcharge, unlefs fupported by their Favor,
and your good Opinion. And as I know they defign it for my
Advantage, to improve me by this Trial, fo I hope both they
and you will indulge me a Pardon for what Failings or Mif-
takes my Weaknefs, and Want of Experience, may render
me obnoxious to.
Gentlemen, you are the Body of the Country, the Fami-
lies and Perſons of the Country at large, epitonized, and re-
preſented in a ſmall Number: You are the grand Eyes to
L
range
7+
ACOLLECTION
range to and fro the Land, to diſcover what is fit to be done,
what is fit to be amended: You are (I will not ſay the great
Ears of the Country, left it might feem a Reflection, but you
are) thoſe who ought to liſten and hear, where the Poor are
oppreffed, your Neighbours injured, and the King's Peace in-
fringed: You are the general Mouths: You ought to tell, and
difclofe, whatever you know prejudicial to the Honour of
the King, and Safety of the People, and to prefent what you
conceive may tend to, or prove, pro Bono Publico. I cannot
fet before you a more clear and comprehenfive Mirrour of
your Charge, and the Bufinefs you come about, than in the
Words of the most antient and moſt excellent Law, made
in the 3 E. I. commonly called the Statute of Weft.
Imprimis, Rex vult & præcipit, quod Pax Sacro fancte
Ecclefiæ & Terra folidè cuftodiatur & confervetur in om-
nibus; quodque Fuftitia fingulis, tam Pauperibus quam Di-
vitibus adminiftretur, nullâ habitâ Perfonarum Ratione. If
I were to speak to Novices, and Men unexperienced, it
would take up the whole Day, to comment upon cach Word
of this golden Law; but to Men of ſuch Knowlege, and
fuch Practice, it is enough to name the Text.
I.
Gentlemen, remember it is the King's, Will and Command,
that the Peace of the Church, and of the Land, be preferved:
If you will fhew yourfelves good and obedient Subjects,
then you arc to preſent,
1. Such as ufc other Forms of Prayer, or Adminiſtration
of Sacraments, than what is prefcribed by the Stat. 1 Eliz.
and the late A&.
2. Such as neglect to repair to the Church, to hear divine
Service on Sundays and Holidays, &c.
Finally, Whatſoever is perpetrated derogatory to the Ho-
nour of God, and the King; and tending to the Diſturb-
3
ance
of LETTER S.
75
ance of Peace, and the common Good: What foever is
omitted, that actually is a Duty incumbent, or confequently
and collaterally may be of Advantage to thePublic.
But what am I doing! Inftructing thofe, whofe Under-
ſtanding and Experience enable them with much more Rea-
fon to teach me: Methinks I run the Fate of a young Proba-
tioner to the Pulpits, who preacheth ad tentandum; to whom
the learned Auditory liften, not expecting to be taught, but
obferving what he hath learned. I fhall not interrupt the
Buſineſs of the Day by any longer Difcourfe: Go together:
God Almighty, and a good Conſcience, direct you.
At a General Seffion of the Peace at Derry,
Jan. 19. 1668.
Gentlemen,
IT
T is the Honour, and it is the Happineſs, of this Kingdom
wherein we live, to be guided and governed by the
common and municipal Laws of our Mother Kingdom of
England. It fpeaks the Goodness and Providence of the great
Governor of the World, to difpofe the Hearts of thoſe that
conquered this Land, to leave no Marks or Brands of Slavery
upon it, nor to expoſe it to thoſe Inconveniencies, to which a
fubdued Nation is ufually obnoxious. It might have pleafed
the famous Henry II. (who first conquered this Land) to intro-
duce a Form of Government, fhaped and modelized by his
own Will and Invention, to have kept us fettered in the uneafy
Chains of Tyranny, and to fubject us to the uncertain and
unequal Dictates of an arbitrary Power: He might have left
us groveling in the Cimmerian Darkness of Irish Ignorance,
and diftracted with the brutifh and irrational Cuftoms of Ta-
niſtry.
L 2
76
A COLLECTION
nistry. But, to the contrary, more like a Father, than a
Conqueror of this Country, he caufed that antient and fa-
mous Treatife, intituled, Modus tenendi Parliamentum, to
be tranſcribed fairly in Parchment, and fent into Ireland for
their Direction. By this means, and by the Promulgation of
the Common Law, the Nation hath by degrees been civi-
lized, and the opprobrious Nickname of wild Irish utterly
worn out, and extinguifhed.
To give you particular Inftances of the Principles of our
Laws, to fhew their clear and genuine Deduction from the Law
of Nature and Reafon, their Harmony and Agreement with the
Civil Law, which is the Law of Nations, were to take up your
Time in a theoretical Difcourfe, which will more profitably be
employed in a Confideration of fuch Rules as the Wiſdom of
our Anceſtors hath prefcribed, to prevent and cure thofe Dif
tempers, with which the Frailty and licentious Humour of
Mankind is too-too pregnant. Give me Leave only to of
fer this One thing to your Obfervation, That the fame Law,
which is a Bridle to the People, is a Limit to the King; that
as the Crown is his Inheritance, fo the Law is ours; that we
are bound by Allegiance, and the King by his Honour and
Promiſe, to maintain the Laws; whereby fo equal and even
a Road is chalked out between Liberty and Tyranny, that
no People under Heaven, can pretend to fo happy a Conftitu-
tion. This is well remembred, and fummed up, in 19 H. VI.
f. 62. that the Law is the moft high Inheritance of the
Realm, by which the King, and all his Subjects, are governed;
and that if the Law were not, there would neither be King
nor Inheritance; for to out-run the Law, is to hafte to Con-
fufion.
Gentlemen, the End and Errand of our affembling here,
at this time, is, to hear, and take Notice of, all Offences and
Tranf
of LETTER S.
777
Tranfgreffions of the Law, our Fence and Fortreſs againſt
Ruin and Confufion; to redrefs and puniſh fuch Faults, as by
our Commiffion we are enabled ; and to tranfmit Crimes of a
deeper Dye to the Cenfure of a fuperior Judicature. But we
can do little ourſelves; every Member of the Political Body
hath his peculiar Office and Function; and you, Gentlemen,
are the grand Intelligencers, who, from the feveral Corners
of the County, have collected an Account of ſuch things,
as are proper to be prefented to our Cognizance and De-
cifion.
I fhall not retard you by a longer Preface, nor perplex you
with the Nicety of Diftinctions and Subdivifions, which the
copious Matter of the Laws doth abound with, and the too
curious and logical Heads of the Lawyers have invented and
contrived. I fhall only give you the plain and general Divi-
fion of our Laws into ecclefiaftical, and civil. A Jove prin-
cipium: We will begin with the Church. As fhe is our com-
mon Mother, fo let us, like true Sons of the Church, advance
her Honour, confult her Profit, and obviate all fuch things
as may promote Schiſm and Diſunion; elfe are we Baftards,
and not Sons. The two Paps of our indulgent Mother,
from whence we daily fuck our fpiritual Nouriſhment, are
Doctrine and Difcipline. Therefore you are to prefent,
All Offences and Mifdemeanors that tend to the Church's
Prejudice in either respect, &c.
Gentlemen, I fhall trouble you no farther, only to add
this Caution and Counfel; That you will feriously confider
and remember your Oath, that the Frequency, and cuftomary
Repetition of this Employment may not abufe your Un-
derſtandings, by a flight, formal, and perfunctory Perform-
ance of it: Remember the Articles given you in Charge;
and remember, you have fworn to remember them: Con-
ccal
198
A COLLECTION
ceal not your own Knowlege, neither reveal the Counſel of
your Fellows: Be not led by Fame only, neither refufe a
credible Teſtimony: You are only to make Informations,
and not to try Iſſues; and therefore that may warrant a Pre-
fentment, which will not juſtify a Tryal: Ufe no Reſerva-
tions in your Mind, nor make Repofitories in your Con-
fcience (as poffibly fome, in Simplicity, may do, intending
fuch Preſentments and Diſcoveries for the Affizes): But
you muſt know, though this Court may not determine, it
may hear all Offences, from Treaſon to Trefpafs: And
though he that conceals Felony, cannot be accufed for it,
without his own Diſcovery, yet he is condemned for it in
his own Breaſt, and his own Remembrance fhall one Day
witneſs againſt him.
God Almighty, and a good Confcience, direct you.
At a General Seffion of the Peace at Londonderry,
Apr. 22d, 1669.
Gentlemen,
F we believe Him, who is Truth itfelf (whofe Doctrine
ſtands not in Need of the frail Approbation of Schools
and Councils, to make it authentic, but repelleth all the
Darts of Contradiction, by the fole Authority of the
Speaker; that defcendeth not in the muddy Drops of un-
certain Sciences, and vain Philofophy, but diffufeth itfelf
through the dry Furrows of our Underſtanding, in a Stream
clear and pure, as the Fountain from whence it ariſeth), it is
impoffible but that Offences will come: And if we confult
the Records of our own Memory and Experience, we fhall
find it imprinted in Characters too plain and legible, that
this is the impulfive Cauſe of the Severity of our Laws,
and
of LETTER S.
79
•
aud Multiplicity of Statutes: Hence arifeth the Variety of
Judicatories among us: Hence it cometh, that fo many
Judges, and fo many Courts, are here eſtabliſhed, that
the Judgment-feat is hardly fuffered to be cool; that the
Seffion-houſe is worn bare, by the Trampling of the
Suitors; when, in the mean time, the Church is filmed with
Mouldinefs, by the Unfrequency of treading in it.
And as thofe glorious and brave People of Rome, in the
Infancy of their Dominion, were fufficiently bridled, only by
the Laws of Numa Pompilius; but afterwards, growing luxu-
riant in all Vices, to which a Nation proud, rich, and victorious,
may be obnoxious, there appeared a Neceflity of appoint-
ing Confuls, Proconfuls, Prætors, Tribunes, Cenfors, Ponti-
fices, and many other Officers; and all too little to reſtrain
the exorbitant Paffions of Men, or prevent the plentiful
Production of new-fafhioned Prevarications: So we (when
as the Innocency of our Forefathers required no more than
the Alderman, or Earl of the County, the Leets, and the
Sheriffs Turn); we, I fay, are fo witty in finning, fo inge-
nious in the Contrivance of new Tranfgreflions, and, like
the Sands of Africa, continually producing new-shaped
Monsters of Iniquity; that the Parliament, the Council-ta-
ble, the Four Courts, Two general Affizes, Four Quarter-Sef-
fions, Courts baron, and Leets fans Stent, Courts of Admi-
ralty, and Spiritual Courts, are all bufily employed in the
Puniſhment and Reformation of Enormities, and deciding
Controverfics, by Decrees, Judgments, and Fincs, which
the Stubbornefs of the Parties will not fuffer to be other-
wife accommodated: And, by this means, we daily behold
fome infignificant Officers fwell, like the Horfe-leach, with
the corrupt Blood fucked from ill-gotten Eſtates, and unjuſt
Suits,
80
1
A COLLECTION
Suits, and thrive, and grow rich, by the Sin of the People.
We are forward and fertile in the Propagation (of Vice,
as Egypt is in the Plenty and Variety of Grain and Fruits;
and no fooner hath the Sun of a Goal-delivery; cleanſed our
Streets, deſtroyed the Vermin, and licked up the Dirt of our
Land, but our own Corruptions, like the Waters of Nile,
overflow us again, and cover us with the Slime and Mud of
perverſe Inclinations, which are exhaled in Meteors of Va-
nity, and deſcend again in Showers of Animofity and Envy ;
and fo the Seeds of Contention do nimbly grow and ſprout
up into a Harveft, ripe and ready for the Sickles of the next
Quarter-Seflion. The People, indeed, are the Authors and
Contrivers of their own Trouble, and, by the loud Clamour
of their Irregularities, do awaken Vengeance; while we,
who meet and fit here by the King's Commiffion, are moft
unwilling Difpenfels of this vindictive Juftice.
But, Gentlemen, you are a College of Phyficians; you muſt
view, and handle, and probe, the inward and outward Parts
of the politic Body; you must inquire, and find out, the Dif
tempers and Difeafes, and prefcribe Cures fit and convenient.
Therefore, if you perceive any choleric Fumes of Treaſon
or Rebellion,any unconcocted Cruditics of Herefy and Schifm,
to ariſe from the Body, and affault the Head, you muſt
diſcover it: You know the grand Influence the Head hath on
the Body; how all the Parts and Members of the one do
participate in the Diſorder of the other: Tell us, then, if
you find any malignant Vapours arifing, that we may fea-
fonably difpel or prevent them.
If you find any cauterized with the Devil's own Brand,
Treaſon againſt the Perfon or Crown of the King, or poffeffed
with the evil Spirit of Rebellion, or lunatic in hatching
their
of LETTER S.
81
their impious Thoughts into treaſonable Words; you muſt
prefent them.
If you know any Perfons poifoned with Athcifm, diftrac-
ted by a falſe Religion, or giddy by Nonconformity, refufing
to come to public Service eſtabliſhed by the King, and wan-
dering after a new-fangled Diſcipline, in the Idolatry of
their own Brains, either bowing the Knee to Baal, or not
giving Obedience to Chrift's Vicegerent; prefent them.
You are to prefent fuch as are transformed into Beafis,
by a common and habitual Debauchery of fwinifh Drunk-
cnefs, or goatith Luft; and fuch as do worſe than Beafts, in
murdering and deſtroying their own Specics.
Such as, by common Swearing, do fhew that their Tongue
is a sharp Sword; or, by common Curfing, difcover that the
Poifon of Afps is under their Lips.
Thofe, that by open Violence do invade their Neigh-
bour's Right, terrify or endamage his Perfon, or encroach
on, and ufurp, his Property, by Robbery, Burglary, Rape,
Burning of Houfes, Larceny, Riots, Routs, unlawful Af-
femblies, Affaults, Batteries, Bloodsheds, forcible Entries,
and Detainers, Refions, Diftreffes contraty to Law, Pound-
breaches, and all other kind of Felony or Trefpals.
Such as, by fecret and clandeftine Ways, do undermine
and fupplant their Brother, and fuck Advantage from
another's Detriment, and fet the Neighbourhood on Fire,
while they fit undifcerned behind the Curtain; as Maintain-
ers of Suits and Quarrels in Country and Court, Champer-
tores, and Embraccors, Extortioners, Ufurers beyond the
Statute, Foreftallers, Regrators, and Ingroffers, Bribers, and
Bribe-takers.
All litigious Perfons, that, like the Salamander, delight
to live in the Fire of Contention, as common Barretors,
and Eves-droppers.
M
Thoſe
82
A COLLECTION
Thoſe that make War againſt Heaven, and defy the
Searcher of Hearts, by the braffy Impudence of wilful Per-
jury; or that, with Lucifer, delighting to be damned for Com-
pany, do fuborn, encourage, or command, ignorant and
neceflitous Perſons to be perjured.
There are fome other Spots, difcoverable in our Horizon,
which are not obſerved in the general Map of the World;
I mean, fuch things as particular Statutes have forbidden, and
pronounced penal; as ftealing of Women under Age, Multi-
plication of Coin, Night-hunters in Parks, Relievers and
Harbourers of the King's Enemies, and proclaimed Rebels,
Counterfeiters of Tin, and Difperfers of falfe Money, rob-
bing of a Stall in a Fair or Market, Refcuing of Felons,
breaking of Priſon, voluntary Eſcapes in Gaolers, Confta-
bles, or the like.
Polygamy, ufing of falfe Weights and Meafures, felling
unwholſome Meats or Drink, Confpiracy in Tradeſmen,
Labourers, and Servants, Plowing by the Tail, Cofherers,
and idle Wanderers, ufing the Irish Apparel, and not
ufing the English Habit and Language, deftroying Fish out
of Seafon, Neglects of Conftables in fetting, and of the
People in keeping Watch and Ward.
But, Gentlemen, let not your Employment be only to rake
into the Converfation, and fift the Actions, of other Men; let
your Prudence, and Care of your Country, difpofe you to a
Confideration of the Public: You have Power and Opportu-
nity (for Eafter Seffion is the Time principally pointed at
by the Law); and therefore prefent all Defects of and in
Bridges, Cauſeways, Toghers, and Highways; and what elfe
your own Obfervation and Experience may fuggeft to be
added, abolished, or amended, as tending to the Honour of
the King, and the Profperity of the People.
I
of LETTER S.
83
I have now only Two things to trouble you with: One is
an old Law, the other a new: One about Servants; the
other about Work: One about faving your Money; the
other about laying it out well: But both for the common
Good and Advantage of all. The firft is concerning Servants;
that you will fet down a Rate to be paid to Servants,
Labourers, and Artificers, with respect had to the Scarcity
of Money, and general Poverty: Gentlemen, I muſt re-
commend this to your Confideration effectually: Cheapnefs
of Bread hardeneth fome Men in their Idleness, and Excefs
of Wages makes the Servant defpife the Mafter; and he that
holds the Plough is in a better Cafe, at the Year's End, than
he that owns it: The Shepherd is now become the Wolf,
that devours the Flock: The Labourers and Servants are the
ill Winds that blaft the Corn in the Field, or elfe the Vermin
that deftroy it in the Barn; and the poor Husbandman, like
Acteon, is caten up by his own Followers. The other thing
is, the Linen Manufacture; a Law as yet new and ftrange, but
Uſage will make it familiar, and will prove it to be inge-
niouſly contrived to advance Trade, and to fet unemployed
People on Work: What a Credit will it be for our Country,
that where heretofore the Tyrian Silk, and the fine Linen
of Egypt, had the Reputation through the World, now the
fine Linen of Ireland thall carry the Bell? Hollands, Cam-
bricks, and Calicuts, fhall now be turned to the Dreffer-cloths,
and difpofed to the meaner Ufes of the Kitchen; while Irish
Linen fhall be advanced to the Court, and have the Honour
to enwrap the delicate Bodies of Queens and Ladies: Here
you fhall fee Women contend, and yet not hear them; you
fhall fee Ladies ftriving (not who fhall go foremost, or who
fhall be dreffed fiueſt, but) who ſhall pin the fineſt Thread,
or weave the fineſt Web, and return with Profit and Accla-
mation,
M 2
84
A COLLECTION
mation, as from the Olympic Games; and our Daughters
fhall account it an Honour, and not a Blemish, to be styled
Spinfters. Contrive therefore fome equal and ſpeedy Courſe,
to raiſe the Twenty Pound, defigned by the Statute, for that
Ufc.
Gentlemen, I will not tire you: I have difcourfed, not
out of a Vanity to teach or inftruct you, but only out of a
Deſign to entertain you. Men fo acquainted with Bufi-
neſs, and ſo verſed as you are in the Mystery of a Grand Jury,
are able, from the Logic of your own Experience, to inform
and teach the Bench: Men of fuch good Principles, and un-
ftained Confciences, are able to read Lectures of Divinity to
one another. Wherefore I fhall only charge you to remem-
ber your Charge, and to finish your Task without
Task without any mali-
cious Reflection, becauſe of Hatred or Revenge; or any
partial Refervation, by reafon of Kindnefs, and particular
Engagements.
God and a good Confcience direct you.
At a General Seffion of the Peace at Londonderry,
July 14. 1674.
Gentlemen,
IT
T was the Saying of Plato, that divine Philofopher, that
that City or Commonwealth was moft unhappy, where
LAWYERS and PHYSICIANS did thrive, and grow rich:
This was not faid to derogate from the Reputation of thofe Two
fo nec fary and honourable Profeffions, but, as in a Mirrour,
to repreſent the frail Condition of mortal Men: One Man
cannot grow great, without the Diminution of another; and
they that contribute to the Health of our Bodies, and the
Securiry
of LETTER S.
85
Security of our Eftates, do grow, and reap Advantages from
the Sins and Infirmities of their Brethren. Certainly there
is no Inftance more convincing, nor Proof more pregnant,
of the general and incurable Prevarication of human Nature,
than to observe, that with the frequent Return of thefe pub-
lic Meetings, at Aflizes and Seflions, there is as conftant a
Return of Matter and Occafions to exercife the punitive
Power committed to our Hands by the Laws of the Land.
But in many things we offend all (fays that great Preacher
of Charity); and it is wonderful, that neither our own Pre-
judice, nor the Examples of our Neighbours, can prevent
thofe Exorbitances, which are the Effects of our Paflion, and
our wilful Tranfgreffion of the pofitive Laws of God and
the King.
Gentlemen, you are called here, to probe and ſearch into
the fecret and unfeen Parts of the Body: You are not, out of
Affection, to caft a Cloak of Excufe on the Nakednefs of
your Father, nor maliciouſly to publiſh the Shame of your
Brother: But, with a religious Obedience to the Laws you
live under, and a confcientious Care of the Oath you have
taken, you are, without Paffion or Refervation, indifferently
to prefent,
Such Perfons, as are bewitched by Rebellion; that by
Word or Deed do act, or threaten, or confpire, againſt the
facred Perfon of the King, or to overthrow the eſtabliſhed
Laws of the Land: We are not enflaved under the Tyranny
(that fometimes our Forefathers were) not to know what
Treaſon is till it be committed: The Laws are plain; the Sta-
tutes are public; and the many Explanations you have heard,
in Charges given at this Place, do fufficiently inftruct you
in the feveral Branches and Degrees of Treafon.
You
86
A COLLECTION
You are Men, not only of a Chriftian Profeflion, but
guided with Knowlege: You understand your Duty to God,
as well as your Neighbour: And therefore it were but time
ſpent in vain, to enumerate the feveral Articles, which may
adminiſter Matter to your Prefentments; otherwiſe I ſhould
mind you, that you are to prefent, &c.
Let me eſpecially recommend two things to your Confi-
deration: Let me conjure you, as you tender the Peace of
your Confcience, and the Security of your Lives and For-
tunes, that you be not remifs in it; that is, to prefent,
All Relievers and Harbourers of the Kings Enemies, To-
rics, and proclaimed Rebels.
All fuch Conftables as refufe or neglect to fet, and fuch
People as refufe to keep Watch and Ward.
Confider how neceffary it is to a Thief to have a Receiver;
that, without it, his Thievery would be as unprofitable, as it
is impious: Do by them, as you do by the Wolves; raife
the Cry, fuffer them not to reft or neftle in the planted
Country, and they will foon flarve upon the Moun-
tains. He that relieves a proclaimed Rebel, is not only
guilty of his Treafon, but acceffory to the Blood and Spoil
of his Neighbours; and he that neglects to watch in his Turn
and Order, is not only an accidental Caufe of the Mifchief
of his Country, but a fupine and fluggish Contemner of
Authority, and juftly to be accufed of Mifprifion.
I have here in my Hand a ſeaſonable Inftance of the
Goodness, Prudence, and Care, of the King's Lieutenant:
It is to prevent Corruption in Sheriffs, and public Officers, and
the extorting exorbitant Fees: It is not to encourage Men in
Broils, or to perfuade them to fin,becauſe they may be queftion-
ed for it more cheaply; but it is to hearten honeſt Men in a
juft Defence, and to fecure them against malicious Profecutors,
I
that
of LETTER S.
87
that ſo they may not, when they are upon the Rack of a
Traverſe, tamely fubmit, and confefs a Guilt, only to avoid
the Torture. This will obviate the greedy, revengeful, and
knaviſh Deſigns of Bailiffs; a Generation of Vipers, that
overfpread the Country, and are become one of the greateſt
Nuifances to the People: My Ears are hot with the Complaints
of the Poor. Nothing fo formidable as a Bailiff; the Land-
lord, and the Juftice of the Peace, ftrike not half fo much Awe
on the Country, as a paltry Fellow with a white Stick:
And the Reafon hath been this, that if his Mouth be not
ftopt with Meal and Bribes, then the poor Man ſhall be pre-
fented, and vexed, and utterly ruined, before he can efcape
the terrible Inquifition of an Affizes or Seffion: Nay, I am
confident, that most of thofe poor unfortunate Men that now
are Tories, and ſtand upon their keeping, have been forced to it
by the Terror of a Capias, and the Impoflibility to diſcharge
the overgrown Bulk of Fees demanded by Sheriffs, Clerks,
and Bailiffs. You have now a Remedy offered: If hereafter
you ſuffer your Blood to be fucked by ſuch Horſe-leaches, let
no Man pity you, if you perifh by a Confumption.
I have but one thing more to mind you of; which is now
become the epidemical Diſeaſe of the Country: And that is,
the overspreading Canker of Foreftallers, Ingroffers, and
Regrators: A fort of Men, that are the Bane and Destruction
of a Commonwealth; that endevor to enrich themfelves
by the Impoverishment of others, and reſpect not how many
do lofe, fo they do gain; that run counter to Providence,
and, when the Windows of Heaven are opened, and all
things neceffary for our Suftenance difpenfed with a liberal
Hand, they gather it into Corners, and lock it up in
their Cheſts, and bring it forth with no Purpoſe to relieve
the Poor, or fill the Hungry; but only to gratify their own
infatiable
88
A COLLECTION
infatiable Covetoufnefs. I fhall tell you what they are;
and pray do you tell us who they are.
Foreftallers are, properly, fuch as buy Wares, Merchandize,
Corn, Grain, and other falcable Things, before they are
brought to Markets and Fairs to be fold:
Ingroffers are fuch as have Corn, Grain, and other Things,
fufficient for Suftenance and Profit; and yet do ingrofs, and
buy into their own Hands, more Corn, and other Things,
to fell the fame again at more high Prices, in Fairs, Markets,
or elſewhere:
Regrators are fuch, who buy Victual, Corn, or other Things,
to the Intent to fell the fame again at a greater Price at Fair,
Market, or other Place whatſoever.
-
To fhew what Harm and Inconvenience arifeth from fuch
Men to the common Good, I will not confult the Chronicles,
or call to Witneſs the Records, of paſt Ages: This prefent
Time is a fenfible Inftance of the Effects of it, when fo many are
reduced to a Morfel of Bread; nay, many fo unacquainted
with the Taste of Bread, that they have forgot the Ufe of
their Teeth; and very many, that formerly could entertain
Strangers, are now begging from Door to Door; and Fa-
mine and Death are to be ſeen, in vifible Characters, in the
Faces of the Poor. And had this proceeded immediately
from Divine Vengeance, and that the Scarcity of Provifion
had arifen directly from the Want of it, it had been fupport-
able: But, praiſed be God! there is a fufficient Store of
Corn and Grain among us, to fuftain us, and our Neighbours,
could it be drawn out from the greedy Clutches of thoſe
ravenous Ingroffers. They have been exclaimed on (faith
Pulton), and condemned in Parliament, from one Genera-
tion to another, as appeareth by the feveral Statutes made in
the Reign of H. III. E. I. E. III. R. II. and others. Nullus
For-
of LETTER S.
89
Fortſtellarius in villâ patiatur morari (faith the Statute of
34 E. I.), qui pauperum fit depreffor manifeftè, & totius
communitatis & patriæ publicus inimicus, &c. Nay, the
Act and Name of a Foreftaller were fo odious in old time,
that it was moved in Parliament to have it eſtabliſhed by
Law, that a Foreftaller ſhould be baited out of the Town
where he dwelt by Dogs, and whipped forth with Whips.
The Statute of 51 H.III. bids to inquire of Foreftallers, that
buy any thing before the due and accuſtomed Hour, againſt
the good State and Weal of the Town and Market; or that
pafs out of the Town, to meet fuch Things as come to
Market, being out of Town, to the Intent that they may
fell the fame in the Town more dear unto Regrators, that
utter it more dear than they would that brought it, in caſe
they had come to the Town or Market. And, Gentlemen,
you fhall find, that by the Difufe of the antient Cuſtom (ufed
in all Places in England and Ireland, except this County, and
hereabout) to buy and fell in the open Market, all this
Miſchief is come upon us: And, were the Law carefully put
in Practice (as we of the Bench are firmly refolved, on our
Parts, ftrictly to look to it hereafter), that nothing be fold
in Houſes or Corners, but in the Market, there will be no
more Murmuring or Complaining in our Streets; there will
be no more Abufes in felling of unwholfome Victuals, or
uttering it by falfe Meafures; there fhall be no more Lime
mingled with Meal, nor fhall the Miller (as the Devil did to
our Saviour) command his Stones to be made Bread. Gen-
tlemen, I have given you Warning: Do not fpare to diſcover
all Tranfgreffors in this kind, left, by your partial Conceal-
ment, you make yourſelves Partakers in thefe Mens Sins, and
become acceffary to the Death of poor People, and the De-
ftruction of their Families: Which God avert, and direct you.
N
At
90
A COLLECTION
At a General Seffion of the Peace at Londonderry,
July 15. 1679.
Gentlemen,
Without Reflection upon the Perfon or Actions of any
Man abſent, I cannot but, with much Joy and Satiſ
faction, take Notice of the great Confluence of People at
this Seffion, and congratulate the full Appearance on this
Bench; where the Emptiness, for divers Years paſt, hath
adminiftred Occafion to ill-difpofed People to prevaricate
the Laws, on Prefumption of their Impunity; and to our
Neighbours, to conclude a Difagreement among us, from
the Obſervation of our not meeting together: While the
Jarring of the Juſtices begat a Difeftcem of their Authority,
and the General Seffion of the Peace became lefs frequented
with Suitors, and lefs exerciſed with Buſineſs, than the
meanest Leet, or Court of Pipowders. May the factious
and turbulent Humours of fuch as delight in Contention
never more appear in this Place! May the Union and Con-
cord between this City and County never again be interrupt-
ed by the crooked and covetous Defigns of any paſſionate
Men, who, by arrogating to themſelves a peculiar Privilege,
or fomenting any Fewd in or between Town and Country,
may embroil us in Controverfies, Difputes, and Animofities!
But may we all chearfully and unanimoufly club our Endea-
vours to maintain the King's Prerogative, the Subjects Li-
berty, and the free Current of the Law; and purfue all Op-
portunities that may tend to our common Good and Advan-
tage. To promote which, you must deliberately confider,
and impartially Prefent, all Tranfgreffions of the Common
or Statute Laws of this Land, and offer fuch feaſonable Pro-
pofals,
of LETTER S.
91
poſals, as may rationally conduce to the Remedy of paſt Evils,
and the Prevention of future Inconveniencies. And though
Crimes of the deepeſt Dye, as Treafon and Felony, are not
under the Cognizance and Judgment of this Court; yet it
is juft and neceffary for you to prefent all Offences of that
Nature, that they may be tranfmitted thither, where they
are more properly determinable. We are a College of Phy-
ficians, enabled to apply Cures and Correctives to the feve-
ral Distempers of the Body Politic: You are the minifterial
Officers, who tho' you may not diffect and mangle, yet it is
your Duty to handle, fearch, and diſcover, the peccant Hu-
mours, the latent Diſorders, and dangerous Symptoms, of
the common Body.
To pursue the Allegory in the regular Method of Anatomy;
you must begin with the Head: If you do find any Phrenfy,
occafioned by rebellious and treaſonable Humours lodged in
the Brain, or any Megrim, proceeding from fanatic and
fchifmatical Fumes; or any Lethargy, arifing from a fupine
and careless Neglect of their incumbent Duties in Sheriffs,
Bailiffs, Conftables, and other Officers; give us an Account
of it.
If you find any Tongues blackened with Blafphemy; dif-
coloured with Slander, Backbiting, or common Scolding;
fwell'd with Lyes, and fpreading of falfe News; inflamed
with treaſonable Difcourfes; fpeckled with Affidavits, Per-
jury, and Subordination; or cauterized with Barretry, Main-
tenance, Champerty, and Embracery; difcover it.
If you find the Palate corrupted by inordinate Gluttony,
or habitual Drunkennefs; the Eyes diftorted by luftful long-
ing after what is forbidden by the Law of God and Nature; or
bloodſhot by malicious Contrivances; the Ears deafened by
Eaves-dropping, Hearing of Mafs, or other Forms of Service
N 2
than
92
A COLLECTION
than what is preſcribed by the Statutes; the Feet furbated,
by going to Places prohibited, for the Satisfaction of the
Senfes, or not allowed for the Service of the Soul; by
forcible Entry into other Mens Poffeffions; by Cofhering,
and idle wandering; by ftraying into Riots, Routs, and
unlawful Affemblies; let us know it.
If you find any Hands imbrued in Blood; ftained with Fe-
lony, or Petit-Larceny; defiled with Bribery, Forgery, Ex-
tortion, or Oppreflion; hardened with Affaults, Batteries,
Bloodsheds, or Mayhems; tainted with Counterfeiting, Clip-
ping, or Waſhing of true, or Difperfing of falfe Money; pol-
luted with ufing falfe Weights and Meafures, with uttering
unwholfome Meat or Drink; tanned with plowing by the
Tail, pulling Wool off living Sheep, burning of Corn in
the Straw, deftroying Fifh, or Fry of Fish (either in Seaſon,
without a legal Property, or with unlawful Engines, or out
of Seafon by any means whatſoever); fattened by receiving
of Tories and Rebels; brawned by Refcous of Felons, or Di-
ftreffes lawfully taken, or by taking Diftreffes contrary to
Law; fullied by taking of Ufury above the Statute; or
branded by Foreftalling, Regrating, or Engroffing; if you
know any fuch Mifufe of fo uſeful a Member, declare it.
When you have made this ftrict and diligent Inquifition,
and preſented to our View fuch accidental Deformities, or
inward Maladies, as you fhall obferve; then call to Remem-
brance all Nufances in Highways or public Streets, all De-
fects in, or Want of, Bridges, Cauſeways, or Toghers; that
the King's Service be not retarded, nor the public Weal en-
damaged, by things fo eafy to be remedied.
And now, Gentlemen, let me beg of you, that my Dif
courfe may not run the ordinary Fate of Sermons, to be
forgotten as ſoon as it is delivered; but let us fee the Effects
of
of LETTER S.
93
of this Counſel rebound upon us by the liberal and candid
Return of your Prefentments; taking this Caution, that,
in the fetting of them down, you remember the Circum-
ftances of Names, Additions, Time, and Place, as well as the
Subſtance of the Fact; that your Labour be not fruſtrated by
the Uncertainty of the Expreffion. So God direct you.
At a General Gaol-Delivery at Derry, Jan. 5th,
Gentlemen,
THE
1680.
HE Reaſon of our affembling here this Day does admi-
niſter to us an equal Occaſion of Gladness and Won-
der; reflecting in warm and fenfible Acknowlegements of
Duty and Gratitude to our Sovereign Lord the King, and to
his Vicegerent; and awakening in us an amazing Obferva-
tion of the prolific Nature of Evil; that the Body of our
Country fhould be fo exuberant in Maladies, as to neceflitate
fo frequent a Vifitation of the Phyfician. It is ftrange, that
the Pleaſure of Health, the Joy of Liberty, and the Satisfaction
of Eafe and Quiet, fhould not be Allectives fufficient to per-
fuade Men to ſuffer themſelves to live happily! that the Un-
cafinefs of Restraint, the Scandal of a Gaol, the difmal Con-
fequents of a long and clofe Impriſonment, a miferable Life,
and an ignominious Death, cannot prove Cautions forcible
enough to deter Men from repeating thofe Crimes, which
they daily behold the Object of vindictive Juftice! In Truth,
the Gaol of Derry ſeems to be but a great Inn, made for
the Reception, and daily Refort, of Strangers: The Rooms
are no fooner fwept, and the Lodgers departed, but the
Houſe is again filled, and the Chambers taken up, by new
Gucfts: They that come here Spectators of their Neigbours
Troubles,
94
A COLLECTION
Troubles, do feem to retain an unlucky Memory of the
Crime, and an utter Forgetfulneſs of the Puniſhment: They
ſeem to be in Love with perfecuted Vice, and perverſely bid
Defiance to the Law: So that you fhall often fee him, who,
at the laft Affizes, was an Auditor, at the next become an
Actor; he who, laſt time, was advanced to the Box as an Evi-
dence, or to the Gallery as a Juror, the next time you fhall
find him crammed into the Dock among the Criminals; as if
Men came to this Place, and liftened to the Tryals, not to take
Warning, but to take Example. And, fince the Variety of
Judicatories eſtabliſhed among us are thus eluded by the in-
vincible Stubbornness of defperate Offenders; fince the daily
Cenfures of the Ecclefiaftical Courts can operate nothing to-
ward an Amendment of Manners; fince the gentle Vifitation
of Four General Seffions in the Year cannot perfect a Reform-
ation; fince the more fevere Inquifition of Two General Af
fizes is not fufficient to cull out the Tranfgreffors; but that
the common Diftempers of the People remain fo tough, and
fo inveterate, that they will not be evacuated by any known
Practice or Application; we are obliged to have recourfe to
extraordinary Remedies upon fuch extraordinary Occafions.
And therefore, out of the King's fuperabundant Grace, and
by the Advice, and with the Confent, of that illuftrious Per-
ſon that governs the Kingdom, this Court is at this time con-
flituted and commanded: A Court that is not obnoxious to
the Imputation of Novelty; it bears Date with the eldeſt of
our written Laws, and vics Antiquity with any other Jurif
diction: And tho', in the Circumftance of this cafual Ap-
pointment, it may feem unuſual; yet it is a Court that we
are all well acquainted with; the Commiffion, Authority,
Power, and Proceeding, we have been accuftomed to twice
in the Year: And howſoever a Reſpect to this City, the Re-
queft
of LETTER S.
95
A
queft of the Magiftrates, the Hazard of the Sheriffs, and the
great Charge to the Country, were very prevalent Motives
to induce his Grace the Lord Lieutenant to appoint this Meet-
ing; yet I may freely and boldly fay, and affure you, that
the greatest Argument to incline him to it was his Charity
and Compaffion to the poor afflicted People in the Gaols,
whoſe Mifery he was unwilling to prorogue to the cuſtomary
Days of the Aflizes; and fo to double that Punishment which
their Crimes and Demerits may juftly challenge, by the Ag-
gravation of a fad and tedious Impriſonment.
You, Gentlemen, that are impanell'd to ſerve upon the
Grand Jury, are fo well acquainted with this fort of Buſineſs,
that it were altogether idle and fuperfluous in me to go about
to give you Inſtructions. Only take this brief Admonition:
Let no Affection, Acquaintance, or unneceffary Tenderness,
betray you into any unhandfome Partiality; let no Paffion,
Prepoffeflion, or ill-kindled Zeal, incite you to any inordi-
nate Sevctity: If, by Inquiry among yourfelves, or by In-
formation of others, you know of any capital Offences, as
Treafon, Felony, and other Crimes prohibited by Common-
Law, or Statute, and committed against the King's Crown
and Dignity; you are to make Prefentments of them: As
for Bridges, Highways, and fuch other Matters ufually given
in Charge, it is not your Concernment at this time: You
are to confider, and chant, upon fuch Indictments as come
before you; to repudiate fuch, with which, for their Uncer-
tainty, Inſufficiency, or Obfcurity, your Confcience is not
clearly fatisfied; and all others, where the Matter, Evidence,
and Circumſtances, do concur to the Informing of your Judg.
ment, to return to this Court, warranted by the Subſcription
of your Foreman; wherein we fhall proceed as Juftice re-
quires,
96
A COLLECTION
quires, and according to the Laws and Statutes of this King-
dom.
And fo God direct you.
I have one Word to ſpeak to the Sheriffs, and to you the
Gaoler. I have heard many Complaints, and I have been
fometime an Eye-witnefs, of the unreaſonable hard Ufage of
poor Wretches committed to Priſon, how they are, without
Pity or Diftinction, loaded with Irons; fo that there is no
Difference between him that commits Treafon, and him that
commits a Trefpafs, except in the Length or Weight of his
Bolts. You must know, that a Gaol is intended by the Law
ad cuftodiendum, non ad puniendum: It is to keep Priſoners
fafe, but not to torment them. If a Man be committed to
the House of Correction, it is his Puniſhment: If he be com-
mitted to Gaol, it is his Security, that he may be forthcoming.
when the Judge requires it. The old Law is expreſs to the
Point in theſe Words: "Of Prifoners, we will, that none
"fhall be put in Irons, but thoſe which ſhall be taken for
"Felony, or Trefpafs in Parks and Vivarges, or which be found
"in Arrearages upon Accounts: And we defend, that other-
"wife they fhall not be punifhed nor tormented." And in the
Old Mirror it is faid, "It is an Abufe, that Priſoners be charged
"with Irons, or put to any Pain, before they be attainted."
You have a fufficient Gaol, clofe Rooms, good Doors, and
ftrong Locks. There is no Neceffity to clap Irons upon any
that are committed for Offences under Felony.: Therefore
let me adviſe you henceforth to ufe more Moderation and
Mercy to poor diftreffed Chriftians.
At
of LETTER S.
97
a
At a General Seffion of the Peace for the County of
Londonderry, held at the City of Londonderry,
April 25th 1682.
; as
WE the Grand Jury of the County of Londonderry, be-
ing truly fenfible of his Majefty's Goodness and Indul-
gence to us, and eſpecially of the Felicity we enjoy under the
Government of his Grace the Lord Duke of Ormond
alfo of the dangerous Defigns and Machinations of open and
clandeftine Enemies against his Majefty's Prerogative, the
legal Succeffion to his Crown, and the Proteftant Religion
cſtabliſhed by Law in this Kingdom; dc Preſent, and humbly
defire, that the Juftices of the Peace, Gentlemen, and Free-
holders, in this County, will, by an Addrefs to be prefented
his Majeſty, exprefs their Inclinations and Refolutions on
that Account; and tranfinit it with all convenient Speed.
May it pleafe Your Moft Excellent Majesty,
We the Juftices of the Peace, Gentlemen, and Freeholders,
of the County of Londonderry, having, to our great Joy and
Satisfaction, taken Notice of the numerous Addreffes prefented
to your facred Hands from the feveral Counties and Boroughs
of your Majefty's native Kingdom of England (filled
with the moft tranfcendent Proteftations of Love and
Loyalty to your Sacred Perfon, and moft Illuftrious Family,
and an irreconcileable Abhorrence of all Combinations and
Confederacies againſt Prerogative, and the cftablished Reli-
gion); and obferving, with much Delight, and fome Emula-
tion, the juft and generous Proceedings of your Majefty's an-
tient Kingdom of Scotland, in afferting the Right, and
O
abetting
98
A COLLECTION
abetting the Intereft, of your Majefty's only Brother, and
apparent Heir; do religiously promise to prefevere in
this deliberate Refolution, that no Time, no Accident,
no Force, nor Artifice, fhall delude or fhake us in our im-
moveable Fidelity to our most excellent King, his Heirs
and Succeffors: That we fhall, with all Circumfpection and
Steadiness, endevor to avoid ſplitting cither on the Rock of
Popery, or the Bank of Fanaticifmm; but, by all the folemn
Infiances of Religion, Love, and Duty, promote the Honour
and Safety of your Majefty, and your lawful Succeffors, and
the Rights, Order, and Privileges, of the Church, and the
Religion by Law eftablifhed, fo long as we have Blood to
warm us, or Fect to move us, or Hands to defend us, or
Bread to feed us, or Money to maintain us.
Suffer us, Royal Sir, to encroach upon One Minute more
of your Patience: And becaufe we cannot, by the utmoft
Reach of Words, or in the fcanty Limits of this Paper,
fufficiently enumcrate the many Bleffings devolved on us,
by the Favour of Heaven, in your Majelly's miraculous Re-
ftauration, we prefume to offer our moft hearty and fubmif-
five Thanks to your Sacred Majefly, for the peculiar
Favour, and unexpreflible Happiness, your Majefty hath been
pleafed to vouchsafe us, and the whole Kingdom of Ireland, in
appointing his Grace the Lord Duke of Ormond (that unparal-
leled Example of firm and fteady Loyalty) to be your Majefty's
Vicegerent in this Kingdom; by whofe admirable Conduct,
Prudence, and Moderation, he hath kept us in an abfolute
Tranquillity, without exafperating any diffenting Parties into
a Mutiny, or difcouraging the truly loyal orthodox Proteft-
ants by the leaft Indifferency or Difregard to their Principles,
or a hazardous Indulgence to thoſe of a contrary Perſuaſion.
The
of LETTER S.
99
The following Speech was compofed by Sir Henry
Butler, upon an Apprehenfion of being chofen
Speaker of the House of Commons, and led to the
Chair.
Gentlemen,
IAM hurried into this Seat, by the kind Violence of your
Vote; and I find already a Miſt before my Eyes, and that
this elevating of me to a Place exalted above the Pitch of my
ordinary Converſation, will make my Head giddy, and bewray
that Weakneſs, which before lay diſguiſed under the common
Umbrage of Silence and Obfeurity. Some Papifts are of
Opinion, that a Cardinal (though of never fo exorbitant and
vicious a Life, yet) fo foon as he arrives at the Papacy,
Sanctitatem habet à Cathedrâ, he derives his Holincfs from
his Scat: I confefs I am not of ſo pliable a Faith, to believe
fuch miraculous Tranfmutations; I do not expect any rare
Qualitics to be infufed into me, by the fecret Influence of
this Chair; and ſo I remain ftill under an incurable Senſe of
my former Diſability. I know very well, how requiſite it is,
that the SPEAKER of fo honourable and fo judicious an Au-
ditory fhould be endowed with a general Learning, a folid
Judgment, a quick Apprehenfion, a profound Memory, a
charming Eloquence, and a plaufible Elocution: And I, re-
flecting on myſelf, under the Shamic of all the contrary De-
fects, cannot but renew my Petition to you, and that, by
your Favour and Leave, I may fue for a Difpenfation at the
KING'S Throne: But if that moft illuftrious Perfon who
governs this Kingdom, fhall become inflexible to my Request,
and fhall give the Deference to the Judgment of this Houfe
(as
O2
100
A COLLECTION
A
(as in all other Cafes, I am very confident, he will have juft
Reafon fo to do), I fhall with all Alacrity fubmit to his De-
cree, and furmounting the Impediments, which the Diffidence
of my poor Abilitics would object in the Way, I fhall em-
ploy my utmoft Endevors to ferve you, and exert all my Fa-
culties to content and pleaſe you: I will learn and practife
to deport myself with all poflible Fidelity, Secrecy, Courage,
and Moderation; to fpeak fuch things, and at fuch times,
as becometh the Mouth of fo renowned a Body. But once
more, before it be too late, let me beg of you to pitch upon
fome Graduate in this Science, and not to commit fo great a
Truſt to a mere Novice in the Art of Parliaments.
To the King's Moft Excellent Majefty,
The humble Addrefs of the Justices of the Peace,
and the Grand Jury, for the City and County of
Londonderry. At an Affixes, held for the faid
City and County, at Londonderry, Sept. 18.
1683.
May it pleaſe Your Sacred Majefty,
IT
T is not without fome Violence done to our Reaſon, that
we have confented to the fashionable Humour, of pre-
fenting an Addrefs to your Royal Hands. To make a folemn
Profeffion of our Duty and Fidelity, is but a needlefs Af-
ſertion of that, which admits of no Doubt: To make a
Prefent of our Lives and Fortunes, is but a niggardly Repe-
tition of what is already devoted to your Majefty's Service.
We do not intend a cenforious Reflection on the glowing
Zeal
3
*
}
of LETTER S.
ΙΟΙ
Zeal of our Fellow-Subjects, who, in carly and paffionate
Surprizes of Joy and Wonder, have congratulated your
Majeſty's Safety and Deliverance: We are only ambitious
to teftify to the World, that we are no Profelytes in Loyalty;
that thofe cffential Attributes, which conftitute a true Sub-
ject, are not affumed by Imitation and Practice, but are in-
herent in us, and connatural to us, as the other Faculties of
a rational Soul. Nevertheless, when we begin to confider
the late execrable and flagitious Enterprize of the worſt of
Men, againſt the best of Kings, we are confounded with
Shame, and overwhelmed with Sorrow: When we obſerve
the ftupendous Diſcovery of fo impious and cloſe a Deſign, we
ſtand amazed at the unwearied Care of Divine Providence in
this your Majefty's miraculous Efcape, and fecond Reſtauration ;
and our Hearts are rapt into fuch an Ecſtaſy of Rejoicing
and Exultation, as is utterly unconceivable and unut-
terable. Was it not enough, ye Monſters of Ingratitude!
was it not enough, that ye afpired to the democratical Rule
of his Majeſty's Dominions, but you muſt pave the Way to it
by the Blood of Kings and Princes? Muft the innocent King
fuffer for his Goodneſs and Juftice to his only Brother?
Muſt the loyal Duke die for his Fidelity and Affection to his
Sovereign? The intended Tragedy of the Roman Tyrant
(who wifhed, that all the People in Rome had but one Neck,
that fo at one Blow he might deftroy them) is acted over
again, and outdone, by the infatuated Zealots of Anarchy;
who, in the Attempt to affaflin your Majefty, and your
deareft Brother, did defign at one Stroke to cut off your
Majeſty's most illuftrious Family, to extinguifh a glorious
Monarchy,and to bring to Ruin and Confufion Three flouriſh-
ing Kingdoms. But bleſſed be the Lord of Hafts, who hath
given Victory to David his Servant, and delivered him from
his
102
A COLLECTION
his Enemies on every Side! As for us, who never had our
Hands lifted up against the Anointed of the Lord, nor our
Bloods tainted by the Rebellion of our Anceſtors; who never
imbibed any other Principles, than an intire and exact Sub-
miflion to our Superiors; we defy the Devil, and all his in-
carnate Inftruments, to pervert us from the even Path of
Loyalty and Allegiance, abhorring all fchifmatical Tenets,
and republican Maxims, and peremptorily refolving to exert
all our Abilities in the faithful Service of our King, his Heirs,
and lawful Succeffors, and to live and die under the moſt ad-
vantageous Character of,
May it please your Moft Excellent Majefty,
Your Majesty's most dutiful, most loyal,
and moſt faithful, Subjects and Servants.
{
At a General Seffion of the Peace for the County of
Londonderry, held at Londonderry, April the
29th, 1685.
Gentlemen,
WERE I to addrefs myself to Strangers, I fhould be
obliged, in my own Defence, to recapitulate and ex-
pound the Laws and Statutes now in Force; and, at the
fame time, to make an Apology for my Undertaking: But
I know you to be Men of good Understanding and Expe-
rience, and I believe you to be Men actuated by a Principle
of good Confcience: The one Qualification will enable you
to diſcharge your Truft, in a frict and diligent Inquiry into
all Matters committed to your Confideration; the other will
diſpoſe you to an effectual and impartial Performance of your
Duty,
of LETTER S.
103
Duty, under the feveral Cautions in the Oath which you have
now folemnly and publicly taken. This my Declaration, in
the Face of the Country, may juftly fuperfede my Labour in
explaining the Articles of your Charge, and inftructing you
in your Duty: Otherwife I plunge myſelf into the Neceflity
of this Dilemma; that I muft either appear fuperfluous in a
needlefs Harangue, or vain and complimental in my com-
mendation. Wherefore I fhall only, with much Brevity,
enumerate the ſeveral Heads of what you are to inquire into,
and not impoſe upon your Patience by the Toil of a Com-
ment, or extend my Difcourfe beyond the Decency of a
Preamble.
Tho' Treaſon and Felony are not cognizable here, nor
we competent Judges for the Tryal of fuch Offences; yet
your Commiffion is unlimited, and as large as at the Affizes;
and no Crime of that Nature ought to be unprefented, if
it fall within the Reach of your Inquiry.
Tho' in this Court we cannot indict, condemn, or punish
any Malefactors, who go into Rebellion, levy War, ftand
upon their Keeping, or feize on the King's Forts or Ammuni
tion, or go about to overthrow the established Laws of the
Land, or utter Words derogatory to the King's Crown, Go-
vernment, and Supremacy; who coin falfe Moncy, or clip
that which is good; who wilfully, confiderately, and of
prepenſed Malice, kill, and commit Murder; yet, if you
know of any fuch enormous Crimes acted, you are to Pre-
fent the Actors, their Abettors, Favourers, and Accomplices.
Tho' we have no Jurifdiction to try, or award Punishment
for, Witchcraft, Sorcery, Conjuration; or Inchantment; So-
domy, Polygamy, or Rape; for Burglary, Robbery, or Fe-
lony; for Homicide, Cutting out of Tongues, Putting out
of Eyes; Burning of Houfes, or Reeks of Corn; carrying
away
104
A COLLECTION
away a Woman againſt her Will; Stealing, Withdrawing, or
Avoiding, of Records; Breaking of Priſon, and voluntary
Efcape of Felons; Multiplication of Coin, unlawful Hunt-
ing in Parks or Warrens; Tranſportation of Silver, or Import-
ation of falfe Coin; Servants that embezzle their Maſters
Goods after their Deceaſe, Piracy, Grand and Petit Larceny,
Premunire, Confpiracy, and Mifprifion of Felony; yet, if
you Present any fuch Offences, we fhall award Procefs against
the Partics, and remand them to a higher Court.
But if, in the Range of your Inquiry, you find any Ma-
giftrates, or Perfons in judicial Offices, fmutted with Bribery ;.
if you know of any Extortion or Exaction in any Officers
or Miniſters of Juftice, Ufury beyond the Statute, Simony,
Perjury or Subornation, Forgery, Libelling, Champerty, Main-
tenance, Embracery, Barretry; Riots, Routs, or unlawful
Affemblies; forcible Entries or Detainers; Foreftallers, En-
groffers, or Regrators; Spreaders of falfe News and Tales;
the Uling of falfe Weights and Mcafures; Vending of cor-
rupt Meat or Drink; Keepers and Haunters of Bawdy-houſes;
taking Diſtreſſes contrary to Law; or refcuing fuch as are law-
fully taken; if you know of any Mayhems, Bloodsheds, Bat-
teries, falfe Impriſonment, or any other Sort of Trefpafs upon
any Man's Body, Land, or Goods; if you have efpied any
Man plowing by the Tail, burning Corn in the Straw, pulling
Wool off living Sheep, barking of Trees, deftroying of
Wood, killing of Fifh out of Scafon, or in Scafon with un-
lawful Engines, Depravers of the Common-Prayers, Ab-
fenters from Divine Service, Frequenters of Mafs, or De-
ferters of the Church; Prefent the Offenders: And, as thefe
Things are properly cognizable before us; fo we fhall dif
charge our Duty to God, and the King, in a juft, flrict, and
impartial Correction of them,
Nor
of LETTER S.
105
Nor is it your Employment only to handle the Sores, and
ſearch the Wounds, and diſcover the Diſeaſes, of the Body
Politic: You are bound to propoſe Cures, and Salves, and
neceffary Expedients, for the common Good; and, on that
Account, to prefent all Defects in and of the Highways,
Bridges, and Cauſeways; and to promote the Removal of all
common Nuifances.
Now, Gentlemen, to your Bufinefs; and fet down your
Prefentments with a plain and pofitive Certainty, in relation
to Perfons, Time, and Place; neither aggravating any Tranf
greffions by Prejudice, nor extenuating them by too much
Tenderneſs. And fo God direct you.
The Declaration of the Gentlemen in Londonderry,
upon the News of a general Maſſacre intended of
the Proteftants, upon the 9th of December 1688.
To all Chriſtian People to whom theſe Preſents ſhall
come, the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Citizens, of the City
of Londonderry fend Greeting.
Having received Intimation, from feveral creditable Per-
fons that an Infurrection of the Irish Papifts was intended,
and by them a general Maffacre of the Proteftants of this
Kingdom; and the fame to be acted and perpetrated on or
about the 9th of this inftant December; and being confirm-
ed in our Fear and Jealoufy of fo horrible a Defign, by many
palpable Infinuations, dubious Expreffions, monitory Letters,
and pofitive Informations, all conducing and concurring to
beget in us a trembling Expectation of a fudden and inevitable
Ruin and Deſtruction; we difpofed ourſelves to a patient and
quiet Refignation to the Divine Providence, hoping for fome
Deliverance
P
ነ
106
ACOLLECTION
Deliverance and Diverfion of this impending Miſery, or to
receive from the Hand of God fuch a Meaſure of Conftancy
and Courage, as might enable us to poffefs our Souls in Pa-
tience, and fubmiffively to wait the Iffue of fo fevere a Trial.
Accordingly, when on the 8th Inftant Part of the Earl of
Antrim's Forces advanced to take Poffeflion of this Place,
though we looked upon ourselves as Sheep appointed for
Slaughter, and on them as the Executioners of Vengeance
on us; yet we contrived no other means of Eſcape than by
Flight, and, with all Precipitation, to hurry away our Fa-
milies into other Places and Countries. But it pleaſed God,
who watches over us, fo to order things, that, when they
were ready to enter the City, a great Number of the younger,
and ſome of the meaner Sort of the Inhabitants, ran happily
to the Gates, and fhut them, loudly denying Entrance to
fuch Guefts, and obftinately refufing Obedience to us. At
firſt we were amazed at the Enterprize, and apprehenfive of
the many ill Circumftances and Confequences that might
reſult from ſo rafh an Undertaking: But, fince that, having
received repeated Advertiſements of the general Defign, and
particular Informations, which may rationally induce us to
believe it; and being credibly affured, that, under the Pre-
tence of Six Companies to quarter amongst us, a vaft Swarm
of Highland and Irish Papifts were on the Ways and Roads
approaching to us; that fome of the Popish Clergy in our
Neighbourhood had bought up Arms, and provided an un-
ufual Furniture of Iron Chains for Bridles (whereof Sixty
were beſpoke in One Place), and ſome of them ſeized, and
now in our Cuſtody; we began to confider it as an eſpecial
Inſtance of God's Mercy towards us, that we were not delivered
over as a Prey unto them; and that it pleafed him to ftir up
the Spirits of the People fo unexpectedly to provide for their
I
and
of LETTER S.
107
#
and our common Safety and Preſervation: Wherefore we do
declare and remonftrate to the World, that as we have re-
folved to ſtand upon our Guard, and defend our Walls, and
not to admit of any Papiſt whatſoever to quarter amongſt us;
ſo we have firmly and fincerely determined to perſevere in our
Duty and Loyalty to our Sovereign Lord the King, without
the leaſt Breach of Mutiny, or feditious Oppofition to his
Royal Commands. And, fince no other Motives have prompt
us to this Refolution, but the Prefervation of our Lives, and
to prevent the Plots and Machinations of the Enemies of the
Proteftant Religion, we are encouraged to hope, that the Go-
vernment will vouchſaſe a candid and favorable Interpretation
of our Proceedings; and that all his Majeſty's Proteſtant Sub-
jects will interpofe with their Prayers to God, their Sollicita-
tions to the King, and their Advice and Affiſtance to us, on
this fo extraordinary and emergent an Occafion; which
will not only have an Influence on the reft of the Kingdom,
but may have a probable Afpect towards the Intereft of the
Proteftant Religion, and may deferve a favourable Regard
from all the Profeffors thereof in his Majefty's Dominions.
God fave the King.
}
To the Lord Lieutenant.
WE his Majefty's moſt dutiful and loyal Subjects the
Knights, Citizens, and Burgeffes, in Parliament affem-
bled, do moft gladly embrace this Occafion to congratulate
your Excellency in your Acceffion to the fole Government
of this Kingdom; and to extol his Majefty's fuperlative
Goodneſs, in providing for us fo much to our Advantage
P 2
and
1
اخر
108
A COLLECTION
and Satisfaction. To enumerate the ineftimable Pledges of
his Majesty's profufe Bounty to, and unwearied Care of, this
poor Kingdom (illuftrated by the Security and Re-eſtabliſh-
ment of our Religion, Liberty, Peace, Plenty, and Profpc-
rity), were a Task no lefs difficult to be performed, than
unneceſſary, to be repeated before your Excellency and the
World. The glorious Victories obtained by him in the
Reduction of Ireland, may be imputed to his glowing Zeal
for Religion, and a Reſolution to extirpate Idolatry and Su-
perftition from among us. His unparallel'd Actions and
Atchievements, beyond the Scas, may be attributed to his
Exceſs of Courage, and a compaflionate Refentment of the
Affronts and Injuries done to his Friends and Allies. But
his Deſignation of your Excellency to be our chief Governor,
is an Act of Kindness fo tranfcendent, fo peculiarly demon-
ftrative of his generous Indulgence to us, that no Words can
qualify us to make an Acknowlegement, in any meaſure,
proportionate to the Benefit. Upon other Occafions, the
King hath manifefted himſelf to be our Champion, our Pro-
tector, our Reftorer; but in this, he hath condefcended to
be our Patron, and to treat us as our Friend. He hath
given us our Heart's Defire, and placed the fupreme Autho-
rity in him, whofe fteady Loyalty, unblemished Honour,
and difintereſted Inclinations to promote the Welfare of this
Kingdom, furmount even our Hopes, and fuperfede all So-
licitude in ſeeking, or Fear of miffing, what may infallibly
conduce to our future Felicity and Repoſe.
Neither muft we omit the Recognition of our fincere
and hearty Thanks to their Excellencies, the prefent Lords
Juftices of England, who, amidft their most important Care
for the Safety and Tranquillity of his Majefty's Kingdoms
and Dominions, have, with fo much Concernment and Ex-
pedition
of LETTER S.
109
5
pedition, dispatched and returned fuch Bills, as were from
hence tranfmitted to them.
It is our Duty, and our Intereft, to exert our utmoft Skill,
and employ our beſt Faculties, in making Returns, corre-
fpondent to the Obligations laid upon us; and fo to demean
ourſelves, in the Tranſaction of all Affairs, which ſhall come
under the Cognizance and Difcuffion of this Parliament,
that no Advantage be given to the King's and our Enemies
to encroach upon us: No Opportunity loft, by a ſupine
Negligence, to improve the Methods contrived and propofed
for the common Good: That the King's gracious Intentions,
and the Lord Deputy's generous Purpoſe, to eſtabliſh our
Safety, and advance our Reputation, be not fruftrated by
a vain and obftinate Purſuit of Humour, Paffion, and un-
warrantable Notions; but that by our calm Debates, our
judicious and impartial Proceedings, we may lay a fure
Foundation for our prefent Tranquillity, and, by an indefea-
fible Tenure, tranfmit the fame to our Pofterity.
In the Year of our Lord 1679. a Parliament was to be called
in Ireland: Bills were tranfmitted into England, and
Writs prepared for Election of the Members. At which
time, it pleaſed his Grace the Lord Duke of Ormond to
tell me, that he was refolved, that I fhould be Speaker of
the Parliament; and therefore adviſed me to prepare my-
ſelf for that Employment. And returning Home, I did,
for my own Recreation, and to exerciſe my Fancy, con-
ceive theſe following Speeches.
Upon
110
A COLLECTION
}
I
Upon the firft Nomination of the Speaker.
Gentlemen,
Cannot but be ftrangely furpriſed to obferve this fudden
and hafty Proceeding. I wifh this unadviſed Entrance
into your Buſineſs may not prove inaufpicious to this high
and honourable Affembly: That the King (who hath fum-
moned you from all Corners of the Land, to confult, and
contribute your Advice, in the moſt important Affairs) may
not deſpond of any good Conclufion of your Work, when
the Beginning is fo juftly fubject to Reprehenfion: That the
People (who have entruſted you as their Repreſentatives,
and ſelected you from the Number of your Neighbours,
becauſe of your fingular Sufficiency) may not recant their
Votes, and repent their Miffion, when they fhall hear your
firft Effay ſo ſcandalized by an Error in Judgment.
1
Gentlemen, think what you do; confider you are now
about the Election of your Speaker: An Employment that
requires the Accumulation of all the good Qualities diffuſed
and difperfed through the feveral Members of this Body:
A Place! to be filled only by him, who hath gone through
the Circle of the liberal Sciences, and who, to the rich
Stock of natural Parts, hath fuperadded the Acquifition of
many excellent Endowments. He that prefides, and moderates
the Diſputations of fuch a political Academy, ought to
carry with him the Trophies of Learning, and to be famous
for often triumphing for Victory in more inferior Schools
and Colleges. But when I look about me, and behold, on
every Side, fo many Perfons of Worth and Honour, fo
eminent in the Knowlege of the Laws, in the Art of Go-
vernment, and for a genteel and complete Education; I am
aftoniſhed
of LETTER S.
III
aſtoniſhed to think, what ſhould provoke you to diſparage
your Reaſon, by mifplacing your Favours upon me, the
meaneſt, and moſt inconfiderable, of all your Number; who
can pretend to nothing, but an unprofperous Loyalty to his
Majefty, and an unfertile Zeal for my Country. Therefore
I beseech you, Gentlemen, as you tender the Service of the
King, your own Credit, and the Advantage of the People
(who must innocently fuffer under the ill Confequences of
fuch a Refolution), betake yourſelves to another Election, and
lay the Burden of this Honour upon him, that is better able
to bear it; while I ftruggle againſt it, out of no lazy Un-
willingneſs to ſerve my King and Country; or a Fear to
expoſe my Life and Fortunes, under the Commands of this
honourable Houfe; but from a bafhful Confcience of my
own Infirmities, and an utter Incapacity to undergo fo great
a Charge.
Upon prefenting the Speaker to the Lord Lieutenant.
May it please your Grace,
I
Am brought to this Bar by the Sentence of the Knights,
Citizens, and Burgeffes, affembled in the Commons Houfe,
and, by a prepofterous A&t of Favour, expofed to the public
Hazard of a dormant Reputation. Here I ftand, great Sir,
to expect my Doom from your Lips: May that unparalleled
Generofity, and moft fteady Loyalty, that hath actuated you
in all the wonderful and perilous Traverfes of your Life, in-
cline you ſtill to poftpone all other Confiderations to the
Advancement of the King's Honour, and the Good of his
People. As, on the one Side, it would be a barbarous Ingra-
titude in me, to challenge the Prudence, or ſuſpect the Can-
dor, of thoſe worthy Gentlemen, who have defigned me to
this
112
A COLLECTION
F
this Credit, and prefented nie here under the Addition of fo
grear Honour, as to be Speaker to fuch an Affembly; fo, on
the other, I fhould join in a Confpiracy againſt myſelf, and
be for ever barred from all Retreats of Excufe or Pity, if I
do not now demur to the Return, and ſtrive to vacate this
Preſentment, by affigning the many Errors, arifing from my
notorious Infufficiency for fo bold an Undertaking. The
Ingenuity of that Painter is commended (how foever the
Effect proved contrary to the Defign), who, to draw a com-
plete Beauty, would borrow an Eye from one, a Lip from
another, and a Hand from a third; and ought to be imitated
in this Choice, where the Wit, the Learning, the Gravity,
the Apprehenfion, and the Rhetoric, of each individual
Member of the Houfe, amaffed and centred in one Perfon,
were all little enough to make him a Candidate for this Em-
ployment. I pretend to no deeper Knowlege, than that of
my own Infirmitics, and (except that Confeffion may be
wreſted to a tacit Infinuation of my greater Skill,) I cannot
apprehend, what Arguments may induce your Grace to
confent to this Rape, committed on my chafte and bluſhing
Obſcurity; unless I might hope, that fuch an Exaltation from
too near a View might be attended with the fame Succefs,
which befel the Work of a curious Artist, who contrived
a Statue for a Nobleman's Gate in fuch a Pofture, that, near
Hand, it was only a rude and unformed Picce of Timber,
but, advanced to a higher Diſtance, it reflected the Lincaments
of a handſome and well proportioned Perſon.
But why should I be fo long a Speaker for myfelf? I retire
now to my Supplication, and to the Strength I truft to, in
your matchless Judgment and Goodness. I do most earnestly
and fubmiffively befeech your Grace, to confider the Condi-
tion of this poor Kingdom, (of which you deſervedly have
fo
of LETTER S.
113
9
fo great a Share); to remember the Honour and Profperity
of the King (and that is a Naine, that ever was an irrefifti-
ble Charm to your Grace); and, that the Counfels and Deter-
minations of this Parliament, may receive no Blemiſh from
the invincible Defects of fo weak a Manager, that your -
Grace will direct the Commons to return to their Houſe, to
try the Succeſs of fecond Thoughts, and to prefent one of
the great many among them, more advantageously qualified
to do Service to his King and Country.
Upon the Lord Lieutenant's Approbation of the
Speaker.
Great Sir,
WITH an humble Refignation, and an intire Obedience,
I do fubmit to your Commands. The Honour you have
done me, is arbitrary and unmerited: Therefore the Expref-
fion of my Gratitude muſt be unuſual and extravagant.
Sir, I do moſt humbly thank your Grace, for this ftrange
Inftance of yonr Favour, this Paradox in Kindness; even the
flat Denial of what I requested.
It is not to be imagined, what a wonderful Charm there
is in the Breath of Princes: While poor dull Mortals do toil
and tire themſelves by Study and Travel, by Learning and
Experiments, to patch up a Stock of fome tolerable Abili-
ties, to qualify them for Preferment; they that govern King-
doms, can, in a Moment, exalt us from defpicable Meanefs,
to an eminent Station; they can, by a kind of State Alchemy,
refine and fublimate the droffeft Metal; and (as if even in that,
they contended to imitate Him, by whom Kings reign) they
feem to delight in forming the firft Rank of their Creatures
out of fuch a Chaos, as is nearest to nothing. Certainly no
Bubbles
114
A COLLECTION
Bubbles of Ambition could have fwelled me to fo huge an
Expectation; I durft never have adventured in this Ocean of
Buſineſs, to ſwim upon the Bladders of my own Strength.
But, Sir, I will ftrive to keep an humble Pace with your
generous Inclinations towards me; I will endevor, by the
Power of Fancy, to transfigure myſelf, and, in ſome modeſt
Proportion, to refemble the Character you have fixed on me,
ance.
It is reported of fop (that Prodigy of Wit, and
Monſter in Shape), that, being demanded, When the Times
would be in the greateſt Confufion? he made Anſwer, When
the Dead ſhall ariſe, and every Man claim his antient Inherit-
The Paffages and Tranfactions of late Years, which
have occurred upon the promoting of the Settlement of
Ireland, may not improperly be deemed the Solution of
Efop's Riddle, the Completion of his Prophecy; where
the Awaking of dormant Titles, the Refurrection of dead
and long-intombed Charters, the Reviving of obfolete Patents,
the Furbiſhing of old Parchments with new Clauſes, and
Dreffing up of a freſh Defign in the Habit of a Moth-eaten
Settlement, would certainly have involved us in a Confufion
not to be expreffed; had not our Royal Sovereign, by the fea-
fonable Interpofition of Advice and Counfel from your
Grace, preſcribed a plaufible Way to obviate ſuch a growing
and luxuriant Miſchief. But the Danger is not yet over, the
Plot againſt our Properties is not yet fully difcovered: There-
fore our gracious King, of his fuperabundant Goodneſs, hath
affembled this Parliament, to confult their own Safety, to
provide for the univerfal Security and Advantage of the
Kingdom, by enacting fuch Laws, as may probably extin-
guiſh all Diſputes in the preſent Times, and prevent all
Confuſion in the future.
It
of LETTER S.
115
}
It were my Duty here, to enumerate the Praiſes of our
dear and dread Sovereign Lord the King; to be profufe in
the recounting his rare Virtues and Qualities; to tempt the
Patience of them that hear me, by recapitulating his many
Acts of Grace and Bounty to this his poor, but moſt loyal
Kingdom; and, in the Name of the People (for whofe Rc-
preſentatives I have the Honour to ſpeak), to rejoice with
Tranſport, on Reflection upon the various Inftances of Feli-
city we enjoy under his moft gentle, wife, and peaceable Go-
vernment: But this were to uſe the Language of every one
that can ſpeak, and fuperfluouſly to labour the Conviction of
them, who never entertained a Scruple. I might expatiate,
in repreſenting his Royal Extraction; the Confluence of
feveral and jarring Titles, to the Establiſhing of his Throne
over us; the numerous Scenes of his Sufferings; his tedious
Exile; his firm Perfeverance in Religion, amidst the
open Bat-
teries of its avowed Enemies, and the fubtile Mines of fecret
Adverfaries, when the Probability of no other Way of Reſti-
tution might rationally have been both his Temptation and Ex-
cufe; his pious Refolution not to fit in the Throne, rather
than be uſhered into it by the Affiftance of Foreigners, when
the Recovery of a Crown might fairly have warranted a
politic Temporizing with any Nation or Profeflion; his pc-
rilous Adventures in Scotland, when his loyal Subjects there
were depreffed, and prevailing Factions might have made his
Ruin the Earnest of their Agreement; his unimitable Courage,
and perfonal Valour, at Worcester, when he fet his Sacred
Perfon at ſtake, againſt the worthless Rabble of Plebeians;
the aſtoniſhing Hillory of his Eſcape; the Miracle of his
Reſtauration; and the Mercy, bordering upon a Miracle,
that he was not reftored by any other Means; neither by his
Catholic, nor his Covenanting Subjects. I might remember,
Q 2
that
}
116
A COLLECTION
that he is the Head and Heart of our Religion; that he de-
fends and fupports our Faith, not out of any Mode, or politic
Deſign; but out of clear Judgment and Affection; that he
is the Son of a Saint; that his Father was the Royal Martyr
for the Proteftant Religion; and he is the illuftrious Con-
feffor. But I do not speak before Strangers and Foreigners;
all that hear me will bear Witness to the Truth of what I
have faid; it is as undeniable as a mathematical Demon-
ftration.
And ſhould I attempt a Panegyric on your unexampled
Merits (moft Noble Sir!) the Confcience of all that are prefent
would acquit me from the Imputation of Flattery: But this
is a Theme fo large, this is a Topic fo copious, that I fhould
be bewildered in the Variety of Paths, that lead to the
Commemoration of your most renowned Acts and Achieve-
ments: The glorious Paffages of your Life are not circum-
fcribed within the fcanty Limits of Ireland; the Pillars
dedicated to your Honour are not reared upon the Memory
of ſingle and tranfient Performances; you are not beholden
to the Pen or Tongue of your Favourites or Dependents:
No! Your Praife is diffufed by the loud Trumpet of Fame;
the Teftimonials of it are exemplified through the Chriftian
World; and every great and good Man is an emulous Ad-
mirer of your Actions. Many that hear me, have ſeen, and
all of us have heard, how difficult and perplext a Task you
underwent, in your firft Government of this Kingdom;
with how exact a Prudence, and an impregnable Fidelity, you
proceeded; when, being allured by Profit, pushed on by Dan-
ger, affaulted on each Hand by contrary Interefts, and being
at once cajoled by the Rump, betrayed by the Nuncio, and
deferted by your own; you never abandoned the Kingdom,
till there was no Place left, whereon to fet your Foot; you
never
of LETTER S.
117
never forfook the Steerage, till the Veffel was fplit. And
was it not enough, Sir, to be divefted of your Eftate? (fo
vaft an Eſtate!) banished from your Country? difcontinued
from your Rule? and feparated from your dearest Confort?
But you muſt ſuper-errogate in Loyalty, expoſe yourſelf un-
der Diſguiſes, and adventure your Perfon into the Tyrant's
Clutches, only to advance the Service of your Prince? We
have firce obferved your even and unconcerned Deportment,
under the Viciffitude of State Affairs; neither elated by a
Promotion to the higheft Truft, nor difcompofed by a Re-
moval (as Camillus, that noble Roman, faid of himself, Nec
mihi Dictatura animos fecit, nec Exilium ademit). But,
Sir, you do inherit Loyalty by Defcent; no Earl of Ormond
was ever yet attainted, nor, in fo many Centuries of Years,
regiftred in actual Service againſt the Crown: I challenge all
the Heralds and Chronologers in the World, to match this
fhort Note out of Hiftory: James Earl of Ormond (the
direct and lincal Anceftor of the prefent James Duke of
Ormond), Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Three hundred and
Fifty Years fince. And how you have walked in theſe flippery
Times (when many noble and great Perſons, have wandered in
their excentric Motions), fill fixt upon the true Baſis of Honour
and Allegiance, After-ages fhall with Admiration recount. If
I thought any Man were ignorant, I would tell him, That never
Prince had a more loyal Subject; noKingdom a more excellent
Governor; no Wife a more indulgent Husband; no Children
a morc tender Father; no Servants a more liberal Mafter; no
Followers a more bountiful Patron: I pray God,to reward your
Grace with reciprocal Honour,and correfpondent Returns, from
all thoſe ſeveral Relatives: That as the King, not wearied with
your Excefs of Merits, doth ftill perfevere in his Efleem of you;
and as Honour and Loyalty feem to be the logical Properties
of
118
A COLLECTION
1
of
your Family, and are eminently entailed on your Iffuc;
fo every Man, to whom you have been a Benefactor (and
certainly the Catalogue of thofe will fwell to a huge Bulk),
may do themſelves Right, by an effectual Proof of their Gra-
tude; and that the People of this Land may timely ſee the
Happineſs (too much Happineſs, if they underſtood it), which
they enjoy under your Grace's Adminiſtration.
Neither is it an ordinary Joy, or fuperficial Comfort, to us,
to behold your Grace incircled with thoſe Stars of the first
Magnitude, the reverend Prelates, and thoſe noble Lords,
the elder Sons of Honour, on whom the Beams of Majeſty
have more directly glanced; who, by their nearer Approaches
to the Royal Throne, and being adopted Couſins to the
King, yet ftill retaining an Alliance with the People, are
the moſt competent Arbitrators between Prerogative and
Privilege; and furely cannot but be much delighted to ob-
ferve that old Stock of the Houſe of Commons (from whofe
Boughs they all have, in their ſeveral Seafons, been plucked)
ftill to bloom, and fhoot out fo many Branches of Loyalty;
who, in the Midft of Ireland, do retain the Language, the
Religion, the Courage, the Manners, and the Laws, of our
moft dear and famous Mother England: And let the Pope
curfe us, the Spaniard fret, and the Frenchman jeer us; let
the Jefuits contrive Plots against us, and our domeftic Ene-
mics promote them; yet the World fhall fee, that, maugre
all their Artifice and Spite, this triple League of King, Lords,
Commons, fhall not cafily be broken or defeated. Methinks,
together, we reprefent an exquifite and well-modelled Palace:
Your Grace fet in the Prefence Chamber, the Spiritual Lords
in the Chapel, the Temporal Peers in the Rooms of State,
the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeffes, in the commodious.
Chambers of Ufe and Entertaiment; and all employed for
the
of LETTER S.
119
the Benefit and Protection of the great Family; while the
Fabric, being founded on Equity, reared by Prudence, and
cemented by Union, the King, the great Architect,cannot but
behold us with Content and Complacency. Preceding Parlia-
ments have, from fome particular Reaſons, been denominated
the Long, the Good, the Happy, and the Healing; this, I
truft, ſhall merit the Epithet of the Settling Parliament :
Every Intereſt ſhall receive its individual Satisfaction; Poffef-
fion fhall be confirmed, Right afcertained, and all future
Cavils be for ever barred. The Vices of this Age have occa-
fionally and obliquely produced the fame Effects in Civil
Government, that the Corruption of Nature hath done in
Civil Society: It is not the Intemperance of Weather, nor
the Terror of Wolves, and ravenous Beafts, that drive Men
into Cities, and fenced Places; it is the Fear of one another,
and the Purſuit of common Security, raiſeth the Walls, and
fortifieth the Bulwarks. To fruftrate the greedy Deſigns of
unquiet and avaritious Men, to award Peace and Settlement
to the Induſtrious and Deferving, to prevent the clandeftine
and finifter Contrivances of fraudulent and unconscionable Per-
fons, this great Affembly is met: And, to provide Remedies
convenient and proportionate against the epidemical Infection,
and every reſpective Malady; and for the continuing and
increafing the Health and Safety of the Nation, here will be
Magifterials and Specifics provided for every Diftemper:
From hence will be had Antidotes againſt the Jesuits Pow-
der, Prefervatives againſt the Contagion of Popery, Cordials
and Recuperatives againſt Schifm and Defection, Purges and
Abfterfives againft peccant Humours, and Diets and Directives
for maintaining a wholfome and athletic Habit of Body: So
that, if any Phrenfy fhall diſtract the People into rebellious
Projects, and treaſonable Machinations; if any Megrim fhall
befot
120
A COLLECTION
befot with Giddinefs and Separation; if any Lethargy fhalf
indifpofe them, and render them fupine and remifs in their
Duty to God and the King; from hence muſt be expected a
catholic Cure, by a feaſonable Application of preventional
and punitive Statutes. From this Magazine the Subject ſhall
be furniſhed with Arms offenfive and defenfive; he fhall be
trained in the Exerciſe of Duty, and the Diſcipline of the Law;
he ſhall be ſafely intrenched againſt Storms and Sieges, fecurely
guarded against Ambuſhes and Stratagems, protected againſt
the barbarous Stab of an Affaflinate, and the rude Attacks and
filching Depredation of Tories and Wood-kerns. Here will
be Encouragement given to induftrious Artifts to exert their
Ingenuity in uſeful Manufactures; to the Tenants of Church-
Lands to build and improve their Holdings; to the Succef-
fors in Pariſhes, and Ecclefiaftical Dignities, to be provided
of an Houfe to live in, without the Detriment of Dilapida-
tions; an indefeafible Security to all new-acquired Eftates;
and an univerfal Jubilee to all his Majefty's Subjects, in the
confirming and quicting their Poffeffions. May the Speaker
prove a true Prophet! and this Parliament be celebrated with
the highest Applaufe and Honour!
I am now, in the Name and Behalf of the Houſe of Com-
mons, to beseech your Grace, that the antient Customs, and
known Privileges, of Parliament may be continued to us:
That we may, within the Walls of our own Houfe, enjoy
the Freedom of public Debates; and that every particular
Member be allowed the Liberty of his own Reafon and
Argumentation: That when, and as often as, we fhall have
any important or emergent Occafion to addrefs ourselves to
your Grace, you will, at your fittcft Seafon, vouchfafe to
us a ready and cafy Accels: That if, thro' the Default of the
Speaker or Reporter, any Miſconftruction or Mifreprefenta-
I
tion
of LETTERS.
121
tion be made of the Senfe of the Houfe, they may be admitted
to recollect, explain, rectify, or excufe, their Votes and Pro-
ceedings: That the Members of the Houſe may reap the full
Benefit and Extent of the Common-Law and Statutes relating
to their Immunity from Arrefts and Suits; that having, by
his Majeſty's Command, gathered together from all Corners
of the Kingdom, and neglected their private Concernments,
to attend and advance the public Service, they may at leaſt
be fecure in their Perfons, Eftates, Servants, and Goods; and
fo employ their beft Diligence to perform the Duty incum-
bent on them without any Interruption.
Lastly, for myfelf I humbly beg, that the Wiſdom of the
Houſe may not be arraigned for the Failings of their Speaker;
that fo confiderable a Body may not fuffer any Prejudice or
Diſhonour by the natural Defects, or contingent Inadvertency,
of One Member. Then I doubt not but the King fhall be:
ferved, your Grace fatisfied, and the Subjects joyed, in the
wholſome Counſels, the harmonious Procedure, and happy
Determination, of this long-wifhed-for Parliament.
Upon the Speaker's Return to the Chair.
Gentlemen,
SINCE you have permitted your Judgment to be thus im-
pofed on, by the Impreffion of your Will; and that
the beſt of Governors, who now reprefents the beſt of Kings,.
hath gratified your Inclinations, by indulging you in your
firft Application, fuffering his Reaſon to condefcend impli
citely to your Propofal, and putting the Seal of his Appro-
bation to your unmerited Choice of me to fit in this Chair.
(to which probably nothing could have induced him, but a
refolved Complaifance with the Houfe of Commons); I am
R
now
I 22
ACOLLECTION
now to implore your favourable Acceptance and Interpreta-
tion in my future Endeavours of this your Service; that
from my flender Experience in Matters of Goverment, and
Affairs of State, you will not expect fo comprehenfive a
Knowlege, fo vigorous a Managery, and fo dextrous Addrefs,
as you might have found in feveral of this Houfe, who have
had the good Fortune to fit near the Helm, and have not been
condemned to the Prejudices of a remote Habitation, and
an unactive Life: That you will by your fage Deliberation,
and prudent Advice, inftru&t me, and train me up, in your
Negotiations: That, fince you have vouchfafed to make me
your Mouth, you will infuſe into me your own Words, and
influence me with your own Sentiments: That whatſoever
Error, Impertinence, Miftake of your Senfe, or Solecifm
in Expreffion, fhall efcape from me, may wholly be attributed
to my Weakness, and covered under the Veil of your Fa-
vour and Indulgence.
Suppofing a Bill to be preſented, for taking the Teft
of every Member, in each House of Parliament.
THE Addreſs, with which I am in Charge to attend your
Grace this Day, is the Irish Shibboleth, the Touch-
flone of our Religion, a bright Mirrour, wherein may be
feen the Affections of the People, reflecting the Image of
their Hearts from the Mouth of their Reprefentatives. It is a
comprchenfive Union of all differing Perfuafions, againſt the
common Enemy of our Peace and Profeffion. It is a fecond
Proteftation of the Proteftants; a prudent Stratagem, to
countermine the clandeftine Approaches of Indulgences and
Difpenfations; an honeft Art, to evacuate the fubtile Policies
and Machinations of the Jefuits; a voluntary Expofing of
our
of LETTER S.
123
our Souls and Confciences to a public Scrutiny; religiouſly
refolving, that no Man fhall enter the Senate-houſe, who
carries hidden and prohibited Arms, a Coat of Mail formed
at Rome, to fecure him againſt the Impreffion of the penal
Laws; or a Dagger, diabolically confecrated by the Difciples
of Loyola; or a Knife, made after Ravillac's Pattern, with
unforeſeen Stabs to deftroy the Subject, or attempt any Vio-
lence on the Perfon of God's Anointed, or his Lieutenant.
Here is no Confederacy, League, or Covenant, to invade
Prerogative, to aggrandize Populacy, or fubvert the Govern-
ment of the Church: It was not hatched in a Cabal, agi-
tated in a Coffee-houfe, promoted by Petitions, or recom-
mended by any Faction: It is the Product of a legal Confult-
ation, countenanced by public Authority, licenſed by the
King's Approbation, and endeared to us by the Example
and Precedent of our dear Mother England. Other Bills,
by their Method and Cuſtom of paffing, are fubjected to
Queſtions, Diſputes, Amendments, and Alterations, before
they can arrive at the Perfection to commence Acts: This,
having paffed his Courſes, and been examined by a regular
Difquifition, proceeds to take its Degree, without the Con-
tradiction of one Non placet. The Divine will not vouchſafe
to bandy an Argument with him, that does not ſubmit to
the Authority and Umpirage of the Scripture: The Judge
will not hear the Lawyer, who infifts on his own Expofitions,
and is not governed by judged Cafes, and the fundamental
Maxims of the Law: Every Sophifter and Difputant in the
Schools, will refufe to continue Difcourfe with him, that
denies the Principles of Philofophy: And is it not great Rea-
fon, that the People who intruft their Religion and Proper-
ty to their Repreſentatives, fhould have good Caution given
for their Candour and Integrity? that they, before they take
R 2
upon
124
A COLLECTION
upon them to give decifive Votes in Matters relating to
Religion and the Church, may make a public Recognition
of their Sinceriry, and that they are not prepoffeffed with
Opinions deſtructive to the very Being and Subfiftence of
it? If in ordinary Trials, for Title or Debt, the Law allows
a Liberty to challenge a Juror; if a Witneſs, whoſe Indiffer-
ency is fufpected, fhall firft be oppofed by a Voir dire; how
mightily does it concern the Safety and Welfare of the
Knigdom, that the Two Houfes of Parliament (whereof
one is the grand Inquifition of the Realm, the other the
fupreme Judicature) fhould publicly renounce all Adherents
to the Tenets of Popery, and vouch this Teft as their com-
mon Compurgator?
Hitherto, Sir, this infant Bill has been dandled in our
Arms; and, being a Probationer for Preferment, it is the Teft
of the Parliament: May it pleafe your Grace, by the Royal
Fiat, to infpirit it to Motion, that it may walk through the
Seats and Benches of both Houfes; and then, confequently
and implicitly, it will prove the Teft of the whole
Kingdom.
Suppofing feveral Bills to be prefented for the Royal
Affent.
I
Have in my Hand a Bundle of Bills, to be preſented to
your Grace's View, by Command from the Houſe of
Commons. They are the Embryon of good Laws, the Off-
fpring of the Parliament, conceived by the Counfel, hatched
and brought forth by the fedulous Labour, of both Houfes;
and here I come to hold them up, to receive their diftinct
Names from their Royal Godfather, in whofe Place you
ftand. They are in their Shape comely, in their Conſtitution
wholfome,
of LETTER S.
125
wholfome, mature in their Lincaments and Proportions;
but cannot move, till they are animated by the Royal Breath.
Here are Medals of Gold, and Pieces of Silver, caft and ham-
mered in the Mint; but cannot paſs without the King's Pro-
clamation: They are yet but Bullion; that only can make
them go for current Coin. Here are Veffels of great Uſe
and Worth, adapted to the feveral Occafions of the great
Maſter of the Houſe, and the reſpective Members of the
Houfhold; fome for the King's Cup-board, fome for the
Chapel, and fome for the more ordinary Buſineſs of the Hall
and Kitchen; but none to be valued, till they receive the
Touch from the Hand of our Sovereign Say-maſter. Here is
Proviſion made for our three greatest Interefts, Religion,
Peace, and Property: Here is Care taken, to accommodate us
in all the Circumſtances, and moſt important Concernments,
of our Souls, Bodies, and Eſtates. They have a long time
hovered in Non-entity, and are only fufceptible of Form:
Your Grace may quicken them with a Word, and make them
capable to ſubſiſt to all Perpetuity. And ſo forth.
Upon the Bill for the better fettling of Inteftates
Eftates.
NOTHING could have been contrived more fuitable
to the Wiſdom and Care of thoſe that fit at the Helm
of Government, nothing more worthy the Conſideration of
this Houſe, than this Bill now read before us. The Disputes,
Charges, and Inconveniencies, that hitherto have arifen,
for want of thoſe Cautions and Remedies provided by this
Bill, are fo infinite, that they cannot be enumerated in fo
fhort a time, as Modefty preſcribes me to recount them in;
nor
w
126
A COLLECTION
nor by one fo unfit to manage a Difcourfe of fuch Importance,
and fo little converfant in public Tranfactions. How many
have been precipitated by a violent Death? ſurpriſed by an
acute Distemper? beguiled by a malignant Difcafe? divided
by an unſteady Refolution? hardened by a ftubborn Obfti-
nacy? abuſed by an unnatural Indifferency? cheated by a
Confidence of Recovery? blinded by a glutinous adhering to
tranfitory Poffeffions? affrighted with the ominous Employ-
ment of making their laſt Will and Teftament? and fo, by
omitting the neceffary Duty of fettling their Eftate, have
only entailed Trouble and Contention on their Succeffors,
which feldom is extinguifhed, but by the Ruin of both Com-
petitors? the Defunct being defeated of that Reft which is
expected in the Grave, and the Survivors becoming a Prey
to the Talons of fome Neighbour Vultur. How many, by
this Inadvertency, have become Heirs to the Eftates of thoſe,
who would not have bequeathed them the Favour of a
Legacy? How many, by this Neglect, have been difapointed
of that Inheritance, of which they would have given very
little for the Infurance? Very often has the Fable of the
Mouſe and Frog been moralized in ridiculous Duels on this
Occafion, and both fwallowed up by the attending Eagle:
Often has the Fate of the Gaming-houſe befallen the un-
happy Litigants, where both Sides find themſelves Lofers,
and the Box has all the Gain. And fo forth.
Upon an Act for Prevention of Frauds and
Perjuries.
T
HIS Bill (with Shame and Concernment I ſpeak it,)
ſeems to be exactly calculated for our Meridian: The
treacherous Practices, and villainous Defigns, of evil Men,
have brought Fraud into a faſhionable Mode: The proſperous
Succefs,
of LETTER S.
127
room,
Succefs, and frequent Impunity, of bold Sinners, hath made
Perjury become a Vice almoft epidemical: And as thoſe of
Crete were justly branded with the Nickname of Lyars; fo the
Men of Ireland (I wish I could reftrain it, without Partiality,
only to the Natives) have too evident a Title to that inglo-
rious Epithet of Perjured. Force, and open Violence, which
of late Years, have been the diftinguifhing Characters of
Ireland's Mifery, have now fhifted the Scene; and, in their
cloſe Contrivances, and undermining Fraud, have enter-
ed and traverſed the Stage without Interruption. The cheap,
loud, and needlefs Cuſtom of Curfing and Swearing, is
now outdone by the profitable, fecret, and ufeful Habit of
Forfwearing; and, by a comparative Allay, the one is ac-
counted venial, and rather a genteel Quality, becauſe it is
not fo mortally pernicious as the other. The ill Effects of
Swearing terminate in the Stain of the flippery Tongue that
utters it; but Perjury involves the Actor in Self-deſtruction,
and aggravates it with the concomitant Ruin of another
Perfon. Were this crying Sin acted only among the Igno-
rant, and in inferior Courts, the Danger were not fo much,
nor the Scandal fo great: But, alas! it has taken Quarters in
the City; it has rambled through all the Courts; and we
have ſeen the Fiend barefaced, and mounted in a Box, and
the Titles of Eftates determined by the bigger Number of
contradictory Oaths. The Fraudulent and the Perjured go
Hand in Hand, and are joint Partners and Sharers in all
diſhoneſt and infidious Enterprizes: The one skirmisheth in
the Van; the other brings up the Rear: Oaths are the Mouth-
granadoes, and Perjury fets Fire to the Minc: One is the
little Thief that looks you in the Face, and picks your
Pocket; the other is the huffing Hector, that raps you into a
Belief of his arbitrary Affertions: They are the monstrous
Twins
128
A COLLECTION
1
3
Twins of the old Enemy; they walk in the Dark; they ope-
rate like Poiſon; and it is hard to trace them in their Pro-
ceedings: While the profane and irreligious Man, ungrate-
fully breaks the Commands of his Prince, and deſpiſes the
Law he lives under; the Fraudulent puts a Muzzle upon his
Conſcience, lays a Siege againſt Heaven; and the perjured
Man openly defies it. But Good is ordinarily and accidentally
the Effect of Evil; and as Peace is the Daughter of War,
fo good Laws are the Offspring of Crimes and Enormities;
and well may we here expect the fafe Production of the
Iffuc, when the Parents are fo numerous and prolific. The
Piety and Integrity of our chief Governor and Council do
manifeftly appear in the Deſign of this Law, as well as their
eminent Prudence, and tender Care of this Kingdom. Other
Bills may admit of Debates, be committed, altered, and
amended: This, which fo directly tends to the Honour of
God and the Safety of us all, let it be ingroffed, and made
ready for the third Reading.
Upon the Bill for confirming the Acts made in the
laft Parliament held for this Kingdom.
HE
E that will confult the Chronicles, and turn over the
Statute-Books, of England and Ireland, and diligently
obferve what Laws have been enacted in one Age,directly con-
trary to thoſe eſtabliſhed in another; how not only in divers,
but in one and the fame King's Reign, Statutes have been
made and repealed, as the Humour of Men, or Neceflity of
Affairs, or Alteration of Times and Accidents, did prompt;
cannot but look upon the Purport of this Bill now before us,
not only to be a public Recognition of the well-advifed Pro-
ceedings of the laſt Parliament, but an harmonious Expref-
7
fion
of LETTER S.
129
fion of our Candour and Compliance with their Senfe. Not to
make Mention of the calamitous Times, when Edward the
Fourth, and Henry the Sixth, took their Turns upon the Stage,
and ſo often juſtled one another out of the Throne, (ſo that he,
who this Year was a loyal Subject, and adhered to the Intereft
of his Prince, the next Year became a Traitor, and was denoun-
ced a Rebel; the Parliaments alternately damning and aboliſh-
ing one another's Acts, and all upon Account of Title to the
Crown): Tofay nothing of Henry the Eighth, the firft Part of
whofe Reign brought forth fuch Acts, as purchaſed to him the
glorious Title of Defender of the Faith; while thofe of his
later Years procured to him, and his Subjects, the igno-
minious Brand of Heretic; Religion, being thus reformed
and planted by him, and cultivated by his illuftrious Suc-
ceffor, was quite changed and overturned in the fhort time of
Queen Mary, and again reftored, and wonderfully improved,
in the long and happy Reign of Queen Elizabeth; which
frequent Mutations in point of Religion, muft needs pro-
duce many repugnant and contradictory Laws: We may
read, how in Matters of lefs Importance, than Title to a
Kingdom, or Profeflion of Faith, that A&t, which in one
King's Time has paſſed, hath been repealed in another; that
abolifhed in the next; and in the fucceeding Age that
abrogated; and at last, that being made null, the firſt remained
in being: So that, by Repealing of a Repeal, fometimes the
first Act is revived; fometimes, by reviving of an A&t repealed,
the Act of Repeal is made of no Force. But now we fhall
not be put to unlearn, in this Parliament, what we were taught
in the former; this Act will confirm what was contrived be-
fore, and temporary Laws will be made, hereby, lafting and
perpetual. And ſo forth.
S
Upon
130
A COLLECTION
Upon the Bill, for taking away the Benefit of Clergy,
from him that doth ftab another, having not a
Weapon drawn.
THE Frame and Contexture of this Bill is fo exactly
correfpondent to the Law of God, fo agreeable to the
Law of Nature, and fo concurring with the Law in England;
founded upon Religion, promoted by Reafon, and recom-
mended upon the Principles of Safety and Policy; that it
needs no Prologue to ufher it into this Houfe, nor no Apo-
logy to render it acceptable to us, and to the People, whom
we reprefent. If this preventional Security of our Perfons,
againſt violent Affaults, and barbarous Attempts, be not a ſuf-
ficient Motive to commend this Law; let the fad Experience
of thoſe diſmal Effects, which every Year, hath produced in
every Country, for want of this Caution, awaken us to a
quick and chearful Diſpatch of fo equal and neceffary a
Work. How many horrid Murders have eſcaped unpunished.
by the extenuating Allay of Manſlaughter? How many ma-
licious Affaffinates have been diſguiſed under the fpecious Ex-
cuſe of an accidental Rencounter? while prepenfed and wilful
Killing has paffed under the Veil of Chance-medley, and raſh
and cruel Bloodsheds have been committed by the Pretence
of Se defendendo: The unarmed Man has been adjudged to.
be the Self-homicide, and to fall upon the Sword of him,..
that holds it naked in his Hand; and then a little Singeing of,
the brawny Part of the Thumb is a Compofition for the fatal
Twiſting of the Neck. Thus the Benefit of the Clergy hath
tended to the Deſtruction of Mankind; the Reading of aVerſe
has proved an Amulet againſt the Gallows; and the black
Murderer
!
of LETTER S.
131
Murderer is cleared, acquitted, and fet at Liberty, by the omni-
potent Virtue of three Words, Legit ut Clericus. This Cuf
tom was introduced of old, for the Encouragement of Learn-
ing and Letters; and the Reading in a Book was allowed as
a convenient Commutation for flying to the City of Refuge,
or to the Horns of the Altar: And we need not fear, that
the Abridgment of that Law, in this Particular, fhall coun-
tenance Men to be illiterate; it will only reſtrain the unbri-
dled Fury of Men tranfported by Rage and Paffion, and
compoſe that ungentle inhuman Quality of affailing the de-
fenceless and naked, which firft was practifed by Cain in his
unnatural Fraticide; and never repeated, but by fuch defpe-
rate Perfons as have renounced their Title to Manhood and
Morality.
When this Bill fhall commence an Act, and be promulgated
as a Law, it will fave much Trouble to the curious and inqui-
fitive Judges, whofe Directions are very often amuſed by the
different Interpretation of the Law in this Cafe: It will give
much Satisfaction to the fcrupulous Confcience of the Jurors,
who, being perplexed by the jarring Circumftances arifing
out of the Evidence, either become blindfold and irrefolute
in their Judgments, or unfortunate in pronouncing an un-
equal and miſtaken Verdict: This will give Warning to all
forts of Men, to be moderate and circumfpect in their Con-
verſation, and, with all Induſtry, to beware that neither the
Frenfy of fudden Wrath, nor the Witchery of too much
Drink, expofe them to the Perpetration of fuch Outrages, as
calm Reaſon, and fober Confideration, would abhor, were
there no Law to forbid it. And fo forth.
S 2
Upon
132
A COLLECTION
Upon the Bill, that the bringing in of counterfeit
Coin into this Realm, or counterfeiting the fame
here, or clipping, filing, or diminiſhing the fame,
fhall be High Treafon.
THE Corruption in Coin is a certain Token of the De-
cay and Conſumption of the State; as, on the other
Side, the Purity and Largenefs of the Money is a clear Ar-
gument of the Vigour, Wealth, and Profperity, of a King-
dom. Gold and Silver are in themſelves but a Commodity;
the King's Authority makes them the Standard and Meaſure
of all Trade and Commerce: If then the current Coin be
falfified in its Subftance, or impaired in its Weight, there is
no Certainty in Trade; no Man knows his Wealth, or can
be affured of the Value of his Stock; the Cheat is univerfal,
and fo is the Detriment. The antient Law againſt counter-
feiting or diminiſhing the King's Coin is fufficiently fevere,
making it Treaſon, and a capital Offence: And, indeed, what
A&t can be more difingenuous, or more prefuming, than to
imprint the King's Effigies upon falfe Metal? What can be
more bafe and treacherous, than to make the Royal Stamp
to justify an infufficient Piece of Money? It makes the
Prince's Face to blufh, whenfoever it is produced as a War-
rant to make falfe or too light Coin to pafs. It was gene-
rouſly faid by the Gathish King, Omninò monetæ integritas
quæri debet, ubi vultus nofter imprimitur: He that clips or
diminiſheth the current Money, commits a Mayhem upon
Authority, and mutilates the fupreme Magiſtrate: He that
affixeth the Superfcription of his Sovereign to counterfeit
Coin, makes the Image of his Prince a Foil to his Villainy,
and defrauds his Neighbour cum privilegio. But hitherto the
Danger
of LETTER L.
133
S.
Danger and Penalty of this Law hath been evaded: The
greateſt of the Money current in this Kingdom is coined in
foreign Countries; fo that the diminiſhing or multiplying,
in which themſelves are equally criminal, amount to no more
than a fineable Miſdemeanour: The bringing in, or venting
of a Pewter-Cobb, marked with Hercules' Pillars, or a brafs
Ducatoon honoured with the Face of a German Prince, meets
with no greater Puniſhment, than a Compofition with the
injured Party, for the fuppofed Value, or the nailing of the
counterfeit Piece to the Threſhold of the impartial Magi-
ftrate of the Place. But this Bill provides a Remedy pro-
portionate to fuch a growing Inconvenience: The King's
Mint ſhall not hereafter be repreſented by the Smith's Anvil,
nor the Trade of a Tinker get more Employment than the
Goldſmith; the Money-makers in
and
fhall meet no more Encouragement to vent their baſtard
Metal, and fill the Country with fpurious and adulterated
Coin. And fo forth.
Upon the Bill for the taking and killing of Tories
and Wood-kerns; and bringing to Justice those
that are not amefnable to Law.
A Mong the many feaſonable and wholfome Bills con-
trived and tranfmitted by the Sagacity and Diligence
of the Chief Governor of this Kingdom, and Privy-Council,
no one ſeems more naturally adapted to the Neceflities of it,
than this now lying before us. Other Acts may be but the
Tranſcript of the Acts made in England; or, if created here
upon a common or emergent Occafion, may be without
Disparagement copied and imitated there: But this is appro
priated
>
134
A COLLECTION
priated to Ireland; it can have no Operation elſewhere: It
were as vain and needlefs to propofe it in the Parliament in
England, as to offer a Bill here for the Deſtruction of Toads
and Frogs: Each Country is infefted with the contrary Ver-
min; and, were the Title of this Bill fixed upon the Pofts
in the Exchange at London, it would be no more under-
ftood, than a Law to fupprefs Brogues and Brackins, or to
prohibit Cofhering and Comeric; the Names of Tories and
Wood-kerns would found as ftrange there, as the old Act to
abolish the Words Cromabo and Butlerabo. The horrid
Crueltics, the ugly Murders, the innumerable Stealths and
Robberies, that have been committed in this Kingdom, fince
the happy Reſtoration, and under the peaceable Government
of our most dear and most renowned King, might vie an
Account with the general Devaftation in the laft Rebellion:
The treacherous, difingenuous, and bloody Proceedings of
the Tories in this Country, do make the Method and Cuſtom
of the Robbers in England to be looked on as a civil Treat-
ment; and do, in fome degree, juflify their fofter Denomi-
nation of Highway-Lawyers. New and extraordinary Crimes
do require unuſual and unpractifed Remedies: This lawleſs
Generation of Vipers, this deteftable Knot of Banditti, pro-
vokes our Invention to devife fome Act agreeable to the
Singularity of the Occafion; and rather fitted to the Ex-
travagancy of the Offender, than warranted by the known
and common Law of the Land: As a wary General draws
up his Men, and alters the Form of his fighting, according
to the Order and Motion of his Enemy; and a Stratagem,
or Ambuſcado, is extolled in him, which, in ordinary Con-
verfation would be ſtiled a Cheat or Circumvention; ſo
the Phyſician applies a defperate Cure to a defperate Diſeaſe ;
and Amputations muſt be uſed to cure a Gangrene, when a
Cobweb will ſerve to heal a cut Finger. And fo forth.
of LETTER S.
135
Upon the Bill to enable Biſhops, and other Ecclefi-
aftical Perfons, to fet Leafes for Lives.
Though the direful Effects of the laft inteftine War in
this Kingdom were moft vifible and remarkable, not
only in the Burning of Houſes, and Depopulating of Villages,
but alfo in the utter Ruin and Destruction of all English
Plantations; yet no fooner were the Waters of Blood
abated, and the peaceful Dove had found a dry Place to fet
her Foot on, but Men began to creep out from their Re-
ceffes, and enter into their old Poffeflions, and till their
Grounds, and cultivate their Farms, and adorn their De-
meſnes with all decent and uſeful Improvements; with a
generous Emulation, ſtriving to imitate England; fo that, in
many Parts of this Country, the Copy may vie with the
Original; and the fole Advantage our Neighbours can pre-
tend to above us, must be attributed to Time, the long
Duration of their Endeavors, and that they have not been in-
terrupted by barbarous Burning and Depopulation. But
while in all Corners of the Land we behold the old Pro-
prietors rebuilding their ruined Houfes, replanting their de-
cayed Orchards; thoſe that have acquired new Eftates uſing
all ingenious Arts to advance Pleasure and Profit, and em- -
belliſhing their Seats with all the Additions of Convenience
and Curiofity; only the Patrimony of the Church is at a
Stand: It looks like a barren Soil, and wafte Ground, be-
holden only to Nature, and no way advantaged by Induſtry:
The Caufe whereof can no way be imputed to the Reverend
Fathers of the Church, whofe paternal Care of their Flocks
docs no way indifpofe them to an ceconomical Providence
for
1
136
A COLLECTION
for their Eftates and Tenants: But this Inconvenience arifeth
plainly from the Nature of their Tenure, and from that
Reſtriction which is incident to all Men that are but Tenants
for Life. But this Bill hath provided a noble and brave Re-
medy againſt the univerfal Check upon Improvements in
ecclefiaftical Holdings; the Tenants of the spiritual Lands
fhall have equal Encouragement with the Temporal; they
fhall not fear, that the erecting of a great Houfe fhall be a
Means to alien the Land it ſtands on, or that they ſhall im-
prove their Plantations to the Removal of their Poſterity,
or that their Building fhall become a Fort to keep out their
Heirs from fucceeding them: They fhall fit down in Peace,
and reſt in Security, and tranfmit to their Heirs a hopeful
and indefeaſible Perpetuity. And fo forth.
Upon the Bill to difable Papifts from fitting in either
Houfe of Parliament.
Hitherto the fanguinary and penal Laws againſt Papiſts
have been but picquering, fhooting at Random; dart-
ing at them from a great Distance: This Act comes cloſe up,
it enters into, grapples, and wounds them under the fifth
Rib. Hitherto Poyning's Law has been our Watch tower,
and Outwork. This Act will prove our ſtrongeſt Retrench-
ments, and fortify the Walls of our Religion, and render
it impregnable. And though that Statute was with fingular
Prudence contrived, only in reference to fecular Matters,
and to ſecure the Allegiance of this Kingdom to the Sceptre
of England (for then we had not reformed from the Cor-
ruptions and Innovations of the Church of Rome); yet it has
collaterally proved an excellent Antidote againſt the Poiſon
of
of LETTER S.
137
*
of Popery; fruftrating and defeating all Attempts to intro-
duce a Law here, in Favour of that Religion, fince it
muft firſt be ſubjected to the Teft and Scrutiny of the Coun-
cil there. And though a Bill cannot originally riſe here, nor
walk in theſe Houſes, without a Paffport from thence, yet
we are not divefted of a judiciary Power, nor difabled to
reject what is repugnant to our Senfe and Liking: There-
fore this Act doth opportunely obviate all Dangers that may
accrue from a Parity of Votes, and an Equality of Intereft;
excluding all fuch from fitting in Parliament, who truckle
under a spurious Supremacy, and give the Deference to the
Triple Crown, and magnify the Council of Trent beyond
the Privy-Council.
We cannot forget that helliſh Powder Plot, the Tranſcript
of Caligula's Inhumanity: Their diabolical Malice did as far
exceed his, as a Practice and Endeavour docs exceed a Wiſh
and a Thought; defigning at one Stroke to deftroy Religion,
by cutting off the Head of the Defender; to overturn Go-
vernment, by tripping up the Supporters; and to confound
the People, by blowing up their Reprefentatives. Now,
fince this Act doth debar them from entering within thefe
Walls, who are actuated by the fame Principles, and doth
take from them all Opportunity of an open and public Invaſion
of the cftablished Religion, or fly Seducing of us by falfe
Lights; let us fearch the Vaults and Cellars, and carefully pro-
vide, that no Materials be permitted to be ftowed under us,
leaft they be employed to fupplant us; nor no Faux be per-
mitted to ramble in his Night-walk, and to betray us with a
dark Lantern. And fo forth.
1
T
Upon
ទូ
138
ACOLLECTION
Upon the Bill, for granting of Two hundred Thou-
fand Pounds to his Majeſty.
WE
E are not ſtill on the craving Side; we come now to
give: We have not prigged with the King, nor
trucked our Money for our Privileges; we have not ad-
dreffed ourſelves with a Schedule of Grievances in one
Hand, and a Bill for Subfidies in the other. The King has
been pleaſed to eftablifh our Laws by his Vicegerent's
Mouth, to confirm our A&ts, and to indulge our Defires;
and his moſt loyal Subjects of the Commons Houfe have
here prepared this mean, but fincere Memorial and Pledge
of their Gratitude and Duty, comprehended in an Act for the
Granting of Two hundred thouſand Pounds to his Majefty.
Let the Promoters of arbitrary Government fay what they
will; let them extol the French Polity, and make the great
Monfieur equal to the Grand Signor, and extinguiſh all
Property, in the irreſiſtible Torrent of defpotical Dominion;
let them magnify the Methods of that Empire, where the
Key of every Man's Coffer is tied to his Sovereign's Girdle,
and the Prince becomes Heir General to all his Subjects; yet
all impartial Spectators fhall give the Deference to the
English Cuſtoms, and award uncontroulable Felicity to
our King, whofe Subjects are never impoverished by their
Aids and Supplies given to him; the Exhalations drawn from
their Benevolence being diffolved by the Warmth of his
Favour, and defcending in Showers of Bounty and Goodneſs
on his People. It was not the Sacrifice of an Hecatomb,
but the Sincerity of the Oblation, that pleaſed the Deity:
It is not the coftly.erecting of Temples, the curious adorning
of Altars, the expenfive Confumption of Incenſe and Gums,
that
of LETTER S.
139
that render Religion acceptable to him they worship, but the
Forwardness, the Zeal, and the Integrity, of the Votary.
And fo we pleaſe ourſelves with a confident Affurance, that
the Candour and Loyalty of our Hearts and Intentions to
his Sacred Majefty will be reprefented fo much to our Ad-
vantage, that he may be pleafed graciouſly to accept this
fmall Preſent, bearing no Proportion with his tranfcendent
Merits, but in all Humility offered as an Earneft of our future
Performance, and a firm Refolution to ferve his Majefty
with our Lives and Fortunes. And fo forth.
Upon the Bill, for the better Obfervation of the
Lord's Day, commonly called Sunday.
IT
T is no ordinary Blemiſh to the Profeffors of the Chriftian
Religion, nor no ſmall Diſſuaſive to thoſe that worſhip a
falfe God, or the true God falfly, from becoming Profelytes
and Converts, to obferve the general Coldness, Indifferency,
and Irreligion, in the Affertors and Sticklers for it. Neither
is their any one Inftance of their Lukewarmnefs and Negli-
gence more palpable, and more pregnant, than a lazy, nig-
gardly, and reftive Humour, in flighting or mifemploying
the Solemnity of the Day appointed for the Commemora-
tion of their greateft Happiness: While Men, following
the unequal Dictates of their own perverted Will, do not
only trample upon Religion and Law, but do affix an indeli-
ble Scandal upon all that pretend to the fame Perfuafion.
The Jews, who with fo exact a Strictnefs, and fuch Variety of
Ceremonies, do celebrate the Memory of their Creation;
how justly do they reproach us with a fupine and chilly Devo-
tion, with a profane and diffolute Defecration of the Day
of our Redemption? The Separatifts from the Communion
T 2
of
140
A COLLECTION
of the Church, who contend for the Morality of keeping
the Sabbath, with too much Reafon decry our atheistical In-
civility, in not paying a due Refpect and Reverence to the
Lord's Day. Even the Papifts do fhame and outdo us, who
dedicate one Half of the Day to the public Service, tho' they
rif-ſpend the other in Paſtimes and fecular Employments:
While we, neither giving Honour to our Maker, nor Thanks
to our Saviour, do faſhionably ſubmit to a Ceffation from ma-
nual Labour, but give no Reft to the Service of our Senſes;
nor do diſcover any Diftinction between Sunday and Satur-
day, but by fhutting up of our Shops, and putting on our
beſt Apparel. And becaufe neither the Law promulgated
by Mofes, the Ufage of the primitive Times, nor the San-
ctions of our Church, are fufficient Motives to induce the
People to comply with fo cafy a Duty, this Bill is fuper-
added; that, by the Scourge of the Law, Men may be de-
de..
terred from the accuftoimed Profanation of this great and
univerfal Chriftian Holiday, and inftructed in the better
Obfervation of the Lords Day, commonly called Sunday.
And fo forth.
Upon the Bill, for taking Affidavits in the Country,
to be made Ufe of in the King's-Bench, Common-
Pleas, and Exchequer.
IN
N the Purview of this Act, the Inconveniencies which
occafioned the Framing of it are fo fully enumerated,
and fo rationally enforced, that it were altogether ſuper-
fluous in me to make any Comment upon fo copious and
plain a Text.
f
1
Upon
of LETTERS.
141
Upon the Bill for avoiding unneceffary Suits and
Delays: And,
Upon the Bill for Prevention of trivial and vexa-
tious Suits in Law.
THESE Two Bills, the Twins of One Birth, of near
Refemblance in their Extent and Operation, ſtand be-
fore you at one time, to receive their Sentence of Approbation
or Rejection: The one points to the Courts and Officers,
"where Suits are managed; the other aims at the Extravagancy.
of him that fues. Sometimes Suits are commenced without,
any Neceflity, and protracted without any Reafon: Some-
times they are undertaken upon very flight Grounds, and
fomented only out of Humour to vex the Party. Thus do
Men often owe their Deftruction to the too rafh, or too flow,
Application of the Phyfician: Often do found Men, through
Wantonness or Melancholy, phyfic themſelves into a Dif-
cafe, and, by labouring to remove an imaginary Obſtruction,
contract a real and unremoveable Diftemper. The common
Sort of People are naturally fo litigious, and prone to Con-
tention, that they are not fatisfied with their own, nor pleafed
quietly and cheaply to recover their Right, unless it be ufhered
in by a Verdict or Decree, or awarded by the Judgment of
another Nay, even thoſe that fit in the higher Forms, and
pretend to Metal and Gallantry, they account it a great Im-
peachment of their Courage, tamely to fubmit to an Ac-
commodation; and prodigally, and vain-gloriouſly, will
throw away a hundred Pounds, rather than be croſſed in the
Recovery of a Shilling. The Ufurer, the Extortioner, and
the
142
A COLLECTION
the Oppreffor, receive no Satisfaction from a cheap and
bloodless Victory, unless the beggar'd Adverſary be chained
to the Wheels of their triumphant Chariot; and, with as
much Profuſeneſs as Cruelty, they care not how they empty
their fupernumerary Bags, fo they may but utterly exhauft the
little Purſe of their lean Antagonist. Thus the Tumour of
the haughty Man is inflamed, the Thirft of the Covetous
increaſed, the Spleen of the Wrangler hardened, the eafy
Man is wheedled, the rich Man milked, and the poor Man
fqueezed, and all trepanned into a certain Expence, by the
greedy Expectation of an uncertain Succeſs; while the hun-
gry Pettifoggers (the Vermin of the Long Robe, the ſuper-
fluous Excrefcences that ſpring from that honourable Profef-
fion of the Law), ftick like Horſe-Leaches to the ſwelling
Veins of the incenfed Client; and, by attempting to cure
the Pleurify in the Purfe, they do, by too much Evacuation,
bring the Eſtate into an incurable Conſumption.
I
But, left this Expence of your Time, and Delay of your
Buſineſs, fhould prove as unneceffary, and my Difcourfe as
trivial, as thoſe things againſt which I have declaimed
make it my Motion, that each of thefe Bills may pafs; and
that, as they do portend a future Eaſe and Quiet to the Peo-
ple; fo we may admit them without any trivial and vexatious
Objections.
Upon the Bill for the further Security of Eftates
paſſed upon the late Acts of Settlement and Ex-
planation.
LET Hiſtory be inquired into, both facred and profane;
let the Annals be fearched, both foreign and domeftic;
let the Tranſactions be canvaffed of the greatest Princes, and
the
of LETTER S.
143
the wiſeſt Counſels; all will concur in this Report, that
human Knowlege is dim, and ſhort-fighted; that the moſt
fage and exquifite Legiflators were never able to contrive
fuch a Law, as other Reaſons, Accidents, and Circumſtances,
might not adminiſter fome Occaſion, to Poſterity to aboliſh,
alter, amend, confirm, or explain, what was with the greateſt
Caution, Neceflity, and Deliberation, projected by their
Anceſtors. If mortal Men had an infallible Forefight of Fu-
turities, they might ſtand fair for the Honour of a divine
Attribute; could they, with an intuitive Knowlege, difcern
Actions and Occurrences, they might be equal to the An-
gels: But, alas! he that can make a judicious Obſervation of
Things paſt, and ſeaſonably apply fuch Precedents to the pru-
dent Managery of his Affairs, does enough to purchaſe the
Denomination of a wife Man: He that can ſo time his Bufi-
neſs, as to make a lucky Ufe of the prefent Occafion, and
exactly judgeth of what lies before him, is juftly filed a
diſcreet Perfon. Future Events are written in the dark
Leaves of Defliny; and purblind Man cannot read them at a
Diflance. We ordinarily allow the Deference to fecond
Thoughts, and are not afhamed to owe our Succefs to the
well-playing of an After-game. Wherefore it ought to be
no more deemed a Diminution to the Honour, Candour,
and Sagacity of the former Parliament, that their Acts are
coroborated and improved by this, than it can be accounted
an unneceffary Kindneſs to the Owners of Eftates paffed and
transferred by the late Acts of Settlement and Explanation,
to have the Benefit of this Act fuperadded for their further
Security. And fo forth.
Upon
}
!
144
#
A COLLECTION
da ni anae lliw He
Upon the Bill for avoiding Exactions taken upon
TH
Apprentices in Cities, &c.
HE great and high Court of Parliament doth not
difdain the Care and Confideration of low Things:
f
As it provideth for the Advancement of Religion, the Safety
of Life, and the Security of Eftates; fo it doth not over-
look the Benefit and Convenience of mean Perfons: As it
preſcribes a Puniſhment for Crimes, and capital Offences ;
fo it does not neglect to adminifter a Cure for Peccadillos,
and the ſmalleſt Irregularities: They do not only, in Duty to
the King, labour to eſtabliſh and advance his Majefty's Re-
venue; in Zeal to the Church, enact Laws commodious
to ecclefiaftical Perfons; in Devotion to Religion, exter-
minate and feclude the fecret and avowed Enemies of it;
in Affection to the Country, contrive Immunity and Pro-
tection against Tories and Robbers; but, in a parental and
univerfal Care, they make Infpection into the Cities and
Shops, and confider the Condition of poor Apprentices.
Upon the Bill for taking away the Writ de Hæretico
comburendo.
IT may very justly be admired how this dormant Writ
hath eſcaped the Confideration of fo many Parliaments ;
that they ſhould be amuſed into ſo ſupine a Negligence, not
to provide for the Security of their Lives against the Info-
lence and Capricio of a fubordinate Power. That when
nothing fhall be deemed Treafon, but what is declared fo by
the Statute; no Man fhall be forejudged of Life, or Limb,
but by the Law of the Land; no Man fhall be condemned
I
or
of LETTER S.
145
or found guilty, but by the Tryal of his Peers; nor outed of
his Poffeffion arbitrarily, or by Force; yet it fhall be in the
Power of the Ordinary, and his Commiffaries, fortified with
the Vote of three or four ecclefiaftical Officers, to denounce
a Man a Heretic, to commit him to the fecular Power; while
the one ſhall adjudge him to fenfible and momentary Flames,
the other to invifible and everlaſting Fire. And howſoever
this Writ (being enforced by a Statute, in the Times of grofs
and dusky Ignorance, when Popery was predominant) may
now be thought to need no Abolition; the Bifhops, and
Rulers of the Church, profefling no other Articles of Religion,
nor Forms of Worſhip, than what are allowed and preſcribed
by the known Laws of the Land; yet certainly it is neither
fafe, nor prudent, to permit fuch a Latitude of Power to any
Sort of Men, whofe. Reafon may be perverted, whofe Con-
ftancy may be battered, and whofe Judgment is not infallible.
We may remember the fad Uſe was made of an obſolete Statute
for finding accumulative Treafon (which, having for many Cen-
turies of Years flept undisturbed, among the mouldy Records
in the Tower, was conjured up for the prefent Occafion, and
then damned to perpetual Difufe and Oblivion); whereby an
incomparable Perfon was made a Victim to the diſtracted Zeal
of the Rabble, and fuch a Head cut off, as was not to be
ranfomed by the Price of a Kingdom. We do not know the
Humour of the next Age; we are fomewhat ftartled at the
Inclinations of this: Let us at least take care, that Men be
not hurried to the Stake without a Premonition of the
Offence; that our Words and Actions may be weighed at the
Standard of the known Laws and Statutes of the Realm, and
not condemned by the arbitrary and uncertain Rule of ca-
nonical Sanctions: That fo he that fuffers may not be tor-
mented anew by the partial Cenfure of the Survivors, blatting
A.
his
>
146
A COLLECTION
his Fame with the Brand of a Heretic; while fome perhaps
may pay to his Meniory the untimely and unperceived Re-
putation of a Martyr. And fo forth.
Air. Francis Phylips's Petition to the King, in the
behalf of Sir Robert Phylips, his Brother, Prifoner
in the Tower.
To the King's most Excellent Majefty.
Moft dread Sovereign,
IF the Thrones of Heaven and Earth were to be folicited
one and the fame Way, I fhould have learned, by my often
Prayers to God for your Majefty, how to pray to your Majefty
for others. But the Liturgy of the Church and Court are dif-
ferent, as in many other Points, ſo eſpecially in this, that in
the one there is not fo poor a Sinner, but may offer his
Prayers immediately to the Almighty; whereas in the other a
right loyal Subject may not pour out his Zeal, without an *
Ora pro nobis. Now fuch is the obfcure Condition of your
humble Suppliant, as I know no Saint about your facred Perfon
to whom I can addrefs my Orifons, or in whofe Mediation I
dare repoſe myſelf with the leaft Affurance. Let it be there-
fore lawful for me, in this extraordinary Occafion, to paſs the
ordinary Forms; and, raifing my Spirit above Uncertainties, to
fix my intire Faith upon your Majefty's fupreme Goodneſs;
which is and ever ought to be eſteemed the beſt Tribunal, and
beft Sanctuary, for a good Caufe: But howfoever my Cauſe be,
it would be high Prefumption to ftand upon it; I have there
fore choſen rather to reft myſelf at your Majefty's Feet, from
*N. B. He was of the Church of Rome.
whence
of LETTER S
147
whence I would not willingly rife, but there remain a Monu-
ment of Sorrow and Humility, till I had obtained fome gra-
cious Anſwer to my Petition.
For though your Thoughts cannot deſcend ſo low as to con-
ceive, how much it imports a poor diſtreſſed Subject, to be re-
lieved or neglected; yet you may be pleaſed to believe, that
we are as highly affected, and as much anguifhed, with the
Extremities that prefs our little Fortunes, as Princes are with
theirs. I fpeak not of any Pride I take in comparing fmall
Things with great, but only to difpofe your Majeſty to a fa-
vourable Conftruction of my Words, if they feem over-
charged with Zeal and Affection, or to expreſs more earneſt-¦
neſs than perhaps your Majefty thinks the Buſineſs merits. For
(as myſelf values it) the Suit I am now to make to your Ma-
jeſty is no flight one; yet may fafely be granted without the
Trouble of Referrers. For I affure your Majefty, upon my
Life, it is neither against the Law of the Kingdom, nor will
diminish any of your Royal Treafures (either that of your
Coffers, or that of your People's Hearts); it being only an Act,
or rather a Word of Clemency, that will fuffice to create in
your poor dejected Suppliant a new Heart, and fend him
away as full of Contentment, as now he is of Grief and De-
fpair. Nor is it for myfelf that I thus implore your Majeſty's
Grace; but for one that is far more worthy; and in whom all
that I am confifts, my dear and only Brother; who (by I
know not what Misfortune) hath fallen, or rather been pushed,
into your high Difpleafure, not in dark or crooked Ways, fuch
as corrupt and ill-affected Subjects uſe to walk, and were wont
to break their Necks in, but even in a great Road, which both
himſelf, and all good Englishmen (which knew not the privy
Paths of the Court) would have fworn, would have led fafely
to your Majeſty's Service. From your Majefty's Difpleaſure
(than which there needs no other Invention to crucify a good
- i
U 2
and
|
148
A COLLECTION
*
to his
and honeft-minded Subject) hath iffued, and been derived upon
him, a whole Torrent of exemplary Punishments; wherein.
his Reputation, Perfon, and Eftate, have grievously fuffered.
For, having from the laft Recefs of Parliament retired himſelf
poor
Home in the Country, with Hope to have breathed
awhile after thefe troublefome Affairs (and ftill breathing
nothing but your Majefty's Service), he was fent for, ere he had
finiſhed his Chriſtmas, by a Serjeant at Arms, who arreſted him
in his own Houfe, with as much outward Terror as belongeth
to High Treafon itself.
But, Thanks be unto God, his Conſcience never ſtarted; and,
for his Obedience, he fhewed, it was not in the Authority of
any Power to furpriſe it. For at the Inftant, without fo much
as asking a Minutes Time of Refolution, he remitted himſelf
to the Officer's Difcretion, who, according to his Directions,
brought him up a Captive, and prefented him to the Council-
Table as a Delinquent; from whence he was foon committed
to the Tower, where he hath ever fince been kept cloſe Pri-
foner, and that with fo ftrict a Hand, as his dear-beloved Wife,
and myſelf, having fometimes an urgent and unfeigned Occafion
to speak with him, about fome private Buſineſs of his Family,
and thereupon made moft humble Suit to the Lords of your
Majefty's most honourable Privy Council, for the Favour of
Accefs; we were, to our great Diſcomforts, denied it, by reaſon
(as their Lordships then pleaſed to declare unto us) that he had
not then fully fatisfied your Majefty in fome Points; which is
fo far from being his Fault, as I dare fay it is Part of his greateſt
Affliction, that he is himſelf debarred from the Means of doing
it. The Lords Commiffioners that were appointed by your
Majefty to examine his Offence, fince the first Week of his Im-
priſonment, have not done him the Honour to be with him;
by which means, not only his Body, but the beſt Part of his
Mind, his humble Intentions toward your Majefty, are kept in
Reſtraint.
May
of LETTER S.
149
May it therefore pleafe your moft excellent Majefty, now at
Length, after three Months moft extreme Durance, to ordain
fome fuch Courſe of Expedition in his Cauſe as may ſtand with
your Justice, and not avert your Mercy: EITHER of them
will ferve our Turn: But that which is moft agreeable to your
moſt royal and gracious Inclination, will beft accomplish our
Defires. To live ftill in Prifon, is all one as to be buried alive;
and for a Man that hath any Hope of Salvation, it were better
to pray for the Day of Judgment, than to live languishing in
fuch waking Mifery. Yet not ours, but your Majesty's Will be
done: For if in your princely Wiſdom you think it not yet
ſeaſonable to restore him to his former Condition, or to accept
of the Fruits of his Corrcation, and humble and penitent Sub-
miffion of his Unhappiness in offending your Majefty (which
I affure myſelf is long fince ripe, and grown to full Perfection
in fo forward an Affection, and ſo prone to all manner of royal
Duties, as he hath ever been); if, I fay, it be not yet Time
to fhew Mercy, but that ftill he muſt remain within the Walls
of his Bondage, to expiate that which he did within the Walls
of Privilege-
My Hope is, that he which will die at any time for your
Majeſty's Service, will find Patience to live any-where, for
your Majefty's Pleaſure. Only thus much let me befeech your
Majefty again and again, not to deny your moft humble and
obedient Subject, that you will be pleaſed to mitigate the Rigour
of his Sufferings fo far, as to grant him the Liberty of the
Tower; and that he may no longer groan under the burden
of theſe Incommodities, which daily prejudice his Health and
Fortune in a higher Degree, than I believe your Maje y either
knows or intends. I am bold to importune your Majefty in
this Point, becauſe it concerns mine own Good and Preferva-
tion. For your Majefty fhall deign to understand, that I have
no Means to live your Subject, but what proceeds from his
brotherly
1.5.0
A COLLECTION
brotherly Love and Bounty; fo as I may not be ſuffered to go
unto him, and receive Order for my Maintenance, I know
none, but our Father which is in Heaven, of whom I can
beg our daily Bread. He that was my Father upon Earth is
long fince departed, and (if I have not been misinformed, who
was then beyond the Seas, par mes peccades) your Majeſty's
Anger was to him little better than the Meffengers of Death,
though I perfuade myself it was rather in your Majefty's
Name, than on your Majeſty's Errand. For what Uſe could
your Majeſty have of his being no more? Whò neither was,
nor ever could be, other than your Majefty's faithful and af-
fectionate Servant; who in his Soul adored your Royal Perfon,
as much as any mortal Man did a mortal God; and, laſtly,
whofe Heart was bent to pleaſe your Majefty; as the very
Sound of your Difpleafute was enough to break it; and more
perfect Obedience than this can a Subject fhew, to make his
Sovereign's Favour equal to Life, and Death?
:
Pardon me (dread Sovereign), if I cannot in this Cafe hinder
my Father's Ghoft from appcaring; for how can it poflibly be
at reſt, ſo long as your fatal Difpleaſure reigns ftill in his poor
Family, and makes it the Houfe of continual Mourning? Re-
move then (if it be your Will) the Cloud hung fo long over
our Heads: And let not the prefent Storm, that wants Matter
to produce, extort a Thunderbolt: For what is Phylipes, or
the Son of Phylipes, that your Majefty ſhould ſo deſtroy
them? We are unworthy of CESAR's Anger, as well in
regard of our Meannefs, as our Innocency. To conclude my
Prayers; I moft humbly beseech your Majeſty to forgive them;
and let not my Ignorance of the Time and Ceremónies uſed
in Court, be imputed to your humble and well-mcaning Sup-
pliant, as a wilful want of Reverence; for there lives not in
your Dominions, a Subject in whofe Breaft the two loyal Qualities
of Love, and Fear do more religiouſly meet, or who would more
*
willingly
of LETTER S.
151
willingly part with his own Effence, to add the leaft Acqui
fition to the Greatnefs and Majefty of his Sovereign. True i
is, that the Subject, that employed my Soul at this prefent, was
of fuch a Nature, that I could not deny it the uttermost of my
Affection; and he that thinks he can never ſpeak enough, nay
eafily ſpeak too much: My Comfort is that neither my Brother,
nor myſelf, can be faid to have failed, or exceeded, in any
thing but Words: But what will that avail us, unleſs your
Majefty will pardon? without that, all our Crimes are equal,
and as much Danger lies in a humble Petition, as a Plot of
Treafon.
Be pleaſed therefore to give us back (moft gracious Sovereign)
our questionable Words, and keep our undoubted Hearts; at
leaft, fhew us fuch Mercy as to judge us according to your own
Goodneſs: For if we had not Leave to appeal thither, we
ſhould be in Danger of lofing the happieſt Part of our Birth-
right, and, inſtead of your Majefty's Subjects, become other
Mens Slaves. From your Majeſty therefore, and no other,
your faithful Suppliant craves and expects the royal Words of
Grace ; which if I may be fo happy as to carry my poor
Brother, before he grows any older in Mifery, I fhall fill many
an honeſt Heart with Praife and Thankſgiving: And, for my
Particular, your Majefty's greatest Favour, and Liberality, fhall
not more oblige, or better affect others, than this your royal
Clemency fhall me. In Memory whereof I fhall daily pray,
that your Majefty may obtain all your Defires in Heaven, and
be obeyed in all your Commands on Earth, that you may live
to ſee all your holy Intentions take Effect for the Good of
Christendom; and fo honour the Age you live in, with the
Miracles of your Wiſdom: Finally, that your Felicity in this
World may overtake that in the next, and, make you wear a
perpetual Crown, to God's Glory, and your own.
Your Majesty's most humble, loyal, and true English Subject,
FRANCIS PHYLIPES.
152
A COLLECTION
Mr. CUFFE's remarkable Speech at his Execution.
TAM here adjudged to die for acting an Act never plotted,
for plotting a Plot never acted. Juftice will have her
Courſe; Accufers muſt be heard; Greatneſs will have the Vic-
tory Scholars and Martialifts (though Learning and Valour
ſhould have the Pre-eminence) in England muft die like Dogs,
and be hanged. To miſlike this, were but Folly; to diſpute
of it, but Time loft; to alter it, impoflible; but to endure it,
is manly, and to fcorn it, Magnanimity. The Queen is dif-
pleafed, the Lawyers injurious, and Death terrible: But I crave
Pardon of the Queen; forgive the Lawyers, and the World;
defire to be forgiven; and welcome Death.
A Character of Mr. Haſtings, taken from the firſt
Earl of Shaftsbury's Memoirs, a Manufcript, p. 18.
IN
N the Year 1638. lived Mr. Haftings. By his Quality he
was Son, Brother, and Uncle, to three fucceffive Earls of
Huntington. He was, peradventure, an Original in our Age,
or rather the Copy of our antient Nobility in hunting, not in
warlike Times. He was low, very ftrong, and very active, of
a rediſh flaxen Hair; his Cloaths always green Cloth, and
never all worth, when new, five Pounds. His Houfe was
perfectly of the old Faſhion, in the Midft of a large Park, well
ſtocked with Deer; and, near the Houſe, Rabbets to ſerve his
Kitchen; many Fifh-ponds, great Store of Wood and Timber;
a Bowling-Green in it, long, but narrow, full of high Ridges,
it being never levelled fince it was plowed; they ufed round
fand Bowls; and it had a Banquetting-houſe like a Stand, a
large
of LETTER S.
153
large one built in a Tree. He kept all manner of Sport-Hounds
that ran, Buck, Fox, Hare, Otter, and Badger, and Hawks,
long and fhort winged. He had all Sorts of Nets for Fifh.
He had a Walk in the new Foreft, and the Manor of Chrift's
Church; this laft fupplied him with Red Deer, Sea and River
Fiſh; and indeed all his Neighbours Grounds and Royalties
were free to him; who bestowed all his Time in theſe Sports,
but what he borrowed to carefs his Neighbours Wives and
Daughters; there being not a Woman in all his Walks, of the
Degree of a Yeoman's Wife, or under the Age of Forty, but
it was extremely her Fault, if he was not intimately acquainted
with her; this made him very popular, always fpeaking kindly
to the Husband, Brother, or Father, who was to boot very
welcome to his Houfe; whenever he came there he found Beef,
Pudding, and Small Beer, in great Plenty. A Houſe not fo
neatly kept as to fhame him, or his dufty Shoes. The great
Hall frewed with Marrow-bones, full of Hawks Perches,
Hounds, Spaniels, and Terriers. The Upperfide of the Hall
hung with the Fox-Skins of this and the laft Year's killing;
here and there a Pole-Cat intermixed, Game-keepers and
Huntſmens Poles in Abundance. The Parlour was a large
long Room, as properly furniſhed. On a great Hearth paved
with Brick lay fome Terriers, and the choiceft Hounds and
Spaniels Seldom but two of the great Chairs had Litters of
young Cats in them, which was not to be diſturbed, he always
having three or four attending him at Dinner, and a little white
round Stick, of fourteen Inches long, lying by his Trencher,
that he might defend fuch Meat as he had no Mind to part with
to them. The Windows, which were very large, ferved for
Places to lay his Arrows, Crofs-Bows, Stone-Bows, and other
fuch-like Accoutrements. The Corners of the Room full of
the best Choice hunting and hawking Poles; an Oyfter Table
at the lower End, which was of conftant Ufe twice a Day,
X
all
154
A COLLECTION
all the Year round; for he never failed to eat Oyſters before
Dinner and Supper through all Seafons: The neighbouring
Town of Poole ſupplied him with them. The upper Part of
the Room had two finall Tables and a Desk; on the one Side
of which was a Church Bible, and on the other, the Book of
Martyrs. On the Tables were Hawks Hoods, Bells, and fuch-
like; two or three old green Hats, with their Crowns thruſt
in ſo as to hold ten or a dozen Eggs; which were a Pheaſant
kind of Poultry he took much Care of, and fed himſelf.
Tables, Dice, Cards, and Boxes, were not wanting; in the
Hole of the Desk were Store of Tobacco-pipes that had been
ufed. On one Side of this End of the Room was the Door
of a Cloſet, wherein food the ftrong Beer, and the Wine,
which never came thence, but in fingle Glaffes, that being the
Rule of the Houfe, exactly obferved; for he never exceeded
in Drink. or permitted it. On the other Side was a Door,
into an old Chapel, not ufed for Devotion; the Pulpit, as the
fafeft Place, was never wanting of a cold Chine of Beef,
Venifon-pafty, Gamon of Bacon, or great Apple-pye, with
thick Cruft, extremely baked. His Table coft him not much,
though it was good to eat at. His Sport fupplied all but Beef
and Mutton, except Fridays, when he had the beſt Salt-filh, as
well as other Fish, he could get, and was the Day his Neighbours
of beſt Quality moſt viſited him. He never wanted a London
Pudding; and always fung it in with My pert Eyes there in a-
He drunk a Glafs or two of Wine at Meals, very often Syrup
of Gilly-flowers in his Sack; and had always a Tun Glafs
without Fect ftood by him, holding a Pint of Small Beer,
which he ſtirred with Rofemary. He was well-natured, but
foon angry, calling his Servants Baftards, and Cuckoldy Knaves;
in one of which he often ſpoke Truth to his own Knowlege,
and fometimes in both, though of the fame Man. He lived
to a Hundred, never loft his Eycfight; but always wrote and
read
E
of LETTER S.
155
read without Spectacles, and got on Horſeback, without help-
inn tuntil paft Fourfcore; he rode to the Death of a Stag, as
went as any.
N. B. He lived at Woodland.
Memorandum: The Picture of this Mr. Haftings is at full
Length, at the House of Lord Shaftsbury, at St. Giles's,
near Cranborn in Dorſetſhire. His Perfon, Cloaths, and
green Hat, are agrecable to the above Deſcription; and
the Tradition of his Character in the neighbouring Vil-
lages confirms this Account of his Life. The preſent
Lord Shaftsbury, finding in the firft Earl's Memoirs this
Character of him, caufed it to be wrote out, and hung
up under the Picture, in a fine gilt Frame.
The Picture fhews Age and Vigour, and appears to have
been drawn when he was about Fourfcore.
A Letter from Lady Margaret, King Henry the
Seventh's Mother, from the Original in her own
Hand.
My dereft and only defyred foy yn thys World,
WITH my mofte herty lovynge Bleffyngs, and humble
Comendations-y pray oure Lord to reward, and thancke
your Grace, for thatt yt hathe plefyd your Hyghnes foo kyndly
and lovyngly to be content to wryte your Lettyrs of Thancks
to the Frenshe Kying, for my greet Mater, that foo longe
hathe been yn Sewte, as Maſtyr Welby hath fhewed me your
bounteous Goodneſs is plefed. I wyfh my der Hert and my
Fortune be to recover yt, y truft ye fhall well perſeyve y fhall
delle towards you as a kind lovyng Modyr; and if У
X 2
fhuld
nevyr
156
A COLLECTION
nevýr have yt; yet your kynd Delyng ys to me a theand
tymes more then all that Good y can recover, and
Frenfhe Kyng's mygt be myn wythall. My der Hert, and yt
may pleſe your Hyghnes to lycenſe Maftyr Whytftongs, for thys
Time, to preſent your honorabyll Lettyrs, and begyn the Pro-
cefs of my Caufe; for that he fo well knoweth the Matter,
and alfo brought me the Wrytyngs from the feyd Frenfhe King,
with hys odyr Lettyrs to hys Parlyement at Paryfe; yt ſhold
be gretlye to my Helpe, as y thynke; but all wyll y remyte to
your Plefyr; and if y be too bold in this, or eny my Defires,
y humbly befeche your Grace of Pardon, and that your High-
nes take no Dyfplefyr.
My good Kynge, y have now fent a Servant of myn ynto
Kendall, to reffeyve fyche Anewietys as be yet hangynge opon
the Acounte of Sir Wyllyam Wall, my Lord's Chapeleyn,
whom y have clerly dyfcharged; and if yt wull plefe your Ma-
yefty's oune Herte, at your Loyfer to fend me a Lettyr, and
command me, that y fuffyr none of my Tenantes be reteyned
with no Man, but that they be kepte for my Lord of Yorke,
your faire fwete Son, for whom they be moft mete; it fhall be
a good Excufe for me to my Lord and Hosbond; and then y
may well and wythowte Dyſplefyr cauſe them all to be ſworne,
the wyche fhall not aftyr be long undon: And wher your Grace
fhewed your Plefyr for
the Baſtard of Kyng Ed-
ward's; Syr, there is neither that, or any other thing, I may do
by your Commandment, but y fhall be glad to fullfyll to my
lytyll Power, with God's Grace: And, my fwete King, Feldyng,
this Berer, hath prayed me to befeche yow to be his good Lord
yn a Matter he feweth for to the Biſhop of Ely, now, as we
here, electe, fot a lytyll Offyfe nyghe to Lond. Verily, my
Kynge, he ys a gued and a wyfe well rewled Gentylman, and full
trewly hathe ferved yow well accompanyed as well at your fyrſt
as all odyr Occafions; and that cawfethe us to be the more bold
gladder
of LETTER S.
157
and gladder alſo to ſpeke for hyme; how be yt my Lord Marquis
hath ben very low to hym yn Tymes paft, by cauſe he wuld not
be reteyned with him; and trwly, my 'good Kyng, he helpythe
me ryght well yn feche Matters as y have Befynes wythyn thys
Partyes: And, my der Hert, y now befeche you of Pardon of my
long and tedyous Wrytyng, and pray almighty God to gyve
you as long, good, and profperous Lyfe as evyr had Prynce, and
as herty Bleffyngs as y can axe of God. At Calais Town, thys
Day of Seint Annes, that y dyd bryng ynto thys World my
good and gracyous Prynce, Kynge, and only beloved Son. By
Your humble Servant, Bede-woman, and Modyer,
MARGARET R.
To the King's Grace.
An original Commiſſion, figned King Henry VIII. to
take Poffeffion of Cardinal Woolfey's Eftate, con-
demned and forfeited to the King.
HENRY R.
By the KIN G.
RUSTY and well-beloved, We grete youe well. And
wheras the mooft Reverend Fader in God Thomas Lord
Cardinall, Archebiffhop of Yorke, in the Terme of Sain&t Mi-
chael laft paft, was, befor us in our Benche, juftly and lawfully
committed, condempned, and atteinted of and for certayn great
Cauſes and Offences by him committed and done against us,
our Regallity and Lawes: Wherfor he hathe forfeited unto us
all his Caftells, Houfes, Lordfhippes, Landes, Rents, and Here-
ditaments, wherof he, or any others to his Ule, was feafed or
poffeffed, in Pofleflion, Reverfion, or Ufe, with all the Prof
fets and Revenues of the fame. And forafmoche as it is
comen to our Knowleage, that the faid Cardinall hath not
only
158
A COLLECTION
only infeoffed the Deane and Canons of a College by him
lately erected within our Univerfitie of Oxforde; but alſo
other Perſonnes of and in certain Lands lying and being within
our Countye of Norffolk: And bycauſe that, by the Ordre of
our Lawes, Offices must be founde forus, comprifing the Cer-
tainte of the ſaid Lands, we intending the Effect of our faid
Lawes in that Behalf to be inforced, have autory fed you, by
our Commiffion under our Great Seale, to enquire of the
fame; willing and commanding youe to make due Inquifition
therof, according to the Purport of our faid Commiffion:
And wher alſo it is come to our Knowleage, that certain of
our Subjects, being Fermors unto the faid College, be lawfully
intiteled unto certain Fermes, for the which they have not only
payd great Fynes, but alſo have ben at other Charges in the
obtcyning of the fame, intending to procure them Leaſes, to be
founde by Office befor youe, for the Prefervation of their In-
tereſts in that Behalf: We therfor, bearing tender Zele to our
ſaid Subjects, and being not mynded that they fhuld fuffre any
Wrong or Damage in that Behalf, will and commande youe
fermely to promyffe, on our Behalf, to every fuch Subject or
Subjects appering before youe for ſuch Purpoſe, and to all other
our Subjects, having any fuch Leafes, that their Leafes fhall
ſtand as good and effectuali unto them, as by our Lawes they
fhuld do, yf they were fully and expreffely found by the faid
Offices: Whiche is our full Mynde and Pleaſur, any-thing in
the fayd Offices to the contrary notwithſtanding. Given under
our Sygnet, at our Manor of Efthamftade, the 3d Daye of
Auguft, the 21ft Yere of our Reigne.
To our trusty and well-beloved Sir John Bolleyn,
Knight; Sir Francis Lovell, Knight; John
Spelman, Seargeant in our Laws, and Francis
Moundford, Efquiers; and to every of them.
An
of LETTERS,
159
1
**
An original Letter from the Lords of the King's
Council, in the Time of Edward VI. 30th of April
1548. about preferving the Bells in Parish Churches
from being imbezzled.
AFTER our hartic Commendations, wherin the King's Ma-
jeftie, uppon diverfe Compleints made of the greate Waft,
embeſelling, and alienating of the Bells, Plate, Jewels, and
Ornaments, belonging to the Parifhe Churches and Chapells
of all Places of the Realme. Forafmuche as the Inventories
herof made by the Order of his Majeſtie, of all the ſaid Plate,
Jewells, Ornaments, and Bells, within that his Highnes Cytie
of Gloucester, were appoynted to remain with you; the first of
which Inventories fhall be even neceffarie for the Execution of
fuche Orders as is now appoynted to be eftfoones taken for a
more fure Staie of the faid Goods: His Majefty's Pleafure is,
that immediately upon the Sight of theſe our Letters, you
fhall deliver, or caufe to be delivered, to his Majefty's faid Com-
miffioners, particularly appoynted for this Marter in the faid
Countie, all fuche Inventories, concerning the Premiffes, as
remayne in your Cuftodie, or that you maie by any good
Meanes come by: And, befides that, his Majefty's further Plea-
fure is, that, in cafe any of the faid Inventories hertofore re-
mayning with you, or in the Cuftodie of any other before you
in that Office, have bene by any Means delyvered from you or
them, or any others, that in that cafe yon fhall fignifie unto
the faid Commiffioners, to whom, and for what Caufe, the faid
Inventories have bene fo delyvered; and befides give fuche
further Informations as you knowe, and may ferve to the
Knowledge of the Trewth, and the good Furtheraunce of his
Majefty's Commiflion, in all things to be required of you:
Wherof
160
ACOLLECTION
Wherof we require you not to faill. From Westminster, the
laft of April 1548.
WINCHESTER.
WILLM. PETRES, S.
J. BEDFORD.
ROBERT BOTTON.
T. DA....
RYCHARD COTTON.
JOHN TATE.
ROBERT POWIS..
An original Letter from the Earl of Northumberland
to Princess Mary, Daughter to King Henry VIII.
MY
Y bounden Duty humbly remembred to your Grace, it
may pleaſe the fame to underfland, that having ſeen a
Letter lately, directed to my poore Wyfe, wherby it feemyth
your Pleaffer is, that I fhold be a Meane to helppe the Inlardge-
ment of Steyn, your Ofycer, now in Trouble; my Truft is,
that your Grace dothe right well kno, that my whole and
intier Servis, under and next unto my Soverayne Lorde and
Maiſter the King's Majefty, fhall be mofte reddy in all things to
obey your Grace, my Duty referved to his fayd Highnes, which
is your Grace's Souverayne Lorde and moft derely belovyd Bro-
ther. And as I do dayly pray to my Lorde God for the Prefer-
vation of the one, fo do I for the other; and alfo for the Con-
tinuance of perfyt Love and Concord between you; as the
Duty of all true and faythfull Subjects is to do. And for your
fayde Servants, whos Offences hathe byn towards his Majeftie;
fo am I moft affured no lyving Creature may, in the remytting
of their fayd Faults, and releving of their faid Lybertye, do fo
muche therin, as the leeft Requeft from your Grace's felfe may
do to his Majefie: Wherin, as your Grace fhall command me,
fo fhall I therin, and all other things, be reddy to do my
bounden Duty, as apertaynith; as the lyving God know-
eth; who, with the Increas of Priviledge of his moft holy
Word,
3
of LETTER S.
161
Word, preferve your Grace in moft ptofperous Helth and Fe-
licite. At his Majefty's Court the 20th of November.
Your excellent Grace's most bounden
To my Lady Mary's most excellent Grace.
NORTHUMBERLAND.
Sheriffhutton, 29 Octobris.
Counfell of Yorke, to the Lord Cardinal, earnestly
moving for Deputie Wardens to be placed, in order
to raiſe the Militia ----The Death of the Lord
Dacre.----The Earl of Cumberland fueth for his
Offices.--Mr. Heron defireth to be quitt of the Charge
of Ridſdale, and the Lord Ogle, of Tindale.
Nota, Lord Dacre died Anno 17. H. VIII. 1526.
PLEAS it your Grace to call unto youre gracious Remem-
brannce, that we have divers and many times written unto
your Grace for the auctorifing of the Earles of Westmerlande,
and of Combrelande, unto the Office of Deputie Wardeins of
the Eaft, Weft, and middle Marches: And thereupon we have,
at fundry times, promiſed the fame to the ſaid Erles, whiche
yet we cannot perform, becauſe we lak the Fourme, how,
and in what manner, it fhall ftande with the King our Soverain
Lord's Pleaſure, and yours, the fame fhall be granted to them.
And we doubte that the Tracte of Tyme thereof fhall occafion
the myfdemeaned Perfones there, to be more prone and redie
to continue their olde accuftomed Myforders, confidering,
that they be withoute their Wardeins; whiche People, as yet
(thanked be God), bee at fome good Stayc; howebeit, un-
leffe youre Grace fende fhortly hidder the faid Writings, ac-
cording
Y
162
A COLLECTION
cording to our Inftructions, we feare lefte fome great Inconvé-
nience ſhall enfue by the Delay thereof; for the well-difpofed
Inhabitants of the faid Counties (whereof there be right fewe)
proving themfelfs to be without their Wardeins, be in manner
as Men half defperate, and oute of Hope to bee loked on
for Remedie of Myforders. And of the other Parte, the Of
fenders (whereof there bee great Nombre though they of
Tyndale doo yet no Hurte) rejoice the non having of any
fuch Governors, and wold that never any fuche fhuld bee, nor
yet no Meetings at Dayes of Tenour for any manner of Redreffe.
And as youre Grace may muche better confider than we, that
they being wilde Perfones, and moofte ferthifte of and from
good Ordre of all this Realme, cane nor maye no long while
contynue (having no Governors) withoute Perill, and great
Dainger of high Attempts, contrarie to the King our Sove-
rain Lord's Laws; the oonly Remedie and Staye whereof, we
dayly loke for at your Grace's Hands, by Knowlege of your
Pleaſure in annfwering of our former Letters.
Here incloſed we fende unto youre Grace the true Copie of
a Lettre fente from the King's Highnes unto our Felawe Sir
William Sparre, Knight, for the Admiffion of a Yeman of
my Lord's Chambre, over and above the Nombre appoynted
by our Check-Roll: And we befeche your Grace, we may
know your Pleaſure, what we fhall do therein; for we have
takene Daye unto Chriftmaffe next for giving to him of any
Annfwere in the fame; and, in the meane tyme, he is in my
Lord's dayly houfhold, not fworne, or admitted to the fame.
This Daye we have certaine Knowelege of the Deceaſe of
the Lorde Dacre, the Occafion whereof (as we here fay) was
by falling of his Horfe, who had divers Rules, Fermes, and
Offices, of the King's Highnes, as at Cariile, and many other
fundry Places in Comberlande, and many of the fame (as the
Erle of Comberlande affirmeth) were by the King's Highnes
promiſed
of LETTER S..
163
promiſed to him, withoute whiche he faithe he cannot bec
able to exercife the forfaid Rome of Deputie-Warden of the
Weft Marches. And that had, togiddir with the Town and
Caftell of Carlile, he writethe to us he wol be well contente
to entre into the fame Office of Deputie Wardeine of the Wefte
Charges, and to take the Charge thereof on him accordingly
(He entendethe alfoo to fende hiddir his Sone and Heire) We
befeche your Grace, to know your Pleafure, what we fhall do
therein In all other Maturs for whiche we have heretofore
written to knowe youre Grace's Pleaſure, as well by our ſeveral
Letres, fent to your Grace at divers times, as lately by our In-
ftructions generally to Maifter Doctor Tate, and others of my
Lord's learned Counfaill; we in cur moofte humble wife
beſeche youre Grace to take fome Payne therein, that we may
have fome Knowlege of your Grace's Pleafure, by your Grace's
Lettres; whiche we dayly bee right defirous to knowe; and
fhall endevor ourfelfs, with all Diligence, to obey, obferve,
and perform the fame, to the uttermofte of our Powre, as our
Lorde knowethe, who evermore have yeu in his holie Tuycion
and Governance, oure moofte finguler good and gracious Lorde.
Written at the Caftell of Sheriffbutton, the Twenty-ninth
Daye of Octobre.
Sire William Heron wolde fayne be difcharged of Riddifdale,
like as heretofore we have written unto youre Grace; wherein
we requyre your Grace to knowe your Pleaſure; and alſo
touching the Lorde Ogle for the Bailliwick of Tyndale.
Your most humble Servants,
BRIAN HIGDON,
WYLLIAM JASSE,
W. FRANKELEYN, T. TEMPEST.
Joseph VvEdale,
To my Lord Legate his Grace.
Y 2
An
164
A COLLECTION
*
An original Letter of Edward the VIth, excufing a
Peer's Attendance.
EDWARD.
RIG
By the KIN G.
IGHT truſtie and right well-beloved Cofyn, we grete you
well. And whereas it hath been declared unto us, by
our right truftic, and right entierly beloved Cofyn and Coun-
fellor the Duke of Northumberland, that without the manifeſt
Dannger of your Helth you fhall not conveniently be hable to
give your Attendance at the Parliament; which we have par-
ticular fomoned for fundry urgent and weightie Cauſes, con-
cerning the Commonwelthe of our Realme. Like as we have
accepted the faid Declaration, touching the State of your Body;
fo we be pleaſed in that refpecte to tollerate youre Abſence,
notwithſtanding our Write of Somons addreffed unto you, for
youre perfonall Repaire to our faid Parliament: Requiring you
nevertheleſs, upon the Receipte hereof, to make out your
Proxic, in Forme accuſtomed, to fuche Perfonage of your
Eſtate, as may, for you, and by your Confent, advance the
good Purpoſes to be treated and concluded in our faid Parlia-
ment accordingly. And thies our Letters fhal be your Dif
charge for your Abſence, as aforefaid. Geven under our Sig-
net, at our Palace of Westminster, the laſt Daye of February,
the ſeventh Yeare of our Reign.
An original Letter from one Caſtle, to Mr. James
Mills.
Suaviffime Millefi,
YOUR Silence might juftly cauſe me to with-hold my Pen,
left haply my Letter mifs you at the Arrival: For I can-
not conceive (your Indifpofition excepted) what may have
bred
A
P
•
of LETTER S.
165
Bred fo long a Silence, but your Abfence: But the Truth of
my Affections, and Defire to acquit myfelf in my Promife,
would have me fhoot, though it be at Reverſe.
Francklyn (whofe Condemnation I touched in my laft) hath
found the Favour to be refpited from Execution; and re-
quiteth the Gift of a few Days with Diſcoveries of new Broods
of Sorcerers, Witches, and Poiſoners, and other of that hellifh
Rabble Whercof fome (by the Light he hath given) are al-
ready apprehended, and others expected to be brought into
Hold. You will perceive, by this Copy of his Arraignment
incloſed, how far he had Credit in the Poiſon-plot, and who
they be that he hath made queftionable, as Wheels of the
fame Clock.
Sir Tho. Mounfen hath been two feveral Days brought forth,
to be proceeded withal to his Tryal: He was adjourned from
the firſt, upon his Requeft to have the Lord Treaſurer prefent,
who, he thought, would much juftify him againſt ſome main
Circumstances of the Crime. On Monday laft he was fet to
the Bar again. The Indictment having been read, the Lord
Chief Juftice declared, that there were certain Letters fallen
into his Hands, which contained Stuff of a new and ftrange
Stamp, and fuch as had relation to the Priſoner: And for that
there were many hidden and perplexed Circumftances depend-
ing of them, that would ask fome longer time for their Search
and Confiderat on, he muſt be forced to adjourn the Jury, and
the Court, until the 12th of this prefent. In the mean time,
he had Directions to commit the Prifoner to the Tower, where
the Lieutenant had Warrant for his Reception and Cuſtody.
And hereupon giving Order for calling in the Warders of the
Tower, that were atrending in a Place hard by, he committed
him to be fafely conveyed thither. Before he departed from
the Bar, he befought the Judges, that, feeing he was now
brought forth to be condemned or freed, he might not be ſent
away
166
A COLLECTION
away without his Tryal; protefting he was fo pure and white
from any
Guilt of the Crime, that he would neither ask Mercy
for his Soul of God, nor Pardon for his Body of the King. But
my Lord Chief Juftice told him, that the Proteflation had too
much Impudence to come from a Man fo foul and ſpotted as
it was known he was: That he had Savour either of an Atheiſt
or Popish Equivocator; from both which the Impudence was
common; Occultare crimen mendacio, et fcelus fcelere: That
indeed the Arch-diffembler Garnett had fometimes ftood in the
fame Pulpit he now occupied; but his Doctrine of Equivoca-
tion had found fo bad Entertainment in the Minds of all ho-
neſt Men, that he knew his Followers would be much deceived,
if they thought in his Steps to get Credit, though their Speeches
fhould be bound with the deepeſt Proteſtations: That the Lord
Treaſurer, upon whofe Teftimony he fo much relied to be
made upright againſt the Circumſtances of the Accufation, had
that Morning written, that he could fay nothing of Sir Tho.
Mounjen, either to do him Good or Harm. This donc, the
Guard was commanded to take him away. It is conceived,
that he fhall be put to the Torture; and, at the next Seffion,
anſwer as well for Matter of Treaſon as Felony. He is fu-
fpected to hold the Clew or Thread that leadeth into the La-
byrinth of a Miſchief that ſome have filed Conjuratio Catilina,
Lentuli, et Cethegi, &c. and which my Lord Chief Juſtice, more
than once, publicly (connecting the Murder of Overbury into
it) hath in fome degree compared with the Powder-Plot. I
cannot tell what Reference theſe Incendiaries (that had a De-
fign to have buried the beft Part of this City, and moſt of the
principal Towns of the Kingdom, in Afhes and Ruins) might
have towards Mounfen, and his Complices: Only I apprehend,
that in the Prefs of fo fearful a Waſte of Wealth and Arms,
and at a time when People ſhould be filled with Horror and
Amazement, it would not have been a Labour of much Diffi-
culty
of LETTER S.
167
culty for a foreign Power (affifted with the unnatural Vipers
that lodge with us in the fame Womb) to have invaded and
overcome the Land with a wretched Maffacre. The Incendiaries
laid their firſt Proof at Wyndham in Norfolk, which was
burned to the Ground. By the Diſcretion of the Juftices of
that County, and the Induſtry of fome of the Inhabitants, moſt
of them were taken, and have been fince executed; who, be-
fore their Deaths, revealed twelve of thoſe who fhould have
fired London, who fince have been apprehended.
Meſſalina is not yet delivered, though that Print gave out,
that ſhe was brought to Bed of a Child dead-born two or three
Nights fince. The like Report fpake alfo, that the Lord Trea-
furer was committed to the Duke of Lenox: Which is a Falfe-
hood; for he cometh ordinarily to the Council-Board.
The Lord Deputy of Ireland is faid to be coming over; but
not occafioned by any Circumftances fpringing from theſe
Plots, but at his own efpecial Inftance, to retire from the Bur-
den of that Charge, and to receive fome Acceſs of Honour,
which the King is minded to beftow on him here at home.
Mr. Murray, of the Bedchamber, hath the Cuftody of the
Privy-Seal, pro tempore; and to him are the Signets direct-
ed. But it is believed that the King means not to fettle the
Seal there; but will, after his Return hither, recommend it to
fome Perfon of Honour.
Thus you fee how defirous I am to fatisfy your Requeft, and
mine own true Affection, that will never account any Endea-
vour prolix, that may yield you either Profit or Contentment.
As the Scenes go on, you ſhall know more. Continue (my
fweetest Friend) as you do, to love and follow Religion and
Virrue Adjoin to your Society thofe that are like yourſelf;
that have Elegancy of Manners, Comity, and are Lovers of
Virtue and good Letters for others; efteem them, as they are
are, fæx, limus, et verè vulgus. Remember my Service and
Affection
168
ACOLLECTION
Affection to your Father and Mother, and my Salutations to
the reft that belong to your Family. To yourfelf I will never
be other than
7 Decemb. 1565.
Your faithfully affectionate Friend.
J. CASTLE.
To my
my dear Friend Mr. James Mills.
An original Letter from Sir Thomas Wharton to
the Lord Privy-Seal, dated 23 December 1545.
PLESITH it your moſt honorable Lordſhipe to be advertiſed,
that upon Wednifdaie, being the 11th Daie of this Inftant
of Decembre, there was a Seffions of Gaoell Delyverie at Kar-
life; where was Sir Ralf Ellercar, Robert Powis, Robert
Challonner, my Brother Sir Thomas Curven, my felf, and
others, authorifide by the King's Highnes's Commiffion for the
fame; wher did fuffre, accordinge to their Demerits, nine Par-
fons; two for Hie Treafon, upon Words fpoken, That the
Commons was up in the Southe Cuntre; the one was the
Sub-prior of Karlisle, and the other a Man of the Lord/hipe of
Skailkie, nere unto the Border; and one for counterfetinge of
the King's Highnes's Coine, which dwelt in Gillande; the other
fix for Fellonniye; the Executions wherof was a verie goode
Example for all thes Parts: And havynge Knowlege myſelf
laithe affore, from the King's Highnes's Counfaill eftably fhide
in the Northe, of the faid Seffions, I caufide eight Parfons to
be taken for Sufpecions of Fellonnye; in the Apprehenfion
wherof the Lord Dacre did Goode, fince fix of them was of
Gilflande. The Circumftance of the King's Highnes' Affaris
proceded unto, then, I doubt not, but his Grace's faide Coun-
faill haith advertiſed to your Lordſhipe at Length.
Advertiſing
+
of LETTER S.
169
Advertiſinge alfo your Lordfhipe, as I am informed, that the
Lorde Maxwell, the 8th of this Inftant of Decembre, repaired
unto the Court of Scotlande, the Kinge there then at Arbrothe
with the Abbot of the fame: There reftith great Diſpleaſure
betwix the faide Abbot and the faide Lorde Maxwell.
Advertiſing further your Lordshipe, as I am also informed,
that the Kinge of Scots, in his own Parfon, haith appoynted
the 15th Daie of Januarie next to be at Chelfo, which is upon
the Eaft Marche, nere to the Frontere of Ynglande; and, at his
being there, to have a Juſtice in Heyre at Gedworthe, nere to
the fame, to order all Complaynts that fhall be exhibit agaynſt
the Inhabitants of Tweedell; and, after that fynyfhed, to have
the fame Juſtice in Heyre to fit at the Armytage in Liddifdaill,
to order all Complaynts that fhall be exhibit agaynft the Inha-
bitants of Liddifdaill; and the King's Abode to be at Chelfo
duringe all that tyme.
Advertiſing alſo your Lordſhipe, that, as I am informed,
there is a Ballad maide lately in Scotlande of gret Derifion
agaynft all Inglyſhmen, for our livynge in the trew Chriften
Faith; which they take to be the contrarie. If it be your Lord-
fhip's Plefure, that I fhall fende for the Copie, and to fende it
to your Lordſhipe; for it goeth muche abrode; and, as I am
alſo informed, that the Byfhops are the Setters-forth therof; as it
maie ftand with your Lordship's moſt honorable Commandment
therin For all other, I fhall attende the fame to my poflible
Powre. The King's Highnes' Weſt Marchis procedith in dew
Obedience and goode Order, Thanks be to God: To whom I
ſhall dailie praye, for the moſt longe Life of your honorable
Lordſhip, as I am moſt bounden. At the King's Highnes's Caſtle
of Cokermouth, the 23d Daie of Decembre 1540.
Your Lordship's most bounden at Command,
To the Right Honorable and my moſt ſingler
goode Lorde my Lorde Privie-Seale.
N
THOMAS WHARTON.
A
170
A COLLECTION.
A Copy of King Henry VIII's original Declaration of
his Miflike to the Lady Anna of Cleves, both before
and after Marriage. In the Cotton Library. In
Otho. c. 10. p. 481.
FIRST, I depoſe and declare, that thys herafter wryttyn is
meerly the Verite intendid uppon no finefter Affection, nor
yett uppon none Hatred or Difpleafure, and hereyn I take God
to wyttnes.
Now to the Matter: I fay and affirme, that when the firſt
Communication was had with me for the Marriage off the Lady
Anna of Cleves, I was glad to herken to ytt, truſting to have
fumme affuryd Friends by it. I muche dowghtyng that tyme,
bothe the Emperour, France, and the Byfhoppe of Rome; and
alſo bycauſe I heard ſo much bothe of her excellente Beute and
vertteus Condyfions; but when I faw her at Rochester, whyche
was the firſt tyme that ever I faw her, it rejoy fed my Hart that
1 had kepte me free frome makyng any parte off Bonde before
with her, till I faw her myfelfe; for then, I affure yow, I lyked
her fo yll, and fo far contrary to that fhe was prayfed, that I
was woe that ever the came in Englonde; and deliberating with
myfelfe, that yff it wer poffyble to finde Means to breke off, I
wolde never entre Yoke with her; off whyche myflykyng
both the grete Mafter, the Admyrall that now is, and the
Maſter off the Horfe, can and wyll bere Record. Then after,
at my Repayre to Grenewyche, the next Day after. I thynke,
and dowght nott but that the Lord of Effex, well examined,
can, wyll, or hathe declaryd what I then fayde to hym in that
cafe, not dowghtyng, but fince he is a Perfon whyche knowyth
hymfelfe condemnyd to dye by Act of Parlyament, wyll not
dame hys Solle, but truly declare the Trught, not only att
that tyme ſpoken by me, but alſo contynuyngly till the Day
of
of LETTER S.
171
of Maryage, and alfo many times after; wherby I'm lacke off
Confent, I dought not dothe or fhall well appeare; and alfo
lacke much off both Wyll and Power to confummate the
fame; weryn bothe he, my Phyficians, the Lord Privy Seal that
now is, Heneyge and Deny, can, and I doubt not will, teftify
according to Trewth; whyche is, that I never, for Love to
Woman, confented to mary; nor yet if ſhe brought with her,
toke any from her. This is my bryffe Declaration. H.
Page 482. Questions to be asked of Thomas Cromell.
Whether, at my comyng from Rochester to Grenewyche, he
asked me how I likyd the Quene? To which I answered, no-
thyng fo well as fhe was fpoken off; and fayd, that yff I had
knowne fo moche before, fhe fhuld not have come hyther. But
what Remedy now? He anfwarryd, that he was forry for yt.
Oppon the Day off her Entre to Grynwich, after I had
broght her to her Chamber, he came wyth me to myne; and
then I fayd to hym, How fay you, my Lord; is it not as I tolde
you? Say what they wyll, fhe is nothing fayre; the Parfonage
is well and femly, but nothing else. Be my Fayth, you ſay
right, quoth he; but me thynketh fhe hath a queenly manner
wyth all. That is right, quoth I; and for that tyme we had no
farther Communication.
Then after cam it to the Communication oppon the Cove-
nants with the Embaffadeurs of Cleve; in whyche, as I re-
membere, was found Lack of ample Commiflion for Perform-
ance of Covenants and Treatics; but what Lack I have for-
gotten, willing him to declare what they were; but amongfte
other, I am fure one was, that theyre did not appere her
Affent and Confent to that Commiffion; upon which Faults
founde, the fayd Crumwell came the Backeway to declare them.
to me; and fo, communing of them, asked me eftefonne, How
I likyd her? I then anfward, and fayde, Yff it wer nott that
ſhe is comen ſo far into Englande, and for fere off makyng a
Z 2
Roffell
I
172
A COLLECTION
Roffell in the Worlde, and dryvyng her Brother into the
Emperours, and the Frence Kyng's Hands, now beying to-
gyther, I wolde never have her; but now it is fo farre gone;
wherfore I am fory.
Page 483. The Even byfore we fhulde be maryed, as you
and I was talkydg thereoff, yow tolde me, that the Ambaffa-
durs and you, with the reft of my Commiffioners, were at a
Poynt; and then I asked you, How do ye with the Enfurrance
that was made by her to the Duke of Loran? To that yow
anfward and fayde, They have cleryd that Matter well inowght,
and browght with them a fufficient Inftrument of the ſame.
Marry, quoI; yett wyll I not mary her, excepte fhe make a Re-
nounciation herſelfe: Whereoppon, as I remember, you caufyd
her to make the fame; and when ſhe had done it, yow came
to me effefones agayne, and tolde me, that it was done: Then
is there no Remedy, quo I, but put my Necke in the Yoke;
and ſo we parted for that time. The Morow after we were
maryd, as he and I communyd of our Affaires, and the
wayghty Maters refolvyd, he asked me whether I likyd her any
better then affore. I anfward, and fayd, Nay, my Lord, muche
wors; for by her Breft fhe fhulde be no Mayde; which ſtrake
me to the Hart. But is it fo? quo he. Ye, by my fayth, quo I.
Then wolde I, quo he, fhe never had come here. And alſo I
dowght nott, but that he dothe well remember, that at fondry
and many other tymes fynce, I have declaryd unto hym how I
abhorde her ever fince. If theſe thyngs be true, wyllyng to
fett hys Hand thereto.
Rig. Lett. Rob. Bowes. Berwick. March 29, 1584 Cali-
gula, c.8 fol. 1. He heard from S. that the K. was informed,
that Mar and Glaines were returned from Ireland here, and
defigned to join the other Lords, and to attempt fome Enter-
prize: This occafioned the K. to levy Forces. Huntly has no
great
of LETTERS.
173
great Intereſt at Court. The K. hearing that the Lord Claude
Hamiltonn had fent John Hamilton, Orders were ſent to ap-
prehend him and others fuppofed to come with him. Some
think Claude is returned, which will be attended with fome
Confufion. The K. revoking all Grants made by himſelf or
Regents, except thofe to Lennox and Arran, occafions great
Diſcontents, which the Courtiers make their Advantage of, by
the Fees for the renewing of former Grants, and of the
Coinage. Reported that Letters from France to the K.
promiſe the K. Men and Money foon after Eafter.
Ibid. ex Orig. Bowes to Walfing. April 2. Near Alnwick,
he was informed, by the Warden of S.'s Servant, that a great
Number of the Nobility were up in Arms at Perth: By the
Proclamation they declare, that they are not affembled with
any Deſign against the K. but only for the Advancement of
Religion; and becauſe feveral new Upftarts have engroffed all
Power, and are the declared Enemies of the Nobility: Upon
this the K. ordered all the whole Force of the Borders to meet
him at Edinburgh.
Or. fol. Bowes to Walf. 5 April 1584. The K. is perfuaded,
by his Courtiers, that Angus, Athol, Mar, Gowry, and Mar
of Glanes, are at Perth, and defign to make War upon him
and his Courtiers. The K. had ordered Gowry to leave the
Kingdom: He defired the Time to be lengthened; which was
not granted. The K. had 400 Foot to give him; befides,
there were 800 from the Borders and Fife, at Edinburgh.
Gowry had now at Perth but his ordinary Retinue, and kept
very quiet. Angus is ſaid to have broken his Word, proclaim-
ing at Edinburgh, that all Servants and Dependants, &c. of
Mar, Glanes. &c. fhould leave the Town, and move from
Chidifdale, except Sir Ja. Ham. his Son and Servants, ſhould
come there. Morton entering the Court without the K.
Knowledge, the K. was difpleafed with it, and ordered to
deny
174
A COLLECTION
deny him Accefs, and called him Fool; which he heard, and
went away disheartened. Sedon tells of the good Reception
the French K. gave him, and the great Promifes that K. made
to him of Alliance of Men and Money to his Mafter, pro-
vided that he obferved the antient League: In cafe he made
War againſt the Proteftants, the K. of S. fhould affift him, and
hinder the Minifters to rail against the K. and France.
Or. fol. 5. 10 April 1584. Bowes to Walf. That the K. of
S. by the Advice of his Favourites, had been very fevere againft
all thofe concerned in the Action at Ruthen; that the Abbots
of Deybrough and Pafley were charged to leave the King-
dom within 60 Days, notwithstanding their former Sub-
miffion; that Angus, Mar, Gowry, Glaines, and others con-
cerned in that Confpiracy, were forfeited. Athol had made a
Diſcovery of all that Matter, and had fhewn the K. Gourie's
Letter to himſelf, in which he declared, he would go on with
the Enterprize. The K. is adviſed to gather together his Forces.
The Levies go on flowly, becauſe the Pay is to be out of the
forfeited Eſtates 5 which is thought not fo good a Fund. The
K. has fent for fome of the Peers and Gentlemen, who are all
hearty to affift the K. in this Affair, Alex. Hawskins is out
of his Poſt of Governor of Edinburgh Caftle, which Name
was become odious at Court.
1584. 10th of April, Orig. Bowes to Walf. That he was
intreated earnestly by the Lords to engage in their Quarrel;
which was for the Defence of Religion. He defired Advice,
and would not ftir in it, till he was ordered by the Q. El.
1584. April 15. Orig. Bowes to Walf. Angus, by the K.'s
Order, has delivered Tomptallon to Rothes, and has obtained
Leave to depart the Kingdom. Before the 4th of May next
defigns to go to Rochell. All Affairs at Court are in Quietneſs,
becauſe the Lords are willing to leave the Kingdom peaceably,
Gourie's being ftill at St. Johnston, it is thought will occafion
the
of LETTER S.
175
the K. to purſue him by Force. The Nobility, Centry, &c.
who were at Court to guard the K. are gone Home without
being fucceeded by any others. The K. forbad any of Barons
to be prefent at any Convention, fpiritual or civil, without his
Order and Confent, Mr. John Craig, Mr. James Lawfon,
and Mr. Da. Lindsay, from the Synod of Lothian, to defire
the K. to recal their Order, contrary to their Privileges, but
without Succeſs. Athol may return Home. It is reported
from France that 12000 /. of Q. M.'s Dowry was to be brought
to the K. of S. by Ferinhurft; the 600 French to come for the
K.'s Guard are not ready to come. The Lady Mar's Houſe at
Striveling is taken from her, and kept for the K.
1584. April 19. Orig. Berw. Bowes to Walf. fol. 9. He
was certainly informed that Colonel Stuart with 100 had in-
vefted Gourier's Houfe in Dundee, at 3 in the Morning, and
held out to 3 Afternoon; but Crawfurd the Provoft, by the
King's Order, commanded the Citizens to affift the Colonel;
upon which Gourie was obliged to yield. It is thought he
will ſcarcely eſcape with Life.
1584. April 20th, Orig. ibid. Bowes to Walf. That Gourie
was come to Holyroodhoufe, where he was made a Priſoner;
that arr, with 100 Horfemen, had entered Stirling, and had
poffeffed himſelf of the Town, and his Mother's Houſe, but
had not gotten the Caftle. Upon this the K. has commanded, by
Proclamation, all Men to arm and march to Edinburgh. Few
-Noblemen are at Court, befides Montrofe, Huntly, and the
ordinary Courtiers.
1584. April 20. Copy Petition delivered by William Colirll,
in the Name of Angus, Marr, the Mafter of Glames and others
entering into the Act on at Stirling. fol 10th. This their
Action was folely for the Advancement of the good Caufe,
Maintenance of Religion, the preferving the Amitie and good
Eftate of both the Soveraigns, and their Eftates. They defire,
ift,
176
A COLLECTION
ift, That Q. E. may fend fome Ships into the Frith of Force
to hinder the Bloodfhed which may happen in S. 2. That the
may fend fome Forces to the Lords aforfaid. 3. That by the
Show of fome Forces on the English Borders, thoſe Enemies
to the LL. aforfaid, may be kept at Home, as Mortoun and
Johnftoun in Annandale, Ferinherft, Hume, and Mandeftoun,
in the March. 4. They defire Money to pay 300 Horſe and
300 Foot, ſo long as the Cauſe may require. 5. That feeing
they may have the greater Part of the 600 Men above in the
English Borders, without leffening their own Number; that
their Levies there may be connived at. 6. That this their Pe-
tition may be delivered to her Majeftie with all Hafte, and her
Anfwer returned, as the Neceflitie of their Caufe requires.
1584. April 23. fol. 11. Or. Bowes to Walf. That in
Anfwer to Colvill's Petition, and to the 1ft Article, that though
the Q's Ships were in Readienefs, the Weather may be fo cross
to defeat the Ufefullness thereby propofed. 2. The Q. had
no Forces ready on the Borders to countenance their Defign.
3. That feeing the K. did arm his Subjects, and invade her
Dominions; therefore fhe would order her Wardens to arm ;
this might make the Adverſaries of the LL's to ſtay at Home
with their Forces. This gave Colvill ſome Comfort; though
her Majefty, for the Cauſe named, might give ſpeedy Order in
that Matter. 4. Though fome Money might be given them,
he fears that the Men would not be levied in time to do
them Service. Colvill replied to this, that they would affure
the Soldiers of Pay in any convenient Time, the Credit of
which would get them Soldiers; that the LL's would fend
Word by the next how the Money might be conveyed. For
the 5th, He told them he was no Officer, nor withour Orders
durſt connive at the looſe English Borderers lifting themſelves;
but promiſed to recommend that, and all the rest of his Petition,
to Q. E. and defired a ſudden Anſwer what to do in that Affair.
Colvill
1
of LETTER S.
177
Colvill was very well pleaſed with thoſe Offers, was to go to
the Lords, with Angus, Mar, and Glaines, and was to be re-
turned in a little time.
1584. April 23. Or. fol. 12. Bowes to Walf. Colvill, who
was ſent from the LL. forefaid from Stirling, informed him,
that the LL. on the 18th Inſtant, came together to Stirling.
On the 9th, the Caſtle being in the Cuftody of Henry Stewart,
Brother of Arran, and Mr. Fo. Stuart, Conftable thereof, was
delivered; they were to depart without Hurt: Henry choſe
rather to ſtay in the Caſtle, being informed, that fome lay in
wait to kill him. The LL. forefaid, with 600 Horſe, continue
in the Caſtle, and expect that their Friends will reinforce them.
They were-informed, that Athol would be there, with all his
own Power, and that of Gowrie; that the Forces of Boid, Mafter
of Caffils, Bargeine, and many Barons in the North, and in
Fife, Angus, &c. fhould meet them; which Hopes has made
them undertake this Action. By a Proclamation they declare,
that this is not defigned againſt the K. but to get fome bad Coun-
fellours from about him; and to bring them to their Trial. The
Counteffe of Gowrie was to come to ask the K. Pardon for her
Husband; but is ordered not to come nearer than 20 Miles.
Argile had fent to Glaimes, fhowing, that being defired by the
K. he could not refufe to accompany the K. with his houfhold
Servants. Glaimes defired him to tell his Majefty the Subftance
of the Proclamation; which difcovered their real Purpoſes;
which he promiſed, that Rothes, Lindsay, and many others, who
favoured the LL. were to join the K. who would alfo tell the
K. of the Deſign of the LL. who perfuaded them not to venture a
Battle for the K.'s Caufe. They told them, if their Advice was not
taken they would withdraw from the K.'s Party. The K. defigns
to march ſpeedily againſt the LL. The K.'s Army is very great,
from his Proclamation, that all between 16 and 60 thould join,
the LL. having few, but thoſe who depend immediately on
them. The Town of Edinburgh offer to pay and levy 500
А а
Mcn
}
178
A COLLECTION
Men for the K. befides 110ool, Scots, they have lent him to
pay their 500 Foot. All the Towns on the Coaft upon Summons
have promiſed to meet the K. with their Forces; fo the K.'s
Army must be far greater than the LL. The K. fufpects Ja.
Reid, Conftable of Edinburgh Caftle, and has commanded an-
other to be put in his room: The Captain defigns ftill to keep
the Caſtle, becauſe the Command of it was given him by Par-
liament, ordering him not to leave the fame by any other
Authority. The K. is for fighting the LL.; fo that Affair will
foon be ended.
1584. 26 April. Orig. fol. 12. Bowes to Walf. He was in-
formed, that Colonel Steward marched 1000 Horſe towards
Stirling. On the 25th the K. marched with 6000 Men from
Edinburgh towards Lithgow: The Foot was commanded by
Huntly, Crawford, Montrofe, Arran, and Rothos; the K. was in
the middle Ward, guarded with 500 Foot, and in the Rear were
the LL. St. Clare, Sommerville, Hume, and others. The
LL. after having left 100 Men in the Caftle, broke up from Stirling
becauſe they had not 600 Men; their Friends failed them.
Bothwell is ordered to his own Houſe, and to leave his Forces.
Lindsay is in Priſon in Blackness; as alſo Coldenknows is com-
mitted to Cuftody. Sesford is commanded not to come to the
K. It is credibly reported, that Gowrie has confeffed all to the K.
and that 32 Noblemen and Gentlemen of Figure were engaged
in that Matter; fo it was not adviſeable for the K. to proceed over
haftily. The LL. are all declared Traitors, and great Rewards to
fuch as fhall apprehend them.
1584. April 25. Copy, fol. 14. Direction given to Mr. Wm.
Davison, how 2000l. fent to Sir Jo. Forfter, should be employed,
figned by the Lord Treafurer. He was in the Way to Berwick,
to go to Sir Jo. and get 1000l. from him, to be carried to Ber-
wick, to be employed as follows: He is to ask at Bowes the State
of LL. in S. and if with a reaſonable Aſſiſtance of Money they
will be able to make Head againſt thoſe who abuſe the K.'s Ear
and
of LETTER S.
179
and Authority; then that Money ſhall be given to ſuch as are ap-
pointed to receive, who are to give a Receipt for the fame: And
if the LL. or any having Credit from them, demand a greater
Sum; if Mr. Bowes fay it is fit, 1000/. more is to be got from
Sir Jo. Davison is to write to the Treaſurer, to whom he
pays this Money; to whom you are to recommend all poflible
Secrecy about this Matter.
1584. April 26. Sir Jo. Forſter to Wall. ex Orig. That Both-
well was in Edinburgh with 2000 Men; which he is ordered to
leave, and not to come within 20 Miles of the Court.
1584. 29. April. Orig. fol. 15. Angus and Mar, to the Lord
Burgly. That for the Preſervation of the K. and Amity, Peace,
and common Advantage, of both Kingdoms; and for the Pre-
fervation of Religion; all which are in great Danger, by the
Practices of thoſe bad Courtiers, who had engroffed the K.'s
Ear, and abuſed his Youth and Good-nature; that they, with
the Advice of many good Men, their Fellow-Subjects, had been
perfuaded to feek due Remedie of the fame; which is taken in
evil Part by the K. This obliges them to leave their Country; and
trufting to have Q. E.'s Favour, and to pleaſe to hear the Truth
of their Cauſe, and fhe, ſeeing the Equitie of it, to employ her
Mediation, and, in the mean time, to fuffer them to ſtay in
England; they had ventured to come to Warwick, and Sir
John Selby had brought them to Berwick, and received favour-
ably: They defigned to fend a fit Perfon to Q. E. to acquaint her
with that Action of theirs, and of all the Circumftances of it;
and to defire her Favour, on which they only depend.
1584. April 30. Orig. Bowes to Walf. fol. 15. He was in-
formed by the Maſter of Glaimes, who beft understood the
Cauſes of the Miſcarriages of the late Enterprize; which
were, that thofe from whom they expected Affiſtance, were not
fufficiently engaged by Bond, &c. to meet them at Stirling;
that Gowrie, according to his Manner, had fuffered himſelf to be
abuſed by general Promifes. 2dly, The Taking of Gowrie, which
A a 2
Was
६
180
A COLLECTION
was 3 Days before the Action at Stirling, fo frightened thofe
who had promiſed him to meet at the Rendezvous, that they
believed that their Defigns were defeated. 3. That Difappoint-
ment made them fcatter themfelves, feeing they were unable,
with fuch a fmall Number of Men, to do any Action. 4. Their
Friends with the K. durft not leave his Party, feeing the LL.
had not a fufficient Number to protect them: That he had dif
covered many probable things about the Matter; which Bowes
would give an Account of, if he fhall be employed in the LL.
Matters, or be ſent for up: Though he thought, that if they
had been able to keep the Field with 1000 Men, they would
have prevailed without Difficulty: He thinks thofe of their Party
have not changed; and if the Defign be again concerted upon
better Foundation, that they will be ready to take the Field, and
retrieve their loft Reputation: That fince their coming hither fome
Perfons of confiderable Note had made good Offers towards the
renewing that Enterprize, as more particularly hereafter fhall be
fhewn to Wal. And though there was Appearance of better
Success in that Matter than formerly, yet Bowes durft not give
any Advice, till the Event gave Light, in ſuch weighty Matters.
The Caftle of Stirling is furrendered, and the Lives of theſe
therein are to be faved. The Mafter of Livingſtoun obtained
the Pardon of the Lord Hume. The K. continueth at Stirling,
has disbanded the greateſt Part of his Army, and is to return to
Edinburgh Saturday next. It is faid that Gowrie fhall die in a
little time.
29. April. ex Orig. Lord Scroop to Walf. His Servant had
brought him Word from S. that Moretoun and Herreis, that pro-
claimed that the LL. as the K.'s Rebels, were to be purfued; that
they were come to Annandale; that they defign to make up all
Quarrels betwixt them and their Surname, and the Grahames,
the English Borderers; which Lord Scroope thought dangerous,
and would hinder it: He defires further Advice. ქ
30 April.
of LETTER S.
181
30 April. Copy of the Innocency of the Earls Angus, Mar,
Mafter of Glaimes, and other diftreffed Subjects of S. to Q. E.
in Anſwer to certain flanderous Reports given out against them,
fol. 17. They take God to witneſs, that they deſigned not any Vio-
lence againſt the K.'s Perfon, witness their Actions, known beſt
to Q. E. That they had the K. in Keeping till he was 14 Years old,
during which none could ſay that either by Word or Decd they
ever offered him Violence; but that they had been ſo careful to
preſerve his Life, that towards it they had engaged ſome of their
Lands; and they spent the Blood of fome of the beſt of their
Friends: And fince the K. had undertaken the Government in his
own Perſon, they had been perfecuted in Lives and Goods;
which they do not impute to the K.; their Lives and that of
their Wives and Friends, in Danger by many unlawful Means, at
Home and Abroad. They appeal to God, whofe Favour, and
Q. E.'s they renounce, if ever they had the leaſt Meaning con-
trary to the K.'s Perfon, Crown, or Government.
1518. The K. of S. comprehended in the Peace made betwixt
England and France. Orig. Cal. D. 7.
1526. Orig. From Jo. Clark to Woolfey. That he met with
the Duke of Albany near St. Germains, who told him, That he
was forry that K. of S. was fo ill brought up in his Youth, and
Clark told him, If there was any Miſrule,
it was becauſe the Duke had ftill a Faction there. He found that
the Duke was not well beloved at the Court of France.
in no good Company.
Cal. D. 9, and 11. The Duke has Conge of the French K.
1528. 2. Feb. The fuppofed by Cotton, quære.
Ibid, 20 Sept. 1528. Master of the Rolls to Woolfey. That
the Duke met him at Paris; talked, that he wished, that the K.
of S. were in the bringing up of the K. of E. in his Youth, and
in that King's Hands, out of the wanton Counfel of the Scots;
which might be done.
An
182
A COLLECTION
A
An Order of Council relating to one Staunton.
Anno 3 & 4 Ph. & Mary.
FTER our right hartie Commendations to your good Lord-
ſhip: We have received your Letters of the 8th of this
pre-
fent, togither with the Examinations of certaine, touching the
Fray made at Westminster; for your Travaile wherin, we give
your Lordship verie hartie Thanks. And, for that it feamith that
Staunton, by your Lordship committed to Ward, is not muche
faultie in the Matter, we have thought good to pray your Lord-
fhip (if ye have no furder Matter againſt him) to cauſe him to be
fet at Libertie; taking firft (if ye think fo good) fuche Bonds of
him, for his forth-cuming or good Behaviour, as ye fhall think
requifite; which we referre to your Lordship's Difcretion. And
fo we bid the fame right hartily well to fare. From Eltham,
the 9th of Auguſte 1556.
Your Lordship's affured loving Friends,
NICO. EBOR. CANC.
WINCHESTER.
THOMAS ELY.
R. ROCHESTer.
W. PETRES, S.
JOHN BAKER.
Jo. BOURNE.
J. CORNWALEYS.
A Rate for Abſtinence from Milke, Butter, Chefe, and
Corne: Made by John Ryche, fumtime Cofferer of
the King's Houfbold; and by him put into the Par-
liament-Houfe, Anno 5 K. Ed. VI.
VERY Friday, which hath bene, of long Continewance,
heretofore uſed but with One Meale comonly throughout
the Realme, is now encreaſed to Two Meales; whereby it is
thought of the Kinds hereafter mentioned be conſumed more
then was then accuſtomed. As thus:
Twenty
of LETTER S.
183
Twenty Perfons forbearing One Meale in the Weke, will fave
in Expenſes of Bread, one Pecke Wheate: Which Rate rifeth
after one Pecke a Man by the Weke; wherin are accompted 14
Meales, befide 6 Drinkings, for every Man: And ſo every of
thoſe 20 Meales and Drinkings is accompted for one Man:
Which Rate, to the Nowmbre of Fower hundred thouſand Per-
fons, hereafter appeareth.
Wheate.
20 Perfons.
100
500
1000
10000
50000
100000
400000
By the Weke.
I Pecke.
5 Peckes.
6 Buſh. 1 Pck.
12 Buſh. & half.
By the Tere.
13 Bufhels.
8 Qrs. I Buſh.
40 Qrs. 5 Bufh.
15 Qrs. 5 Buſh. -
78 Qrs. I Bufh.-4062 Qrs. 4 Bufh.
156 Qrs. 2 Bufh.-8125 Qrs.
625 Qrs.
81 Qrs. 2 Buſh.
812 Qrs. 4 Bufh.
32600 Qrs.
The aforefaid Nowmber of Perfons only ferved with Milke
and Chefe in the faid Meale encreaſed, allotting every four Perfons
to one Pottell of Milke and half a Pound of Chefe, do and may
confume more then hath been heretofore accustomed of thefe
Kinds, when Abftinence was uſed; as by this Rate appereth.
20 Perfons.
100
1000
Milke. 10000
50000
100000
400000
By the Weke.
2 Gall. I Pint.
12 Gall. 1 Pt.
125 Gall.
1250 Gall.
6250 Gall.
12600 Gall.
50000 Gall.
By the Tere.
130 Gall.
650 Gall.
6600 Gall.
65000 Gall.
325000 Gall.
650000 Gall.
2600000 Gall.
Which Nowmber of Gallons of Milke, converted into Butter or
Cheſe, will make for every Gallon one Pound Butter, or two
Pounds Chefe; which will amount to 12200 Barrels Butter, or
20312 Wey Chefe.
By
184
A COLLECTION
20 Perfons.
100
By the Weke.
2 lb. & half.
12 lb. & half.
1000
125 lb.
Chefe.
10000
1250 lb.
50000
6250 lb.
100000
12600 lb.
400000
50000 lb.
By the Tere.
130 lb.
650 lb.
6600 lb.
65000 lb.
325000 lb.
650000 lb.
2600000 lb.
Which 2600000 lb. amounteth to 10156 Wey.
A Remembrance of Henry Kylligrew's Fournyes in her
Majefty's Service, and by Commaundement from my
Lorde Treaforer, from the last Yeare of Queene
Marye.
THE firft Viage I made in her Majefty's Service, and by her
Commaundement, was duringe Queene Marye's Life, du-
ringe the Warres betweene Fraunce and England; at the Begin-
ninge whereof, being come into Germany out of Fraunce, Maifter
Randall was fent thither out of England unto me; and, în her
Majeſty's Name, beinge then Lady Elizabeth, willed me to
make a Journey into Fraunce, to difcover theire Intents there
againſt this Realme; which I did, with the apparent Daunger and
Venture of my Life; and came back againe to Vaughbourg's, unto
Maifter Randall, who fent the Advertiſement into England, be-
ing tenne Sheets of Paper, at my owne Chardges. Soon after,
upon the Death of Queene Marye, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton,
Knight, fent me a Man in Pofte, by her Majefty's Commaunde-
iment, to come home; for that her Majefty would employ me
in fome Service: Upon Knowleadge whercof, I came home in
Poſt, upon my own Chardges, and was forthwith diſpatched back
againc into Germanye, to founde the Princes of Germanye touch-
inge a League defenfive for Religion; whereunto fyndinge them
inclyned
of LETTER S.
185
inclyned, as Vergencis did farther advertiſe, I followed myne
Inftructions; which weare, that I fhuld into Fraunce, to the
Vidame, to deale with him, to fee what might be done to make
a Peace with Fraunce befides Kinge Phillippe, foe that Callice
might have beene rendered to us.
And going in this Journey foe dangerous, the Warres yet
ſtandinge betweene the Realmes, it was my Fortune to meete,
the Vidame betweene Callice and Parris, whoc was fent for by
the Conſtable to come unto Cambrifye, where the Peace was
treatinge. My Direction was to him; and therefore was fayne
to followe him, and to carrye myſelf thereafter: And having no
meanes then to write into Englande, it fortuned, that, goinge
with the Vidame to Parris, I met Sir Robert Stafforde retourn-
inge into England; and, whileft they changed their Horfes at
the Pofte, I defired Sir Robert Stafforde, havinge fcarce Oppor-
tunity to ſpeake with him, to fay fomewhat of that I went for;
and, in my Excufe, for that I could not poffibly write.
The Effecte of my Speeche unto him was, That I had learned,
that the French, with handling, would rather make Peace with
us, and deliver Callice, than to render to Kinge Phillipp and the
Duke of Savoy foe much as was defired: But the Counſtable did
frynd ſtrayne *; and then first choyfe the Peace for England. I
came to Cambrefye; and when the Countable knew of my Er-
rand by the Vidame, he was angry that I was brought thither;
and fo commaunded that I fhould be ftraytly kecpt and wached;
as I was indeed: Notwithſtanding, I found the meanes to ſpeake
with Maſter Sommers, who was then with Mafter Wotton there;
and did will him to caufe the Commiffioners to flicke hard for
Callice; for I was affured, by good Intelligence, that, rather
than fayle, we fhould have it rendered us: I yet believe it to
be true, if the Matter had beene well handled. There I was
keept till the Peace was concluded, and then came home. For
all this Journey into Germany and Fraunce I had but fortye
Poundes Allowance for all manner of Chardges; which cofte me
as muche more with the leaſt.
*Sic Orig.
Bb
Soone
186
A COLLECTION
Soone after this, I was fent over agayne, with Sir Nicholas
Throgmorton, Knight, into Fraunce; whether I went uppon my
own Chardges, and ferved there by the Space of two Yeares foe.
I brought home the Newes of the Frenche Kinge's Death with
that Speede, that I thinkę be not forgotten, notwithſtandinge the
Stay made of the Pofts and Ports, that none fhould paffe; infoe-
much that, five Dayes after my Arrival, it was doubted I had
brought uncerteyne Advertiſement.
I remayned in Fraunce, by virtue of her Majefty's Letters, to
fupplye Sir Nicholas Throgmorton's Rome, when he came into
Englande about the Matters of Heth; which was about three
Monethes. What Service I did then, and how chargeable it was
to me, I write not; but fure I am I fent the true Coppye of the
Marques Dalb. Commiffion, which was to make him Vice-roye
of Scotlande, with other Circumftances tending to our Prejudice.
Afterwards I came over with the Advertiſements of the Confpi-
racye intended to be executed at Ambofe; which was diſcovered
to me by the Way homewardes, by one of the Confpirators. And
foone after I was fent to Conbey with the Biſhopp of Valence, to
the old Queene of Scotts; which Journey was troubleſome and
dangerous: For, amongs other things, at Hadington he ſhould
have been taken from me by the Earle Bothwell; foc I was con-
ftrayned to use all the Shifts that could be for the foddayne, and
did indeed prevent both theire Purpofes; which was not without
Chardges.
I was afterwards fent with my Lord of Bedford, by her Ma-
jeſty's Commaundement, into Fraunce, when he went to con-
doll and congratulatt, at myne owne Chardges; and fince to
Lyons, with my Lord of Hunfdon, in like manner: And alfo
by her Majefy's Commaundement, as my [Lord Chamberlayne
told me, to carry Mrs. Fraunces Haward to Madame de Mont-
morencye; which I did at my own Chardges.
I was fent by her Majefty twice to the Scottishe Queene; first to
congratulatt the Birth of the Kinge, then to condole the Death
of her Husband.
After
of LETTER S.
187
After this, being nowe gone into Cornwall with my Wife, the
next Night after my home cominge there came a Pofte, by her
Majefty's Commaundement, to call me to the Court; whether
I came in Pofte uppon my owne Chardges; and was forthwith
ſent by her Majeſty into Germanye. With what Damages and
Travell I paffed that Journey, both by Sea and Land, for the
Space of eight Monethes, God knoweth.
I had alſo almoft forgotten that which I had moft caufe to
remember; for it doth yet fticke by me: I meane the dangerous
and paynful Travells I endured about the Service of New-haven,
both before it was ours and after; whither I made many a Voiage,
and, at length, put Mr. Poynings in Poffeffion, conveying, with
200 Englishmen under the Conduct of Mr. Laydon, 200 French-
men, to the ayd of Roan; by which means New-haven was
preſerved. How I was hurt, and Prifoner eight Monethes, and
fayne to agree for 200, and 4. Ranfom; and yet, for myfelf and
four Horſemen which I carried with me, I never had Peny to
myſelf, nor my Mens Wages, as may appcare by all the Books
of Accompts in that Behalf. Although the Sequell of that Jour-
ney were not ſo happy, yet I trust my Paynes and Service not
to be miſliked: At the leaft, I am fure the French doth thinke me
worthy of fome Remembrance, who ever fince have thought more
of me then there was Cawfe.
What Advertiſements I gave at my Retourne out of Pryfon at
that tyme, I need not remember.
What Diſpleaſure I fuftayned, for difcoveringe fome Part of
the Duke of Norfolke's Confpyracye, at my Retourne out of
Germanye, and what Danger I leive in thereby, I alfo omytt;
and will but remember the Voiages, which nowe are but twoe
more within theis twoe Yeares; the one into Fraunce, to fup-
plye Mr. Walfingham's Rome duringe his Sicknes; the other
now into Scotland, 1573.: Yet neitheir of them will I make
any mention, but leave it to the Judgement of others.
Bb 2
Nowe
188
A COLLECTION
}
Now for all theſe Journeys, Chardges, Daungers, Hurtes,
and Loffes, in the mean while, and the Tyme ufed only in her
Majeſtics Service, without any Proffitt of my owne, I have
only to lyve by, of her Majefties Goodneſs, the Tellerfhippe
which was given me before I went to Newehaven. And if it be
faide, that I have a Penfion for my Wife, it is true; but I
bought it with my Money; and to have it changed from Sir
George Haward to my Wife, I gave her Majeftye Sixe or Nyne
Pounds a Year; which I bought for that Purpoſe: This is trewe,
and maye appeare by the Grant.
So, havinge Children, I have not been able to provide for them
by myne owne Induftrie, being used in thes former Services;
and therefore doe mofte humbly befeeche your Honnors to be a
Meane for me to her mofte excellent Majeftye, to confider gra
ciouſly of my Suite for the faid Firme of the Manor of San.
trache, in Cornwall; which is out in Leaſe, for 17 or 18 Years
to come; and therefore no Proffitt to arrive unto her Majeſty
for that Space. My Defire is to have it, that my Children ſhould
not beg after me; and that it maye be a Meane to marrye one
of my Daughters to a next Neighbour, adjoining thereunto, of
whom I have bought the Wardfhipe: The Rent is fomewhat
great, I confefs; but truly the Profitt nothinge equall.
From the Earl of Northumberland, to the Earl of
I
My good Lord,
Suffex.
Could not excuſe myſelf, if I ſhould omytt either writing or
fending unto you, as well in rendering my moſt hartie
Thanks, for your Lordship's great Courteſy and Frendlynes to-
wards me, and in your lendying unto me your Houfe; as alfo
to hear frome you, whether your appointed long and tedious
Journey
of LETTER S.
189
Journey takyth Place or no; and whether, by your Inſtructions,
any Hope may be gathered of his comyng in, or Likelihood of a
Mariedge; which onleffe it be from yourself advertiſed for cer-
ten, I will hardly believe it will take place. We have no
Newes here but fuche as be common with you, of the Scots
Queynes Mariedge, and other fuch like, as Rovokesbye brought
now out of Scotland, I fend you here inclofed; and do wilhe
myſelf Partakar of your Journey, as willingly as ever I went any.
And fo, in the meane tyme,, fhall wifhe as muche Good unto
you, as unto my owne felf: Thus refting wholly yours, praing
you to account of me, I commyt your good Lordſhip to Al-
mighty God. From my Lodge at Topcliff, the 2d of June, 1567.
Your Lordship's right affured Friend,
and loving Cofyn,
NORTHUMBERLAND.
I opened unto your Lordfhip the Order of the Reconcilment
betwixt my Lord of Lecefter and me; as I fhall pray you to
keep in fecrett; fo within this half Year (if nothing come
but his old fair Words) I fhall paynt his Diffymulation
abrode, that the World may better know his Order and
Manner of Dealing, all for the ferving his owne Turne.
From Sir Francis Knollys, to the Earl of Suffex.
Befeech your Lordſhip to fend me Word, uppon fome Con-
ference as fhall feem good unto you, what Anſwer I may fend
unto my Lord of Effexe of his Letter, herewith fent unto you,
Whether he may take upp Men by the Dozen, or not: And alſo
to fend me Word, by this Bayrer, what Newes is come owt of
Ireland: The 15th of July, 1573-
Your Lordship's to command,
FRANCIS KNOLLYS.
An
To the Right Honourable, and his very good Lord,
the Earl of Suffex, Lord Chamberlyn.
190
A COLLECTION
N
An original Letter or Warrant from Richard Earl of
Warwick, to the Receiver of the late Dutchess of
Warwick's Eftate, his Sifter, dated the 18th of No-
vember, 30 Hen. VI. Signed with Lord Warwick's
own Hand.
RICHARD Erl of WARREWIC,
то
O our Receivor-General of our Lordſhipps, Lands, and Tene-
ments, that to us happineth aftre the Dethe of that noble
and worthie Princeffe, our worſhipful Lady and Syfter Cecile,
late Dutchess of Warrewic, gretyng: We charge you, that of
the Revenue of the fame, or of our Part of the fame, comying,
ye pay unto our trufty Servant Thomas Colte, in Part of Pay-
ment of a gretter Sume, by ye to him due; by Warrant of
three Years. Under our Signet, the 18th Day of November,
the 30th Yere of the Reign of King Henry Sixt, fith the
Conqueft.
R. WARREWIC.
Anno 37° Hen. VIII. 1541.
By the QUEEN.
CATERYN the Queen, K. R.
RIG
IGHTE truftie and righte well-belovede, we grete you well:
And whereas we be credeblye enformed, that this Bearer,
George Tresham, one of my Lord Prince his Gentlemen, hathe
contynued of long tyme a Suitor, to atteigne, by way of Pur-
chace, certen Landes, amounting to above Fiftye Poundes by
Yere; and in the fame Purchace to have Allowance in Lande for
a certen Annuitic; which he hathe under the King's Letters
Patentes:
of LETTER S.
191
Patentes: We perceiving, that the faide Tresham hathe right
honeftlic ferved hetherto wardes my faide Lorde Prince, his
Mafter; the Advancement of whofe lovyng and faithfull Ser-
vants we do not for his Sake a little tendre ; am therefore re-
folved herebie to requiere and praye you to move and advance his
honefte and reaſonable Suite, in fuche wife as the fame may the
rather, for this our Requeft, take Effect and be obtayned.
Wherebie ye fhall be fure to deferve and have our loving and
moſt heartie Thanks. From my Lorde the King's Majeftie's
Palace of Weftmynfter, the 28th Day of February, in the 36th
Yere of his mofte gracious Reigne.
An original Letter from Richard Sampfon and Ri-
chard Jarnegan, to K. Henry VIII. with Intelligence
concerning the Duke of Bourbon, &c. 1523.
Pleafe it your Highneffe,
BY dyvers Efpialls from dyvers Places, Newis are here owt off
France, the 8th and 28th Day of Septembre, agreing all in
one; wheroff fom are Gentyllmen off the Emperor's fent from
henſe: And moſt efpicially Newis from the Capitaine of Pur-
pinian, the which is Great Prior off Seinct Thou's, and the Em-
peror's Lieutenant there, that Monfieur de Bourbon is not only
declared, but alſo joyned with the Allmans, and many Nobles
and Gentyllmen off Fraunce with hym; and, for this tyme, that
the French King hath left his fervent pretendyd Journey over the
Mountains, revoking all his Armie, with all Diligence, to give
Battayll to the feyd Duke; which is the only Defire of the Duke,
as Monf. de Bewreyn faith: Notwithſtanding, in cafe he fhall
not think or fynde hymfelf well-puiffant, owther he wyll joyne
with your Grace's Armic, or elfe with the Emperor's.
And that to the French King, being at Granoble in Dol-
phanie, to advance with all Diligence his Armic into Italie,
*Sic Orig.
come
192
A COLLECTION
come with moft Spede, by Pot, owther a Page or a Secretarie
(which of the too yet they be not certaine here), difclofing to
him all the whole Affayre of the Duke, and many other Per-
fonages by Name: Wherfor, by a Poft, the French King re-
tourned to Lyons, and ther he fownde thes five Perfonages;
Monf. de Sainct Valier, Lenefque de Puis, Monf. de Prie, Cha-
muegre, and Hagart; calling to hym of them one after the
other: And, for the tym off ther being in his Prefance, fo
thewed unto them good Vifage, as thow he had nothing known:
But, before they com to ther Logings, they were attached; the
first three he kept with him, and the other two he fent to Paris.
And morovyr, with Diligence, he fent one Perot, Warde off
his Pryvie Chambre, to the Duke, to fignifie, that with Hafte the
King was defirous to fpeke with him at Lyons: And thow that
he ware very importune, faying, that he durft not retourne
withowt hym; yet the Duke caufyd him to departe, among
other ſharpe Words, with thes allfo; That right ſhortly the King
fhould both hear off him, and fee him.
Monfieur de Alberet, he that claymith the Kingdom off Na-
varre, hath fo began to treate allfo with the Emperor, that
ther is off hym great Truft: And hath fayd, that once the Em-
peror's Armie being in the Enemies Grownde, he wyll fo de-
meane him, that his Majefty fhall be content. And when as the
French King, at this fodayne Troble, fent with Spede to his
Countrees off Alberet and Fois, to levie Men; and, by reafon
off the fame Commaundement, a Capitaine of his, callyd Sempo,
had levyd a certaine Nombre; he caufyd not only ftrycte Procla-
mation to be made, that no Man of his Countrees fhould aryfe
withowt his expreffe Commaundement; but he fent allfo for the
fayd Captaine, to puniſh him for fuch Prefumption withowt his
Knowleg.
Newis be allfo here, that in Picardie, Monf. de le Cremoyle,
with all his Bande, to the Nombre off 150 Men of Armes, be
flayne and takyn.
New is
یه
1
of LETTER S.
193
Newis allfo be owt off Italie, that one Bonifatius Vicecounte,
whom the Duke off Milane trufted for his Frende, going with
the fayd Duke a hunting, and many othir, com to fuch as rode
aftyr the Duke, faying, that becauſe of the Dufle it was the Duke's
Pleaſure they fhuld follow more behynde: And at the fam tym
was one off the Benty-volus off Bononie talking with the Duke.
The fayd Bonifatius com to the Duke behynde, and, with a
Dagard, was ftryking into the Duke; the which Bentyvolus
perceyving, fodenly fo warnid the Duke with a Crye, that the
Duke fo fhranke, that, wherelfe, as it was thowght, he fhuld have
flayne hym, he ftrokke hym but a litle in the Shuldre: And
the Traytor, with a good Horfe, fledde and favyd hymfelff. By
our poor Opinions, Sir, a great Example for your Highneſſe,
and all othir great Princes, the rathir to provyd agenft thes abo-
minable Practifis.
They have caufyd, in Fraunce, both a Brute, and allfo Fyers
off Joy to be made, that Milane is recovered againe; the which is
here thowght feynid, by fuch Bruts to quicte the Mynds of the
People: Unleffe, for othir great contraric Chaunfys, all ther
Favours and Hartes fhuld allfo be contrarie.
Monfieur de Bewreyne hath fhewid of three efpeciall things,
the which hath caufyd the Duke of Burbone to thes Partes: First,
aftyr his Retorne owght off Italie, wheras he had fervid the
King with 5000 Fotemen, and 400 Horſemen, of his own pro-
per Charge, the King toke from him his Penfion: The Second,
that, now at the laft Warres in Champaine, he fervid in lyke
manner with 5000 Fotemen, and 4 or 500 Horſemen; and ther,
to his great Dishonour, the Duke committyd the Fowarde to the
Duke off Alanjon, belonging unto him by his Office off the
Counſtable: The Third, notwithstanding that he hath dyvers
tyms made his moft humble Suyte to have fuch Proceffe agenft
him, as otheir of the Sang Royal hath beyn accuftumyd to have,
agenft all Ordre off Juftice, he hath, by his expreffe Commaunde-
ment, caufyd the Chauncelier, with othir three of his Counteyll,
C c
to
194
A COLLECTION
to gyve Sentence agenſt him in thic Mattre of the Duchie off Bur-
bone.
Ther is newly come hither a Servant off the fayd Duke, think-
ing, as he faith, to have fownde his Maftre here; for, at his de-
parting, he knew not wher he was become; for the thing was fo
fodeyne, that the Duke fent to him, wheras he was gethering off
Men for his Maſtre, and to all other his Frends, that they fhuld
fhyft for themfellffs: And more knowith not; but that either
he is joined with the Allmains, or elfe with your Grace's Armie.
And, aftyr many othir Appointements, we think, Sir, that the
Emperor's Majeftie will now departe from this Town, towards
Pampilone, the 8th Day off this Monith: And off thes Delays we
think ther is no Faulte in the Emperor's Majeftie; but that Want
of Money is the chyfe. And allfo wheras dyvers great Perfonages
hath promiſed eighty Men off Armes, for every one off them one
Man, and Horſe for a Man of Armes, as is the Manner of Spaine:
And the Ordres of Spaine alfo hath lýkewyfe promyſed many:
So that in them reftith the Emperor's Force. Few off thes be
yet com or paſſyd: And there is, Sir, a common Proverbe off
Spaine, That the Ayde of it is at all times flow and late. We
think, Sir, by the firft, it ſhall be the lattre Ende of this Monith
before they may entre with any Armic.
We wrot allfo, in our former Lettres, of Shippes lately re-
torned from the India's with much Golde: The Emperor now,
for his Neceffitie, hath fent for all the Whole, to be repaid
againe hereaftyr as knowith our Lord; who preferve yowr moſt
royall Eſtate. At Logrono, the 5th Day off Octobre.
Your moſt humble Subjects and Servants,
To the King's Highness.
RICHARD SAMPSON.
RICHARD JARNEGAN.
An
of LETTER S.
195
An original Letter from the Lords of the Council ta
to Sir Henry Raddecliff.
FTER our verie hartie Commendations: According as we
wrote unto you Yefterdaic, we have nowe conferred with
Mr. Pelham, at Length; and do returne him unto you fullic
inftructed in thofe Matters to be done there for the Strength and
good Defence of that Place; we requiring you to credit him,
and to joyne with him for the accompliſhing of all things ap-
pointed. And for fuch Money as is appointed to be fent unto you,
we require you to haive Care that it be ſpent with good Husbandrie,
and employed to the beft Purpoſe, forAdvancement of hir Majeſty's
Service. And fo, referring you to him, we bid you right hartilie
farewell. From Reading, the 21ft of September, 1572.
Your loving Friends,
W. BURGHLEY, T. SMYTH,
E. LINCOLN,
F. BEDFORD,
T. SUSSEX,
F. KNOLLYS,
WM. MILDMAY.
To our verie loving Friend, Sir Henrie Raddeclyff,
Knight, Captaine of Portefmouth.
[
A
An original Letter from the Lords of the Council to
Mr. Chancellor North. A° 37 H. VIII.
Mr. Chancellor,
AFTER our hartie Commendations: Theſe ſhall be to re-
quyre you to receyve the Lord Grey's Bill for the Lands
granted by the King's Majefty, unto him, and his Heires Males,
in fuch forte as he may injoye the Profitts, from the 23d Daye of
February
Cc 2
196
A COLLECTION
February laft paft; which was the Day of his Creation: And
thus fare you hartily well. From Westminster, the 8th of De-
cember, 1545.
Your loving Friends,
T.WRIOTHESLY, Cancel. SUFFOLK,
J. RUSSELL,
THO. WESMORLAND,
T. NORFFOLK,
E. HERTFORD,
WM. PAGET,
THO. NORTH, L. K.
To our loving Friend Sir Edward North, Knight,
Chancellor of the Augmentations of the Revenues
of his Highnes Works.
An original Letter from the Earl of Saliſbury to Mr.
Francis Segar.
Mr. SEGAR,
Have received your Letter by this Bearer, the Landfgrave's Ser-
vant; wherein you have given me a double Contentment.
Firſt, becauſe I underſtand by yow of his Highness's well-doing ;
who, as well for his owne Vertues, as for his particular Affection
to his Majefty, I have Caufe to love and honour, and would be
glad to do him any Service. Secondly, for thofe Advertiſements
which yow fent me, of diverfe Occurences in thofe Parts;
which though fometymes they have the ordinarie Fortune that
others have of being prevented by former Intelligences, yet
how foever, if you pleaſe to contynue the fame Courfe with me
ftill (when you may do it without Charge to yourſelf), they can
never come fo unfeaſonably unto me, but you fhall make me the
more beholden. For the Lines which you fent me, I do likewife
give you many Thanks; which is the beft Requital I can yet tell
ſo
how
of LETTER S.
197
}
how to make you, until fome better Occafion preſent itſelf,
wherein I may make it appear, by Effects, how much I am
Your loving Friend,
September, 1607.
To my very loving Friend Mr. Francis Segar,
SALISBURY.
Gentleman of the Chamber to the Lanfgrave of Heffe.
N. B. In the Ashmolean Library, 840. page 787. is a Letter
from Mr. Francis Segar, dated Caffel 1605. to the Earl of
Salisbury. V. Cat. MSS. in Angl. & Hibernia, N, 8426.
An original Letter from the Lords of the Council to
the Lord Northe.
Anno 1º Elizabethæ.
AFTER our right hearty Commendations to your good Lord-
fhip: Theſe ſhall be to fignify unto you, that the Queen's
Highneſs hath appoynted you to joyne with the Lord Treaſurer
concerning the Order and Provifion for the Enterment of the
late Quene; when her Majeſtic doubteth not you will ufe fuch
a Refpecte as be convenyent for her Majefty's Honour and Profit.
We require you therefore, that, taking with you Sir Walter
Mylemay, who is lykewife appointed to aflift in the Premiffes,
you do together repayre to the faid Lord Treaſurer, for the fur-
ther Charge and Expences of this Charge, now committed unto
you. Thus faire your good Lordship right hartely well.
From Hatfield, the Nineteenth of November, 1558.
Your Lordship's loving Friends,
PEMBROKE,
W. HOWARD,
THO. BARRY,
HENRY WETYLE,
To our very good Lorde the Lord Northe.
F. CLYNTON,
AB. CANE,
W. CECILLe.
An
198
A COLLECTION
An original Safe Conduct, figned by Queen Elizabeth in
her own Hand, to two Merchants of the Emperor of
Morocco's.
ELIZABETH, R.
ELIZABETH, by the Grace of God, Queene of England,
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all our
Admiralls, Vice-Admiralls, Capteines, and others ferving on the
Seas, or in any other Townes, Caftells, or Forces, on the Sea Coaft:
To all our Officers of our Ports, and to all other our Officers and
Subjects, to whom, in this Cafe, it fhall appertain, greeting:
Whereas the King of Morocco, by his Letters, written in Novem-
ber laſt, hath made Requeſt to us, that it might pleaſe us to grant
our Safe Conduct and Licence to Lewes Fernandes, and Salvador
Monez, Merchants, that they might, with their Ships and Veffels,
quietly pass from the Centre of Barbary, through the narrow
Seas, with their Merchandizes to Andwerpe; and there ex-
changing the fame for other Commodities, to return and paſs
quietly and directly into the Dominions of the faid King in
Barbary, without any manner of Arreft, Impeachement, or
Trouble, to be moved to them, during the Abftinence of Enter-
courſe betwixt us and the King of Spain, our Subjects and
Countries: We are pleaſed, that, according to the ſaid King's
Requeſt, the faid Lewes Fernandes, and Salvador Monez, and
their Factors, fhall, during the ſaid Abſtinence, with their Ships
carrying only the Merchandizes and Goods of the faid King of
Marocco, and coming from Barbary, quietly pals through the
narrow Seas to Andwerpe, and from thence to return into the
Dominions of the faid King of Morrocco only, and not into any
other Part of the King of Spain's Countries. And fo we will
and ftrictly command you, and every of you, to permit and fuffer,
2
from
of LETTER S.
199
from time to time, the Ships and Veffels laden with the faid
King's Goods and Merchandizes only, under the Conduct of the
faid Lewes Fernandes, and Salvador Monez, or their Factors,
quietly to pass through our Seas without any your Arreft or
Trouble. And if they fhall be driven to come into any our Ports,
Havens, or Creeks, that they may be favourably ufed; and, at
their Commoditie, to depart away from thence without any
Impediment or Let. And thefe our Letters fhall be your fuffi-
cient Warrant and Diſcharge in this Behalf. Given under our
Signet, at our Honour of Hampton Court, the Eleventh Day of
June, 1570. In the Twelfth Year of our Reign.
An original Letter from Mr. William Petres to the
Earl of Suffex.
FTER my humble Commendations to your good Lordfhipp:
I do hartely thank yow for your Letters, which I received
Yefterday; and for Awnfwar to your Lordſhipp's Letters to the
Queenes Majeftic, yow fhall receive herewith her Highneſs Awn-
fwar, toching the Treatye now in Hand at Edinborough. I
would have advertifed your Lordship before this tyme, but that
Things paffed hitherto in Talk, and only Lyklehood now of
Peace and Agrement, and fometimes of Likelehood of Breache.
And yer hitherto we heard of no full Conclufion. This Morn-
ing there be come Letters from the Commiflioners, which give
good Hope of a full Conclufion. With the Scots there is an
honourable End taken, much to ours and their Satisfaction: But
this Conclufion is conditional; fo as the Accord be made alfo
with the Queene's Majeftie's Commiffioners. As foone as any
full Agreement fhall be fignified, your Lordfhipp fhall be more
particularly informed of all Things. By this Bearer the Queene's
Highnes Signett for that Realme is fent unto yow; others I have
not ;
200
A COLLECTION
not; and therefore leave to troble yow, refting always at your
Lordſhipp's Commandment. From Greenwich, the Seventh of
Julie, 15t0.
Your good Lordship's always to command,
To the Right Honourable, and my very good
Lord, the Erle of Suffex, Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland.
WILLIAM PETRES.
An original Letter from the Bishop of Carlisle to the
Earl of Suffex.
MY mofte bounden Dewtie of humble Commendations
pre-
mifed, and my Service alwaies at youre good Lord hippes
Commandment affured; I am bold to befeche, and moſt
humblie to crave, your Honor's lawfull and good Favour and
Furtherance towards a poore blinde Woman, and her poore
Children, Elizabethe Beefte, late Wife to my Predeceffour at
Carlyle; who is in good Forwardness to receive ſome Relief at
the Queene's Majeftie's gracious Hands, towards the Payment of
the Debtes to the Quene, before his Death, in Confideration of
great Charges; which he is faid in the Quene's Service to have
fuftayned; and the rather by your good Means and Helpe; which
to bestowe, I dowte not your Honor will be redie, according to
your accuſtomed Wonte. And for that Ende my fimple Sewte
is, if the fame unto your Honor may be found reaſonable, and
feeme worthie to be confydered. And thus beleching your good
Lordſhip to holde me excufed in thus prefùmptuouſlye troubling
your Honore with Sewtes and Letters; and to accompte of me
as of one, who whoolye refteth yours at Commandment, in all
respects, I befèche God to bleffe and profper you, and heepe on
you
of LETTER S.
201
you his hevenlye Graces, with Encreaſe of much Honor. From
Torke, the 17th Daye of Januarie, 1570.
Your Lordfhippe's mofte bounden,
and ever at Commandment,
RICHARD Carleolen.
To the Right Honorable, and my fingular good Lorde, the
Erle of Suffex, Lorde Lieutenant, and Prefident in
the Northe Parts, and one of the Quene's Majestie's
moft honorable Privy Councell: At the Court deliver
thefe:
An original Letter from Lady Mountegle to the Duke
of Norfolke.
MY
Y humble Dutie remembred unto your Grace: It may pleaſe
the fame to ſtand good and gracious Lorde unto my poor
Daughter, nowe lefte in great and extreme Miferye, by the
Deathe of her late Lord and Husband the Lord Dacre, of the
North. And nowe the onelie Aide and Comforte, on the con-
trary, refleth in your Grace; whom I do moft humbly befeche
to ftande her gracious and good Lord, in this her prefent Ne-
ceffitie, the Effectes of my humble Sute and Requeſt. This
Bearer, Mr. Chatetow, can declare unto you, to whom yt may
pleaſe your Grace to gevie therein Credyt; and I, according to
my bounden Duetie, fhall be and remain your Grace's humble
and dailie Bede-woman, as Almightie God knowethe; whom I
befeche preſerve your Grace in longe and profperous Health and
Honour. From London, the 8th of July, 1566.
Your humble and obedyent Bede-woman,
To the Right Honourable the Duke
of Norfolk, his Grace.
ELYN MOUNTEGLE.
1
Dd
Το
202
A COLLECTION
To the Earl of Suffex, Lord Prefident in the North.
IT may pleaſe your good Lordship, although I know I nede
not, in any generall Caufe of Juftice, nor yet in this private
Requeſt for my Lord of Rutland being in my Chardg, move
your Lordſhip to yeld your Favor; yet, to fatisfy my Lord of
Rutland's Expectation of my Credit with your Lordſhip, I do
boldly and erneftly befeche your Lordship, that one Mr. Roofs
of Igmathorp, a Kynfman of my Lord of Rutland's, may have
your Lordship's Favour in his Caufes; and that the Gentleman
may well perceave, that for my Lord's fake your Lordship doth
favor hym: And ſo I ſhall contynew beholden to your Lordſhip.
From Otland's, in fom Haft, 31 July 1569.
Your Lordship's humbly at Command,
To the Right Honorable my very good Lord
the Erle of Suffex, Lord Prefident of the
Counfell in the North.
My good Lord,
To the Earl of Suffex.
W. CECIL.
Humbly and hartily thank you of this Fruit of your affured
Frendſhipp, to ſend, as you have done, to me, to underſtand
of that you thought to be my Greeff: And how foever I was a
little greved, I am, I thank God, many ways releved: Firſt, and
originally, for that I underſtand that my Daughter's Sicknes is not
thought by the Phyficians dangerous; and next (which ought to
be in the higheſt Degree, though the other be more natural), the
Queen's Majeſty's Goodnes, to fend to me in this cafe, ought
to have greatest Accompt. And fo now, my Lord, as Mr.
Woolls can tell, I am in Helth; and fo wifh to your Lordship,
from the Bottom of my Heart, all that I think due to you and
yours; or elſe God fend me no Part of any Comfort. At my
poor Houſe of Theobald's, this 15th of January 1572.
Tour Lordship's at Command,
To my very good Lord the Erle of Suffex.
W. BURGHLEY.
4.
of LETTERS.
203
养
​An original Letter from the Lord Hunfdon to the Earl
of Suffex.
GOOD my Lorde, after my humble Commendations; for
that it ſhuld not appere unto you, I fhuld feame forgetful of
you, having jufte and many Cauſes to remembrie you, I thought
mete to trubble you with a few Lines; althoughe I dowt not ye
are fufficientlic advertyfed by other of your Friends of the Cer-
taintye of fuch Affayres and Bufynefs as have happened here.
The Trueth is, we have Peace in Scotland, upon fuch Com-
pofitions as are not yet thorowlie knowne, or at the leaſt publiſhed,
fo as I may thorowlie declare the fame. The yonge King of
Swithland is looked for, but notwithſtanding cometh not ſo ſoon
as hathe been thought; but it is certen, for anie thing yet is
known, bothe he, and dyvers others of thofe Parts, will be here
fhortlic. And befides, the Duke de Nemours, with others out
France, and other Peeres of Scotland, will arryve here, within a
fhort Space, for the Conclufion of Quietneſs in the North Partes.
So having nothing elſe to advertyfe your Lordſhip, I comit the
fame to Almighty God. From the Courte, the 12th of July, 1560.
Your good Lordship's affured loving Friend,
H. HUNSDON.
An original Letter from the Duke of Norfolke to the
Earl of Suffex.
Am at the laft arrived at the Court, good Cofyne, after long
Delays, where, by my Will, I mind not long to tarry. All
Things at my coming out of the North were in as good State as
it was poffible to make broken Matters to be. God fend the
Queen's Majefty quickly to take Order for the Redress thereof;
Dd2
it
204
A COLLECTION
it is now an eafy Matter to do it, which with prolonging may be-
come almoſt impoffible. I have received at the Queen's Majefty's
great Heap of fair Words, both openly and privately. Her Ma-
jefty promiſes me great Matters, God fend me to feel of fome in
Effect, as by my Lords here I am put in good Hope. Thus being
forry, that through my Man's Negligence I have been fain to
make your Man tarry for this Scribbling fo long, I bid you,
good Cofyne, moft heartilye farewell. Pray make my Com-
mendations unto my Lady. From Southehamptone, the 1ft of
August, 1560.
Your loving Cofyne affuredly,
THOMAS NORFOLKE.
An original Letter from the Duke of Norfolke to the
Earl of Suffex.
Am glad, good Cofyne, that in the Ende the Queen's Majeftyc
will confider of the Service you have done her in Ireland,
not dowrynge, but that Tyme fhall brynge her Majefty to know
her true and heartye Servants from dyfemblyng and flattering
Lyars; and as to the
or any others, they be foe
etrante Lyes, as I care lyttle for them. I thynke the World
thynkes we have not fo lyttle Wit to deal in that Sort; but if
fome Heads were not occupyed in fome Matters, the Clock fhould
ſtand ſtill: I ſmell whence theſe Storyes rife: I, for my own
Parte, remain ready at all tymes, upon my Friend's Advertiſe-
ments. Marry, and if by any means it might be, I would be
very lothe to come unfent for, if Occafion ferved for my com-
yng. Mr. Secretary may foon dyvyſe to cauſe the Queen's Ma-
jefty to claime my Promife; which is upon a Letter from him,
to come up with all Speed. I fhall doe more Good, being fent
for, than in coinyng upon any other Occaſion: But becauſe I here
2
cannot
}
of LETTER S.
205
cannot fo well judge what is beft to be done as you there, and Mr.
Secretary, I have fent myſelf to be ordered therein as you two
fhall thynke good: And fo for this tyme, thankyng you for your
friendly Letters, I bid you, good Cofyne, moft heartylye fare-
welle. From Norwich, this 15th of July, 1565.
Tour affured loving Cofyne,
T. NORFOLke.
An original Letter from the Duke of Norfolk to the
Earl of Suffex.
ſhould ſtill
I Thanke you, good Cofync, for your Letter. As I am glad to
hear from you, fo I am forry, that
bear the Stroke, and eſpecially in fuch Caufes as do, in my
Opinion, fo much import the State, and all the Subjects of this
Land. I perceive bothe by your Letter, as alfo by other Means,
how affured a Friend Mr. Secretary fheweth himſelf towards me,
in every Cauſe wherein his Friendſhip may ftand me in ftead,
wherein as he hath nothing decevyed me, fo, if ever it lie in my
Power, he ſhall find me ready to requite it to the utmoft. If
there were any thing here worth the Writing, you fhould both
hear oftner from me, as alfo at more Length; but hence we have
nothing to write of but of ill Hearts, and worfe Weather; and
therefore for this time, good Cofyne, wishing to you as to myſelf,
I bid you moſt heartily farewelle, with my most hearty Com-
mendations to your good Lady. From Norwich, this 5th of
March, 1565.
Your affured loving Cofyne,
T. NORFOLke,
An
206
A COLLECTION
An original Letter from the Duke of Norfolk to Mr.
Secretary Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh.
AS I have ever hoped, fo have I found your faithful Friendſhip
fhewed towards me, good Mr. Secretary: Yea even in this
Tyme of my Trouble, when I have mot Need thereof, and al-
though I count myſelf moft beholden for fundry Friendships here-
tofore received at your Hands; yct this Favour that STRANGE
hath found in my Behalf during my Imprifonment, doth double
all that is paſt before. Profperity never wanteth Friendship, but
Adverfity trieth the true Friend; which, in Recompence of,
I can do little; but what I may, during my Life, make yourſelf
affured thereof, if ever it lyeth in my Power to requite the fame.
The new Liberty that I have received doth not fo much comfort
me (altho' a ſmall thing is a great Reliefe to a Priſoner) as I do
rejoice, that STRANGE told me that it came without any four
Sawce. I hope that God will put into her Majefty's Heart, to
know with what a dutyfull Heart I have ferved her Highness, and
fo intend to do during my Life; and then I have no Doubt, but
that as her Majefty hath begun to fhew fome Spark of Favour to
her true Subject, fo fhe will increaſe the fame, as may beſt feem
to her Highneffe's good Pleafure; whereby I may remain able
hereafter yet to ferve her Majefty; without the which I think my
crazed Body can have no long Continuance. And thus, with my
hearty Thanks to you, good Mr. Secretary, for your Friendſhip,
that you have already fhewed, with like Request for your Con-
tinuance therein, as you ſhall think Time moft fitteſt to work me
Good, I bid you moft heartily farewell. From my unfavoury
Lodging, this 13th of April, 1567.
Your ever most beholden,
To my loving Friend Sir Wm. Cecil, Knight,
Principal Secretary to the Queen's Majefty.
T. NORFOLke,
An
of LETTER S.
207
1
An original Letter from the Lord Wharton to the
Earl of Suffex.
Right Honorable, and my fingular good Lord,
AS there is no Man more glad, that it haith pleafed the Quene's
Highnes to graunt unto your Lordship to be her Majefty's
Lord Prefident of her Counfell in the North; even fo fhall I be
as glad, wherein I may do unto your Lordship Service, to her
Highnes's Honour and yours. Your Lordship hath alredy a great
Love, and common Fame of your Worthynes to that Office.
Trewlic, my good Lord, your honorable and wife Doings in
that Office will be to your Commendation for ever.
Pleaſeth your Lordship, I have a Houſe Six Myles from York:
I do humbly and moft hertely befeche your Lordſhip to command
that Houſe to repofe yourſelf in, as you would ufe your owne;
and thofe little Things I have fhall be alfo at your Lordship's
Commandement. The Ufe of them by your Lordship will be
to my great Comfort. I hear alfo, that my verie good Lord of
Hunfden cometh downe in your Company, to be the Quene's
Majeſtie's Captaine of Warwick. I have had fome Knowlege of
thofe Offices. I praie you give my hearty Commendation to his
Lordſhip, and defire him, in my Name, that he will alſo tack
his Lodging in my Houſe, and repoſe himſelf in the fame. And
thus, with my nioft hartie Commendations, my Wife's, and my.
Sonne's, I will praie to God to fend unto your Lordship as much
Encreaſe of Honour as your owne noble Heart fhall defire. At
my Houſe at Helvington, Six Miles from York, the 28th of
July, 1568.
Your good Lordship's affuredly to command,
THO. WHARTON.
To the Right Honorable, and my fingular
good Lord, the Erle of Suffex, and the
Lord Prefident of the Queen's Majesty's
Councel in the North.
An
208
A COLLECTION
An original Letter from Lord Windfor to Lord Suffex.
Right Honorable,
MY
Y humble Dutie remembred unto your good Lordſhip:
Whereas I underſtand your Lordship hath directed your
Warrant for two of my Servants to appear before your
Lordship, as I conceive, for Matters of Hunting about the
Quene's Majeftie's Chafe of Whadeane, againft whom perhaps
your Lordſhip hath heard more grievous Informations then may
be juftlic proved; pleafeth it your good Lordship this much to
underſtand of me for Truth, that as neither I, nor any my Ser-
vants, have been at anie tyme grete Hunters of the Purlieus
about the Chace, and much lefs in the Chace, although I thinke
your Lordſhip be fo informed; fo if by my Commandement my
Servants take only my grey Hounds to fee them come at the
Deer in the Purlieu, and out of the Chace, I truft your Lord-
ſhip will allow of that, feeing it is lawful: And for anie Matter
that the Keepers can juftlie prove to be done by anie of my Ser-
vants within the Chace, I will undertake for them to aunſwere
it by fuch Order of Lawe, as your Lordship fhall think mete in
fuch Cafes; moft humbly requefting your Lordship's Favour to-
wards the poor Men, in the mean tyme, until your Lordship
may thorowlie be informed of the Truth of the Matter. And
thus doing, I fhall praie for your Lordship's Increaſe of Honor,
as knowith our Lord. From Addington, the 7th of March, 1570.
By your Lordship's humbly to command,
EDWARD WYNDESORE.
To the Right Honorable, and my
fingular good Lord, the Erl of
Suffex, give these.
An
of LETTER S.
209
To Mr. Secretary P----
Good Mr. Secretarie,
I Moft heartely thank you for your ſpeedy fending away of my
Servant's Letters to me, in Anfwer of myne fent before to
them, for my Cauſes in Bedfordſhire.
I perceive fuche as fue againſt me have Fortherance with Spede;
and if it be not holpen upon thofe Letters I now fende, which
I befeche yow to caufe to be delivered, I fhall be driven, either
to come up myſelf (which, at this prefent, I may not do in re-
fpect of the Services in Hand) or to trouble you to be a Meane
for me to the Queen's Majeſty, in that which I wolde be lothe
to move, but upon Neceffitie. And therefore I forbeare to
trouble you therewith, until I receive Anſwer of the Letters I
nowe ſend
which I befeche yow to cauſe to be diſpatched to me
fo foon as my Servant ſhall deliver them to yow. And fo, with
my moſte heartie Commendations to yow, and my good Ladie,
I wyfhe unto yow bothe as to my felf. From Chiwod, the Laft of
Maye, 1569.
ز
Lord Strange to the Earl of Suffex.
My very good Lorde,
BEING overtaken in London Way, by one of youre Scr-
vantes, as I went towardes my Father's, I thought it my
Parte to write thefe few Lines to your Lordship, although I had
no great Store of Newes, but fuche as I thinke your Servant
peradventure hathe harde of. Yet your Lordship fhall under-
ftande, that at my beinge at the Courte, I fawe a Note of the
Prince of Swedia his Train, which he bringethe hither; which
I have fent to your Lordship herein cnclofed. Further, I harde,
that the Duke de Nemours, withe divers other of the Nobilitie of
E c
Fraunce,
210
A COLLECTION
Fraunce, are looked for fumwhat before the cumminge of the
Prince, which is thoght will be within this Monthe or Six Wekes:
What the Occafion of theyr cummynge is fertaynlye, I knowe
not as yet. Thus havynge no other Newes worthye the Wri-
tynge, I make an End, defyrynge your Lordship to beare withe
me, for that I have not written nor fent to your Lordship here-
tofore, and to make my Commendations to my good Ladye.
From Stone, this 14th of July, 1560.
Your Lordship's affured lovynge Cofen to command,
To the Right Honorable, and my very good Lord
and Cofen, the Earl of Suffex, Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland, with Spede.
H. STRANGE.
An original Letter from Lord R. Duddley to the Countess
of Suffex.
My good Lady and Syfter,
Moſt hartyly thank you for your gentle and frendly Remem-
brance, eſpecially with fuch Jewells as you have ſent me, in
whome I take no fmall Delight. I wold I wear as well able to
requyte your Ladyfhip, as I fhall alway accompt myſelf bound
unto you: Notwithſtanding I hope your Ladyfhip will make that
Reckoning of me, that you will of one that will be ready to do
you all the Pleaſure or Servyce I may; and fo will trowble you
no more with ceremonyall Words.
I have no Newes to fend your Ladyfhip, but of the good Eftate
of the Queen's Majefty, who is now well paffed on her Progrefs;
and, by means of Advertyfements of a great Prince's comyng
veary ſhortly, cauſeth her to make that outward almoſt a poſting
Jorney, rather then a Progreſs: But, for that we hear his Com-
ynge is not fo fudden, I fuppofe we fhall come homeward with
fome
of LETTER S.
211
'
fome more Leafure. All other good Newes of her Succefs
abroad, I am ſure you know it by my Lord, hearing of my Lord
Montagew, who Yeſterday aryved in the Weft, fafe and well,
and will be at the Court within few Days. Your Friends all
lykewyfe are in veary good Health; my Syfter Sydney lacking
within Six or Seven Weeks to be delyvered of a Child: God
fend you fhortly the lyke Syknefs, which I truft he wyll. And
fo praing for you both as for myself, I moft hartyly commend
me to you both. And fo take Leave for this Tyme. At Farn-
ham, this 6th of August.
Your Ladyfhip's affured Frend and Brother,
To the right honourable my good Lady
and Syfter the Countes of Suffex.
R. DUDDLEY.
As my Lord Prefident is now nye you, you hear every Day from
him, or elfe blame him.
Two Letters from Lord Cobham (then Governor, as
Suppofed, of Dover Caſtle) intimating the Progrefs of
Queen Elizabeth, in thoſe Parts; and of an epidemi-
cal Sickness in Kent at that time, 1573.
My very good Lorde,
According to my bounden Dewtey, I have come along the
Coafte, especially in thofe Porte-Townes where it is ap-
pointed that her Majefty will come, in this her Progrefs: And
have taken Order, that the Officers of the faid Townes fhall,
from time to time, advertiſe your good Lordship how the fame
doe ſtande in Health. Hoping, ere this tyme, that your Lord-
ſhip have heard from the Mayor of Sandewyche, of the State of
that Town; where I am informed, that fome of late have dyed,
and fome Sickneſs yet remaining in other Houſes there.
I do herewith recommend unto your good Lordefhip,the State
of Dover Caftle: The Lodginges whereof I have feen, and do
fynde
E e 2
212
A COLLECTION
fynde them (by reaſon they have not been of longe tyme lyen in)
to be both dampyſh and muftey, and therefore very neceſſary that
fome be fent down to make Fyres in the faid Lodgings, a good
while before her Majefty come thither, and to fee the fame both
well ayred and fweted; for otherwife they will be noyfome unto
her Highneffe. And thus I commit your good Lordship to the
Protection of Almighty God. From my Houſe at Cobham, the
13th of July, 1573.
Your good Lordship's to command,
My very good Lorde,
COBHAM.
ACcording to your good Lordship's Letter, I have taken Order
for the ayring and makinge fwete of her Majefty's Lodgings
in Dover Caftell.
I fend yow hercin encloſed, a Letter written unto me, from
the Mayor of Canterbury, wherein your good Lordship fhall per-
ceive in what State of Health the faid City dothe ſtand in. And
thus I commit your good Lordship to the Protection of Almighty
God. From my Houſe at Cobham, the 16th of July, 1573.
To the Right Honorable, and my very good Lorde,
the Earle of Suffex, Lord Chamberlayne to her
Majesty, and one of her Highneffe's most hono-
rable Privy Council.
Your god Lordship's affuredly to command,
W. COBHAM.
An original Warrant for a Buck, from 2. Katherine,
1526. figned with her own Hand.
KATRYNE Queene.
WE will and command you, that uppon the Sightte herof,
that ye delyver, or cawfe to be delyvered, unto owr trufty
and welbeloved Sarvantt John Creuffe, of Cruſham Orcharde*
or
*This is now called Cruwys Morchard, and the Eftate of John Cruwys, Clerk,
A. M. Rector of the faid Parilh, lineally defcended, as I am informed, from John
Creuffe, mentioned in this Letter.
2
1
of LETTER S.
213
or to the Brynger herof, in his Name, one Buck of Seafon; to
be taken as of owre Gyfte owte of owre Park of Ockhampton,
though any Reftraynth, Commandmentt, had or mad to the con-
trary that notwithstandinge: And that ye herof fayl not, as ye
tendre owre Plefure. Gevyn at the Manor of Shute, the 10th
Day of September, in the 18th Yere of the Raigne of owre
Soverayn Lorde Kynge Henri the VIIIth.
To qure trusty and welbeloved Sarvant Robert Cruewis,
Keeper of oure Parke of Okhampton; and, in his
Abfence, to his Deputy or Deputies.
From Katherine Baffet to her Mother the Lady Lifle.
Madame,
IN my humble wyfe, my Dewtye done to your Ladyfhip, de-
fyeryng yow of your daylye Bleffyng; fertifying your Lady-
fhip, that my Lord of Rutland, and my Ladye, be in good
Health, and hathe them hertelye recommendyd to your Ladifhip,
thankyng yow for yowre Wyne, and your Heryng, that yow
fent them. Madame, my Ladye hath gyven me a Gown of
* Kaffa Damask, of her own old wearyng; and that the wold in
no wife that I fhuld reffufe yt. And I have fpoken to Mr. Huffe,
for a Rowle of Buckeram to new lyne yt, and Velwyt to edge.
it withall. Madame, I humbly befeche your Ladyfhip to be
good Ladye and Mother to me: For my Ladye of Rutland
fayth, that Mother Lowe, the Mother of the Dowche Maydes,
maye do muche for my Preferment to the Queen's Highness; fo
that your Ladifhip wold fende her my good Token, that fhe
myght the better remembre me; truftyng that your Lady(hip
wold be good Ladye unto me in this Behalf. Madame, I have
received of Ravenfford two Crownes, for the whiche I humbly
thank your Ladyfhip. I do lake a Ketyll for every Day: I befeche
*This is now called Caffoy.
your
1
214
A COLLECTION
·
your Ladyfhip that I maye have yt; and I defyer your Ladyfhip,
that I maye be humblye recommended to my Lorde, and to my
Sifters. Madam, my Brother George is in good Helthe, and is
here in the Cowrt with Sir Francis Brian. And thus the Holy
Ghoſt have yow in his Kepyng, who ſend your Ladyship good
Lyffe, and Length, to his Plefure. Wrytten at Forke's Place,
the 17th Daye of February,
By your humble Daughter,
To the Right Honourable, and my very
good Lady and Mother, my Lady Lifle,
be this delyvered at Calais.
KATHERINE BASSET.
N. B. This is the Letter referred to in the firft Letter; viz. To
the Compiler of this Collection.
From the Lord Admiral to Lord Suffex.
Tha
Thank your good Lordſhip for your Lettar, which I have re-
ceved by your Sirvante this Berer; and am very glad to un-
derftand, that all things in the Reame under your Lordship doth
go fo well. I have no time, as your Sirvante can declare, to
write long Lettar; and therefore, for Parte of the News that I
know, I do fend you herein, beſide a Lettar fent to me thys Day
by Sir Nicolas Throgmorton, out of France; other there is
none, but that my Lord of Norfolk's Grace is thys Day arryvyd
here, and all things in the North is quyet. The French King
hath preſently caufyd his Ships to be dyfarmed, and all the
Vyttells provyded for the Seas to be fold; whereof Part, it is
fayd, is fent into Ireland to be fold, as in my laft Letter I wryte
to you. There is no Fear remayning of any Pretens agaynſt
this Realm; for First, they will find their Caufys much imbaraſt
in their own Realm for Religion; and they wyll attempt agaynft
}
2
us
1
of LETTER S.
215
us nothing at fuch a tyme; and I truft, when theyr tyme is, we
ſhal be fofficiently provydid for there Malis. The Queen's Ma-
jeſty's Navey, that were in the Fyrth in Scotland, are ſafely
arryved at Portsmouth. I umbly tak my Leve of your Lordship.
From Southampton, the 15th of Auguſt, 1560.
Your Lordship's affured to command,
To the Right Honorable, and my very good
Lord the Erl of Suffex, Lord Lieutenant
of the Realm of Ireland.
E. CLYNTON.
From Sir Edward Haftings to Sir William Petre, and
Sir Francis Inglefield, Knights, Commiffioners of the
King and Queen for Sale of Lands, dated the 29th of
May, 1557.
A
FTER my most harty Commendations: The Queen's High-
neſs hathe commandyd me to fignefye her Pleaſure unto you
the Commiffioners for Sales, touching the Bearer hereof, Mr.
Benet Lee, for the Purchaſe of his Farm, that notwithſtanding
that it is fuppofed to be Parcel of other of her Majeftye's Lands,
whereupon you have ſtayed to go through with him; yet her
Highneffe having good Confidence of his Service done in her
Tyme, and what Sickneſs hath happened unto him, being not
recompenfed, as you, Mr. Ingiefie:d, do well know; her High-
nes is therefore contented and pleaſed, that you ſhould go through
with him, for the fame his Requeſt; praying you to uſe your
lawful Favors unto him; and that he may be diſpatched ſo ſoon
as convenyently maye: And fo I commit you to the Keeping of
Almighte God. From the Court, this 29th of May, 1557.
Tour affured loving Friend,
EDWARD HASTINGS.
Lady
216
A COLLECTION
IAM
Lady Mary Sydney to the Earl of Suffex.
AM moſt bound unto your Lordſhip many wayes, and can
but confes the fame in my tru afectionat Hart, and Prayer to
the Almighty Lord, to bleas you with all the Felifeties in the
World, as he hath begun, ſo many Years maye Ingland injoy
you, in fuch Eftate as your noble Vertues, and rare honorable
Mynde, may long thereto be the Comfort many expect in
you.
My good Lord, as it hath pleaſed you to advyfe me, touching
Sir Walter Mildmay, I will follow the fame, and feek all the
means I can to procure his Repayr to the Court To-morrow;
befeechyng your Lordship moft humbly, fo far as it fhall be no
Truble unto you, it may pleaſe you to have me in Remembrance;
which I find already hath greatly moved both my Brother, and
my Lord of Burley, to be the more careful at my Suit to bringe
it fpedily to fome good End. And thus, for trubling your Lord-
ſhip enny longer, I take my Leave, with my moft umble Thanks
for your Lordship's Letters; which you may be fure is no ſmall
Comfort unto me. From Whight-Hall, this 9th of March.
Your Lordship's most bounden, faithful Sifter,
M. SYDNEY.
To the Right Honourable, and my very good Lord, the
Earl of Suffex, of the most honourable Privy Counsell,
and Knight of the Noble Order, give theje.
The Marquis of Wincheſter to the Earl of Suffex.
AFTER my verie hartic Commendations to your good
Lordship: I perceve, by your Letter, that you have reteved
your Warrant for 200 /. and 100 Oake, which your Lordship will
caule
of LETTER S.
217
caufe to be well employed for the Queene; which fhall be veric
honourable for your Lordship, and a grate Contentation to her
Majeftye; and, when that is done, I truft your Lordship fhall
have your Houſe in good Cafe; allbeit not fo well, in all thyngs,
as your Lordſhip wolde have it: Wherein your Lordſhip muſt
have Patience, as the Queene's Highnes hathe; for her Grace
layeth away her owne Buildings, by refon of the grate Charges;
and muſt be fane to do her Things as fhe may, and not with
fuch Spede as ſhe wolde, if ſhe were not charged as fhe is: And
therefore I muſt pray your Lordſhip to holde me excuſed for that
I ſend you not another Warrant for another hundred Trees out
of the Foreft; for fo I fhall not pleas her, fince that I know her
Charge to be as it is. Thus fare your Lordſhip hartelie well, with
Continuance of Health. Written this 22d of April 1569.
Your Lordship's loving Friend,
To my very good Lord the Erle of Suſſex,
Lord Prefident of the Queene's Maje-
ftye's Counfalle in the North Parts.
Haft, Haft, Poft Haft, to York.
WINCHESTER.
An original Letter of Sir Ed. Haſtings to Lord
Right Honourable,
BEING urged by Neceflity, I am forced at this preſent to
crave mofte humblye, that it myghte pleas youe to ſtande fo
muche my goode Lorde, as, by your Lordship's goode Meanes,
her Majeſtye maye nott be offended for my Abfente: For trewlye,
my Lorde, I am in foe grate Nede, that if my Lorde my Brother
weare not my verie good Lorde and Brother, I weare not able,
by any Means poflible, to feade my Wyffe and my Children; for
all the Foode wherewith I am releved cometh only from his
Lordſhip; and I mult neads confefs I have ben more careles of my
Ff
Eftate
218
A COLLECTION
Eſtate than by Reaſon I oughte to have ben; for that fmall Staye
of Lyvyng which I had of my Lorde my Father, I was enforced
to paſs from me to one Skynner, a Mercer in Cheape-fyde, to
helpe to pay my Debtes withall; and trewlye it waffe a greate
deale that I did owe: And the only Staye that I have is, One
hundred Markes by the Yere, which my Wyffe brought me; and
my Want is not fo greate a Greaffe unto me, as that I muſt be en-
forced (for that I am nott any waye able to attende) to abfent my.
felf from doyng of my Dutye in attending upon her Majefty,
which would be to me molte comfortable. Trewly, if I coulde
devyfe to redeeme my Hundred Pound a Yeare, which Skynner
dothe enjoye for Four Hundred, then nothinge fhulde be anye
Stay unto me; but I woulde moſt willingly attende on her Ma-
jeſtye, as Duetye dothe bynde me, and as I moft ernestlye doe
Defyre: Therefore, good my Lord, for God's Sake, I humbly
crave of you, that it woulde pleas you to be a Meane to her Ma-
jefty, that her Majefty may thynke that onlye Necefytye en-
forceth me to abfent myſelf. Thus mofte humbly I crave Pardon,
not only for that I have not fatisfied your Lordship of that I am to
your Lordſhip indebted, but alſo for trubling your Lordship at
this prefent. Trewly, if God fhulde call my Lord my Brother,
I am altogether deftitute of any Houfe to fhroud myſelf in.
Thus, with my moſt humble Dutye, I commit your Lordſhip to
the Almighty. Thorpe, this 13th of May, 1572.
Your Honour's most humbly to command,
EDWARD HASTINGS.
From Richard Rich to the Earl of Suffex.
AFTER my humble Commendations unto your good Lord-
ſhip, with like Thanks unto the fame, for that it hathe
pleafed you to graunt me Licenſe to fell Part of my Woods, in
my
}
of LETTER S.
219
Manor of Wanstead, laying within the Forreſt of Waltham in
Countre of Effex; and hereby it may pleaſe you to underſtand,
that the Part which I now defire to fell is ufually called the Great
Shrubbets, and is that which lyeth next towards Woodford Church,
which containeth of Wood-Ground (abating divers Slips and
Waſte Places within the fame), by Eftimation, not much above
Threeſcore Acres: Wherefore I fhall humbly defire
your Lord-
ſhip to graunt unto me Licenfe for the felling of the fame ac-
cordingly, under the Seal of your Office; and where I have, in
my Bargain made with Robert Branston, fold unto him Threefcore
young Trees or Spries of Oake, growing within feveral Paſture
of myn called Says, Parcel of my faid Manor of Wanstead, be-
ing no Wood of Name; for the which, or for fuch like, I have
not harde that any Licenſe hath been uſually fued for, or pro-
cured, being in feveral Grounds, and no Wood; yet for that I
wolde be lothe to offend any Order thought good by your Lord-
fhip therein, I fhall likewife humbly defire you, that the faid
Threefcore young Trees or Spries of Oake may be contained in
my faide Licenſe; and thus doing I fhall be much bound (as never-
theless I am) at your Commandement, to be moft preſent and
redy in any thing that may lye in my little Power; and thus be-
ing much bolde to troble your good Lordship, I take my Leve of
the fame. From my poor Houfe at Lees, the 27th of Decem-
ber, 1564.
Your good Lordship's always to command,
RICHARD RYCH.
I would be glad to fee your good Lordſhip in Effex, byfore
your goyng into Flanders.
From Lord Hunfdon to Mr. Thompſon (Auditor).
AFTER my ryght harty Commendations: Whereas I re-
quefted you of late to joyne withe fome other Friends of
Ff 2
myne
や
​220
A COLLECTION
myne to enter into Bonds for me, about fuch Money as I ftood
in need of, the Truth is, it ftandeth me fo much upon, that I muſt
needs procure the Sum of Five hundred Pounds: Wherefore I
require you, as a fpecial Friend whom I make account of, to
joyne with me, and Mr. Lyons, for the Repayment of the fame;
and for your Security therein, you fhall have fuch convenient
Counterbond as you may deviſe; and befides, in your fo doing,
I fhall not only be redy to enter into any like Bond for you, if
you fo require, but alſo moſt willing to pleaſure you in any thing,
to the moſt of my Power: So fare you well. From the Court,
the 23d of May, 1560. Good Mr. Thompson, fale me not herein,
my ſpecial Truft is in you.
Your affured Friend,
H. HUNSDON.
N. B. Lord Hunfdon was a Nobleman of remarkable Gene-
rofity, faid to be nearly related to the Queen by her Mother
Anna Bullen, and for whom the Queen profeffed the greateſt
Regard.
From Sir William Fitzwilliams to Lord Suffex.
It may please your good Lordship,
WHE
•
HEREAS thys Bearer, Richard Manwayringe, Gentleman,
is on Intent to Repayre to the Court, about certain his
Sewtes, to be moved before the Lords of her Highneffe's Previe-
Counſell, wherein he is commended by my Letters to theire
Lordships; and for that his Selfe can be the beft Reporter of his
own Cauſes to your Lordship, I omyt long Difcourfe, referryng
the fame to his own Reporte; and nevertheleffe he beyng your
Lordship's olde Servant, I wolde not lett him pafs, but with my
Letters of Commendations, the rather to your Lordſhip, beſeech-
ing the fame, although nedelefs I might feem to ftir your Lord-
ſhip.
of LETTER S.
221
ſhip to ftand his good Lord and Maſter, for that he hathe not had
of long tyme more need than now to make Proof of thofe that
are his good Lord's; and which mought further him to aid, as
his known Service hathe merited; and in his Favour I have alfo
written other my Letters to the Lord of Burley; and fo, with my
very hartie Commendations to your good Lordſhip, and wiſhing
your Lordship long Health, and Increaſe of Honour, I leve of
further wrytinge for this tyme. From St. Pulchers, the 19th of
April, 1571.
WILLIAM FITZ-WILLIAMS.
From Lord Windfor to Lord Suffex.
Right Honourable, and my fingular good Lord,
AFTER my hartie Commendations unto your good Lordſhip,
and my Layde Miftreffe, trufting you are in Health, which I
doe erneftly wiſh to be both to your Contentation and Pleaſure, to
advertiſe you of any great News here at the Court at thys tyme,
other than I well know you have been wrytten unto, of which
the beſt is of the Peace taken in Scotland; and as ſome faye,
but as yet, with no Certaintye, of the Prince of Swedia comyng
in with a great Compenye of Noblemen, both of his Countre,
and of Germany; other News I have none; and for that, I will
not be tedious, I fay no more, but commend myſelfe to your
Lordſhip to doe you or my Ladye Miftreffe any Service or Pleaſure
I can in theſe Parts; and thus I take my Leave. From the Court
at Greenwyche, the 11th of July, 1560.
By your affured,
EDWARDE WYNDESOR.
To his verry good Lorde the Erle of Suffex, Liftenante
of Ierlande to the Queene's Mageftye, geve theſe,
A Letter
2.22
A COLLECTION
A Letter from Secretary Mafon to Lord Suffex.
Goode my Lorde,
AN ill-favoured Pair of Eyes, which have cauſed me to keep
my Houſe theſe 10 or 12 Days, do drive me to open a Sute
of myne to you by wryting, which otherwyfe I wolde have done
by Mouthe. I purchaſed, two or three Years fithence, a Manor in
the Foreſt of Windfor, called Sandehurst, a fmall Piece of the
Timber Wood whereof I have fithence fold; which, being igno-
rantly bufy, I communicated to Mr. Secretary, upon Knowledge
learned, that without Leave I might not lawfully make Sale of
Wood within the Foreft: Of late, I do underſtand, that a View
hathe bene taken of my Doings in that Matter; fo as it is lyke
fome Preſentment thereof is meant to be made to your Lord-
fhip; whereby being in Danger to incur fome Penaltye, if I be
not holpen by your good Lordfhip's Equite, I thought conveny-
ent to befeche you to fhow therein fuch lawful Favor as you con-
veniently may; and to weigh, Firft, mine Ignorance; Secondly,
the ſmall Quantytye fold by me; and, finally, that whatfoever is
done hathe been done without any kynde of Hindrance to the
Quene's Highneſs's Game, which will well appere upon the Exami-
nation of the Keepers. The Sale I made was of greate Timber,
as I have before faid, to the Number, as I take it, of an hundred
Oakes. If any Fault be found in the ufyng of the Copyce and
Underwoods, the Farmer is to be charged herewith, who, by
vertue of his Lefe, clames the hole Intereft thereof, and hathe
uſed to fell and fell the fame at his Pleafure: And thus Al-
mighty God have your goode Lordſhip in his mofte bleffed Keep-
ynge. From my powre Howfe in Powle's Church-yard, 17th
of March, 1564.
Your goode Lordshipe's hartelie at Command,
JOHN MASON.
To the Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,
the Erle of Suffex, Lord Deputy of Ireland, and
Justice of the Forests, &c.
The
of LETTER S.
223
The Lord Admiral to Lord Suffex.
It may please your good Lordship,
Have anſwered your Letter by this Berer: And, touching your
Lordship's profedyng in the late Voyage, it is very well ac-
cepted, and the Order you have taken, as by my Lord's Letters
maye appere; and the rest of your Lordship's Demande is alfo
anſwered, I truft, to your Contentation. Here are no other
Newes than the daylie lookyng for the young Kyng of Sweth-
land his comeyng, who, as his Ambalador reporteth, is upon the
Sea, with Forty Ships, to come to fee the Queen's Majcftye.
The Newis that Garby is taken by the Turks, and many Spa-
nyards flayne in it, is agen confirmed by Letters lately come.
Amongst others that were flayne, as is reported, the Don John
de Pyemontell, who, I think your Lordship knew with King
Philip here, is one. All things is here quiet, God be thankyd.
The Trobles of Fraunce are not yet repreffed; but the Nobyler
with the ordenary Gens d'armes are fet out, by the Order of the
Kyng, and his Counſel, to reform all Dyforders this Winter.
The Vidam de Chartin, with other Gentilmen, are comytted to
the Baftyle of Parris, for wryting of Letters to the Kyng of
Navarre, which were interceptyd, and Matter found which
moch diſcontentyd the Houfe of Guyfe. The French doth moch
myflike the late Peace made in Scotland, between the Queen's
Majeſtye and them, and in fome Poynts ftykyth to perform their
Treaty. They lack but Abylity to fhew their Malys, which I
truft fhal never lye in their Power. When Occaſyon of forrein
Newis fhal come to me, I wyll not be flack in Wryting; and
now I wyll troble your Lordship no furder; but, with my noft
harty Commendations to your Lordship, and my Ladye. I wiſh
to you both long Lyfe, and much Honour. From Hampton-
Court, the 7th of October, 1560.
Your Lordship's affured to command,
E. CLYNTON.
To the Right Honorable, and my very good Lord, the Lrie of
Suffex, Lord Lieutenant of the Reame of Ireland.
224
A COLLECTION
The Earl of Pembroke to Lord Suffex.
My very good Lord,
IA
AM right glad to hear of your Lordship's good Succeſs in all
your Wyſhes, trufting in the Almighty, that you fhall never
have other. I am, Thanks be to God, very well amendyd; and
am glad, with all my Hart, to hear of your good Lordship's
profperous Eſtate; and fo, with harty Thanks for your Lordship's
gentile Letters, I pray you, that I and my Wife may be moſt
hartily recommended both to you, and my Ladye your Bed-
fellow; wherewith, for this tyme, I comit you to God. At
Hendon, the 29th of September, 1560.
Your good Lordship's right affured Friend,
To the Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,
the Erle of Suffex, and Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland.
PEMBROKE.
From Secretary Sir Thomas Smith to Sir Henry Rad-
cliff, Captain of Portſmouth.
AF
FTER my harty Commendations: I do understand, that
Edward Higgins, one of my Men, who, with William
Pulvert and other, intending to go to my Son in Ireland, for
their neceffary Proviſion there, had bought a fmall Hoy laden
with Sait, and given Earneft for it; thereof the Mafter and Owner
cannot deny. The fame is now ftayed by you: I pray you ex-
amine the Matter; and if that it be fo, that they have bought it
indeed, ict them have the Favour, that they maye enjoy it, and
carry it to Ireland: It is a moft neceffary Proviſion for that
Country; and therefore I pray you fhew them, the Mafters and
Marryners,
of LETTER S.
225
Marryners as much convenient Favor as you can, both for my
Sake, and becauſe their Enterprife is honcft, and for the Queen's
Majeſty's Service; and if I can fhew you, or any of yours, any
Favour or Pleaſure, you fhall command me. Thus I comyt you
to Almighty God. From Hampton Court, the 24th of Jann-
ary, 1572.
Your loving Friend,
To the Right Worshipful, and my very loving
Friend Sir Henry Radcliff, Knight, Cap-
tain of Portefmouth.
T. SMITH.
A Letter from the Earl of Southampton, and under-
written another (as fuppofed) from his Lady, to the
Earl of Suffex, Lord Chamberlain.
SINCE the wryting of my laft Letter unto your Lordship,
touching the Matter between the Lieutenant and me, I do
underſtand, that my Lord Lumley hath a Mynd to ftand with
him alfo, according to the Orders: And furder, that if the
Matter did end before the Council, the Orders were not like to
be broken: Therefore, fince I have delt this far in the Matter, and
fince he hath fo badly delt with me, he deſerveth far lefs, then
more. I do befeech your Lordship, that I may be made privy unto
any Order that fhall be taken therein, before I be bownd to per-
form the fame. It doth toch me grately in Honor; and there-
fore I moſt hartily defire you fo to deale therein, as that my
Enemy no ways have his Wyll; for, as I regard not the whole
Sum of Money, ſo I affure your Lordſhip would it more grieve
me to be forced to give him 2007. more than his Due, than
otherwiſe to give a Friend twenty times the Valey of the Whole.
Your Lordship fhall command me in a far greater Matter then
this. Surely, my Lord, if my Lord Lumley prevail, as I am
G g
Out
226
A COLLECTION
out of doubt he fhall, and I fhould any-wife yield, it would be
no fmall Dishonor to me: Therefore I hope your Lordfhip will
confider of it accordingly: And fo, befeeching your Lordship now
to deal for my Liberty, that I may not only be forgotten, I do
no furder trouble your Lordship; withing unto you as to my
own felf. From
the 27th of June 1573-
Your Lordship's affured Friend and Brother,
SOUTHAMPTON.
Notwithstanding, my good Lord, I requested to be made privy
to what Order your Lordship will take, before your Lordship
give your Word I fhall perform it; yet I mean not otherwife,
in the End, to deal, then fhall be to your liking; and fo I be-
fcech your Lordship affuredly to think.
The under-written Letter.
Although my Lord have promifed, upon his Honor, not to declare
to any his Knowledge touching the Lieutenant's Matter; yet,
being defirous your Lordfhip fhould know every way upon what
Grownd he builds his Dealings, I wyll open unto your Lordship'
what Advyfe hath come to hym fince he did write unto your
Lordſhip, A Cownfellor, and a noble Perfon, advyſed him to
fland in this Matter; afluring him, that whatfoever the Com-
miflioners did, there was a Refolution that the Orders before
fhould not be broken; and that it fhould appere, though my Lord
did yeld, by Lord Lumly, who is affured to paye no more then
he ought to do. How greatly it wold toch him in Honor, I
beseech your Lordthip confider, and according to deal. Your
Lordship thall find dowble Dealing in fome of the Commiflioners,
who defire to have the Lieutenant have his Wyll, and my Lord
difhonoured. This much I thought good to imparte unto your
Lordship, hoping you will not fee him overcome with his
Enemies, in that even he may with Honor ftand in. If my
Helth wold have ferved me, I wold have feen your Lordship cre
this
of LETTER S.
227
this tyme, and renew'd my Suite: But, my being not able at this
prefent; neither do I know whether I fhall be able, before her
Majeſty's Remove, to travel; do moft hartily befeech your Lord-
fhip to have my Lord his Caufe in Remembring, that I may not
now be ſeparated from him; as of Neceffity I muft, if he be ty'd
to this Place till her Majefty's Return. Thus, repofing my only
truſt in your Lordship, do wyth unto you all Honor and Happi-
ncfs.
Your Lordship's affured loving Cofyne,
M. SOUTHAMPTON.
A Letter to the Earl of Suffex.
AFTER my verey hartie Commendations to your good Lord-
fhipp: The fecunde Dayc of this Inftant the Gentlemen ap-
pointed for the Ordre of the Matters in Variance betweine the
Lord Wharton and me, mett at Kirkby-fteaphen, nere to the
Matters in Queſtion; where they contynewed by the Space of
thre or foure Dayes: Whofe Proceedings will, I trufte, by their
feveral Certificates, manyfefte unto your good Lord hipp in whom
the Defaulte reftithe; affuring your good Lordfhipp, for myne
own Parte, my Honor and Right faved, I was as earnestlye bent
to embrace his Frendfhipp, as your Lordfhipp feimed defyrous of
the fame. But, fyns nowe the Matter falleth owt in this manner,
I verilye truft your good Lordfhipp, nor any other of myne honor-
able Frends, will be offended that I take the Benefitt of the Lawes
for Tryall of my faid Right: And fo, for this
And fo, for this tyme, do commytte
your good Lordſhip to the Keeping of Almighty God. Scribled
at my Caftle of Appullbye, this 6th Day of July 1559. and under
my Signett.
N. B. The Signet is a Dragon in a princely Coronet, with a
Motto round.
Gg 2
Lads
228
A COLLECTION
MY
Lady Howard to the Earl of Suffex.
Y Dewtic don unto you, my very good Lorde, with my
humble Thankes for your Goodnes thewed unto me, and
to all your Coufins my Children, fince God took my Lord your
Uncle unto his Mercye. I do underftande by my Son William,
that he himself is veric muche bounde unto you. And he de-
clares unto me, that all the refte be fo towe nowe in
my Abfence.
Your Lordſhippe knowes how I did anfwer you once, that it was
the best Decde that ever you did when you gote your Daughter
Frances. Indeed, my Lord, ſhe may think herſelf the moſte
happiest when it pleafed you to call her fo, and to take that Care
that you do of hir; you thall be fure of a poor Widdowe's Prayer
for your Goodness fhewed unto us all. My good Lord, you fhall
underſtande, that my Lorde of Lecefter promifed me, when I
was at Grenewytche, to fpeake unto the Quene's Majeftie at her
Return from the Progrefs; that I mighte be in the Courte to do
my Dewtie, to wayte uppon hir Majeftie, and have the Comfort
of my Children, and to be in Place where I mighte mayke
Meanes the fowner to beftowe fome of theme.
Lordship privy of it, as I meane, God willinge,
things perteigninge to me, or to my Children.
doubt, but your Lordship, of your Goodnes, will be contented
with it. And thus I leave trubblinge your Lordship, defiringe
of God to fende you and my Ladie Children, and to live fo
longe together as my Lorde and I did to have Joye of them.
From Otelandes, the 22d of Augufte.
I mayke your
to do with all
And I have no
By a poor Widde, and your loving Aunte,
MARGRETT HOWARD.
To the Righte Honorable, and my very good
Lorde, the Earle of Suffex, Lorde Chamber-
layne unto the Quene's Majeftie.
Lady
of LETTER S.
229
Lady Howard to the Earl of Suffex.
At this
Y Dutie remembred to you my good Lord: I do truble
your Lordship mutche with my Caufes; but the Hope of
your good Will towardes me makes me the bolder.
tyme the Cauſe of my writinge unto you is, that Shrovetide be-
ing pafte, you would be a Meanes unto the Quene's Majeftie, that
my Son William mighte remaine with me mofte at Home with
her Favour. I beſeache you, my good Lord, deſire hir Majeſty
to confider howe manye Yeares I did live with my good Lord
your Uncle, whome God hathe taken to his Mercie, and had
the Comfort of hym Thirty-feven Yeres; and nowe to be in
my Houſe alone among my Servants, that never could be anye
famelier Miftres amongeſte my Foulkes. And againe, my Lorde,
if any ſtrange Gentillman come unto me, you know my foro-
ful Eſtate is not nowe to kepe theme muche Companye; and
many Cauſes more that I am not now fo well able to reveal; be-
fides the Comfort of havinge of my Son. I pray you, my
good Lord, to be earnefte with hir Majeſtie in this my Behalf,
with your good wife Confiderations, more then I am able to
write. And thus I leve trublinge you, defiringe of God to fende
you, and my good Ladic, your With. To whome I fende my
homble Commendations, fo well to do as myſelf. From my
poor Lodge at Rigate, this prefent 17th of February, 1573.
Your humble and loving Aunte,
MARGRETT HOWARD
To the Right Honorable, and my verie good Lord,
the Erle of Suffex, Lord Chamberlane to the
Quene's Majestie.
From
230
A COLLECTION
From Owen Bray to the Earl of Suffex.
My bounden Dewty unto your good Lordship confyderyd : It
may pleaſe the fame to underſtand, that beinge here for the
conveying of your Lordship's Wood out of Wyndfoure Forreft,
about the 16th Day of this laft Month, Kyrby of Smythfeld
informed me, that Mr. Houghton, and one other, joined with
him, had procured out a Commy ffion for the Survey of all
Waſtes in all Forefts, Parks, Warrens, and Chaces, within your
Lordship's Rule. Whereupon I went to Sir Richard Sackvylle,
requyering hym, in your Lordship's Name, to ſtay the fayd Com-
myffyon, declaring unto hym, that it wold be very chargeable
unto the Quene's Majeſtie, and little Good to be don; fhewing
to him alſo, that your Lordship was mynded to have it afterwards
done, at your next Returne; and Sackvylle promyfed me to
fpeke with Mr. Treaſurer for the Stayment thereof. I befeche
your Lordship to pardon me, if you think that I have not don
well in the Stayment thereof. I wolde be very lothe to have any
fuche thing don, your Lordship not pryvy thereunto. There be
many things done with the lyke Rule that I have under your
Lordſhip, wherein no Redreſſe will be had in your Abſence; for
the Treaſourer will not be fpoken withall, without greate At-
tendance, and Mr. Sackvylle will doe nothing without hym. I
pray God fende your Lordſhip fhortly to retorne, or elfe I fhall
be weary of all. Thus comytting your Lordship to God, I wiſh
you much Increaſe of Honour. Wrytten in Hafte, in London,
the 6th Day of August, 1560.
Your Lordship's to command,
To the Right Honorable, and my very good
Lorde, the Erle of Suffex, Lorde Deputy:
of Ireland, deliver this.
OWEN BRAY.
An
of LETTER S.
231
*
An original Order of Philip and Mary, under the Sig-
net, to inftall Lord Grey of Welton, then Prifoner
in France, Knight of the Garter, in the Perfon of
Sir Humphry Radcliff, Knight.
MARYE the Quene.
PHILLIP and Mary, by the Grace of God, Kinge and
Quene of England, Spayne, France, both Cyciles, Berlin,
and Ireland, Defender of the Faythe, Archeduke of Auftrich,
Dukes of Burgundye, Myllan, and Brabant, Counts of Haf
nage, Flaunders, and Tyroll, and Soveraigns of the moaſt noble
Order of the Garter: To oure right trufty and right well-be-
loved Coufen the Erle of Huntyngton, and our right trufty and
welbeloved Counsellor the Lord Haftings of Longheborow, our
Lord Chamberlen, Companyons and Knights of oure faid
noble Order of the Garter, greeting: Whereas we, with other
Companyons of the faid noble Order, affembled at a Chapiter
holden at our Paliace of Westminster, the 27th of April laft
paſt, did electe and chooſe oure right trufty and welbeloved the
Lord Grey of Wylton, to be Knight and Companyon of oure faid
noble Order. Forafmuch as the fame Lorde Grey is prefentlic
Pryfoner with the Frenche Kinge, and therefore cannot be in-
ftalled in his owne Perfon, oure Pleafure is, that he fhall be in-
ftalled by Sir Humfrey Radclyff, Knight, whom we have ap-
poynted to be his Depute in that Behalf; willyng therefore, and
by thefe Prefents authoryfing and lycenfyng yew, not only to
accepte and admyt the faid Lorde Grey, of Wylton, unto the faid
Order, and to receave his Oath and Inftallation by his faid De-
putie accordlinglie, but alſo further to do therein, as to the
Statutes, and laudable Cullomcs, of oure fàid noble Order ap-
perteigneth: And thefe oure Letters fhall be youre fuffycyent
Warrant and Dyfchardge in that Behaulf. Given under the Seale
of oure faid Order, at oure Manor of Greenwich, the 20th of
Aprill, the Fourth and Fifth Yeres of oure Reignes.
To
232
A COLLECTION
To the Lord Chamberlain.
My very good Lord,
MY
Y moft humble Duty remembred: I am to crave Pardon of
your Lordship, that I did not write unto your Lordſhip,
fince my Departure from the Court. And thus bothe givinge
your Lordship Thankes for your Goodnes towards me, and de-
firinge yow to continue the fame, I wifhe yow longe Life,
Healthe, and Encreaſe of your Lordship's Honour. From Cam-
bridge, the 27th of May, 1577.
Your Lordship's most bounden,
To the Right Honorable, and my very good
Lord, the Lord Chamberlaine.
R. ESSEX.
I am to pray your Lordship Furtherance to Baroll, my Father's
antient Servant, in a Caufe he fhall informe your Lordship.
A Letter to the Lords of the Privy Councell, of Pro-
ceedings in the Commiffion of Oyer and Terminer at
Carlife against the late Rioters in the North.
It may please your good Lordships,
ACcording to the Effect of my Letters of the
Day of
August, my Lord Scrope, Sir Thomas Garrgrate, Sir George
Bowes, the Dean of Durefine, Mr. B. llengham, and Mr. Symms,
repaired the 21ft of the fame to Carlyle, to meet there with the
Juftices of Aflize, and to join with them to procede, by virtue
of the Commiffion for Oyer and Determiner remaining here,
againfi fuch as for their Offences in the Tumult at the Forreft of
Weftwarde, thould be found to be within the Compaſs of Fel-
lony; and by virtue of the Commyflion remaining here for
6
hearing
of LETTER S.
233
1
hearing of Caufes, to proceed against fuch as fhould be found
faulty of the Ryot. In both which Commyflions the Juftices of
Affyze, and all the Perfons abovewritten, be named Commyfli-
oners. And upon their Meeting they have proceeded in fuch
Force, as by Articles thereof delivered to me, and herewith fent
to your Lordship, may at good length appear.
Four Perfons, being indicted and arrayned, have confcffed the
Felony, and ſubmitted themſelves to the Queen's Majelly's
Mercy, against whome Judgement was deferred for dyvers re-
ſpects in the Articles declared.
Thertie-fix others remayne indy&ted of Fellonye, againſt
whome there was no further Proceeding for the Caufes alfo there
alleged.
Many have bene long deteyned in Prifon; 200 and upwards.
Near to 300 have confeffed the Ryot, fubmitted themfelves, and
ftand bounden to pay fuche Fynes, and to abide fuche Puniſh-
ment,
as I and the Councell fhall cefs and appointe; wherein we
mcane to proceede fo foon as a convenyent tyme may be for the
affembling of fuche a Number, as, in fnch a Caufe, is requifitye.
The Caufe hathe bene hereby followed, the Pepell be repentant,
and verye fearefull; and the Example hathe bene made verye.
greate; in reſpect wherof, and of the Matter conteyned in the
Articles, I have promiſed the Commiflioners to be Suter to your
Lordship, to be Meanes to the Queen's Majefty, to extend her
Mercy in that toucheth the Lyfe of many, by granting her gra-
cicufe Pardon to the 4 found guilty, and the 36 indicted; which
I humbly befeech your good Lordfhip to confider, that her Ma-
jeſty's Miniſters here maye the boldlycr ftraine Matters to the
uttermofte in Juftice for continuing of Obedience, when upon
the Motyon it fhall pleaſe her Majefty to use her Mercy to the
humble few. And the People, being ftraightly dealt with for
their Offences, fhall not after be wholly out of Hope of Grace,
in fuch Caufes as becometh us to be Suitors for them.
In Hope
Hh
hercof
234
A COLLECTION
hereof I have caufed a Pardon to be drawn up; which I herewith
fend, and humbly befeech your Lordship to prefer to her Ma-
jefty; and fo comytt your Lordships to the Almighty. From
Chuwood, the 22d of September, 1569.
Lady Stanley to the Earl of Suffex.
Right Honourable,
THIS is to lett you know, that a littell before the Death of
Sir George my Husband, he requested me, uppon his
Death-bed, to write to your Honour in the Behalf of this Bearer,
his Nevewe, and late Servant, that you woulde for his Sake
ftande his good Lorde, and entertayne hym as youre Man.
Wherefore I thought it good to difcharge my faid Promiſe, made
unto him, my faid Husband, before his Death. And do heartely
defire your Honour, that if it fhall feeme likinge unto you, to
entertayne him, the rather for his faid late Uncle's Sake. I have
ben fomewhat bould to trouble your Honour with this my fymple
Letter; and therefore, to fhun Tedioufnefs, I ceaſe, wifhinge
your Lordship's Healthe, with Encreaſe of Honour. From
Croſball, this 15th of Aprill, 1571.
Tours,
To the Right Honorable the Earle of Suffex,
Knight of the most Honourable Order of
the Garter, this be delivered.
ISABELL STANLEY.
$
Sir Francis Walfingham, Secretary, to Lord Suffex.
From Fraunce, 1571. In his own Hand.
You
OUR Lordship's approving my fimple Service by your Letters,
bearing Date the 14th of Aprell, dothe give me Encourage-
ment
{"
of LETTER S.
235
ment to hope, that if hereafter there grow any Defect (as likely
there may be many), the fame proceeding neither out of
Malice nor Negligence, fhall not lack your Lordship's favourable
Defence.
Here we awaite your Anfwer how you hope to proceed.
Spain, and the House of Guyse, the Hinderers of the Match in
Hand, are not in the beſt Conceipt here with the King at this
prefent; whereby there is great Hope gathered of the Contynu-
ance of the Peace. And fo, having nothing elfe at this preſent
to impart unto your Lordship, I moft humbly take my Leave.
At Parris, the 20th of Aprell, Aº 1571.
Your Lordship's to command,
To the Right Honorable, and my very
good Lord, the Earl of Suffex, at
the Court.
FRA. WALSYNGHAM.
An original Letter from the Lord Shrewefbury to Lord
Burleigh, dated at Sheffeld, the 5th of November,
1574. Cotton Library, Caligula, c. 3. fol.
My very good Lord, and dere Friende,
T feemeth by your Lettars to me, there be that fekes fume
Doutefulness in the Quene's Majeſtie of the Lorde
and Suffolke, near thefe Partes, and therewith to rethe me and
my Wyfe; for that my Wife fought the Maryage of hur Daugh-
ter as oft, and many tymes, and in fundrye Places, fhe before
hathe don, and that fome Repugnant is found betwixt my Lady
Wrytings and myne, of hur being defyred
{
to Raufford or not. Thefc, and the manner of Delyngs in theſe
Mattars, your Lordship wrytcs, her Majeftie maye perhappes
counfell otheryyes then afore fhe hath don. Surely, my Lord, I
Hh2
take
236
A COLLECTION
take thefe Lordes to be hur Majeftie's faithful Subjects, well
thought of of her Majefty; and during their Abodes at my
Houſe, I could geddar no Caufe of myflyking of them: They
were, for her Majeftie's Sake, the welcomar to me, as others hathe
bene and fhuld be to me, whom I know hur Majeftie favors; and
when I wrytt unto your Lordship of both thefe Lords cummyng
to my Houfe, I refeved the Knolege from my Wyfe, that the
Lade Suffolke towld hur, that the Lade
ment to come
to hur Houſe in the North, and that ſhe would bringe hur to
Chatfworth, if ſhe could intrete her; but if the could not, hur-
felf would. Both I and my Wyfe, when we confydered, thought
better to have them at Rofford than Chatsworth, and made that
Houfe reddy. When we hard that the Lade of
The Lorde
was
cumming to Grounfthorpe, I made a full Accounte of both their
commings, and tooke Occaſion of ſmaule Mattar to wryte unto
your Lordship. My Wyfe hercing of there being at Grantam,
cente the next Daye Henry Camen to Rutrick, to defyre them
both to cum to Rofford, and there found but the oune; fo my
Wyfc
was loth to cum, but by gretc
Defyre of the Meffengar from my Wife. And as for the Moſyon
of Marriage betwext the Dutches Sunne, and my Wyfes Daugh-
tarc, it was not
nor hedde from the Worlde; it hath bene
in Talke betwixt them more than a Yere paft, and not thought off
as a Mattare worthe hur Majeftie's hering. To be plaine with
your Lordship, I whyfched the Matche, and put to my helping
Hand to further it; and was contented, by my Lade Suffolk's
grete Intrete, to fuffar my Wyfe for that Purpoſe to accompeny
hur to his Houſe Grounft horp; and, at hur Retorne, fhe thought
it in good Forward nefs, and fo hopyd, tyll fhe faw the
nott to, and then underſtanding the younge Gentleman was othar-
wyes difpofed without
her Mynde, and this is all the
delyng I know of that Lorde
Lade L
being
and, as I hard, ſekely, refted
hur at Rofford five Days, and kept moft hur Bedde-chambar; and
6
in
of LETTER S.
237
*
in that tyme the young Man hur Sunn fell into lyking with my
Wife's Daughter before intended
and fuch Lyking
was between them, as, my Wife tells me, fhe makes no Dout
of a Match; and hath ſo tyed themfelfes apon their own lyking,
cannot parte. My Wyfe hath cent hur to my Lady
as
and the young Man is fo farr in Love, that belyke he is fyke with-
oute hur. This taking Effect, I fhall be well at Quyett; for there
is feu Nobillmens Sonns in England, that the hath not praid me
to dele forre, at one tyme or other; fo did I for my Lord Rut-
land, with my Lord Suffex, for my Lord Wharton, and fondry
others And now this cumies unloked for without Thankes to
me. Thus have I at large particularly made Account of theſe
Lades, and their Dealings at my Houſes: I have for your Lord-
fhip full Knowlege; and that you maye mete with whatſoever,
fhall be more or otherwyes imagined, and prefarred to hur
Majestic
agenfte me, or my Wife. I have bene more
tedyus, and
in expreffing the manner of every
that I know of confarnyng thofe Lades, and their Deal-
ings, than needful to trobill your Lordship with; alluring myfelfe
you will as frendly fatisfie hur Majeftie in all theſe thyngs, as I
have playnly wrytt them, and as your Lordship doth profeffe to
me; and as my fpefall Truft is in your Lordfhip. I and my
Wyfe wythe your Lordship as hartly well as to ourſelves. At
Cheffeld, the 5th of November, 1574.
Your Lordship's affured Feiend and Kynfman,
I have here inclofed, retorned my Lade
SHREWSBURY.
Lettar to
your Lordship.
From the Marquis of Wincheſter.
Have ſent you herewith a new Book, made of the Lande for
London, m uche varyinge from the Books that Mr. Walgrave
had
238
A COLLECTION
had of me, by reafon that Mr. Garret, and Mr. Recorder, when
the Auditors were with us, he refufed many of the Manors that
were of the Quene's anncient Lands, and took other that came
in by Exchange and Purchas, for their more Surety; which
Book, and this Bill, deliver to Mr. Walgrave, that he may fhew
the fame to the Quene, how her Majeſtic ſhall like the fame; and
yf her Grace lyke yt, that then there may be written, in the
latter End of the Paper, that her Grace is pleaſed thoſe Lands
fhall paffe; and to will me to make fourthe Warrants to the Au-
ditors for the particular Books thereof, as thereupon there may
be a Book engroffed ready to her Grace's Hand, and that Paper
returned to me agayn under her Grace's Hand; when I will fee yt
don. Written this 29th of Marche, 1558.
Tour Master's,
To my Servant Robert Hayre, Gentilman.
WINCHESTER
Lord Northumberland to the Earl of Suffex.
My verye good Lord,
WE
E hear this Bearer, Thomas Swyns, Sone to one William
Swyns, that was flaine in her Majeftie's Service, who I think
your Lordship dothe well remember, hath a Suit unto hir Majeftic,
in whofe Behalf I am erneftly required by him to wryte my
Letters unto your good Lordship. The good Lyking I have of the
Towardnes of the young Man, with the good Will I bore his
Father, being defyrous to do for him in that I may, hath moved
me to pray your Lordship to ftand his good Lord in the Advance-
ment of his Suit at this tyme to the Quene's Majeftic. I hope,
both for the good Will I hear your Lordship bore to his Father,
and for my Caufe, as Tyme will convenyently come, your Lord-
fhip will have the young Man in Remembrance. And fo, being
herein
of LETTER S.
239
herein bold to trouble your Lordship, I commyt the fame to the
Government of the Almighty. From my Houfe at Petworth,
the 21ft of March, 1576.
Your Lordship's most affured Coffene,
NORTHUMBERLAND.
I pray your Lordship to make my Wyffe's mofte harty Com-
mendaffions, and myne, to my Lady my Myftris.
To the Right Honorable, and my very good
Lord and Cofin, the Erle of Suffcx, Lorde
Chamberlaine.
The following Commiffion of Queen Elizabeth's, and
Letters of James I. I was earnestly importuned by
feveral Subfcribers, to print in this Collection.
The Commiſſion for the Execution to be donne upon the Quene
of Scottes Perfon, directed to the Erles of Shrewsbury and
Kent, &c. Penned by Lord Burghley.
LIZABETH, by the Grace of God, Quene of England,
Fraunce, and Ireland, &c. To our trufty and welbeloved
Coufins, George Erle of Shrewsbury, the Erle Marshall of Eng-
land, Henry Erle of Kent, Henry Erle of Derby, George Erle
of Comberland, Henry Erle of Pembrook, greeting: Whereas
frome the Sentence given by yow, and others of our Counfaill,
Nobilitie, and Judges, againfte the Quene of Scotts, by the Name
of Mary, the Daughter and Heire of James the Fifte, late King
of Scotts, commonly called the Quene of Scottes, and Dowager
of Fraunce, as to you is well known, all the States in the late Par-
liament affembled did not only deliberate, with great Adviſe allow
and approve the ſaid Sentence as juſt and honorable, but did alſo,
with all Humblenes and Earneftnefs poffible, at fundry tymes,
require,
240
A COLLECTION
require, follicite, and preffe us to proccede to the publishing of
the fame; and thereupon to dirc&t fuch further Execution againſt
her Perfon, as they did adjudge her to have duely deſerved; add-
ing thereto, that the forbearing thereof was and would be daily
a certayne and unndoubted Dannger, not only to our own Life,
but to themſelves, their Pofterity, and the publique Eflate of
this Realm, as well for the Caufe of the Gospel, and the true
Religion of Chrift, as for the Peace of the whole Realm: Where-
upon we did (though with fome Delay of Tyme) publifhe the
fame Sentence by our Proclamation; and yet have hitherto for-
borne to gyve Direction for the further Satisfaction of the afore.
faid moſt carneft Requeſts, made by the faid States of our Par-
liament; whereby we do daily underfland, by all Sorts of our
loving Subjects, both of our Nobility and Counfaill, and alfo of
the wifeft, greateft, and beft devoted of all other our Subjects of in-
ferior Degrees, how greatly and deepely from the Bottom of their
Hearts they are grieved and afflicted with dayly, yea with hourly Fear
of our Life, and thereby confequently with a dreadful Doubt and
Expectation of the Ruine of the prefent godly and happy State
of this Realme, if we fhall forbeare the fynal Exccution, as it is
deſired, and neglect their general and continual Requeſts, Prayers,
Counfaills, and Adviſes; and thereupon, contrary to our naturall
Difpofition in fuch a Cafe, being overcome with the even
Weight of their Counfailles, and the daily Continuance of their
Interceffions, importing fuch a Neceffity as appeareth directly
tending to the Safety not only of ourſelf, but also to the Weal
of our whole Realm; we have condefcended to fuffer Juice to
take place: And for the Exccution thereof, upon the fpecial Truft,
Experience, and Confidence, which we have in your Loialtics,
Faithfulneſs, and Love, towards our Perfon, and Safety thereof;
and alfo to our natyve Country, whereof you are moſt noble
and principal Members; we doc will, and by Warrant hereof,
do direct and authorize yow, fo foone as yow fhall have tymc
convenient, to repaire to our Caftell of Fodrington, where the
faid
of LETTER S.
241
faid Queen of Scots is in the Cuftody of our right trufty Ser-
vant and Counſellor, Sir Amias Paulet, Knight, and there
taking her into your Charge, do cauſe by your Commandement
Execution to be done upon her Perfon in the Prefence of your-
ſelves, and the ſaid Sir Amias Paulet, and of fuch other Officers
of Juftice as you fhall command to be there to attend for that
Purpoſe; and the fame to be done in fuch Manner and Form,
and at fuch Tyme and Place, there, and by fuch Perfons, as to
you Fyve, Fower, Three, or Two of yow, fhall be thought by
your Diſcretions to be convenient; notwithſtanding any Law,
Statute, or Ordinance, to the contrary. And theſe our Letters
Patents, fealed with our great Seale of England, fhall be to yow,
and every of yow, and to all Perfons that fhall be prefent, or
fhall by your Commandement do any thing perteyning to the
faid Execution, a full fufficient Warrant and Diſcharge for ever.
And further we are alfo pleafed and contented, and by thefe
Prefents do will and authorize our Chancellor of England, at
the Requeſt of yow, and every of yow, the Duplicate of theſe
our Letters Patents to be to all Purpoſes duly made. Dated and
fealed with oure great Seale of England, as theſe Preſents are.
In Witness whereof we have cauſed thefe our Letters to be made
Patents. Given at our Mannor of Grenwich, the First Day of
February, in the 29th Yeare of our Reigne, &c.
Two Letters of James King of Scotland to Queen Elizabeth.
Madame, and dearest Sifter,
Fye could know what divers Thoughts have agitated my Mind,
fince my directing of William Keith unto you for the follicit-
ing of this Matter, wherto Nature and Honor fo greatlie and un-
fainedly bindes and obliges me; if, I fay, you knew what divers
Thoughts I have bin in, and what juft Grief I had, weighing
deeplie the thing itſelf (if ſo it ſhould proceed as God forbid),
Ti
what
242
A COLLECTION
what Events might follow thereupon, what Number of Straites
I ſhould be driven into, and, amongst the reft, how it might perill
my Reputation amongst my Subjects; if thefe thinges, I yet fay
againe, were knowne unto you, then doubt I not, but you
would fo farr pittic my Cafe, as it would eafilie make you at firſt
to refolve your owne beft into it. I doubt greatlie in what
Faſhion to write in this Purpofe; for ye have allreadie taken fo
Evil with my Playnefls, as I feare, if I fhall perfift in that Courſe,
ye fhall rather be exafperated to Paffions in reading the Wordes,
then by the Playneffe thereof be perfwaded to confider rightly
the fimple Truth. Yet juftlic preferringe the Dutie of an honeft
Friend, to the Faffions of one who (how foone they be paſt) can
wifelier wey the Reaſons, then I can fett them down, I am re-
folved in few Words, and 'plaine, to give you my friendly and
beft Advice, appealinge to your ripeft Judgement to diſcerne
thereuppon. What thinge, Madam, can greatlier touch me in
Honor, that both am a Kinge, and a Sonne, then that my neareſt
Neighbour, beinge in ftraiteft Friendſhip with me, fhall rigorously
put to Death a free foveraigne Prince, and my natural Mother,
alike in Eſtate and Sexe to her that fo ufes her, albeit, fubject, I
grant, to a harder Fortune, and touchinge her nearlie in Proxi-
mitic of Blood? What Lawe of God can permitt, that Juſtice
fhall ftrike upon them, whome he hath appointed fupreme Dif-
penſators of the fame under him, whome he hath called Gods,
and therefore fubjected to the Cenſure of none in Earth; whoſe
Anoyntinge by God cannot be defiled by Man, unrevenged by the
Author thereof; who, beinge fupreme, and immediate Leifte-
nantes of God in Heaven, cannot therefore be judged by their
Equalls in Earth? What a monftrous thingc is it, that Soveraigne
Princes themſelves fhould be Example-givers of their owne facred
Diadem's prophaninge! Then what fhould move you to this
Forme of Proceedinge? (Suppofinge the worst, which in good
Faith I looke not for at your Hands) Honor, or Profit? Honor
were it to you to fpare, when it is leaft looked for: Honor were
I
it
of. LETTER S.
243
it to you (which is not only my friendlie Advice, but earneſtSute) to
take me, and all other Princes in Europe, eternally beholdinge to
you in grantinge this my foe reaſonable Requeft, and not (Pardon, I
praie you, my free Speakinge) to put Princes in Straites of Honor,
whereby your general Reputation, and the univerſal (almoſt)
Miflikinge of you, maye dangerouslye perill, both in Honor
and Utilitie, your Perſon and Eftate. You knowe, Madam,
well enough, how fmall Difference Cicero concludes to be be-
twixt Utile & Honeftum, in his Difcourfe thereof, and which
of them ought to be framed to the other. And nowe, Madam,
to conclude; I pray you fo to waigh theſe few Arguments, that
as I ever prefumed of your Nature, fo the whole World may
praiſe your Subjects for their dutifull Care for your Prefervation,
and yourſelf for your princely Pittie; the doinge whereof onlie
belongs unto you, the performing whereof onlie appertains unto
you, and the Praiſe thereof will ever be yours. Refpect then,
good Sifter, this my firfte fo longe continued and fo earneſt Re-
queſt, diſpatching my Embaffadors with fuch a comfortable An-
fwer as maye become your Perfon to give, and as my lovinge and
honeft Heart unto you meritts to receave.
But in cafe anie do
vaunt themſelves to knowė further of my Minde in this Matter
then my Embaffadors do, who indeed are fully acquainted there-
with, I pray you not to take me to be a Cameleon, but, on the
contrary, them to be malicious Impoftors, as furelic they are.
Thus prayinge you hartilie to excufe my rude and long Letter,
I commit you, Madam, and deereft Sifter, to the bleffed Pro-
tection of the Moft High, who might give you Grace fo to re-
folve in this Matter as may be moſt honorable for you, and moſt
acceptable to him. From my Pallace of Holyroodhouſe, the
26th of Januarie, 1586.
Your most lovinge and affectionate Brother and Coufin,
JAMES R.
A Madame, ma tres chere Sieure et Confine,
la Reyne d'Angleterre.
I i2
Caligula,
244
A COLLECTION
Caligula, c. 9. fol. 43z. A Copy of the Original.
Eferve up yourſelfe no longer in the earneft Dealinge for my
Mother; for you have done it too longe; and thinke not
that aniey our Travells can do good, if hir Life be taken; for then
adieu with my Dealinge with them that are the fpeciall Inftru-
ments thereof: And therefore, if you look for the Continuance
of my Favor towards you, fpare no Pains, nor Plainnefs, in this
cafe; but read my Letter, written to William Keith, and con-
forme yourſelf whollie to the Contents thereof. And in this
Requeſt let me reape the Fruits of your great Credit there, either
nowe or never. Farewell. O&tober, 1586.
To Mr. Archibald Douglas.
!
JAMES R.
The Two Copys taken from the Original, both K. James the
Firft's own Hand.
I
Pray you my Lord be careful, by all the means poffible, to
try, as clearly as ye can, Franklin's receiving Money from
Somerfette, how oft Weston repaired to Somerſette, and of
Frankling's Voyage to my Sone-in-lawe; forget not alſo to uſe
all the Means poffible to make Miftrefs Turnour and Francklins
confefs; for my only Care is to clear the Verity, not only legally,
but hiſtorically, as I told Yeſterday, that all the World that will
open their Eyes maye fee cleerlie in it. Remember alfo to trye
what further ye can anent the Picture of Waxe; and fo God
bleffe youre Laboure.
N. B. Without Date. Directed to none.
My Lords,
TF
IF
JAMES R.
F ye can diſpatche yone Biffieneffe, that I wrotte of to you
Yeſterdaye, before my Returne, it will be fo muche the bettir.
If the Pairties Meanes be fufficient, whome I named unto you
Yefternighte,
of LETTER S.
245
Yefternighte, I can litle doubte of any other thing; and yet have
I no Reaſon to doubte of it, but my mere Ignorance of private
Mens Fortunes. If the one of you the Daye be condemned and
fyned in the Starre Chalmer for youre kneeling, I hoape I fhall
heare of it, and fo fair well.
Mi Lorde, I have at Lengthe redd and confider it, both youre
Lettir, and the Inducements, and Proofes againſt Munſon, that
ye fent therewith: And Firſt, as for Munfin's Cace, it is trew,
that all the Circumſtances worke ftronglie againſt him; and, in all
Lykelihoode, he is verrie fowle: But, as in a murthered Man, the
bloodie Sworde of his Ennemie may be found ftikking in him 3
and yet done by a third Perfon, who might, upon Practiſe, have
borrowed or ftollin it; fo might he have bene ufid as an Inftru-
ment in this Villanie, nefciens quid fecit. I confeffe, indeede,
this is fo unlykelic, as it is altogether improbable, excepte thefe
who employed him hadde altogether made a Foole of him; but
this I onlie ſpeake becauſe I fynde no Evidence againſt him, but
of Probabilities; no Man affirming, that either Munfon ſpoke or
wrotte to any Man, or any Man to him, of the Poiſoning of
Overberrie; and ye knowe the Matter of Lyfe or Death wold be
luce clarius, if it be poffible: And therefore, fince the Proceedings
hitherto in this Action have bene ſo juſte and gloriouſe, as everie
Partie that was convicted hath dyed both confitens and pænitens
reus, I wold be loathe this bleffed Succeffe fhoulde firſt be inter-
rupted in his Perſon, though, on my Conſcience, if he be guiltie,
he is one of the fowleft Actors in it of thaime all: I must there-
fore in this, as in all the rest of this Buffineffe I have hitherto
done, referre the handling of it to youre Confcience and Dif
cretion, the rather, confidering the happie Succeffe ye have,
whither ye fynde ye have fufficient Grounde to proceede with
him prefentlic; or if ye will delaye him till ye fee what Good
will worke with the Counteffe, who moft can charge him of
any Fleſhe. As for that he talkes of the Thefawrarie, ye will do
well to aske the Thefawraire privatlie; allbeit, in my Opinion,
that
246
A COLLECTION
that will prove but a fekleffe Eale: As for his bawdrie Pairte, that
is not veftri fori. Now for Frankline: I wolde gladlie knowe by
your next Advertiſement, whither this new Diſcoverie of his,
concerns onlic this Villanie, or if it touche me in fome hyer Na-
ture; only this Worde I defyre to know: I lykways thinke it
very fitte, that ye acquainte the Chancellaire throghlie with it;
and I alſo verrie well allow of youre ſuſpending of his Execution
till ye gette all ye can out of him, if that be the
great Work
ye
meane; but if ye meane, till this whole Procefs of poyfoning be
concluded, there may be as greate Skandall in his Keeping fo long
as Advantage, unleſs if it be rightlie done, for a reaſonable tyme.
I praye you have a Care that good Heede be taken to the Coun-
teffe after her Birth; for I heare it divers Wayes confirmed, that
ſhe means to undoe herfelf. This have I bene forced to wrytte
with my own Hande, becauſe ye recommended the Secreacie of
it unto me; and fo God bleffe your Labours, and grawnt thaime
a glorious and happie Conclufion.
JAMES R.
Without Date and Direction. From the Original figned by
the King.
Copie of a Letter from the Queen's Majeftie to the
Scottish King, difavowing her Privity to the Death of
his Mother. Caligula, d. 1. fol. 161. c. 9.
I
My dear Brother,
Woulde you knewe (though not felt) the extreeme Dolor that
overwhelmes my Minde for that miferable Accident, which
(farre contrary to my Meaninge) hath befallen. I have now fent
Sir Robert Carew, this Kinfman of mine, whome, ere now, yt
hath pleaſed you to favour, to inftruct you truly of that which is
too irkſome for my Penne to tell you. I beseeche you, that as
God, and many moe, knowe how innocent I am in this cafe;
10
of LETTER S.
247
fo you will beleeve mee, that if I had bid ought, I would have
bid by it. I am not fo bafe-minded, that Feare of any living
Creature, or Prince, fhould make mee afrayde to doe that were
juſt; or, donne, to deny the fame: I am not of fo bafe a Lineage,
nor carry fo vile a Minde. But as not to difguife, fits moſt a
Kinge, fo will I never diffemble my Actions, but caufe them to
fhewe even as I ment them. Thus affuring yourſelf of me, that
as I knowe this was defirved; yet, if I ment it, I would never
lay it upon others Shoulders; no more will I not damnifie myfelf,
that thought it not.
The Circumſtance yt may pleaſe you to
learn from this Bearer. And, for my part, thinke you have not
in the Worlde a more lovinge Kinfwoman, nor a more deere
Frende, then myfelf, nor any that will watch more carefully to
preſerve you, and your Eftate. And who fhall otherwiſe per-
fwade you, judge them more partiall to others then you. And
thus, in Hafte, I leave to trouble you, befeeching God to fend you
a long Reigne. The 17th of February, 1586.
Your most affured loving Sifter and Cofin,
ELIZABETH R.
Lord Howard to the Earl of Suffex.
AFTER my very humble Commendations don unto your
good Lordſhippe, with like Thanks for your Courtefie al-
waies fhewed me: So yt is, that in makinge Affurance of that
fmall Portion of Lyvinge which I have provided for my poor
Children, for their Preferment after my Deceafe, I have pre-
fumed upon your Lordship, as my verie good Lord, to trouble you
in the Conveyance thereof, to be one of the Feoffees of Truſte,
to whom I have geven and granted the fame, to fuch Uſes, as be
expreſſed therein; hopinge the fame fhall the rather thereby take
fuche good Effecte, to their Commoditie (when I am deade) as
my plaine Meaninge is declared therein. The one Parte whereof,
being
248
A COLLECTION
(
90
being figned and fealed with myne owne Hande and Seale, and
delivered as myne owne Act and Deade, to the faid Uſes ac-
cordingly, I have fente unto your good Lordſhip herewith
prayinge you to ftande fo muche my good Lord, as to fet your
Hande and Seale to the other Parte, which this Berer my Servante
hath redye to exhibit unto you. And thus leavinge any farder
at this tyme to trouble your Lordſhip, I humbly take my Leave,
wifhinge you profperous Healthe and Felicitie, with much In-
creaſe of Honor: From Abindon, the 17th of January, 1573.
Your Lordship's affured Freende, and poor Kinſman,
THOMAS HOWARD.
Poftfcript. Defyringe your good Lordſhip to gyve fourther.
Credyt unto the Bearer hereof my Servant, who hathe from
me to enlarge unto your Lordfhip, bothe in Wrytinge and
Mouthe, of a Matter in Controverfy betwene me, and one
George Hyte, my laft Wive's Brother, accordinge to the
Truthe, and full Effects of the fame; wherein I am touched
both in Honour and Credyt.
To the Right Honorable, and my very good
Lord, the Earl of Suffex, Lord Chamber-
lain, geve
this.
A Letter from William Crew to John Carre.
John Carre,
AF
→
FTER my hartie Commendations: Whereas one Mr. Thomp
fon, Auditor, prefently repayreth into the North, in Com-
miffyon with Sir John Harrington: Forafmuch as he is a Strainger
in thoſe Parts, thinking, by the Procurement of my Letters to fuch
as be my Friends, he maie have the Supplie of fuche things as he
ſhall want ; and alſo Ayd and Counfell in all fuch Matters as he
fhall doubte of; I require you, even as ye take me to be your
Frend,
}
of LETTER S.
249
Friend, and do expect anie good Torne at my Hands, as well to
be frendlie and favorable unto him in all Caſes; as alſo to helpe
to furnyfhe him with Horfe for himself, or other thing needful,
to Haddington, or anie other Place, in as frendly Sort as ye
wolde do to myſelf: Whiche I thail take no leſs thankefully.
Not doubting but ye will fo do, I bid you hartelie farewell.
From London, the 17th of March, 1548.
Your loving Frende,
WILLIAM CREW.
I pray you uſe him fo in all Cafes, as bothe he maie perceave I
have wryten unto you in his Behalf; as alfo that he re-
ceiveth Frendſhippe at your Hands, the rather for my Sake.
Commiffion for Peace, and particular Directions con-
cerning the Treaty Tripartite between England, Spain,
and Burgundy.
WE doubt not, but when you fhall thoroughlie perceive in
how important an Affaire we do employe yow, that yow
will take great Comfort in fo gracious a Teftimonic of the Truft
which we repofe in yow, and will throughlic confider, how fytt
it is for yow to be well adviſed in all your Proceedings. For
nothing can fhewe a greater Confydence on our Part, then to
commend to your Diſcretion and Dexteritie the Negotiation of
Warre and Peace; feeing the Change of that Condition be-
tweene fo great Monarchics, either one way or other, doth carrie
with it ſo abfolute an Alteration, or rather Subverfion of all pre-
cedent Councells, and Actions. And as in all fuch Conclufions
of Leagues betweene Princes, and their Eftates, ſmall Overfights
in Matters of any Subftance, do often bring forth great Preju
dice; fo even in Poynts of Honor we would be very fortie yow
hould
K k
2:50
A.COLLECTION
fhould be any way over-reached: And therefore, before yow
enter into the Treatie, be well affured of the Validitie of their
Commyflion, and of the Dewes acknowleged to us for our
Tytles and Dignities.
Yow fhall now underſtand, that the Subftance of your Employ-
ment is to joyne in Conference with the Commiffioners of
Spaine, and the Archdukes, concerning a Treatie to be made
Tripartite between us, and Spayne, and Burgundy; wherein
although former Precedents may much lead, and helpe yow; yet,
as things ftand now betweene us, there will be found many ex-
traordinarie Difficulties in this Contract, becauſe we muſt, above
all things, be refolute to yeild to nothing which may overthrowe
the State of the Low-Countries; though thefe, with whom we
ſhall be now confirmed in Peace, do declare thofe United Pro-
vinces to be their greateſt Enemyes. We have notwithſtanding
refolved to give you an ample Commiffion to treate of all things
which yow fhall hould reaſonable for our State; and thereupon
to conclude fuch a Treatie of Amytie and Entercourſe betweene
the three Eſtates as fhall feem good to yow. Wherein although
we have delivered to yow a large and general Power; yet, for
your better Dyrections, we have conceyved certaine Inftructions,
by which yow fhall be guyded; and whenfoever there is any
Doubtfulneffe, or Queſtion arifing, by any Change of Circum-
ftances, wherewith yow thinke ytt fytt to acquaint us, yow ſhall
advertiſe us thereof, and receive our Pleaſure thereupon. To
fpeake therefore in general of Treaties, as it is manifeft, that all
Treaties are eyther to conclude Leagues of Amitie, or Accords
of Entercourſe, or both; fo there are three Kinds of Proceed-
ings therein :
One, An original Entrie into a newe League where none is.
Another, By eſtabliſhing of Leagues which are imperfect.
A third, A fymple renewyng of Treaties in Force without
Alteration of Conditions.
The Firſt, which is a Treatie of Amitic, contayneth a Promiſe
4
of
of LETTER S.
251
of future Peace, mutuall Kyndnes, and friendly Entertainment
of Subjects in general.
In the ſecond Part of Entercourſe, are directed in particular what
is to be obſerved in Trade and Traffique with the Subjects of
other Princes.
For the Treaties of Amitie (fimplie) they carrie with them
onelie an Amnestia of all former Alienations, and promiſe not to
annoye each other in warlick manner more or leffe; but to per-
form all Offices of mutual Kindneſs, in greater or leffe Degrees,
as the Circumſtances of Eftates may beare, including thereby all
princelie Reſpects, in yielding each other Titles of Honour; in
puniſhing of any Indignities in each other's Countreyes; in pro-
vyding for Correfpondencie by Embaffadors, and fuch-like
Generalities. And fometymes, when the Hearts of Princes are
freindly diſpoſed, and throughly unyted, either by long and
mutual Offices of Freindſhipp, or by Contracts of Marriages, or
other Allyances, or by joyning againſt ſome common Enemye;
then they have often proceeded to fome ftraighter Degrees of
Covenants for mutual Aide and Support in tyme of Ne-
ceffities; and fo particular Conditions for a League, offenfyve and
defenſyve, are confydered, and provyded for; to which Degrees
we are not yet growne.'
For the Matter of Entercourfe, it ftill defcendeth to Particulars
of Traffique and Commerce; wherein is eſpeciallie confiderable,
Securitie for Marchants to pafs to and fro, to ſtay, and inhabite:
Moderation of Impofitions, whereby their Gaines may be
worthie their Adventure:
Provifion for Satisfaction to be made to Straingers that are
wronged, and clear Juffice to be admyniftred when the Subjects
of either Prince fhall happen to offend in other's Dominions;
with many others, which are Branches of that mayne Piller of
Treatie, and Entercourfe, whereof we wyll fpeake more per-
ticularlie hereafter.
{
K k 2
Having
252
A COLLECTION
Having therefore now examyned the State of this Queſtion;
to what Perfons, and things this Treatie hath Relation; we do
find, that from this Treatie muft proceede a League of Amity, and
Entercourſe with the King of Spaine, and another with the
Duke of Burgundy, without any other Kind of Treatie, offen-
five or defenfive, becauſe both we and they have Allyes and
Confederates, who cannot be eſteemed Friends or Enemys in
common to both Eſtates.
And though it appeare, prima facie, that diverſe things are to
be handled between us, and theſe two Princes, in feveral Na-
tures, becauſe this laſt Tranſport of the Low-Countries may feem
to exclude the King of Spayne from dealing particularlie as a
Partie in the Matters of the Low-Countries, and fo fome things
being interchangeable properlie between us and Spayne, and other
things betweene us and the Houfe of Burgundy, muft be
feverallic applied; nevertheleffe, becauſe we fee in Subſtance
fo fmall Separation actuallie betweene the Crowne of Spaine,
and thofe Provynces, fave only in Formalitie of an external Do-
native, to which they will give all the Credit they can, by
fevering themſelves in Treatie and Conditions; nevertheleſs, zn
omnem eventum, we thinke it fitt to inftruct yow how to pro-
ceede fully in all that fhall either finglie or joyntlie be ſtood upon
by any of that Side; wifhing alwayes that yow do kepe this Ad-
vantage as much as you may, to make them the firft Propofition-
ers of Conditions, as they were the firft Invytors to come to this
Treatie. For when it is rightlie obferved, how voyde we are of
any Pretenfions or Encroachment upon Spayne, not now defiring
by this Peace to receyve either Reftitution of Cittie or Country
(for none they do enjoy of ours), but onelie beeing willing on
our Parts, as they have fhewed to be on theirs (after long and
birter Warres, wherewith our People are afflicted) to come to
fome Termes of Quietneffe, for their Repofe and Comfort, we
knowe nothing on our Parts, fo much to be provided for (next
the generall Poynts of Amitic to be obſerved betweene Princes)
as
J
រ
1
253
of LETTER S.
as the Care to ſettle a free and particular Commerce and Traffick
for our Kingdomes; in which three things are to be provyded for
by us :
Firſt, To have an univerfal Trade in all their Domynions, if
it may be.
Secondlie, To have Safetie from Inquifitions.
Laftly, To have a good Order fet downe for the avoyding of
unjuft Taxations.
In theſe three Poynts, if we had onely to deale with the King-
dome of Spaine and Portugall, it were not needefull to ſpend
much Tyme or Arguments; but feeing Spaine in Reverfion, and
the Archduke in Poffeffion, profeffe to have Intereft in the States
of all the Low-Countries; whereof they fhook at the Eſtabliſh-
ment by this Treatie with us, labouring either by Force, or fair
Meanes, when we fhould not protect them, to become ſove-
raigne Lords of the fame; wee do forefee, that out of that
Roote wyll rife many weightie Confiderations; though diverfe
particular Provifions for the States may be fpared at this Meeting,
becauſe they are not declared a Partie to this Treatie, otherwife
then a Partie ſo farre, as never to oblige ourſelves to hurt them.
And therefore yow ſhall not ſtick to uſe this plaine Dealing, even
to the Commiffioners on that Side, as Occafion ferves, in de-
claring to them, that we will never be woone to any A&t of
Hoſtilitie againſt thoſe with whom we are now in Friendſhipp.
And therefore for removing of any jealous Conceipts, that we
have diffwaded the States of the Low-Countries from joyning in
this Treatie, or not offering them to joyne with us, yow fhall
do well to tell them, that we have in that Poynt, as we have
ever done in all things, proceeded clearlie, and not in fecret,
being alwayes true to our own honorable Grownds; and therefore
may not hide from you, that notwithstanding our Agent hath
propoſed unto them to enter into this Treatie, yet we have found
it impoffible, as things yet ftand, to make them hearken to yt,
or to make them confeffe, that it can prove other then their ex-
treeme
254
A COLLECTION
treeme Ruyne, to truft fo farre, as to committ themſelves to the
Power of any fo nearly incorporated into Spayne, as the Arch-
dukes are; of all which for us to lay downe in particular their
ftiffe and refolute Arguments, were but to tell them that which
they knowe And therefore we will onely conclude with this,
that feeing it hath beene the yll Fortune of the King of Spaine
(by the Partialite and Violence of his Governors) to have im-
printed fuch an extreme Diffidence in their Mynds; we cannot
thinke, that there is now any other Way left to remove the fame,
then the Judgment they fhall make upon Obfervation of his Pro-
ceeding towards us, upon his Confirmation of Amitie. And
thus much may yow declare unto them for that Point.
And becauſe, as we have tould yow before, Demands and Pro-
pofitions will properlie come from them, who have moft Ends
(we never labouring other then the Confervation of our owne,
and the ſeeking to gayne and recover much) we will arme you
as well with Arguments to deny thoſe things which they may im-
properlic demand, as with Reaſons to maintaine thofe few things
which we must require, leaving all things elfe of leffe Difficultie
to be ſpoken of hereafter.
1
It is to be prefumed, that of their Part theſe principal Heads
will be ftood upon: Firſt, That we will enter into a League
offenfyve and defenfyve: A Matter which they do to no other
End then this, that by that general Claufe we fhould be lapped
into an Enmytie against the Low-Countryes: And therefore that
Poynt is to be anſwered in this Sort; That, in regard of the
preſent State of our Affaires, we cannot condiſcend to ſo ſtrait
Confederacie; for that therein we ſhould do Wrong to our other
Alliances with other Princes and States: That likewyfe it would
be contradictorie to the Alliances which the King and Archdukes
have with others, and the high Way to embarque either of us
againſt thoſe that make Profeffion of the fame Religion with us:
For as, by this Article, the Drift is to drawe us to an offenfyve
Warre againſt the United Provinces, who are in actuall Warre
against
of LETTER S.
255
againſt them; ſo we might, by the fame Confequence, require
them to joyne with us againſt the See of Rome, and others, that
openlie profeffe Hoftilitie againft us: Befides that all this were no
more then to end one Warre, and to begynne another.
Secondly, They will infift much upon having the two caution-
ary Townes. Whereunto yow may thus anfwere: First, That the
Confideration of our Honnor cannot admitt fo indigne a Pro-
ceeding, being expreffelie tyed by the Contract to the contrary.
Secondlie, That in regard of our Intereft in the great Debts, for
which they ſtand ingaged to us, we cannot admitt the fame; and
though they fhould make Offer to disburfe the fame to us, yet
we will not profcribe our Honour fo much as to betray a Truſt
committed unto us; and fo by all the World incurre a Cenfure
of mala fidei.
Thirdly, It is not unlikely, that they will propound, that we
fhall forbeare to trade and traffique with the Low-Countries. To
which yow may oppofe, Firft, The Prejudice we ſhould do therein
both to our People and Subjects, in depriving them of that Be-
nefytt which that Entercourfe affordeth; and likewiſe to ourſelves,
in reſpect of the Cuftomes that do thereby ariſe unto us: Befides,
the Conveyniencie of the Havens of thofe Parts is fuch, as their
Neighbourhood bringeth fo great Intereft and Safetie to the
Trade of England, as no other Countrey can do the like.
Secondlie, That feeing the French King, our Realme of Scotland,
Denmarke, and other States, enjoy the Libertie of that Trade,
we hold yt to import much to our Honour, to be tyed to any
thing, which no other Prince is bound unto. Whereupon, yf
they fynd yow fo refolute in that Poynt, and fo perceive we wyll
not be brought to loofe our Trades into Holland and Zeland;
then, becauſe they will make it of as little Utilitie as may be
to them, they are likelie to propound thefe Particulars :
That we fhall not employ their Marryners and Shipping,
though trading with our owne Goods.
That we ſhall not, in any Sort, by the Benefitt and Libertie of
our Trade, colour the Hollander's Goods.
That
256
A COLLECTION
K
That we ſhall not vent the Commodities of Holland, and
Zeland, into their Countrie.
And that alſo we fhall not releive them with Spanish Salt,
whereof they have great Neede.
And laftlie, That we yeild to trade with them, as well as with
thoſe of the United Provinces.
For the Firſt and Second, you fhall not deny them; but that
we are contented to yeild, that our Subjects fhall incurre the for-
fayting of any their Goods which fhall be feyfed, if they fhall
have any fuch Practiſes; and the fame to be forbidden in general
Terms, as in other Treaties; but not with more reftrayned
Words to our Diſhonour then other Princes are.
For the Third and Fourth, there is Reafon to diſpute againſt
them, both for that the Propertie of the Goods being changed,
they ought not afterwards to be forbidden; and that how foever
they may impoſe thoſe Reſtrictions upon their own Subjects,
yet that they ought not to be practiſed towards their Equalls.
and Allyes, between whom, and them, their ought to be a free
Entercourfe of Trade.
The Laft they will alfo moft infynitelie urge; both for that
having interdicted the Trade with Holland and Zeland, their
Provynces are thereby greatlic diftreffed; and therefore they muſt
feeke to releive them by fome other Meanes; and alfo in reſpect
that receyving now their Trade by no other Meanes then onelie
by Calais, the French do ranſome them for the fame by the
great Impofts, which they have rayfed, whereby they receive an
infinite Profytt unto themſelves; and yet make them ſubject al-
moſt in all things to receyve the Lawe of them, in regard of
their Neceffitie. Hereunto you fhall make this Anſwere; That
we intend nothing more then mutual Commerce; and therefore
wyll give free Libertie to all our Subjects to go thither; wherein
the chicfeft Matter will confift in the good Provifion that they
ſhall make by eſtabliſhing a commodious Trade by fuch Con-
ditions, as may invyte our People thether, who otherwiſe may be
verrie
of LETTER S.
257
verrie fearefull to hazard themſelves, where neither Ports nor
Townes are yet free from Outrages of their owné Men of
Warre: But of that Point, we must leave it to them to take
care; for it belongs not to us.
And if they fhall alſo preffe us to overrule the United Pro-
vinces, not to hinder our Subjects; alledging, that they fufpect,
that we wyll but temporife for the prefent tyme, and afterwards
excufe ourſelves, that the Men of Warre of Holland, that lie be-
fore their Ports, will empeache our Merchants, which they hold
to be no fufficient Reafon, but rather Connyvencie towards the
States; for that it is no Reaſon we fhould more receyve the Lawe
at the Hands of the States, being their Subjects, then that we
will not be impeached by them to trade with the States, and di-
rectly alledge, that otherwife the Archduke fhall receyve no
effential Good by his Peace with us; in this cafe, if they do
urge any fuch particular Poynt, you may anſwere, that they are
fufpicious of that which they neede not; feeing it will be reci-
procallie profitable to trade thether, and that we knowe the
States will offer us no fuch Lawe, though happilie our People
will be very dainty for a while to adventure, until they fee them
at better Quiet amongſt themſelves, where fo many Mutyners
are, and where they kepe Ships of Warre, which are yll Com-
panyons for Merchants.
Fourthlie, They will propound the Revocation of all the English
Nation out of the Service of the States. To that yow may at
first lett them knowe, how unjuft a Demand it is, all Circum-
flances confidered, that any Prince, who hath a populous King-
dome, Men of able and warlike Bodies, ufed to the Exerciſe of
Warre fo long as they have beene in late Years, ſhould now be
recalled into our Kingdomes; when neither France, Denmarke,
Germany, or any other State, is debarred, or will be, from giving
Libertie to Voluntaries to feeke their Fortunes, where they fhall
thinke beft. Wherein yow may lett them knowe, that we wyll
firſt ayowe and performe it, that more then to thoſe that are
mayntained
LI
258
A COLLECTION
mayntained for the Guard of our cautionary Townes, which is
all the Suretie we have against any Practiſe of thofe Countries,
which are fo farre indebted to us, we will not give one Day's Pay
to any Perſon living, that ſhall ſerve in any Place againſt them
whatſoever. But feeing the Realme of England hath had
anncyent Treaties with the Princes of the Low-Countries, be-
fore ever Spayne had to do with them, or they united, any other
Reſtraint upon our Subjects were hard, and muft ncedes be of
more Diſhonour to us then any Prejudice to thofe whom they call
their Enemeys; feeing our Reftraint will not kepe other Auxili-
aries from their Service. And for their further Satisfaction, yow
may fay, that we will not reftrayne any of our Subjects, that
would ferve on their Syde, if they do voluntarilie deſire it.
Laftlic, It is likelie they will forbid us Trade into the Indias;
wherein yow muft, by all Arguments yow can, maintaine, that
it is veric difconfonant with true Amity, to forbid their Friends.
thofe common Liberties; yea yf the whole Indias were as meerlie
fubject to their Soveraignte, as Spaine irfelf is; eſpeciallie when
in former Treaties there have bene contrary Claufes, which have
given Freedome of Trade into all their Domynions. And yett,
becauſe it thall appeare, that we will not be found unreaſonable,
yow fhail let them know, that to avoyde all Inconveniencies
that may peradventure happen in Places fo remote, when the
Subjects of other Princes fhall fall in Company one with an-
other, where their Laws and Difcipline cannot be fo weflexe-
cuted; we are contented to prohibite all Repaire of our Subjects
to any Places where they are planted, but onely to fecke their
Traffick, by their own Difcoverie in other Places, whereof there
are fo infynite Dymenfions of vaft and great Territories, as them-
felves have no kynd of Intereft in, but do trade with diverfe
great Kings of thofe Countryes, but as Forrayners and Strangers,
from which we barre ourſelves by accord, ſeeing it is not in his
Power to do it by Force, no not to any petty Prince, were both
an Unkyndnes, and an Indignitie, to be offered.
Laftly,
L
of LETTER S.
259
Laftly, if it fhall be fufpected, that they will move to have any
Reftitution upon Reprifalls, or other things; thofe are cafilie
answered to be Matters never to be thought of, but to be lapped
up; feeing this Peace is intended to provide for things in future,
and not to diſpute of things paſt.
Having now provifionallie enabled yow with Anfweres to fuch
things as are like to be propounded, we muft leave other things,
tyll we be advertiſed from yow what they are. It remayneth
now, that we do touche fome things fitt for us to demand of them.
Firſt, It were convenyent that former Treaties be renewed fynce
our great Grandfather Henry VIIth's tyme, for Matters of Enter-
courſe betweene us and the State of Burgundy; and that in them be
compriſed the anncyent Treaties betweene Spaine, Portugall,
and England, and alwayes with this Provydence, that although
they may be beft done by the Viewe of former Treaties, laſt in
Force before the Breach; yet muft there be refpect to fuch Cir-
cumſtances as have happened in fucceding Tymes.
Thirdlie, That there be no Gapp left open, whereby the In-
quiſition may take hold of any of our Subjects; for which Pur-
poſe there fhall be delivered yow a Collection of all the Cruelties,
and unavoydable Advantages, which the Inquifitors took. And
yow ſhall alſo receyve the laſt Order that was obtayned for that
Matter in Spayne, after the Negotiation of Sir Henry Cobham,
and Sir John Smith.
That there ſhall be Repayment made of all thoſe Summes that
were dewe to the Crowne of England, being onely fent for his
Service to the Councell of State, and others at Bruxelles,
which Summes are to be demanded by vertue of Bonds, whereof
there hath bene fufficient Notice taken at the Pacification of 77
at Bruxelles. Yet the King of Spaine did ratifie this Article, in
the Edict perpetual, made by Don John, in thefe Words: "Et
"finalement agreons & approuvons toutes conftitutions des rentes
& penfions, & autres obligations & affurances que les dits
“l'Eſtats ont faict & paffé, feront & pafferont envers tous &
ec
L12
"chafcuns
360
A COLLECTION
chaſcuns quil es ont affifté & fourny, affifteront & fourniront
"de deniers pour s'en fervir à l'occafion des dicts Troubles, &
fignamment envers tres haute & tres puiffante Princeſſe, noſtre
tres chere foeur la Royne d'Angleterre."
cr
<c
}
An original Letter from the Bishop of Rofs to the
Counſail of England, dated at Chattiſworth, the 19th
of June, 1570.
Cotton Library, Caligula, c. 2.
fol. 15.
My very good Lordis,
EF
of me.
FTER humble Dewtie remembered: I have receaved your
Honours Letter by this Beirar, requiring me to fignify forth-
withe, by my Letters, the Occafions of my meteing with the
Earle of Southampton, and what Matters were communed or
treated upoun betwene us two in one fecreit long Conferrance
had in the Night; and that I fhoold deale planelie, and as
largelic, as the Matters did pas. My Lords, I will treulie and
planelie deale in this with the Queen's Majeftic, and your
Honors, as I have done in all uther Matters hath bene required
The Occafion and Manner was thus: About Nine a
Cloke I paffed over the Ryvar to Sanct George's Feildis, partlie
to take the Ayre, and partlie to fee ane Gealding of myne is
keaped there at Gras. And in my Returne homeward, by chance
mett with the faid Earle, who, after Salutations made, faid he was
glad to have fo mett with me, becauſe we never did talk togidder
before, albeit we had fene each uther fundre tymes at Court.
And ſo, of Accident, he being bound to the Feildis, and I to the
Toun, he of Humanity returned with me, whair the Effect of
oure communing, in effect, was this as followeth : Firft, he in-
quired of me in what State the Queen my Miftres Caufes ftood;
for he had heard, that I had bene lang in Ingiand, fuittand in the
fame.
of LETTER S.
261
1
fame. I answered, they wa now in better Appearance (Thanks
to God) nor in any tyme paft; becaus the Queen's Majeftie, and
her Counfall, wa now weill-difpofed to treat uppon fum good
Conditions, for bothe their Majeftics, and their Realmes; and
for that Effect, I had given in certaine Articles and Offres in
Wryte; and had conferred with her Majefty and Counfall
thairuppoun, and receaved very good Anfwers; and to the end
that fome Good Refolutione myght be taken thearintill, I
had obreyned Licence of her Majefty to pas toward the Queen
my Myftres, and get her refolute Mind, for fatisficing the Queen's
Majeftie. Then he inquired what State her Affaires were in
Scotland, I tauld him, her Authority thair wes proclaimed and
authorized by the most part of the Nobilitie; but thair was anc
Faction that maynteyned ane contrary Authority; which was the
Earle Mortoun, and some others. And laitlie thair is certaine
Forces of Ingland entred in Scotland, and joyned with thame.
But now the Queen's Majeftic wes content to retire the faid Forces
agane; fo being that all Armes fhold be layd down by bothe
Parties in Scotland, and Commiffioners fent hether to treat up-
poun the whole Caufes betwene their Majefties and Realmes.
And, in the mean tyme, the Rebelles of Ingland thould be ran-
dered or abandoned, or reteyned to be aniwerable, at the End of
the faid Treatye; and for Accomplyfhment hereof, the Queen
Myftres to fend in Scotland fhortlie.
Then he answered, I pray God your Treatye may tak ane good
Success, to the Satisfaction of the Queen's Majeftic, and Comfort
of your Myftres, with the Quietnes of both the faid Realms.
This was the Some of all was communed betuene us; and the
Conferrance werry fhort. And, in the meane whyle, cuming
forward to take Bote, we were gadered with the Watche; who
asked, if we had ane Bote awayting on us; and we anfüred,
we had Two; fo they conveyed us to the Shore, and never in-
quired what we weic, becaus it wa, yeat Daylyght, and not paft
Ten of the Clock. At our cuming to the Staires, whair I left
>
my
262
A COLLECTION
2
my Bote, fhe was departed; and thairthrow we ſtayed a certane
Space, till ane uther was gotten; than we entred thearin, and
palling up the Ryvar Syde, to feak the other Bote that was awayt-
ing for the Earle, anuther Watche called on us, commanding
us, in the Queen's Name, to land, which we obeyed; whair
they declared, they had ftrait Command to fee who travelled after
Nine Hours; and the Earle fhowing that it was he, we were
fuffered pleaſantlie to depart toward our Lodgings between Ten
and Eleven a Clock. I will affure your Honours, upon my
Credyte, this was the Effect of our faid communing, whairintill I
will tak on my Confcience, thair was nothing, eyther offencive,
unlawful, or undewtyful to the Queen's Majeftie your Soverane,
talked or motioned amangs us. Whairfor I will moft earneſtlie
befeche your Lordship to move her Majefty to conceave no evil
Opinion, neyther of me, nor of the faid Earle, for that Meet-
ing; for I did never meane to minifter any Occafione of Offence
to her Majefty; and now leaft of all, feing her Highnes in fo
good Difpofition toward the Weilfair of my faid Soverane, and
her Cauſes. So leaving from troubling your Honors with langar
Letter, at this prefent, I pray the eternal God to have you in his
Prefervatioune. From Chattifworth, the 9th of June, 1570.
Your Honours affured to command with Service,
To the Right Honourable, and my very good Lords,
the Earle of Lecefter my Lord Chamberlain, and
Sir William Cecill, Knyght, Counfallors to the
Queen's Majeftie of Ingland.
Jo. ROSSEN.
The Flowers of Grace; or, The Speech of our Sovereign
Lord King James, quinto Die Aprilis 1614. at the
Seffion of Parliament then begun.
T was the Saying of the wiſeſt King that ever was, that Hearts
of Kings were infcrutable: But, in the laft Parliament, I muſt
2
*
of LETTER'S.
263
•
call to Remembrance the Compariſon I uſed; wherein I pre-
fented myſelf unto you as a Mirror, wherein ye might fee the
Integrity of my Purpoſe, for calling that Parliament for the ge-
neral Good of the Commonwealth: But as I then faid of the
Nature of Mirror, that it might be defiled by the Eyes of the
Beholder; fo did fome of the lower Houfe look upon me with
polluted Eyes, and, as I may fay, defiled my Mirror. I can fay
no more now, than I did then, but to offer you the fame Mirror;
proteſting, as I fhall answer to Almighty God, that my Integrity
is like the Whiteness of my Robes; my Purity, like the Mctal of
Gold of my Crown; my Firmneſs, and Clearr.cís, like the pre-
cious Stones which I wear; and my Affections natural, like the
Redness of my Heart.
Theſe important and weighty Ends have caufed me to call this
prefent Affembly of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and
Knights and Burgeffes reprefenting the Body of the Commons;
which I muſt divide into thrce Parts and Branches; Bona Anime,
Bona Corporis, and Bona Fortune, Religion, Safety, and the Af-
fiſtance of my Subjects; which are the true Grounds of this
well-intended Parliament.
For Religion, which the Philofophers, with the admiring Lights
of Nature, called Lona Anime, I must commend to their Confide-
ration the great Increaſe of Popery, notwithſtanding the affiduous
Labour I have beftowed, and the great Care I have ever mani-
fcfted, as may witnefs both my Fen and Tongue; I think, with
more Pains than any Predeceflors; and my Zeal in private; not
to vaunt of it for a biding Vain-glory: Yet I hope all my Courſe
of Life and Actions will speak for me.
In this is to be confidered the Caufe, and the Remedy: For
the Caufe, it is undoubtedly Impunity, which maketh them
pre-
fume to ſo notorious Declaration of their Increafe; and this im-
punity proceedeth from two Occafions: Firft, Some Branches of
the Laws provided to meet them are fo obfcure, that I myſelf,
with Conferrence with fome of my Lords the Judges, cannot
clear
264
A COLLECTION.
clear them; as I could inftance in many Particulars, if this time
were fit for it; as in the Oath of Allegiance, out of which many
Scruples are rifen, and are yet unrefolved. Secondly, For want
of due Prefentment in the Country, by thoſe Officers appointed
to it, according to the Provifion of the Law: And in fome
Places, if prefented, yet they are fo favoured by the Juftice of
Peace, that, as a Lieutenant of mine in one Country hath in-
formed me, he could not procure there any Juftices of the Peace,
except fome of his own Friends and Servants, that would affift
him in the due Execution of my Laws: And this, in the Firſt
place, I recommend to your Confiderations; not that I defire
to make any new or more rigorous Laws against them, but that
this may have Execution; which is the Life of the Laws, and
without it they are but dead Words. I fpeak not this for Mitiga-
tion, or Favour to them; but for Confcience and Policy: For
Conſcience, to avoid the Scandals which the Jefuits have caft
upon the laſt Queen, of famous Memory, and upon my Govern-
ment, that we have perfecuted, and taken Blood for Religion ;
which I ever difclaimed: For Policy; fince no Eſtate or Story
can ever fhew, that any Religion or Herefy was ever extirpated
by Violence, or the Sword; nor ever have I judged it a way
of planting Truth: An Example of this I take out of the Book
of God; where, when many rigorous Counfels were provided,
Gamaliel ftood up, and adviſed, that, if Religion were of God,
it would profper; and, if of Man, it would perifh of itſelf. Be-
fides, Men are fo prone to glory, and defending, and fealing
their Opinions with their Blood, that the primitive Church, in
one Age, declined into an Affection of Martyrdom; and many
Herefies hath had its Martyrs, and have gone with the fame Ala-
crity, Defire, and Affurance, to Fire, as thofe that have witneffed
for the Truth have done..
The fecond and nearest Confideration to the Soul's Religion
is Safety, or Bonum Corporis; which in Latin hath but one
Word, Salus. The principal Safety of the Body confifts in pre-
3
ferving
of LETTER S.
265
ferving due Succeffion: Since the laſt Parliament I have had, for
my Sins, and the Peoples, one and the firſt Branch taken off; but
as the Lord gave me the Afflictions of Job, fo he hath given me
the Patience, and, in the end, the Reward, another for him.
A Grandchild in his Place, whereby the Saying of Job, The
Lord hath given, and the Lord hath taken, is inverted; I may
fay, The Lord hath taken, and the Lord hath given; yea he hath,
given me Compenfation, a Son for a Son. For the Match of
my Daughter, though I muſt ſay that befides of Princes, he is
of the beſt; and beſides his many other good Parts, he is one,
whom, for his Perfon, I could affect, of all that ever my Eyes
beheld, yet I made this Match reipublicæ caufa; and for Eſtab-
liſhment of Religion, have I facrificed my Daughter for the
Commonwealth; that if my Iffue Male fhould fail, you fhould
have, not only a Prince, born of true Engliſh and true Scottish
Blood, but nouriſhed with the Milk of the fame pure Religion
you now profeſs.
For Religion, in fome refpect for her, that being young, and
a Woman, both fubject to Frailty, I could not deliver her into
the Hands of the Lion, when I faw fo many ftrong and grounded
Champions cannot refift the Cunning and Specioufnefs of their
Perfuafions.
Beſides the Reaſon of State, taken from the Mouth of Henry
the Seventh my Ancefter, from whom I claim my Crown. When
he gave my great Grandmother the Lady Margaret, to King
James the Fourth, he faid there was no Danger in the Match; for
the leffer could never draw the greater, but the greater the leffer:
And this Rule was approved by the Providence of God, who
gave Iffues to the Mary my Mother, and the Mary of Eng-
land, Heir of this Crown, and married to France and Spain,
two mighty Kingdoms.
Therefore I defire you to fhew your Affections to my Son-in-
law, by fome Recognition, that he may fee that he is not had
as an Alien, or unregarded amongst you; and to make a Decla-
ration
M m
266
A COLLECTION
ration of the Succeffion of his Iffue, if God for our Sins fhould
take away my Iffue to the Third Part; which is, bona fortuna,
or the Safety: As bona corporis is the effe, fo is this bona effe,
and moſt neceſſary. The extraordinary Charge I was at in this
Marriage, fuch as I believe was never greater, I did per-
form in the Eyes of you all, for my Honour, and yours. It is not
unknown, how by the Death of my Son, the Marriage being
put off, I was conftrained to defray my Son-in-law, and his
Train, Six Months: The great Expence, both by Sea and Land,
for tranfporting her into a foreign Country, anfwerable to my
Honour and hers, and this Kingdom's, cannot be forgotten by
you. If any object the Aids, I refer it to your Confiderations
and Judgment, how little it was, meaſured by the Times, wherein
it was firſt granted by theſe ; and every one of you feeleth in
your Fees of Court, that are my Servants, and in antient Rents,
this Change of Times: Therefore, fince, reipub. caufa, I have un-
dergone this Disburſment, it is reipub. Intereft to repay.
many great Occafions of Expence, by entertaining ftrange Princes
and Ambaffadors, the great and long Christmas I have kept at
my coming to this Crown, the Fear of Ireland, and the Con-
fideration, that the News, both of Peace and War, are many ; I
doubt not, but your Affections will hold fome Proportion of
my Wants.
I
Befides
But I muſt be plain with you; I will deal no more with you
like a Merchant, by way of Exchange; for every Bargain hopeth
Loane; I will expect loving Contribution, for loving Contribu-
tion; which is, Suum cuique tribuere, the Sum of all Juftice;
and to take care, both for your Eafe and Prefervations, to come
to account with you how and what it is fo bafe for my Quality.
I will only prove what you will do in your Love, and what the
People can fhare, with their Eafe. And notwithſtanding my
main Strength, I have choſen to rely upon your good Affections,
rather then to fearch my Prerogatives: But First, I must clear
the Rumours and Afperfions caft abroad by ill Affections, that
there
1
of LETTER S.
267
3
there are fome private Undertakers, upon whom I did rely, who
would credit, and whoſe Induſtry would do great Matters. Firſt, I
proteſt as it is in itſelf falſe, ſo it is unworthy of me; becauſe I
had rather have any thing with general Love; more reſpecting the
Courſe and Affection from whence it is derived, then By-Profits,
by the particular Credits, of any private Men; but this, as I vow
it is far from my Heart to accept, fo hath it never been offered: It
is true, that every honeft and good Subject ought to offer his
Counſels and Service unto me; and fo perhaps I have had the
Opinions of many; but never in fo unworthy Proportions: This
Rumor perhaps hath grown from the Ambitions of fome Men,
in the Election of Knights of the Shire, which I never heard be-
fore 24 Hours; which I wholly diſavow, that I never did, directly
or indirectly, promote or hide any Man from the free Election
and where any Fault hath been, I would have the Sheriff fined
for it; nor did I ever put my Confidence in a paft Parliament:
And of this I appeal to all Sheriffs and Lords; let them accuſe me
freely. Another Branch I muſt add to the former, the which
indeed communicateth both Safety and Profit, and concurreth
in them both, that we meet this Parliament, to remove and take
away all Opinion of Inconftruction between me and my Sub-
jects, which our Parting at the laft hath rooted into the Hearts of
many, both at home and abroad; of which, though fome of
the lower Houſe were in part guilty, yet, I muft confefs, there
was Miſunderſtanding on both Sides, and perhaps Meffages
brought between us, by fome (God forgive) rather to continue
and encreaſe, than to reconcile and clear the Error; but, fublata
caufa tollitur effectus: This being removed, and our Underſtand-
ing certified, this fhall be called the Parliament of Love.
I will begin my Parliament, contrary to the Orders of all
others, who have like a Retribution their Graces in the End; but
I will begin this with Offers to you, which I fpeak not to entice
or intrap you, but fincerely to fhew my Love, and Intention to
unburden you of many Griefs; but I refer the Particulars to be
M m 2
delivered
268
A COLLECTION
delivered at our next Meeting. To conclude with ſome general
Notes, to advance the Buſineſs for which we are met, I commend
to your Confideration the Time of Year far ſpent, the Weight
and Importance of the Affairs conſidered, which it will ftir you
up to proceed roundly, and not to loſe time in Ceremonies and
Trifles. Secondly, to remember, that if Grievances come into
Queſtion, that you would uſe a Means: I confefs it is moft fit,
you ſhould preſent them unto me, every Man for his Country or
Town where he is burdened, provided they be fit Grievances;
and to heap them together in one Scrowl, like an Army, will
caft Afperfion upon me and my Government, and will favour
more of Diſcontent than Defire of Reformation. And do not
believe, that I am fo tender of my Prerogative, as fome have
rumoured me. I defire alſo to keep the Mean. As I would not
lofe any the Honours or Flowers of my Crown, which I re-
ceived with it, but would rather lofe my Life, fo I would no-
ways ftretch them; no, I will wade no further therein than the
beft of my Predeceffors have done; and if any Contrariety ariſe,
my Lords the Judges chofen between me, and my People, fhall
decide, and rule me. As touching Proclamations, which in
the laſt Parliament were excepted againſt, as he is a traitorous
Subject, that will fay a King may not proclaim and bind by it;
fo did I never intend Proclamations to have Force of Law, but
to prevent ſudden Miſchiefs arifing, wherein the Law hath not
Provifion, until a Parliament can provide: And this I will fpeak,
becauſe of my laſt Proclamation concerning Duels; which I pro-
teft I did out of Confcience, to mete with the greedy Opinion
of Reputation; feeing they have found a Shift to avoid the Pro-
viſion of Law, by going beyond the Seas, by the Example of the
late King of France, hoping it ſhall take better Effect, than there
it hath done, by reafon of the King's Minority; which how
barbarous it is, that any Fellow, that hath been over in the Low-
Countries, though he return in Rags, fhall become a Judge of
Honour, to meaſure, I fay, this Inconvenience, till a Parliament
could
1
of LETTER S.
269
could take Order therein; which now I commend to your Care
and Confiderations. Laftly, the Form I mean to hold in Pro-
ceeding, to avoid the long Conference between the upper and
lower Houſe, which bred but Delay; for fometimes the lower
Houfe brought nothing but Tongues, fometimes nothing but
Ears. I mean to propound to your Lordships Matters proper
to them by Bill, and the like to you; and to ſpeak with you my-
felf, and receive your Anfwers; this to prevent unneceffary
Meetings, and haften Bufineffes, that I may proceed to the moſt
urgent Points. And I do purpoſe to continue this Parliament
another Seffion, at Michaelmas, when many may be ſupplied in
any Defects as this fhort time will not give leave perhaps to be
amended; for I will meet you often in this Kind, to fhew myſelf,
contrary to all Tyrants, who love not adviſing with their Subjects,
but hate Parlance; but I must defire to meet you, when I
ask you nothing, but that we may confer together freely; and I
may hear, out of every Corner of my Kingdom, the Complaints
of Subjects; and I will deliver you my Advice and Affiſtance,
and we confult only de repub. So fhall the World fee I love to
join with my Subjects; and this will breed Love, as Acquittance
doth amongſt honeft Men, and the contrary amongſt Knaves ;
that as the laſt Parliament begun with Trouble, and continued
and ended fo; fo this may begin with Alacrity and Love, and
conclude fo likewife; where Safety fhall be abroad, and Love at
home, and all Afperfion, and Rumors of Difcontent between
me and my People, fhall be taken away, and we may fing to-
gether, Quam bonum et jucundum! And when you fhall return
into the Country, you fhall have Praiſe, and be approved in the
Choice made of you, that you have behaved yourfelves difcreetly;
that you have given Content to the King, and accorded all the
Diſcontent, and jarring Strings of the Kingdom, and fhall bring
them home their Prince's Grace and Favour.
From
270
A COLLECTION
1
From Lord Grey to the Earl of Suffex.
My very good Lord,
AS,
S, I am fure, it is not unknown to yowr Lordſhip, my Cauſe at
this next Sytting of the Star-Chamber is to be heard; I
humbly crave, yf it bee poffyble, that yowr Lordship wyll
affourde yowr Prefence there. Myne Awnfwer is put in, a Copie
whereof I thought good heere to fend your Lordship; thynking,
that with the Byll yowr Lordſhip is allredie made acquaynted; if
not, this Bearer is able to delyver yow the Effect thereof.
Your Lordship's greate Favowre and Freendfhyp fhowed unto
me in all this my haples Trouble, for Want of other Meanes, I
muft in Words, with humble Thanckfullnes, acknowledge, with
Vowe, that yf ever Occafion requyre it, the fame fhall not goe
unmanyfefted in Deedes: In the meane tyme, I humbly requyre
to be entred amongst the Number of yowre affured Freendes;
and fo do take my Leave of your Lordfhip. From the Fleet, this
10th of February, 1573.
Your Lordship's unfaynedly to command,
GREY.
To the Ryght Honorable, and my very good
Lord the Earle of Suffex, Lord Chamber-
laine, geeve this.
From Lady Morley to the Earl of Suffex.
My very good Lord,
OR that through the great Frindſhip your Lordſhip hath of
late fhewed me, I repute your Lordſhip my Refuge in my
Extremityes, and as the Author of my well doinge; I am the
rather emboldened ſtill to recommend my Caſe unto your Lord-
ſhip; and to communicate with you any Affayres, as with one,
4
who
of LETTER S.
271
who I knowe doth truly tender my Felicity. And when my Suit
for going to the Spawe feemeth to be conferred, by reaſon of
an evil Opinion received againſt my Lorde my Husbande, through
the Reporte of certayne his Speaches, to be publickly ſpoken,
and Letters to the Quene's Majeftie, touchinge the Lorde Bur-
lye, whereon (for my Knowlege) I answered in my Letter to
your Lordship, being ignorant of any fuche Aste to be done by
my Lord: And havinge of late receyved a Letter from my Lorde,
wherein thoſe Poyntes be anſwered by himſelf, I thoughte good
to fende the Letter to your Lordship's Vewe, reckoninge your
Lordſhip my moft trufty Friend; and fo do betake the fame to
your Lordship's Wiſdom. Thus, with my Commendations to
your good Lordſhip, and my Lady, I committ you to Almighty
God. From Hallingbery Morley, the 20th of May, 1571.
Your Lordship's loving Coffen,
ELISABETH MORLEY.
To the Right Honorable my very good Lord and
Cofine the Earl of Suffex, give this.
An original Letter from Lady More to Mr. Secretary
Cromwell.
RIGHT Honorable, and my efpecyall gud Maifter Secretarye:
In my moſt humble wyfe I recommend me unto your gud
Maſterſhypp, knowlegyng myſelf to be moſt deply boundyn to
your gud Maiſterſhypp, for your monyfold Gudneffe, and lovyng
Favor, both before this Tyme, and yet dayly, now alfo fhewyd
towards my poure Husband and me. I pray Almyghtye God
continew your Gudnes ſo ftyll, for thereupon hangith the greateſt
Part of my poure Husband's Comfort and myne. The Caufe
of my Wrytyng, at this Tyme, is to certyfye your eſpeciall gud
Maiſterſhypp of my great and extreme Neceffyte; which, on and
befydes
272
A COLLECTION
M
befydes the Charge of myn owne Houſe, doe pay weekly 15
Shillings for the Bord-wages of my poure Husband, and his Ser-
vant; for the mayntaining whereof, I have ben compellyd, of
verey Neceffyte, to fell Part of myn Apparell, for lack of other
Subſtance to make Money of. Wherefore my most humble Pe-
tition and Sewte to your Maiſterſhipp, at this tyme, is to defyre
your Maiftcrfhypp's favorable Advyfe and Counfell, whether I
may be fo bold to attende uppon the King's moſt gracyoufe High-
nes. I truſt theyr is no Dowte in the Cauſe of my Impediment;
for the yonge Man, being a Ploughman, had ben dyfeafed with
the Aggue by the Space of 3 Years before that he departed. And
befides this, it is now Fyve Weeks fyth he departed, and no
other Perſon dyfeafed in the Houſe fith that tyme; wherefore I
moft humblye befeche your efpecyal gud Maifterfhypp (as my only
Truft is, and ells knowe not what to doe, but utterly in this
World to be undone) for the Love of God to confyder the
Premiffes; and therupponn, of your moft fubundant Gudnes, to
ſhewe your moſt favorable Helpe to the comfortyng of my poure
Husband and me, in this our great Hevynes, extreme Age, and
Neceffyte. And thus we, and all ours, fhall dayly, dury ng our
Lyves, pray to God for the profperous Succeffe of your ryght
honorable Dygnyte.
By your poure contynuall Oratryx,
To the Ryght Honorable, and her efpecyall
gud Maifter, Maifter Secretarye.
Dame ALIS MORE.
N. B. This Original, with others, came to hand after the fore-
going were printed off, fo Order of Time could not be obferved.
ΜΑ
Duke of Norfolk to King Henry VIII.
AY it pleas your Majeſtie to be advertiſed, that on Thurfſdaie
at Nyght, I receaved your Letters of the 16th of this
Monethe, the Contents whereof is ſo moche to my Rejoiſe and
Comfort
of LETTER S.
273
Comfort (to perceive howe good and gratious Lord ye are unto
me far above that I have or can defyre) that I am not hable to
expreffe the fame by my Wrytings; moft humblie befeching
your Majeſtic not to fpare to employe the powre Body where ye
ſhall think it may beſt ſerve, as long as Life fhall remain thereyn.
But furely, Sir, I have fithe Sonday, unto this Daye in the Morn-
ing, ben fo fore handeled with myne old Diſeaſe of the Flux,
that I was more then half in Defpaire of the ceafing thereof;
but with Force of Drinks, and Playfters, I am now ftopped
thereof, and truſt to be hable yet to do your Highnes fome
Service.
And where it hath pleafed your Majeftie to advertiſe me of the
Cauſes that dothe let yow of your cumyng into theſe Partes for
this Yere; of truth, in myne Opinion, they be of fuche Im-
portance, that Reaſon dothe leade your Highnes to take that
Waye. And in openyng of your high Pleaſure thereyn to the
People of thefe Parts, I truſte ſo to order my Words on Sonday
next at York, to the moft parte of the beft of this Shire, and to
cauſe the fame to be done by other fubftantial Men, where I can-
not be prefent, that the fame fhall be to their full Satisfactions,
and moche the better accepted to underſtand, that of your gra-
tiouſe Benignitie ye are contented, in brief tyme, to fend downę
to them your moft gratioufe Pardon; a very great Nomber of
them as yet remaynyng in mervcloute Feare, moft humblie be-
feching your Majeftie, that when your faide Pardon fhall come
hither, that there may be, at the leaft, Ten or Twelve of them
under your great Seale, with a Schedule annexed to the fame, of
fuche Names as your Pleafure fhall be to have furpriſed, leaving
fome voyde Place, that I, and your Counfail here, may put yn
fome more Names, if we fhall thinke it good. I do thynke your
Majeftie doth intende to have the faid Pardon to paffe by waye
of Proclamation, as your other before did. And therefore the
more of them that be left in the good Townes to be feen, the
lefle Deſpaire ſhall remayne in foolifhe fearful Hedds.
N n
And
274
A COLLECTION
}
And where it hath pleaſed your Hignes fo gratioufely to tender
my Sewtes for my Difcharge owte of this Authoritie (that I have
here moſt unworthie) not beyng hable any wayes to recompence
any Parte of your moft gratioufe Favour fhewed to me therein,
I fhall dailie pray to Almightie God, to geve me, or fome of my
Childerne, Grace to do you fome acceptable Service, in part of
Recompence thereof. And, furely, Sir, if your Majeftie knewe
what cafe I have been yn theſe Fyve Days paft, as well as Maiſter
Thi lbee, Mr. Currey, and Mr. Wodale, fo ye would thynke I
have Reaſon (if I love my Life) to be defirouſe to be owte of this
cold Countrey, where hathe ben two Days this Weeke great
Frofts in the Mornings, with the moft cold Wether that ever I
faw in fuche tyme of the Yere.
And where your high Pleaſure is, I fhold advertiſe you of
myne Opinion, what Perfones are moft mete to be of your
Cownfaill here, to obey your Commandement I fhall fo do.
First, If ye woll have a Lieutenant, I knowe none dwelling
in theſe Partes, that I dare faie is mete to occupie that Roome;
and who dwelling in the Sowthe Partes is convenient to occupie
And if
that Roome, your Majeftie dothe better knowe then I.
ye woll no Lieutenant, but a Preſident, then I thynke the Buſhop
of Durefme moft mete for that Roome. And as to the Two
Eries that be nowe of Cownfaill here, though they be noble Men,
and trewe Knights to your Highnes, yet unleſs a Lieutenant were
here, I thynke no Hurt fhall come thereof, though they be not of
the Nomber.
As to Sir Thomas Tempeft, Sir Marmaduke Conftable, Sir
William Evans, Sir Raulf Ellewear, and Sir Bryan Haftyngs,
I thinke them very honeft, and convenient Perſons to be of the
Cownfaill: And that withowte a good Interteynment, and great
Charge to attend, few of them woll be moche
As to Mr. Magnus, a good old Man, and willing to take
Payne as moche as he may, which woll be very little every Day
more then other.
As
of LETTER S.
275
As to Fairefax the Sergeant, a good Man, and hath his Lyving
fo in Westminster-Hall, that I think a great Interteiynment here
woll fcant content hym to remayne in the Cownfaill fo moche
as it were requifite he fhold do. As to Babthrop, on my Truth
I have not medled with a more juft nor dilligent Man; but I
thinke his Interteiynment is fo litle, that his Abode moche in
the Cownfaill fhold turne moche to his Hurt, confidering his
Lyving dothe moche depende by Gaynes of the Lawe, and he
that ſhall be of Cownfaill here may be no Taker. As to Lowys,
furely he is not only lerned in the Lawe, and hath a great Wit,
but alfo is a Man in Dede, and as mete to ferve in Matters of
War as Peace, and hath but a finall Lyving. If your Highnes
woll have his daylye Service, ye muft helpe his Lyving; and that
done, no doubt, no Man from Trent North, both for Law and
Warr, may compare with hym.
As to Wodall, I thinke no Man more mete to be Secretary of
the Cownfaill, and wold be well content to remayne here.
And as to the two Doctours, I doubt not your Majefty wol be
fo good Lord unto them that ye woll geve them Leave to return
home with me. Surely they are not only as honeft Men as ever
came in my Company, but alfo very wife Men and diligent.
And forafmuche as your Majeftie's Cownfaill here doth require to
have lerned Men in their Company contynew always, if it might
ſtand with your Pleaſure to appoint Chaloner to be one of them,
furely I think all the Cownfaill wold be very glad thereof; for I
have not herd of fewe lerned Men in my Life have fo good a
Name of Indifference as he hathe. And though at the first
Mectyng at Dancafter he was bufy, yet affuredly I know at the
fecond Meeting no Man did fo muche in bringing the People to
Conformitic, as he and Babthrop; which no Gentleman that was
prefent dothe denye. Finally, I fhall contynually pray to Al-
mightie God for the profperoufe Eftate of your Roiall Majeftie,
with the Accomplishments of your moft noble Heart's Defires.
From Sherifhoton, the 12th Daic of June.
Your most humble Servant and Subject,
T. NORFOLK.
Nn 2
276
A COLLECTION
An original Letter from Margaret and Jane Seymour,
to the King, in Latin, very curious.
Iterarium illud munus (Rex fereniffime) quod a tua celfitudine
accepimus dici non poteft, quantis animum noftrum fpe gaudio-
que perfuderit, quam acre calcar addiderit ad amplectendum ea, et
omni opera ac fedulitate iis incumbendum ftudiis, quæ tuæ fubli-
mitati curæ effe videmus, ut et ipfe in illis plurimum poffis, et nos,
quibus optime confultum velle videtur tua ferenitas, progreffum
aliquem faciamus. Et quantas autem tuæ Majeftati gratias præter
reliquos plerofque debeamus, infignia, fingularis benevolentiæ
indicia, quam verborum affequi vis nulla poteft, perfpicuum fa-
ciunt; et quam fi gratiarum aut actionem, aut relationem moli-
remur, femper magis magifque perpetua viciffitudine fuccedentia
merita non tam premere viderentur, quam certo oppreffura effent;
præfertim cum nihil nobis fit, imo ne nos quidem ipfæ quicquam
fimus, quod non celfitudini tuæ jure debeamus: ita ut ad tuam
confugere clementiam coactæ, non tamen dubitemus divinæ plane
benignitatis Regem, qui nos tot tantifque beneficiis oneraverit,
etiam illud adjun&turum, ut in ingratas non exiſtimet effe collata,
quæ grato debentur animo; cujus iftæ literæ, quæ abfentium fo-
lent effe vicariæ, fignificatrices erunt, feliciffima omnia tuæ celfi-
Tudini cum longiffima corum diuturnitate precantes.
Tuæ Majeftati devotiſſima,
MARGARETA SEYMAURA.
JANA SEYMAURA.
Councel of the North to Lord Privy-Seal.
PLEAS it yowre good and honourable Lordſhippe to under-
ſtand, that we at this prefente do fignifie unto the King's Ma-
geſtie owre poore, rude, and fimple Opyniones concerning the
2
Rebells
of LETTER S.
277
Rebells of Tynedale, and of others his Magiftie's Affaires in thefe
Parties, which we think fhall come unto youre Sight and
Knowlege, right humblie befeching youre good Lordfhype to
helpe to fette forthe, and to defpatch the fame (amongst all others
youre greate and importunate Studies) as foon as convenientlie the
fame youre good Lordſhippe maye, for the Weale of this Country.
Sir Thomas Tempefte being fore diſeaſed, and not with us at
this prefente, hathe writtene unto us at Length all his hole
Mynde and Oppinyone, as concerning the faid Tynedalis; the
Copye whereof we do fend unto your good Lordſhippe here in-
cloſed, to the Intente the fame youre Lordſhippe, after the paſſing
thereof, maye gaddir, take, and omytt, fuch Parte of the fame,
as youre greate Wiſdome ſhall thinke good and mete to purform
any our fundry Lords Purpoſes in theſe Parties.
And mofte humblie we befeche youre good Lordſhippe, that
it wolde pleas the fame to bee foo good Lorde unto us all, as to
geve oure moſt humble Thanks unto the King's faid Mageftic,
for the appointing unto us the Houfe which of late was called
Saint Mary Abbey, withoute the Citie of Yorke. And thus
Almighte God evermore have you in his holie Governance, oure
mofte fingular good Lorde. Written at Torke, the 17th Dai of
December.
Your Lordship's affuredly, ever at Commandemente,
ROBERT LANDAFFE, T. MAGNUS,
M. CONSTABLE,
THOMAS FAIRFAX,
ROBERT BOWIS,
WILLIAM BOBTHORP,
Robert ChetLORD, JO. UVEDALE.
To the Right Honourable, and oure most fingular
good Lorde, my Lorde Previfeale.
N. B. This Northern Council, in another Letter to the fame,
dated the 18th of Dececember, give Notice of the Demolition
of a religious Houfe called the Black Fryers alias Gofts, near
Tork, and of the Houfe of the Austen Fryers in Newcastle,
both which they beg for their own Uſc.
278
A COLLECTION
Mr. Magnus to the Archbishop of York Cardinal Wolfey.
AFTER Right done, and full humble Recommendations unto
your Grace. Pleas it the fame, to wete, that as touching
all your Cauſes withynne your Regallity of Hexham, there hath
bene of late fome Bufinefs. For albeit my Lord Dacre offered
to divers your Tenants and Inhabitants, they being poor Bodyes,
to lay downe thayre Rents for thayme till thay were able to repay
the fame agenne to his Lordeſhip; yet they, and many other,
wold not inclyne to pay thayr Rents and Dues; but gave many
hawte and frowarde Woordes. Sir Christopher Dacre, perceiv-
ing this, fodaynly accuſed divers of the Principalls, and com-
mytted thaym towarde Wynne, your Tour at Hexham. Where-
upon fodaynly affembled nigh to the Number of 200 Perfons,
and came to the Priory there uſed, as was the ſaid Sir Chriftopher,
and required hym to deliver unto thayme thayr Neghbours that
were in Warde, or els thay wolde breke the Priſon, and take thaym
forthwith. The faid Chriftopher charged thaym, in the Name
of your Grace, not foe to doe, but to depart, as they wold anſwer
at thayr Perills. And feeing he was not mete to medle with
thaym at that tyme, he conveyed thaym with Polecy. And
within 7 Dayes after he came fudaynly upon thaym, and hath
taken divers of the Principalls, and fome of thaym are in Warde
at Hexham, and fome at Karlyle; and they fhall remayn till your
Pleaſure be knowne in that behalf. And as touching fuch bufy
Bodyes as fledde, and woolde not be taken nor come yn, as was
commanded by my Lorde Dacre, therefore he caufed thayr
Houſes to be burnt in thayr owne Sight, for the more ferefull
Example to other Offenders. And nowe thay begynne all to
fubmytte thaymfelves. And affuredly my faid Lorde is mynded,
that before my departing I fhall have the Subftance with me of all
fuch Moncy as is owing to your Grace. And both his Lordeſhip,
}
and
of LETTER S.
279
and the faid Sir Chriftopher Dacre, his Broder, applye thayrin in
mofte harty Maner, that your Grace not only at this tyme may
be well ferved, but alfo contynually from hennes furth withynne
your faid Regallity of Hexham. At my commyng up youre Grace
ſhall be acertayned in many things touching furveying of your
Landes, and ordering of your Affaires there. And thence your
Grace fhall have Knowlege of many things, I truft, that by my
faid Lord's Meanes, and good Polecy, fhall enferve to your
Proufite and Advantage, by the Grace of God; whoe have ycaл,
усл,
myne eſpeciall and fingular good Lorde, in his moofte gracious
Governance. At Kirkofwald, the 13th Day of February.
Your humble Priefte, and Bedeman,
To the moofte reverende Fader in Chrift my
effpeciall and fingular good Lorde, my
Lorde Archebufhop of York.
T. MAGNUS.
A Brief concerning Tenant-right to the Bareny of
Kendal,
THAT
HAT the Tenants within the Barronne of Kendall were
antientlice Tenants at the Will of the Lord; and that that
Power was often practifed by the Landlords, in the removing
and difplacing of their Tenants, paying their Rents, and by
granting their Tenements to other Men, ſo often as ſeemed good
unto them, for their Profitt, or otherwife for their Service.
That the faid Tenants thus contynued Tenants at Will, till the
State, by Ace of Parliament, and the Courte of Yorke, by the
Authoritie thereof, for the Strengtheninge of the English Border
against Scotland, did over-rule that Power in the Landlord, in-
forminge them to upholde all theſe ancient Tenements with able
Men
280
A COLLECTION
}
**
Men for that Border-Service, and maintaining the Tenants in
their Claim of Tenante-right, fo long as they did that
That this Service being taken away by the happie Union of
both the Kingdoms, and therefore now no Caufe to overrule
thoſe Gentlemen in thofe Countreys, more then the rest of the
Gentlemen of England, his Majeftie, for the better takinge away
of all Memorie of the former Hoftillitie and Separation betwixt
theſe two Kingdoms, did by his Proclamation declare the faid
Tenants Righte to be extinguifhed, requiring all Landlords to
make Leaſes, or fett theire Lands by Indenture to their Tenants;
withal declaring his Princelie Diſlike that Tenants fhould profecute
theire Landlords, uppon a common Purſe, being the open and
readiest Way to Sedition.
Notwithstanding all which, thefe Defendants refufe to take
Leaſes; and have by difperfing of a feditious Libell ftirred up the
Countrie to make a common Purſe, and foe to upholde the fame
Tytle of Tenant-right, under a pretended Colour of a cuſtomaric
Eftate, directly oppofinge his Majeftie's Proclamation.
From Lady Weftmoreland to the Earl of Suffex.
GOOD my Lord, have Confideration of my defolate and com-
fortleſs Eſtate, lackyng both Quietnes of Mynd and Helth,
neyther beyng able to flie to any Place, nor knowyng where to
have any Refuge; and befydes all other Miferys, I am in great
fere of the Cruelty of the rude Souldiers; and therefore, albeit
my Trust is, that your Lordship, and other of Nobilitie, wyll
not of your Honours deale otherwyfe wyth then femely, yet I
moft hartely befceche your good Lordship, that fuch Order may be
geven, that neyther I, nor my Children, nor ſuch poore Servants
as are left about me, may be put in Ferc, or have any bodely
Harm And as for this Houfe, and the Stuff theryn, and lykwyie
the
}
of LETTER S.
281
Goods of fuch poor Tenants and Servants as are left about me,
the fame are, and fhall be at Commandment; but I befeech you'r
good Lordſhip that fome way may be appointed to fave and de-
fend the fame from common Spoil, and that none thereof be taken
but by Direction and Appointment; for otherwiſe fhall innocent.
Perfons be utterly undone, and conftrain'd to beg or ftarve for
Hunger. Thus trufting, although your Lordship is come to be
my Lord's mortal Enemy in the Field, you will not feek Revenge
on me, and my poor Children. I live to trouble your Lordſhip.
From Branfpeth this
16 of December.
*
Your Lordship's
Poor and unfortunate Coufin,
J. WESTMORELAND.
Mr. DENNY, to Sir ROBERT CARR.
OST worthy and my much honoured Sir Robert Carr,
Mi
if I be bold, I pray let the Prefumption I have of your no-
ble Nature be my Excufe, and without more Preamble, give me
leave to Remember my Love to Robin Hay, by befeeching you, if
my poor Reſpects to you, and Zeal of Affection to ferve you,
may beg, not Merrit, the leaft Favour from you towards that
Naughty, yet beloved Son of mine, Robin Hay; I know it is like
adding Water to the Sea, and that your love and care of him and his
Buſineſs is ſuch as my means can add no more unto it; but Lovers
muft and cannot chufe but utter Paffion as it comes, and fo do I;
for I cannot deny, but if it lay in my Power, that all fhould know I
love him paffing Well, which by this poor Mite I deſire to teſtify,
fince I have no better, and by coming Hand in Hand with him to
Оо
Sir
1
282
A COLLECTION
Sir Robert Carr, and craving as for, and more than for
my ſelf,
a speedy, if may be, difpatch of his Suit; when done this Letter
kifs your Hand from the Heart of him that would not be thus
bold with you, if he were not vowed to be
Your unfeign'd and
Loving Friend and Servant,
THOMAS DENNY.
The Epistle of Eleutherion, Bishop of Rome.
Sent to King LUTIUS. Anno 169.
Y
E require of us the Roman Laws and the Emperor's to be
fent over to you, which you may Practice and put in
Ufe within your Realm. The Roman Laws, and the Emperor's,
we may ever reprove, but the Law of God we may not. You
have received of late, through God's Mercy, in the Realm of
Britain, the Law and Faith of Chrift; ye have with you in the
Realm, both Parts of Scriptures, out of them by God's Grace,
with the Counſel of your Realm, take you a Law, and by that
Law, through God's Sufferance, Rule your Kingdom of Britain,
for you be God's Vicar in your Kingdom, according to the ſay-
ing, of the Pfalms, Deus Judicium Regi, &c. that is, O God give
Judgment to the King, and thy Righteouſneſs to the King's Son,
&c. He faid, not the Judgment and Righteoufnefs to the Emperor,
The
but the Judgment and Juſtice, that is, to fay of God:
King's Sons be the Chriſtain People and Folk of the Realm, which
be under your Government, and live and continue in Peace in your
Kindom; as the Gofpel faith, Like as the Hen gathereth her Chickens
under
!
1
of LETTERS,
283
under her Wings, fo do the King his People. The People and
Folk, of the Realm of Britain be your's, whom, if they be divided,
ye ought to gather in Concord and Peace, to call them to the Faith
and Law of Chriſt, and to the holy Church, to cheriſh and
maintain them, to rule and govern them, and to defend always
from fuch as would do them wrong, from malicious Men and Ene-
mies. A King hath his Name of ruling, and not of having a
Realm; you ſhall be a King while you rule Well; but if
you do otherwiſe, the name of King fhall not remain with
you, and you ſhall loofe it, which God forbid. The Almighty
God grant you fo to rule the Realm of Britain, that ye may
Reign with him for ever, whofe Vicar ye be in the Realm.
N. B. This Epiſtle being thought very Curious, and of remarkable
good Stile, for that Time I was requeſted to Publiſh.
By the KING,
From the Original in his own Hand.
EDWARD,
TH
RUSTY and Well-beloved, we Greet you Well, letting
you
of Well,
you wit, that where the Hatchments of the late Duke of
Somerset, attainted and put to Execution, duly for his Offence, do
remain yet within our Chapel of Windsor, untaken down; our
Pleaſure is, in reſpect of his faid Offence, through the which his
Hatchments deferve not to be in fo honourable Place, among the
reft of the Knights of our Order: You fhall Repair to Windſor,
immediately upon Receipt of theſe our Letters, and in your
Prefence caufe the faid Hatchment of the faid late Duke to be
taken down in fuch Sort as others in like cafes have been, whereof
fail you not.
Given under our Signet, at our Palace of Westminster,
the 8th of February in the 6th Year of our Reign.
002
MARY
284
A COLLECTION
MARY the Queen,
Ab Origine,
To our Trusty and Well-beloved Sir GILBERT DETHICK,
Garter, Principal King at Arms.
RUSTY and Well-beloved we Greet you Well, letting
TR
you wit that where the Hatchments of the late Harry,
Duke of Suffolk, attainted of High-Treafon, and condemn'd duly
for his Offences do remain yet within our Chapel of Windfor
untaken down; our pleaſure is, in reſpect of his faid Offences,
through the which his Hatchments diferveth not to be in fo
honourable Place amongſt the reſt of the Knights of our Order, you
fhall Repair to Windfor immediately, upon the Receipt of theſe
our Letters thereto Publiſh his Fact, and in your prefence caufe
the faid Hatchments of the faid late Duke, to be thrown down
in fuch Sort as other in like caſe have been, whereof fail
Given under our Signet, at our Palace at Westminster, the 23d
of February in the first Year of our Reign.
you not.
Sir Humphrey Ratcliffe to his Brother the Earl
of Suffex.
Y Duty remember'd unto your good Lordship, this fhall
MY
be to advertiſe you of fuch News as my Wife hath fent me
from London; and that is, that Sir John Williams, Sir Richard Southwell,
and Sir Robert Southall, they fhall all be made Lords, and the
Bishop of Winchester is deprived of his Bishoprick; and the fay
is, that the Biſhop of Worcester, and another, fhall be deprived of
their Biſhopricks. Other News I have none to fend your Lordſhip,
fave
of LETTERS.
285
A
fave that I have gotten a Farm that will be worth a hundred Pound,
and thus I commit you to God, wifhing your Hearts defire from
your poor Brother to Command, during my Life.
HUMPHREY RADCLIFFE.
P. S. This Letter is without Date, but feems to be written
in the beginning of Q. Eliz.
The Confeffion and Supplication fign'd by Edward,
Duke of Somerſet, upon the Articles of Impeach-
ment, being read and delivered to him.
I
Edward, Duke of Somerfet have read over, and have confidered
the faid 29 Articles before fpecified, and do acknowledge
my Offences, Faults and Crimes done, and contained in the fame,
and moſt humbly proftrate upon my Knees, do fully and wholly
fubmit myſelf to the moft abundant Mercy and Clemency of the
King's Majefty, for the Moderation of my faid Offences, having
my full Truſt, and Confidence, that His Majefty, with the Advice
of his Highness's moft honourable Counfel, will confider my faid
Offences, Facts, Words, and Preceedings. That paft, I befeech my
faid Offences be by his Highnefs's Clemency pardoned, remitted, or
otherwife diſcharged, that I may enjoy the Benefit thereof, although
the fame be to me unknown; and further, I do moft humbly be-
feech all my Lords, and others of his Majefty's moſt honourable
Counſel, not only to be the Means of his Majefty to take ways, and
confider my Offences to have proceeded more of Ignorance, Negli-
gence, Folly, Wilfullnefs, and lack of good Confideration, than
of
こ
​286
A COLLECTION
of
any cankered or malicious Heart, evil entreat, or thought tend-
ing to any Treaſons to his Majefty or the Realm; but alſo that it
may pleaſe his Majefty by the charitable Advice of their good
Lordſhips to have pity upon Me, my Wife and Children, and to
take fome merciful and gracious Way with me, not according to
the Extremities of his Laws, but after his great Goodneſs and
Clemency whereunto, whatſoever it fhall be, I do moſt humbly,
and with all my Heart fubmit myſelf. Written with my own
Hand, the 29th Day of December, in the third Year of the Reign
of our Sovereign Lord, King Edward the Sixth.
Two Letters of Sir THOMAS RANDOLPH, to
BUCHANAN.
Viro per quam erudito Clariffimo atque preftantiffimo Domino
Suo & unico obfervando.
Am not my good Maſter a little beholding unto you, for your late
I Am
Remembrance both of me and my Son, by your pretty and fine De-
vice to make him read before he know how to handle his Book;
whether he will prove learned hereafter, I know not; but far unlike to
reſemble him* from whom he taketh the Pattern, that long before
my Boy's Years, far paffed many in Learning and Judgment,
whereof fuch Increaſe enfueth, as in this Age is wonderful,
and, among Princes, moft rare. I look not for the like in
mine, but fhall think myfelf happy, if he fhall refemble in one
Point of a Number, what in him more brightly ſhine, than Jujum
fydus inter luminas minores, that your worthy and noble King, in ſo
fhort Time, is become fo fkilful, not a little is to be attributed to the
great Care, and Diligence of his Mafter, who, befides the Gifts of Na-
King JAMES, when a Pupil to Buchanan.
ture,
of LETTER S,
287
ture, has added as much as by Art could be deviſed. In this, my good
Maſter, confifteth your Praiſe, and in this fhall your Fame remain im-
mortal, though many other Things in this World have made you fa-
mous for ever. I leave to fpeak of many Things done in your Life,
great, praife-worthy; but how well I like of the laſt little Treatife de
Jure Regni, that lately came into the World I cannot fay, as I think
this putteth me in Mind of many Things more Praiſe-worthy done
by you, eſpecially the Hiftory of our whole Ifle; wherein I may
juſtly complain of you, my good Maiter, that I fhall not have fo
much as a Sight thereof before mine Eyes be clean ſhut up, that now
are become by Age very dim; what maketh you to doubt to let it
come forth a Spectacle into the World, no leſs famous than Apelles's
Table was, and as void of Controulment as his Work was, how cu-
rious foever the Doubter would feem to be? I pray you, defer no
more Time; at the beſt, let us know what you mind to do with it,
and employ my Labour, and charge me, fo far as you pleaſe, that
fhortly we may enjoy our long-defired Hope, in a Matter of fo great
Weight; wherein you will --- I am ever at your Command; and
fo, my good Mafter, I heartily take my Leave.
Your very loving and aſſured
Friend at Command,
THO. RANDOLPH.
London, March 15,
1579.
I fend unto you two little Books, for two that I fuppofe came to
me from you.
To
288
A COLLECTION
To the Right Worshipful my very loving Friend
PETER YOUNG, Schoolmaster to the King's Majefty
of Scotland.
A F
FTER my hearty Commendation, being lately moved with
the Remembrance of my Mafter Mr. George Buchanan, by the
Sight of a Book of his de Jure Regni apud Scotos, and calling to Mind
the notable Acts of Life, his Study, his Travel, his Danger, his
Wiſdom, his Learning; and, to be fhort, as much as could be wifh'd
for in a Man: I thought the King your Mafter more happy, that
had Buchanan to his Maſter, than Alexander the Great, that had Ari-
Stotle his Inftructor; I thought you very lucky that had his daily
Company, joined in the Office of like Service, and thanked God not
a little for myſelf, that I was acquainted with him; for one that
has fo great Acquaintance as he hath with many Learned, and Com-
panions of his Life: I marvel that no Man had written of it, being a
Thing fo common unto all famous Perfons, and moft peculiar to the
beſt learned. Herein I may chiefly blame you, my good Friend, Mr.
Young, ſo near unto him, fo dear unto him, that nothing can be hid of
that you defire to know. If you fay that Time yet ferveth; and that he
yet
liveth whofe Life I wiſh to ſet forth, furely, yet I fay unto you,
that if it be done after his Death, many Things may be omitted that
were worthy of famous Memory, by him to be better known than
after his Death. The Caufe of his writing againſt the Gray Friars is
known to many; but afterwards, how they prevailed againſt him,
that he was fain to leave his Country; how he eſcaped with great
Hazard of his Life at God's Hand, the Thieves on the Borders,
the Plague in the North of England; what Relief he found here at a
famous 'Knight's Hands, Sir John Ramfoord, the only Man who
maintained him againſt the Fury of the Papifts, none doth know fo
well
1
of LETTER S.
289
+
1
well as himſelf, or can give better Note of his Life than himſelf
can. As he liveth virtuouſly, fo I doubt not but he will die chri-
ſtianly; which may be added when the former is perfectly known.
This is defired by many, eſpecially look'd for at your Hands, that
can beſt do, and are fittest to travel in fo worthy a Work. As I
crave this at your Hands, ſo ſhall you command what is in my Power;
and thus wiſhing unto you, my good Friend, heartily well, I take
my Leave.
London, 15 March,
1579.
Your very loving Friend,
THO. RANDOLPH.
An Original Letter of Lord Buckingham to Car-
dinal Woolfey.
To my especial and fingular good Lord, my Lord Cardinal's
good Grace, Legate, &c.
My fingular good Lord,
IN
N my moft hearty ways, I recommend me unto your good
Grace, and fo thank the fame of your great Kindneſs and law-
ful Favour fhewed unto me at all Times in my Cauſes, befeeching
your Grace of your good and loving Continuance. And where I
perceive by the Reports of my Counfellors, Bearers hereof, that
your Grace is fo well minded for the great Zeal that ye have to
Miniſtration of Juftice, that it weil pleaſe your Grace at my In-
ſtance, to be meane to the King's Highnefs, that I may have his
moft honourable Letters, and alfo Privy Seals, as well for fuch
Perfons as murder'd one of my Burgeffes of my Town of Breck-
nocke, as for all others which made Refcues upon them that attack-
ed the fame Murderers, and upon my Officers in taking of Di-
ftreffes for the levying of my lawful Duties; not doubting but for
P
the
}
290
A COLLECTION
the Proof thereof, befides the Letter that my Counſel being there-
upon due Examination of the Premiffes fent unto me, which is
ready to be fhewed unto your Grace, if it fhall pleaſe the ſame to
fee it, your Grace fhall have at the Day of Appearance of the
faid Murderers and Mifdoers, fuch lawful and fufficient Proofs
againſt them, that it fhall well appear that they have deſerved
greater Puniſhment, as theſe my Counsellors, Bearers hereof, fhall
more plainly inform you; to whom it may like your Grace to give
Credence, as well therein, as in fuch other my Cauſes, as they ſhall
open unto your Grace. And your Grace thus doing fhall greatly
bind me to do you fuch Pleaſure as in me lieth, by the Grace of
Almighty God, who have your Grace in his bleffed Keeping.
Written at my Manor of Bletchingley, the 2d Day of October.
Yours to my Power,
BUCKINGHAM.
The Duke of Norfolk's Letter and Warrant to
Sir James Strangewyfe.
R
IGHT truſty and entire beloved Servant, We greet you
+
heartily well; and forafmuch as we fully trufting in the
Faith, Wiſdom and Diſcretion of your Perfon, have deputed you
our Commiffioner to fell certain Wood in our Lordship of Heving-
ham. We therefore defire and pray you to do your Device and
Labour in the Sale of the faid Wood at this Seaſon, and the
Money thereof to be delivered to the Bearer hereof. And in
Cafe ye may not have Chapmen readily, we heartily pray you that
ye will do fo much for us at this Time as to lend us Forty Pound
in Money, and to fend it us by the ſaid Bearer, and you to have
your Money again of the firſt Sale of the faid Wood, wherein ye
may do us great Eafe, confidering fuch Matters as we have to do,
touching
of LETTERS.
291
may
touching both our Honour and Weel, as the Cafe requireth. And you
be affured, that if there be any thing that we can or may do
in any Seafon, for your Weel and Pleaſure, or for any of your's,
fhall find us ready to our Power, by the Grace of him who
preſerve you in his Keeping. Written at
the 11th Day
ye
of March.
Moreover, we pray you to give Credence to the Bearer hereof
in this Behalf.
NORFOLK.
I
Earl of Suffex (the Father) to Lord Fitzwalter.
Son Fitzwalter,
1
Commend me unto you, and fend you God's Bleffing and mine,
letting you wit, that where my Lord of Southampton and I
have received Letters from my Lord Protector for our Repair to
the Parliament; as ye fhall perceive by the Favour therein in-
clofed, I will ye ſhall cauſe Brompton, mine Auditor, my Comp-
troller, my Surveyor, every Action of them, with the Men appear
well.
My Bailiff, Robert Bofume, my Coufin Corket,
and other of my Men, as be of the handſomeſt Sort, to the
Number of twenty-five, to come in fuch honeft Sort to meet me
a Day or two before the Parliament, at Kingston upon Thames;
and as in your Difcretion fhall feem beft for my Honour. I
will that my Coufin Corket fail not to meet me there with my
Sword Buckler and Dagger, as I before willed him to do. And,
Son, for the rest of my Things committed to your Charge there,
I refer to your Diſcretion; not doubting but fuch Succefs fhall
follow them, as fhall anfwer to the good Opinion I have already
conceived in you. I pray you alfo, if this other or any other of
my Lord's People fend any kind of Cattle either to Little-
borough, or to Norr. or to both; that he take Order the
fame
*
292
A COLLECTION
fame may be received and entertained as my own, without taking
of any Money for the Carriage of them. My Lady, my Daugh-
ter, and your Wife, charge their most loving Commendations to
you. And thus I fhall commit you to God.
Your most loving Father,
November 16,
HENRY SUSSEX.
鐾
​A
Archbishop of Canterbury to Lord Suffex.
FTER my right hearty Manner, I commend me unto your
good Lordship, rejoicing much that it hath pleaſed Al-
mighty God fo well to profper her Highneſs's Journey into the
Weft Country, and fo fortunately returned again with her whole
Houfhold; my Duty were as my Defire is to wait upon her Maje-
fty, which I would gladly do, but that the Plague is fo much
ftirring, partly in London and partly in Lambeth, fo that divers of
my Servants and Houfhold have had their Children and Servants
of late departed of the Plague, whom I do fequefter out of my
Houſe for a Time. I would not be bold to approach fo near her
Highneſs in this State that my Houfhold is of. I hope for her Ma-
jeſty's Contentation, befeeching your Lordſhip (with my moſt
humble Duty of offering my Prayer and Service) to know her Plea-
fure. Thus fending my Servant for that Purpoſe, I befeech your
Honour to let me be informed; and fo commend your Lord-
fhip to God as myſelf.
From my Houſe ät Lambeth,
October 2, 1574.
Your Lordship's Loving Friend,
To the Right Hon. and my very good Lord
the Earl of Suffex, Lord Chamberlain
to the Queen's Majesty,
At the Court.
MATTHEW CANTAUR.
1
Bifhop
of LETTER S.
293
1
Bishop of Wincheſter to Lord Suffex.
Right Honourable,
MY
Y Duty remember'd, I am not unmindful of your Lord-
fhip's Request for Pheafant Hens: There are two Diffi-
culties; the one, as I am informed, the Time ferveth not well for
their taking; but the greater is, that I can neq; præce aut precio,
get one that will take the Pheaſant Hen in all Hampfbire; and yet
I have proved by Requeſt earneſtly among my Friends there. I
have fent for one into another Shire; I am put in Hopes to have
him here ſhortly with me, who can do as is faid very well; I trust to
fend your Lordſhip ſome, if not ſo many as I would, ſurely fo many
as I can come by. And fo refting ready to pleaſure your Lord-
fhip in this or any other thing that may lie in my ſmall Power, I
humbly take my Leave.
At Waltham,
Dec. 29.
Your Honourable Lordship's
To the Right Hon. and my very good Lord,
the Earl of Suffex, Lord Chamberlain.
To command in Chrift,
ROBERT WINTON.
MY
Bishop of Chicheſter to Lord Suffex.
Y Duty moft humbly remember'd to your good Lordſhip,
I am most humbly and heartily to thank your good Lord-
ſhip for your honourable Confideration in countenancing, com-
forting, and defending of me, and certain learned Preachers, in
the Star Chamber, againſt the Libellers and their Co-acters.
For the which we fhall be, during Life, your Lordship's moft
faithful and humble Beadmen to Almighty God, whom I befeeeh
}
Q q
long
294
A COLLECTION
long to preſerve your good Lordſhip in Health and Wealth, with
Increaſe of much Honour.
Aldingbern,
Nov. 16, 1576.
Your Good Lord/hip's
Moft humbly in Chrift Jefus,
-
RIC. CHICHESTRÉE.
$
To the Right Hon. and my very good
Lord the Earl of Suflex.
Speed Poft.
M
Biſhop of Gloucefter to Lord Suffex.
م
Y bounden Duty to your Honour, remember'd with hearty
Thanks for your greater Courteſy extended towards me,
who hath nothing deſerved the fame. Theſe may be to defire your
Honour to move the Queen's Majefty to grant unto this Bearer,
Mr. Hunes, my Regifter, her Letters Patents, to be Actuary du-
ring his Life, in her Majefty's Commiffions delegatory, within my
Dioceſe of Gloucester and Bristol. The Occafion that moveth me
to write in his Behalf is, the murmuring of the People, wrong-
fully moleſted: For whereas certain Offenders in fundry criminal
Caufes have been commanded before me and my Vicar General in.
my Confiftorial, and after dye Examination of their Cauſes, the
Matters have been finally by me and him ordered; yet now they are,
by virtue of the Queen's Majefty's high Commiffion to me, and
others directed for my Dioceſe of Gloucester and Bristol, now called
for Matters once determined to their great Moleftation, and no
lefs Charges: And for as much as this Bearer, by reafon of his
Office, preciſely knoweth who they be that, having offended, have
fuffered condign Puniſhment, by which Knowledge they are not
again for their Faults to be convented, and thereby not to be mo-
leſted, or by any Expences charged: And forafmuch alſo as theſe
Incon-
{
of LETTER S.
295
Inconveniencies are otherwife than by his Aid inevitable, I am
the rather emboldened to crave your Honour's favourable Fur-
therance of this my Suit and his; in which your doing, I am to
gratify you in any thing I may. This Bearer a continual Interceffor
for the long and profperous Eftate of your Honour, and the Mul-
titude delivered from troubleſome Charges, to yield you hearty
Thanks. Thus refting further to trouble you, I commit to your
Honour, and the fame to the Tuition of the Almighty.
From Gloucester,
Oct. L.. 1574.
-
Your Honour's, at Commandment,
To the Right Hon. and my very good
Lord the Earl of Suffex, Lord.
Chamberlain.
RIC. GLOUCESTER,
Earl of Derby to Lord Suffex.
My very good Lord,
L'
←
ť
IKE as I have always found myſelf greatly bound to your
Lordſhip for your continual Friendſhips towards me, ſo do I
think me doubly bound to you for that honourable Care.it fcemeth
by your late Letter you have over my Son Strange. And that
after your friendly affured for his Attendance on her Majefty at
convenient Times, it pleafeth your good Lordship to offer that
Friendſhip, not only to advertiſe him of Times fit for his Attend-
ances, but alſo gave him your loving Advice and Direction for
his Behaviour from Time to Time, which Favour and Courtefy
had been my Part. I acknowledge firft to have defired of
Lordſhip Surety, as your Regard over him is father-like, and
your loving Friendſhip towards me not fmall; fo make Account
of me to be by all means ready to yield your Lordship, that which
may be required of a Friend or Kinfman. And, as I have ac-
1
your
cording
296
A COLLECTION
ני
cording to your Wiſh, advertiſed him that my Pleaſure is, that
he ſhall be at your Lordship's Direction, fo hope I that the better
there be, God will blefs him with Difcretion to perceive how
much he is bound to you, and with good Difpofition to endeavour
himſelf to deferve it: And where before I have kept him at his
Book, without any great Care of Apparel, or other Things fit for
any Place, than that where he is, fo now will I take Order that
he may be provided of Things neceffary for him in the Times of his
Attendance at the Court; not doubting but as your Lordship
doth wish him both learned and well-manner'd, fo your Lordship
will: (the Times for Attendance ended) cauſe him to repair back,
with a Charge from you to apply the fame; and fo deſiring I may
hear from your Lordship from Time to Time of his Behaviour,
I commend me moft heartily to the fame, and wiſh you as my-
felf to fare.
From my Castle of
Rushen, May 13.
Your Lordship's affured loving Coufin,
And ready Friend, during my Life,
H. DERBY.
N moſt humble Manner, I commend me unto your Lordfhip.
Isomols, that it hath pleafed to my Hulbanci with a
IN
So it is, that it hath pleaſed God to vifit my Huſband with a
burning Ague, enfuring your Lordship he was as fick and as fore
handled with it yeſterday, as ever I faw him in my Life; and as
your Lordship fhall perceive by the Letter therein, I lent to Lon
don to a Chaplain of my Hufband's, to fend him Phyficians; but he
could get none that my Hufband had any Mind unto; wherefore
this fhall be moft heartily to befeech your Lordship, of your Good-
nefs, that you will help him fo that Doctor Buttes, or the Spanish Phy-
fician might come hither; for if they did but fee my Hufband, he
would think himſelf half healed.
Fur-
of LETTERS.
297
Furthermore, there is a Powder that the King's Grace gave to
my Lord Admiral, which my Huſband hath a great mind unto;
and if your Lordſhip could get a few of that of the King's Grace
for him, you ſhould do him the greateſt Pleaſure in the World.
At the writing of this Letter, I had, nor could get, no Phyſicians
as knoweth him, who preferve your good Lordship.
At Cheynes,
July 29.
By your poor Bede Woman,
ANNE RUSSELL.
This Lady was Anne, the Wife of John. the first Earl of Bedford, and
Daughter of Sir Guy Sapcott, Bart.
N. B. This Letter is published to fhew the early Tafte for Quack-
ery, which, like the Frogs in Egypt, got into the King's Palace:
However, it chanced to turn out a valuable Medicine, and was purchaſed
of the King for 5000l. It is thought to be what we now call the
Gaſcoign Powder.
You
Lord Buckhurft to Lord Suffex.
OUR fodein and dangerous Sicknefs, my very good Lord,
hath brought no fmall Grief to all your Frendes here; among
whom, although in Ability perhaps I may be one of the laſt, yet
in Good-Will, I cannot, I affure your Lordship, give Place to
any; nor yet in wiſhing all good Helth and Happineſs unto your
Lordship, which I befeech of God may fucceede unto you,
even as well as I would unto myſelf, and as your own Hart can
beft defier. If mefelf or my Servis might any waies avail your
Lordſhip, you ſhould and ſhall at your Will comand it. In the
mean while, I cold not otherwiſe fatisfye mi Mind, but to fend
this Servant of mine, of Purpoſe to bring me Word of your Lord-
ſhip's good Recovery; as I hope which I befeche God may increaſe
Rr
in
298
A COLLECTION
in you, if you have it; and if you want it, then to fend it to you
ſpeedily. And fo humbly I take my Leave of your Lordſhip, this
Firſt of July 1580.
Your Lordship's affured to comand,
T. BUCKEHURST.
Thomas Parry, Ambaſſador in France, to Lord
Suffolk.
I
My very good Lord,
Have prefumed to move my Lord Cecyll for his Favour in a
Sute of myne to the Protector, which I fubly defyre your
Lordſhip to further what you may; as well be recommend-
ing it to his Honour, as when Opportunite ferveth, by making
fuch good Ouvreture to his prefent Majefte, whom I ferve here
faithfully, and to my great Charge, and in a Tyme likely to grow
Troubleſome, for the Humeurs of Factions are here fo rype,
that there nedes but Fyer to put to the Flax; and truely it is al-
ready feared God hath fent the Fyrebrand. If the Protector and
his Counſel, by theyr Prudency, prevent it not; for as I have
wrytte to my Lord Cecyll, it cannot be thought what Jaloufyes,
fo ſmall and ridiculoufe a Beginning, in two Days hath bred in
this Cyte; and what Swelling of Harts, and how much it amafeth
his Highneſs hymfelf. So far as this Morning it was advertiſed me,
that his Majeſty would nedes have publiſhed by Proclamation Ten
Thouſand Crownes to diſcover the Authors of the Faction his
Counſell ſtayed it, leaft it fhoud imprefs in the Peoples Harts
deeper Conceyts of Dangers than there is Caufe (and fo furere
ante furorem.) Good my Lord, I humbly acknowledge myſelf
allready deeply obliged to you for your honourable Courtefyes to-
wards me, and wold be glad there were any Worthe or Ufe of my
Service;
1
of LETTERS,
299
Service; but what it is, you and yours fhall command it; and
right glad fhall I be when any Opportunite falleth out to make
it better known than the preſent yealdeth me; for I woud deferve
well, before I were troubleſome, or importune to fo honourable
Friends. And thus I fend, wifhing your Lordship a happy New
Yeare, with Health and Felicite in your Lordship; and remayn
always,
Your Lordship's,
Humbly to be commanded.
From Lord Powlett, Ambafador in France, to
Lord Suffex.
My very good Lord,
TH
HIS Countrey is fo barren of good News, as it is hard to
find any thing worthy of a good Man; and yet good and
bad muſt be taken in good Part; the Good, as a Bleffing without
Defert; the Ill, as a Puniſhment in Mercy for our Amendment.
The Troubles, my Lord, continue; but not without fome
Hopes of Peace; to which Purpoſe Monfieur Villeroy is arryved
from the King of Navarre, and Monfieur Biron is fayed to be
coming, accompanyed with two Deputies, from the faid King.
is yielded by Compofition, when nothing was lefs ex-
pected; when there was no Want of Men, Amunitions nor Vit-
tals; and, as their Enemy report in great Derifion. It is fayed the
Befeigers had more Caufe to complain than thoſe beſeiged. I
have written at fome length to Mr. Walfingham, and I know his
Letters will not be kept from you; and therefore I will trouble
your Lordſhip no further at this preſent, befeeching you to ac-
count of me as of one that is wholly at your Lordship's Com-
mandment,
A
300
A COLLECTION
&
mandment: And thus, I commit your Lordship to the Tuition of
the Almighty.
Peichers, Aug. 24.
1571.
Your Lordship's to Command,
A. POWLETT.
Lord Grey to Lord Suffex.
My good Lord,
T beeying my Chance eare I was aware too fall thus neer unto the
Courte, I thought it not amifs, thoughe I myght not do my
Dutie untoo hyer Majeſtie, in coomyng to ſhowe yet my Dezyre to
do it in Writing.---I humbly therefore pray your Lordſhip, that it
maye be made knowen unto her; and that, as Occafion fhall ferue,
you wyll be a meane to her for the removing of hyr Difgrace, and pro-
I have too this Effect, wrytten
curing mee hyr Fauvour agayne.
alfo to my Lord of Leiceſter, but mentioning nothing of any thing
wrote you. This is all that I have to trouble your Lordſhip with; fo
refting, as you have bownde mee moaft affuredly youres
Ibeying mought it not a 1 myght not do
bly take my Leave.
From Sir Jhon's Thin's,
Wednyfday Morninge, 1574.
---
I hum-
P. S. I am going weftward, if therefore it pleaſe you to have any
thyng to my Lord of Bedford, I befeetche you let me be the Meffen-
ger.
Your Lordship's, faythefully,
C
1
AR. GREY.
Lord
}
of LETTERS.
301
Lord Burleigh to Lord Suffex.
My good Lord,
Heartily thank you for your gentle Remembrance of my Daugh-
I Heartily thank
ter of Oxinford, who, as I thynk, meaneth as her Duty is to wayt
on her Majefty at Rychmond, except my Lord her Hufband, fhall.
otherwiſe direct her; and fo I take my Leave.
From Mrs Tins,
this 27th of June, 1574.
Your Lordship's affuredly,
W. BURGLEY,
N. B. There is nothing worth publick Inſpection in this Letter,
but the Care which this great Man appears to have taken of his
Daughter's Education, with regard to matrimonial Obedience. ---
This Woman of Quality was to be directed by her Huſband.
From the fame Lady Oxinford, Lord Burleigh's
Daughter, to Lord Suffex.
My good Lorde,
BE
ECAUSE I think it long fins I ſaw her Majefty, and would
be glad to do my Duty, after her Majeftie's coming to Hamp.
ton-Court, I hartely befeche your good Lordſhip to fhew me your
Favour in your Order to the Ufher's for my Lodging, that in Con-
fideration that there is but two Chambers, it would pleaſe you to en-
creaſe it with a third Chamber next unto it, which was refarved laft
Tyme for my Lord Arundell's Men; and as I was informed by my
Lord Howard, he had it when he lay in the fame Lodging, I fhall think
myſelf greatly bound to you for it; for the more commodyouſe my
Lodging is, the willinger I hope, my Lord, my Huſband, will be to
come thyther, thereby the oftyner to attend her Majefty. --- Thus,
truftng
Sf
302
•
A COLLECTION
1
truſting in your Lordship's favourable Confideration, I leave to
trouble your Lordship any farther, with my moft harty Commen-
dations to my good Lady your Wife. From my Father's Houfe at
Theoballs.
Thursday, Sept. 13.
Your Lordship's poore Friend,
ANNE OXENFORD
An original Letter from the Earl of Shrewſbury to
Queen Mary.
May it pleafe your most excellent Majesty,
T
O be advertiſed, that at my coming into thys Countrey, he-
ryng off fundry Riots, as well by the Reports of my Felowes
as of your Majeftie's Councelle, in thefe Parts, and by the Complaynt
of them that were gone and repared to Yorke; where I and my
fayd Felowes the twenty-fecond Day of this Inftant, by Force of
your Majeſtie's Commyffion of Oyer Determiner, dyd enquere, and
have taken fuch Order therein, as, I truft, fhall be to the Prefer-
vation off your Majeftie's People, and Quietness of the Country;
whereof Iand my faid Felowes have advertiſed my Lords of your
Majestie's Counſell: Alfo, it may pleaſe your Majeſtie to under-
ſtand, that dyvers Complaints hath ben made unto me for violating
of the moſt bleffed Sacrament, and takyng doun of the Pix unre-
verently in dyvers Places wherein I have already conferred with the
Ordenare, and ſhall, by God's Grace, travell, and affift hym, as the
Offenders ſhall receyve condygn Puniſhments, to the Example of
others, and to your Majeftie's Contentacon, and as Occafion fhall
reyquire; and ſhall not fayll to advertis according to your Majeſtie's
Commandment, and my bounden Dutie, by the Grace of God Al-
mythtie, to whom I fhall dayle pray for the long Prefervation of
your moſt excellent Majeſtie.
Geyffeld May 24.
1554..
Your Majyftie's most faithfull and
obedient Subject and Servant,
}
SHREUSBURY.
AFTER
of LETTER S.
303
A
To Sir R. RYCHE.
FTER my harty Commendations: Whereas the Bearer
hereof, Launcelot Houfon, having a Brewhouſe and Stable
adjoyning to his Manfion-Houfe, in Bermondsey-Streete in South-
warke, for fome Annoyance, and other Caufes, he thought good
to buy it, and the fame pulled down; providi ng Timber, Work-
men, and other Neceffaries for the re-edifying thereof, before
the Proclamation lately publiſhed for the Reſtraint of Buildings:
And now, having the fame in a Readinefs, is like to fuftaine
great Loffe and Hinderance, if he may not procede therein, ac-
cording to his Determination aforefaid; and for that Caufe, be-
ing loth any way to offend, hath bene an earnest Sutor for my
Letter to you in his Behalf.
Theſe may be therefore to pray you, rather for my fake to uſe
fuch Favour, and agree to him in his fo reaſonable a Requeft,
as conveniently you may; confidering withal, that he offereth
to be bound that neither he, nor any other Tenaunt, for whoſe
good Behaviour he will not anſwer ſhall give any umbrage. And
ſo I bid you harteley farewell, this Second of April 1582.
Your very loving Friend,
FRA.. WALSINGHAM.
Yo
Countess of Lennox to Lord Leiceſter.
OUR Lordship's moſt honorable and earneſt Dealyings of
late, in the juſt Cauſe of my poor Infant for the Earldom of
Lennox, declarethe playnly your noble Mynd and Dyfpofition, as
well to fupporte the Diftreffed, (otherwiſe outerly unable to mayn-
tene theyr Right) as alfo your moft aparant Frendfhep towards
them to whom your Lordſhip profeffeth the fame, whereby I and
my
304
A COLLECTION
5
my Friends, above all others, do in Hart honor your Lordship,
as by whom we think ourſelves chyefly aſſyſted in all our Cauſes,
which, for my Parte, I can but acknowledge, and wyth moft
thankefull Mynd wyſh your Lordſhip all Happynes, by whos only
Goodneſs I affuer myſelf of a good End of that Caufe; and fo
praying for your Lordship's Helth and Profperitie long to contenue,
take my Leave at Newgate Street, thys 25th of August 1578.
Your Lordship's most bounden,
F. LENNOX.
MY LORD, My Mother hearing of the Infection at Chelfye,
whereof, although there was no great Danger, yet her Fears was
fuch, as having not any fit Houſe, that for Necefitie I muft pre-
ſently come hether by her Comandment, whych I have obeyed.
N. B. Elizabeth, Countess of Lennox, Daughter of Sir William
Cavendish, and Wife of Charles Stuart, Earl of Lennox, younger
Brother of Henry, Hufband of Mary Queen of Scotts. She had
by the Earl of Lennox an only Daughter, Lady Arabella Stuart,
who died in the Tower, where she had been many Years confined.
Thomas Wrighte's Information of the State of
Methwolde Warren in Norfolk.
To the Right Honourable Sir Francis Walfingham, Knight,
Chancellor of her Majesty's Court of her Duchie of Lancaſter,
HU
Umblie informeth your Honor, that her Majeſtie and her
Ancefters, in the Right of her faide Duchie, have had,
Tyme out of Mynde, Free Warren throwgheout all the Townes
of
1
1
F
it
"
of LETTER S.
305
of Methwolde, Feltwell, Hockwolde, Wilton, Wetinge, Cranwayes and
Northwolde.
$
Item, The ſtored Grownde thereof lyeth on the Toppe of an
Hill, beinge Hethie Grownde, betweene all the faide Townes, and
about one Mile distant from any of them, and is farre greter in
Lengthe than it is in Bredthe, and runneth out with maine narrow
Poynte.
Item, As well all the Grownde conteined within this ftored
Grownde, as the Inhabitante Grownde borderinge rownde abowte
the fame, is foe barren as it beareth neither Tree nor Bufhe grow-.
inge uppon it.
Item, The moft Part of the Inhabitants Grownde abbuttinge
upon the faide fitored Grownde, for the Space of one Furlonge
Lengthe or more, have uſed moft commonly to lye freſh and un-
plowghed, and hath been uſed to be fedd by the Conies of the War-
ren; and yet the Conies have commonly uſed to doe ſome ſmale
Skathie further into the next Furlonge fowen with Corne; yet the
Warrener never paid any Skathe for the Hurt done by the Conyes;
for that her Majeftie had free Warren over all, as there be Re-
cordes in her Majeſtie's Duchie Chamber to warrant the fame; and
that there is fuch a Libertie that he ought not to pay any; and
alſo that the Inhabitants ought not to kill any of the Conies in any
of their Townes.
Item, If any of the Inhabitants have attempted to fowe their
faide Grownde with Corne, abuttinge, as is aforefaide, uppon the
faide ſtored Grownde, they have ufed to defende the fame, by
makinge and kepinge of Bankes or Wales of Earthe, or ells by
fettinge upp of Conie Hardells, during the Tyme that theire
Corne hath been theare; otherwile theire Corne have been diverfe
Tymes much eaten, by reafon of the Narrowneſs of the faide
Tt
ftored
306
A COLLECTION
ſtored Grownde; and of the greate and auncient Borrowghes ly-
inge fo neere.
Item, Now of late Years the Inhabitants, to give a Color to
their hayinge, have plowghed upp all the faide Grownde abuttinge
or fydinge uppon the faide ftored Grownde, even harde home to
the Mowthe of the Conie Borrowes, and have left off to make
Bankes or Walles of Earthe, whereby the Conies have and will
(doe what can be done to the contrarie) deftroy the Corne that
ſhall be fowen theare, excepte the Warren fhould be utterlie de-
ftroyed.
Item, Yf the Warrener fhould be compelled to make Amendes
for the Hurte to be done with the Conies in their Growndes lyinge
fo near to the Warren; the Warren runninge out of fuch a
Length, and with fo many Poynts, it will take away all the Co-
moditie of the Warrener to do it; fo that the Warrener were
better to be without the Warren than have it.
My humble Sute unto your Honor is, that her Majeftie's
auncient Priveledges and Liberties of Warren in their
Townes, may not be any wayes prejudiced.
Your Honor's most humble,
THOMAS WRIGHTE,
Farmer of her Majeftie's faide Warren.
Sir
r
of LETTERS,
-307
୮
Sir Henry Wotton's Letter, Anno 1608, &c. in
bis Majefty's Office of Papers and Records of State.
Anſwer to the Lord Roffe his Letter tutching the fafe Conducte.
I
MY LORD,
Am much bounde unto you for taking fo kindly that which I
wrote unto Mr. Molle, out of publique Dutie as well as privat
to yourſelf. But whereas you require to knowe the Author of my
Intelligence, I muſt therein crave your Lordship's Pardon : For
although I paye (as I thinke wyfer Men doe) oftentymes for falfe
Newes, yeat are we tyed, by natural Equitie, to conceale owre
Inftruments.
Tutching the Mater itſelf, I could wifhe (if fo much Boldeneffe
might become me) that your Lordship would make at leaſt fo
farr youre Profitt of an Untruthe, as thereuppon to unreſolve youre
Roman Jornie; for the Pope, having been follicited for a fafe Con-
ducte in your Behalf, thorough the Meanes (as I am bounde by
youre Letter to beleeve) of fome that meant you well, without
your Knowledge, and having conftantly denyed the fame to a
Cardinal, that importuned him, (whom, if it were neceffary, I could
name unto you) I cannot conceave, after this, how your Paffage
thether may be fecure for you, eſpecially confidering how you are
defcended and allyed.
I muſt not forget to tell your Lordship, that I have hereof ad-
vertiſed my Lord of Salisburie, more particularly bothe becauſe it
was a Thing (as I take it) of publique Confequence; and for that
it ſeemed unto me in your Lordfhip a Poynte bothe of politique
and chriftian Wiſdom, to provide for yourfelf, before your goings
a fafe Conducte that might fecure as well youre Confcience as youre
Perfon; fo as in the Relation hereof, howfoever you take it, I
prefume to have donn you no Difhonor.
For
308
A COLLECTION
For thoſe kind Words, wherewith it pleaſeth you to conclude
your Letter, I perceave it is my Advantage that I am not knowen
unto youre Lordfhip; for thereby you over-value me. But fuch
as I am, you ſhall alwayes commaunde. And fo I committ you
to God's deere Protection.
From Venice,
May 17th, 1608.
Your Lordship's,
To do you bumble Service,
HENRY WOTTON.
*
To Robert Cecil, Earl of Salfbury, and Lord Hegh,
Treaſurer of England.
I
Right Honourable,
+
Am intelligenced, by a fecret Hand from Rome, that on Thurf-
daye of the laſt Week, my Lord Roffe had new Acceffe, and
ſome longe Difcourfe with the Pope, who never ufed any English
Man more kindly; and at his departing, V. Sig. (fayed he) fi lafcy
pur vedere fpeffo, non occorre: che mandi prima a dimandar l'udienza
mavenga quando nule; would be given him fome Entertaynment,
leaſt his owne Stock ſhould not hold out; and that till then he de-
termineth to keepe no open Howfe, but to continue with the Mar-
chefe de Taxis, General of the Poftes.'
My Friend addeth that, Si pata molto dun certo Valenzi uno che
quefta Barone Ingleffe ha attorno; meaning, I think his Diego, who
governeth him now more abfolutely than ever fince his Reconver-
fion. My Lord himſelf is, by the Pope and Cardinals, oppoſed
in their common Difcourfe to the Archbishop of Spalato; nay, they
bragg much more of him, as a Perfonage of great Bloud, and
great Imployments.
I
of LETTER S.
309
I wrote before, how Barclay had obteyned for his Booke, an Ad-
dition of 300 Crowns yearly to his Penfion, and other fair Pro-
mifes, &c.
Venice, St. Thomas,
Your Honour's,
in this Stile, 1617.
With hartie Defire to ferve you,
HENRY WOTTON.
#
From Lord Delawar to Mr. Cromwell.
Mr. CROMWELL,
IN
N my moſt harte wyfe, I recommend me to you, very defyrous
for to here of your good Helthe; plefyth you to wytt that I
have receyved your kind and lovyng Letter, whereby I do perceve
that you have, at my Defyre, obteyned by your kind Sute of the
King's Highneſſe, for my Demour and Abfenfe at this Tyme from
the Parliament; and according to your Defyre here, I do fend
you my Proxy and voyde Place for them, that it fhall pleſe the
King's Grace for to appoint in my Behalfe; defyring you, of your
Goodneſs, to fend the King's Plefure, together with my Licenſe
to Mr. North, Clerke of the Parliament for my Diſcharge. And
thus, Sir, I do put you to Payn and Troble in my Cauſes; which
for your proved Goodnes and Kyndnes that you have ferved me
herein, in my moſt beſte Maner I hartely thank you; for I enfüre
you that you have done me the greateſt Plefure that ever I had
ferved me, confydering my Poverty that I am in at prefent. And thus
I will promiſe you that I will be yours duryng my Lyffe; and be-
fure your Goodnes and Kyndnes, if ever it lye in my Power, and
in that I can doe, you may command me as one of your bownden
lovyng Frends, and no Man more without Deceyt, as knoweth
God, who preferve you. At my powre Howfe the 11th Day of
January.
To my special good Friend
Mr. Cromwell.
U u
Yours, most affured,
THOMAS LAWARRE.
Lord
310
A COLLECTION
A
Lord Mawtrauers to Lord Privy Seal.
FTER my moft humble Commendations unto your Lord-
ſhip, pleaſeth yow, that depertyng from your Lordſhip, I
refortyd to Croyden homewardes, wher it is fayd that for Trowthe
ther dy'd fume of the Sykneffe; fo be it; I nor anye of myne re-
fortyed into the Towne, but abode in my Lord of Canturbury's
Howſe, where my Lady Marchioneffe Dorſet lyeth, and hathe done
all thys Somer. This Mornyng I being redye to ryde thence home-
ward, had Tydyngs mofte joyful, that the Queen wafe delivered
of a * Prince; wherefore Inglande may laude God; which Tydings
here I fent unto your Lordship, thynking to have fownde yow at
the Courte to have known your Pleafur, whither it were meet for
me to reforte to the Courte; but there your Lördſhip not being,
my Servant refortyd unto my Lorde Admiral and Mr. Com-
ptroler, there to them declaring that which I before, concerning
the Infection at Croyden, have expreffed. They thereupon fente to
knowe the King's Plefure, which was, that in no wyfe I fhoulde
at this Time reforte to the Courte; wherefore I lament at this
Tyme my Hap, that by Chance hathe feperated me from Service
nowe. And thus the Trinitye preferve your Lordship, befechynge
you to have me in Remembrance. At Croyden, thys 7th of Oct. 15--.
At your Commandement,
H. MAWTRAUERS.
N. B. He is fuppofed to be a Son of the Duke of Norfolk, it being
one of the Titles of that Family.
* Edward VI.
4₁
A Let-
of LETTER S.
311
A Letter from Lady Eliz. Bruce to Lord ****
My very good Lord,
Ccording to his Magefty's Command, refeued from your
Lordſhip, I do contynue here in Prefone, and carefuly per-
form the Charge you gave me; bot with what Difficulty your
Lordſhip may judge: For he for whos Caus I am thus reftrayned,
paffeth by my wyndoue to and fro to braue me, knouing how I
ftand comanded by his Magefty and your Lordship. This being
true, I thought good to mak it known to your Lordship, and ſọ
due humbly tak my Leve.
Your Lordship's at Comand,
E. BRUCE.
A Letter from Lady Berkeley to Mr. Cromwell,
afterwards Earl of Effex.
Mr. CROMWELL,
IN
N my hartieft Maner I recommende me to you, glade to here
that you ar in good Helthe, thankyng you for your grete
Goodneſs that you fhowed to me, the laft Tyme that I fpake
wythe youe. I muſt be ſo bolde to clayme the Promeſe that youe
made me; your Goodnes was then fo goode unto my Lorde and
me, defyryng you hartely to contynue the fame. Good Mafter
Cromwell, fo it is, that ther is a Parcell of Grounde adjoynant to
the Caftell of Berkeley, which allwayes theye that hathe the Rule
of the Caftell of Berkeley hathe the fayde Grounde called
which my Uncle and my Father, whofe Soule GOD pardone,
peaſebly did enjoie for their Rent: And my faid Father, whofe
Soul God pardone, had a Leafe thereof, and noue one Anthony
for
312
A COLLECTION
}
for Malis, or ells for Lucre, hathe made inftant Labor
to Sir John Dawneye for the feid Grounde behynde my Backe, and
maketh his Crakes, and putteth no Doubte, but he woll haue hit;
which ſhould be unto my Huſband and me a grete Hynderance,
and alſo a grete Blemyfe unto my Wourfhype, that fuche a lewde
Felowe as he is fhuld fo encroache upon me, I payeng as muche
Rent as any other woll do; ſeeing my Father fo long hathe byn,
and I now am, in Poffeffion thereof, tell now without Lett or
Troble. Wherefore, good Mr. Cromwell, as my Huſband's Truft
and myne reſteth all in you to fpeke tu Sir John Dawney for this
Matter and Grounde called Hampftalls. That I doing as muche
as any other woll do, may peafebly have, contynue and enjoye
the Poffeffion thereof, without Lett or Troble; thankyng you
evermore for your Goodneſs towards us, as knoweth Almyghty
Gop, ho ſend you goode Helthe and long Lyffe.. Wrytyne at
Berkeley, the 26th Day of June.
To Mr. Cromwell, one of the
King's moft Hon. Counfaile.
Your affured Frend during Lyffe,
ANNE BERKELEY.
Lady Kingſton to Mr. Wriothfly.
Mafter WRYSLEY,
A
FTER my harty Commendacyons unto you, thes fhall be
to advertyſe you I have fente to know the Kyng's Grace
Plefur, whyther my Lady's Grace fhulde leue werynge of Blacke
theſe Efter or no? and his Grace Anfwers was, that he might
ware what Coloure fhe wold; wherefor, if you thyncke but con-
venyente, my Lady's Grace defyrythe you now to be a Suttor to
Lord Prevy Seale, to fpeake to the Kyng's Grace for her
my
War-
of LETTER S.
313
Waring her Whiten Taffaty, edged with Velvit, which uſed to be
to his own liking whenever he faw her Grace, and fuiteth to this
joyeful Feft of our Lord's Holy Rifing from the Dead. Thus
fare you wel, from
Youre moft bownden,
A. KINGSTON.
From Sir John Perrot to the Earl of Leiceſter.
R!
IGHT Honourable and my eſpecial good Lord, may yt
pleſe your Lordſhip, that lyke as it ys my Parte to certiye
you whoe is moſt mete to be Shyryfe in this Countye of Pembroke
this nexte Yere, fo thearfore am I umblye to recomende unto
your Lordship's favourable Helpe the placing of one Thomas Revell
in that Office, he beyng as I here in the Election, who I will un-
dertake ſhall behave himſelfe honeſtlye in the fame Office; and the
rather am I inforced to truble your Lordſhip herein, becauſe there
are two joyned wythe hym; the one call'd Alban Stepneth, Regiſter
to the Biſhop of St. Davids and his Man; the other called George
Evens, Brother-in-law to the faid Stepneth, whom I affure your
Lordſhip are two of the worft lyked Men in thys Sheere, bothe
beyng trubleſom Perfons, having many Sewts againſt divers here;
for Stepneth, yt is he whom the Queen's Majefty dyd put out of the
Commiffion of the Peace for the wrongful Complaints which he
made againſt me at my goyng into Ierland; and I beleve that yf
her Hyghneſſe ware inform'd of hym, fhe would not lyke wythe
his placing in the Election; for that her Majefty willed him to be
turn'd out of Office as before: And furelye I muft declare unto
your Lordship, that I had not left the Service of Ierland foe foone
as I dyd, had yt not bene through the Grefe of Mynde I tooke
upon his and others wrongful Complants made at that Tyme
againſt
X x
314
A COLLECTION
againſt me. The faid Stopneth, and Evens his Brother-in-Lawe,
came into the Election by Mr. Puckering upon Sewte; but if there
be no other in all the Countre that he could make Choyce of, but
thaye onlye whom I have juſt Cauſe to miflyke, I wyll not be fo
bolde as to wryte again unto your Lordship in the Favour of the
faid Mr. Puckering, as of late I dyd, inafmuch as my Lord Pre-
fident of Wales hathe at the prefent the ful Nomination of Shy-
ryfes here; if yt woulde plefe your Lordship to call hym unto.
you, and to appoynte honeſte Gentlemen inſtede of the before-
mention❜d Stepneth and Evens, to be in the fayd Election, furelye,
my Lord, it woulde be grate Good unto the Countree; and I in that
Behalfe moſt bound unto your Lordfhip; and ſo I reft moſt hum-
bly at your Lordſhip's Commandment. From Carewe, this 31ſt
of Oct. 1578.
J. PERROT.
S
A
From Lord Burghley to the Earl of Suffex.
FTER my verie hartie Commendations to your Lordſhip,
your Lordship's Servaunt, this Bearer, hathe deliver'd unto
me your Letter, dated at your Lordfhip's Houfe at B
the
8th of this Moneth; when I perceive, by reafon of an Information
given unto your Lordſhip, by two Perfons, of a bad Purpoſe in-
tended us from lewde Perfons, your Lordship was redie to departe
towardes Portefmouthe, to geve Order for the fafe looking unto and
garding of the Beacons, wherein your Lordship hathe done verie
well; and not without fome Prefumption of a bad Intention, as
by the ſaid Declarations appeareth; which I doubt not will be well
prevented by fuch good Order as your Lordship will direct for the
fafe looking to the Beacons, by honeft and watchefull Perfons:
And foc I leve further to truble your Lordship at this Tyme, ex-
pectinge
of LETTERS,
315
pectinge fhortlie to fee you here. From the Court, this 6th of
June 1586.
To my verie good Lord
the Erle of Suffex, &c.
Your Lordship's affured Lovinge Friende,
W. BURGHLEY.
M
George Carey to Lord ******
AY yt pleaſe your Lordfhipp to underſtand, that upon
the Receit of your Letter, dated the 9th hereof, I fent for
both Mr. Dillington's Sons, by whom I find that this Day fenight,
there came to there Father's Houfe from London a poor Man, hyred
to bring down Letters from the elder Brother to his Father, then
being ficke, in whoſe Packett ſome Letters directed to me were by
his Servaunte then brought, with fome Newfe out of Flaunders
from Sir Thomas Sherley; but none fuch (as feemeth) there was re-
ported.
I have farther examined the Courſe of the Partyes
Speaches during the Tyme of his Abodde here, and cannot find
but that he was to be thought a fimple Man, withowt fhowing
Delight to tell Newfe, or Wytt too devyſe anye cunninge Practiſe.
What his Name was, none doeth remember; but Mr. Robert Dil-
lington his Servaunt, who by his Mafter was comanded to hyre
fome Footman to carry a Letter to his Father, fayeth he was di-
rected to him that came downe, and that he dwelleth in St. Gylles,
over againſt the Sign of the Horn. More hereof I cannot learn,.
carrying Matter of Importance.
This laft Nyght I made a generall Search in one Inſtant by the
better Sort throughout the Town, for all Strangers lately repayred
hyther; thynking that upon the Lords grave and good Order,
taken in the mayne Land, I fhould have found fome Seminary
Prieftes or Jefuites retyred hither for a Tyme; but upon the Exa-
mination
1
316
A COLLECTION
mination of all yet brought before me, I can find none worthy to
be ſuſpected either in Religion or Practiſe.
For your Lordſhipp's good Newfe out of Flaunders I moft um-
bly thank you; and foe with the umble Remembrance of my Duty
to your Lordſhip and your good Lady, I comytt you to God.
Your Lordshipp's to comand,
From the Park,
this 10th of June 1586.
GEORGE CAREY.
A Letter from John Browne to the Great Mr.
WORSHIPFUL,
If it her to
Campden.
T is not fo preatily as pithely ſpoken of the Poet that faw no
further than Nature's Light would give him Leve, Oderung hi-
larem trieftes, treftemque jocofi, with that that followeth, which the
Prince and Patron of Eloquence, Marcus Cicero, in other Wordes,
tending to the fame Purpoſe, uttereth thus: Similitudo morum parit
amifitias. If it fare fo with thoſe that live under the Law of Grace,
and have GOD for their Guide in portu navigamus; but if they
ſhould be of another Opinion, as commonly it falleth it out, fo
many Men fo many Mindes, ferimus funditus. Sir, you are for
learning a Man of no mean Note, and there was a Time when
my poor felfe in fom mefure was register'd in the fame Kalendar,
untill Want brought my Witts into their Wane; tum tua res agitur
paries cum proximus ardet: The Cauſe, nevertheleſs, of theſe my
Cares, I proteft proceedeth not of my Looſeneſs, but their Lewd-
neſs, whom, as I thought, I had fo faft bownd with the Chaines of
infeperable Friendſhippe; in ore verba lactis. This, and nothing
but this, which I finde and feele to be too much, hath made me
buy mye too late Repentance at fo dear a Price; confilium poft falta
imber poft tempora frugum; but if ever Opportunity offer herſelfe
again,
4
of LETTER S.
317
again, as to the Almightye nothinge is impoffible, beleve it, I will
lay fafter holde on her Foretop: Qui femel eft lefus vires intelliger
igne. In the mean Space, if after divers and fundry Trubles, my
many Years and more Povertie or my Partes, whereof I will not boaſt
may prove Reafones of anye Reckoning in your grave Accounte to
ftir up in you a Heart and a Hand, the one open to entertain Com-
paffion, and the other out-ftretched toward the Repare of my de-
cayed Eſtate; I ſhall have juſt Cauſe to report that, with a few
others, you have learn'd that godly Leffon of that bleſſed Apoſtle
Benefac omnibus, becauſe with the greater Number you ſhake me
not off with this idle and fruitlefs Anfwer Nefcio vous; for
fo godly a Deed (my Infufficiency to make Satisfaction confi-
der'd) I am driven to refer you to that in the Scripture, Qui dat
pauperibus dat Domino; and he fhall have his Principal return'd,
with more than double Intereſt. I take myne umble Leve,
and leving you the Lorde's Ufurer, attend in Perfon the comfort-
able Anſwer of tru Devotion.
To the Worshipful Mr. Campden,
at his Houſe in the Deane's Yard
at Weſtminſter.
Mifiryes Anatomi,
JOHN BROWN.
Sir Henry Sidney to the Earl of Suffex.
My verie good Lorde,
HIS Bearer, John Quarrell, beinge verie hardelie and un-
THI
Bearer, Ruby
naturallie delt withall by his crooked Father, is come over
unto England to feeke fome Redreffe, and praiethe my Furtherance to
the Lords for Letters of Juftice in his Favoure: And becaufe
your Lordſhip knowethe that he is his Father's onlie legitimate
Y Y
and
}
318
A COLLECTION
.
and naturall Sonne, and that you tooke him as the beſt Pledge for
the Loialtie of his Father: And fince that Time, albeit I could
never lerne that, either by his Diſobedience or any other Miſorder,
that he hathe given any Occafion to his Father of Miſlike; yet,
fo maliciouflie is his Father bent againſt him, that he hathe not
onlie baniſhed him his Sight, and fought by all meanes he coulde
to difinherite him; but alſoe, by violent Dealinge and Extremitie,
taken from him fuche Eftates and Leafes as he had from the
Rent of the Seales of the Writinges, and by ftronge Hands with-
holdeth his Right from him: His humble Sute is to be repoffeffed
and restored to his own, and for that Purpoſe craveth Letters to
the Deputie.
I befeche your Lordſhip, let him have your honourable Further-
ance for the obtayninge of his Defire: It femethe that he findethe
the lefs Favours at his Father's Handes, becauſe he is fo muche
bent to live orderlie, and in Lyalty. As he hathe bene bredd and
brought up heare in Englande, and enclinethe not himſelf to live
in that beaftlie Order that they doe; he is foe muche the rather to
be favoured. I pray your Lordſhip the rather at my Commenda-
cion of his Cauſe, take Pittie and Comiferacion of his Eftate;
he is turned out of all; he dependethe onlie on your Lordship's
Favors to be holpen; and even foe I humbly take my Leve of
your good Lordship. From the Q. Caftell of Ludlow, the 26th
of October 1575.
Your good Lordship's
Loving Brother to commande,
}
H. SYDNEY.
Lord
of LETTER S.
319
Lord Fitzwauter to his Father the Earl of Suffex.
Mr
Y Duety remembred to your good Lordship, with Defire
of your dayly Bleffyng; yt may pleaſe your good Lordſhip
to underſtand, that, whereas I promyfed you to wayte on you at
the House of Attelborowe before Cryſtmas, the which I would gladly
haue done accordynge to my Duety. Now the Scotishe Embaſſa-
dores beyng arryued, and I appoynted to geue Attendaunce there-
fore at the Corte, I fhall moft humbly requyre your Lordship to
accept my Wyll to due my Duety in the Place of doyng yt inded;
the which, yf I myght, I would gladly fulfyll; my Lord Can-
celor is mery, and hath hym comended to your Lordship, and
comanded me to wryte to your Lordſhip, that the Parliament ſhall
hold at his Day appoynted after Crystmas; and beying deftytute of
other Matter to wryte to your Lordſhip of, my Duety remembred
to my good Lady, I fhall for this prefent comytt your Lordship,.
with my Lady, to the Tuytion of God..
Your most humble and obedyent Son,.
THOMAS FYTZWAUTERS.
Strangers and Aliens borne, that inherited Landes in
England, before the Statut of 21 Ed. III.
IN
N the Dayes of Kinge John, Patrike of Dunbarre, Erle of the
Marches of Scotland, beinge a natiue Scotte, held the Barony of
Benelegh in Northumberland, as lykewife his Auncefters, from the
Tyme of Kinge Henry the Firſt, had done. Ut fit inbaron et ut
baron inter Reges Angliæ et Scotia.
Henry,
320
A COLLECTION
Henry, Sonne to David, Kinge of Scottes, inherited the Erldome
Huntingdon in England, in the Right of Maude, the Counteffe his
Mother, Heire to Erle Waltherf; and that in the third Yere of
Kinge Stephan.
David, the younger Sonne of the faid Henry, held the fame Erl-
dome of Huntingdon in the Dayes of Kinge Richard the Firft, after
the Death of Simon of St. Lier.
John, Sonne of David, lykewife borne in Scotlande, held the fame
Erldome of Huntingdon after his Father, alfo the Erldome of Chester
in the Right of his Mother, that was Erle Ranolph, Blunde Villes,
Sifter and Co-heire.
David of Strabolyh, a Scotte, Erle of Atholl in Scotland, held in
Northumberland two Partes of the Mannor of Ponteland, Little
Eland, Culverdon, and the Town of Merdeffen; as alſo the Mannor
of Pottewike in Norfolk, the Mannor of Braborne in Kent, the
Mannor of Byrhindon in Buckinghamshire, and the Mannor of Kent-
well in Suffolk, to him defcended from Iſabell of Dovorre his Grand-
mother. This David was fleyne in the Foreſt of Kilblene in Scot-
land, Anno 1337. 11 Ed. III. And David his Sonne enjoyed thoſe
Lands after him, who lefte two Daughters marryed here in Eng-
land, and enherited his Landes here.
Gilbert Umfreville, a Scotte, Erle of Anguishe, held the Caftell of
Prudhow in Northumberland, and dyvers other Landes, as his Lord-
ſhip of Kyme in Lincolnefhire, in the Right of Dame Luce his Mo-
ther, Daughter and Heire of Philip, Lord of Kyme. Anno Primo.
E. II.
Divers of the Houfe of Bretaigne held Landes in England, be-
fydes the Erldom of Richemond, although they were borne beyond
the Seas, in the Dayes of Kinge Edward the Second and the Third.
Ex registro cartarum fpectan. abbia de offency in
Com. Oxon. de Anno 1585. Miffelan. lit. Ego Robertus.
4.
}
A few
of LETTERS.
321
A few Precedents collected out of diverfe of the Kings of Eng-
lande, of their creatinge feverall Perfons, bothe Strangers
and English, into Titles of Honor and Precedence; thofe
Perfons not havinge Landes in the Kingdomes of their Tytles,
at the Tyme of their Creations.
1 Rich. I. Otho, a Bavarian,
made Erle of Yorke,
25 Edw. I. Gilbert Umfrevile,
a Scottiſh Man, made Earle
of Anguiſhe.
12 Ed. II. John Bermyngham,
an Engliſhman, created Earle
of Lowthe in Ireland,
16 Ed. III. John de Hounolte,
(borne there) made Earle of
Cambridge,
}
Before any Parliament in Eng-
land, and never had Lande in
England.
Called to Parliament by that Tytle,
all Edw. I. Edw. II. aud Edw.
IIId's Tymes; and although hee
and his Heirs held that Ranke in
England, yet had they no Landes
in Scotland, or Inquifitions here.
And fate in Parliament att Yorke,
althoughe bee had no Landes in
England, nor yet in Ireland.
Without Lande in England.
1 Ric. II. Guicharge Dangle, And fate in Parliament here, with-
a Norman, created Earle of
Cambridge,
8 Ric. II. Robert de Vere, cre-
ated Marqueffe of Dublyn
in Ireland,
21 Ric. II. Edw. Plantaginett,
in the Life-tyme of his Fa-
ther, created Duke of Albe-
marle and Earle of Corke,
12 Hen. VI. John Beaumont,
a Norman,
21 Hen. VI. James Butler, in
the Life-tyme of his Father
created Earle of Wiltſhire,
Z z
out any Landes in England.
Sate in Parliament in England in
that Ranck, and yet had then no
Landes in Ireland.
And fate in Parliament in the
Ranke of Duke, and yett had no
Landes neyther in Fraunce nor in
Ireland where his Tytles laye.
Sate in Parliament a Baron, but
had then no Landes in England.
Had no Lande in England at the
Tyme of his Creation, yet fate in
Parliament in England.
12 Edw.
322
A COLLECTION
12 Edw. IV. Lewis de Bruges,
a Burgundian, created Earle
of Wyncheſter,
1 Hen. VII. Phillip de Chan-
dew, a Bryttaine, Earle of
Bathe,
Tempore regis Caroli. Marqueffe
Hamilton, a Scottiſh Man,
created Earle of Cambridge,
James Ramfey, created
Vifc. Haddington in Scot-
land,
Viſcount Fawlkland, Vif-
count Dunbarr,
Tempore regis Caroli. The pre-
fent Earle of Oxford,
}
The now Lord Cromwell }
Viſcount Feildinge, in the
Life of his Father, called to
Parliament a Baron,
}
And contynued Earle of England,
without any Landes in it, until
the 15th of Henry the VIIth,
when he voluntarily refigned his
Earldome.
Without Lande in England.
And both himself, and his Sonne
after him, have fate in that
Rancke in Parliament; yet never
bad Land in England.
Alwayes was allowed his Ranke
here, although at his Creation be
bad no Landes in Scotland nor
England.
Although they have no Landes in
Scotland, and though the Parlia-
ment petition'd against their Place,
yet his Majefty and all Men al-
lowed them their Ranke.
Hathe fate in Parliament, and
enjoyeth his Ranke, althoughe be
have no Landes in England.
Did the like, having then no Lande
in England.
Did the like alfo in the like Cafe.
Which Examples doe manifeft, that his Majefty, being Kinge of
Irelande, thofe Perfons whome he hathe created into Tytles here,
though they have no Lands in that Region, yet ought they to en-
joy the Place and Ranke of their Tytles.
+
There
of LETTER S..
323
There being a religious Difpute now in France, I have publiſhed
the following Intelligences, &c. in Sir Henry Norris's Em-
baffy in 1566 and 67; to which are added, the Speeches of
Sir Amias Paulet and Sir Henry Cobham, at their Audi-
ences, and feveral curious Letters in that Embaſſy.
THE
Monf.
HE 5th of January, 1566, I came to Dover, and on the
19th to Paris, where I was met by Monf. La Rogion and
having a Preſent fent to me by the King; the
22d I had my Audience, and on the 23d I was invited to the Tri-
umphe and Challenge, whereat the King was prefent in Perfon.
1566. The Turk, understanding of the Divifion amongſt the Chriftian
Princes, doth prepare and arm himfelf as much as he can to in-
vade Christendom, and to offend the Emperor, and King of Spain;
having made Peace and Accord with all his Neighbours, to the
Intent he may be able to go forward with his Purpoſe; whereby
it is thought that the King of Spain fhall be fo occupied to defend
himſelf at home, as to have no Levys to carry this Year down
into Flanders, to fupprefs the Proteſtants there.
The Turk hath made Peace with the Sophy Tamberlan, and other
his Neighbours, with whom he had any Occaſion or Quarrell, only
becauſe he will not be lett with any other Occaſion from executing
his Purpoſe.
The Noblemen of the Lowe Countries have offered to the King
of Spain, that if he will diſcharge them quitt of the Inquifition,
they will quiet his Country again, and banish both Preaching and.
Preachers from them.
ADVERTISEMENT from the 19th Jan.
Conftantinople. The great Lord, Son of the Soldan Solliman, the
Great Turk, is crowned upon Conditions, having bound it with.
his.
J
324
A COLLECTION
his Oath to follow the Wars begun by his Father againſt the Em-
peror, to the Deſtruction of all the Chriftians.
Hungaria. The Emperor is in great Fear, left the Noblemen of
Hungary will turn to the Part of
of Transylvania, to
whom belongeth the Kingdom of Hungary, as he faith.
D'Alamagne. The Emperor hath fent Letters to the King of
Spain, praying him to leave his Enterpriſe and Voyage into Flan-
ders againſt the Proteftants; and if he will take that Enterpriſe, he
fhall not be able to defend his Country of Hungary; for the
Turk cometh as ftrongly as he ever did before. And the
Princes of Almagne are in fuch a Readineſs to help the Religious
(as they call them) as he can have no Help of them, as aforetime
he was wonted to have.
D'Italia.
that maketh War against the Genoefe in
Corfica, hath fent to the French King to requier Aid and Succour,
otherwiſe he muft deliver Corfica into the Hands of the Turks.
D'Espagne. The King of Spain hath put an Impofition and
Tax upon the Merchants of thirty-five
wherewith
the People is much moved; and it is feared it will breed Sedition:
Alfo the Nobility are ill content for the Impofition that is fett on
Salt, which they fell in Spain. The Preparation of the Navy,
made at Brest, is to traffick into the Levant, as it is thought, for
and Salt Petre, and to bring other Merchandiſe from
thence.
The faying is, that the Prince of Portingale fhall marry with
Madame Margeret, the King's Sifter; and there is departed hence,
to that Effect, fixteen Days paft, into Portingale, a Gentleman of
the Kings Chamber.
The firft of February it was proclaimed,
ift, That all Strangers not inhabiting the Town of Paris
Years before, fhould depart the Town.
2dly,
1
Ի
t
325
of LETTER S.
2dly, That no Frenchman fhould go to affift the Proteftants in
Flanders, upon pain of Confifcation.
That the King of Spain doth fwear all the Eſtate of Spain to
the Prince his Son; and cometh out of hand into Italy with a great
Force of Spaniards, befides his ordinary Train, and divers Gentle-
men that upon Free-will come with him. He mindeth, as it is
faid, in the Beginning of May to be in Flanders.
NEWS out of Flanders.
It is reported that the Proteftant Party made a a Maffe of Men
and Money, and did mind fuddenly to have aided MONSIEUR;
the which Thing coming to the Regents Underſtanding, Order
was given to the Captains of the Garrifons to encounter with them.
before their Entry; who laying in Ambuſh for them fome Leagues
from Vaulenciens, fuddenly affaulting them, did diſcomfit and kill
to the Number of
and upwards; taking
of
Bullein, with a Book wherein all their Names were written, that
had contributed any Part of this Money.
Many minding to revolt, had Promiſe made them to be aided,
Soldiers being fent unto them; they were the greateſt Part of the m
either taken or killed before they approached near the City. The
Captain of the Town demanding, in open Audience of the Citizens,
whether they would receive the King's Garifon, they required Rc-
ſpite to make Anfwer; but the Captain urging a final determinate
Anſwer at that Inftant, they anſwered they would receive the Gar-
rifon but upon Conditions: The principal was, to have free Li-
berty to have the Goſpel openly preached and profeffed. Where-
upon, departing towards the Town, at the Sound of the Trumpet
enter'd it; whereby the Citizens live in great Extremity and
Bondage.
It is ſaid that about Utretch in Holland (where the Prince of Orange
is) there are a good Number of Forces and Provifion, which
Aaa
fhould
326
A COLLECTION
#4
fhould come into Flanders to the Aid of the Proteftants; but the
faid Prince is gone to ſtay them, or elfe to do fome other Enter-
prize.
The Count of Egmund hath lately uſed great Perfwafions to the
Proteſtants in Flanders to depofe their Armies, and to fhew them-
felves more obedient to their Prince than hitherto they have done;
who, as they have well feen, hath not proceeded rigorouſly againſt
them, but rather with great Favour and Lenity, and fo will con-
tinue ftill, if they will fubmit themſelves, and be contented to uſe
no other Exerciſe of Religion than the Lawes of the Country doth
permit. I doubt not but your Majeſty is trulyer advertiſed of
theſe Matters from thence, better than I am able to do from this
Place, where nothing is reported but according to the Affections
either of the one Party or of the other.
But furely I do both hear and perceive, by their own Side, that
for lack of good Counſel and provident Order, they have brought
themſelves ſo far under Foot, as it is feared they ſhall be driven to
harder Conditions than they will well like of; and to forego their
Miniſters without any Exercife of Religion.
Here is great Talk of a Truce to be had betwixt the Emperor
and the Great Turk; the Truth as yet unknown.
The
of February the Prince of Orange and the Count of
were determined to meet at Bruffels, with Refolution
to take this Order for appeafing the Troubles, as followeth: That
the Proteftants ſhould diſperſe their Forces, and baniſh away their
Miniſters; and that Liberty be given to live according to their
Confcience, by what Day the King of Spain fhould be bound to
affemble his Eftates, for further Order to be taken therein.
The Town of Valenciens was befieged the 10th of February.
Feb. 21. Three Sorts of Religion at Antwerp; Calvinists, Mar-
tinifts and Atheists.
The
*
of LETTER S.
327
The Empereſs is brought to bed of a Daughter at Vienna.
Sunday, April 27, came Hambleton to fpeak with me.
Monday the 28th. I fent my Secretary to the Court to demand
Audience, and in the mean Time Monf. de
was fent from
the King to viſit Sir Thomas Smith, and to declare to him that the
King's Pleaſure was to give us Audience the 29th, which was the
Day following.
1567. The Gift given was Gilt Plate by the King Charles and
his Mother the Queen, the 10th May at Paris, at my Wife's
going into England, 3lb. 6 oz.
H. NORREYS,
M. NORREYS.
Anno 1566. The Lord Darnley was ftrangled, being then King
of Scotland, and fuffered the 10th of February, between two and
three in the Morning.
Anno 1567. The Queen of Scotts marryed the vile Bothwell the
15th of May, being created Duke of Orkney the 12th of May 1567.
April 27, 1567. Came Maſter Hambleton, a Scottish Gentleman,
to ſpeak with me; and that Day I being at the Spaniſh Ambaffa-
dor's, he told me that if the French had War with us, they fhould
have it alfo; and how a longer Day for Payment fhould be
demanded of our Queen, though Money were paid for the having
of the fame by the French forthwith.
Monday 28. Came Monf. de Lanfack to Sir Thomas Smith and
me, declaring that on the Day following we fhould have Audience.
Tueſday 29. We went to St. Morres for Audience, where having
Denial of our Request for Calais, we returned; there being prefent
at our Demand the King and his Mother, Monfieur and his
younger Brother; the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Duke of Monpelic",
the Duke of Longueville, the Conftable, the Chancellor, the Se-
cretary and others.
Wed-
328
A COLLECTION
7
Wednesday 30. I had word from the Ambaffador of Scotland's
Brother, that the Lanfgrave is dead. The Duke of Cleves is alfo
dead. The Duke Frederick, taken by Duke
at the taking
of Cotta; where, of ſeveral Thoufand, there were not left alive but
a few Hundred.
May 2, 1567. The Prince of P
and in great Danger, as it was thought
May 5. At Night the Prince of P
a Pleurafy.
in Paris lay very fick,
impoiſoned.
dyed of his Diſeaſe of
May 8. The King being on the Afcenfion day at the Proceffion,
coming from thence his Horfe fell with him, and bruiſed his Foot.
May 14. The Duke of Nemours and his Wife; the Duke of
Guife; the Cardinal of Lorrain and Guife; the Duke
Count
all theſe be at the Duke of Lorrain's Houſe.
The Duke of Alva came to Genoa.
Monf. de Ferryers is now Ambaſſador at Venice, and Monf. de Foix
fhall go to fucceed him.
May 15. A Book fent to Monfieur the Admiral, called A Sum-
mons to the Deſtruction of all the Proteftants.
May 16. There was one fent to me by the Scottiſb Ambaſſador,
his Steward coming on the Meffage, for a Paffport for one called
Martin
May 17. Proclamation was made in Paris, that all Flemings and
Almains fhall avoid the Town.
May 18. In Italy they make great Preparations. ----It is thought
that betwixt them of Italy, the Almaynes, and them of the Regent
of Flanders, that King Phillip fhall have many Thouſand Men,
and Crowns; whereto the Pope giveth to King Phillip Fifty Thou-
fand Crowns, and the Duke of Florence Ten Thouſand monthly.
Oft
P
of LETTER S.
329
On Whitfun-Eve, May 17, 1567. The King coming to Paris
with Intent the Morrow to have gone in a Proceffion, he departed
that Day again back to St. Maure de
much to the Miflike
of the Papifts.
Whitfunday, 1567. M. de Morret came to me, to declare that
he was going to meet the Duke of Alva, who, as he faid, had paffed
Piemont.
May 17. Was Percyvall, Servant to the Earl of Leyceſter, taken
at Diepe, and the Queen's Majefty's Packet fent to the Court by
the Captain of the Caſtle, and he put into cloſe Priſon.
May 20. Was Monf. la Motte ſent to me, to excufe the inter-
cepting and bringing the Packet to the Court; which being in a
Box, as he ſware in the Queen's Behalf, they were not feen.
May 25. Came Percyvall to Paris from Diepe, with my Letters
from the Queen's Majefty and her Council, which were intercepted.
The fame Day the King made his Baftard Brother Knight of
Malta, and Grande Pryor de France.
May 26. Monf. La Motte came to me, fent from the King, to
affift at the Ceremonies of the Proceffion.
May 28. I had Audience touching the Count
and being again requeſted to the Ceremonies by Monf. La Motte
on the King's Behalf, I utterly denyed it. 1567 La fefte dien
Corp. Chrift. Day.
May 29. I had Word from the Ambaffador of
that
there is coming an Ambaffador from the Turk to refide here; and
that M. de Foix fhall go to refide at Conftantinople.
May 29. This Day came a Poft from the Duke of Savoy to the
King, whereupon the King fent with all Speed poffible to levy
Men in Champaign.
Bb b
May
330
A COLLECTION
i
May 30.
Monf. de Foix goeth to Venice fhortly. Deliver'd to
Mr. Whight, for my Coufin William Knowlles, four Letters, whereof
three of them hath Money in them.
June 7. The Bell of Noftre Dame founded, for the coming of
the Pope's Nuncio, to perfwade the French King to the Catholick
Faith.
Madrid, May 21. It ſeemeth that now again the King Phillip's
Journey into Flanders is publiſhed, and more ardently than before,
fince that alſo his Journey is appointed, the which fhall be by the
Weſt Seas; and already there be Pofts difpatched for the ftay of
Shipps to ferve the King this Journey, which fhall be as it is faid
in September, for in that Seafon thofe Seas have the Winds moſt
favourable. The King is determined to bring his Son with him,
and to leave his Wife here in France. It is faid the Duke of Alva
will not enter into Flanders before the King, being fo required by
the Regent.
June 15, 1567. The great Fear the French Proteftants hath of
is now in Hand.
June 16. They of the Town of Paris hath given to the King
Three Hundred Thouſand Franks; and the Priefts and Spiritu-
allitie Forty Thouſand Crownes yearly, for to make an Edict that
no Affembly nor Preaching fhall be had in Paris, nor in the Bail-
liage thereof.
The Gallies that brought the Duke of Alva are this fecond time
returned with a more Number of Spaniards, and are again fpeedily
to return the third Time; to what End unknown.
It is thought that the coming of the Pope's Ambaffador is to
require the King to receive and accept the Council of Trent.
June 19. The French King lyeth at a Caſtle before
where the Queen-Mother is fick.
i
The
4
of LETTER S.
331
The young Clinton being fent into Spain, he had his Packet
cunningly ftolen from him, and a Blank put in Place thereof;
when (as they fay) by the Sickneſs of the King, he had of long
Time no Audience.
June 21.
Note
Young Clinton being watched in his Journey towards Spain,
had not only his Packet intercepted, but one other like to that put
in Place thereof; the Copys of which his Letters, wherewith he
was charged, was fent to the Queen-Mother, whereby fhe might
the better underftand that her Practifes were difclofed, which the
took very ill.
June 24. Upon St. John's Day young Mr. Clinton mock'd, and
otherwiſe made a Fray in Paris.
June 25. News came to me by the Lord
that the Queen
of Scots was taken; whereupon Word brought to the King, the
Lord of Murray was fpeedily fent for hither; to what End not
known.
June 26. Percyvall was apprehended for Debt, and taken out
of his Houſe. The Queen of Scotts taken the 8th Day of June,
Anno 1567.
that the
July 1. It was brought me Intelligence by
Cardinal of Bourbon, the Conftable, and Dandelot, being with the
King and Queen, went about to win cuningly the Lord of Murray
to be of their Faction, towards their getting the Prince and his
Mother into their Tuition, as already I have advertiſed of.
July 2. Barnaby, as he faid, loft his Letter out of his Pocket,
and found it in his own Mail; accufing me to be Author thereof,
or others to do it to pleafe me withal. The fame Day I had my
Audience at St. Germains, en laye, touching Count
Sir Robert Stafford, and the Prifoners of
being again
fummon'd to his Councill. ---- Word came of the Death of the
Scottish Queen to the French.
1
July
<
332
A COLLECTION
July 3. There came Word, which was brought by Myngay, that
the Earl of Argyle, the Hambletons, Huntley, Bodwell, the Earl of
Atholl, and them of Maxwell, do all ply their Forces to the redeem-
ing the Queen of Scots out of Priſon.
The Duke of Alva was the 3d of July in Savoy, at a Town called
Chamberry.
They who took the Queen Priſoner the 8th Day of June were,
The Earl of Morton,
The Earl of
The L. of Linzey,
The Earl of Crawford,
The Lord
Capt. of Horſe,
The L. R
The L. of Hume.
July 3, 1567. Came Lydyngton, who faid that Bodwell, for cer-
tain, was taken Priſoner; which News came to France that Day
the Prince came to St. Germains en laye to the Court.
defiring me,
July 4. Barnaby came to my Chamber at
that, confidering his Sickneſs with which he was then troubled,'
which was as he thought the Black Jaundice, I would grant him
my Good-will to return again into England.
The ARTICLES fent by the Chauncelor, the 2d of
October, from the Prince of Conde and the
Admirall.
1.TH
HAT the Prince of Conde fhould have the Governement
of the King duringe his Minoritie,
THAT the Prince of Conde boule,
II. That all Princes, Strangers fhall avoid the Realme.
III, That the Queen-Mother fhall returne to hir Dowrey, and
yelde Accompte of the Revenues of the Realm and Crown, fince
the Daye of her Gouernement.
IV. That
of LETTERS.
333
IV. That the People of France fhal be eafed of all Subfidies and
Taxes.
V. That the Towns of Calleis and Mettz may be yelded into their
Hands, with the Duchey of Normandy.
VI. That the Marihall Memorancy may have the Place of Grand
Mafter of France, and the Stafe to be takin from the young Duke
of Guize.
VII. That Monf. de Longefelde may be Grand Chamberleine of
France.
VIII. That all Straungers may avoid this Realm, namely, Italiens
and Suiffes.
IX. That Preachinge and Liberty of Confcience may be through
the whole Realme of France.
X. That, for the Confirmacion of theſe Articles, Monfieur the
King's Brother may be deliver'd into their Hands, as an Oſtage.
O. 3, 1567. Monfieur Memorancy gone to the Prince at
The Proteftants take the Pont de Chalancon.
The Chauncelor went to the Prince, and after him the Conftable.
That Monfr. is takin by the Proteftants in Valence and Vioma,
being uppon the River of Roan.
Oct. 1, being Sunday. Came Monf. de la Mote to me from the
Kinge, to advertize me that it was declared to his Majeſtie that
my
Secretary Barnaby was ſeene in the Prince's Campe the Day beforc,
who was not with me fince the 5th of September.
That fame Day the Kinge made an Oracion to the States, that it
was not unknown to them the Intent of his cominge hether from
Nentz, and yet, for avoyding of Blodfhedd, he had fent his Chaun-
celor twife to them, and the Marshall of Fraunce, to offer fuch rea-
fonable Condicions as Subjects fhulde be content withall, which they
have
Ccc
334
A COLLECTION
}
have refuſed; wherefore he defired them that he might find that
faithefull Succor in them, which his Predeceffors aforetime dyd,
for he wolde not faile to gyve them Bateile.
OЯ. 6. Went Monf. de Motry, accompanied with 400 Horſemen,
to ranconter the Marſhall Strofe, and after him the Admirall, with
600, to ayde Monf. de Motry.
O. 7. Came Monf. de la Mote to excufe that the King hadd
fayd that Barnabey had bene with the Prince of Condy, being the
Ambaffador of France's Nephew; and fayd that the King dyd fo de-
fire the Queen my Miſtreſs Frindſhipe, as he hade rether breke with K.
P. then with her at this Day: This Day, the King fent an Herault
and a Trompette, to Saint Denis, to Monfr. Le Prince, to let it to be
knowin to all them that be with him; that they fhould leave off
there Armes and come to him, otherwiſe they ſhuld be proclaimed
Rebelles, ther Goods confifticated and ther Pofteritie undone for-
ever. The Herault returned that Night, and browght this Awn-
fwer to the Kinge, that beinge browght to the Prince and the Car-
dinall Chaftillion (Monfr. the Admirall being gone to meet La Strofe)
That if he hade any thing to faye, to chid ther Honour, that he
fhulde take good hede to fpeake that, for otherwife they wolde
hange him; fo that without heringe his Meffage, becauſe of the Ad-
miral's abfence, he fhulde returne the Morning followinge, without
his Cote Armour.----
Oct. 8. A Proclamacion was made that all that would come to the
King from the Prince, fhulde be receved to Mercy, or els to be ac-
compted as Rebells, &c.
Oct. 9th. Was the Conftable fent to St. Denis to treat for Peace,
from whence he came in goode Hope of goode Succeffe.
Oct. 10. He went again and browght Worde to them that were
at St. Denis, that if agreement culde not be made, then to gyve
them Deffiaunce.
Oct.
1
1
{
of LETTER S.
335
Oct. 11. The Ambaffador of Spaine Secretary tolde me, that all
the Paffages to Normandy and that ways, and into Spain, all the
Couriers were taken and ſtayed.
That the Prince is pofeffed of Botelley, St. Efpritt, de Rue &
Ducland.
A PROCLAMATION made the 7th of Odober,
1567, against the Prince of Conde, the Ad-
miral, &c.
TH
HAT it be not lawfull to any, but to us onely, to make any
Affemblie in our Realme, nor oute of the fame of Men of
Armes, or otherwife, to make any Convocation of People, Le-
veynge of Money, Proclamacons, publicacons of Lies, and Papers,
concerning the State of our Realme, and Obedience due to our
Sovereign Majeſtie, only not comunicable to other of our Subjects,
in what Eſtate or Dignitie they be; which can, nor ought to obcy
to others then to us, chiefly they which dothe approche to us in
Blod, and holde the principale Eftates of our faid Realme, being
bounde by Othe expreffed, to aide and fuccore us againſte all others
without any Excepcon, wherefore beinge advertized of the Affemble
that is in armes at Saynt Deyne's and other Places thereabouts, where-
of they fay is the Prince of Conde, the Cardinall Chefiillion, the Ad-
myrall, Dandilot, De la Roche Foucautt, de Genliz, de Cleremount,
Domboys de Sanlix de Bon Cart, de Bouchavannes, de Pignigni, de Lazy,
de St. Phall, Mony, de Serney, Counte de Mongomnery Vidam, de Charters,
and theis to be the Cheife and Principall Conductors, whereof we
could not be perfwaded till this prefente, but contrary we have
loked for at their Hands, all Fidelitie, Loyaltie, Subjection, and
Obedience. We have commaunded and ordeyned by the chiefefte
of our Heraults of Armes, willed theirto, that he doe fommon and
call
336
A COLLECTION
call upon all the aforefaid, as well, Lords, Gentlemen Officers, of
what Qualitie or Condicon they be, beyng with theim that hathe
brought theym Forces and dothe occupie our Townes, and makes
Companies of Souldiers at their Pleafures, That they doe preſently,
at this onlie and fingle Comaundemente, come to us without Armes
and render to us the Obedience comaunded and ordeyned, from
God, by whofe Grace we doe raigne, and have byn ordeyned and
conftituted Kinge over theym, or ells to declare forthwith yf they
doe entende to make good fuch fynifter and evell Enterprize, and
to avowe the foreſaid Aſſemblies, which they have made, and make
in Armes, to the utter Oppreffion of our Subjects, the difpifing
and contempnyng of our Authoritie and Dignitie, and likewiſe the
Proclamacons which they have made by Writinge, as well figned
as unfigned, with Colour and Pretexte of a pretended Common-
Wealth.
The most humble Request made by the Cardinall Cha-
ftillion, the Counte Rochefaucault, and Sir De
Bovanet, who requefteth most bumbly the Kinge,
in the Name and Behalfe of the Prince of Conde.
and his Company.
First, They requyer and befeche moſt humbly upon the firſt
Article, beginning
I. A
TH
HE Kinge accordithe, &c. --- That may it pleaſe his Ma-
jeſty whereby to take away all Dowts, to declare that the
Edict of Pacifications of the 6th of Marche, 1563, fhall be execu-
tyd in all Points and Articles, in fuche Places as it hathe not bin
executyd according to the firſt Forme and Teneur, and for the exe-
cution of the faid Edict, they befech his Majeſtie to have Regard
to
of LETTER S.
337
to Provence, and that his Subjects of that Countrey, be handelyd as
they in his other Provinces.
2. That certain Places of certain Ballages, where the Exercife of
Religion is permittyd, that be farre off, may be browght neare, and
chargid to Places more commodius, for the Eafment of them of
the faid Place.
3. They doo alfo befeache, moft humbly, that yt may pleaſe the
King to avowe and declare them for his good and loyal Subjects
and Servants; putting, conferving and keeping them under his Pro-
tection, and all ther Goods, Honoures, Eftates, Charges, Offices
and Dignites, of what Qualitey they be.
}
4. And that it pleaſe his Majeftie, for the reſpecte of Things to
come, he will kepe fuch Warrantees, ---- as are conteyned in the
firſt Edict of Pacification, good and vallable, and them of his Grace
and Bounte to extend to the Daye of publication of this prefent E-
dicte, notwithſtandinge the Decrees, and Arreftes, and as it is con-
teyned by the firſt Edict of Pacification.
His Majeſtie may be adviſed, yf he fhall thinke yt foe good, that
the Princes and Lordes of his Privie Counfayle, Governours of his
Provinces, and Officers of his Crowne, do promyffe by the Com-
mandement of his Majefty th'Entertaynement and Obfervacon of
the fayd Edict, it fhould feme to be a very good Meanes to bring
noe more into Trobles.
And that it may pleafe his Majeftie to devize to geve them fome
good Meanes to have Juftice, aftre the ending of theis prefent Tro-
bles; and the remembrance of them be not preiudiciall in their Pro-
ceffe and Affayres, to which End they befeche that in the faid Edict
which fhall be made, theis Wordes may be put in, jufque ce qu'il ayt
pleu a Dieu reunir nos Subjettes en une Religion.
And for as muche as under the Word of Exercife de la Religion, is
comprehended the Acts neceffare to the Adminiftracon of the fame,
D d d
as
338
A COLLECTION
7
as Prechings, Adminiftracon of the Sacrament, Schools in what
Places as the faid Exerciſe fhall be eftablifhed; Confiftorys and
Confervances of Mynifters, for the Exercife of Learning onlie;
when yt ſhall pleaſe his Majeſtie, fome of his Officers fhall be
prefent.
5. They doe beſeche the King to provide as well agaynft Gover-
nours of Provinces, Courtes of Parliament as other Judges, that
they be not for any of the faid Acts and Exercifes unquieted or mo-
lefted; and to geve them fome Writinge in fuche Manner and
Forme as it ſhall pleaſe his faid Majeftie, that from henceforth in
doyinge of them noe Man may reproche them to have gon agaynít
the faid Edict; the which Act fo written, fhall not be otherwiſe ſet
forth nor printed.
6. That it pleaſe the Kinge for the ſetting forthe of the ſaid Edict
or Wrytt, that he cauſe it to be under fecrett Regefter, and that the
Procurer of the King be confenting therto.
pu-
And for the Regard of other Articles, concernyng the Entention
of the King, of that they have to doe of their Parte, aftre the
blicacon of the faid Edict, in the Courte of Parliament of Paris,
they have declared themſelves redie to diſarme them, foe ſoon as the
ſaid Edict ſhall be publiſhed in the faid Parliament of Paris, and
fent unto them. At which Time their Biſcayards and Alemayns ſhall
retyer them out of the Realme of Fraunce.
!
1
A Copie
of LETTERS.
339
A Copie of Juch SPEACHES as Sir Amyas Paulet de-
livered to the French King and Quenes, at his de-
parting; as likewife the SPEACHES of Sir Henrie
Cobham, at his admittance to the faid Kinge, for
Ambafador Leggier, delivered at Paris in the
Louvre, the 17th of November, 1579.
IT
In a LETTER to the QUEEN'S MAJESTY.
T maye pleaſe your most excellent Majeftie, to be advertiſed that
- followinge the Example of Tyme paſt, uppon lyke occaſion
occuringe, Quene Mother arryvinge hear the 14th of this prefent, I
could not faile to fhew my Redinefs, to congratulate her fafe re-
tourne; and to that Pourpofe prayed Audience; gyvinge alfo to
underſtand to Monfr. de Gondy, by my Mcffenger, that Sir Henry
Cobham was arryved, and did lykewife defire to be preſented to the
Kinge and Quene Mother, at their convenient Leafure.
Uppon Motion made herof unto the Kinge, I receaved Anfwer
by Gondy, that the Kinge made diference bytween th'Ambaffadors --
of your Majeſtie and th’Ambaffadors -- of other Princes; and beinge
willinge to mak fome Demonftracon therof, did entend to gyve Au-
dience the next Day, beinge the 15th of this prefent, to other Am-
baffadors newly arryved; and fhortly after, would admit us to his
Prefence, wherein we fhould heare from him within a Day or two.
The 16th, Gondy comyth unto us, fent from the Kinge, to en--
forme us that his Majeftie was minded to give us Audience the next
Daye; and that the grand Pryor de Champaigne, otherwife called
Chevalier de
and La Mothe Fenelon, fhowld conduct as to
the Court, wheare our Dynner fhould be prepared at the Table of
the great Mafter, the D. of Guife; we could have ben contented to
have
340
A COLLECTION
have changed our Hoft, for fome meaner and more frendly Perfon-
age, but we durft not be fo hardie as to difobey the Kinge's Com-
mandment; and it was fome Satisfaction unto us, that we dyned at
the Kinge's Table, and with his great Mafter, withowt Regard to
his private Name or perfonal Affection.
Repairinge to the Courte at the Tyme appointed, and accompa-
nied by thes faid Gentlemen, after Dynner ended, we were convey-
ed to the Kinge's Prefence; wher I Amias Paulet declared unto his
Majeftie, that beinge lycenfed by your Highnes to retourne into my
native Contry, I thowght myſelf verye happie, that havinge fownd,
at my first arryvall heare, not only good Peace, but alſo perfect A-
mytie bytween thes two Crownes; the fame was nothing diminiſhed
duringe this Tyme of my Service; but rather went forward with
Encreaſe, to the unfpeakable Comfort of the Subjects of both the
Realmes, and to the Terror of their Enymes.
Yt it was not to be doubted but that the good Offices of good
Miniſters did ferve to great Pourpoſe, to enterteyne good Corref
pondency bytween Princes, and yet wher they have donne their beſt
Endevor, fomtymes Warr and Hoftilities have enfued; the Slander
and Blame wherof lyteth comonly uppon the Shoulders of the Am-
bafrs. and therfore befides the Refpectes of the Generall, I eftemed
the Contynuance of this good Intelligence bytween your Majef-
ties, as a fingle Benefit to myſelf in particular. Defiring nothing
more than to conferve Amytie, Concord and natural Entercourfe
bytween the Sovereignes of both the Realmes, accordinge to the
Treaties agreed and ended; and your Majeſtie uppon theſe Pourpo-
fes had made Choife of this Gentleman, Sir Henry Cobham, who be-
inge defcended of noble Parentage, had ſerved your Majeſtie faith-
fully many Yeres, and in fondry Charges of great Importance, and
was well qualifyed to do the Duetie of his Callinge, to fuccede me,
and refide your Majeftie's Ambafr. nere his Perfonne; and as he
wold not faile to do all good Offices, to cheriſhe good Amytie by-
twen
}
I
C
of LETTERS.
341
twen thes two Crownes; fo I dowbted not but that he fhold find in
his Majeſtie a Correſpondencie anſwerable to your Highnes good In-
clinacon and therfore did affure myſelf that God wold blefs thes
two Realmes, with long contynuance of Peace, to his Glory, to
the Honour of your Majefties, and to the Profit and Comfort of
your Subjects.
The Kinge made great Demonftracon, with many Wordes of
his good Affection towardes your Majeftie, of his confident Opi-
nion of your unfeigned Friendſhipe towardes him, of his great De-
fire to ſee the accompliſhment of this Mariage betwen your High-
neſs and his Brother; of the refolute Conftancie of his faid Brother,
to profecute the fame with all Earneftnes; and laft, of his good ac-
ceptatione of my Doings, duringe my Service heare.
Sir Henry Cobham,
Then I Cobham, after thus much had paffed, by Sir Amias my
Predeceffor, did in humble manner preſent myſelfe to the Kinge,
deliveringe from your Majeftie, fome Salutacons of kiffinge of
Handes, with the Defire of his long and healthfull Lief; and ther-
withal gyving your Lettre of Credence, I did beginne to enforme
his Chriſtiane Majeſtie, how that yt ſemeth yt had ben the laudable.
and ancient Cuſtome of the Kinges of England, to have their Am-
baffadors Leggiers attendyng on the Kinge of Fraunce. With this
royall Intencon, for to entertayne the mutual Amytie, as alfo to
clear the Sufpiciones, and to take away the Dowbtes, which other-
wife, without good and mutual Intelligence might happen. So as
thefe Proceedinges, being thus contynued, throughe the Meanes of
well qualified and difpofed Ambaffadors, not only the Friendshipe
bytwen the Princes is mentayned and renewed, but alfo Treaties.
and Convencons of Peace are conferved intier and inviolated, in
fuch fort as the Subjects of both your Realmes, freely and willingly
Eec
do
342
A COLLECTION
1
do Trade; helpinge themſelves with their Merchandize, to the
great Satisfaction of both Nations.
That it was not your Highneffes Meaninge only to contynue and
bring to Effecte thus muche, but your Highnes hathe ben moued
and perfwaded by a certain private unaccouftomed Princely Affection
towardes his Majeftie, to make a Choife of an Ambaffador which
might be fuche a Perfonne, as knowinge your earneſt Intention,
ſhowld by all Services and great Care, preferve entierlye, and renew
his Princely Good-will towardes you. Affuringe him in lyke forte
that your Inclinatione and Determinacon was to fhew muche Grate-
fulneſs to his Majeftie and all his, rather more now than hertofore.
As alfo that the vertious Difpofition of his Chriftiane Majeftie,
beinge now made knowen to the Worlde, throughe the Shew of his
prefent peaceable Government (as a pitifull Kinge and Father of
his People) throwghe which Dealing, he had not only won unto
him the Hartes of his own Subjectes, but thereby did encreaſe in
your Majeftie, and in all other Princes, a fingler Opinion, in fuch
fort as his Majeftie by his Proceedinges, was now thorowghly ac-
companied with great good Fortune and Profperitie. Moreover I
fhewed how your Highnes, for to accompliſhe with his fwete and
gratious Government, had ftreightly charged me to ferve him with,
all Dutie, interteyning carefullye the Confederatione and entier A-
mytie. And fince that his Majeftie, by thes few Wordes, had un-
derſtoode as well the Occafiones, whereon your Highnes was moued
to adreffe me towardes him, as alfo of your Mind and Comande-
ment, uppon the which I had ben willed to obey him at his good
Pleaſure, I hoped he would now receave me into his Protection, as
one at his Comandement, befechinge his Majeſtie to mak me knowe
and underſtand wherein I may doe the Deutie towards him, which
was comytted unto me.
Then
1
of LETTER S.
343
7
1
+
Then the Kinge fayed, I have fownd the Quene, by many
good Effectes, my good Frend and Sifter, in fuche forte as by no
Caufe or Tyme, I maye let paffe to remember yt, confideringe fhe
hathe fo well obferved fuche Treaties as have paffed bytwen us, and
for fhewinge likewife her felf thus carefull for my Eftate. On his
part, he woulde not leave unperformed the lyk Amytie, with any
Prince you fhoulde be pleaſed to command, havinge the fame De-
fire for the Entrecourfe of his Subjects, which you had, and would
put his Hand to the contynuance thereof. His Majeftie faid, how he
receaved Contentatione, that your Highnes lyked of his Government,
declaringe that he pourpoſed to contynue, and to paffe all Thinges
agreable therunto. Affuringe me your Ambaffadors have ben wel-
comed to him, of what Qualitie or Degree foever they were of, be-
inge your Majefties Minifters; and that I fhould for myne own
part, find my Enterteynment to be no les then others: Affuringe
me he would make yt his Bufines, to favor me in my Negotiationes
for your Majeftie, to my Contentatione, with many more eſpeciall
favourable Wordes. I replied, that your Majeſtie wold be glad to
heare he had that good Healthe, which I did perceave to be in his
cherefull Countenance, and fhold be well pleafed to underſtand his
Majefties Mynde was bent fo affectionatly towardes you, efpeci-
ally in takinge in fo good Part your Highnes Intentions of Amytie.
Laſtly, his Majeftie fayed, he had fhewed his Good-will for to have
all Caufes pafs agreeable to your Minde, beinge forrye ther is no
better Occaſion offered, wherin he might utter the Defire he hathe
to deſerve your Care of him and his Eftate: But trufted that God.
fhall in fome Tyme give him Meanes to mak you know his Mean-
inge, and how muche he is yours; as alfo he wold let me under-
ftande of thoſe Caufes which may concerne your Highneſs and your
Realme; and therwith againe fayed, I was welcomed to him, be-
ftowing fome more favorable Speaches towardes myſelf. So I de-
parted from his Majeſtie.
Sir
344
A COLLECTION
1
•
Sir Amias P. with the Quene Mother.
Having thence ended with the Kinge, we weare conveyed by the
Chevalier de
and La Mothe Fenelon, to the Prefence of the
Quene Mother, whom we fownd accompanied with the French
Quene; at which Tyme I declared unto the Q. Mother, that I
dowbted not but her arryval in this Court, was the ſingler Comfort
of the Kinge her Sonne, and of all other depending uppon him, of
all Eſtates and Degrees; and did affure myſelf that they rejoiced
greatly to have this Opportunitye to acknowledge, by Worde of
Mouthe, how muche they thowght themſelves bownd unto her for
the great Paines and daingerous Trauailles which fhe hathe fufteyn-
ed of late, for the Weal and Quiet of this Contrye: And efpecialy
that yt had pleaſed God to bleſs all her Actions and Doinges; as
ſhe had donne greter Thinges, by her bare Word, then could have
ben donne, perchance, by fome other, with a mightie Armie: And
as it was moſt reaſonable that the Kinge ſhowld acknowledge this
Debt with all Thankfulneſs; fo, yt was no leffe reaſonable, that all
the Subjectes of this Realme, as well of th'one, as thofe of the other
Religion, ſhould acknowledge with open Mouth, to hold a great
part of their Quiet and happie Peace of her Wiſdome, Goodnes and
Favour. But I prayed her to beleave that no Prince or Princeffe
in this World, did receave greater Contentment of her faef arryvall
in this Court, of her happie Succeffe in her Proceedinges, and of
her good Difpofition of Healthe then your Highnes, as one that
wiſhed unto her all Honour and Felicitie. I fayed yt was not to
be denied but that your Majeftie was greatly beholdinge unto her,
in that ſhe had gyven her Affent unto her Sonne, to viſit in
you
your Countrye, which could not be donne withowt many danger-
ous Perills, wherin ſhe had made very good Profe of her good Af-
fectione towardes you. And touchinge the Duke her fonne, he
had given fuche playne Teftimonie of his fingler Good-will, in that
for-
}
!
of LETTERS.
345
getting his owne Greatnes, and withowt Reſpect to the Haffardes
of the Sea or Land, he had paffed into Ingland, as your Majeſtie
cowld not eſcape the Note of Ingratitude, if ye did not ſet him in the
firſt Ranck of thofe which you efteimed moft.
Laſtly, I enformed her of Sir Henry Cobham, to lyke Effect as be-
fore, unto the Kinge.
She cowld not fay anowghe of her affured Opinion, of your frend-
ly Good-will towardes her, faying, that ſhe had fownd long fithence
that you eftemed of her not only as of a good Neighbour, but alſo
as of a lovinge Sifter. She fpared no Wordes to utter her earneſt
lyking of this intended Marriage; lamentinge her Unhappineſs that
ſhe was not put to have accompanied her Sonne in his Jorney into
Ingland. She toke uppon her to anſwer for the lyke Sinceritie
in both her Sonnes towardes this Marriage, and not dowbtinge to
fee the performance thereof; after ſome Diſcourſe of the ſingler
Comodities lykely to enfue to both thes Realmes, and after many
good Wordes touching my ſelf, fhe prayed Sir Henry Cobham to.
draw ner unto her.
Sir Henry Cobham with the Queen Mother,
We being as it hathe ben declared, browght to the Prefence of the
Q. Mother, after the Speaches and Conference of Sir Amyas P.
were, finiſhed, I paffed nygher to the Quene, doinge my humble
Duetie, firft ufinge fome Wordes of Courtefie from your Highnes,
fhewinge that your earneſt Défire was to be held in her gcod Grace,
with your zealous Wiſhes of her long and profperous Lyef, where-
with I gave into her Handes your Majefties Lettre of Credence, the
which after ſhe had redd, I did then let the Quene know that wheras
your Pleaſure nowe had ben to appoint me for to refide abowt the
Chriſtian Kinge her Sonne, to the Intent to contynue the Amytie
and renew the mutuall Affection; You alſo had efpecially comand-
ed me to offer my Service unto her Majeſtie, and to declare from
your
Fff
346
A COLLECTION
your Highnes, that her Princely Meaninge, and eſpeciall Effectes
of Frendſhip, of fo long Tyme begonne towardes` you, did move
your Majeſtie to have great remembrance of her. But now the
rather fince the Cauſe and Affairs of Monfeignour, her dear Sonne,
had ben lately fo farre forth advanced with fuch apparant Demon-
ftracons of Affectcon, that your Majeftie had thereof conceyved
fuche Feelinge as you wold endevor, by all your Princely Meanes to
fignifie clerly to her and hers, and fo to the World, in what Eſti-
mation you held the Amytie of France, entending to have yt conty-
newed, eſtabliſhed and put on Foote, by fuch Meanes as at beſt, by
honourable Adviſe might be devifed, hoping herin that her Majef-
tie wold contynew thes great Affaires with lyk Sinceritie, and tho-
roughly anſwer your Highnes Intencons. The which by no better
Meanes ſhe might affure her Majeſtie, then by enterteyninge the
peaceable Government of her Sonne, your deare Brother, wherin
indede ſhe had taken fo muche extraordynarie Traueil, as that more
might not be deſired, wherby nowe both ſhe and the Chriſtian Kinge
remeined in fingler good Opinion with all Princes their Confede-
rates. As alfo thorough his gratious Dealinge, they did find them-
felves accompanied with muche Profperitie, to their high Glory.
Therfore that your Majefties Subjects might have the better Feel-
inge of this their quiet and juſt Government, my humble Suyt was,
ſhe wold vouchefafe to graunt me, at her convenient Leaſure, ac-
ceffe to intreat for thoſe Inglishe Merchantes and Vaffals, of the Q.
my Miftres, which had fufteyned fome Injuries and Depredacons,
hoping theron fhe will procur Ordre for Redreffe, according to her
princely Manner and godly Confidence; and alſo that ſhe would
receave me into her good Grace as a Servant of your Majefties, to
be difpofed on, at her good Pleaſure.
Q. Mother's
of LETTER S.
347
2. Mother's Anfwer.
Her Majeſtie then fayed both fhe and her Sonnes have receaved
great Contentacon to do any Thing that maye be agreable to the Q
of England, and th' Affection her Sonne the D. of Alenfon hath fhewed
to your Highnes, is fo well employed, as for her owne Part, ſhe did
defire the good Succeffe therof before the contynuance of her owne
Lyef; farther that the Service and Traveile he hath taken, cannot
deferve the greate Happe which fhall come to him and all his, if
after the feekinge of fo manye, his luckye Chaunce maye be to en-
joye a Ladie of fo great a Qualite and Worthines. And now that
ſhe and the Kinge weare in hope of your Favour and Grace towardes
her Sonne the Duke; fince ther canne no farther Triall be made,
notwithſtandinge fhe will not difwade her Sonne, Monfr. but that
he fhall attend on your Pleaſure, unto whome fhe ment fhortly to
goe. And as for the Care your Majeftie hath ſhowed, for the Re-
pofe of the Realme of Fraunce, the findith her felf more beholding
unto you then to any other. Becauſe your Adviſe hathe been al-
waies to mainteine the Quiet, and the princely Affiſtance which you
have given
---- can never be forgotten. As for anye acceffe to ne-
gotiate for your Majefties Cauſes, or the private Compleintes of
your Subjectes, I fhowld have yt at any convenient Tyme, afluringe
myfelfe, in reſpect of your Majefties good Report, in your Lettres
of me, as alſo for the Qualitie of the Embaffye, I fhowld be had in
confideracon, and be comended to her, with other Wordes of
Favour.
Sir Amias Paulet,
This was th'Effect of that, which paffed bytwen the Quene Mo-
ther and us. And then I Amias Paulet, drawinge nere unto the
Frenche Quene faied unto her, that althoughe I was not fo happic
to have ſeene her of longe Tyme, yet I had not failed to enquier
diligently
348
A COLLECTION
diligently of her Health, bycauſe I knew th’Advertiſement thereof
wold be alweis acceptable unto your Majeſtie; I told her that at my
arrival here, I thought myſelf happie, in that I founde thes two
Crownes united in good Amitie, and did now think myſelf more
happie in that beinge licenſed by your Majeſtie to retorne into En-
gland, I left this Amitie greatly encreaſed, and in great lyklyhood
to atteine his full and hieſt Perfection, for the Performance wherof
this Gentleman, Sir Henrie Cobham, was fent to fucceede me, not
dowbtinge but that for his good Inclination, to nourisſhe Amitie by-
tween your Majeftie and the Kinge her Hufband, and for his other
laudable Qualities, he fhowld be agreeable unto her.
Sir Henry Cobham to the yonge Quene.
Then I tourned myſelf to the yonge Quene, whom I fownd
ſtandinge hard by the Q. Mother, ufinge unto her fome Comple-
mentes, deliveringe therwith your Majefties Lettre, and fhewed her
your highe Pleaſure was, I ſhould befeche her to be the good Meanes.
unto the Chriſtian Kinge, her dear Huſband, that the fincer Ami-
tie might be the better, by her gratious Meditatione, preferved and
contynued, wherby ſhe ſhould make your Majeſtie have feelinge of
that her fingler Goodnes, wherof ſhe hath great Fame, in this Con-
trie and els where: Affuringe her that your Highnes defired for to
make your Good-will knowen, by all manner of Meanes yt might
pleaſe her to make profe therof.
First, The yonge Quene enquired, as fhe did open your Lettre,
If your Highnes had your Health, I fayed well, God be thanked.
And to my Speaches the yonge Quene anſwered, How fhe wolde
not fail to enterteine the Amytie of the Q. of England, the which
ſhe fownd her Hufbond held fo deare, as alſo for the Reſpect of
the good remembrance which you ſhewed to have of her, ſhe wold
not leave to do any good Offices. I then fayed farther, that your
Majeſtic
of LETTER S.
349
Majeſtie had comanded me to advertiſe yow from Tyme to Tyme of
her good Health. She wished good Health and Happineſs unto
you.
After thus muche was paffed, we departed from the Quenes,
whom we had fownd accompanied with the Daughter of the Duke
of Loreyne, ftandinge a little befide the yonge Quene, againſt the
Wall adjoyninge to the Beddes-head of Quene Mother... The Prin-
ces Douagier of Condy and the Dutches de Nemoures, Mother to the
Duke of Guiſe, both of them fittinge on Queene Mothers Beddes
Feete; the yonge Queenes Sifter, and the Dutchefs of Guife, ftand-
inge before them, the reft of the Ladies kept other Places, fome-
what farther of.
The Kinge was apparelled that Daye, with greene Cloathe of
Tiffue, his Doublett of black Velvet, with the Croffe therof of his
new Ordre, called St. Eſprit
He maketh fome Preparation to hold his Feaft on New-Yeres-
Day, of this new Brotherhod of de St. Efprit.
The Quene Mother went out of Paris the 19th Daye in the Af
ternoon, beinge lodged the fame Night at the Mareſhall of
his Howfe, and fo goeth forward towardes Dreux, in Nor-
mandie, wher Monfr. is thought will meet her at
8 Legues from Dreux.
about
She took, as I am enformed, with her 25000 Crownes to deliver
him, with Promiſes of rytcher Somes; for that one of Monfrs. Al-
legations of Excufe of Abfence, by Monfr. Varvaches, the 16th of
this préfent, was lack of Money. An other Requeft of his ys, To
be the Kinges Lieutenant Generall, which yf he ftick for his com-
inge will not be foone looked for in this Courte. Quene Mother,
this Week, hath broiled and ftickeld amongst thofe of the Finances
and Receipts, for the Recovery of Moneye.
Ggg
The
350
A COLLECTION
"
The Impriſonment of
and Servants;
hath troubled Monfrs Freendes
for that it is doughted he hath donne fome great
Exceffe and Trecherie; or els Monfr. would not have cauſed him
to have ben apprehended.
Monfr. de
was informed that
to whom I delivered your Highnes Lettre,
had diſcouvered to the Kinge,
ſomewhat which paſſed in England, being then trufted to wryte Let-
tres for Monfr.
The Duke of Guife at the End of this Sommer, had fram-
ed a Practiſe for the Surpriſe of Strousborough, which beinge diſcou-
red was not performed. Some of the Companes are difperfed, and
the reſt are retired towardes Borgondy.
The Kinge of Spaine hathe ben verye dangeroufly ficke of a Quin-
fey in the Throate, but is well recouvered therof, and nowe is
troubled with the Goute in one of his Handes.
Thus th'Almightie preferve your Majeftie in longe Lyef.
:
Subfcribed,
Your Ilighnes bumble Subjects
and faytbeful Servantes,
AMYAS PAULET,
HENRY COBHAM.
?
LETTERS
3
of LETTER S.
351
LETTERS from Sir Henry Cobham, the Ambaſſador
to Lord Chamberlain Suffex.
W
Cou-
HEREAS my Lord, in the Year paffed, it was my
fine John Woottenes harde Happe to be in Company with a
Gentleman, which had fome Quarrel with another, whereon there
chaunced a Fraye, and therein a fervinge Man receaved his Deathes
Wounde, ſo as uppon the Streighte Poynte in Lawe, he mighte
have ben called in Queſtone, therefore he was conftrayned throughe
that Miſchaunce to abſent himſelf. But now, fince the Parties of-
fended be agreed with, and all Matters concerninge that Facte well
fatisfied and appeaſed, he is mofte defyrous to have her Majefties
good Opinyone, and to be reftored unto her Grace, by your honour-
able Meanes, to whom he wold alltogether bynde himſelf--- Where-
fore I befech your Lordship, that you will vouchfafe to move her
Majeſtie, in fuch fort as you fhall thinke beft, for the perfectinge
of this his chiefeſt Defyre, fo as thereby you fhall reſtore him to all.
Happyness, and I for his Sake bounde, to ferve your Comaunde-
ments and Pleaſure in all that I may; praying, &c.
To Sir Chriftopher Hatton.
OUR Servant Pyne, Righte Honourable Sir, did bringe me
You
your Letters this Daye, wherin it femeth you have meaninge
that your nigheſt Kynſeman ſhold repayre hither, the rather to be en-
dued with the Languages, and fuch other Partes, as may be uſefull
to him, and enable to ferve his Prince and Countrey, in fome fuche
forte as that you will leave to your Eftate a yonge Man growinge
of your plantinge, which may fpringe up in fome principall Place
of
352
A COLLECTION
}
*
of your owne ſettinge fourth and nouriſhinge, therby honouringe
your Familye, wherin yf I may ſerve you to any Purpoſe, ſhall be
gladde therof, and will not fayle to deale with that Mynde and man-
ner towarde him, as you may think expedient and neceffarye for his
goinge forward and well being Your Honour vouchefafeth to
Comforte me with the Significatione that it pleaſeth her Majeſtie to
accept of my Service, which indede is no other then a fimple follow-
ing, and a clear obeyeng of her Commandements, wher unto I have
dedicated my ſelf and my Yeares, as it hath ben of longe Tyme
knowne to you; the which my Service, I hope, fhal be the better
employed, being with your favourable Speaches, recommended with
that honourable heartie manner, it liketh you fometyme to beſtowe,
on fuche as you will bynde unto you. And furely I fholde be right
gladde I mighte make that Accompte of your Honour as I have
done heartofore; and ſhould thinke myſelf well furniſhed and defended
from Misfortunes, yf I colde enjoye the fame; your Love I ſome-
tyme, in my owne Opinyone poffeffed, wherof I have more Nede
than ever.
You ſhall fhew to have me in your good Grace, yf you
will be pleaſed to take Care of me, and to have felinge of my Tra-
vailes, and franckelie to let me knowe wherin I may content your
Lykings, &c. God have you in his keeping, as prayeth your much
bounden, &c.
I
To Mr. Secretarye Willfone.
Doe conceave how it hath pleaſed your Honour to have fome
Felinge of my Travailes, and Yeares ſpent in her Majeſties
Service, towarde the recompenfe wherof, I hope you will vouche-
falf to beſtowe your honourable Speaches in my behalf, and become
my happye Mediator to my Soveraigne, wherein you fhall doe the
Good whych I and myne cannot forgett. And to the Intent you
may
+
353
of LETTER S.
may
the rather be encouraged to ſpeak in my Favor unto her High-
nes, I will trulie and brieflye declare my Cafe, and therwithall
fhew you the Qualitye of my Suite. Fyrfte, In my tendreft Age it
pleafed God, that my Father did dedicate me to her Highnes, and
becauſe (during Queene Maryes Reigne) he durfte not prefere me
into her Highnes Houfholde Service; my carefull Father fent me
to the Earle of Devonshire, wherby I might be in place to her ly-
kinge from thence I retourned as foone as God had bleſſed her
with this Crowne, and was accepted into her Majefties Service,
feruinge in the Roome of a Penfioner, wherin I ſticked and ſtayed,
havinge no other greater Meanes in her Highneſs Courte, or Com-..
mon Wealthe, whereby the Credite her Majeſtic hath beſtowed on
me, (by employeng me to the Emperor, to the Duke of Alva into
Flaunders, to the Spanishe Kynge, and now laftelie to the French
Kynge) may be fufteinid and endured; havinge not onlye folde that
whych her Majeſtie had gyven me, but allfo certaine Portions of my
owne livinge --- In this State I have paffed, and now fynde my felf.
It liked her Majeftie, at my lafte being in Spayne, to graunt me
the Office of the Marfhalfea, being then become voyde uppon the
Death of my Coufine, Richard Verney, and now before my cominge,
ſhe was pleaſed to graunte me an Office in the Chauncelrye, the
whych was allfo thought fytter for others, to my Difcomforte; and
fince my entrance into this Place, I have ſpent of myne owne,
empouerifhinge my Eftate, entringe into my farder Years and great
charge.
As for my Suyte, Fyrst, Mr. Date moved her Majeſtic therin al-
moſt two Yeares paffed, the Cowrte being then at Wyndfore; and
fince I have delt therof with her Majeftie; havinge receaved fome
Hope untill my cominge awaye; wheras her Majefties will was to
deferr me, I trufte for my greater Good, and a more large Favor
graunted at home by your Mediatione.
Hhh
The
354
A COLLECTION
The Farmes are in my Native Countrey, not farre from my
Houſe. The firfte which is the Parfonnage of Southfleete, was
gyven in leafe to George Cobham my Brother, by Kynge Edwarde,
fervinge then Mr. Cheek, whych he folde ſince in her Majefties Ser-
vite to one of the Exchequire, it hathe not above 20 Acres of Land
belonginge to it, but ſtandeth on the Caſualties of Tythes. The
feconde is the Mannor of Temple Darteford, within a Mile of
my Dwellinge; and of longe it hath belonged to the Houſe wher I
dwell, fervinge for Provifione, for the which havinge difbourfed
parte of my Money for the Leafe, before my goinge into Spaine,
(for that the reſt was not in my abſence paid) I went without the
Leafe, and another boughte it. Ther is no Houfe nor Barne be-
longinge to it, nether Wood nor Underwood, and for that the one
may helpe me to Bread and Drynke, and the other, fome Fedinge
For my Familye: I humblie beſech her Majefty to beſtowe on me,
thoſe two in fee Farmes, wherby ther maye remayne fome Memo-
rye and Relief to my Pofteritie of her Highnes Graces ; meaning to
bring them up, yf it pleaſe God in forte, as they may deferve well
of her. The other two. Farmes I referr to her Highnes owne Mo-
tion, to beſtowe in Leafe or otherwife, as ſhe is moved in Hearte
to do for me, and to fettle me in my Countrey, wherby after all my
Travailes, I may enjoy fome Eafe of my Mynde. It may be remembred
that in breakinge the Enterprife of Stukelies Pretence toward Ireland,
my Service therin, faved, in her Highnes Purſe, 20 tymes the Value
of this Demaund. What I paffed in my lafte Spanishe Services, it is
like that her Highnes doth therby receave Honour, and her Subjects
fhali fynde good and Proffite, both of ther Concience and furer
Trade: I referr the rest of my Travailes to other of more Judg-
ment, to remember, and honourablie to alledge for me; Thus I be-
take myſelf and my Eftate into your Hands, comytting you to
God's Tuition.
I am, &c.
To
of LETTER S.
355
I
To Mr. Secretaryes.
Did latelie advertiſe your Honours of the Deathe of the Portu-
galle Kynge, by Blumantell, which had been fince confirmed, as
allfo that the Duke of Braganzas Wyfe hopeth to be accepted Q.
notwithſtandinge they doe heare greatlye doubt the Armye and
Strength of Spayne will overrule Righte in that Behalfe, althoughe
the Portugals have no lykinge to come under the Gounment of the
Kynge of Caftille, and the commone People earneſtlye bent to the
contrarye. The fyve which were affigned to gouerne the Realme
untill the Refolutione of the Succeffione were agreed on, doe main-
teyn as yet the ordinary Juftice and Gounment, and have fent two
Ambaffadors unto Kynge Phillippe, which Kynge pretends to pafs
towards Portugale, as farre fourth as Guadaluppe, meaninge ther to
folemnize the Buryalle of the olde Kynge of Portug. fendinge on-
wardes before his Forces, to remaine on the Confynes of Portugalle,
as the Lettres wrytten from Madrid, the 15th of Febr. doe certifye.
I receaved this Daye Lettres from Lyones, declaringe how Michael
Sael, a Factoure, ther for the Spanyards had receaved Intelligence
out of Spayne, with a diſpatche unto the Emperoure, and another
to the Duke of Terra Nova, confyrminge the Cardinall Kynge of Por-
tugall's Deathe. They wryte directlie from fondrye Parts, how the
Catholicke Armye is prepared for the Realmes of her Majeftie, yf
the Affaires of Portugalle doe not lett their Enterpriſe, and to the
Intent her Highnes maye not be fuccoured, they have at Rome ex-
communicated her. The Cardinal Alexandrine, Nepuew to Pope
Pius Quintus, hath caufed many Copies of the Excommunicatione
to be prynted, for to diſperſe them Abroad amongs the Ambaſſa-
dors, and others of Rome.. In the Diſcourſe out of Italye, they wrytte
that Kynge Phillipe was moued to procure this Excommunicatione,
and to gather theis Forces uppon Sufpitione of the Confederacye, he
fuppo-
}
356
A COLLECTION
ſuppoſeth the Q. is entred into with Monfieur, for the taking on
him the Protectione of the Lowe-Contreys. I have fhewed thus
much to Monfr.
for to let Monfieur knowe therof. And
as the chiefe Potentates are confederated together, fo allmofte now,
in all the Prynces of France, ther are particuler Papift Leagues,
and certayne Brother-hoodes, which they faye is pretended, for to be
framed likewife in Englande: And to that Intent ther be divers hal-
lowed fmalle Croffes and Medaylls, which are to be worne fecret-
lye, of thoſe I ſend your Honoures two Couples for a Patterne.
Ther is levying in Tufcane 12 thouſand Soldyors more, for the Ca-
tholick Kynge, to be conducted by Profpero, Colonna and Conte.
The Itallyanes and other Soldyors, which landed fyrfte in Spain,
are confumed very muche with Sicknes, and have no great Abun-
dance of Victuailes. If the eafterly Provifione of Corn from Danfte
and fuch like Places, and out of her Majefties Coaftes, were re-
ftrained for a few Months, as unto Julye, it might be good Meanes
to disfurniſh their Victuailinge, and force thoſe of Bifquay and dwel-
lers in Galicia, to exclame for Hunger, and to waxe lothe to enter
into any Hoftillitye with Englande. The Abbote of Brifemio, a
Neapolitan, which was Nuntio in Flourence, in Pope Pius Quintus
Tyme, and now the Spanifhe Kyngs Agent at Rome, hath ben an
earneſt Sollictour to the Pope, for the Excommunicatione againſt
the Q. Majeftie. Arnold Secretarye to Monfr. Maluifier is
yet heare,
now his Brother hath receaved his Patent from the Scottiſhe Q. to
be her Treaſurer, and entereth into the Accompts of his Office at
Midfummer: I do fend herewith a Copie of Pope Pius Quintus Bulla
de excom. againfte her Highnes, and an Indulgence procured by
Don Bernardine de Mendofa, to Poifon therwith the Myndes of her
Highnes Subjects. Some principal Cardinal (Catelje) faid, That wher-
as it pleafed God that Pope Gregorius, primus Magnus, did firfte in-
duce the Chriſtiane Faythe into Englaud, he hoped that this Grego-
rius
-
of LETTER S.
357
rius XIII, fhold be the Meanes to retourne the whole Englifhe Na-
tione to the Catholick Faythe.
The Kynge diſpatcheth within theis three Dayes, Monfr. de Long-
ley, on Meffage to Kynge Phillippe. The Governour of Millane
practiſeth with the Capitayne of Cremona, to have furpriſed Mirando-
la, the only Citye in Italye, which is at the Frenche Kyngs Devo-
tione. The Q. of Spayne was delivered of a Daughter about the be-
ginning of Februarye.
The People in d'Auphiny have had a bickeringe with thofe No-
bles of the Catholique League, wherin ther is about a hundred
flayne on both Sides. Lavallet unto whom the Kynge gave the
Gounment of the Marquifate of Salus is retorned. St. Lue hath
ſent Anſweare to the Kynge how he thinketh not Good to be with-
out a Place of Refuge, fince he perceaveth his Majeſtie Diſpleaſure.
ſo highly kyndled againfte him, notwithſtandinge he propofeth to
doe his Majeſtie dutyfull Service, in that Place. Monfr. d'O is re-
tourned to the Courte. The Q. Mother hath ben troubled with a
fwellinge in her Throate throughe the fallinge of a Catarrhe, and is
now well amended, notwithſtandinge fhe kepeth her Chamber, and
fometymes all the Daye her Bedd.
The Kynge was this lafte Weke at St. Germaynes, being ther avay-
ted on by Monfieur d'O. Arx, La Valet, the elder Leancourt and
Chateauvieux.
Thus I comyite your HONORS to the Allmightie, &c.
१
Iii
Advertiſed.
358
A COLLECTION
Advertiſed Mr. Secrataryes of theis Pointes follow-
inge, demaunded by the Emperoure of the States of
Bohem.
I.
TH
1. THAT they would give him Meanes to pay his Debts
and his Father's, and Ferdinandos, but that his owne fholde
firfte be paide.
2. That they wolde give him on every Barrille of Beere, two
Pieces of Silver, called Groffi, more then they gave the laite Yeare,
which wer then given him for the Payment of his Debts, but now he
will have all thoſe fixe Groffi on the Yeere, to be allowed for the
Maintenance of his Houfe, which will amount Yearlie to 600
thouſand Dallers.
3. That thofe Grauntes which wer given him in the lafte Dyett,
may continue thre Yeares longer, which was that every Houſe do
pay him yearlie 3 Dallers. That every Jew pay
him 15
and that the impofte fet on Wood, and Cattel may continue.
Dallers;
4. Wheras in their Dyet helde the lafte Yeare, the Realme of
Bobem. was content to pay him 150000 Dallers, towarde the main-
tenance of the Warrs in Hungary, wherof ther is employed 40 thou-
fande for the fortifieing of two Places in the Confines, now his Ma-
jeftie requirethe that yearlie they wolde give 20 thouſand Dallers for
the continuance of the faide Fortifications, and the abovefaide 40
thouſande Dallers be repaide to his Majeſtie, havinge ben by him
layde out to the Ufe aforefaide.
5. That the Kyngdome of Bohem. doe caufe to be fortified at
their owne Charges, a Forte called Vizze, a Place of Importance
in Hungary.
6. That the Debts of Ferdinando and Maximiliane fholde be paide
for that the Intereft therof groweth to become now allmofte as great
as
of LETTERS.
359
as the Principalle. Likewife the Emperour meaneth to cauſe thoſe
of Silefia, Moravia, and Hungary, to paie the Portione due to the
Arche Dukes his Brothers, which cometh to 376 thouſand Dallers..
7. That his Majeſtie willeth and defireth, that ther maye be af-
figned to the Empreffe in Bohem. 20 thouſand Crownes uppon fome
Citye, to the Intent fhe may be fomewhat honourablie entertayned
as Quene of Bohemia.
To the Lordes of the Privye Counſaile.
WH
Hereas yf it may like your moſte honourable Lordſhippe's I
receaved of Mr. Secretaryes, at my comynge out of Eng-
lande, certaine Articles for the avoydinge of Pyrattes and Depreda-
tiontes, I did accordinge to my Inftructiones, mak Declaratione to
the Chriſtiane Kynge, of her Majeſties Zeal for the delyveringe from
that kynde of Outrage the Merchants and well difpofed Perfonnes,
the Prynces her Confederate, as alfo her own Vaffalls. And
to the Intent her Chriftiane Meanyinge hearin fhold be made.
the better knowne, fhe had caufed to be fett downe, by the adviſed
Advife of
your Lordships, theis Articles, as the affured Meanes to
redreffe fuche Exceffe, and therby to tye the Handes and itaye the
Proceedings of all Rovers. The which his Majeftie doth very well,
lik of, and thanketh greatlie her Highnes for this her good Demon-
ftracon, toward the Repofe of his Subjects, and hath caufed thoſe
Articles to be comunicated to his Counfaile, and other principall Per-
fonnes, being Officers in his Admiraltye, which being done now
latelie, his Majeſtie did cauſe Monfr. La Mothe Fenelon, and Secreta-
rye Pinafi, to come unto me, and to delyver this incloſed Orders ;
and all which the Kynge and his Counfaile doe lyke of, wil-
linge me for to fend the fame to her Majeftie, whereby the maner of
Procedings against thefe Pyratts might be by the Advife and Con-
fent
360
A COLLECTION
fent of the Prynces of bothe theis Realmes, confidered and agreed
on; after that, theis other Articles may be by your Lordships well
weighed. Farder Pinart ſaid, That it femed to him how the Kynge
wolde be contented there fhold be Corts heare in Parys, for the
fpedie Judgment and orderinge of thoſe Cauſes, wherby her Majef-
ties Subjects fhold not nede to travayle for the Proceffe of thofe Af
faires, into any other farder Partes of Fraunce, but hither; wher
they might be nighe their Countrey, and affifted by the Qu. Ma-
jefties Ambaffador.
Wheras your Lordships had directed your Letters unto me, to
deale with the Kynge, in the behalfe of John Woodward, Merchante
of London, his Majeſtie and the Q. Mother hath gyven Order,
that all thoſe Goods which are not apparantly proved to be
Taylors owne Property, and fo forfeited par loy d'Albeine, fhall
be reſtored preſently to the Owners; which I hope is allreadye done,
for that the Letters of the Order are fent. The Kynge hath wryt-
ten his earneſt Letters to Monfr. de Gourdan, for delivery of the
Engliſhmen impryfonned in Callays, and to reftore the Goodes to
the righte Owners, wherin I likewife moued the Kynge, being ſo
comanded and inftructed by your Lordships Letters. I have certi-
fied her Majeſtie how the olde Kynge of Portugal deceaſed the 31 of
January laſte, about Midnight, wheruppon the Kynge of Spaine pre-
ſently addreffeth his Powres towards that Kyngdome, therby to
make good his pretended Right, as by Lettres from Madrid dated
the 5th of this Month is advertiſed. ---- Thus I reft with humble
Dutye, redy to receve and obey your farder Comandements, pray-
eng to God that by the Meanes of his Holy Spirite of Unitye, your
Lordſhips may deale with your accuſtomed worthie Wyfedomes, in
the Affayres, and for the Defence of her Majefties Eftates.
Your HONORS,
Humbly to obey and ferve, duringe my Lyfe,
HENRY COBHAM.
To
of LETTER S.
361
IT
To the QUENES MAJESTIE.
T hath pleaſed God to calle to his Mercye the Olde Cardinal
Kynge of Portugal, the 31st of January, about Midnight; and
the next Morning after Donnya Cattherina, Wyfe to the Duke of
Breganza, was, as they wryte, declared Q. of Portugalle; wheron
the Spaniſhe Kynge hath addreffed his Armye toward Portugalle,
and is intended for to goe in Perfon, as the Letters dated at Madrid
the 6th of this Month did reporte, the which were fent hither to
this Kynge yeſterdaye, very earlie in the Morninge. But yet I wold
not certifie this unto your Majeſtie, untill I had receaved farder
Knowledge by fondry good Meanes, and that I had fene and redd
fome Letters fent from the Spanishe Courte, directed hither to a prin-
cipall Perſone, verifieing thus muche, and allſo that the Portuguese
feme unwillinge to come under the Government of the Caftilayne
Kynge. Ther is Order and Preparations made on bothe Sydes,
but it is muche doubted that the Forces of Spaine will preuaille.
The Ambaffadors in the Catholik Kyngs Courte, did prepare
them-
felves for to have accompanyed the Kynge in this Voyage toward
Portugal: Now wylft theis Matters are in Hand, your Majeſtie
fhall have more Tyme to gyve affured Order in your high Affayres,
for that their Mallice is not alltered, thoughe throughe Occafiones,
the Executione is deferred, as partlie by a Copy of a Letter, which
I ſend to Mr. Secretaryes, your Highneffe maye geffè, that they wold
trouble by all Meanes, your quyet Eftate. Yet thus the Almigh-
tye fheweth to be your gratious God, and mightie Defender; whom
I befeche to gyve me Grace for to ferve you happilye, and your Ma-
jeftie a Mynde to help me.
Four MAJESTES humble Subject
Kk k
and faythfull Servcunt,
HENRY COBHAM.
Το
362
A COLLECTION
To the QUENES MAJESTIE,
The 1ft of March, 1579.
F it like your Majeftie, ther is this Daye Letters come hither
from Madrid of the 19th of Februarye, wherin it is certified, How
the Portugals do yet continue conftante in ther Opinyone againſte
the Kynge of Caftille; and how they feme inclined to accept Donnya
Cattherina, Wyfe to the Duke of Braganza, for to be ther Q. wher-
on your Majeſtie (yf it will ftande with your Pollicye) may fhew
your felfe gratious to comforte another Quene, oppreffed in her
Right, accordinge to the honourable Compaffion of great Ladyes.
In the which I truſte the Almightie fhall accompanye your Majefties
Counfailes and Actiones, according to his holy Will; and contynue
your profperous Reign, to the Comfore of all his good People,
with a happie and healthfull Lyfe.
Your MAJESTIES humble obedient
Subject, and Servant,
HENRY COBHAM.
The Ambaffader to the Lord Treaſurer.
F it pleaſe your Lordship, the Portugalle Ambaffador, Catag-
I T
bero Giraldi, hath delyuered me, under the Coloure of Vifitati-
one, a Packett with an encloſed Letter, of Donna Cattberina, Duch-
effe of Braganza, which he defireth may be delyuered to her Majef-
ties owne Hands, and withall Secrecy kept, fo as eſpeciallye none
of
ม
363
of LETTER S.
of the Ambaffadors Legiers, or others, may be made privye ther-
unto as yet: His Hope is that your Lordships will thinke well to
have the Righte of his Ladye favoured, and the Tirannye of the
Caftillyne Kynge brydled, by all fuche Meanes as her Majeftie may
thinke good; as well by Treatye with the ſaide Kynge or otherwiſe,
as Occafione may ferve. He hath required me in like forte, to fend
his Diſpatche to Monfieure, for that he is by the Spanishe Ambaffa-
dors muche watched, and his Doings greatlie looked unto; ſo as yf
his Dealinge for this Lady mighte be any waye perceaved, it wold
be an Occafione that Kynge Phillippe wold with greater Expeditione
preffe uppon them. If her Majeftie maye thinke good, I fhall wil-
linglie delyver fuche Meffage, as maye be commaunded me to the
Spaniſhe Agent in any forte: It is underſtood that he hath ben a buſye
Dealer againſte the Maryage of Monfieur with her Majeftie; and an
often Viſitor and great Practifer wythe the Scottishe Quenes Ambaf-
fador, and with the Bysfhoppe of Roffe. Methinketh that Sir Gi-
raldi cold be gladde her Majeftie and the Chriftiane Kynge wold
joyne togither in the Actione for the Protectione of the Ducheffe of
Braganzas Righte, and defyreth that fome fuche Expeditione maye
be uſed in theis Affayres, as the Neceffity of the Caufe importeth,
and ſhall ſeme good to her Majeſtie; as yet the Ambaffador of Por-
tugalle, Legier, in Englande, is not made privye hearunto, but in
Tyme Giraldi fayth, he fhal be truſted as one knowne confident
ynoughe in this Cauſe.
Thus I commytte your Lordſhippe to Allmightie God.
To Sir Francis Wallfingham.
HE Ambaffador of Portugalle underſtandinge how this Gen-
Tideman was to
tleman was to paffe preſentlye towarde Englande, requeſted me
for to fend in my Packett, to my Lord Treaſurer, his Letters unto
her
364.
A COLLECTION
!
her Majestie, wherin ther is one from the Ducheffe of Braganza; he
defired with many earnest Words, that this may be held moſt ſe-
cret, and in any wife concealed from all the Ambaffadors Legiers:
I doe fend her inclofed to your Honour, a Letter directed to my
Coufine Edwarde Woottone, the which the Portugall Ambaffadoure
delyuered me, wifhinge he may be aduertiſed for to have it kept
unknowne. --- His Pretence is, that the Spaniſhe Ambaffador doth
watche him and his Dealings. He femeth now a Paffionate Suitor
againfte the Caftyllyanes, and delyvereth his Mynde therin more
frely then before. Thus I humbly take my Leave.
}
I
1
To Sir Francis Walfingham.
Doe fend your Honor heare inclofed a Note of G--- B---, as
Acknowlegdement, for the receipt of three hundred and thirtie
Crownes.
By the next, I think, he will wryte unto you the Cauſes which
moved him to preffe me to difburfe fo muche unto him. --- If the Ef-
fect
may followe his Deffeins, he maye be a great Meanes for her
Majeſtie to ſtaye fome Wayes her farder Charges.
From Parys, the 17th
of Marche 1579.
To Mr. Secretaryes.
OR that this Bearer requireth to ufe Expeditione in his Re-
Ftourne, I wold not only wipe this few words,
tourne, I wold not ſtaye him, but only wryte theis few Wordes,
havinge diſpatched foure Dayes pafte Mr. Slingefbey, with Letters
to your Honors. The Kynge hath, and doth remayne at St. Ger-
mayne
of LETTER S.
365
2
、
mayne, partelie uppon a litle Smartinge or Payne of his Legg,
and partelie for his Pleafure, and the Quene Mother as yet kep-
eth her Chamber. The Duke of Guyfe is gone to his Houfe befyde
Eureux, with Intent to retourne this Weke; fome Speches are dely-
vered, that he ſhold cauſe thre or fowre Shipps to be rigged, but
I fynde no certayne Foundatione of that Rumoure: It is like that
he cold be contented to be employed in fome Actione, whereby the
Opinyon of his Greatnefs mighte be maintained, as allfo that therby
he mighte fynde Meanes to pay parte of his greate Debts, but no
Refolutione or beginninge hearof as yet knowne. I do heare inclofe
and fend to your Honours, fuche Occurrents as are by this Pofte
broughte out of Italye. This Bearer dothe informe me nothinge of
Importance from Monfieurs Courte, only that he ſhould faye to him
that he meaneth to be in England fhortlie. I doe underſtand how
his Highnes hath commaunded his followers to putte themſelves in
a readynes, and to gather Companyes, whych is fufpected to be for
the Enterpriſe of the Low-Countreys. This other Daye he fent
hither Monfieur de la Fin, to vifitte the Quene Mother and the
Kynge: For a few Dayes ther was an Opinyone that the Kynge and
the Courte fholde have removed from hence towarde Fontainebleau,
but that Bruite is paffed over. The Bisfhoppe of Roffe hath ben
with me agayne, to lett me knowe how his Meffenger was retourned,
which had ben in Englande, follicitinge his Suite for to obtayne her
Majefties favourable Letters in his Behalf, to Monfieur, for an Ab-
bey, whereon he conceaueth ſmall Hope that waye, but wold have
had me written to Monfieur Semyer: I aunfweared him, that fince he
had underſtoode the Queenes Majefties Meaninge, it was not a
Matter for me to deal in; he farder difcourfed unto me, that his
Quene had ben caluminated to have faid fome Wordes in the Diſ-
praiſe of Monſieur, touchinge the which Report he faythe, that he
hath aunſweared the Quenes Majeftie fo well, as that her Highnes
refteth fatisfied; with theis and fuche like Speaches he paffed away
fome Tyme. Ther paffeth from hence ſhortlie towarde Scotlande,
L11
the
$
366
COLLECTION
A
f
the Abbote of Landors, the faid Bysſhopps Kynfeman, with whom
one of the Duke of Guyfe Efcuierys hath muche practifed latelie.
Ther is nothinge farder out of Portugall fince my lafte. They of
Rochell have lately taken a Spanishe Shippe, wherin wer fyve Pypes
full of Spanishe Ryalles, of two Shillings the Piece, Suger Chefts to
the Value of 150 Thouſande Franks, riche Furres and Eiftrich Fea-
thers, to the Value of 6 Thouſand Francks; and fo muche is con-
feffed by the Merchaunte of Rochell, who is heare to fue that the
Kinge doe not trouble them for their Enterpriſe. But Vergas, the
Spaniſhe Agent hath complayned hearof to the Quene Mother; ad-
dinge, they had allfo 100 Thouſand Francks in Piftoletts, and that
they funke the faid Shippe and Maryners, which is true. Wheras
in January laſte I wrote, and fent by Meanes, to Monfieur Rogan
and Monfieur de la Valle, having their Territoryes in Bretayne, and
alonge the Coaſte of Spaine, to be advertiſed of the Army, and Pre-
parationes made by the Kynge of Spaine; They aunfweared me, That
the faid Kynge addreffed his Preparationes toward Portugall, and
that in the Porte of San Lucar wer fene two great Shippes, wherin
wer two huge Yrone Chaines of marvailous Bignes and Length;
and alfo dyvers Spades and Shovells.
}
But about this Coafte, this Kynge maketh no Preparationes.
Francifco Eraffo, which had ben fo longe in Swedeland, Agent for
the Kynge of Spayne, havinge ben allfo in the Prince of Parma's
Courte, is retourned with many Difpatches, and departed toward
Spaine: But before his Departure, I fent one unto him, under Pre-
tence (which he fayned for that Purpoſe) to confer with him, who
told that the Kynge of Swedeland is inclyned to be a Papiſte, and is
a great Friend of Kynge Phillippes; and that he receaveth yearlie
out of Itaylye, 40 Thouſand Crownes, by the Inheritance of the late
Quene, called Regina Bona.
Mr. Parker, Brother to the Lorde Morley, came to me this other
Daye, being come hither the lafte Weke, in Company of Mr. Lyg-
gynes,
1
է
1
of LETTER S.
367
gynes, a yonge Gentleman of the Weft Countrey; he faithe, That
he came hither onlye to fee his Mother, and uppon certaine Occafi-
ones, of his Fathers lafte Will, and that he came in Companye of
one of the ordinarye Pofts.
Thus I leave your Honours in the Tuitione of Allmightie God.
Your HONOURS affured to Commaunde,
HENRY COBHAM.
I
To the Earle of LEICESTER.
Receaved (my finguler good Lorde) your Lordſhippes two Let-
ters, by this Bearer, fince which Tyme he hath ben at Monfieurs
Courte; by whoſe Anſwer it will appeare, what Devotione Mon-
fieur hath to her Majeftie; as alfo the over-muche Difpofitione he
will fhew to his Ceremonyus Maffes, wheather it will like him to
wynne the Love of her Majeftic, and leave the obftynate Demand
in the Matter of his Devotions. I can learne no Particulers of this
Meffenger concerninge the Matter of Marriage.
Monfieur Semyer fent me now a Letter, with a few courteous
Words of Accomplements onlye.
It femeth that Monfieur intendeth to undertake the Enterpriſe of
the Lowe Countreys, yf it may be any waye agreable to his Mynde,
and on that Occafione his followers, doe by his Commaundements,
gather together Companyes fecretlie. Whither this litle Beginninge
will have any other Procedinge, God knoweth, fince the Manner
hath ben heare to make many Onfetts, but to finiſhe well few.
As they fhall goo forwards in their Enterpriſes, fo will I not faile
but to advertiſe, wherby her Majeftie maye thinke of that which
fhal
368
A COLLECTION
✔
fhal be beft for her Safety and Contentacione. I did by the laſte.
ſend a Diſpatche, touchinge the Affaires of Portugall, the which yf
it maye be delt in, accordinge to that Wiſdome wherwith your Lord-
ſhips have heretofore mannaged the like Occafione, and yf the French
do not intrude themſelves, it will become, I hope, as good an Im-
peachement on that Side, as Flaunders is now for thoſe Parts.
I truſte your Lordships will vouchfalfe to lett me underſtande
wherein I may to the Purpoſe imploye my Services; for through
your Advife, I maye the better knowe how to fatisfye her Majefties
Commaundements, the which I covyt to performe; I doe humblye
recommend to your Lordships furtherance my Suite, hopinge Mr.
Secretary Willfone hath moved it for me of late, wherin your Lord-
ſhip hath Meanes to bynde me and myne unto you.
Praying for the contynuance of your profperous Eftate, &c.
M
To Mr. Stafforde.
Y good Mr. Stafford, this Bearer havinge ben at Monfieurs
Courte, can beſt informe you what he hath fene, and other
Letters which he bringeth, will declare the Doubtes, or hope of
their Staye.
Wherin I cannot fo farre forthe fatisfye you, havinge receaved
no Advertiſements from thence.
Since your being hear, the Kynge hath ben for the mofte parte
at St. Germaynes, and the Quene Mother hath kept her Chamber and
Bedd, conftrayned therunto throughe the Indifpofitione of her.
Healthe,
I fup-
of LETTER S.
369
pofe that you have hearde how they of Cambray have taken the Duc
of Anjou to be their Souereign Lord, and lyke Offers, the other
Members of the Lowe Contreys do make to his Highnes. In this
forte the State of theis Affayres doe remayne.
Thus I commytte you to the Protection of Allmightie GOD.
From Parys, the 12th.
1
of Marche, 1579.
1
The Ambaſſador to Lord Chamberlayn Suffex.
W
HERAS my Lord, I have of late written twife to Mon-
fieur, as allfo to Monfr. Semyer, hitherto I have nether un-
derſtoode from his Highnes nor from him, fo muche as of the re-
ceipt of my Letters, wherof I have fomethinge lamented to De Urey,
who this other Daye is retourned to Aingiers.
And for that it femeth the Quene Mother hath Caufes of Impor-
taunce, to conferr with Monfieur her Sonne, who ſheweth as yet,
no prefent Difpofitione to come hither; fhe taketh her Journey to-
ward him on the fixt this prefent, wheron it is judged her Meanynge
to be, for to deale with him in two principall Caufes: Fyrfte, In
Confideratione that they take hear the Caufe of the Maryage in
Englande to be fomethinge backward, and her Defyne daily increaſeth
to fee her Sonne marryed, by Reafone of her farder Yeares, and the
Weaknes of her Elder Sonne.
So as the femeth to be of Mynde, uppon fome Words fhe hath
latelie delyvered to fondry, and eſpecially to Preſident de Pau, lately
Mm m
fent
1
370
A COLLECTION
fent from their Majesties to the Kynge of Nauarre, which was that
ſhe aſked him of her Daughter, the Prynceffe of Nauarre, addinge
'that ſhe was indede her Daughter, for the ment fhe ſhold ſhortly be
her Sonnes Wyfe, wherof the hath ftreightlie willed him to adver-
tife the Kinge of Nauarre and the Princeffe; befyde this, of late Con-
ference with fondry Ambaſſadors heer, fhe fayd, That allthoughe
the Matters of Flanders wer to be confidered on, and the Affayres
of Portugalle to be delt in, yet the Marryage of her Sonne did more
importe her for the contynuance of Succeffione to the Crowne, fo
as ſhe concluded that this was firfte to be done; uppon whych her
Speaches, the Ambaffadors geffed fhe ment on the Duke of Lorrayns
Daughter, whom the entirely loveth, and holdeth in the nigheft and
higheſt Place about her, and theron the Bruyte is delyvered that
the Maryage fhold be ment toward her.
With whomfoever it is, It femeth that her only and Daily Care
is, to brynge her Sonne to fome Matche, thoughe fhe fynde not him,
as yet fo refolutely inclyninge to her Defyres therin.
Befyde this, fhe hath in the Conference of the Matters of the
Lowe Countrey, and Treatye of the Articles propounded, by the
States ther, fhewed herſelf not to be bent that way, but rather en-
clyned to move her Sonne towarde the Affaires of Portugalle, as a
Matter of greater Weighte, and more preiudicyall to this Realm, yf
Kynge Phillip fhold attayne the Poffeffione therof; for that Flanders
may be eafily intertayned in the State as it is; but Kynge Phillip
havinge poffeffed Portugalle, it will hardlie be recovered out of his
Handes: She hath fent to the King of Naurre, to have fome
Conference with him, and to fe her Daughter, his Wyfe; ſo as ſome
think, ther will be fome Conference ſhortlie with theſe Prynces, but
I am informed of the contrary.
She hath allfo promyfed, That certayne Townes fhal be reſtored
to the Kynge of Nauarre, which wer lately taken from him; and
that better Orders fhal be gyven in thoſe Parts, wher he governeth,
than
of LETTER S.
371
than hitherto hath ben. In the meane Tyme the Counfaile are hear
bufye in bryinginge to paffe fome Wayes for amaffinge of Monye,
wherby the Kyngs Debts may be partlie payed, which is thoughte
will be accomplished, by levyeng the fame on the walled Townes
only; and not generally of the Towneſhippes and Communalties.
Doctour Miron, the Kynges chief Phifician, is gone to the Baths'
a Plumiers, in Lorrayn, whofe retourne is looked for about the 11th
of this prefent, at what Tyme, the Kynges Refolutione will be
knowne, whither he propofeth to goe, pretendinge as yet, to goe
thither for his Healthes fake, or at left the Quene his Wyfe, except
fome extraordinary Chaunces doe divert his Intent that Waye.
The Ambaffador of Pontugalle hath obtayned, in Favoure of the
Caufe of his Contrey. Firfte, That the Kynge hath written earneft-
lie to the Bysfhoppe of Rome, declaringe his Miflyke, that the Kynge
of Spayne fhold, by Force, mayntein his Pretence toward the Crowne
of Portugalle; as allfo wiſhinge the Pope to mislyke therof, and to
diffwade the Catholique Kinge from advancinge his violent Courſe
that Waye: Likewife both the Kinge and Quene Mother did make
very gratious Anfwers to Donna Catherinas Letters, as allfo that he
hath willed his Ambaffador, Refident in Spayne, to perfwade the Ca-
tholique Kynge to furceafe from his forceble Procedings.
By ther laſte Letters out of Spayne, It is certified how the younge
Duke of Barſeilles, who was detayned a while at St. Lucar, and
thoughte ſhould have ben fent to Seuilia, fhal be fuffered to retourne
into Portugalle, and is fuppofed to be ther before this Tyme, to the
great Contentatione of Donna Catherina his Mother, and them of
that Countrey.
And allthoughe the Kynge is gone to Guadaluppe, and the Duke
of Alba paffed towarde the Frontiers of that Countrey, with fome
Parte of the Armye, yet it is underſtoode how the Kynge will not
enter forcebly into Portugalle, untill the Declaratione of the Succefs-
or be made.
Befyde
372
A COLLECTION
Befyde that Fabrilio Colonna, Sonne and Heir of Marc Anthonio
Colonna is dead of the Plague,---Ther have died fondry other Cap-
taynes and Gentlemen of Name; wheron the Kynge hath for a
Tyme, diſperſed his Armye, the better to avoyde the Infectione
which was hottely begonne, amonge his Companyes of Men of
Warre.
The Cardinall Granuille is chief Mannager of the Affayers of Spayne,
and nothinge is done ther without Intelligence and Conference of
the Confiftorye of Rome.
Wheras the Chriftyane Kynge held hear, at the End of the lafte
Moneth, the Ceremony for the Funeralls of the two lafte deceaſed
Kyngs of Portugalle, the Pope's Nuntio wold not be preſent, thoughe
he was invyted by the Kynge, which was much noted; nether doth
the Nuntio viſette or conferr with the Portugall Ambaſſador, as other
in former Tyme have ben accuſtomed to doe; wherin the Pope's
Partiallitye is ſomething eſpied.
Since the writinge hearof, ther is come a Curror from Lisbona,
with Letters for certayne Merchants in Andwerp, which wer vffited
and opened as he paffed throughe Spayne: It is wrytten in them,
How Don Antonio and the Duke of Braganza have agreed togither
wherby it femeth they are united in Portugalle. The Plague' conty-
nueth in Lisbona. It is fignified allfo, how Kynge Phillipp was
come to Guadaluppe, wher he ment to hold theis Hollydayes paſte,
which being done, he ment to goe towarde Seuilia, wheras ther was
levyed in Italye 9000 Italyanes. Ther are more then 4000 [of them
dead, the refte pafs'd on flowly toward the Frontiers of Portugalle.
The Ambaffadors fent by the States of Portugalle, the one called
Manncle de Melomonteramo, the other being the Bysfhop of Coembra,
are now admitted to the Kynge of Spaynes Prefence, and have had
Audyence of the faid Kynge twyfe, whofe Conference tended to pa-
cifye the Kynge, and to perfwade him that the Matter of Declarati-
one of the Succeffor myght paffe by waye of Juftice, which is taken
by
of LETTER S.
373
by the Kynge to be done, onlye to wynne Tyme, wherefore the Ca-
tholique Kynge procedethe wyth his Preparations, wiſhing them to
growe to fome Refolutione.
Thus I remytte your LORDSHIP
The 19th of Aill,
1580.
to the Tuitione of the ALMIGHTYE.
To Mr. Secretaryes.
T is like your Honors, her Majeftye may be advertiſed how the
Proteftant Party is but very weake, and much torne in fonder,
being yet oppreffed by the Marefchaulx Mommoreney and Biron, which
be the two Boutefeux on thoſe Partes of this Realme, wher they are
conſtrayned to take Armes.
On the 6th of this prefent, Fontainelles being fent from Biron hither,
broughte Advertiſements to the Kynge how the Viſcounte Touraine
hath taken the Towne and Caſtle of Montignae le Cont in Perigort,
and another Caſtle on the Ryver of Liferes, the which Viſcounte
hath done affiftinge Baupre, who hath a Quarrell with Pompador,
wheron prefentlie, the fame Daye, the Kynge hath diſpatched a
Curror to the faide Viſcounte, commandinge him, and exhortinge
him to lyve in Peace, accordinge to the Edict; wrytinge lykewife
to Stroffi, being now at his Bysfhopprick, befide Tholoufe, to doe good
Offices for the Satisfactione of all Partes.
The Kynge hath likewife defpatched a Meffenger (toward Mont-
morency, fhewing how he miflyketh of his takinge of Townes, and
furpriſinge of Caſtles.
Nnn
Doctor
374
A COLLECTION
Doctor Miron, the Kynges chief Phificiane, went the 29th of
Marche to vifitte the Baths a Plumiers.
Captayne Hakerſtonne, a Scotte, came frome the Prioure of Prou-
ence, with Requeſt to have Commiffiones to levy Men, bycauſe they
of the Commonalty of Daulphine feme to joyne with them of the
Religione in Prouence.
Le Vallet, the Kynges Mynion, is co me from Palue, havinge by
Monye and other Meades compaffed fome Apparance of Guyetnes in
that Marquifate.
The Ambaſſador of Savoyo did informe how the Duke his Maſter
was the principalleft Meanes therin, by fendinge to Le Vallet 10
thouſand Crownes, and fome Piedmontoys of his Militia, to the befieg-
inge of the Caſtle of Paluffe, and Fortreffe of Carmagnola and Reueille,
Colonel Chamberg is appoynted by the Kynge to goe into Germanye.
When the Kynge fatte in Counfaile for to levy Men, the firfte Pre-
fident, named De Thou, after the Kynge had made Requeſt of
7
Millyones of Lyvres, makinge a Croſſe, he ſaid, Santa Maria, Ther
is not much Monye in all France. Prefident Sequire followinge the
fyrſt Préfident in Speache, Not fo much Mony in all France faythe
he? Wher is Sardigni! Wher is Ruchellai! Wher is Diacetto! With
which the Kynge fomethinge fmyled, and told them they ſhold not
take Care how to compaffe it, for Monfr. Bellieure Superintendent
of the Finances, fhold declare them the Meanes, which Bellieure
hathe ben Ambaffador with the Suiffes, and knoweth beft the man-
naginge of the Affaires of Almany with this Crowne.
Sonday the 27th of Marche, Monfr. de Pau came hither, beinge
fent from the Kynge of Nauarre, who hath fold a Baronnye in Nor-
mandye, called Efpernon, eftémed worth 10 Thouſand Crownes, and a
Towne in Anjou, called La Fleche.
The Quene Mother is gone to Monfr. the 6th of this preſent, hav-
ing fent before, her chiefe Phificiane, called Monfr. Vigor; fince
that
་
of LETTER S.
375
that, Monfieur Seale hath ben taken from the Bysfhop of Mande,
it hath ben offred to Monfr. Perrot, by whom ther was made therof
fome Refufalle, in refpecte that he is not acquaynted with Matters
pollitique, but practiſed in juriſdiciall Caufcs. And for that Prefi-
dent, de Vert, hath made Suyte for it, it is thought it wil be beftow-
ed and divyded thus,
To the premier Prefident, named Chriftofle de Thou for 4 Moneths.
To De Vert for 4 Moneths, and Perrot 4 Moneths; and fo ac-
cordingly by tournes, but yf it be bestowed uppon any one Man,'
it is thoughte Monfr. Pibrac have it.
The Governors of Portugalle purpoſe to ſend a Gentleman on Mef-
fage, (who is thoughte to be on his way to Rome) to the Intent to
intreat the Pope, that by all Meanes a Cardinall be fent into ther
Countrey. The Ambaffador heer hath advertiſed the Portugalle Am-
baffador Legier at Rome, how the Nuntio being invyted by the Chrif-
tyane Kynge, wold not be preſent at the Celebratione of the Fune-
ralies of the two laft Portugalle Kynges: Nether hath he by any Vi-
fitatione condoled for the Deathe of the Kyngs, accordinge to the
Cuftome of Ambaffadors in the like Cafe; fo as it is noted, how he
hath made open Demonftratione of fome ftrange ftrange Dealinge
therin. The Kynge of Spayne hath commanded that the Duke of
Barfeilles fhold be conveighed from St. Lucar, wher he was fyrfſte
detayned to Seuilia, in the Alcaffar, the which is the Kyngs chief
Houſe, and in a manner of a Pryfone, Secretarye Villeroy hath in-
formed the Portugalle Ambafiador, Refident hear, that many of the
Nobilitye in Spayne fhewed their Miflyke of the Manner of Imprifo-
nynge the younge innocent Duke. And the Ambaffador hathe
greatlie complayned of it to the Kynge, fhewing how the Spany/he
Kynge did procure his Delyurey out of the Hands of the Mores, as
it femeth now, to have him in his owne Hands a Pryfoner. The
Portugal Ambaffador hear, beftoweth xx thouſande Crownes in Ar-
mour,
*
376
A
COLLECTION
mour, Corfeletts, Harquebufes, and Powder, wherof ther is great
Scarcety hear; he perfwadeth carneftlie the Kynge to fend an Am-
baffader in Portugalle, prefently after Eafter, having delt with Che-
ualier de Seure to that Purpoſe, whom he fyndeth willinge ynoughe.
Doctor Knotte is lately come out of Spayne. The Duke of Brunf-
wicke is Generall of the Almaynes; and Don Pietro di Medicis, Ge-
nerall of the Italyans. The Kynge of Spayne is in League with the
Kynge of Fefs, who hath offred to fend him Ayde for the Conqueft
of Portugalle. Thomas Leuiftone, the Larde of Glandburye, and the
Abbot of Lendors, went togither from Paris towarde Scotlande, on
Mandye Thurſdaye. The Bysfhoppes of Scotlande hearken muche
how the Larde Boyde doth cary himſelf, for that he is eftemed one
of the pollitiqueft Perfones in Scotlande. The Papiſtes heer, and
the Scottiſhe Bysfhoppes, do prayſe the Earle of Shrewſburye to be a
highe Friend of the Quene of Scottes, for his well ufinge her.
Ther is one Nelcalfe, who hath brought from Sheffield, the Earle of
Shrewsburyes Houfe, Letters from the Quene of Scottes, to the
Bysfhop; and Morgane, who was fometyme the faid Earles Secre-
tary. The faide Nelcalfe paffed ouer from Southamptonne to Garne-
fey, and fo hither; ther is allfo one Monflowe, a Traytor, Coufinge to
the Bysfhop of Scotlande; Mr. Parker paffed over at Rye, callinge
himſelf Suttone, Kynfeman to my Wyfe, and had a Letter of Re-
commendatione to one Didsburye (who dwelleth and kepth a Table
at Rye) to help him over. Mr. Dauyfone, Licentiate in Lawe, is
gone to Orleans, who had Order to receave great Sommes of Mo-
neye made out of Englande, which he receaved heer in Parys of
two or three Merchants. Mr. Sheltonne, fometyme the old Lord
Treaſurers Man, is at Roane, throughe whofe Hands, Money and
Letters, and dyvers other Things do paffe. Ther is a Book made
in Louayne, which maketh Declaratione of the Faults which may be
corrected againſt thofe principall Governors which concern her
Majefty.
The
of LETTER S.
377
The faide Book was maide by a Prieſt in Louayne. On our La-
dy-day lafte, Mr. Danyell, a Suffolk Man, went towarde Englande,
and retourneth fhortely.
Frome Rome it is advertiſed to certayne Papiftes in Parys,
that they fhold be of good Courage; exhortinge them how God
tryeth his People many Wayes, as it appeareth by fondry Calami-
tyes and Misfortunes which have happened to the Church of God;
and now lafte of all, through the Event of the Death of the old
Kynge of Portugalle, wheron now the Portugalls doe contynue in
ther Reſiſtance againſte the Catholique Kynge: Surely a Thing fuf-
fred by God to trye us farder, to the End we may fee our owne Im-
pertinence; for when this Plotte was fyrfte layde, the younge
Kynge was yet lyvinge; and after him fucceeded a most godlie.
Man, enjoying the Seate. Throughe the Commodity therof, the
Waye was then better made agayne; likewiſe a League was pro-
cured with them of Barbarye, and an Amitye with the Turk; to the
Intent ther ſhold be no Impediment; notwithſtanding it is a Mira-
cle, to fee how the Chaunce fell out, through the Death of the Car-
dinal, late Kynge of Portugalle; which is now the only Lett of fo
godly an Enterprife. Certainly, a Thing, not only for the Try-
alle of our Patience in this mortal Life; but alfo, a Shew of
great Puniſhment towarde the Hereticks; for let all good
Chriſtyanes be well affured, that the Hereticks of England fhall not
be fuffred to contynue longe in their mifchieuous Proceedings, but
that a Waye ſhall be adviſed to cutte them of yer it be longe; and
Executione made yer they be aware. I meane, the Ufurper of
Authorities, the Puddle of Lafcivioufnes, the very Antichrifte,
and her wicked Counfaile and Minyones, who allwayes mayntein
the Enemyes of God and of his Church; ther hereticall Devifes,
fhall, by Gods Mighte, be withſtanded; and then, by political
Meanes cutte off; as, by Gods Help, you ſhall hear more hear-
after. Ther is one Laffel, a Merchante in London, one Watſonne, a
Lawyer
Ooo
378
A COLLECTION
Lawyer in London, one Crouder, one Smythe, a Lawyer of Guild-
hall, and one Whyte, theis advertiſe very much of the State of
Things about London.
I have advertiſed her Majefty of certaine Prieſts that are come
from Rome, and are departed into her Majefties Realmes: I truft
your Honours will make Inquirye after them, and caufe the Land-
inge of them to be attended on, which will be (as I am informed)
about the End of this Moneth..
Thns I commyte your Honours to the Tuitione of the Almightie.
The Names of thofe ENGLISHMEN which wher made
Priefts in ROME, and are gone over into Englande.
JOHN NEALE,
GEORGE MARTIN,
MEREDITH,
HYDE,
RICHARDE HADDOCK, THO. WOORTHINGTONNE.
Thofe that wer reddy to departe.
THO. DARBISHER,'
HENRY ORSONNE,
WM. and GABRIELL ALLYNE,
ROBERT JOHNSONNE,
HUMFREY ELYE,
THOMAS COTTONE.
M
To the Earle of LEICESTER.
Y Lord, I muſt crave Pardonne of you, yf I doe not fo
farre forthe enlarge theis prefent Occurrents as my Mynde
and Defynge was to have done; for furely at this Inftant, I am
troubled
of LETTERS.
379
troubled with fome Indifpofitione of Healthe; as alfo I have been
compelled to delyver at Lengthe in Wrytinge to the Lord Trea-
furer, the Aunfwear of their Majefties, touchinge the Affayres of
Portugalle, for that by him I receaved the Quene Majefties Will
and Mynde therof; but perceaving by Mr. Floride, that he doth
belonge and ferveth your Lordships fomewayes, I have promiſed
him the next Pacquet, by whom I fhayll not fayle to delyver
fully, the prefent Courſe of Affairs which is come to my Know-
ledge; wiſhing to your Lordship a longe Lyfe, with Contynuance
of your profperous Eſtate.
I befech you, lett me hear by your next, that you have remcm-
bred me, and have taken Tyme to fpeake to her Highnes for me,
with fome good News.
I fend your Lordship hear inclofed, the Articles propounded
by the States of the Lowe Countrys, and Monfieures Aunfwear
therunto.
Certaine Demands of the Stats Generall of the Lowe
Countreys, and Monfieures Aunfwear therunto.
I. HAT the Kynge would take in Hand their Caufe, togi-
ther with Monfieurs, or that he will ayde him with all his
Meanes, as well with Money to paye 8000 Footmen and 2000
Horſemen; as allfo to take away the free Paffage of Commo-
dityes betwen Fraunce and their Enemyes.
His Highnes affureth himſelf ſo muche of the Kynges Good-
will, his Lord and Brother, as the States maketh Choyfe of hlm
to be their Lord with reaſonable Conditions, that his Majeſty
will refpect and favoure the Greatnes of his Highneſs, and their
Prefervatione, by all the Meanes he may; and touchinge the 8000
Footmen and 2000 Horfemen wher with they defyre to be tyded;
his
380
A COLLECTION
his Highnefe being requyred and entringe in Perfonne to incurre
the Danger with them, will employ the beſt and worst he can, and
pay the faid Forces for thre Moneths.
II. That the Freedomes, Preheminences and Libertyes, may be
conferved.
His Highnes will mayntien their Freedoms and Privileges
which in former Tyme they have enjoyed.
III. That the Religion which they term Fredde may be univerfally
permitted and maynteined.
His Highnes will mayntien the fame as it hathe ben agred by the
Stats.
IV. That ther be no Garryfones in their Townes but of their owne
Natione; and thoſe to be in Places, where, by his Highneſs and
Counfail fhal be thoughte mete.
The Garryfonnes with which the faid Townes mufte be fourniſhed,
fhal be according as his Highneſs with his Counfaile fhall fynde
it nedefull for Defence of thofe Places.
V. That the faid Counfail fhal be compofed of no other then thoſe
of their Contrey, except two or thre Frenchmen, which fhall be
permitted accordinge to the Order held by the ancient Dukes of
Bourgoigne; and that the Electione and Nomination of the De-
grees and Offices of the Contrey be referred to the States, to
name Frenchmen or their owne Contrymen at their Difcretione.
His Highnes will eftablefh his Counfaile by Advife of the States,
accordinge to the Knowledge which they may have of the Wor-
thynes or Experience of the Perfonnes.
VI. That they will give to his Highnes all the Demaynes of their
Eftate for his Mayntenance, and 160 Crownes a Moneth, to-
ward the defrayeng of the Warres.
His
of LETTER S.
377**
1
His Highnes will confent that the 160 thouſand Crounes a
Moneth, which the States will fourniſhe for the Mayntenance of
Warre, fhal be diſtributed by the Ordonnances and Adviſe of his
Counfaile, and managed by the Treaſurers of the Country; and
as concernynge the Mayntenance of his Highnes, he will be con-
tent with that which fhall be thoughte convenient, according to the
Charges he muſt fupport---His Highnes will contynue the Allyan-
ces and Confederacyes which he fhall fynde to be neceffary for the
Mayntenance of the Wealthe of the publique State; and will, by
all Meanes, procure to joyne the Arche-duke in Maryage with
fuche Party as his Quallity and Greatnefs requyreth.
f
TH
To Sir Francis Wallfingham.
HE Lady de la Noue hathe ben with me, whoſe moſt for-
rowefull Cafe is gretly to be pityed and confidered, befech-
ing your Honoure theron, that theis my Letters may fervs you for
a Memoryalle, to beftowe yore Speaches to her Majeftie, whereby
ſhe may be ſtyrred to fave the Lyfe, and recover the Liberty of
that worthie Chriftian, and rare Gentleman, unto whom the Chrif-
tian Churche is bounde for his Travails; and all Nobillitye and
Knights for his cleare Value, are obliged by their Profeffione to
have in Confideratione.---Therfore me thinketh it fhold not be fo
eafily and quietly fuffered, that the Ennemyes to his zealous Reli-
gion mighte triumphe and uſe their Outrage upon fo finguler a Per-
fonne. In Tymes paft Mens Mynds have ben vertuouſly moved
to doe great Things for the like Caufes, as the Prefervatione of ſu
valyant and rare a Gentleman: I befech your Honour excufe me,
РРР
y t
378
A COLLECTION, &c.
1
}
yf I expreſs hearin fomethinge more then ynoughe my earneſtneſs
fince he deferueth this, and whatfoever I colde wryte, faye, or
doe.
Captayne del Bene was fent hence about the iiiith of this prefent
month by the Kynge unto the Prince of Orange, to feke the Meanes.
for the Delyverance of Monfieur la Noue; he was fworne Gentle-
man of the Kynges Chamber before he went hence. I do find his
Letter to your Honour, which beareth Date when he was appoynted,
and then ſtayed agayne.----Madame de la Noue ufeth many Meanes;
ſhe ſendeth Monfieur Bellefleur who is to paffe firfte into England.-
The Legate of Rome, Cardinal Ariario hath made his Journey alonge
the Levant Coafte, throughe the Duke of Savoys Territories, and
paffeth by Narbonne, fo to Perpignan, and from thence into Spayne.--
I have hearwithe diſpatched Mr. Wade for to be receaued of your
Honour, accordinge to the affectionate humble Duty he beareth to-
wards you; befechinge, that fome of thofe Favours you colde be
pleaſed to beſtowe on me yf I wer ther, you will laye them on him
as on my dear Friend; as alfo, that you will vouchſalf to preſent
him to her Majefty, with fo good Commendationes, as he may be
accepted for her Highnes's fworn Servaunte. Synce that allready
he hath ſhewed to ſerve her Majeſty carefully in other Partes on this
Syde of the Sea, and contynueth of Difpofitione to beſtowe him-
felf in obeying her Majefties farder Commaundements.---I wold
be gladde to knowe whych Way I mighte deferve and increaſe your
farder Good-will and Favour; therfore, I befech
that I may
receave by this Gentleman, your Honoures Minde, whych I fhall
accompliſhe accordinglye, with that Affection, as I fhall defyre to
receave Contentatione from you; wiſhing, and defiringe, your Ho-
noures good Healthe and happy Lyfe.
you,
I beseech your Honour, that Mr. Wade may be retourned with
the firfte Diſpatche, if it may fo like you from Parys.
The 9th of June, 1580.'
APPEN-
И Of 473x
of
LETTER'S.
koidiw paliva aku div byloud
Letter from F. Grevill, at Venice, to Lord
**
Right Honorable and my very good Lord,
MⓇ
i
+
EE thinkes Inforfee allready, that like as they who being
once entred into the Shallowes neare the Shoare, are trayn
ed on ſtill, and venture to wade into the Sea: Right fo it fareth
with me, the farther I goe forward the deeper I tread, and am car-
ried away into a vaft Ocean, and bottomeleffe Gulfe of Negotiation.
Wherfore, now leauing my olde Tragetto, by Way of Informa-
tion uppon Particulars only, being (as one well hoteth) the moſt
compendious Way to know litle, I am refolued (God willing) to
imbarke my felfe uppon a deeper Channell, and try how this litle
Barcke of mine will guide it felfe in the Maine Ocean, and where
the Winds blowe on euery Side; Una Eurufq; Notufq; ruunt.
1
It is generally conceaued here that a fatall Crifis is not farr off;
and our Speculatiur doe imagine that they doe allready fee figna con-
coctionis. If wee doe not erre in our Calculation, by the End of
the next Moneth ther are likely to bee found 200m. Swordes inrol-
led at the leaſt, if not drawne pro Libertate & contra Libertatem,
for into theſe Heades they doe diuide themfelfes.
}
↓
To begin with thofe which are contra Libertatem: Wee doe al-
low in the Low Cuntreys unto the Marquis Spinola, and fuch as doe
depend uppon him, the Number of 40m. unto Tilly and the Impe-
rialifts with him gom. unto the Duke of Feria 30m. which make
in all room. On the other Side, pro Libertate, wee doe give un-
to the Prince of Orange 30m. unto Count Mansfelt 3om. and unto
the League here in Italye 50m. which are 100m. By this Account
made in groffe the Ballance doth appeare to bee allmoft equall
ratione Numeri; and therfore, wee muft examine collaterall Cir-
cumſtances to fee whether any may bee found which may giue and
add Weight unto either of the Scales.
'
Ooo
t
The
$
47·4
A COLLECTION
4
The contrary Party doth feeme to bee fauored with vis unita, which
doth increaſe Strength by way of Concentration, for all ther Counsells
doe depend uppon one Oracle, or if there bee more Oracles then one
on that Side, yet, like the Oracles of Grece, in the Time of Philipp
of Macedon, wee may truly-fay that they doe all of them liv.
There Mony (which is neguys belli) doth come all quit of one Tre
fury,, and, it is congeaued that those golden Riners cannot bee dried
upp as longe as ther Indian Heades, and Sources are, fice and unftop..
ped. Befides,, feare doth open the Purfe of the Gennefu as wide as.
maybee, and inforce them to, caft a plentifull dewe of Siluer uppon
this golden Fleece of Spayne, Toi defraude this Side of nothing
they can pretend unto, wee muft caft into ther Seale fome: Graynes
of the temporall Bower of the Emperor, of the fpiritual Authority of
the Pope of the Reputation, that Side hath to bee Victorious, and
the Extenfion of Dominions, they have to entertayne Armayes upon
Now for the other Side, although it might bee, doubted that Eng-
land, France, Venice, and Saugy, and the Low Cuntryes a Hen-
uen of five Spheres, wherof euery Orbe hath, his feuerall Epicycle,+
can hardly maynetayne, for any longe Time a regular Motion; and
that the Irregularitye of any one Orbe may diffemper the whole.
Body, yet thofe that doe confider how they were uppon a fuddayne
united, really without Formalityes, of Treatyes, and how willingly
diuerfe: Perfones, of different, and perhapps, contrary Difpofitions,, doe
concurre, ad commune reſtinguendum: Incendium., dos conceaue that
they may very well and will very willingly continew ther Motion.
with Conftancy untill they have obtayned, the End which was pro-
pofed by them all. For then is po Bond that can, tye Princes and
States together, but common Interests, wherunto if feare: of Op-
**
>
preffion
··CONCENTRATION, is a retiring, on witþdrawing inwards, or moving towards the Center.
CONCENTRICK, is a MathematicalſTerm, fignifying the same common Center with another.
CONCENTRATION, is likewife a Term in Chymifry, fignifying an Operation, by which the maßt,
active Parts of any Liquor, and thofe from whence it derives its principal Qualities, are collected,
and ſeparated from the other Parts, which dilate and render them-weaker: N. B. This Defini-
tion, will give you an Idea of Mr GREVILL's Meaning and Application of the Word.
EPICYCLE or little Circle, or fmall Orb within the circumference of a greater.
of LETTERS.
475
P
Tort of bo
Shandud
ID
shodima ne
preffion bee added, it doth make a Gordian Knott. A Hand is not
the weaker for confifting of fiue Fingers, but hath the Aduantage of
imbracing more then a clofe Fift can doe. Befides, the Contribution
of Mony divided amonge fo many doth much eaſe this Side, and I
doe hold the Benetiolence of diloppreted Subjects well affected to the
Cauſe, to bee a mofe farting Mine then the Indyes can afforde
This Side hath a great Aduantage confidering that England and
France are plethoricall Bodyes, out of which Supernumeraryes may
daylie bee drawne, and neuer miffed: Wheras the Enemy would
bee to feeke if he were put to fuch a Shift, and I am fure if hee re-
céaue but a ſmall Checke here in Italy, it will inftantly Bee fecond-
ed with a Mate. I fpeake nothing of the Perfons, of the Duke of
Sauoy, the Conſtable d'Efdigueres, and Count Mansfelt, whoſe
Reputation doth adde as much Weight unto this Šide, as the Names
of the Emperor and of the Pope unto the other; nor what may
bee expected of the King of Denmark and Sweeden, of many Princes
and States in Germany, and Bethlem Gabor, who doe expect a fa-
uourable Conjuncture to take ther Aduantage, becaule, all there are
Parties Cafualles. But finding really that ther is no great Oddes in
the Number, nor in any collaterall Circumſtances, I fuppoſe that
the Justice of the Caufe, will weigh the Ballance downe to the
right Side.
idro
‛ རྩྭ ; ་ ནཱ
I have lately aduertifed your Lordship of the victorious March of
the Marquis De Couures through Rhatia and the Valtelina, which
truly may be tearmed a Veni, vidi, vici; never was there to difficult
an Enterpriſe undertaken more boldly, and executed more happely.
It was Salmacida polia, fine fanguine & fudore. The Leagures
ſpeake no more of the Valtelina, but refolve to fet uppon Noua and
the Fort Di Fuentes, which are Members of the State of Milan, and
from thence to open therWay ad Fluvium Ticinum, and ther to joyne
with the Army of Piedmont. But to leaue thefe minor Propofitions,
which are nothing els but Informations touching Perfons and Ac-
tions, I will proceede to confirm my maior or general Propofition
before mentioned, and thence collect and obferue what I thinke in
0002
my
4.76
A COLLECTION
180
110
CD TIBO
10
OTTEG
1
IT
QMOBUT LOW QUE
{
2011
1.
my poore Judgment to bee of beft Importance in a publique Survey.
Some are of Opinion, that ſeeing the Grifons are now infranchiſed,
the Valtelina reconquered, and the Paffage fecured, the League
ſhould moue no farther, hauing arriued to ther Terminus ad quem:
but theſe Men light uppon Buſineſſe by chance, not by reflection,
they know the Referts and Falls of Bufineffe, but know not how
to examine or debate Matters; they doe not diftinguiſh well betwixt
the Cauſe and the Occafion of a Warre. It is true that the Op-
preffion of the Griſons did give Occafion vnto the Princes of the
League to take Armes for the Redintigration of their Friends,
Neighbors, and Allyes into their Eftate and Libertye; but the true
Caufe was a Defire in them to ftopp a Torrent of Ambition and
Violence, which having deborded of late Yeares in many Places of
Chriſtendom, did threaten an Inundation univerfall. Hitherto they
have but drained the Low Grounds which they did find overflowne,
but if they doe not prouide likewiſe to ſtopp the Breaches and to
weaken the Force of that Torrent which doth ſo often ſwell about
and beyond his Bounds, all that they have done is to no Purpoſe.
This being the true End unto which the League doth ayme, name-
ly, the reducing of the contrary Partye unto fuch a Moderation and
Modeſty that all other Princes and States may quietly and peaceably
enjoy that, which God hath given them. It is to be thought they
will not lay downe ther Armes untill they have gained that Poynt,
which was principally purpofed. A Phyfition doth not retire from
his Patient as foone as he hath deliuered him from a Feauer, but
doth continewe to fortifye and ftrengthen him for feare of recidira-
tion: fo is it with the Rhatian Body, they are now deliuered of
the Calenture which hath tormented them three Years together,
but parum diftat ab ægroto qui tantum fanus eft; and if they bee not
comforted with ftronge Cordialls, and potent Prefervatives, they
may foone relapſe, and their Relapſe proue irremediable. It is further
obferued of Leagues in Generall, that as they bee longe before they
can refolue uppon the Undertaking of a Warre, becauſe euery Party
intereffed doth fore caft future Dangers and Inconueniences; So are
الذات
KAA
10007
A
KAROO VON d
$
they
7
477
of LETTERS.
*
+
they commonly as longe in refoluing uppon a Peace; the Reafon
wherof is, that euery one in Particular doth infold within the Com-
mon Cauſe his owne priuate Interefts, fo that when the principall
Poynt for which Armes are taken is capable of Accommodation,
the collaterall Reſpectes, doe imbroyle this Negotiation. Laftly, for
the Armes of the prefent League it muft bee confidered, that all-
though they do not appeare openly in the Caufe of the Paliti-
nate, yet they doe take that Bufineffe to Heart as much as wee doe,
for they know that if Germany bee, oppreffed, Italy fhall fuffer,
and therfore that they may have a faire Pretence to weaken the
common Enemye, they will keepe open this Iffue of the Valtelina,
and contribute to Count Mansfelt, to eaſe them by way of Di-
verfion.
}
But to ftopp the Courfe of thefe Proceedings, the Pope, at the
earneſt Entreatye of the Spanyards, hath undertaken to treate an
Accommodation, and to that Purpoſe he hath defigned his Nephew
the Cardinall Barbarini to goe Legatus a Latere into France, and
if neede bee, likewife into Spaine, and he hath lately diſpatched in
Dilligence a Gentleman of his Chamber Signor Piccolommeni, to
let the French King know of the comminge of his Nephew, and
to defire that all Armes may be fufpended untill his arriuall. But
my Opinion is, the World is now growne fo well acquaynted with
thefe Spanish and Italian Treatyes, that it dares truſt them no more
then one would doe a broken Tooth, or a Foote out of Joynt.
Padre Giacinto Natta is the principall Directer of this Legation,
and he doth receave all his Inftructions from the Duke of Bauaria,
whereby it may eaſily bee imagined to whom the Pacquet is princi-
pally addreſſed, it being well knowne that the Worke of that Ca-
puchin is, and hath bine fome Years, to procure the two Crownes
of France and Spaine to joyne with the Emperor, the Pope and
Bavaria, in an uniuerfall Extirpation "of Heretiques.
食
​If your Lordſhip peruſe theſe fruitleffe Collections, they may
happelie ferue you as a Modell to decipher in Part the vaſt Body
of Affayres now on foote in Europe, but no otherwiſe, then the
Stadium
478
A COLLECTION
Stadium or Veftigium did the Philofopher in his Search of thofe
large Dimenſions of Hercules. I ſhould bee glade to improve this
poore Talent of mine, by looking farther, and flying at an other
Marke; but wanting Winges I muft needes fall to Grounde, be
ing not able to fubfift where I am only with Bread and bare
Walles.
+
}
There is an Agencye of Savoy procured by my Lord Duke of
Buckingham for one Mr Clarke, who as yet appeares not, on whom
as it is thought fome Diuerfion might eafilye bee wrought for that
Prouince, and I am much affected to ferue the Kinge in fuch a
Place where my Mafter hath bine trayned fo longe, and is both able
and willinge to give me his beft Inftructions in the due Execution
thereof. May it pleaſe your Lordship to favour this Motion fo
faire as to ſpeake in my behalfe to the Kinge, and my Lord Duke,
and withall, if this Sute fucceede, to acquaint my Lord Ambaffador
here, that this was done without me, only by the good Advice
and Care of fome honorable Friends of mine in England, which
will bee both a Means to augment his Lordfhips Favour towards
meas allfo to inable me the better for this particular Defigne.
kak muſt here, after a tedious and unmannerly Difcourfe, in all
Humilitye craue leaue to kiffe your Lordships Handes, and reft,
Your Lordships moft Obedient
&
Venice, Feb. 28.
Str. No. 1625.
-
*
J
Poore Kinfman and Servant,
FRANCIS GREVILL.
5
Inftructions touching the Bill for free Trade.
HE Comitties from the Houfe of the Commons fate five
Con-
whole Afternoones upon the Bill. There was a great
courfe of Clothiers and Marchants of all Parts of this Realme,
and
of LETTER S
479
and eſpecially of London, who were foe devided, as that all the
Clothiers, and in Effect, all the Marchants of England complayned
grevouſly of the Ingroffing and Refraint of Trade by the rich
Marchants of London, as being to the Undoing or great Hindrance
of all the Reft. And of London Merchants three Parts named in
the fame Complaint against a fourth Part; and of that. fourth Part
fome standing fifly for their Companye, yet repined at other Corn-
panyies; divers Writings and Informations were exhibited on both
Parts Learned Commfell was heard for the Bill, and divers of the
principall of the Aldermen of London against it. All Reafons ex-
aftly weyghed and examined, the Bill, together with the Reafons
on both Sides, was returned and reported by the Committies to
the Houſe; where, at the third Reading it was three feveral times
debated; and in the End paffed with great Confent and Applauſe
of the Houfe, (as being for the exceeding Benefitt of all the Land)
fearce forty Voices diffenting from them.
The maft principal Reafons for the Enlargement of Trade
were thefe:
A
L Natural Righte.
LL. free Subjects are borne, inheritable, as to Heir-Land, fo
alfo to the free Exercife of their Induſtrie in thofe Trades
whereto, they apply themſelves, and whereby they are to live.
Marchandizing being the Cheife and richreft of all other,, and of
greater Extent, and Importance then all the Reft; it is against the
natural Right and Liberties of the Subjects of England, to reſtrain
it into the Hands of fame. few, as now it is. For although there
may be now fome five or fix thousand Perfons (counting Children
and: Prentizes); free of the feveral Companies of Marchants in the
Whole ; yet apparent it is, that the Governors of theſe Companies,
by their monopolizing Orders, have fo handled the Matter, as that
the Maffe of the whole Trade of all the Realme is in the Hands of
fome
480
A COLLECTION
fome two Hundred Perfons at the moft: The Reft ferving for a
Shew only, and reaping fmall Benefitt..
4
II. Judgment of Parliament.
The Lawe ftands for it: And a Statute made the twelfth of
Henry the Seventh, never repealed by Parliament; only reſtrained
by Charters fince procured, (by which Meanes all the Monopolies
have had their Originall.) And the firſt of theſe. Charters fince the
making of that Statute, was purchaſed in the End of the Reigne
of Henry the Seventh, at what. Time Empfon and Dudley were In-
ſtruments of wronging and oppreffing the People: Yet doth in no
wiſe reſtraine the Liberty of free Trade, but expreffely allow it, with
Reference unto that very Act in the twelfth of his Reigne; and
fo it continued untill the Reigne of Elizabeth.
1
III. Example of Nations:
The Example of all other Nations generally in the World, who
avoide in themſelves, and hate in us this monopolizing Way of
Traffique. For it cannott be otherwiſe accounted by then a Mono-
poly, when fo large a Comoditye is reftrained into the Hands of fo
few in Proportion, to the Prejudice of all other, who by Law and
naturall Right might have Intereft therin. And whereas fome al-
ledge that there are like Companyes in other Countries, as of the
East-Indies in Liſbone, the Howfe of Contrection there, the Fontego
at Venice, the Treinfana at Norimberg: Thefe Allegations are either
untrue or unproper. Theſe are Places of Affembly for Merchants,
and to confult for good Orders in all other Countries, but without
Reſtraint of Trading from any Man. And how Marchandize by
this Freedom doth flourish in other Nations, and principally in the
Low Countries more then in ours, it is apparent to all the World.
IV. Wealthe, it so svi mi
t
*
1
The Encreaſe of the Wealth generally of all the Land, by the
ready:Vent of all our Comodities to the Marchants at higher Rate.
For where many Buyers are, Ware growes deerer; and they that
buy
MT SLAV
1
}
Gof LETTER S.
481
3
buy deere at Home, muft fell deere Abroade. This will alfo make
our People more induſtrious.
V. Equal Diftribution.
>
The more equall Diftribution of the Wealth generally of all the
Land, which is a great Stability and Strength to the Realme, even
as the equal diftributing of the Nouriſhment in a Man's Body
The Contrarie whereof is inconvenient in all Eftates; and cften
tymes breakes out into Miſchiefe, when too much Fulnes doe puffe
up fome with Prefumption, and to much Emptiness leaves the reft
in perpetual Difcontent, the mother of Defire of Innovations and
Troubles; and this is the proper Fruit of Monopolies: Example
hereof may be London, and the reft of the Realme. The Cuf
tomes and Impoſts of London come to 110000 Thouſand Pounds a
and of the reſt of the whole Realme but to 1700 Thoufand.
VI. Strenghte.
M3
*
The Encreaſe of Shipping, and eſpecially of Marriners, in all Parts
of England, and how greatly the Marriners of the Realme have decaied
in all Places of late Tyme, and with how great Danger of the State in
theife late Warrs, is known to them that have byn ymployed in
that kinde of Service; who doe alfo attribute the Cauſe thereof to
this Reftraint of Trade; free Traffique being the Breeder and
Maintainer both of Shipps and Marriners, as by memorable Exam-
ple in the Lowe Countries may be feene.
2
VII. Profitt of the Crowne.
F
र्
4017
The Increaſe of the Cuftomes and Subfidies to the King, which
doth neceffarily follow the Increaſe of Forraine Traffique and Wealth,
is to be confidered: And they which faie otherwife will dare to faie
any Thing. Theife Reaſons are in great Parte fett downe in the Act
of the twelfth of Henry the Seventh; other particular Reaſons there
are, which this preſent Tyme doth yeild.
*
VIII. Opportunitie Abroad.
Under our gracious Salomon, a Prince of Wifdom, and Peace, wee
are like to be in League or Amity with all Nations; whereby, as
there will be greater Freedome Abroade to trade to all Places, fo
will
Ppp
45
482
A COLLECTION
will be fitt to have greater at Home for all Perfons to trade. This
Alteration of Tymes may make that fitt nowe, which in Tymes of
Hoftility might have feemed unfitt.
1
IX. Neceffitie at Home.
And as there will be greater Opportunity Abroade, fo alſo much
more greater Neceffitye at Home; for what ells fhall become of
Gentlemens younger Sonnes, who cannot live by Arms when there
are no Warrs, and Learning-Preferments are common to all, and
meane: So that nothing remaines fitt for them, fave only Marchan-
dize? (And fuch is the Ufe of all other pollitique Nations) unless
they turn Serving-men; which is a poore Inheritance,
1
Divers other Reaſons they have to continew the Reftraint of
Trade, the which we anſwere as followeth :
It
I. Imputation to the State.
Tis a Taint to the Kinge and State, that theife reftrained Com-
panies fhould be called or counted Monopolies : And by this
Act we juftifie and ſtrengthen the Complaint of the Haunfe Townes
and other Nations against the State, for fuffering fuch Companyes.
T
ANSWER.
The fame Reafon doth juftifie all the Monopolies that ever were.
It is no Touch to the State if Abuſes creepe in; but if Reforma-
tions defired by Parliament be denied. But furely this Taint cann
no waye attaint his Majeftię, who hath declared himſelfe a juſt
Enimye to all theife unjuft Monopolies.
II. Not Monopolies.
Theſe Companies are not Monopolies: For a Monopoly is when
Libertie of Selling, dew to all Men by Right, is reftrayned to one,
with Prejudice of all other.
ANSWER.
The Name of Monopolye, though taken originally from Perſonal
Unity, yet is fitly extended to all improporciable Pawcity of the
Sellers in regarde of the Ware which is fold. If ten Men had the
only
of LETTER S.
483
only Saile of all the Horfes of England, this were a Monopolye;
much more the Companie of Marchants Adventurers; which, in
Effect, are not above two Hundred Perfons, have the managing of
two third Partes of the Clothing of this Land, which might well
maintaine many Thoufand Marchants more. And with how great
Prejudice this is fondry waies to all the Land, let one Example fuf-
fice; let the late Crie of all the Clothiers of England teftifie, and
the utter Overthrow of infinite poore Perfons which live by them
and in their Workes: For the Clothiers having no Utteraunce of
Cloth but to the Marchants Adventurers, they, by Complott among
themſelves, will buy but at what Tyme, what Quantity, and what
Price themſelves lift; whereby the Clothiers are faine often to re-
torne with Loffe to laie their Clothes to pawne, to flack their mar
kett, to the utter Undoing of their poore Workemen, their Wives
and Children.
III. Keeping up our Commodities.
Theſe Companies keepe upp the Price of our Commodities Abroad,
by avoyding an over-glutt of our Commodities in Places whereto
they trade. And this Experience doth witneffe; for our Cloth is
folde of late Yeres much deerer then in former Tymes: Whereas
contrary wife, when Trade is free, many Sellers will make more
cheape, and of leffe Efteeme.
ANSWER.
It is true that all Monopolies keep up their Commodities for their
owne private Lucre; but they do it unjustly, and to the Difcontent
of all other Men: Which have been the Caufe of fo many Edicts
of the Empire againſt the Company of Marchants Adventurers,
(which hath driven them ſo often to fhift their Marts) and it is
the Caufe that our Marchants are fo univerfally hated; no other
Chriſtian Nation either ufing or enduring fuck reftrained Companies
in Matters of Marchandize. Howbeit, both by Reafon and Expe-
rience we may conjecture, that there is no great Probability that if
Trade be made free our Commodities will much abate in their
Price Abroade. For the Marchants must first buy their Commodities
Ppp 2
at
484
A COLLECTION
}
at Home, and. where many Buyers are Ware will grow deerer;
and buying deere at Home, he must fell deere Abroade. For it is
not true that there will be greater Glutt of our Commodities in
Forraine Partes: The Sellers will be more, but the Ware fold will
be much the fame; efpecially in thofe principall Commodities which
grow out of the Land. It is the Store of the Commodities and
Marchandize, not the Multitude of the Marchants, which doe
make Things cheaper: Befides, when Trade is free, it is likely that
many young Men will feeke out new Places, and trade further for
greater Benefit; whereby the Glutt in the former Places will be
leffe. The Weakness of their Argument of Experience is plaine,
for not Cloth only, but all other Things in the World have rifen
greatly in Price. And in Fraunce, where there is no Company, all
Kerſeys are fold at an exceeding good Price, and as deere in Pro-
portion as Broad Cloth by the Marchants Adventurers. But if it
were ſo that they kept upp our Commodities Abroad, fo do they
by the fame Skill Forraine Commodities at Home. So a few rich
Men do gaine by their Out-going, and the whole Land doth loſe
much more by their Returne. They faie they gaine litle by the
Returne of Forraine Commodities. There lieth a Miſtery: For it
is trew, and will be avowed uppon certaine Knowledge, that uppon
the Arrivall of the Marchants Adventurers Fleet, many of the Com-
modities on the other Syde are raiſed at leaſt Twenty in the Hun-
dred; for fo do they quit one Wrong with another: But hereby
the Loffe falleth ftill heavy on the Subjecte, who is damnified now
againe in the Commodities returned, as he was before in the In-
groffing of thoſe that were iffued.
IV. Venting all now.
The Companies that are now, do vent all the Commodities of
the Land; and yet are they hardly able to live one by another.
ANSWER.
It is not all vented which the Land might ſpare; and that by rea-
ſon of the Courſes held by theife Companyes to their owne exceffive
Gain, and certain Loffe of all other Men. Befide, when Traffique
fhall
of LETTER S.
485
hall flourish with us as it doth in other Countries where Trade is
free, and namely in the Lowe Countries, who thereby have fup-
ported the huge Charges of their long Warrs; Things rnarchant-
able will increafe daily by this Encouragement to the Subject's In-
duftrie, even as they doe there. For naturall Commodities are
more then trebled by acceffe of Art and Induſtry; and howfoever,
yet the Devifion of Wealth will be more equall: For now, by
plotting of the Governors of theſe Companies, fome few overgrowne
Men devoure the Wealth, and make merry, whilft the Reft, even
of their own Company, want and weepe.
V. Prentishipp neceſſary.
This Act makes it lawfull to become Marchants without Prentis-
ſhipp; which is an Injurie to them that have ferved, and a Hurt to
them that ſerve not; who venturing unfkillfully, fhall be fure of
Loffe.
ANSWER.
The Loffe of new Marchants, it may be as much the Defire as
the Feare of the Objectors: But they that have ferved, have Skill
for their Labours; and they that have not ferved, must be at charge
of a Factor, or joyne with their Friends, and learne Skill by them;
or at leaftwife adventure their Stocks with other Men, after the
Faſhion of the Low Countries, and other Places where Trade doth
flourishe. By the fame Reafon alfo young Gentlemen might be kept
from their Lands, for want of Skill to governe them.
VI. Diffolving the Companies.
This Act, by enlarging of Companies, and giving free acceffe to
all Men, doth in Effect diffolve them; for hardly are they able to
governe thoſe that are in alreadie; and where Government faileth,
there will be certain Confufion.
ANSWER.
This Act diffolveth no Companye, taketh awaie no good Govern-
ment: Thofe Orders in Companies which tendeth to Monopolyes,
that abrogateth Orders for neceffarie Contribution to publique Char-
ges; it eſtabliſheth the Reft, it leaves as it found them, neither in
worfe
486
COLLECTION
A
worſe Eftate, nor better. It is Weaknes to faie, that a greater
Multitude cannott be governed; for fo neither Kings in their Do-
minions and Subjects, nor Citties in their Amplitudes fhould in-
creafe. If for Matter of Marchandize there were no fuch Govern-
ment at all, no more then there is for our Marchants in Fraunce,
or hath bene in Storde for divers Yeres paft, or then there is in the
Low Countries, (where are the beſt Marchants in the World) yet
provident Men would confült and joyne togeather in that which
were for their common Benifitt, Eafe and Safetie. Such Companyes
there are in other Countries, but no fuch Monopolies as ours are.
VII. Joyned Stocke neceffary.
This Act is againſt trading in a Joynt-Stock togeather, which,
in longe and dangerous Voiages, as to Moko, and efpecially to the
Eaft-Indies, is neceffary; for in that Voiage one alone will not ad-
venture: Befides, the Marchant muft keepe fome Port there among
the Infidells.
- 1.
ANSWER.
It is true that it is fitt to trade to the East-Indies in a Joynt-
Stock; and fo doe the Hollanders. This Act therefore doth not
forbidd Men to trade in a Stock if they lift, and fee it fitt; only
forbiddeth to conftraine Men to trade foe against their Will's; which
heretofore in other Trades, and at this Day in the Muscovy
Trade doth turn to the great Damage, both of the Common
wealth and of particular Perfons fo conſtrained to trade. The Mof-
covie Companye confifteth of eight Score, or thereaboutes; hath fif-
teene Directors, who mannage the whole Trade. Theife lymitt
to every Man the Proportion of Stock which he fhall trade for;
make one Purſe and Stock of all; and configne it all into the Hands
of one Agent at Muſko: And fo againe, at their Returne, into the
Hands of fome Agent att London; who fell all, and give fuch Ac-
counts as they pleaſe. This is a ftrong and fhamefull Monopoly;
or Monopoly in a Monopoly, both Abroad and at Home. A
whole Companye by this meanes is become one Man, who alone
hath the uttering of all the Commoditics of fo great a Country.
The Inconveniences which have enfued thereof, are three. Firſt,
* Sic Orig.
By
of LETTER S.
487
By this meanes they vent leffe of our Commodities; for by Reaſon
of their own Agent they vent all through his Hands; by which
meanes the Hollanders have come in betwene us; who trading
thither in ſeverall, and with our owne English Commodities (which
are moſt proper for that Countrie) utter much more then our owne
Marchants, and make quicker Returne: Which hath occafioned
manie Englishmen to come into trade with theſe Hollanders, to the
Detryment of the Kings Majeftie in his Cuftomes. And by this
meanes Trade is like utterly to decaie: For the Hollanders have
growen in fhort Space from twoe Shippes to above twentie. This
Spring they are gone to Muscovye with neere thirty Shippes, and
our Men but with feven. The like fell out in the Turkey Com-
panye, when they conſtrained Men to a Joynt-Stock; fince the
Breaking of which Combination, there goes four Shippes for one.
Secondly, In their Returne with Muscovy Commodities, they great-
ly prejudice the Common wealth and State: Example in Cordage,
which they bring home in fuch Scarcety, and fell fo deerely, as they
have raiſed it in fhort time from twenty Shillings to thirty Shillings;
yea, to fell their Wares deere, they have contracted with the Buy-
ers not to bring more of that Commoditie in three Yeares after.
Thirdly, This is hurtfull to all the yonge Marchants of their owne
Companie, which cannott forbeare their Stocke as now they doe,
and defire to employ their owne Induſtrie in mannaging it; having
often tymes bene all dampnified by the Breaking of the generall
Factor.
J
VIII. Publique Charges.
In divers Places, as namely in Turkey and Mufcovy, the Mar-
chants are at Charges in fending Prefents, in maintayning Embaf-
fadors, Confuls and Agentes, which are otherwife alſo neceffarie
for the Service of his Majeſtie and the State: Theſe Charges are
now defraied by thefe Companies.
ANSWER.
This Matter is exprefly provided for by this Act, that all that
trade to thofe Places, fhall be contributorye to thofe Charges.
IX. The
488
A COLLECTION
1
IX
1. The now Iarcbantes will give over.
The like Attempt for free Trade was in Anno Dom. 1588. at
what Tyme Libertie was graunted to all! Men to buy Clothes at
Westminster. The Merchants Adventurers gave over to trade at all,
whereby the Cloth of the Land lying on the Clothiers Hands, they
were forced by Petition to get the former Reſtraint reſtored.
ANSWER.
This is true; and the fame Miſchiefe were like to enfue againe.
For it is faid, that the fame Pollicy is nowe in fpeach in their Com-
panye. But the Tymes being well altered from Warr to Peace,
this Miſchiefe would be but fhort, and other Marchants foon growe
to take their Places, if they fhould (as being rich they may) for-
fake them. But it were to be trufted, that this Stomachfulneſs
being to their Loffe, would hot long continew: Howfoever, it
doth not ftand with the Dignity of Parliament either to feare or
favour the Forwardness of any Subject.
;
X. The Rich would eate oute the Poore.
If poore Marchants fhould trade togeather with the Rich, the
Rich beyond the Seas would buy out the Poore, being not able
to fell at the Inftant to make themfelves Savers; and fo here would
growe a Monopolye ex facto.
ANSWER.
This Reafon fheweth thus much, That a crafty Head with a
greedy Hearte and a rich Purfe, is able to take Advantage at the
Neede of his Neighbour; which no Man doubteth of. But if Dif-
ficulties and Difhonefties fhould deterr Men from Actions, and not
rather increaſe their Diligence and Warinefs; then ſhould there be
no trading at all in any forte.
XI. Strangers will eate out the English.
If all Men may be Marchants, the Sonnes of Strangers denyfed
will in tyme eat out the naturall Marchants of this Kingdome.
ANSWER.
If the Sonnes of Strangers become naturall English, why ſhould
they not reape a Subjects Parte? and more they cannot reape. If
any
AC of LETTERS.
489
any further Miſchiefe fhould growe, it might at all Tymes by a
new A&t be eafely remedied.
XII. All Men may goe forth of the Realme.
If Trade, be free for all Men, then all may become Marchants;
and under that Pretext any Man may goe out of the Realme:
Which will be good Newes for the Papiſts.
ANSWER.
This Conceipt is weak; for fo it may be faid that all Men may
become Marriners, and fo quit the Kingdome: And it is provided
for by the expreffe Words of the Bill, that they may not go out of
the Realme, but for their prefent Traffique.
XIII. Against London.
This Act is againſt London, and the Wealth thereof; which is
neceffarie to be uppheld, being the head Cittie of the Kingdome.
ANSWER.
Naye, it is for London, unleffe we will confine London into fome
two Hundred Mens Purfes. The Reft of the Cittie of London,
with the whole Realme, fue mainly for this Bill, and cry they are
undone if it ſhould be croffed.
XIV. Hurte to the Kinges Cuftomes.
It will be prejudicial to the King in his Cuftomes, who, in
other Ports, will eafelier be deceaved then here at London.
ANSWER.
Nothing can be more cleere, then that as Tranſporte and Returne
of Marchandize will increaſe by this Act, ſo alſo the Kings Cuf-
tomes which depend hereon muſt withall encreafe. And if Doubt
be made thereof, the Marchants doe offer, fo this Bill may paſs,
that the King be pleaſed to lett his Cuftome to Farme, to give
Five Hundred Pounds a Year more, communibus Annis, than hath
bene made theſe five laft Years. The Deceaving of the King is
now, when for want of Freedome, Men are enforced to purchaſe
the Vent of theire Commodities out of Creekes, becauſe they can-
not be admitted to publique Trade. Whereas otherwiſe, they ſhould
have no Reaſon to hazard theire whole Eftate for the Saving of fo
Q99
reaſonable
490
A COLLECTION
>
reaſonable a Dutie. As for Faults in Officers, they may as well
happen in London as in any other Place.
XV. Decay of greate Shippes.
During Freedome of Trade fmall Shippes would be employed to
vent our Commodities, and fo our great Shippes, being the Guard
of the Land, would decaye.
ANSWER.
It is Warr, more then Traffique, that maintaineth great Shippes;
and therefore if any Decaie grow, it will be cheifely Peace, which
the Wiſdome of the State will have Regarde of. But for ſo much
as depends on Traffique, no doubt the Number of fmaller Shippes
will grow by this Freedome; and efpecially Marriners, whereof the
Want is greateft, and of whom the ſmaller Veffells are the proper
Nurſeries. But that the great Shippes will decaie, doth not necef-
farily follow: For the maine Trade of all the white Clothes, and
and much Clothes of other Kinds, is ſhipped from the Porte of
London, and will be ftill; it being the fitteft Porte of this Kingdom
for Garmayne and the Lowe Countries, where the Marchants Ad-
venturers trade only lieth, who fhall have litle Caufe to alter their
Shippinge. Then for the Levant Seas, Mufcovie, and the East-
Indies, whither wee trade with great Shippes, the employing of
them will be ſtill requifite in the Marchants Difcretion: For other-
wife, both the Commoditie of the Returne will be leffe, and the
Adventure too greate in fo rich Ladinge, not to provide for more
then ordinary Affurance againſt the common Hazard at Sea.
Other particular Reaſons there are for Reftraint of Trades,
in Favour of certaine Companies.
XVI. Marchants Adventurers.
The Companye of the Marchants Adventurers is very ancient, and
they have bene heretofore great Credit to our Kinge, for Borrow-
ing of Money in the Low Countries and Germany.
ANSWER.
of LETTER S.
491
ANSWER.
The Company indeed is as antient as Thomas of Beckett, their
Founder, and may ftill continew. Their Reſtraining of others,
(which this Bill doth feeke to redreffe) is not fo antient, and was
difallowed by Parliament in the Twelfth of Henry the Seventh;
which Act ſtands impeached by particular Charter, but never by
Conſent of the Realme repealed. But in Truth, this Company be-
ing the Spring of all other Monopolies, and engroffing the grand
ftaple Commoditie of Cloth into fo few Hands, deferves leaft Fa-
The Credit to the King hath bene in the Cloth, (and not
in their Perfons) which will be as much hereafter as heretofore.
XVII. Muscovy Companye.
vour.
The Muscovy Company, by Reaſon of the chargeable Inventions
of that Trade fifty two Yeares fince, and theire often great Loffe,
was eſtabliſhed by Act of Parliament in the Eighth of Queen
Elizabeth.
ANSWER.
The chargeable Invention had bene a Reaſon worthy of Reſpect
thirty or forty Yeares agoe, when the Inventors were living, and
their Charge not recompenced by countervailable Gaine; which
fince that hath bene; their Loffe hath bene their owne Faulte, in
employinge one Factor, who hath abuſed them all. Private Acts
of Favour, when the Cauſe thereof is ceafed, are often revoked.
Howbeit, this Bill diffolveth no Company, only enlargeth them,
and abrogateth their unjuſt Orders for Monopolye.
An Argument unanswerable.
1
Another Argument here is, not to be anſwered with Reaſon, but
by their Integritye and Love of their Countrye, who ſhall be af
faulted with it. In Sum, the Bill is a good Bill, though not per-
happs in all Pointes fo perfect as it might be; which Defect may
be foone remedied and fupplied in fome future Parliament.
The Marchants Adventurers alledge, Freedome of Trade will
overthrow good Shippinge; for that all Men being Marchants,
Q992
they
492
A COLLECTION
?
they will tranſporte their Clothes in ſmaller Parcells for faving of
Tyme, and coming oftener to the Markett.
ANSWER.
Hereunto wee Anfwere: It will not decay the Navigation; for
that the maine Trade of all, the white Clothes, and much other
Kinde of Clothe, is fhipped from the Port of London, and will be
ftill, it being the fittest Port of this Kingdome for Garmany and the
Lowe Countries, where the Marchants Adventurers Trade onely
lieth. And the great Shipping which heretofore have been employ-
ed, moſt of the Marchants which defire Libertie of Trade are in-
tereffed in the fame; who, no Doubt, will have a fpeciall Regard
to employ their own great Shipping for their own Profitts, before
they will procure any fmaller; though it may be, the greate
Fleets hereby will not be uſed as before: But thereat the
poor Clothier, and all that live by him, will finde Eafe; and the
Kinge and State freed from many former Complaintes. There is
no queftion but that hereby great Shippes will be fet at worke, in
more ample Manner by a Generallitie then before: For that the
Marchants Adventurers doth covenant with the Owners and Maf
ters, to take in no Marchants Goods but of their Companye, being
but two Hundred Traders at the mofte; befides all Trades are open
to our Nation, wherby Shippes of all Sortes may be employed. to
a more Increaſe of Marriners then in Tymes paft, as the Mafters
of the Trinity Houfe will affirme.
But the Marchants Adventurers alledge, That by their Skill
and Government the Cloth of this Kingdome is vented.
ANSWER.
•
We deny that: For it is the Neceffitie of the People of thoſe
cold Countries, with the Living they gain out of the Workman-
ſhip of our Cloth, which cauſeth the great Utterance of the fame,
and not their Pollicy: For by late Experience at Stoad, where they
have had no Government theſe four or five Yeares paſt, the Cloth
hath had as good vent as before; and our Nation better Wellcome
to the People, who many Tymes before oppoſed their Mifgovern-
ment
of LETTER S.
493
ment in Reſtrayning the Trade, which of late Yeares the better
Part of the trading Marchants procure from fome of your Honors.
But the Marchants Adventurers alledge, Libertie of Trade will
much damnifie the Kings Cuſtomes.
ANSWER.
This, in equall Judgment, is not like; for the more ample Trade,
the more Commodities are tranſported and returned; by Means where-
of the Kings Cuſtomes will be advanced. And if it ſhall pleaſe
his Majeſtie to lett his Cuſtomes to Farme, there ſhall be five Thou-
fand Pounds a Yeare paid more then hath bene, communibus Annis,
for five Yeares, laft paft.
They fay,
That Libertie of Trade will be prejudiciall to the Commonwealth.
ANSWER.
It is verie abfurd, by common Experience of the Lowe Coun-
tries, where free Entercourfe of Trade is maintayned: What intol-
lerable Charges have they borne for the Maintenance of their Warrs,
and yet continew a moſt floriſhinge Eſtate? The like in Fraunce,
Spayne, Italy, and in the State of Venice; neither is there any Na-
tion els that doth impeach their Subjects from their lawful Trade of
Marchandize, as the Marchants Adventurers would have it.
But that the Company of Marchants Adventurers are hurtful to
the Common wealth, it fhall appeare by theife Reafons following;
Firſt, They would retaine in their fole Handling two third Parts of
all the maine Clothing of England; they being not above two
Hundred Traders; and of them, not above Fifty Perfons that ma-
nage the Bulke of the whole Trade; who by their Orders have
heretofore ruled the Clothiers, to fell when they will buy, and Re-
ftrayninge their Company to buy any more then they are lymitted.
To the Beating downe of the Price of Cloth,
To the Damage of the Grower of Woolle.
To the Hinderance of Cloth-making.
To the Overthrow of the Poore, who are not fet on worke fo
amply, as otherwiſe they ſhould be.
1
To
494-
A COLLECTION
}
To the exceeding Prejudice of many other Marchants, that glad-
ly would trade with them.
To the greate Prejudice of the King, in his Majefties Cuftomes.
Again, It is alleaged by the Marchants Adventurers, That this
Libertie of Trade will be Occafion to abaſe the Prices of our
Clothes beyond the Seas, and fo overthrow Clothing in England.
ANSWER.
It is verie unlike; for that the more Buyers there be in England
at the Markett the Clothiers fell deerer: And if at the firſt any
unſkilfull Marchant ſhall buy deere here, and fell for leffe Profitt
than the Marchant Adventurer, it will give them juft Caufe to
learne by that Experience to mannage this Trade better, or give it
over. And if leffer Gaine will content him then a richer Trader,
the oftener he cometh to the Markett, the deerer and more abun-
dantly our Commodities are vented. And in the meane Tyme,
their cheape felling beyond the Seas will difcourage all Forraine
Cloth-making; whereby ours will continew in the farr better Eſti-
mation. And the more convenient Place our Cloth is brought unto
for the Marchant Buyer, the greater Price may they afford to give
for the fame; when as fo much the leffe Charge everie Man is at
by Tranſportation of the fame to his Habitation. And in like ſorte
will all Forraine Commodities be the cheaper unto the Marchants;
and fo confequently to the whole Commons of this Kingdome.
But it is like, the Marchants Adventurers will alleadge, the like
Attempt for free Trade was in Anno Domini 1588, when there was
Libertie by Authoritie for all Men to buy Clothes at Weſtminſter.
ANSWER.
For Anſwere whereof we faie, That when that Libertie was
granted, the Marchants Adventurers called their Companye toge-
ther, making knowne what had paffed, with great Perfwation, that
if the fame Libertie fhould be continewed, it would be not only
the Overthrow of them, but alſo of their Pofteritie. Adviſing them,
that, as they tendred the Good of themſelves and their Pofteritie,
they ſhould forbeare to buy Cloth for a Tyme. And their Go-
vernment
T
of LETTER S.
495
I
;
vernment being then fo ftrict, they did accordingly. Only one
Mr Whitmore, a rich Man of the Company, bought great Quantity
of Cloth at that Tyme; who, for Breach of their forefaid Adviſing,
they did not a litle malligne him to his dieing Daie. And Sir Ste-
phen Some (at that Tyme) not free amongst them, buying a great
Quantitie of Cloth, they meeting with the fame at their Place of
Trade, did fo moleft him, as he was forced to fell his Clothes to
them, and forbeare that Trade, and divers others by his Example.
And what they may now doe upon this Occafion, your Lord-
ſhips may eaſily conjecture; which we humbly crave by your ho-
nourable Wiſdomes may be prevented, by ratifying this worthie
Act for free Trade.
A ftraggling or peddling Trade, without a certaine Aboad, we
utterly diſallowe; humbly craving, that more convenient navigable
Places may be affigned for refident Marte Townes, fitt and well
knowne of all Marchants for Trade. And hereby we ſhall prevent
the fubtill Netherlanders, that is the Worme creeping between the
Barke and the Tree, maintayning their State and innumerable Na-
vies by the Reſtraint of our Trade, and our felves to one or twoe
Places.
The State hath ever had great Care that the Marchants of this
Realme fhould fo mannage their Trades, as ftill they ſhould the
better enrich this Kingdome; and manye ſtraite Lawes hath bene
made for Tranſportation of Coynes; and yet much is conveyed
away, and litle taken. And what is the chiefeft Cauſe? Reſtrainte
of Trades. For as Gaine is the Object of all Courſes in Trades,
fo is the Exchange the Rule of all Marchants in theire Trades.
Therefore, when the Commodities of this Kingdome are tranſport-
ed forth more abundantly then the Forraine Commodities returned,
the greater Overplus of Money refteth in the Marchants Hands
unexchanged; and fo confequently, the more Money the higher
Exchange; and high Exchange cauſeth Importation of Money:
And, per Contra, the Scarcity of Moneys beyond the Seas, beget-
teth low Exchange, and low Exchanges the great Exportation of all
manner of Coynes, to the exceeding Damage of this Kingdom.
4.96
A COLLECTION
1
aled des
F
An Extract of Dr Worthington's Letter to Mr S. H.
Jan. 24. 1661.
-T
HE Remainder of my Letter is to acquaint you with a
ftrange remarkable Story, which I hearing of a while
fince, I procured one to write to his Friend in Kendall about it;
and the Account he gives is in this Letter.
SIR, I receiv'd yours; in Anfwer to which I have thought fit
to give you this Account of the Bufineffe. you write about. The
Woman (who is about a Mile from this Town) about fifteen Years
fince buried a Child whom ſhe dearly loved; and returning Home,
expreffed her Difcontent in thefe Words: God has now done the
Worst He can to me. She continued well a good while after; but
within a Year fell into a deep Melancholy, which brought her into
that Condition wherein fhe now is, and in which he hath conti-
nued fourteen Years. I went about a Year fince to ſee her, and had
this Account of her, befides what my own Eyes informed me of
her. She eats not any thing, only two or three Spoonfuls of Milk
each Day before twelve a Clock, (for after that Hour fhe will take
nothing.) She hath no Evacuations. Her Body is much worn,
(except her Face, which is fomewhat fleshy and freſh) and as
cold as Clay. She moves not ordinarily, but as fhe is moved by
others. Yet twice fhe leapt out of Bed, and was met out of the
Chamber upon her Hands and Feet; which was occafioned, the one
Time by an extraordinary Noife of a Hue and Cry paffing by; and
the other Time, by a fudden Breaking-in of Light, the Curtain of
the Window falling down. When I was with her, one took her
by the Hand, and fhe endeavoured to bite him. She fometimes
groans much. There is an unpleafing Smell comes from her; yet
not fo bad as might be expected. They have formerly had Phy-
ficians; and (leaſt any Meanes fhould be wanting, right or wrong)
Popiſh Prieſts and Conjurers; who have told them, 'tis a meer
Corps, kept in its Form by the Power of the Devil; and that it
may
of LETTERS.
1
497
may continue fo till Doomsday. I have adviſed her Huſband to
take two or three Phyficians, and make what Obfervations they can
of her, and fend them to fome eminent Phyficians in London, &c.
for their Judgment of her, and Advice about her. But her Huf
band is careleffe, and fhe is fcarce taken Notice of, nor fpoken of
hereabout. Sir, If in any Thing I may be farther ferviceable to
you in a farther difcovery of her Condition, none fhall be more
ambitious to be commanded by you, than
}
Kendall, (in IVeftmoreland)
May 28. 1661.
Yours, &c.
Thus have I given you a Tranfcript of that Letter. I fuppofe
they are Poor, and therefore neglected the more. If you, or any
worthy Perſons to whom you communicate this Story, fhall fug-
geft any Particulars fit to be inquired of, I fhall take Order that a
Letter be fent about them to Kendall. So ftrange an Occurrence
does not ordinarily happen. The Inquifitive and Ingenious may
perhaps make good Ufe of this Occafion, &c.
A SPEECH made to the King at Verſailles, the
15th of July, 1685, by the moſt Illuftrious and moſt
Reverend Daniel de Cofnac, Bishop of Valence and
Die; accompanied by the Lords the Archbishops, and
other Deputies of the Affembly Generall held at St
Germains en Laye, in the Year aforefaid.
SIRE,
TH
HIS is the fecond Time of my having the Honour to ad-
dreffe your Majefty, as the Mouth of the Clergy of your
Realm. I know not what ſhould be the Reaſon that I find my-
felf this Day more furprized, and more out of Countenance, than
I was the Time before. My Bufineffe was then to ſpeak to the
Rrr
moſt
498
A COLLECTION
moft Awful and moſt Great King of the Earth: I am fpeaking
now to the very fame King; but indeed to One who has fince
made Himſelf infinitely both more Great, and more Awful.
This Acceffion of Greatneffe, SIRE, proceeds not from the Num-
ber of your Conqueſts, from the Provinces you have brought un-
der your Dominion, from your being now become the Umpire of
Europe; It proceeds from that Zeal, and unflackned Application,
which has made you conftantly prefer the Defign of reducing the
pretended Reformifts into the Church, before all human Confide-
rations, before all Reaſons of State whatſoever: It proceeds from
that innumerable Multitude of Converfions which are made by
your Orders, by your vigilant Care, by your liberal Diſburſments.
'Tis upon this only Part of your admirable Life, that I now
infiſt; for you are too Great, SIRE, to be fhewn at Length, or re-
preſented all together in your full Dimenfions. Nay, I fee clearly
it would be in vain for me to fearch into the former Ages; boot-
lefs to call to my Affiftance all the encomiaftick Monuments of the
firſt and moſt holy Chriftian Emperours, I could never furniſh
myſelf from thence with Terms high enough to make out an ade-
quate Expreffion of the Glory your Majeſty has purchaſed in eſpouſ-
ing the Intereſt of Religion.
But for Embellishments to fet forth this Subject, what Need is
there to look farther than the Subject itself. You releafe us, SIRE,
from a Taſk wherein we, with our utmoſt endeavours, could never
poffibly have been thus happily fucceſsful. What have already
done for God's Glory, has advanced yours to fo high a Pitch, that
without need of Acclamations and Applauſes from Men, it will
fubfift by itſelf alone.
you
To fpeak in [from] the true Spirit of the Church, (to whoſe
Service you are engaged more particularly than any of the Sove-
reign Princes befides; fince there is none can diſpute with
you the
Right of being the Principal and moft Illuftrious of all her Chil-
dren) to speak, I fay, in [from] this Spirit, all that you have done
hitherto, which has not been done for the Glory of God and of
1
his
of LETTER S.
499
1
1
his Church, as your Triumphing over Enemies, your Re-eſtabliſhing
of the Royal Authority, attack'd on all Sides by fo many factious
Intrigues; your Wrefting it out of the Hands of thofe that abuſed it;
in fine, your Reducing all Things into their juſt Bounds; all theſe great
Actions have, 'tis true, juftly purchaſed you the Names of GREAT,
INVINCIBLE, MASTER OF PEACE AND WAR; yet thefe Titles put
all together, are, after all, but Praiſes that will laft only as long as
the Univerſe. But to be the Raifer of the Catholic Religion; the
Reliever of the Church of France, which you found oppreffed, and
have now made it the Wonder of other Churches; to be the Reftorer
of the Faith, and the Expeller of Herefy; theſe are folid Titles, im-
mortal Titles, that will not only make their Way thorough the
Thickness of all Times, but fubfift ftill when Time fhall be no more.
What Glory is it for you, SIRE, what Satisfaction to us, that theſe
Encomiums are proper and particular to yourſelf alone! Let any but
look back as far as the laft Age, and confider the Troubles which
the Proteſtants have caufed; the Places of Strength which, with
their Swords in their Hands, they have fo often demanded, and as
often obtained; how many Times they have forgotten themſelves to
be Subjects; how many Times they have attempted the ſetting up
another Eſtate within the Realm; how many Edicts of Pacification
broken as ſoon as publiſhed; how many Acts of Oblivion violated
by new Rebellions; and then ſay, Whether any other King can be
found, who has not only eſtated the Catholic Religion in fo Trium-
phant a Condition, as to have nothing left her of all her former Dif
orders, ſave only a light Remembrance of them; but even delivered
her from the very Fear of ever ſeeing again fuch fatal Attempts, fuch
lamentable Times.
Pardon my Raſhneſs, SIRE, if I here make bold to recal the
Names, and revive the Memory of your Predeceffors; who as Vic-
torious and Invincible as they were, yet it was feldom or never but
they found their Laws too ineffectual, their Arms too weak, for the
fuppreffing and beating down that Monſter of Herefy. Should they
now come back to this earthly Stage again (I mean in the Circum-
Rrr2
ſtances
500
A COLLECTION
ſtances of Humanity, capable of Paffions and Infirmities) what Sen-
timents would they have; whether of Joy, to find fo happy an Al-
teration; or of Envy, to obferve that You alone, in fo fhort a Time,
have well near confummated, what all of them put together had
brought forward fo little in fo many Years Space? What would
they fay of this Genius of yours, fo piercing, fo capable of finding
out Means (one while gentle, another while rough, always juſt) for
enlarging the Empire of Jefus Chrift! With what Satisfaction
would they behold this pretended Religion (which in their Reign
was called, The Religion des Efprits forts, i. e. of the ableft Heads,
or ftrong-pated Men; and idolized, as I may fay, by a Party of the
moſt powerful Perfons in the State, and of the fineſt Wits in the
Court) now defpifed, fuppreffed, and reduced to fo low a pafs, as to
fee itſelf forlorn, and fhaken off by all Perfons of Senfe for ever:
And all this too without Violence, without Arms; nor yet near
fo much by the Force of your Edicts, as by the Influence of
exemplary Piety! With what Grief would they call to mind how
affronted their Authority was, how difputed, how interrupted; and
to how many Revolutions it was ſubject! With what Aſtoniſhment
would they look upon yours, fo abfolute, and fo eſtabliſhed! What
a vaft Difference would they find betwixt the horrid Diſturbance
which they lived in, and the glorious Tranquility which you enjoy,
and the Church too, through your Means!
your
But, as if it were not enough for you to have brought into the
Bofom of the Church fo many Millions of ftray Souls that lived
under your Empire, you have been pleaſed to make a Conquest of
new Provinces, that you might there re-establish the Prelates, the
Worſhip, the Altars. Holland and Germany have to no other End
ferved for a Theatre of your Victories, than merely the making Je-
fus Chrift to triumph in thoſe Parts. And what ought we not to
expect yet farther: England is upon the Point of offering to your
Majeſty one of the moſt glorious Opportunities that you can defire.
The moſt Triumphant, the Valianteft, the Greateſt of all the *Mo-
narchs of the Univerfe (before Heaven had beftowed your Majefty
* James II.
upon
•
}
of LETTER S.
501
I
upon Earth) wiſhed that he might, for a Confummation of his Hap-
pineſs, meet with,, once in his life, fome perillous Adventure wor-
thy of him. The King of England, by the Need he will have of
the Affiſtance and Support of your Arms, to defend himſelf in the
Catholic Religion, will put you very ſhortly upon finding out the
Means of affording him a Protection worthy of yourſelf.
Thoſe unquiet and feditious Spirits, which in Dauphine, in Viva-
rets, in Sevennes, had thefe late Years fancied to themſelves that
the Times were juft ready to turn on their Side; and, in their airy
Projects, conceived fome Hope of Foreign Succours; have coſt you
fo little Trouble, and fo little Time in Chaſtifing them, that they
deſerve not to be remembered: And yet, they have withal occafioned
you ſo much Glory in pardoning them, that they ought not to be
forgotten. The Salvation you have procured for them has been all
their Puniſhment; and you could no longer look upon them as dif-
loyal Subjects, fince the firſt Moment of their becoming loyal to
God.
But, SIRE, among all the Great Things that your Zeal and your
Juftice have done for Religion, the Suppreffion of thoſe Colleges,
eſtabliſhed without your Authority, where Youth was trained up in
Error; and of thofe Univerfities, out of which iffued fo many falſe
Preachers, for the ſpreading about fo pernicious a Doctrine in France,
and throughout all Europe; the Demoliſhing of thofe Temples,
ufurped and upheld in contempt of your Declarations, are doubtless,
of all your Deeds, the moft Profitable and the most Important. Nay,
SIRE, thofe very Temples, the Number and Erection whereof was
fo fatal to the State, fo difadvantageous and mortal to the Church,
will, amidst their Ruins and Rubbish, leave for ever the moft illuf-
trious Monuments of your Piety. And as the Statues of thoſe two
laſt of the Romans, that were never carried abroad in the public So-
lemnities, did more Honour to their Names, than all the other Sta-
tues, that were expofed to open View in thofe pompous Proceffions,
did to the Names of the Perfons they reprefented; juſt ſo may it be
faid, that the Temples which are now no more to be feen, will make
your
502
COLLECTION
A
your Glory fpread farther into future Ages, than all the Monafteries
that have been founded, than all the Churches that have been
erected, fince the Beginning of the Monarchy, have done the Glory
of all your Anceſtors.
And now what remains there to be defired more, but that fo fair
a Seaſon
laft for ever.
may
That a Work fo happily carried on,
may be brought to a compleat Perfection. And what Succeſs ought
we not to hope for from a Protector, who in fo fhort a Time has
brought over fo many Souls unto our Party! What may we not
promiſe to ourſelves from a Prince, who never yet undertook any
Thing which he effected not with good Succefs! Would it be juft,
O great GOD, nay, could it poffibly be, that he who has always
triumphed when he fought againſt People who have been only his
particular Enemies, ſhould not be able, with your Affiſtance, to ac-
compliſh the total Deftruction of thofe, who ſo many Times have
been both his Enemies and yours too!
How happy would our Affembly be, SIRE, if while they are re-
ceiving and taſting, in a higher Degree than the two other Bodies
of your Realm do, the Fruits of this Suppreffion of Hereſy, they
could alſo, at the fame Time, what by their Care, what by their
Inftructions, what by their Example, fecond more advantageouſly
your Zeal and Piety! Or if, at leaſt, as there redounds thence to
them particularly more of Glory, fo they could likewile make yours
fhine the brighter, by fuch grateful Acknowledgments as might bear
Proportion to the Obligations you have laid them!
upon
But, SIRE, it is I whom our Affembly has honoured with this Com-
miffion, when there were fo many to make their Choice out of.
May it not be faid, that it was in them a kind of Overſight, to pitch
upon a Perſon ſo little capable of anfwering their Expectation? I
muſt freely acknowledge, that to the acquitting of myſelf well in
the Performance of fo glorious a Tafk, I fhould have faid nothing
but what was worthy of fo great a King, and nothing whereof any
other King befides could be worthy.
Printed in French at Paris, by Fred. Leonard, the King's Printer in Ordinary, and Printer to
the Clergy of France: With Licence from the King.
of LETTER S.
553
Temp. Jac. II.
The Lord Chancellor's Speech to the Lord Chief-Juftice
I
Mr. Serjeant Herbert,
Herbert.
Prefume it is not difagreable to any here, if I tell you, Sir, the King
has fent for you to fupply the Vacancy of the Chief-Jufticeſhip
of this Court, a Place perhaps of as great Concern and Importance
to the King and his People as any in the Nation; but yet, Sir, his
Majefty thinks you fit for it, though I know you have other
Thoughts of yourſelf; and therefore this Place, (I muft do you Right)
confered on you, is without your feeking; but, Sir, his Majefty's
kind and gracious, and juſt Remembrances of the great Services and
Sufferings of your Relations, and Father, with the bleffed Martyr
King Charles I. and with King Charles II. of ever bleffed Me-
mory, and alſo his Experience of the Services even in Times of
great Danger, both in Storms at Sea and Land, of fome other of
your Relations, who have hazarded their Lives in the Service
of the Crown.
Thefe Things might juftly create gracious Intentions in his Majeſty's
Breaft towards you; but Sir, I am to acquaint you, it is not for the
Merit which reflects on you from your Relations, that you are
called to this Honour and Dignity; it is the long Experience of
your Nobility, and Fidelity in an eminent Place of Judicature in his
Kingdom, as well as in another; he is very well fatisfied and pleafed
with your great Courage and Conduct in that Employment, and for
that Reaſon hath now chofen you to ferve him in this high and
difficult Station.
Sir, I can tell you, by my own Experience, it is a Place
of great Labour and Fatigue, but I blefs God with thoſe
good Affiftances I had, I was well able in fome Meaſure to cope with
thofe Difficulties; and indeed I had very good and great Afliſtances
Zzz
from
1
554
A COLLECTION
from the learned, ingenious, and therefore loyal Gentlemen at
the Bar, who took a great deal of Care and Pains to make the
Court underſtand what was the Benefit of their Clients, and not to
prate impertinently to pleaſe the Audience; for if we meet with
any
fuch, they are fure to meet with a Rebuke; and therefore I cannot
part with this Seat, where I have had the Honour to fit, without
giving my hearty Thanks for their Affiftance.
Befides this, I was affifted by a learned, grave and judicious Bench,
and whom there remains two learned Gentlemen that fat on each
Hand on me, who had long Experience of the Practice of the
Court, and withall undaunted Courage to perform their Duty,
and I cannot but remember that we fat together, in Times as full of
Storms and Troubles, as and Madnefs, Faction and Rebel-
lion could make them; yet through God's Bleffing we were in-
abled to diſcharge the Duty of our Places fo faithfully, that our
Services were accepted, and graciouſly approved of by the late King,
and our preſent Sovereign, whom I pray God long to continue and
reign over us.
Nor muft I forget that we had the Benefit of an ingenious and
induſtrious Company of Officers, who behaved themſelves in their
feveral Places in all Diligence and Integrity.
Sir, I have a further Encouragement, for that you have the Promife
of a gracious King, known to all the World never to have broken,
and I may fay it, and pardon the Expreffion, that dares not
break his Word; he hath promiſed you his royal Countenance and
Affiſtance; and if fo, go on, be profperous, fupprefs Vice, be ſure
to execute the Law to the utmoſt of his Vengeance upon all thoſe
that are known, and we have Reafon to remember them, by the
Name of Whigs, and you are alfo to remember the Name of Whigs,
and you are alfo to remember the fnivelling Trimmers; for you know
what our Saviour Jefus Chrift in the Goſpel fays, that they that are
not for us, are again ft us.
Sir, when I have faid this to you, pray give me Leave to put
you in Mind of one Thing or two; I know you will be indulgent
to the Gentlemen at the Bar who ftand round about you; as you
will be pleaſed with the Affiftance, fo you will liften to the Coun-
cil of your Brethren upon the Bench; you will have a Care to give
all fitting Countenance to thoſe inferior Magiftrates who ferve the
King
of LETTER S.
555
King faithfully, and defire to keep his Peace inviolate, though
perhaps they have not arrived to that Perfection of Knowledge in
the Law, which is your good Fortune of particular Education in
your Profeffion.
In fhort Sir, I doubt not but you will take Care that the
Procefs of the Court be neither injurious to the King, nor op-
preffive to the Subject; which they will not be, if they be kept
from being too numerous on the one Hand, and too dilatory on the
other.
In fine Sir, as the Sum of all your Duty, fear God and honour
the King; but do your utmoſt Authority for the Suppreffion of
thoſe that are given to change.
I have now no more to trouble you with Sir, but am ready to
adminiſter you your Oath and deliver you your Writ.
An humble Addrefs to all the Engliſh Proteftants in
this Army.
Gentlemen,
NⓇ
EXT to the Duty you owe to God, which ought to be the
principal Care of all Men, of your Profeffion, eſpecially
becauſe you carry your Lives in your Hands, and often look Death
in the Face: The fecond Thing that deferves your Confideration,
is, the Service of your native Country, wherein you drew your
firſt Breath, and breathed a free English Air: Now I would defire
you to confider how well you comply in theſe two main Points,
by engaging in this prefent Service.
Is it in the Name of God and for his Service, that you have join-
ed yourſelves with Papiſts, who will indeed fight for the Maſs-
Book, but burn the Bible, and who ſeek to extirpate the Proteftant
Religion with their Swords, becauſe they cannot do it with their Ar-
guments; and will you be aiding and affifting to fet up Maſs Houſes,
to erect that Popish Kingdom of Darkneſs and Defolation amongſt
us, and to train up all our Children in Popery! How can you do
Zzz 2.
thefe
556
A COLLECTION.
1
thefe Things, and yet call yourſelves Proteftants! And then what
Service can be done your Country, by being under the Command
of French and Irish Papiſts, and by bringing the Nation under a
foreign Yoke: Will you help them to make forcible Entry into
the Houſes of your Countrymen, under the Name of Quartering,
directly contrary to Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right!
Will you be aiding and affifting to all the Murders and Outrages,
which they fhall commit by their void Commiffions, which were
declared illegal, and fufficiently blafted, by both Houſes of Parlia-
ment, if there had been any Need of it: For it was very well
known before, that a Papiſt cannot have a Commiffion, but by
the Law is utterly diſabled and diſarmed! Will you exchange your
Birth-Right of English Laws and Liberties, for Martial and Club
Law, and help to deſtroy others only to be eaten up at laſt your-
felves. If I know you well, as you are Englishmen, you hate and
fcorn thofe Things: And therefore be not unequally yoked with
idolatrous and bloody Papiſts: Be valiant for the Truth, and fhew
yourlelves like Men.
The fame Confiderations are likewife humbly offered, to all
the English Seamen, who have been the Bulwark of
this Nation, againſt Popery and Slavery, ever fince
1588.
The Queen of Sweden's Letter to the Chevalier Torlon.
S
am to
INCE you defire to know my Sentiments about the pretended
Extirpation of Herefies in France, I am glad to tell
you what
they are upon fo great a Subject. As I profefs neither to fear nor
flatter any Perfon whatfoever, fo I will frankly avow to you that
I am not much perfuaded of the Succets of this great Defign, nor
can I be pleaſed with it as a Thing very advantageous to the Holy
Religion: On the contrary I forefee many Inconveniences which
fo novel a Proceeding will produce every where ; in good Faith,
are you perfuaded of the Sincerity of thefe new Converts? 1 wish
they
1
of LETTERS.
557
they may fincerely obey God and the King: but I am afraid of
their Opinionativenefs; and I would not have laid to my Charge
all the Sacrileges which will be committed by theſe Catholick's
Force by Miffionaries, who treat our Holy Myfteries too Soldier-like.
Military Men are a ftrange Sort of Apoftles: I believe they are
more proper to murder, to ravish and to pillage than to perfuade;
thus the Relations made of them (which are not to be doubted of)
teach us, that they have difcharged their Miffion after their Man-
ner. I pity the Perfons whom they abandon to the Difcretion of
thefe Men, I lament the Ruin of fo many Families, fo many
Perfons of Quality reduced to Alms; I cannot reflect upon what
has happened now in France without Compaffion; I am forry for
thofe unfortunate Perfons who are born in Error; but methinks
they are more worthy of Pity than of Hatred: And as I would not
to gain the whole Empire of the World partake of their Error, fo
I would not likewiſe be any Ways the Cauſe of their Miferies. I
confider France at this Time, as one who is fick, whofe Legs and
Arms they cut off, in order to the healing of a Diftemper which a
little Patience and Sweetneſs would have cured perfectly. But I am
very much afraid leaft the Distemper be exafperated, and in the End
be rendered incurable; leaft the Fire hid in the Embers, one Day
break out into a greater Flame than ever; and leaft difguifed Herely
become more dangerous. Nothing is more Praife-Worthy than
the Defign of converting Hereticks and Infidels; but the Manner
which is uſed there, is altogether new: And fince our Saviour
made no Uf in the leaft of fuch a Method to convert the World, it
cannot be the beſt; I adinire indeed, but cannot comprehend that
Zeal and that Policy, both which país my Underſtanding; and am
befides very glad I cannot comprehend them: Do you beli ve that
now is the i ime to convert the Hugono.s, and to render them
good Catholicks, in an Age in which inch viible Attempts are
nde in France againft the Refpect and Submiffion which are due
to the Church of Rome, which is the only and immoveable Founda-
tion of our Religion; fince it is fhe to whom Christ hath made
that glorious Promite that the Gates of Heil fhall not prevail againſt
her. In the mean while the andalous Liberty of the Gallican
Church never advanced newer to a Rebellion in the don at this
prefent. The laft Propulitions, figned and publica by the
Clergy
558
A COLLECTION
Clergy of France are, that they have given a very apparent Triumph
to Herefy; and I believe their Surprife to have been extraordinary,
when they faw themfelves very foon after perfecuted by thofe very
Men, who upon a fundamental Point of Religion entertain Tenets
and Opinions fo agreeable to their own. Theſe are the powerful
Reaſons that hinder me from rejoicing at the pretended Extirpation
of Herefy. The Intereft of the Roman Church is certainly as
dear to me as my Life; but it is that Intereſt alſo which makes me
reflect upon
what is done with Sorrow; and I further avow to you,
that I love France fufficiently to lament the Deſolation of to brave
a Kingdom: I wiſh with all my Heart that I may be deceived in
my Conjectures, and that all may end to the greater Glory of God,
and the King your Mafter; I affure myſelf alſo that you will not
doubt of the Sincerity of my Vows, and that I am,
Rome, February
2, 1686.
Your Friend,
Chriftiana.
To the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Eng-
land, before the Reſtoration of King Charles II.
The bumble Petition of the Fellowship of Trinity
College in Cambridge.
Sheweth,
T
HAT whereas, by a Provifo made in the late Act of In-
demnity, concerning Offices and Places of Truft, the Ma-
fterſhip of the faid College, made void by the Death of Sir Thomas
Hill, and afterwards confer'd on Sir John Arrow/mith, and fince
his Deceaſe one Sir John Wilkins by Patent, dated March
1658, is, and is declared, to be in the Diſpoſal of this Parliament :
Your
}
of LETTER S.
559
Your Petitioners having had good Experience of the great Worth and
Abilities of the faid Sir John Wilkins, and being fully perfuaded
of his well Intentions and Refolutions, to promote Religion, Learn-
ing and Ingenuity among them, and in all Things vigorously and
faithfully to diſcharge the Trust and Duty belonging to that Place,
do very humbly, and yet with much Earneftneſs pray, that you
would be pleaſed to conftitute and fettle him the faid Sir John
Wilkins, Maſter of that College.
And your Petitioners, who promife to themſelves much Happi-
nefs from his pious and difcreet Government, fhall ever hold them-
felves obliged, and fully to preferve the Memory of this Act of
Favour, and upon all Occafions fhall be ready to give real Tefti-
monies of their Senfe of your particular Care and tender Regards
to the Welfare, and to the humble Defires of that Society.
And ſhall ever pray.
Edmund Bagshaw.
Theophilus Rofbury,
Francis Brookfby.
Thomas Arrowsmith.
Jofeph Hill.
Charles Wright.
Thomas Blomer.
Willoughby Weft.
Richard Watts.
Benjamin Pulleyn.
William Corker.
Nicholas Sanderfon.
Thomas Gibbs.
Obadiah Sedgwicke.
Thomas Baimbrigge.
Jofeph Wilkes.
John Ekins.
Roger Sparkes.
John Wray.
Jofeph Oddey.
William Dover.
Henry Dearfley.
Stephen Scandrott.
Edmund Fotherby.
Thomas Griffith.
John Hawkins.
Simon Smythes.
Robert Moyle.
Peter Vivan,
William Spencer.
Thomas Hill.
Daniel Brattell.
James Valentine.
Jeremiah White,
James Duport,
Jofeph Pratt.
William Difney. ·
John Davies.
Walter Catfray.
William Lynnett.
John Niad.
Richard Stedman.
Robert Scott.
Devereux Spencer.
James Hodges.
James Paimer.
The
560
A COLLECTION
}
The Copy of a Letter from Lord Paget, dated Vienna,
I
Sir,
June 21,
July 1,
1691.
Cannot fay I trouble you in this, becauſe my News is fo good,
that it will almoft juftify my Tedioufnefs.
13,
On Friday laft, we received Letters from Sir William Huffey,
dated at Adrianople, June 3, giving an Account of his profper-
ous Journey by Water from Belgrade, beyond Nicopolis, and thence
by Land to Adrianople. All the Way he received extraordinary
Honours, at Belgrade particularly. The Serafquier waited upon
himto the Boat (a Thing, they tell me, unufualin Turkey, and ſcarce-
ly before known) and among other obliging Expreffions told him,
that there never was yet any War, or the leaſt Diſguſt between the
Porte and England, but always an entire Friendship; which he
prayed God to continue. As he paffed by Widin, he fent to Teckeley's
Camp, who was not there himſelf, but two of his chief Minifters.
(a Colonel and his Secretary) came in his Name to compliment
him; and to complain of the ill Ufage of the Imperialiſts, eſpecial-
ly in Matters of Religion. The poor Chriſtians of that Country al-
moſt adored him as he paffed. His Excellency arrived at Adriano-
ple about the latter End of May; where he was met by feveral
English Gentlemen from Conftantinople, and Smyrna. The 29th
of May the Grand Signor, and Grand Vizier arrived. Their Én-
try was but mean, the Grand Sultan fitting in an ordinary Chariot,
with one of his Courtiers in the back Part. The Grand Vizier
paffed quite through the Town, and went to his Tent pitched at
an Hour and a Half's Diſtance off from it. He would not wait for
Sir William's Compliments, (as is ufual) but fent immediately to
invite him to Audience; which was performed with Marks of
Diſtinction, not formerly fhewn to other Ambaffadors.
Excellency was attended by the Chians Paffo, and twelve Footmen
in rich Liveries, half after the English, and half after the Turkish
Mode, and a good Number of Gentlemen. The Turks all the
His
Way
of LETTER S.
561
Way as he went, faluted him most affectionately, crying out in
their Language, God profper your Undertaking; God grant your
Mediation may fucceed, and grant us once a happy Peace! He
had, at his Arrival in the Tent, a Chair fet for him; and the Vi-
zier being come, and the firft Compliments paft, his Excellency
explained his Commiffion he had about a Peace. To which the
Vizier anſwered, (repeating it three Times) That he was moſt
willing to hearken to honourable Terms; and extreamly applauded
the generous Friendſhip of the King of England, in interpofing
to ſtop the bloody Effects of fo long a War. He alſo obliged Sir
William to fend one of his Gentlemen back to Vienna, to acquaint
our Court with their good Difpofition. He prefented the ufual
Coffee, Sherbet, and Perfumes; and ordered Veſts for the Gen-
tlemen of Sir William's Attendance. This Expreſs has made your
Voyage in thirteen Days, being accompanied by a Chian to Bel-
grade; where the Serafquier (knowing his Errant) prefented him.
with a rich Sabre. His coming has extreamly rejoiced our Court;
who now look upon the Peace almoſt as good as made. He was
Yeſterday heard at a Conference in Prince Lewis's Houfe; at which
the two Chancellors were preſent. And it is faid, within two
Days the Prince goes to the Army, and will have a full Power
intrufted to him to conclude a Peace.
Sir William adds, that if the Treaty of Peace went not on, the
Vizier was refolved to invade Tranfylvania.
My Lady Huffey and her Women keep their Engliſh Privilege
of going bare-faced, and are mightily admired.
Yours, &c.
George Afh.
Honourable Sir, excufe this Scribbling, having neither Pen, nor
Time to write as ought, by
Your most humble Servant,
London, July 7, 1691.
Thomas Paget.
Aaaa
An
562
A COLLECTION
An Account of King James the Second's Reception at
T
Oxford.
HE Vice-Chancellor received the King with a fhort
Speech; the King faid he did not underſtand it, but was
fure it was very loyal, as indeed, nothing elfe could be expected
from that Univerſity. After the King came to his Lodgings, the
Vice-Chancellor and Univerfity kiffed his Hand. He had fome
private Difcourfe with the Vice-Chancellor. The King mention-
ed the Cafe of Magdalen College, and the Matter of the Oxford
Pamphlets printed at the Theatre. The Vice-Chancellor did fair-
ly and honeſtly ſtate the Cafe in point of Election; and for the
Prefs, told him, that, while Mr. Walker printed fuch Books,
they were obliged in Honour, to anſwer them; but that, if he
was ordered to ceafe printing, he would take Care of the Prefs.
Saturday Night paffed over in Silence; neither Bells nor Bon-
fires, except two. In Univerſity College, they had an Illumina-
tion, as they call it, Candles fet up in every Window, and Flam-
beaux in the College Tower.
On Sunday Morning the King went to Prayers and Sermon at
Malley's Oratory, and at three in the Afternoon, to the Popish
Chapel in Univerfity College, where he was received with a
Speech in English, by Sir Edward Hale's Son, in which were
many broad and plain Expreffions. After Prayers, the Univerfity
attended his Majefty at Chrift Church; the Orator made a Speech;
the Vice-Chancellor prefented him with a Bible, and a Pair of
Gloves; he looked into the Bible, afked if it was printed there,
and commended it for an excellent Print. After this, the Fellows
of Magdalen College were ordered to attend; the King told them,
he had appointed the Bishop of Oxon their Prefident, and com-
manded them to go back inmediately to their College, and admit
him. They offered to prefent a Petition. He told them, he
would hear nothing; he was King, and did expect Obedience.
As they were going out, he called to them, to know who pen'd
the Letter to my Lord Sunderland, which faid the Place was full,
and aſked them, whether they had done any publick Act ſince they
were
of LETTERS.
563
}
were forbidden. To the first, they answered, it was not any fin-
gle Perfon, but was the Act of the whole Company, and drawn
up by their Order. To the other, that they had only admitted
one Fellow, who had been elected the year before. The King
then bid them again go, and haften their Admiffion, otherwife
he would make them feel the Weight of a Prince's Hand. Ac-
cordingly they met in the College Chapel (twenty-one in Num-
ber.) One was for admitting the Bishop, another defired Time,
though he had fome Time before prayed at St. Mary's, for Dr.
Hough, the undoubted Prefident of Magdalen College. The reft
were unanimous in this Refolution, that they were very defirous
to comply with the King's Commands in every Thing, as far as in
their Conſcience they could; but in this they could not poſſibly do
it, without incurring the Guilt of a deliberate Perjury. This An-
fwer they ordered two of their Company to carry back to my
Lord Sunderland. The King is very much incenfed; they fay it
will be put to the Judges, at the King's Return, which will be
very foon.
On Monday between ten and eleven, the King was entertained
in the Library with a noble Banquet; he feemed, and expreffed
himſelf extreamly well fatisfied with all his Entertainment; told
the Vice-Chancellor and the reft, that he ever had, and fhould
have a Kindneſs for that Place, where he had his Education, and
could not but look upon them as truly loyal, and all Church of
England Men were fo, thofe that were truly Church of England
Men, for there are fome Wolves in Sheep's Cloathing among us,
of whom he would have them beware; that, he would not have
them think hardly of him, for the Kindneſs he had fhewn thoſe
of other Perfuafions, nor let their Eyes be evil, becauſe his were
good.
At his taking Coach, he renewed his Expreffions with a great
deal of Ardour and Earneftneſs, thanked the Univerfity for his
noble Entertainments, that he took all Things kindly from them,
faid, he ſhould always continue his Favour to them, and could not
but ever look upon them as heartily loyal; that the Principles of
Loyalty were the fame in both Churches, and their Principles in
other Things moftly the fame. That in his Father's and Brother's
Time, they lived amicably together, and he could not apprehend,
Aaaa 2
why
564
A COLLECTION
why they ſhould not do fo ftill: That, as for his Declarations, he
would ftand to them, to a Tittle, and they ſhould ever find him
their Friend.
An Account of the Czar, and his meeting King Wil-
liam in Holland.
T
HE Czar having fignified to the King, that he defired to
fee him, but with all the Privacy imaginable; it was agreed
upon that the Tootaft, a great Ordinary, which, pro bác vice, was
the Czar's Lodgings at Utrecht, fhould be the Place for their Con-
ference: Whither the King came from Soefdyke, and the Czar
from Amfterdam. This Prince who affects to be incognito, to the
laft Degree, and is wonderfully averfe to publick Meetings, fent
to the King, that he would expect him in the Afternoon of laſt
Wednesday, with no more than three or four Pei fons, if he pleaſed.
The King made Anfwer, that he could not come with less than
fix or feven; which was agreed to. There was a vaft Concourfe
of People, furely expecting to fee the Czar go into his Houſe:
They were all difappointed; for he fecretly crept into an obfcure
Cellar-Door, on the back Part of the Houfe, and dreffed himſelf,
in Expectation of the King. His Incognita-Drefs is very differing,
and very extraordinary; fometimes like a Peafant; fometimes like
a Gentleman, with Hat, Peruke, Cravat, and Sword; other times
(and that often) with a Sailor's Cap, blue Shirt, and Canvaſs-
Breeches. At preſent he had a purple Roll over his ufual Ruffian
Habit, nothing about his Neck, and his Hair cut to his Ears. How
he received the King, my Author (being not admitted till after-
wards) could not tell; but he found them in a large Room; the
King fitting on one Side of the Table in a Chair without Arms,
and the Czar exactly oppofite, during the whole Time of their
Conference; which lafted above an Hour. There were about
feven
of LETTERS.
565
After
ſeven Perſons waiting on the King, viz. the Earls of Albermarle,
Selkirk, and Orkney, my Lord Villars, and one grave Nobleman,
who ſtood behind the Czar and his Interpreter. The Czar fpoke
his own Language, and the King French; probably becauſe the
Interpreter understood no English. His Majefty gave him all a-
long the Title of Emperor, or Imperial Majefty. The Czar afked
his Majeſty a great many Questions relating to the Army and Fleet.
The King afked him concerning the Canal he is making between
tho Wolga and the Tanais, upon which he had 80,000 Men ac-
tually at work. The Czar offered the King to drink, which his
Majesty then excufed; but told him, that if he would dine with
him next Day, he would then drink a Bottle with him; to which
the Czar confented. Among other things the Czar told the King
why he was fo averfe from appearing in Publick: The Reafon
whereof he pretends is a Blemish, or Contorfion in his Eyes, the
Effect of convulfive Fits, to which he is fometimes fubject, occa-
fioned by a fudden Attack of two Affaffins, of whom he flew
one with his own Hand, and cut off the other's Arm.
an Hour's Conference, the Czar embraced his Majefty, ſhook
him very heartily by the Hand, and fo took his Leave, leaving
the King in Poffeffion of the Room. About the Evening he fent
to the King to tell him, he could not dine with him the next
Day, becauſe he forefaw it was impoffible for him to meet his
Majefty privately at the Houfe not far from Utrecht, which the
King had appointed. This, his affected Privacy, makes him al-
ways chufe to go by Water, and in common Paffage- Boats; where-
in he has never yet been difcovered: And indeed he has nothing
very diſtinguiſhing in his Perfon or Mien, except that finall Ble-
miſh in his Eyes. He is very tall and flender, brown of Com-
plexion, and aged about twenty-fix Years. His frequent Change
of Drefs, Lodging, &c. does much contribute to his Concealment.
Sometimes he is a Seaman; then he will lie two or three Days at
an Anchor-Smith's at Sordam, and work as hard and as well as
any Carpenter on Board a Ship. If he flays fo long as to appre-
hend a Diſcovery, then our Imperial Potentate is metamorpho ed
into fome other ftrange Creature, and fo to paſs through the Mob,
whilst they are eternally gaping for him. There are a thoufind
flying Reports more of him, which I cannot vouch; but what I
have
566
A COLLECTION
have ſaid of him is true ad pedem litera. Wherein if I have been
too prolix, in mentioning light and trivial Things of him, pleaſe to
excufe it, Sir, and to confider that every Nod, every Word, and
every Action of Kings and Emperors, is weighty, admirable, and
facred.
P.S. We are told the Czar has had another Meeting with the
King at Dinner, by his own Requeſt, to their mutual Satis-
factions.
A Copy of a Letter written in the Molucco Islands,
in the Year 1695, to the Burgo-Mafter, Wilfon.
T
O give you fome Account of the Things which happened at
Banda, I muſt tell you, that it has pleafed God to let us
fee his wonderful Works, and mighty Hand upon us, on the 20th
of November, laft Year, which has been known to many now
living.
ed;
upon us.
On the
about the Evening, was feen a very thick
Smoak about the Top of the Mount Gonnony Apii, which was
much augmented on the 21ft and 22d, and fome following Days;
the Fire was continually encreafing on the Weft Side, and with
fuch Blows, as if the greateſt Pieces of Cannon had been diſcharg-
fo that we feared the whole Mountain would have been caſt
A Day of Humiliation and Prayer was proclaimed
by the Government, againſt the 7th, throughout all Banda.
Sometimes the Mount has brought forth fuch a Noife, as the
greatest Storms can do about the Rigging of a Ship, or a Building
on the Shore; and afterwards followed the Stones on the Weſt
Side, as far as the Sea, which was a horrible Spectacle. Fiſher-
men have related to me, that fo many Stones have been caft out
already, that the Place, where they uſed to fish with Lines, at
forty Fathom Water, is now dry; and the Fire comes out of the
Water
}
of LETTERS.
567
Water ſo vehemently, as is dreadful to fee, and the Water is fo
hot, that we cannot come near it; and now the Mountain burns
moft towards the Sea of Lanto. The Trees on the Eaft and Weft
Side are altogether ſpoiled, and the Weft Side covered with Stones,
God knows, how high. The Stink of Brimftone, during the
Weiterly Monfoon, is fo intolerable, that we could fcarce en-
dure it in the Streets of Neiza. The Noife continues ftill. How
God Almighty will pleaſe to diſpoſe of us, is best known to him-
felf alone. There is a great Sickneſs at Neiza; the Water which
raineth, is by Reaſon of the Brimstone and Saltpetre, become four,
and without the natural Tafte. The Gardens which were on the
Gonnony Apii, and formerly brought forth great Store of Fruits for
Man's Livelihood, are partly covered with Stones, and partly de-
fert. The greateſt Fear is, becauſe it is confumed inwardly to-
wards the old Hole, which was blown up in the Year 1615, and
becauſe the Fire feems to take its Courfe towards the South-Weft,
and, that it being quite hollow there, will tumble inwardly, or
be fubverted. I have been as near the Fire as I could approach;
but the exceffive Noife and cafting of Stones, made me draw back
speedily.
The Copy of a Letter written by another Perfon from
Banda, to the fame Burgo-Mafter.
T
HE Mount Gonnony Apii keeps us ſtill in a continual Fear,
bringing forth a Noife and Stones; and we fee nothing but
Fire and Flames, which is continually increaſing. It cafts out
Stones round about the Mountain, and the Fire afcends fo high,
that we can ſee it above the high Land aɩ Dender, as it happened
the 6th of this Month, that the Stones and the Flame went up above
the high Land, which was horrible to ſee.
An
A
568
A COLLECTION
{
An Extract of another Letter from the fame Place to
the fame Man.
W
E are in Fear becauſe of the Mount Gonnony Apii,
which burns continually, and cafts out fo great Quan-
tity of Fire and Afhes, that the Trees of the Country Neiza,
and Part of thofe in the high Country Lonthoir, are fo much
covered with Aihes, that not one good Fruit is to be expected
from them.
A Copy of a Letter to the Burgo-Mafter, Wilfon,
from the Molucco Iſlands, June 10, 1695.
IT
L
T is almoſt impoffible for me to give a particular Account of
the prefent State of Banda; for at Neiza, there is neither
Leaf nor Herb, the Ground covered with Stones and Ashes, the
Trees look juft as thofe of our native Country in Winter; one
half of the high Country is likewife in a fad Condition, many
Trees wholly, or partly extinguiſhed, and the reft lingering. If
we are to have fuch another Weſt Monſoon, all will periſh
to which that Wind can reach. Not one Houfe at Neiza is
undamaged; ſeveral are quite fuppreffed to the Ground by the
Weight of the Duft and Afhes; and if all Hands had not been
continually at work to take and carry it off, not one Houſe had
been remaining at Neiza. One of my Houfes lies down; thoſe
of Dender, Weyer, Calams, and the inward Coaft, as far as Wa-
ling, have likewife a fad Experience of this Calamity. We are
fometimes vifited with Earthquakes; eſpecially on the 10th of
May, about two o'clock in the Afternoon, we had two hard
Motions. Finally, Banda meets with many Croffes.
Part
}
of LETTER 8
395
➤ment of Scotland, to give all juft Satisfaction to the joint Defires
of both Kingdoms; we have now likewife thought fit to affure
the two chief Cities of both our Kingdoms, that nothing is more
grievous to us than the Trouble and Diftractions of our People;
and that nothing on Earth is more defired by us, than, that in
Religion and Peace, with all the comfortable Fruits of both,
they may henceforth live under us in all Godliness and Honefty.
And this Profeffion we make for no other end, but that you may
know immediately from ourſelves, our Integrity and full Refo-
lution to comply with our Parliaments in every thing for fettling
Truth and Peace, and our Defire to have all Things ſpeedily
concluded, which ſhall be found requifite for that End, that our
Return to that our ancient City, may be to the Satisfaction of
our Parliament, the Good-liking of you, and all our good Peo-
ple, and to our own greater. Joy and Comfort. We bid you
heartily farewel.
From Newcastle, the
19th of May, 1646.
X
The Speaker's Letter of the House of Commons to
the King's Moft Excellent Majefty, February the
12th, 1641.
SIR,
B
Efides my Sorrows (which preffed me very fore, and re-
maineth ftill upon me) the Troubles and Grief that fell
upon me for the lamentable Breaches in Church and State, and
for your Sacred Majefty and hopeful Offspring, filled up my
Sorrows; and in my Thoughts I was grieved, that thofe Fears
and Defolations fell out in your Days; I confeſs Charity ſuf-
pects not, and the beft Minds think the leaft Hurt; and the
freer a Man is from Vice in himfelf, the more charitable he is
of others; and this is that which hath proved, formerly, prejudi-
cial to your Majefty; but had your Majefty been the firft or the
beſt that had been inftead mifinformed or ill-rewarded, it would
Ddd 2
he
"former part wanting - tis from Chur? 1. to Citys of Londonge
396
A COLLECTION
be an hard thing to command Patience; but Grief is affwaged
either by Prefidents or Examples. It is true, of late Days, your
Majefty being miſinformed againft fome of your best Subjects,
your Majefty thought to have dealt with them, as fofeph thought
to have dealt with Mary, and fo put them away far from you;
but with Mary, they travelling as it were with Child; and that
that which they travelled withal might not appear an Illegitimate,
the only wife God fent, as it were an Angel unto you, to let
you fee, that, like Mary, they being contracted unto you in Love,
they have not as yet defiled their Marriage-Bed, but remain, like
Mary, faithful to their Head and Sovereign; and your Majefty
having been formerly feduced by falfe Opinions from others
againſt them, I hope you will now be reduced unto them (and
by them) by true Perfuafions; and that you may be fo, the
only wife God that gave your Majeſty your Being, and fo knew
you better than yourſelf, hath dealt with your Majefty as he
did with Adam in Paradiſe, and fo hath provided you a Meet-
helper, when, with Adam, you thought no need of it, nor de-
fired it; and your Majefty yielding, as Adam did (in fparing a fu-
perfluous Rib for to make him a Meet-helper) will become a
great Gainer; for your Majefty fhall not only loſe thoſe who
may very well be fpared, but you will gain to yourſelf, and your
Poſterity, a Meet-helper, that will endeavour by all means that
may be lawful, to cafe you of many Burthens that otherways
might have lain heavy upon you; and this Helper is many Mem-
bers of that Body whereof your Majefty is become the Head ;
and confidering their Pains and Labour in Love, you ſhould do
them Injustice if you ſhould fuffer any for to accuſe them. I
hope there is none (or will be none) near you (if near you, yet
dare not) fo ingrofe your Favours any more to their own Advan-
tage, whereby your good Subjects may be bereaved of thofe Be-
nefits that ought to be common to all. As for
As for your Commons,
they go not about to ſteal your Favours, but to purchaſe them
legally, and are become unto you, as Abraham's Servant was to
his Maſter, who would not either eat or drink until he had done
his Maſter's Bufinefs; and, I dare fay, if
; and, I dare ſay, if your Commons (as your
late Monopolifts and others) had or did feek themſelves or their
own Advantages (more than the Good of King and Kingdom)
they
?
of LETTER S.
397
they would have been wearied, after fo much Labour, before
now; but methinks I hear your Commons fay, as Adam ſaid,
let us be but one, and that it may be fo, they are willing,
not only for a time, to be ſeparated from their domeſtic Em-
ployments, but to forfake all, and run many Hazards, to cleave
only to your Majefty in a folemn Contract; wherefore, to make
up the Contract, you must, with Ifaac, part with fomething that
was formerly near unto you; and who would not fpare a Part,
to fave the reſt: Being done, it will prove to your Majeſty as
comfortable and welcome, as Rebecca was into Ifaac's Tent.
This happy Match being made, it would not only refreſh
your People, but make glad your Heart in time of Fears and.
Dangers. It is true, there are many that have brought your:
Majefty into Troubles, and feared Dangers (and the more to
blame they, for leaving your Majeſty, having brought you into
them). It is true, there are many, with Orpha, feeing your Trou-
bles, have left you; but your Commons, like Ruth, are refolved"
to ſtick clofe unto you, and will endeavour to help you, if, with
David, you will be adviſed by them (who bleffed God for the
feaſonable Counſel of a Woman, when he was upon a defperate
Defign). Judge then of their Loves and Affections to your Ma-
jefty, by yours to them, and then tell me, whether they do not
love you; doubtlefs, yes; accounting their Lives not dear unto
them, fo that they may but finiſh their Work with Joy, and
accomplish their good Ends concerning you; and I doubt not,
but that I ſpeak it in the Name of many. And, in truth, by
your late yielding and free Expreffion, you have ftolen me from.
myſelf, yea, and am now wounded within me, and, like Mofes,.
who was wounded within himſelf, and could hardly endure to
look upon God when he defcended in Mercy. It is true, there
is nothing engageth a Soul to God, or a Subject to a King, as
the Appearance of Love; this made Mofes to fay, How dreadful·
is this Place, O God! and this is that which hath ſtolen me from
myſelf; fo that I am no more mine own but yours: Yea, by this:
Return of yours to your People, you will win them to Obedi-
ence with Kindnefs; and by doing fo, you will make good that
which you were ſent for, whofe Cares ought to be employed for.
the Good of your Subjects; knowing that their Love is your
greateſt
1
398
A COLLECTION
1;
greateſt Safety, and their Profperity your greateſt Honour and
Felicity: And this is that which will make your Bed eafy, when
you thall poffefs the juft Title to the Crown with the Love of
your People; and the Continuance of it with the willing Applauſe
of the Subject, is the nigheft way to a Bleffing; and the Hopes
of this is that which hath brought me to renew and confirm the
Covenant that your Majefty made with me, from your firſt
Entrance to the Crown; and becauſe you could not fwear by no
greater, fwore by the Eternal God, that you would defend me;
and at the firft of our Contract we made but one, your Power
and all that you had was mine, to defend me and do me good;
but there have been ſome of late that have fet your Majeſty againſt
me (I ſpeak it in the Name of many) and have perfwaded you
to beat me, and to force me to Obedience; though of myſelf
willing to obey, being of a Nature fooner won than compelled:
And this is that which hath fore troubled me; yet this is not all
but when an Oath (with an et cætera) was put upon me, it
wounded me; for by the Oath that I had taken already, I was
bound faſt enough: But the Truth is, when thefe Things befel
me, I was afraid that fome evil-minded Men, like to Potipher's
Wife, feeing mine Innocency, and more faithful to you my
Huſband, than themſelves, had complained againſt me without
Cauſe: And this I could hardly bear; for by this means our great
Adverfaries, the Devil and Pope, laboured to fow Contentions
and Jealoufies between us; and this is that which will be a
Means to undo us both. When your Majefty (which is become
my Head and Huſband) fpeaks kindly unto me, and is ruled
by thoſe that love us, my Heart is inflamed with a Love unto
you; but when your Miniſters abuſe your Majeſty's Kindneſs,
and become Tirants to their Fellow-fervants; yea, when they
thall
go
about to juſtify themſelves, and lay all their Villany up-
on your Majeſty; this I can hardly bear; for by this means I
am deprived of my Marriage-bed, and of my wonted Society;
and am troubled within myſelf, when I fee your Majefty (which
is become my Head and Huſband) ftrange unto me; but I hope
every former Breach will unite Love the ftronger. Wherefore
being now reconciled to your Commons, feaft, live, love, and
die together; and be more firm in your near Union, than ever
divided
of LETTER S.
399'
you
divided in your hearty Unkindneſs; fo fhall you meet in the
End and never part, but be like Rachel and Leah, which two
built up the Houfe of Ifrael. You are now in the way, and it
is faid, Gen. xxiv. 27. That whilst the Servant of Abraham was
in the way, God bleffed him; the fame God blefs you; and for
your Comfort and Encouragement know, by fo much fhall
grow to Perfection, by how much you draw near to Unity. I
confeſs, had the Balaacs and Balaams of our Times been fo evil
as they would have been, the World had been over-run with Evil,
but fuch is the Wiſdom of God, that oft-times he hides from evil
Men thofe Times and Seafons that might prove prejudicial to his
People: So it was when Saul fought for David. It is true, the
good God might have deftroyed the Balaams and wicked Sauls
of our Times, but many times he will not, for God hath fome-
thing more for them to do; and it is not fo much Glory to God
to take away wicked Men, as to uſe their Evil to his own holy
Purpoſes; and gaineth many times more Glory by working Good
by evil Inftruments, than by deftroying of them preſently in
their wicked Purpoſes; for it is a true Maxim, that it fufficeth
good Man, that he refifteth the evil Actions of the Wicked,
whilſt they love their Perfons. I confefs, our Balaams and our
Sauls had gone very far, but in fome Things God permits in In-
dignation, not for that he gives leave to the Act, but that he
gives a Man over to the Sin in the Act, and yet this Sufferance
employs not Favour but Judgment, and God is contented the
Devil ſhould win himſelf credit (fometimes) where he means to
judge; I confefs our Sauls and our Balaams, like Cifera, truſted
in their Strength, but like Cifera, many of them run away;
yet, in fpight of them all, the Lord hath made a feaſonable
and hopeful Provifion for his People. It is too true, by the
means of our Sauls, your Majeſty became to your People and
Commons, as the Angel was unto Gideon, and fo made them
afraid; but like the Angel that made Gideon afraid, your Ma-
jefty hath returned to their Comfort; and as God, where he
loves, he employs; you are now willing to enjoy them
by a willing Contract, and not by Raviſhment; and by this
means you appear now unto your People like Mofes, who had
more Glory by his Veil than by his Face: And I do not
doubt,
400
A COLLECTION
doubt, when all Things ſhall be made manifeft, but that one
faithful DAVID will be in more account with your Majefty, than
either the Sauls or Balaams whatfoever. It is true, by the means
of our Sauls, the Crown is become full of Cares, and your Ma-
jefty having almoſt been wearied by them, would fain now take
fome Reft; and that your Majeſty may reft, I will, with Jacob,
give God no Reft until he have bleffed you; wherefore, being
now reconciled unto your Commons, you will become as fweet
and pleaſant to the Church and the three Kingdoms, as the Tree
that God fhewed to Mofes, which when he caft into the Waters,
the Waters were made fweet (which formerly were bitter). Í
know that Thankfulneſs and Love can do more with good Men
than Merit or Neceffity; and methinks I ſee
and methinks I fee you like our Sa-
viour, who thirfted after the Salvation of Mankind; and I be-
lieve it was not fo much out of Drynefs as out of Love; go
you and do fo likewiſe, knowing that modeft Beginnings and
hopeful Proceedings makes happy Endings; and for your Com-
fort know, that God, whofe Battles you fight, will provide a due
Reward: And fo I commend the Saying of Solomon unto you,
Ecclef. ix. 10. Whatfoever thy Hand findeth to do, do it with thy
Might, for there is no Work, nor Device, nor Knowledge, nor Wif
dom, in the Grave whither thou goeſt.
To his much eſteemed Friend and Kinfman Sir H. W.
at his Houfe in Weſtminſter.
SIR,
T
HE Indifpofition of my Body hath confined me to my
Chamber, we muſt now therefore difcourfe by Letters:
Your Petition for Peace I fee is not fo happy as to find Succefs
in Parliament, at which while I wondred, I began to confider
the Reaſons, which are diverſe as the Perfons oppofing it; there-
fore you muſt firſt obferve the Oppofers, and then the Reaſons
will be evident. It is not fit the Houſes of Parliament ſhould
deny the obedient Citizens of London any thing, for that may
be
of LETTER S.
401
be diftafteful to the City; nor yet grant the Requeſt of the
Petition, for that may be deftructive to the Profit of many Mem-
bers of both Houſes, and to fome even of the City itſelf. It was
therefore wifely done of my abortive Lord Mayor and his zea-
lous Sectaries, to attempt the ftrangling of it in the Birth, by
committing fome that were active about it; their Reafons are
Reformation of Religion, that is, aboliſhing the Book of Com-
mon-Prayer as Popith, though juftified by the Compofers Martyr-
dom under the Popish Tyranny; but that will make way for their
new Doctrines and extemporary Bablings; next, the diffolving of
Biſhopricks and Deanries, will repay the Money lent upon pub-
lic Faith, for advancing the Lord's War, (for fo they mifcal
Treafon) and conclude, that being the Lord's Debt, it is fitteft to
be paid out of the Lord's Inheritance; then Biſhops being eradicated
Elders may grow up and flouriſh as in Sufanna's Days. And it
is confiderable, that the Eſtates of Malignants will be juſt Re-
wards for the godly Labourers in this Harveft; all which will be
loft by a beggarly Accommodation.
Touching the Houſes of Parliament, which confifts of about
140 Lords, and 500 Commoners, of which not a fifth Part do
attend in their feveral Houſes, fome being voted out, others
committed for not conforming their Confciencies to the Senfe of
the Houſe; and very many, difliking the Proceedings and Tu-
mults, left the Houſe, and repaired to the King; with whom a
greater Part, I am fure is, than attend both Houſes, being
come to preferve their Oaths of Allegiance, which is Perfonal to
the King.
Take, Sir, but a View of fuch as fit and act the Bufinefs in
the Houſes of Parliament, obferve who among them have. Com-.
mands and Places of Profit in and about this War; then examine
their ſmall Eſtate, with their great Debt and Charge; the rich
Profit of their Command, with their poor Revenue. The Lords
Haftings, Rochford, Wharton, Sir John Mandevill, Feelding, Gray
of Grooby, Sir Hugh Chamley, Sir Samuel Luke, Sir John Mericke,
Maſter Nathaniel Fines, Mr. Marting, Mr. Wingate, Mr. Walton,
Mr. Cromwell, Colonel Venne, Mr. John More, and others, are
Men whoſe Credit (as appears by Scriveners Books) is as great.
as their Eſtates, not invited to Commands by the Profit of the
E e e
Places,
2%
Y
402
A COLLECTION
A
Places, but by their confcientious Zeal to the Caufe; others of
the Houſes (left any Water fhould run befide their Mill) prefer
their Sons, Brothers, and near Friends, to Places and Employ-
ments of Profit about this War, as Mr. Pym his Son Alexander,
Sir H. Mildemay his Brother Anthony, my Lord S--y his Son
John, and Others other Friends; while fome Men of the Houſe
have confeffed, that the Pay made them undertake the Cauſe,
and which of all theſe, fave Sir Joh. Merric, knows ought of his
Place but the Profit; nay, many of them, for the better Service,
fight by their Lieutenants, as they pay Debts by their Surities;
and how many of them, fave two or three which were taken
Priſoners, received a Wound, or ftruck one Blow, in the late
Battels of Edge-bill and Brainceford; what Hopes then, that theſe
Men will give their Votes, and 12 or 1500l. per Ann. for a bar-
ren Peace? Will my Lord Mayor fubfcribe a Petition that fhall
take away his Toll, 12 d. for Paffes out of London? or Colonel
Mannering, the crafed Mercer; Captain Baſſe, the Lace-man;
Captain Maſon, the Button-maker; Captain Witherly, the Pewter-
er; Captain Capcote, the Broker; Captain Lee, the Vintner
with the Conyfkin Captain in Southwark; and divers other Debt-
compounding Citizens, their Pay and Protections againſt Creditors,
and leave themſelves nought but a Goal to live in? What can
you hope for by your Petition, that theſe Men, and the like, can
hinder?
;
Now furvey, what they impudently call the popiſh and beggarly
Lords and Cavaliers for and about the King, as the Duke of Rich-
mond, the Marquis Hartford, Earls of Cumberland, Darby, Lindley,
Bath, Dorfet, Bridgewater, Danby, Leicester, Devonshire, North-
ampton, Cheſterfield, Bristol, Weftmorland, Barkshire, Newcastle, Car-
narvon, Kingflon, and Thanet; the Lords Mowbray, Mountague of
Baughton, Dainecourt, Shandoys, Spencer, Gray, Mohume, Dunf
more, Newarke, Seymore, Capell, and others: Then of the Houſe
of Commons, Sir Chriftop. Hatton, Sir Jarvas Clifton, Sir Guy
Palmes, Sir. James Thinn, Mr. John Coventry, Mr. Henry and
Mr. John Bellaffey, Sir Tho. Fanshaw, Sir Richard Lewfon, Sir
Tho. Danby, Sir Joh. Packington, Sir Ric. Lee, Sir Charles le Groffe,
Maft. Catline, Maft. Holborne, Mr. Bridgman, Mr. Chadwell, Sir
John Strangways and his Son, Mr. John Digby, Sir Edw. Dering,
Sir
of LETTERS
403
Sir Will.Widdrington, Mr. Venables, Baron of Kinnerton, Mr. Rogers,
Mr. Newport, Sir Edw. Alford, Mr. Whitmore, Mr. Chitchly,
Mr. Edgcombe, Sir John Stowell, Mr. Crook, Mr. Nowell, Mr.
Sutton, Sir Will. Oagle, Sir Will. Poole, and one hundred more
than my Paper will hold, Men of Underſtanding and known
Integrity; and which of all theſe, whofe Age and Health would
permit, adventured not their Lives and Eftates in this War with
the King? Now let us examine their Religion, and you ſhall
find them daily at Sermons and Service with the King, hearing
and practifing the fame Proteftant Religion and Liturgy, that
faved our Fathers, and hath been in our Church ever fince the
Reformation, and which we have vowed by the late Proteftation
to maintain; then (no doubt) neither the King nor they are
likely to bring in Popery, nor be Separatifts.
That they are Men of Eftates, the Countries that elected them
(if not the Kingdom) knows, and which of them hath any Pro-
fit by the War? Which of them goes not himſelf and Servants
to the War at his own Charge? Nay, which of them hath not
otherwiſe, in a large manner, contributed to the Maintenance of
the King's Army, and that without any Commands of an Ordi-
nance; yea, even againſt the Declaration of the Houſes? What
would they and others then have done, had an Order of the
Houſes directed it as on the other fide? By this then you fee
they are neither popifhly nor beggarly; nor can have any Re-
ward or Hopes of Repair out of the Eſtates of the adverſe Party.
But they would induce arbitrary Government: I pray what
Proof is there of that? What one Act hath the King done fince
the Commence of the Parliament that favours of arbitrary Juftice?
Whom hath he diftrained, committed, or turned out of Town
for not lending? Nay, what hath he not done to affure us the
contrary? Read his Declarations, obferve his regal Promifes and
Proteſtations, and then tell me, what Chriftian (that hath Charity)
or what Man (that would be believed) will not believe him?
Hath he not regulated the Council-table? damned the Ship-
writs? fuppreffed the High-commiffion and Martial-court? Nay,
hath he not left all things to be tried by ftrict Proceedings of
Law?
Eee 2
Whom
404
A COLLECTION
Whom can arbitrary Juftice more prejudice, than thofe now
about and with the King? The rich and wealthy Men? Surely
then they will not be a means to induce that Law that fhall
undo and enflave them, their Children, Families and Eftates.
Yet muſt we lend Money, fend Horfes, and raiſe Arms againſt
theſe popish and beggarly Cavaliers. For it is not againſt the
King, that were Treafon, and Breach of our late Proteftation,
which is to defend his Majeſty; yet was the King's Perfon in
Danger at Edge-hill Battle, when the undiſtinguiſhing Shot took
fome Perfons even about the King; but God did then, and I
hope always will cover his Head in the Day of Battle.
Upon theſe Confiderations, Sir, I cannot believe or fear the
Reducement of Popery or arbitrary Juftice; nor think my Con-
ſcience, Perfon, or Eſtate, tied by the neceffitous Ordinance of
both Houſes (for want of an Act of Parliament) to pay or let
the Twentieth Part of my Eftate (which you know may come
to three or four hundred Pounds) be taken to fupport a War,
wherein the Perfon of the King (which God forbid) may be
hurt.
I am fure that while God promiſed the Scepter to Judah, he
put the Law-giver between his Feet, to let us know, that the
legiflative Power is neither above nor without the King; and I
know the King, by his Writs, doth call them to adviſe with
him, not to refolve without him; I will therefore keep my Hands
from giving, and fo preferve my Confcience; I will faſt bolt
my Doors, and fo preferve my Perſon and Eſtate, until a ſtronger
than I come; for I had rather others committed Trefpafs in tak-
ing, than I Treafon in giving: And I am fure that both Armies
are not on the right fide; but one, with all their voluntary
Maintainers and Abettors, muft, without God's infinite Mercy,
be guilty of the Blood of all the Men flain on either fide. I
fhall therefore, for my particular, believe and follow the Rule
of the Apoſtle, to obey the King, for he is fet over us by God;
rather than run with the new Opinions and contrary Doctrine of
our militant Evangelifts, Dr. Burges, Dr. Downing, Mr. Marshall,
and Sedgwicke, whoſe Conſciences ſtart out of the way at a white
Surplice, but never boggle at Garments rolled in Blood. There
are
of LETTERS
405
are other Things confiderable with us Citizens alfo, as the Re-
turn of Sir Faithful Fortefcue, Lieutenant-Colonel Wag ftaffe, and
my Lord Effex's Favourite, Captain Scrimshaw, unto the King;
next, the Danger and Jealoufy we are in, that even fome of the
Great Ones will follow (for thefe are but Harbengers) and ra-
ther than come empty-handed to the King, will make us their
Peace-offering.
Let us confider the Event of War, wherein we can yet boaſt
nothing but our Succefs at Winchester. But had we had the Day
at Edge-bill, and totally routed the Cavaliers, would that have
determined the War? I fear, rather have called in all the
Monarchs in Chriftendom to maintain Monarchy; and then
were we engaged, like the Low Countries, in perpetual Blood.
How great then is our Streight, for if we fucceed, we undo our-
felves; if the King, by Victory (or Treachery of our Comman-
ders) the Labour is faved us then, for having refufed his Mercy,
we muſt expect his Juftice.
I have now, Sir, unbofomed myſelf to you my Friend, let
therefore my Errors find a friendly Reproof, rectifying my Mif-
takes by your Advice, which I fhall take as Commands, return
you the thankful Acknowledgment of
Read and burn.
Milk-freet, London,
28 Decemb. 1642.
Your Friend and Kinſman,
T. R.
A re
4.06
A COLLECTION
A remarkable Letter from O. Cromwell to the Go-
vernor of Edinburgh Castle.
SIR,
BEC
Ecauſe I am at ſome reaſonable good Leiſure, I cannot let
fuch a groſs Miſtake and inconfequential Reafonings pafs,
without fome Notice taken of them: And firft, their Ingenuity
in relation to the Covenant, for which they commend themſelves,
doth no more juſtify their want of Ingenuity, in anfwer to Co-
lonel Walley's chriftian Offer, concerning which my Letter char-
ged them with Guiltinefs, Deficiency; than their bearing witneſs
to themſelves, of their adhering to their firft Principles and In-
genuity in profecuting the Ends of the Covenant, juftifies them
fo to have done, merely becauſe they ſay fo: They muſt give
more Leave henceforwards, for Chriſt will have it fo, will they
*nill they, and they muſt have Patience to have the Truth of their
Doctrines and Sayings tried by the fure Touch-ftone of the Word
of God; and if there be a Liberty and Duty of Trial, there is a
Liberty of Judgment alfo, for them that may and ought to try;
which, if fo, they muſt give others leave to fay and think, that
they can appeal to equal Judges, who have been the trueft Ful-
fillers of the moſt real and equitable Ends of the Covenant: But
if thefe Gentlemen which do affume to themſelves to be the in-
fallible Expofitors of the Covenant, as they do too much to their
Auditories of the Scriptures, counting a different Senfe and Judg-
ment from theirs, Breach of Covenant and Herefy, no marvel
they judge of others fo authoritatively and feverely; but we have
not fo learned Chrift. We look at Minifters as Helpers of,
not Lords over the Faith of God's People: I appeal to their
Confciences, whether any trying their Doctrines and diffenting,
fhall not incur the Cenfure of Sectary? and what is this but to
deny Chriſtians their Liberty, and affume the infallible Chair?
What doth he whom we would not be likened unto do more
than this? In the fecond place it is affirmed, that the Minifters
of the Goſpel have been impriſoned, deprived of their Benefices,
fequeftred, forced to fly from their Dwellings, and bitterly threat-
* Sic Orig.
ned
of LETTERS
407
ned for their faithful declaring the Will of God, &c. and that
they have been limited that they might not ſpeak againſt the
Sins and Enormities of the evil Powers: That to impofe the
Name of Railing, upon fuch faithful Freedom, was the old Pra-
ctice of the Malignants againſt the Preachers of the Gospel, &c.
If the Civil Authority of that Part of it which continued
faithful to their Truft, true to the Ends of the Covenant, did,
in anſwer to their Confciences, turn out a Tyrant in a way which
the Chriſtians in After-times will mention with Hononr, and all
Tyrants in the World look at with Fear; and many thouſands
of Saints in England rejoice to think of it, and have received
from the Hand of God, a Liberty from the Fear of like Ufur-
pation; and have caft off him who trod in his Father's Steps,
doing miſchief as far as he was able, whom you have received
like Fire into your Bofoms, of which God will, I truſt, in time
make you fenfible. If Miniſters, railing at the Civil Power, call-
ing them Murtherers, and the like, for doing this, have been
dealt with as you mention; will this be found a perſonal Perſe-
cution? or is Sin fo, becauſe they ſay fo? They that acted this
great Buſineſs, having given a Reafon of their Faith in this Action,
and fome here are ready further to do it against all Gainfayers.
But it will be found, that thefe Reprovers do not only make
themſelves the Judges and Determiners of Sin, that ſo they may
reprove; but they alfo took liberty to ftir up the People to Blood
and Arms, and would have brought a War upon England, as
hath been upon Scotland, had not God prevented it. And if fuch
Severity as hath been expreffed toward them be worthy the
Name of perfonal Perfecution, let all unintereſted Men judge,
whether the calling of this Practice Railing, be to be paralleled
with the Malignants Imputation upon the Ministers, for ſpeaking
againſt the popiſh Innovations in the Prelates Times, and the ty
rannical and wicked Practice then on foot, let your own Con-
fciences mind you. The Roman Emperors in Chrift's and his
Apoſtles Times were Ufurpers and Intruders upon the Jewiſh
State: yet what Footſtep have ye, either of our bleffed Saviour's
ſo much as Willingneſs to the dividing of an Inheritance, or their
medling in that kind; this was not practifed by the Church fince
our Saviour's Time 'til Antichrift affuming the infallible Chair,
and
1
"
PA
408
A COLLECTION
1
and all that he called the Church to be under him, practifed this
authoritatively over civil Governors.
The way to fulfil your Miniftry with Joy, is to preach the
Goſpel, which I wiſh fome who take Pleaſure in Reproof at ad-
venture, do not forget too much to do.
Thirdly, You fay, you have juft Caufe to regret, that Men of
civil Employments fhould ufurp the Calling and Employment of
the Miniſtry, to the Scandal of the reformed Kirks, &c.
yet
Are you
troubled that Chrift is preached? Is Preaching fo in-
clufive in your Function? Doth it ſcandalize the reformed Kirks,
and Scotland in particular? Is it againſt the Covenant? Away
with the Covenant if this be fo, I thought the Covenant and thefe
could have been willing that any fhould fpeak good of the Name
of Chrift; if not, it is no Covenant of God's approving, nor the
Kirks you mention, in fo much the Spouſe of Chrift. Where
do you find in the Scripture a Ground to warrant fuch an Affer-
tion, That preaching is included in your Function? though an
Approbation from Men hath Order in it, and may do well,
he that hath not a better Warrant than that, hath none at all. I
hope he that afcended up on high, may give his Gifts to whom
he pleaſe; and if thofe Gifts be the Seal of Miffion, be not en-
vious though Eldad and Medad prophefy: You know who bids
us covet earneſtly the beſt Gifts, but chiefly that we may pro-
phefy, which the Apoſtle explains there to be a Speaking to
Inftruction, and Edification, and Comfort, which the Inftructed,
Edified, and Comforted can beſt tell the Energy and Effect of;
if fuch Evidence be, I fay again, take heed you envy not for
your own fake, left you be guilty of a greater Fault than Mofes
reproved in Joshua, for envying for his fake; indeed, you err
through the Miſtake of the Scriptures: Approbation is an Act of
Conveniency in refpect of Order, not of Neceffity, to give Faculty
to preach the Gospel. Your pretended Fear left Error ſhould ſtep
in, is like the Man that would keep all the Wine out of the
Country, left Men ſhould be drunk. It would be found an un-
juft and unwife Jealoufy, to deny a Man the Liberty he hath by
Nature, upon a Suppofition he may abuſe it; when he doth abuſe
it judge. If a Man ſpeak foolishly, ye fuffer him gladly becauſe
ye are wife, if erroniouſly, the Truth more appears by your Con-
viction ;
of LETTER S.
409
viction; ſtop ſuch a Man's Mouth with found Words that can-
not be gainſaid, if blafphemouſly, or to the Diſturbance of the
public Peace, let the Civil Magiftrate puniſh him; if truly, re-
joice in the Truth; and if you will call our Speakings together
fince we came into Scotland, to provoke one another to Love
and to good Works, to Faith in our Lord Jefus Chriſt, and Re-
pentance from dead Works, to Charity and Love towards you,
to pray and mourn for you, and for the bitter Returns to, and
Incredulity of our Profeffions of Love to you, to do you all the
Good we can (of the Truth of which we have made our folemn
and humble Appeals to the Lord our God, which he hath heard
and born witness to) if, I fay, theſe things be fcandalous to the Kirk,
and againſt the Covenant, becauſe done by Men of civil Callings,
we rejoice in them, notwithſtanding what you fay.
For a Conclufion in anfwer to the Witnefs of God upon our
folemn Appeal: You fay, you have not fo learned Chrift to hang
the Equity of your Caufe upon Events.
Events. We could with Blind-
neſs hath not been upon your Eyes to all thofe marvellous Dif-
penfations which God hath wrought lately in England. But did
not you folemnly appeal and pray? Did not we do fo too? and
ought not you and we to think with Fear and Trembling of the
Hand of the great God in this mighty and ftrange Appearance of
his? but can lightly call it an Event: Were not both
yours and
our Expectations renewed from time to time, whilst we waited
on God to fee which way he would manifeft himſelf upon our
Appeals? And fhall we, after all theſe our Prayers, Faftings,
Tears, Expectations, and folemn Appeals, call thefe bare Events?
The Lord pity you, furely we fear, becauſe it hath been a mer-
ciful and gracious Deliverance to us: I befeech you in the
Bowels of Chrift, fearch after the Mind of the Lord in it towards
you, and we ſhall help you by our Prayers, that you may find
it out; (for yet, if we know our Hearts at all) our Bowels do in
Chriſt Jefus earn after the Godly in Scotland: We know there
are Stumbling-blocks which hinder you: The perfonal Preju-
dices you have taken up against us, and our Ways, wherein we
cannot but think fome Occafion has been given, and for which
we mourn: The Apprehenfion you have, that we have hindred
the glorious Reformation you think you were upon: I am per-
Fff
fuaded
$
410
A COLLECTION
ſuaded theſe, and fuch like bind you up from an Underſtanding
and Yielding to the Mind of God, in this great Day of his Power
and Vifitation; and, if I be rightly informed, the late Blow you
received is attributed to prophane Counfels and Conduct, and
Mixtures in your Army, and fuch like; the natural Man will not
find out the Caufe; look up to the Lord, that he may tell it you :
Which that he would do, fhall be the fervent Prayers of
Edinburgh, Sep.
12, 1650.
Your loving Friend and Servant,
O. CROM WE L.
SPEECHES in PARLIAMENT, LETTERS, &c.
(as endorſed on the MSS.) of Lord How AR D,
after the Restoration from 1660 to 1673, but not
regularly dated.
I
A Speech in Parliament.
Stand not up (Sir) to oppoſe any thing contained in this
Bill. It is a Bill moft worthy of fuch a Parliament, moſt
fuitable and agreeable to that Loyalty, Duty and Allegiance
which all Englishmen owe, and which, to your eternal Honour,
as the true Repreſentatives of the People, you have, upon all Oc-
cafions expreft your Readineſs and Forwardneſs to pay, with all
handfome Circumftances, and moſt emphatical Demonſtrations
of a real, cordial and moft fincere Affection to his Majefty. We
now find, Sir, the Truth of that Maxim confirmed to us, ex-
peffimis moribus optima nafcuntur leges. The Debauchery of
wicked Men, and the Iniquity of evil and corrupt Times havè
always been the Production of the beſt and moſt prudential Laws.
I fpeak not this, Sir, as if I were about to accufe the good,
wholfome, wife, and prudent Laws of this Nation, of fo great
an Overfight as the Neglect of the Prefervation of the facred
Perfons of our Kings, in whom are bound up the Safety, Wel-
fare,
昏
​t
of LETTERS
4II
fare, Peace and Happineſs of the Kingdom; this were an Hypo-
thefis not to be allowed, nor can any Man, who is not out of
his Wits, imagine, that what you are now doing is grounded
upon fuch a Suppofition, or capable of fuch an Interpretation.
The very Phraſe and Words of the Bill do plainly enough evince,
that it is not intended to be an Act conſtitutive and creative of
what before was not, but explanatory and declaratory of what
before was, and ever has been; and certainly, Sir, fince, in theſe
our Days there has ſtarted up a curfed, impious and moſt auda-
cious Generation of Men, who, having not only like thofe Giants
in the Fable, bid Defiance to Heaven, made War with the Gods,
difpifed and contemned Authorities, affront a Majefty, and moft
impudently affaffinated and murdered the beſt of Princes; but
have alſo endeavoured to gild and paint over this their Wicked-
neſs with the Name of Juſtice, and by their crafty Prevarications,
cunning Infinuations, and falfe abufive Gloffes upon this Law,
have been ſo powerful upon the Minds of common, filly and
ignorant People as to imprefs upon them an Opinion and Be-
lief of the Legality of what they have done; who is there that
will not think it neceffary, at last, that ſomething ſhould come from
you to ftop the fpreading Contagion of the Doctrine of theſe
Devils, to reclaim Men from the dangerous Error of ſuch a
Paradox, and to recal them again to their wanted due Reve-
rence and Adoration of thoſe who have ever been held and truly
ftiled Gods upon Earth. To this End, Sir, this declarative
Claufe of this Bill ſeems to be excellently well accommodated, and
I would hope, that it may be effectual for thoſe Purpoſes for
which you intend; yet give me leave to tell you, Sir, that in my
Apprehenfion there is fomething wanting.
You are pleaſed, Sir, to think fit, that it be declared, that
neither one nor both Houfes of Parliament have, or by the Laws
of this Nation can pretend to have any coercive Power upon the
Perſon of their King. This is a very good Declaration, and ſuch
an one as will undoubtedly be able to justify itſelf by the har-
monious Conſent of all the Laws of this Nation; but this, Sir,
does but lop off one of the Branches of Rebellion, this does
not put the Axe cloſe to the Root of the Tree. Alas, Sir! to
what Purpoſe will it be to declare, that a King ought not to be
murdered
Fff2
412
A COLLECTION
}
murthered, unleſs you alfo take care that a King may not at
any time by rebellious Arms be conquered; and how can it be
thought, that you would, as much as in you lies, give Preven-
tion for the Future to the bold Undertakings of a rebellious
Hand, unleſs you do clearly determine, even to the Underſtand-
ing of the moft fimple and ignorant, in whom, and in whom
alone reft a Power of calling the Nation into Arms. This I
dare lay down for an Affertion, as that which does moft naturally
prove itſelf, that in whomfoever is lodged a Power of taking up
of Arms, to them muſt alſo be allowed the Exercife of that
Power, when, and as often as they think a fit Occafion, for the
Rule holds as true in Politics as it does in Phyfic, fruftra datur
potentia ejus quod nunquam eft in ačtu.
I
And to whomfoever is allowed an Authority to take up Arms,
to them alfo be allowed an Authority to fight with, kill and
deftroy all that make Refiſtance againſt them; and to whomſo-
ever it is allowed to fight, to them alſo it muſt be allowed to
conquer if they can; and to whomſoever is allowed a Right of
conquering, to them alfo muſt be allowed a Liberty of improv-
ing a Victory; and what will be judged a due Improvement;
none but the Conqueror muft undertake to determine.
If therefore, Sir, you fuffer this Error to remain fixed and ra-
dicated in the Minds of Men, that there is any Authority in the
Nation ſeparate and diftinct from the King's, which can juſtify.
the People in taking up Arms againſt their lawful Prince, though
it be but under the Name of defenfive Arms only, and that for
the Preſervation of the Laws againſt arbitrary and tyranical Pro-
ceedings (the always pretended Excufe for fuch Undertakings.)
Do you think, Sir, you have made the King's Perfon one Jot
the fafer by declaring, That no coercive Power ought to be ex-
erciſed over him. Will a Rebel, think you, made proud by Vic-
tory, be led to ftand by fuch a Declaration? Will an infolent
Conqueror confine himſelf within the modeſt Bounds and Limits
of your Laws? Can it be imagined, that a poor Parchment Record.
ſhall put a stop to him, who has made the ſtrongeſt Forts and
Caftles to fall down before him? No, Sir, none but that Om-
nipotent One who fets Bounds to the raging Sea, can fay to that
proud Wave, Thou shalt go thus far, and no. farther.. The
Truth
1
of LETTER S.
413
Truth of this, Sir, is too fully proved to you by fad Experience,
and it is from that Experience that I am emboldened thus to
fpeak.
Did I believe that you intended nothing more than a mere
Compliment to the King, I fhould be as ready as any one to
confefs, that this Bill, as it is now framed, would ferve well
enough for that Purpoſe; but I am confident, Sir, that if we
would (as that I am fure is your Defign) prevent this bad Ef-
fect, you must be careful in time to ftrangle it in the dark Womb
of its moſt remote Caufes. If you would avoid the ſtinging of
the fiery Serpent, you muſt break early the Cockatrice's Eggs..
If you would have your Kings fafe, you muſt block up all thofe
Avenues and Acceffes by which Parricides have formerly made
their Approaches to the facred Throne.
I am not ignorant, Sir, that fome perhaps may be ready to
object, and fay, that the undoubted fole Power of the Militia is
in the King, and that therefore a Declaration of this would be
altogether unneceffary, there being none, or but very few, who
do believe, that a War raifed under the Pretence of any other
Authority, deſerves any better Name than Rebellion: For if there
be few or none that do believe, that it is juftifiable to take up
Arms againſt the King; then certainly there are fewer who do
believe that a King is accountable to his Subjects, and can be
arraigned and executed as a Criminal; fure I am, that if there
be none do believe the firft, there will be none able to do the
other; and this I conceive will be no little Part of your Bill. I
never heard that a King was apprehended as a Malefactor, by
Warrants iffued out from Jufticcs of the Peace: I never heard
that a King was ſeized by a Conſtable or a Purſuivant: Does
any Record make mention, of a King filed to appear before any
legal Court of Juftice? This were a Thing fo abfurd to imagine;
fo altogether unneceffary to urge; that a Parliament that should
make a Law to obviate and prevent fuch a Miſchief; which
never did, nor never, by any Poffibility, can happen, would
ſeem to act as fruitleſs a Work, as a Phyſician that ſhould beat his
Brains to find out a Remedy for a Diſeaſe which Mankind ne--
ver felt, nor may ever, according to Rules of Art, be obnoxious.
to..
Sir,
414
A COLLECTION
Sir, Do but you take care that there never be a Cromwel again
in England, and I will warrant you, you ſhall never hear of ano-
ther Bradshaw, free us but from the Fear of a rampant Army,
raiſed under the Countenance of a pretended lawful Authority,
and there will be no Danger that Majefty fhall ever ſtand arraigned
again at the Bar of an High Court of Juftice. Believe it, Sir,
this does more deferve your ferious Thoughts, than can, perhaps,
on a fudden be imagined. If you do but look Abroad a little,
and take a due meaſure of Men, by fome Difcourfes intimative
of their Minds, which now and then drop from them, you will
have Cauſe to conclude, that though at prefent (bleffed be God
for it) all the Idol Powers of the Nation are fallen, at the glorious
Appearance of our Sovereign, like Dagon before the Ark; yet
there is a golden Image ftill ſtanding, to which many are ready
to bow the Knee, this, this, Sir, I conceive is to be broken in
pieces, or otherwiſe I do not fee how your Peace can be fuffici-
ently fecured, or the Throne of His Majefty firmly eſtabliſhed:
I will not hold you longer in the Clouds, I am fure I mean ho-
neftly, and I would hope therefore I may ſpeak plainly, it is for
your Service only that I fpeak, and defire to do it without of
fending any. Suppofe, Sir (for I muft fuppofe that which I
hope we ſhall never fee) that Mifunderſtandings and Jealoufies
grew betwixt the King and his Two Houſes, are there not ma-
ny Thouſands, Sir, think you, in the Kingdom, who are of
opinion, that at the Beck of the Two Houfes they may lawfully
take Arms, and march confidently under their Banners, without
incurring the Danger of falling under the difhonourable Name
of Rebels ? Sir, I may fafely fay it with Sadness, there are many,
many honeft and well-meaning Men, who, poifoned with the
Doctrine of the late Times, do think it not only lawful, but their
Duty, thus to be obedient to the Call of Parliaments; and there
are not few, I fear, who with Earneſtneſs and longing Expecta-
tion wait for fuch a Call, that under the Pretence of a Parlia-
mentary Authority, they may gain an Opportunity of reducing
the Nation to that miferable Condition in which you found it
when you firſt took your Place. Here lies your Danger; and
hence, Sir, muft fpring all thofe Evils which have already been
felt, or we may hereafter fear.
This,
3
of LETTER S.
415
This, Sir, I humbly conceive affords the fittest Matter for a
Declaration for to work upon, this being a Controverſy managed
with fo much Fineffe, and polished over with fo many nice
Diſtinctions, that 'til you undertake the Decifion of it, every
common and vulgar Underſtanding will not know how to make
a Refolution in the Cafe. "Tis true, indeed, Sir, to take up Arms
againſt the King, this is High Treafon in plain English; no Man
is fo ignorant as not to know it, no Man fo impudent as to de-
ny: But modeftly, civilly, and demurely, to take up Arms for
the Defence of King and Parliament, though without the con--
current Authority of the King, and contrary to the declared Mind
and Will of the King: This is not High Treafon, as it has been
faid, &c.
Many fuch moot Cafes, Sir, arife, you fee, upon this Point of
Law; many fuch Queftions, dainty, fine, nice, curious, critical,
philofophical Queſtions, are ſtarted upon this Occafion; Queſtions,
Sir, that have borne a Twenty Years Debate; Queſtions that
have been diſputed up to the Ears in Blood; Queſtions that to
this Day remain undetermined; and methinks, Sir, they are
now ripe, high ripe, for your Determination at this Time.-
[Here the MS. ends.]
Mr. SPEAKER,
I Think, I need not tell you that I do not ſtand up to plead the
Cauſe of thoſe bloody Affaffins, the Authors of that horrid
excrable and moſt deteftable Murther and Treafon committed
against, and upon the facred Perfon of our dread Lord and So-
vereign of ever famous and renowned Memory; I hope, Sir, I
may fay, that I have not carried myſelf fo fince I had the Ho-
nour to fit within thefe Walls, as that it can be faid of me,
that I have at any time appeared an Advocate for Delinquents`
of a much lower Form than thefe. But, Sir, as I do not ftand
up to plead for them, ſo give me leave to tell you, that I take
it to be a little foreign to the Matter now in hand, to declaim
or inveigh againſt them: Surely, Sir, were there nothing more
than they only in the Queftion, their Lives, their Safety, their
Impunity, not three Days, nor three Hours had been ſpent in the
Debate
416
A COLLECTION
a
Debate. I am certain, Sir, you cannot but remember when the
Journal of the Proceedings of thefe bloody Traitors, preferved
with fo much Care upon Record, were read before you, you
cannot, I fay, Sir, but remember how great a Confternation of
Mind did feize the whole Houfe: Did you not obſerve, Sir,
every Man hanging down his Head like a Bulruth? Did not a
fudden Tremor fall upon our Joints? Did not Paleneſs, like the
Paleneſs of Death, fit upon our Countenances? Did not you fee
Shame, Sorrow, and Indignation, ftriving as it were for the Vic-
tory in us? Was not every Motion of our Eyes, and every Ge-
fture of our Bodies, ftrong Arguments and Indications, that our
Souls were agonized and convulfed with an impatient Defire of
haftening Revenge upon the Heads of thofe curfed Mifcreants?
I do appeal to you, Sir, if fuch was not the Temper of this
Houſe, when this helliſh Fact was firſt ſpread before us? Nor
is it to be wondered at: What Ear can hear, what Tongue can
utter, what Heart can imagine, the tranfcendant Iniquity of that
ftupendious Act, without having his Blood fevered with Indigna-
tion againſt it, and his Soul poffeffed with an Abhorrency of it!
that a King, the beft of Kings, the beft of Men, the beſt of
Chriſtians; he who had cloathed us in Scarlet, and had turned
our Iron into Brafs, our Braſs into Silver, and our Silver into
Gold; a Prince, whofe Prerogatives were our Ornaments, not
our Burthens; whofe Power was our Safety, not our Danger;
our Security, not our Fear; a Prince, in whofe Reign, and un-
der whofe Government, the Church might more truly be called
Triumphant than Militant: That this Prince, Sir, ſhould be
haled to the Bar as a Crimal, fhould be arraigned, accufed, con-
demned, under the black Characters of Tyrant, Traitor, Mur-
therer; that he ſhould be reviled, fpit on, reproached, upbraid-
ed, defpifcd, contemned, nay, murthered, murthered at his own.
Door, murthered in the View and Sight of his own People;
murthered, with all the unworthy Accumulations and finarting
Circumftances of Affronts and Indignities, which either Malice
could contrive, or Barbarity execute; is a Wickedneſs fo fuper-
latively exceeding all the Inftances of Wickedneſs acted in former
Ages, that we may truly fay of it, it is that quod nunquam vidit
antiquitas et ægre credent pofteri.
7
Certainly,
of LETTER S.
417
Certainly, Sir, I may fay, and I doubt not, but you are of the
fame Opinion, that fuch then was the full, free and univerfal
Concurrence of this whole Houſe, in expreffing their Deteſtation
of this helliſh Parricide, that if the Edge of their Juſtice had
not been abated by I know not what prudent Confiderations ob-
ftructed upon them, there had not been one of theſe Caitiffes now
living, to have been the Occafion of fo unhappy a Difference be-
twixt the Lords and us.
And if ſuch were the Refentments we then juſtly had of the
Injuries done to that good murdered Prince, whilft we were yet
ignorant of the Virtues of his Son, how much deeper muſt theſe
Refentments be now radicated in us, who find ourſelves fo much
the more endeared to the Memory of the Father, by how much
the more experimentally we taſte and feel the Benefits we en-
joy and hope to enjoy under the moſt excellent Government of
his incomparable Son. This Confideration alone, if there were
no other, would be enough to fire our Minds with fuch Indigna-
tion againſt theſe Canibals, that were there a thouſand of them,
an Army of them, we ſhould rather ſtudy how to heap compli
cated Deaths upon them, than make it our Concern to ſave their
Lives; could we refign them up to all the Miferies that the
Rage of that Revenge could devife, or could command upon the
Pains of the infernal Pit, could we arm that great Scorpion Death
with Ten thouſand Stings, or bring upon them all thofe Torments
which Poets have invented to bugbear Men from the Practice of
Vice, all this would be little to be inflicted upon them as the
Puniſhment of fo unparalleled a Villany. For my own part, I
muft declare, that as it was my very great Trouble to fee you
mangle and cramp your Juftice, by confining it to fo fmall a Num-
ber as Seven, fo there is nothing I could more heartily rejoice in,
or concur with, than the giving a larger Commiffion to your
deſtroying Angel now. If the fingle Queſtion were concerning
thefe Men's Lives only, I do not fee how any one here, nor
have I reafon to believe, that any one here would be backward
to pronounce this Sentence without any Difcrimination upon
them all, Satiunt fe fanguine quam fitierunt, they have thirited
after Blood, give them therefore their own Blood to drink, for they
are moſt worthy; fill up the Cup of Vengeance to the Brim, and
put
G g g
418
A COLLECTION
J
put it into their Hands, and make them to drink it; yea, drink
the Dregs of it till they be drunken therewith, and ſtagger, and
reel, and fall, and never rife any more; and may all thoſe ſo
periſh who are the Enemies of our Sovereign Lord the King, and
let all the People of England ſay, Amen.
This were a Sentence, Sir, moft defervedly due to fuch Crimi-
nals, and furely they had not been thus long without it, if you
conceived yourſelves at liberty to give it; but this is your Un-
happineſs at prefent, and I pray God it proves not an Unhappi-
nefs to the Nation, that you have fo fettered yourſelves by your
own Votes and Proclamations, that what is juſt they ſhould fuffer,
you are not clear, that you in Juftice can inflict upon them.
How to extricate you out of this Difficulty, Hic labor hoc
opus eft. I do not think that a more perplexing Queſtion did
ever come into this Houſe; it ſeems to goar you with this Di-
lemma, either that, on the one hand, you ſhould remit fome-
thing of the Severity due to the worſt of Malefactors, which
would not be for the Honour of your Juſtice; or, on the other
hand, that you fhould depart from your own Engagements;
which I am ſure would much impeach the never to be violated
Faith and Reputation of this honourable Affembly. Whether it
has proceeded from my Weaknefs, or from the real Nicety, or
Curiofity of the Queſtion, I ſhall not determine, but I will not
be ashamed to acknowlege to you, that till now I could not
bring myſelf to fuch a Fixation, as to be pofitive in any Opinion;
and what my Judgment is, fuper tot neuter, and upon what Reafon
grounded, I ſhall humbly crave Leave briefly to acquaint you.
The Arguments that have been urged for your now agreeing
with the Lords, as near as I can remember, have been drawn
either from your Votes, wherein you are fingle, acting only
within yourſelves, or from the Proclamations wherein you are con-
joined in a Concurrence with the King and Houſe of Lords.
As to your Votes, you have been put in mind, that upon mature
Deliberation you have voted, that only Seven ſhould die for the
King's Murder; and afterwards, by other Votes, have proceeded
to the Nomination of thoſe Seven Perfons; from which Votes, in
a Matter ſo ſerious, as the Lives of Men, it is urged, that in Ho-
nour, you cannot recede to this Objection; the Anfwer has been
ready,
*
of LETTERS
419
ready, and often given, that you are fo far Maſters of your own
Votes, that upon better Reafons appearing to you, you can alter
and retract as you fee Occafion; that this is done frequently in
divers Bills, and particularly in this Bill, as appears by divers In-
ftances, why your Votes, which are not conclufive to yourſelves,
ſhould be any more conclufive to the Lords, who have an equal
Share in the legiflative Power, more than theirs to you; and why
you ſhould more infift upon them in this Cafe than in others,
where the Inducements to recede were not ftronger, if fo ftrong
as in this, I confefs, I cannot underſtand. The Arguments urged
upon you from the Proclamations, have been raifed, either from
the Title of the Proclamation, or the Penalty in cafe of Non-con-
formity to the Commands of the Proclamation, from whence is
infered a negative Implication; theſe have been often and largely
infifted upon by many learned Gentlemen of the long Robe, and
others; but the Arguments on the other Side, feem to me, much
the ftronger and more powerful.
Upon the whole, Sir, I cannot fee, that either the Votes ab-
ftractly confidered by themfelves, or the Proclamation preciſely
confidered by itſelf, does, in Honour and Confcience, oblige you
to an immoveable Adherence. The Proclamation is neceffarily
to be conftrued with the Votes previous to it, and both it and
them being fo conftrued together, an Adherence to them is highly
incumbent on you for theſe Reaſons: Firſt, Becauſe the Procla-
mation took its firft Rife from you. Secondly, It was grounded
upon a Reaſon of State, which was a valuable Confideration for
the Benefit held forth in the Proclamation to thofe that did, in
the Time limited, conform themſelves to the Commands.
Thirdly, Thoſe that did come in upon the Confidence of your
Proclamation, did part with that Security which was valuable
to the Benefit promiſed. Fourthly, It was really the Intentions of
this Houſe, that they that did come in ſhould have the Benefit
of the Proclamation, as will appear, 1. By an Appeal to every
Man's particular Confcience. 2. By open Matters of fact.
Fifthly, It is manifeft, that thofe that did come in, did thus un-
derſtand your Proclamation, and upon that Confidence caft them-
felves upon your Honour. Sixthly, The whole Nation in general,
as well thoſe that are not concerned, as thofe that are, have, and
do
Ggg 2
420
A COLLECTION
do fo underſtand. Sir, this laft is not, to me, the leaſt preva-
lent Reaſon, nor the leaft powerful Confideration; it is the Ho-
nour of this Houfe, and nothing elfe but the Honour of this
Houſe, that in all this Debate has been confulted; I am fure
there is nothing but the tender Care and Regard which I have
(and ought) of that, which does embolden me thus to give you
the Trouble of this Difcourfe. If therefore your Honours be
that which is at ſtake, I pray confider which way this is beft to
be preſerved. It is one of the greateſt Unhappineffes of Man,
that that which of all things is moſt valuable to him (his Ho-
nour) is leaſt of all in his own Poffeffion.
The beſt Courſe that any Perfon, public or private, can take to
ſecure this flippery Thing, is to act with fo much Clearneſs and
Ingenuity, that Malice itſelf will not have the Power to impeach
his Actions. Now, Sir, fuppofe (for I would, by Suppofition,
allow the moſt that could be thought of) fuppofe, I ſay, you
were fatisfied, upon the Reaſons you have heard (which I confefs
are weighty ones) that, notwithſtanding your Votes and Pro-
clamation, there is yet Room and Scope enough left
you to cri-
ticiſe theſe Men out of their Lives; I will not deny, but per-
haps you might make a hard ſhift, with a great many good
Words, and fine Prevarications, to put ſuch a Gloſs upon it, that
the wifer fort of People, who are good at diftinguiſhing, may
entertain a pretty good Opinion of what you do. But I need
not tell you, Sir, that the greateſt Number of Men, to whom
you are to approve yourſelves, and by whofe Judgment you muſt
ftand or fall, are not Critics, nor to be made Critics; they would
rather, Sir, a Man ſhould right down play the Knave with them,
than they would have one who is fo myſteriouſly honeſt, that
they muſt take pains to find him out; they will not put them-
felves to the trouble of nice Diſtinction to fave your Credit, nor
the Credit of all the Parliaments that ever were in England.
Can it be imagined, Sir, that thoſe that whiſtle at the Plough, or
fit in their Shops all their Lives-time (and fuch are the Judges
you are like to have) will theſe Men, think you, turn Philofophers
on purpoſe upon this Occafion; do you think, Sir, that they
have nothing elſe to do but make Syllogifms to defend
putations. Upon my Word, Sir, they go a nearer way to work,
your Re-
they
of
LETTERS
421
they judge of Things as they preſent themſelves primâ facie; and
when they have once made their Conclufion, I would fain fee
that Logician that can difpoffefs them. The Cafe then ſtanding
thus, it is not fufficient to tell you, that according to nice and
ſtrict Rules of Logic and Grammar, fuch an Interpretation is to
be put upon your Votes and Proclamation, as leaves you a Lati-
tude to recede from your firft Votes (though that is more than I
will allow to be true) but he that will be trufty, careful and
tender of your Reputation, muſt ſhew you how you ſhould make
common People underſtand this, before he adviſes you to do it.
Really, Sir, give me leave to tell you, that if you be once taken
notice of to be a Parliament that is cunning to evade your own
Words, and in fpeaking oraculouſly in doubtful Senfes, the ho-
neft Countryman, yea, and the Citizen too, will be as much
afraid of you, as ufually they are of thoſe whom they call Con-
jurers, they will not dare to come near you, or have any thing
to do with you for fear of Tricks to be put upon them. Par-
don, Sir, I beseech you, this Bluntnefs of Speech and Freedom,
I ſhould not preſume to be thus bold with you but for your
Honour's Sake, which I do profefs I value, and will value above
my own Life, or any Concern of mine in this World.
There comes to my Mind an excellent Saying of Julius Cæfar
concerning his Wife, whom he had repudiated, fuos non tantum
crimine fed fufpitione cavere oportet. Methinks a Houſe of Com-
mons ſhould be as jealous of their Honour as Cæfar of his.
Letters of Lord HOWARD to
It may pleaſe your good Lordship,
MY
[no Name.]
Y Hand never moves fo heavily upon Paper, as when the
Diſtreffes of my perplexed Condition compel me to give your
Lordſhip a Trouble in my own Concern; it being much more
agreeable to my natural Temper, and the Deſign of my Life (if
my unkind Fortune did not thwart it) to appear rather as a Per-
ſon ſtudious how to contrive myſelf into fome Uſefulneſs for His
Majeſty's Service, than as One importunate and follicitous about
my
422
A COLLECTION
my own Affairs. But, as Wounds (though they cannot be open-
ed without fome Smart, yet they cannot be neglected without
more Danger) fo fuch, my Lord, are my Wants, my very pref-
fing Wants, at prefent, that as I know not how to express them
without offering Violence to my own Genius, fo I cannot longer
conceal them without fitting down under abfolute Ruin. Befides
the violent Impulfe of Neceflity, the miferable Effect of my
Unfortunacy, I have a gentler and more comfortable Encourage-
ment to this Application, from the Affurances of your Lordship's
Kindneſſes, which have already been moft fignificantly expreffed
to me by many real and effectual Benefits beſtowed upon me.
It was by your Lordship's Favour only, that I was at firſt ſo'
far received into the King's good Opinion, as to be allowed a
Place in the Catalogue of thoſe who did defire to ſerve him; it
was by your Lordship's Favour only, that my weak but faithful
Endeavours (when moſt unfuccefsful) were yet fo advantageouſly
repreſented, that they found the Acceptance of more happy Un-
dertakings; and it is by your Lordship's Favour only, that, fince
His Majeſty's happy Reſtoration, I have not been altogether with-
out fome Evidences and Fruits of his gracious Inclinations to-
wards me; and that I do every Day (which is better to me than
Life, and without which my Life would be a Burthen to me)
enjoy thoſe benign Afpects of his Countenance, which though (like
the Morning Appearance of the Sun) they have hitherto brought
more Light than Warmth with them, yet they have and do
quicken me to an hopeful Expectation, that I may hereafter in
time feel the Influences of his Grace more and more beneficially
operative and powerful upon me. Now, my Lord, notwith-
tanding, that when I reflect upon myſelf, I have Reafon enough
to fear, from a true Apprehenfion of my many Defects, that
your Lordſhip may ſee Cauſe to repent you of this your Kind-
nefs begun to me; yet, on the other fide, when I remember that
there is nothing wherein great Perfons can fo much imitate either
the omnipotent Power, or the immenfe Goodneſs, of the great
Creator, as in acting without the Foundation or Prediſpoſition of
a Subject-matter; I am again encouraged to conceive Hopes, that
your Lordship will not altogether forget the Workmanship of
your own Hands, for fuch, my Lord, I am proud to declare my-
felf
of LETTERS
423
felf to be, nor fhall I ever be ambitious of any greater Honour
than to be fo accounted.
Thefe, my Lord, have been the Thoughts with which I have
thus long endeavoured to buoy and bear up my finking Spirits,
above the high-going Waves and Billows of a boisterous and
tempestuous Fortune; 'til now at laſt, finding myſelf juſt ready
to be overwhelmed and ſwallowed up, I am enforced to lift up
my Voice to your Lordſhip, in the Words of that doubting Dif-
ciple to our Saviour, when he had lefs Cauſe to be afraid, Do-
mine me fac falvum.
I know it becomes me not to trouble your Lordſhip long, nor
indeed do I take any Pleaſure to dwell long upon a Diſcourſe of
this nature: Briefly, therefore, to acquaint your Lordſhip with
a true State of my Cafe, it ftands thus with me: I am as a Perſon
againſt whom Adverfity feems to have laid a cloſe Siege; within,
threatned with Fainine; and without, with the Danger of a cruel
Enemy: When I think to keep myſelf within the Intrenchments
of a retired Life, and to eſcape the more violent Affaults of a peevish
Fortune, by making myſelf a Reclufe in my Chamber, where
I might quietly enjoy the good Company of my Books, and my
own melancholy Thoughts; I find I cannot poffefs myſelf long
of this Contentment, for want of that which ſhould bring in
thoſe Reliefs to me which Nature expects at my Hands: On the
other fide, when I am about to take up a Refolution to fally out
into the World, to feek a Livelihood by an induftrious Practice
in the way of my Profeffion, I give up myſelf as a Prey to my
hafty and impatient Creditors, who think themfelves half paid
when I am quite undone.
This, my Lord, is my Condition, which I have lately repre-
fented in a Petition to His Majefty; who (according to his ac-
cuſtomed Goodnefs) did exprefs fuch tender and compaffionate
Sentiments of my Misfortunes, and was pleafed to give me fuch
Affurances of a ſpeedy Relief from his princely Bounty, that if
your Lordship would be pleaſed to be his Remembrancer in my
Behalf, and fo far to take me into your Patronage, as to co-ope-
rate with his propenſe Inclination, I cannot doubt of the good
Succefs. I humbly leave myfelf at your Lordship's Feet, ex-
pecting from your Mouth the Sentence of Life or Death: This
only
424
A COLLECTION
only I fhall crave Leave to add, which I beseech your Lordship
to entertain for an unfeigned Truth, that as I cannot hope to
live but by your Lordship's, fo I would not defire to live but to
your Lordship's Service; for which, though there be many bet-
ter fitted by Opportunities, or better qualified by their Parts and
Abilities, yet there is none, I am fure, that ſhall with more con-
ſtant Steadineſs direct all his Motions to that End, and with
more Chearfulneſs frame himſelf into a Conformity to all your
Lordship's Commands, than,
I
My LORD,
my LORD,
Your Lordship's most humbly devoted Servant.
Lincoln's-Inn, this 22d of June, 1660.
Find it fo impoffible a thing to gain fuch an Opportunity of
Privacy with your Lordship as I have long defired and fought
for, that I am conſtrained to have recourſe, at laſt, to this new
way, of whiſpering into your Lordship's Ear, from time to time,
a few humble and modeft Complaints; to which, if your Lord-
fhip fhall pleaſe to give Audience at your beft Leifure, I fhall,
with a chearful Patience, expect the further Iffues of your good
Pleaſure towards me.
་
My Lord, It is very far from my Purpoſe, to fetch any Ar-
guments for myſelf, from the prefumptuous Topic of any opi-
niated Merits of my own: As my Religion teaches me better
Manners, than to ftile myſelf any thing but an unprofitable Ser-
vant, in reſpect of God, ſo I would be unwilling to appear fo
ill-inftructed in the Maxims of a Subject, as to lay claim to Re-
ward as a Debt due to me from my Sovereign; nay, I do
I do pro→
fefs, my Lord, if I can boaſt of any thing, it is of this, that the
Senſe of my Duty hath ever been the fole Impulſe upon me in
all my Undertakings; and my Zeal to ferve His Majeſty, has
winged my Soul with Defires fo much above my low Performances,
that when I look back upon what I have done, or rather affayed
to do, I cannot but be afhamed of them, as of poor, weak,
abortive,
of LETTER S.
425
abortive Endeavours, fuch as I dare not prefume to call by the
Name of Services; nevertheleſs, this is my great Confolation,
that the very Intentions of my Heart have found more gracious
Acceptance from His Majefty than was due to them, though the
Succefs had fully anſwered my Defign; which is principally to be
aſcribed to your Lordship's extraordinary Kindneſs to me, which
has found out a way to place Figures before my Cyphers, and to
give that the Reputation of Something, which in juft Value has
been Nothing: I mean nothing more at this Time than to ac-
knowledge your Goodneſs to me, whofe Heart, if you could fee
it, would teſtify with what Sincerity of Affection and Grati-
tude, I am,
Your Lordship's, &c.
N.B. Pardon, my Lord, I befeech you, the Trouble of this Apo-
logy for myſelf, which (perhaps) may appear more than either the
Innocency I pretend to does need, or the Satisfaction your Lord-
ſhip profeffes to have concerning me; I confefs I have always
been of Opinion, that much laboured Excuſes, if they are not
to be looked upon as Arguments of Guilt, yet they are moſt
commonly the Indications of a weak Mind, not ſufficiently pof-
feffed of that Affurance which naturally reſults from a well-
grounded Confcience, fortified with an impregnable Innocency.
But I am not altogether unwarranted in what I do, from the Au-
thority of that excellent Perfon the renowned Lord Verulam, who
tells us, it is but a decent Regard we owe to our Reputation. As
thoſe never omit to burn Perfumes in thoſe Rooms which (by any
Accident) happen to be annoyed with a Stink; fo it is as necef-
fary, that he who would be careful of his Reputation, muſt be
content fometimes to uſe fome honeft Arts to fweeten the Air about
him, and to fubdue or fupprefs thofe ill Savours which Calumny
and Detraction are wont to leave behind them: To which Care I
cannot but think myſelf the more obliged by this Reflection, that
all the Credit I either have or hope to have with the King, is to
be placed to your Lordship's Account, who has been pleafed fo far
to own me, as to enter into a kind of Security for my Good
Behaviour; and I know very well, that what Cæfar faid, upon the
Occafion of fome Difcourfes concerning his repudiated Wife, is
no lefs true of all Perfons in that high Station in which
Hhh
your Merit
has
426
A COLLECTION
has placed you,
* Suos non tantum crimine; fed fufpicione cavere
oportere. So long as I have the Happineſs of being unfufpectedly
in your Friendſhip and Confidence, no Stone from any other Quar-
ter will much affect me, they may help to untile the weak and
tottering Fabric, the outer Man, but cannot ſhake the Mind of,
My LORD,
My LORD,
IT
Your Lordship's most devoted, &c.
T is an Obſervation of great Uſe to the Affertors of Religion,
that as there has never been a People in any Age, who
have not, from the common Light of Nature, been brought un-
der the awful Apprehenfions of fome Deity; fo neither has been
any Generation of Men (howfover barbarous and favage they
may appear in other things) who have not, from the fame com-
mon Principle, been induced to form to themſelves fome way of
Worſhip, by which they might be able fignificantly to expreſs a
grateful Acknowledgment of the Benefits they receive from that
divine Power to which they owe their Being. Hence it comes to
to paſs, that into whatſoever blind or dark Corner of the World
we caft our Eyes, we every where find, not only frequent De-
dication of Altars, but alfo Altars made fat with the richeft Sa-
crifices and daily Oblations; and to this, certainly, the Poet had
a Reſpect in thoſe Expreffions, or rather Charge which he gives,
after he had declared Auguftus to be his God, and which your
Lordſhip is too good a Claffic to ftand in need of my Quotation.
My Lord, from hence I am inftructed, that it is not fufficient
that I ſhould have my Heart only affected with a religious Senſe
of the many great Favours for which I ftand eternally obliged to
your Lordship (which to want were unpardonable Atheiſm) but
that my Hand alfo fhould be ready to give fome outward At-
teitation of the inward Adoration of a grateful Mind (which to
omit totally, could be called no leſs than inexcufable Impiety).
Notwithstanding, therefore, that I am not ignorant, that high
Altars ought not to be approached but with more than ordinary
Solemnity, yet when I confider, that though Hecatombs make a
thicker Smoke and fend a more confpicuous and pompous Pre-
fent to the Gods, yet that the Fume of mean Gums and low-
*My Lord feems mighty fond of this Paffage, having quoted it before.
priced
1
of LETTER S.
427
}
priced Spices find a more eafy and quick Afcent, and give as
good an Intimation to Heaven of the pious Intention of the hum-
ble and devout Adorer; I am not only emboldened to come
with this ſmall Offering to your Lordſhip, but am alſo encou-
raged to hope, that though the Value of it is in no Degree either
fuitable to the Dignity of your Perfon, or proportionable to the
Meaſure of thoſe Benefits which I have received; yet that your
Lordſhip will be pleaſed to accept it, as the beſt Signification
which the Narrowneſs of my Fortune can exprefs of that Honour
and Regard to your Lordſhip, with which I am, &c.
June 30, 1673.
My most honoured and fingular good LORD,
THE comforting Affurance your Lordship lately gave me,
that thoſe unjuſt Reports concerning me, had made no Im-
preffions upon you to my Difadvantage, gives me the Confi-
dence ftill to hope, that you have not yet put me out of your
Protection, and that you will not be backward to build upon
your own Foundation, by deriving to me the Benefit of thofe
gracious Inclinations of the King, which I have reaſon to believe
have been the fole Effects of your kind and favourable Repre-
ſentations. The Truth is, my Lord, when I made my Applica-
tion to his Majeſty, I found him in ſo propenſe a Difpofition to
grant what I defired, that I could not but conclude that your
Lordſhip's Kindneſs had prevented me, and that you had ſmooth-
ed the Way for my Addrefs by a previous Preparation; who,
upon the first Intimations of the Diftreffes of my Condition, with
a princely Franknefs and Generofity, immediately gave me a
Promiſe of a preſent Supply, and to make it the more ſpeedily
effectual to me, directed me to your Lordship as my Patron,
in whofe Care, he knew I muſt needs account myſelf moft fafe.
From this free Indulgence of the King's Grace towards me, I
think I may warrantably comfort myſelf with this Perfwafion,
that (at that time) his Ears had not been diſturbed with any of
thofe fpiteful Infinuations against me; and if your Lordship fhall
find, that the fame peevish Spirit, which has endeavoured to pof-
fefs you' with an ill Opinion of me, has been active alfo in im-
printing the like Jealoufies upon his royal Breaft, though I can-
Hhh 2
not
428
A COLLECTION
not think it an eafy Matter to deliver myſelf from the Preju-
dice of fuch malicious Whiſpers, yet I am not altogether hope-
leſs (ſupported by a Conſcience of my own Integrity) that might
I but be admitted to make my Vindication before his Majefty,
I ſhould be able to put myſelf under a better Character, and
make it to be underſtood, that thofe very Difcourfes of mine
(whatſoever they have been) which either Malice or Miftake has
made Arguments of my Difaffection to the Government, have
been the greateſt Indications of my Loyalty, and the beſt and
cleareſt Evidences I can give, of a Mind moſt religiouſly addicted,
and moſt intirely devoted to the real Service of the King and
Kingdom. I will not deny, my Lord, nay, I muft ingenuouſly
confefs, that I have been of the Number of thofe (not the worſt
of his Majefty's Subjects) who have been much amuſed at fome
late Proceedings, nor do I fee why I fhould diffemble, that as I
have not been altogether without making my private Remarks
upon fome late Tranfactions and Traverſes of the Times, fo I
have fometimes (as Occafion has offered itſelf, and when I have
judged it feaſonable) affumed the Liberty of expreffing my Sen-
timents of the dangerous Tendency of fome dark and myſterious
Councils, which feemed to me to have a moſt affrighting Afpect,
and fuch as (not without juft Caufe) have filled me oftentimes.
with trembling Apprehenfions concerning the (too much expofed)
Safety of that, in which alone is involved the Safety of all honeſt
Engliſhmen, the facred Perfon of the King.
That this, my Lord, has not been the Diſeaſe of an ill-affected
Spleen, nor the Caprice of a worſe affected Mind, or the vain
and idle Phantafm of a deluded Underſtanding, might be ſtrongly
enough evinced, from the concurrent Fears, and (almoſt) univer-
fal Confternation of the whole Nation at once; but befides theſe
Things, which (being of public Notice, and obvious to common
View) have been the Matter of all Men's Obfervation as well as
mine, there are fome other Things which (perhaps) have been
culiar to myſelf, and confined within the Limits of my own Know-
ledge, which (however I have hitherto kept them ſmothered in
my Breaſt) have been as Coals, of Fire within me, which have
fevered my Soul with fuch an inward Heat and Fervour of
Thoughts, as has fometimes conveyed a more than ordinary
pe-
Warmth
!
{
of LETTERS
429
Warmth to my Difcourfes, and provoked me to give ftronger
Accents to my Words than I ſhould have done, if I had been fo
fortunate as to have continued more ignorant of that, which has
hitherto been my great Perplexity, and may hereafter prove my
Inconveniency to have known.
Theſe Things, my Lord, which, in the Nature of them, are
of too nice a Concern to be whiſpered in the Ear of
any Sub-
ject, I have thought it my Duty to have laid open to the King,
long before this time, if I had found Encouragement from a fit
Opportunity; and could I yet hope to have Credit enough with
him to gain Belief of that, (the Truth whereof feems every Day
to be more and more confirmed by many Circumſtances) I ſhould
think it no hard matter to perfwade him, that there are ſome
Perſons (of no ſmall Eminency, and in no fmall Truſt about
him) who may juftly be concluded to be of a much more (to
be ſuſpected) Diſaffection both to the King and Government than
myſelf, who, if I know any thing of the Complexion of my own
Soul, would chearfully depofite my Life for the Confervation of
either. My Heart is too full to offer any thing more to your
Lordſhip than an Affurance from the Bottom of that Heart, that
I am,
Your Lordſhip's most devoted, &c.
1
My LORD,
T
October 9, 1673
'Hough the unkind Reception I met with from his Majeſty
and your Lordship was no fmall Surpriſe to me, yet I find
my Trouble much alleviated by a Conſcioufnefs of my own In-
nocency, which bears up my Spirit above all my prefent Suffer-
ings, with this Affurance, that the prefent Jealoufies upon me are
nothing elſe but the empty Vapours of fome malicious Brain,
which may for a time (perhaps) obfcure me in a Cloud, but
muſt neceffarily, after a little while, vanish and leave me fhin-
ing in the Luftre of my own Integrity. The Truth is, my
Lord, if I had not been too confident, upon the Strength of my
Sincerity (which I have ever been apt to think Armour of Proof
againſt all the Affaults of Malice) I might have been forewarned
of
439
A COLLECTION
of the Evil that is come upon me, from the fenfible Alteration of
your Lordship's Countenance towards me, which your Lordship
knows gave me fo great a Difquiet, and put me under a Scrutiny
of Thoughts, that, like one groaping in the Dark, I was many
Weeks turning over every Stone, and torturing my Mind with
various and uncertain Gueffes and Conjectures at the Caufes of
your Lordship's Difpleafure; which, though it was in great part
diffembled, yet it did diſcover itſelf in ſuch plain Significations,
that I muſt have been ſtupid not to have drawn it into Obſerva-
tion. I muſt confefs, I ſhould have gueffed long enough, before
I ſhould have thought of that, which, by my laſt Diſcourſe with
your Lordship in St. James's Park, I found (to my great Afto-
niſhment) to be the true Ground of the Umbrage I lay under,
viz. an Apprehenfion that I was the fole, or at leaft, the partial
Author of that feditious Pamphlet called, The Appeal. This, my
Lord, you know you hinted to me then, but withal, proteſted to
me, that you were not under any Impreffions of the Belief of
it; but looked upon the Information you had received (as in-
deed you had good Reafon to do) to proceed only from the
miſtaken Interpretation of ſome Actions of mine (during the time
of my laſt being at the Hague) which though they might juftly
be fufpected by thoſe who ſtood at a Diſtance, and were ignorant
of the myſterious Part I had to act, yet were too well underſtood
by yourſelf to be made the Foundation of any Sufpicion. I ra-
ther chufe to comfort myſelf with the Remembrance, than to
trouble your Lordſhip with the Repetition of the many kind Ex-
preffions you were then pleaſed to uſe to confirm me in a Belief
that I ftood unfhaken in your Thoughts, and ſhould hereafter
find the real Effects of your Kindness towards me upon all Oc-
cafions; with which Affurance, being built up ftronger than be-
fore in a renewed Confidence of your Favour, I undertook this
fecond Expedition into Holland; out of a Zeal I had to improve
any Opportunity I could poffefs myſelf of to perform fome Ser-
vice for his Majefty, and give what Credit I was able to your
Recommendation of,
My LORD,
Your Lordship's most devoted, &c.
{
of LETTER S.
513
Sir Dudley Carleton to the Earl of Saliſbury, in his
Majefty's Office of Papers and Records for Buſineſs
of State.
I
Have nothing worthie his Majefties Knowledge, yet hold it
my Duty to give an Account of my ſelf, as well on the
Way, as the Execution of his Commands in the End of my
my Journie; Wherein having no manner of Charge but Ex-
pedition, I have performed as much as the length of the Way
would permitt. From London I came furnished with double
Provifion as well of Letters of Exchange and other Addreffes
to Strafburgh, and Aufburgh by the way of Germanie, as to
Paris and this Towne, becauſe I would have it in my Power
to take the beſt Courfe. But coming to Amiens where the
Ways divide themſelves, I underſtood of fome Levies at Stratf
burgh upon appearance of Troubles there, and likewiſe of the
return of the French Army from Cleve, whereof the moſt part
disbanded on the Frontiers; and therefore choſe this Way
though the longer, rather than run hazard among thofe Strag-
lers. By the way I have made no ftay in any place fave at
Paris onely, and there no more than was requifit for neceffarie
Provifion of Tranfportation. For goverment of my felf in that
Place where the Court was then prefent, I referred my felf to
my Lord Ambaffador there refident, and with his advife fent to
Monfieur de Pyfeux in abfence of Monfieur Villeroy to let him
underſtand that paffing by that Court pour la bien feance, I
could not but offer my felf to kifs the King and Queenes hands,
yet not to be importunat at a time of fo much Bufinefs, nor
to fayle of that Dutie which might be expected. The next
day I went in companie of my Lord Ambaffador to Monfieur
de Villeroy, who was then come to Paris, and told him that
being in doubt of the way I fhould take, I came unfurniſhed
of Letters or other Commiffion, to the King and Queen; but
having charge from his Majeſtie to fhew particular refpect above
other to the French Ambaffador at Venice, I had made offer by
Ttt
1
+
the
·
514
A COLLECTION
*
the means of Monfieur de Phyfeux to prefent my felf to their
Majeſties and to receave their commaunds, but being preft
with haft in my Journie, I defired him to hold me excuſed
that I could not further attend a time of leifure for that Ce-
remony. He told me that theyr Majefties being then uppon
theyr departure, the Sacre had the lefs time to fpare for any
thing but neceffarie affaires, and offred me in their Names all
helps for my Journie yf I ſhould ſtand in neede of any through
this Countrie, and likewiſe to write to theyr Ambaffador at
Venice to hold all good correfpondencie with me. I underſtood
by my Lord Ambaffador extraordinarie that the Prince of
Janville taking Knowledge by his Lordship that I had charge
from his Majeftie to advance his Sute with the State at
Venice, had a Purpoſe to vifit me, but my fmall ftay (as
may ſeem) prevented his cuming. The Venetian Ambaffador
was with me twice during my abode there, and once the Am-
baffador of the United Provinces. To the former I returned a
Vifit, but, to the other was forfed to excuſe my ſelf by Mef-
fage, in regard of my haftie departure. The two Ambaffadors
extraordinary from Venice, Andrea Aguffod and Agostino Nani,
going to Paris like Heraclitus and Democritus, the one to
condole, the other to congratulate, I mift on the midway be-
twixt this and Orleans, they taking the commoditie of the
River for theyr Defcent. Giorgio Giuftiniano who is to fuc-
ceede Antonia Giuftiniano now refident at Paris, is as I heare
on the way hetherwards, and I am like to meet him amungſt
the Mountaines. Through Picardie, and at Paris, it was my
Fortune till to light in the Steps of my Lord of Cranburne,
cuming moſt commonly to the fame Lodging, and within few
Howers of his remove, and fownd he left nothing behind
him, fave only the Reputation d'un noble cavallier, and d'un
train bien regle. Uppon the fame reaſon which guided me
hether, he turned his Courſe this way and parted from this
Towne on Saturday laſt being owr Michaelmas Day. I am now
upon the point to follow. Here upon the place in the Countrie
of Lionnois and Bajoux I find a Levie in hand of 4000 Foote
and 200 Horſe for the Affiſtance of the Duke of Savoy. The
Cap-
1
1
of LETTER S.
515
Captaines under the command of the Count de la Roche, are an
old Follower of the Dukes in the time of the late Warrs, and one
Monfieur de Grange a young Gentilman, and as Coronells, have
had theyr Commiffions theſe three weeks, but tucht no Monic
till this day, there being now fome provifion come from Paris
to this purpoſe, under colour of payment of the D. of Savoys
annual Pention which he receaves from thence. What uſe
ſhall be made of theſe Men I cannot learne more then that they
ſhall lie in Garriſon at Vercelli and thereabout upon the Frontiers
of Navara and Milan for feare of the Spanish Troops, which
are of late augmented in thoſe parts. They begin to march
within ten days, mean time the fecond Son of Savoy, Phil-
libert, is paſt this way in folemn Ambaffade to the King of
Spaine to remove yf he may all Jealoufies conceaved againſt his
Father.
The D. of Nemours is the chief Autor of theſe Levies and
Monfieur Defguires a great Affiftant, who doth likewife rein-
force his own Troopes, and draw them down in readineſs to
ſecond theſe. Thoſe of Geneva take allarm at theſe Motions,
and haue drawn five Companies of theyr Neighbours the Pro-
teſtant Cantons into theyr Towne in Garrifon. Now that the
D. of Savoy fhall fend his Son into Spaine, and Arme in Pie-
mont; and that Geneva fhould be fo apprenfive, where Def
guires fhews fuch forwardneſs, are as the Spaniards term them
Difparates, and onely thought the effects of Jeloufie without
further defeign, the Savoyard being fometimes in feare of the
Spaniard, and thoſe of Geneva always of the Duke.
YfI ſhould now make obferuation of the veiw of this Coun-
trie, which is all I could take in my courfe through it, I muft
needs confefs that in regard of fumtuous Buildings, of cutting
new Cannals for tranfport of Merchandiſe, of paying high ways
almoſt through whole Provinces, of building Bridges, and
other publicke Workes, France hath a new Face; but in re-
fpect of Tirannie of Landlords, of exceffive Tailles and Impoſts.
raiſed uppon theſe publicke Pretenfes, there is fuch a poore face
of a People, and fuch extreme Miferie, that as happines is onely
knowne by comparriſon, I could not but every hower bleſs the
Ttt 2
time
516
A COLLECTIÓN
|
time we enjoy under his Majefties moft happie Government,
which I pray Allmightie God long to continue in Peace and
Profperitie; and your Lordſhip in Health and all Felicitie, reft-
ing, as I am ever bound,
Your Lordships
most faithfully devoted
to your Service,
From Lyons, thefe 4th
of 8ber 1610, ftilo
Brittaniæ.
DUDLEY CARLETON.
To the Right Honourable my fingular good Lord the Earl of
Saliſbury.
Anno Domini 1561:
•
William Muigay, Efq; Mayor of the City of Nor-
wich, his Expences for a Dinner, at which he
feafted the Duke of Norfolk, &c. the Lords,
Knights and Gentry of the County.
E
IGHT Stone of Beef, at Fourteen-pound
to the Stone.
Two Collars of Brawn
Four Geefe
Eight Puits of Butter,
A Fore-quarter of Veal,
A Hind-quarter, Ditto,
Leg of Mutton,
:
Loyn of Mutton, and Shoulder of Veal,
A Breaft and Coaft of Mutton,
Six Plovers,
s d
5 4
OI
4
O
I 4
I
6
0
O 10
I O
0 3
I O
O
7
4
O 14.
2
F
of LETTER S.
517
+
Four brace of Partridges,
Brought over,
1
d
O 14
2
0 20
I
8
O
IO
0
2 0
Four couple of Rabbits,
Two Guinea Pigs,
Four couple of Hens,
Two couple of Mullards,
Thirty-four Eggs,
Two Bufhell of Flour,
Sixteen Loaves of white Bread,
Eighteen wheaten Bread,
Three Loaves Miflin, Ditto,
One Barrel double Beer,
One Barrel ſmall, Ditto,
One Quarter of Wood,
Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnanmon, and Greens,
Four Pound of Barberys and Sugar,
Fruit and Almonds,
Sweet Water and Perfumes,
Sixteen Oranges,
Two Gallons of White-Wine, and Claret,
One Quart of Sack,
One Quart of Malmfey,
One Quart of Buſtard,
One Quart of Mufcadine,
O I O.
O IO
O I 6
О о 4
O
оо
о 2
9
3.
6
I O
O 2 2
MOON MON✰
оо
3
Ο Ι
6
7
о
4
о
2
0 2
о
о
о
5
о
3
оо
1 18 1
A SPEECH made by Johnny Martyn of Nor-
wych; a Wealthy, Honeft Man, after Mr. Mayor
Muigay's Dinner. Found in the Collection of one
Turner of Lyn Regis.
MA
AISTER Mayor of Norwych, and it pleafe your
Worship, you have feaſted us like a King, God bless the
Queen's Grace. We have fed plentifully, and now whilom I
}
can
518
A COLLECTION.
can ſpeak plain English, I heartily thank you Mafter Mayor,
and fo do we all, anfwer Boys, anfwer; your Beer is pleaſant
and potent, and will foon catch us by the Caput, and ftop our
Manners. And fo Huzza for the Queen's Majeſty's Grace, and all
her bonny browe'd Dames of Honour. Huzza for Mafter Mayor,
and our good Dame Mayorefs. His noble Grace, there he is God
fave him and all this Jolly Company. To all our Friends round
County, who have a Penny in their Purſe, and an English Heart
in their Bodys, to keep out Spanish Dons, and Papifts with their
Faggots to burn our Whiskers.
Shove it about, Twrl your
Cap Cafes, handle your Jugs, and huzza for Maſter Mayor, and
his Brethren their Worſhips.
A Particular of Mr. (afterwards Sir) Thomas Wilks's
Embaffies, after Eight Years Travels to foreign
Princes and States, from April 1573, to March
1593; wrote with his own Hand, and figned with
his own Name..
A
April 1573.
FTER Eight Years travell in France, Germaine and
Italy; being fettled at his Studies in Oxford, he was
Comandment from the Queens Highneffe, at the Inftance of
Mr. Doctour Dale, in April 1573, called from his Studies, then
being Fellow in Allfowles Colledge in Oxford, and fent over into
France, as Secretarie with Doctor Dale, then Ambaſſador, Re-
fident for her Majeftie with the French King.
1
May 1574. Monfieur the King's Brother, and the King of
de-
Navare, preſently after the Death of Charles the IXth, upon
fcouery of an Intention they had to have fled into Germany,
there to have procured Succours for reforming the Abuſes
of the State, were committed to clofe Prifon, at Bois de
Vincennes; at which time her Majeſtie having a gratious Care to
relieve
1
of LETTER S.
519
relieve them, did by fpecial Commiffion to Wilkes, authoriſe him
to attempt all means to fpeake with them, to deliver unto them
her Majeſties Promifes for their Reliefe, wherein Wilkes did
often adventure his Liefe, upon remembrance whereof, the King
that now is gave him of late the Title of Knighthoode.
July 1574. The Negotiation of Wilkes with theife two
Princes, was diſcovered by Monfieur to the Queen his Mother,
and Wilkes layed for, to have been taken in Paris; but being
eſcaped by Means of the King that now is, was followed into
England, with a bittir Lettre of Complainte from the Queen
Mother to her Majeſtie againſt him, bearing Date the 10th of
July.
August 1574. The 9th. of Auguft, the Queenes Majeftie
being well informed of the Danger eſcaped by Wilkes in this
Service, becauſe her Honor was interefs'd in that Negotiation;
dothe notwithſtanding retourne Wilkes, with her Lettres and In-
ſtructions to the Queen Mother, to deliur an Apologie of the
Matters complained of againſt him, who with muche appear-
ence of Danger, trauelled to Lyons to the Quene Mother, and
there performed her Majefties Directions.
February 1574. Wilkes after this Negotiation with the Quene
Mother, remayned for the Quenes Majefties Services in France,
till February following; and then was called home prefently,
and fent with Inftructions and Lettres to the Conte Frederick
Pallatine, the 22d. of February, to treate for the Levye of the
great Armye, which in November following was conducted into
France, by the Prince of Conde and the Duke Cafimire.
April 1575. He retourned Home, and was immediately
diſpatched backe to followe and obferve the Actions of that War-
fare; wherein he ſpent fome 14 Monethes, and gave from Time
to Time Accompte of all that fucceeded in that Enterpriſe.
October
C
520
A COLLECTION
October 1575. Before the Armye entred into France, he
was intreated by the Prince of Conde, and the Palsgrave in
October, to repaire to her Majeftie, to accquainte her with their
Preparations and the Time of their Intention to marche towardes
France, and did then immediately retourne with her Majefties
anſwer and diſpatche to Headleburgh, and fo forthwithe departed
towardes France, with the Armye being mounted at his own
Charge, and fo continued in his Service for the Time above-
mentioned.
I
June 1576. Wilkes was by direction from her Majeſtie cal-
led Home (that Action being ended, and the Peace made) and
was the 16th. of June 1576, fworne Clarke of the Counfaill in
Ordinarie.
December 1577. At this Time he was fent to the King of
Spaigne with her Majefties Lettres and Inftructions of the 20th.
of December, concerning the Matters between him and his Subjects
of the Lowe-Countrie, traueilled into Spaigne by Sea, to St. Se-
baftians, and retourned Home by Lande through France.
J
April 1578. Ymediately after he was retourned in England,
her Majeſtie did imploye him to Don John D'Auftria, then Go-
vernor in the Lowe-Countries; and by the waie treated with Don
Matthias, the Prince, of Aurange, and Counfaile of State at
Antwerpe the whole Nobility of the Countries then revolted
from the King, upon the Caufes concerninn his Negotiation. to
the King of Spaigne.
July 1586. Wilkes was fent to the States-Generall, of the
United-Provinces, to bring her Majeftie a Report of the State of
thofe Countries, of their Government, &c. and returned Home
in September following.
I
}
7
October 1586. He was fent againe in October, to refide there
in the Lowe-Countries, as a publique Minifter for her Majefties
I
Service,
1
of LETTER S.
521
Service, and withall was a Coun faillour of Eftate there, where
he continued one whole yeare.
May 1590. Imploied againe to the States to renewe the
Treatie and to demand Reformacon of certaine thinges omitted
and miſtaken in the fame, where he continued by the Space of
four Monethes.
March 1592. Wilkes was emploied to the Frenche King
with Letters and Inftructions from her Majeftie to treat with
him for fome Townes of Affurance, for the Securitie of her
Succours fent to the King's Ayde into Normandy and Britaigne.
1
THO. WILKES.
An original Love Letter of Sir George Hayward to
MY
in 1550.
Y dereft friend, nay my feconde felf, nay my infepa-
rable ſelf, natures perfection and heavens model, my
only comfort and all my affliction, for I know nothing I have
bin happie in but you (at leaſt by way of compariſon) and in
nothing fo unhappie as in being forced thus violently from the
injoyment of her company who all her fex may be proud to
ferve. A jayle or baniſhment from ones country, the fe-
queftrations of ones friends, being deprived of the bleffying
of parents, poverty nay death it felf be it in the fouleft or ho-
rideft fhape it can come could not be fo unwelcome unto me
as the contents of your last letter, by which I am more driven
into diſpair than ever, for it is full of bitterneſs, nay the very
gall of bitterneſs. I would willingly, intreat you to think of
your promiſe unto me made by writing of the freedom of dif-
pofing your felf, and I wyll rather fet the world, reputation,
friends and all, at nought and defyance, than be unhappie in be-
ing deprived of her who is life and all to me; and to that pur-
poſe I pray think of fome means of getting a praul in a frofty
morning
I
U u u
22
A COLLECTION
**
morning very early, that if there be no remedy at all we may
conclude of fome courfe to be run in that kind, for I had ra-
ther a thouſand times fee death than live thus. They are vile
Machivilians we have to do with, notwithſtanding all the feve-
rity held against us, yet at Mothers they fell difcourfing of
your worth to try me, and I could not diffemble but go along
with them in fo apparent truths, and after they grew furder
to affirm that it was pity you fhould live fequeftred in a pri-
fon from all your friends, and they could with and would ad-
vife you might live here comfortably and in Company. Unto
which I anſwered (tho' God knows much againft my harte)
that it were well it might be fo; but howfomever it was fit
you ſhould give way to your uncle tho' it were ever ſo diſtaſt-
ful to you. And they fell further in diſcourſe that it were
happie that I fell into your company at Yardelays for they
thought I was a good means to keep away Ruffins and bafe
company that would have been to their diſhonor. I am afraid
all their feeming kindneſs to you is for their own ends, ſo tak
care of your felf. He advifeth you thus who is more than
father, mother, uncle and all friends, and fo he fhal hate to live
if he make it not good. Think a little at the mifery he en-
dureth that is thus conftant unto you without ends and then
deal as your own hart will ferve you. If you did but know
how difharted I am for your abfence you would find fom
morning evening or night to fee him who is fick at hart. Let
me conjure you as you have worth or ever bore me any affec-
tion to do it. I proteſt as I am a Gentleman you ſhall com-
mand me and my fortune. if you doubt this make your own
propofitions and if I deny you any dowrie, anie thing that my
felf or my fortune can afford I defire not to live, or which
is more to live without you. I have deny'd my letters at my
mothers tho' one would have thought he had feen them, but
howfomever it had fallen out nothing could have drawn me
from living and dying your fervant if your own falfehood ſhal
not prevent it, the which I am confident wil never be, and ſo
not douting but you will fhew your felf worthy unto me, I
defire you wil excufe thefe fcrîbled lines from a pen that was
R
dipt
of LETTER S
523
dipt in my hart and is true and fincere in every word it writes
to you my foul's flame and chiefé delight, my only fweet object
and every thing. I want in this world. I proteft I know not
what to ſay to make you fenfible of my conftant love and how
diftemper'd I am for your affaires and care for your good. So
I reft yours or indeed have no reft but in you who is fo dear
to, my Angel Joy and Comfort,
Your affectionated and true friend
and loving fervant,
G. H.
4 Jan. 1550.
t
As you
love me burn this imediately left your pockets be
broken open by force as mine have bin for you.
The King of Scotland to Queen Elizabeth,
Madame and dearest Sifter,
IN
tymes of ftraitts true friends are beft tryed, now me-
rith he thanks of you and your country, who knowith him-
ſelf a friend to your countrey and eftate, and fo to this tyme
muſt moue me to utter my zeale to the religion and how neire
a kinfeman and neighbor I find my felf to you and your coun-
try. For this effect then have I fend you this prefent, hereby
to offer unto you, my forces, my perfonne, and all that I may
command to be imployed againſt your ftrangers in what faç'on
and by whatſoever means as may beft ftrive for the defenſe of
your country, wherein I promeis to behave my felf not as a
ftrangear and forrein prince but as your naturall fone and com-
patriote of your contrey in al refpecties-Now Madame to con-
clude, as on the one parte I muſt hartilie thanke you för your
honourable begyning by your Ambaffadores in offers for my
fatisfaction fo on the other parte I pray you to fend prefentlie
Huu 2
doun
T
$
t
A COLLECTION
524
doun comiffioneires for the perfyting of the fame, while I
proteſt I defire not for that I walde have the rewarde of any
deferts but only that I with Honor, and all my gud fubjectis
with a fervent gud wilè may Imbrace this your godly and honeſt
cauſe, wheirby your adverfaries may have ado, not with Eng-
land but with the whole Yle of Britayne. Thus praying you
to diſpoſe all your matters with all poffible fpeid and wiſhing
you a fuccefs conveniente to thofe that are invadid by Goddis
profeffed ennemies, I commit, Madame and deareſt Siſter,
your perfonne eftate and country to the bliffed protectionn of the
Almightye. From Edinburt the fourt of August 1588.
Your most Loving and affectionate
Brother and Cufing, as tyme ſhall
now trye.
JAMES R.
A Letter from the French King to Lord Suffex,
from the Original in his own Hand.
Mo!
ON coufin en voyent ce Jentilhome trouuer la Royne
voftre meftreffe ce bien voulu vous efcryre ce mot
pour vous remerfier de tant de bons offices que vous maues
faits aupres de la Royne, ie vous prie de continuer et de vous
afurez que vous ne fauries iamies parler en faueur de prinfe
du monde que l'onnore plus que moy ne que affectione fon
contantement plus que ie ferai toute ma vye, ie vous prie me
mender de fes nouuelles, et me tenes touiours en fa bonne
graffe et en reconpanfe vous feres eftat de moy coume du me-
lieur de vous amis prien dieu mon coufin vous a voyr en ſa
finte garde-D'Engiers fe xxviii feurier
Vos tre bien coufin
¿
FRANC or s.
ors.
Lady
+
}
1
:
J
of LETTERS.
Lady Stafford to Mr. Secretary Cromwell.
MM
525
After Sekrytory after my pour recommandafshyons which
ys ſmally to be regardyd off me that ame a pour ba-
nyfhd kreatur-Thys fhall be to defyre you to be goode to my
pour houſbande and to me. I am feur yt ys nat oneknone to
you the Hy dyfpleffure that bothe he and I have bothe of the
Kyngs Hynes and the Quens Gras by the reffon of our maryagge
wytheout thayr Knollyge wheryn we bothe doe yeld our felfs
faulty and doe knollyge that we dyd nat welle to be fo hafty
nor fo bold wytheout thayr Knollyge. But wone thyng good
maſter ſekretory confedar that he was younge; and love ovar-
came reffone, and for my part I ſaw fo myche oneſty yn hym
that I loyd hyme as well as he dyd me and was yn bondagge
and Glade I was to be at lybarty, fo that for my part I ſaw that
all the world dyd fete fo lytyll by me and he fo myche that I
thoute I could take no betar way but to take hyme and to
forfake all othar ways and lyve a pour onefte lyffe wythe hym;
and ſo I doe pout no douts but we ſhould, if we myht
wons be fo hapy to recouver the Kyngs Grafshyous favour
and the Quens. For well I myht a had a greater Mane of
byrth and a hyhar, but I ynfuer you I could nevar a had wone
that ſhould a lovyd me fo well nor a mor oneſt man, and
byfydes that, he ys bothe come offe an aunffyent ftok, and agayn
as mete, (yeff yt was hys Graffys plefaur,) to doe the Kyng fer-
vys as any young Jentyllmane yne hys court; therefore good
Maftar Sekretory thys fhall be my fute to you that for the loue
that well I kno you doe ber to all my bloude, tho' for my
part I have nat defarvyd yt but ſmally bye the reffone of my
vylle condafshyons, as to pout my houfband to the Kyngs gras
that he may doe hys duty as all outhar Jentyllmene doe, and
good Maftar Sekretory fue for us to the Kyngs Hynes and
befbych his Hynes whyche ever was wount to take pety, to
have pety one ous and that yt woull ples hys Gras of his
goodines to ſpeke to the Qwens Gras for ous; for as far as I
cane
526
A COLLECTION
1
cane parfayve har Gras ys fo Hyly dyfpleffed wyth ous both
that wythoute the Kyng be fo Good Lord to ous as to wythe-
draw hys reguor and fue for ous we are nevar lyke to recovar
har Grafys favoor, whych ys to hevy to ber. And ſeinge ther
ys no remydy, for Gods fake help ous-for we have byne
now a quarter off a yer maryyd I thanke God and to late now
to call that agayn; wherfor yt ys the more Almones to helpe.
Bout yeffe I war at my lebarty and myhte chous Ï ynfeure you
Maftar Sekretory for my lytyll tyme I haue tryyd fo myche
onefty to be yne hym that I had rathar beg my bred wyth
hyme thane to be the gretyft Quene krystynd-and I bylyve
veryly he ys yne the fame cas wythe me for I bylyve veryly a
would nat forſake me to be a Kyng, therfor good Maftar Se-
kretory beyng we are fo well togethar and does ynetende to
lyve ſo oneſte a lyffe, though yt be but pour, ſhou part of your
goodenes to ous as well as you doe to all the worlde byfyds'; for
promys you ye have the name to helpe all them that hathe
nede, and amonkft all your fuetars I dar be bolde to ſay that
you have no mater more to be pytyd thane ours, and therfor
for Gods fake be good to ous for yne you ys all our trouſt and
I befhych you good Maftar Sekretory pray my Lord
my fa-
thar and my Lady to be good to ous and to lete me have thayr
bleffyngs and my Houfband thayr good wyll and I wooll ne-
var defyr mor off them. Allfo I pray you defyr my Lorde of
Norfolke and my Lorde my brouthar to be good to ous,
dar nat wryte to theme they ar fo cruel agaynft ous but yeff
wyth any payne that I could take wythe my lyffe I myht wyne
ther good wyls I promys you ther ys no chyld lyvyng would
ventar mor than I; and fo I pray you to report by me, and
you ſhall fynd my wrytyng true and yn all poynts whyche I
may ples theme yre, I fhall be redy to obay theme neryft my
Houfband, home I ame mofte bound to, to whom I moft hartly
beſhych you to be good unto, whyche for my fake ys a pour
banyfshed Mane for an Oneft and a Godely cawes and beyng
that I have red yne old Bouks that fome, for aws jouft cauffys
have by Kyngs and Quens byn pardonnyd by the fuete of Good
Folks, I trouft yt fhall be our chans thourow your good help,
I
to
of LETTER S.
527
1
to come to the fame, as knoyth the God, who fende you helthe
and harts efe. Scryblyd wyth her yll Hande, who ys your pour
humble Suytor always to Commande.
MARY STAFFORD.
To the Ryght Wour ſhypefull,
and my fingular good Frynde,
Maftar Sekretory to the Kyng's
Hynes thys be, S. S.
!
Le SERMENT que le Compte de Murray, à
Prononce pour
le Government D'Efcoffe.
JE
3
E Jacques Compte de Murray en la prefence de l'eternel
mon Dieu, promets que durant la cource entiere de ma viê
de feruir icelluy eternal mon Dieu, a mon extreme pouvoir,
felon qu'il le requiert en fa treffainte parolle revellée et contenue
dans le Noueau et Uiel Teftaments, èt fuiuant icelle parolle, et
'la deue et droiete adminiſtration de fes Sacremens à prefent receue
et pratiquée en ce Roiaulme; auffy aboliray et feray teſte, a
toute faux religion contraire a icelle, et gouerneray le peuple
qui me'it commis en charge, felon le uoloire et commandement
de Dieu contenu en fa dicte Parolle, et iouxte les louables loix
et conftitutionis recuis ence Roiaulme, nullement repugnante à
icelle parolle de l'Eternal mon Dieu, et procureray en toute ex-
tremité à l'eglife de Dieu, et a toutes peuples Chreftiens, vraye
et parfaite paix, et tout le tems advenir le droiets et rentes auec-
ques tous les juftes privileges de la Couronne d'Eſcoffe: Je pre-
ferveray et garderay inuiolablement fans les transfere ny aliener,
je defenderay et reprendray en tous eftats et tous degrets, les op-
preffions et toutes fortes de torts faiets en tous ingemens; je
com-
1
528
A COLLECTION
}
commanderay et procureray que juftice et equité foit garder à
toutes creatures fans exception; ainfi me foit mifericordieux et a
nous le Seignor et Pere de toute mercie et des mes fouverains
Seignoirs paix et Empire: Je m'eftudiray d'extirper tous Here-
tiques et ennemis du vray feruice de Dieu, apres eftre conuaincus
par la fidêle Eglife de Dieu, des dicts crimes. Toutes les chofes
deffus dicts j'affirme par mon Sermente fotennel,
Apres il mit ſa main fur la Bible aveques inclination
de fon Corpus, puis fût Chantée le Pfaume 72.
The Names of the A B BIES whofe Abbots were
of the Houſe of Peeres.
I
T. Albans,
STE
2 St. Mary Abington,
3 St. Auftin of Canterbury,
4 St. Martins of Battell,
5 St. Omrald of Bardeney,
6 St. John of Colchester,
7
St. Guthlacus of Crowland,
8 St. Mary of Eueſham,
9 St. Mary York,
10 St. Edmund's-Bury,
11 St. Mary, Glaftonbury,
12 St. Peter, Glocefter,
13 St. Peter and Paul of Hicle,
14 St. Bennet of Hulme,
15 St. Aldelmus, Malſbury,
16 St. Peterborough,
17 St. James, Reading,
18 St. Mary and St. Bennet, Ramfey,
19 St. Peter and Paul, Shrewſbury,
Comit. Hartford.
2
Comit. Berks.
Comit. Cantij.
Comit. Suffex.
Comit. Lincoln.
Comit. Effex.
Comit. Lincoln.
Comit. Wigom.
Comit. Ebor.
Comit. Suffolk.
Comit. Sommerfet.
Comit. Glocestershire.
Comit. Hampshire.
Comti. Norfolk.
Comit. Wilts.
Comit. Northampton.
Comit. Berks.
Comit. Huntingdon.
Comit. Salop.
20 St.
f
of LETTER S.
529
20 St. Germans, Selby,
21 St. Mary, Taveſtock,
22 St. Mary, Thorney,
23 St. Peter's, Weſtminſter,
24 St. Mary, Winchcomb,
Comit. Ebor.
Comit. Devon.
Comit. Cambridge.
Comit. Middlefex.
Comit. Glocefter.
The Priour of Couentree was of the Lords Houſe, St. Mary
of Couentree.
Profeffor SAUNDERSON's Lectures on
1
STY
SOUND.
OUND is an Undulation of the Air, which agitates the
Tympanum of the Ear; by which means a Motion is com-
municated to the Air contain'd in that Organ, which by excit-
ing a Vibration in the auditory Nerve, raifes in the Mind an
Idea of Sound.
The Medium of SOUNDS is common Air, and not as fome
have imagined, a fubtile Fluid: That this is true, may be learn-
ed from Experiments. If a Ball be put into a Receiver and con-
tinually ſhook, as the Air is exhaufting, the SOUND con-
tinually decreaſes, and at laft becomes fcarce audible, and vice
verfa. In condenſed Air, the Sound increaſes according as the
Degrees of Condenſation; that this is confonant to Reafon will
appear by attending to the Nature of Motion, which is com-
municated to all Parts of a Confiſtent ſooner than a Fluid Body.
Suppoſe a Stick ftruck at one End, and Motion is immediately
communicated to the other End; but fuppofe the Stick reduced
to a Fluid or Column of Water, the Motion would not be pro-
pagated to all its Parts fo foon.
Sir Ifaac Newton, calculated that SOUND ought to move 960
Feet in a Second, where theAir is ferene and free from all hetero-
geneous Matter: But when thick and foggy, it ought to move
1142 Feet in a Second, the Air then having more folid Particles
in it; which Calculation, confidering the Difficulty of the
Thing,
X X X
530
A COLLECTION
1
Thing, agrees pretty well with the Experiments made by Dereham,
Maffenus, and others. Befides, were there no folid Particles in
the Air, it could not be capable of Rarefaction, or Condenfation,
without which as we ſhall preſently fhew, no Sound could be
propagated, which we thus prove.
TheAir's Elafticity or Springs depends upon a certain repellent
Force, inherent in each of its Particles, whereby they never
touch one another, but conftantly endeavour to keep one another
at as great a Diſtance as poffible. Hence we ſee that the Force
by which the Particles of Air fly from one another, encreafes in
the fame ratio, as the Diſtance betwixt the Centers of thefe
Particles decreaſe, i. e. that Force is inverfely as their Diſtance.
Now it is plain, that fuch Particles as the Cartefians compofe
the fubtile Matter of, can't be endowed with fuch repellent
Forces, becauſe ex Hipothefi, there can be no Interſtices in that
Matter, without which there can be no Rarefaction or Conden-
fation, fince the one confifts in the Enlargement of the Interſtices
between Particle and Particle; the other, namely Condenfation,
in diminiſhing and crowding feveral Particles into a lefs Space
than ufual: Hence we may fee how folid Particles help the
Propagation of Sounds.
In explaining the Propagation of SOUNDS, we must premiſe
that every Body when ftruck, endeavours to dilate itſelf every
way, which we prove from Experiments. Let an Anvil be
ftuck full of Peas on the Top and Sides, by a little Wax, as
foon as it is ſtruck with the Hammer, the Peas will fly off in
all Difections. Again, fuppofe a Sphere of Water thrown a-
gainst a Wall, 'twill indeed endeavour to dilate itſelf, as the
watry Sphere did, but the Particles of Matter cohering, i. e.
attracting one another with a Force great enough to overcome
the ictus impingens, will preſently contract itſelf again, becauſe
the Shock was not great enough to remove the Parts but of
each other's Sphere of Attraction; when the Coheſion of the
Parts is not able to overcome the Shock imping'd upon it, the
Body is faid to be broken; when after the Shock a few of its
Parts are driven from their Places the Body is faid to be bruiſed.
I
In
of LETTER S.
531
In order to explain the Manner how SOUND is propagated,
we muſt again have recourſe to our Anvil. As the Anvil by di-
lating itſelf throws off the Peas, ſo it alſo throws off the Air in
all Directions, and for fome Time makes a Vacuum about it:
But the Air driven from its uſual Limits into a narrower Place,
by the Reſtitution of its Spring, not only returns to its former
State, but by the Motion its Particles have acquired, does as it
were with a rebounding Force dilate itſelf again; after which
ſecond Dilatation it entirely reſts in its former State, and the Air
is compreffed toward other Parts, which alfo dilating itſelf as
before, compreffes the Air round about that, and foon this Agi-
tation of the Air is analogous to the Motion of a Wave on the
Surface of the Water, but with this Difference, viz. as the
Waves expand themfelves circularly upon the Surface of the
Water; the undulatory Motion of the Air is like that of a Sphere
expanding itſelf into all Directions, and with this Addition,
whereas the Waves of Water keep continually driving forwards,
without ever returning to their former Pofition. On the con-
trary, fleeting Particles of Air in their going backward and for-
ward, fomething refemble a vibrating Pendulum, and would
entirely agree with the Action of it, if after two Vibrations, i. e.
once going backward and forward, the Action of Gravity ſhould
ceaſe as in the Air; after the going and returning of a Particle,
the Action of Elafticity on that Particle ceaſes; each Contraction
and Dilation of a SOUNDING Body is called a Vibration, from
the Analogy it bears to the Swing of a Pendulum. The Im-
petus
which fuch a Vibration in the Air makes is called Pulſe.
The Number of Pulfes propagated is always the fame with the
Number of Vibrations of the tremulous Body, and are not any
Means multiplied as they go from it. The Reafon of which
may be eaſily ſeen by attending to what has been faid concern-
ing the Origin of SOUNDS. When a Body gives but one Vibra-
tion, the SOUND is faid to be Inftantaneous. The SOUND ari-
fing from many Vibrations, is called a continued SOUND. It is
probable no SOUND is inftantaneous, but continued, though the
latter Vibrations may be ſo ſmall as not to propagate any fenfible
Pulfes. Concerning theſe Vibrations we muſt further obſerve
X X X 2
that
532
A COLLECTION
*
that they muſt be performed with a Velocity greater than that
which the Air flows in, to fill a Vacuum, otherwife no Con-
denfation of the Air will follow: Hence, we fee that
any
Thing moved to and fro, flowly in the Air, caufes no Noife,
becauſe the Air is at full Liberty to fucceed into all Parts of
Space relinquiſh'd by that Body.
THE Velocity with which S O UND S are propagated.
All SOUNDS, whether great or fmall, are propagated with
the fame Degree of Velocity; which may be proved by feveral
Experiments. Let feveral Sorts of Pieces be difcharged at a
Diſtance, and by means of a good Pendulum Clock, the Sound
of the ſmalleſt will be found to move with the fame Velocity
as the greateft. The fame may be faid of a Ring of Bells,
whofe Sounds are heard at a Diſtance, exactly in the fame Order
as they are rung; whereas, if the Sound of the great Bell moved
fafter than the little one, they would be heard in an inverted
Order: We find alfo, that Echoes reflect a ſmall SOUND, in the
fame Time they do a greater. What we have proved by Ex-
periments, may in fome Meaſure be conceiv'd confonant to
Reaſon, by confidering, that fince in this Cafe there is no pro-
greffive Motion required, there is no Reaſon why the ſtrongeſt
Vibrations fhould perform their Pulfes with the greater Velocity.
Hence it will follow that the Motion of all SOUNDS is uniform,
i. e. at leaſt they move as faft; which is alfo confirmed by Ex-
periments. If a Perſon hears a Gun let off, firſt at two Miles
from him, then at one, in the latter Caſe the SOUND will move
to him juſt twice as foon as in the former. To this ſome object,
that if the Velocity of SOUNDS is as great at firſt as at laſt, they
ought to move on ad infinitum. But 'tis anfwered, We muſt
diſtinguiſh between the Velocity and the Momentum of SOUNDS,
though a SOUND moves with the fame Velocity at laft as at firſt;
yet it does not move with the fame Momentum. For that Quan-
tity of Motion which was at firft communicated to a Globe of
Air, of a very ſmall Radius, is prefently communicated to feve-
tal Spheres of Air, whofe Radii continually increaſe, till at laft
2
it
{
of LETTER S.
533
it comes to be applied to a Quantity of Air, fo great as not to
be put out of its Place by it. This Diffufion of SOUND, from
a fonorous Body is analogous to the Radiation of Light from its
Centre. The Velocity of SOUNDS is to be determined by Ex-
periments: Let a Gun be fired off in a Dark Night, from an
Eminence, and let a Perfon at any determinate Diſtance, obferve
how long the Flaſh precedes the Sound. It may alſo be done by
the Motion of Echoes, by obferving how long the Repetition is
heard after the SOUND, half that Time will be the Velocity with
which the SOUND moved to the reflecting Body. From ſeveral
Experiments of this kind it appears that the Motion, i. e. the
mean Motion of SOUND in our Latitude is 1100 of Feet in a
Second of Time. In high Winds SOUNDS moving with the
fame Velocity, are heard confiderably louder than at other
Times; whence fome think that the Winds contribute much
to their Velocities; to their Momenta indeed they do contri-
bute fomething, but to their Velocity little, they increaſe the
Momentums of SOUNDS by cauſing the Contractions and Dila-
tations to be performed with greater Force. But we have proved
that the Momentums of SOUNDS have no Effect upon the Ve-
locity's, fo as to increaſe or diminiſh it. The Reaſon why
SOUNDS are heard fometimes louder, fometimes fainter in windy
Weather, is owing to the floating Condition the Air is in at that
Time, it being in fome Places very denfe, in others very rare:
Denfe, where the Wind blows, and confequently rare in all
other Places. Where the Air is denfeft, there the SOUND
moves quickeft, as above, (2) and 'tis found by Experi-
ments, that SOUNDS are carried faſter, though it be a little in
windy Weather; and that SOUNDS are carried alfo with greater
Velocity, though very little fecundo vento, or with the Wind
then for it; and that the Velocity of SOUNDS is a little diminished
adverfo vento, or the Wind being against it, therefore SOUNDS
are not carried fecundo vento, but ftrongeft and confe-
quently farther; but here we must obferve, that when we
fay Winds have no Effect upon the Motion of SOUNDS, fo as
either to accelerate or retard them, we mean, that Winds do
not
534
A COLLECTION
not cauſe the Contractions or Dilatations of the Medium to be
performed quicker than at other Times, only as they occafion
the Denfity, and confequently the Elafticity of the Air to be
increaſed. 'Tis true indeed, when Winds ftand fair, SOUNd
arrives (as Derham obferves) fooner to any particular Place, and
later when contrary. But this is not occafioned by any Contrac-
tions or Dilatations of the Air being performed quicker fecundo
vento, and flower in adverfo ; but by the contracted and dilated
Mediums being moved towards you in the former Caſe, and
from you in the latter. From what we have faid concerning
the Origin and direct Propagation of SOUNDS it will not be dif-
ficult to explain,
The Augmentation and Reflexion of SOUNDS.
WHEN a Pulfe of Air meets with any Impediment, the
Reaction of that Impediment forces it back again; for that
Part of the Air which was moſt contracted, not having room
to dilate itſelf forwards, will confequently dilate itſelf back-
wards. And after that all the Contractions and Dilations muft
be performed backward as they were forward. Such a Re-
flexion of SOUND is called an Echo.
If one ftand near the reflecting Body, and the SOUND be
not far off, though an Echo be produced, yet it can't be heard,
becauſe the direct and reflex SOUND enters the Ear almoft at the
fame time, but then the SOUND appears to be ſtronger and laſts
longer, eſpecially when the Reflexion is made from diverfe
Bodies at once, as from Arches and vaulted Roofs. And pro™
bably it may be deduced, why concave Bodies are, ceteris pari-
bus, fitteft to produce great and clear SOUND, ſuch as Bells,
&c. for in fuch Bodies SOUND is reflected very ſwiftly and very
often from Side to Side, and from one part of the Cavity to
the other, and the Bell hanging at liberty, this produces great
Tremblings and Shakings of the whole Body which occafions
the SOUND to continue till they ceafe and are quiet. The Phæ-
nomenon
of LETTER S.
535
nomenon of the Speaking-Trumpet does not arife from any
Augmentation of the Sound, but is occafioned by the Sides of
the Tube, being fo contrived as to hinder the ſpreading of the
SOUND as much as may be. For, as we have faid, the reafon
of Sound's growing weak is becauſe it dilates itſelf into all
manner of Directions. We fhall conclude our Treatiſe of
Aconfticks with the feveral Modifications of SOUND ex-
plain'd.
A Tone or Mufical Note is caufed when the founding
Body vibrates uniformly; a Noife or common Sound is occa-
fioned when fome Parts of the Body vibrates faſter than others:
A Bell itſelf, were it not of an uniform Thickness, would not
found mufically but confuſedly; grave and denſe Sounds dif-
fer only in their Vibrations; when the fonorous Body vibrates
quick, it gives an acute Sound; when flow, a grave or dull
Thus two Strings of equal length but different Tenfons
will give different Sounds, the tighteft founding an acute, the
flackeſt a grewe.
one.
Sympathy of Mufick is that Power which one Body has
when truck, of making another Body (that is at union to it)
found. Two Bodies are faid to be at union when they perform
their Vibrations at the fame time, i. e. have one and the fame
Tone. Thus if the third or fourth String of a Violin which
is in the Hand be ftruck, they will make a third or fourth
String of a Violin which lies upon the Table found, if they
are at union with one another, which we account for by this
Lemma. If you time your Pull to the String of a Bell, you
you may eaſily raiſe it to any height, but if you don't, you'll
take away as much Motion at one Pull as you gave it another.
You'll cauſe the other to found, because the Vibrations of the
firſt String don't only begin, but continue the Vibration of the
other String till it be heard.
The Sympathy of SOUNDS gives Riſe to a very odd Phæno-
menon, viz. the Breaking of a Glafs by an intenfe Sound that
is at Union to it: For the Vibrations of the Air affecting the
Glaſs now, as before they did the Strings of the Violin upon
the
536 XXX
A COLLECTION
the Table. If a Perfon has a good Voice and Judgment to
fuit his Voice to the Note of the Glafs, he may, by ſwelling the
Sound, crack it; the Vibrations of the Air which he cauſes
being ſtrong enough not only to make the Glaſs vibrate, but
alſo to ſhake the Parts of the Sphere of each other's Attraction;
or in other words, to break it; as the Bell is overthrown by
pulling long. If the Vibrations of two Bodies be as one to
two, this Confonance is called Octave or Diaphazon: If as two
to three, i. e. if the ſecond Vibration of one Body always agrees
with the third of another, this Confonance is called a fifth or
Diapente. Vibrations which are as three to four give a Con-
fonance which is called a fourth or Diatefforon. Diftonus is
when the Returns of Air are as four to five. Sequiclitonus,
when the fifth Vibration agrees with the fixth of another.
1
A
"
!
t
of LETTER S.
44Ixxxx
The following Letters printed in the Weekly Mif-
cellany, in the Year 1738, I have been defired
to publiſh in this Collection.
Quot Homines tot Sententiæ.
Mr. Hooker,
T
HO' the different Taſtes and Opinions of Men, have been
fo long obfervable, as to eſtabliſh the Proverb which
I have choſen for my Motto; yet I can never perceive it with-
out Surprize and Admiration. 'Tis from this Oppofition of
Temper and Genius, that the Prefs fwarms with fuch Variety
of Compofitions, and that the Town is crowded with its feveral
kinds of Diverfions. "Tis what racks the Brains of Authors
for Subjects, as it does our Spital-Fields Weavers for Variety
of Patterns: There is not a Mercer nor Shopkeeper, who does
not reduce this Notion of the World to Experiment; the taw-
dry Silk which the Ducheſs would reject with Difdain, is pro-
duc'd to her Chambermaid, as the moſt genteel thing in Town,
and her gew-gaw Fancy is immediately taken with the party-
colour'd Piece of Finery. I have neither Time nor Inclination
to open thofe various Scenes which expofe Men in the Indul-
gence of their particular Pleafures; nor have I any great Con-
cern about the Matter, unleſs when I fee Variety of Opinions
operate ſo ſtrongly in the Affairs of Religion; with regard to
which I could with Men more regular and uniform, and that
they were all of one Mind, where Error and Diffentions may
be fo fatal and dangerous: This only excepted, I muſt confefs
myſelf in the whimfical Mode of the World, and that I am
peculiar in feveral of my Notions and Opinions. I ſhall not tell
you what Party I eſpouſe, nor whether the Craftſman or Ga-
zetteer be my Oracle in Politics. This only I beg leave to teli
you, that I very often diſlike both. I am an Enemy as well to
Kk k
Flattery,
442
A COLLECTION
}
Flattery, as Infult; and am often as fick with dull lufcious
Panegyric, as at other Times offended with Scurrility and Abuſe.
You'll not be able to find out whether I am Whig or Tory by
this Account; nor do I defire you fhould, fince I do not know
what fide of the Queſtion you take, and would willingly pro-
cure your Efteem, which I fhould be afraid of lofing if our
Opinions ſhould claſh. I have known many Inſtances of this
kind in the Places where I have lived. Every Thing in a
Neighbour has been approved but a Man's Politics; but, as
foon as he has made any Diſcovery of himſelf in that Particular,
it has eclips'd every good Quality, and his Name has been as
odious as a Chriftian's in Turkey: In fhort, I fhall leave you in
the dark as to that Point, and only proceed to give you a Sam-
ple of my Taſte, with regard to the Pleaſures and Diverfions of
the Town; and here you'll think me quite alone in my Fancy,
when I tell you, that tho' I am a Man of Fortune, appear hand-
fomely drefs'd, with a good Equipage, well known and refpected
in Life, have no Averfion to Company and Pleafure, have an
Ear to Mufic, nor am an Enemy to Balls and Affemblies where
the Company is good, and the Converfation decenť; yet my
Taſte of Pleaſures is on the City-fide of Temple-Bar, and of all
the Amuſements in London, the Seffions-Houfe in the Old-Baily
I have for fome Time adopted, where my Chariot is as well
known as a Phyſician's at Child's. 'Tis there I have a Specimen
of the Englishman's Liberty; how he ftands and falls by the
Laws of his Country; and, however Poor and Friendleſs, has
an honeft and fair Trial: It is not what a Man fays, but what
he can prove, that is of Confequence to the Prifoner, and as
Guilt after all its Impudence, Shifts and Diſguiſes, is forced to
hang down its Head upon Conviction and Condemnation: So I
am delighted with the Joy ſparkling in the Face of clear'd In-
nocence, to fee it triumphing over Sufpicion or malicious Pro-
fecution. I own it Melancholy and Affecting to fee thoſe Degra-
dations of Human Nature, which every Month preſents to my
View; to fee a Fellow-Creature, and much more a Fellow-
Chriſtian, fetter'd and arraign'd for injuring the Society he is a
Mem-
of LETTER S.
443
Member of, and owes his beſt Services to. I am likewiſe con-
cern'd to fee little Villains only in Chains and Hand-Cuffs,
whilſt great Ones of all Denominations have fometimes enjoy'd
the World in State. If all Villainy wore this Mark of Infamy
if every Hand of Corruption was held up at the Bar; and all
the Iniquities of One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirty Eight,
were to clink in fuch Pomp before me, I ſhou'd be better
entertain'd; but for want of that I pleaſe myſelf with this Juf-
tice done to the Injur'd. As I would willingly have my Actions
appear well to Mankind, ſo I must tell you I am furniſhed with
fuch Reflexions from this feemingly odd and trifling Amuſe-
ment as will fecure the Place which I hope to have in Mr.
Hooker's Eſteem, and juſtify me in my Choice of Diverfions.
When I come from thefe Trials, I fometimes reflect on another
great Bar, where no Power nor Fortune will ſcreen us; where
I myſelf am to be try'd, and where, as a Son of Nature, I find
myſelf at a Loſs to plead Innocence. From viewing a puiſne
Judge of Earth in this Place, my Mind is ſtruck and aw'd with
the tremendous Idea of the great Judge of all Men in another.
In every
Malefactor I have feen brought here, the deform'd
Picture of myſelf, as an Offender againſt fome of the Divine
Laws, is before me. In this Court of Juftice I perceive fmooth
Oratory, and flouriſhes of Rhetoric; I perceive Council loudly
haranguing, and Magnifying or Alleviating a Crime according
to their Inftructions and Fees. I can fee the falfe Gloffes, which
an hired Solicitor has put upon the Caufe of his Client: But at the
folemn Tribunal, to which this Bar turns my Thoughts, I can
fee only Truth prevailing and countenanc'd. In that Court,
though the Judge wants no Information, as in this below; yet
for the Public Manifeſtation of his own Juſtice, the Confufion
of Guilt, and the Honour of Virtue, Witneffes will appear for
and againſt the Parties. Methinks I fee unrelieved Poverty and
Diſtreſs, bearing Teftimony of Uncharitableneſs and Inhuma-
nity; Oppreffion of abuſed Power; and the innocent injur'd
Ward of its Trustee's Fraud and Injuftice. Methinks I fee the
Luxuries and Effeminacies of a once glorious warlike State,
K kk 2
now
444
A COLLECTION
now fhrunk into Softnefs, and Inactivity, rifing in Judgment
against it. Methinks I fee whole injur'd Nations crowding to
teſtify the wicked Politics that have deftroyed them. In this
Court below, I fometimes perceive an honourable Acquital;
and there a Parallel of Circumftance meets my Imagination.
Methinks I fee Innocence facing and getting the better of falfe
Accufation, and whom an Ill-natur'd World has cenfured and
condemned, that moſt righteous and impartial Court releaſes
with Honour. As at this Bar I have ſeen an innocent Priſoner,
calling creditable Vouchers to his Reputation, fo at the other,
methinks, I fee Virtue fummoning all her Graces as Evidences
for her; Charity with her bright Retinue of kind human
Offices, Temperance and Chaſtity with their pure Affections,
Honour and Integrity with their ſteady and unbiafs'd Practices,
Piety and Devotion in their graceful and becoming Habits, ap-
pearing to vouch for, and bring off the Chriftian. I hope, Sir,
you have by this Time a tolerable Opinion of my Tafte; and
will give me leave to go there, if I return ſo rationally enter-
tain'd; if it produces fo much Improvement and proper Con-
templation. I can with Pleaſure affure you my Hands were
never given to Picking and Stealing, and I was always tole-
rably honeft; but the frequent Arraignments I have ſeen here,
increaſe my Contempt and Abhorrence of all Trick and cun-
ning Knavery; and I am much improved in my Notions of the
Reſpect due to Men of Probity and Merit. In ſhort, Sir, what
ſo much entertains me by Day, purfues my Imagination by
Night, and I am in my Dream by turns Judge, Evidence and
Prifoner. I am fometimes fo fhock'd upon my imaginary Bench
for fear I fhould have condemned Innocence, that in the fol-
lowing Day's Converfation I am the moſt tender and referv'd
in giving my Judgment and Opinion. The Solemnity of the
Oath given me as an imaginaryWitneſs at a Trial makes me the
moſt Cautious and Diffident in all my Affertions. What is moft
dreadful to us in our waking Moments, is apt to rise up to
View, with double Terror, when aſleep: To the Horror of
fuch Crimes it is owing that I am ſometimes a Shoplifter in my
Dream;
of LETTER S.
445
Dream; which has fuch an Effect upon me, that I am not eaſy
'till all iny Tradeſmen are diſcharged; and fancy that whilſt
their Goods are unpaid for in my Poffeffion, I am but little in-
ferior to the Character I affumed in my Sleep. I had the other
Night a moſt remarkable Vifion, which if you would not think
it too abrupt, and too immediate a Tranfition, from the Grave
to the Chearful, I would take the Liberty of troubling you
with. I was laft Night in my Journey to the old Place, and
ſaw all the fettered Regiment marching before me from New-
gate to this monthly Review. In this ghaftly Group of Figures,
I ſaw a very arch-looking Fellow, whofe ragged Habit, and
yet ſmart Appearance drew mine and every Body's Eyes upon
him: Moſt of the other Priſoners had fome pitying Acquaint-
ance near them, who ſeemed to have a Fellow-feeling of their
Misfortunes; but this
but this young Fellow (as he has ſince told me)
having loft all his Friends, was not comforted with a ſingle
Condolance. Upon his nearer advance to me I found him
much ſcarify'd, and his Head appear'd to have been broken in
many Places. Every one was inquifitive about this Droll of
Misfortune, but could get no Account of him from the fturdy
Gentleman-Ufher's, 'till having fpoke to one of them in a pro-
per Manner; I underſtood it was a young Fellow call'd Wit,
loaded with Accufations, and now going to his Trial with theſe
Brethren in Iniquity; expecting fomething remarkable, I
haften'd to the Bench, when this Malefactor was foon call'd,
and Mr. Serjeant Profund, with great Solemnity open'd his
Indictment. Finding myſelf gone to the ufual Length of one
of
your Letters, I must therefore defer, a Poft or two, Mr. Ser-
jeant's Arguments, and Poor Wit's Defence: There are many
Things in this imaginary Trial, which may furnish feveral Per-
fons with uſeful Hints. However, at all Events, in making
this the Subject of another Letter, I fhall have one Opportunity
more of fhewing with what Sincerity
H
I am
Your Friend, to affist you,
PHILANTHROPOS,
446
A COLLECTION
I
SIR,
you
A M one of thofe unhappy Fellows, whofe Progrefs in
Study was ſtopp'd by the Death of my Father. In the fecond,
or third Year of my ftanding at College, he opportunely (as I
then thought) went into the other World, which has made me
a good for nothing Saunterer in this. In fhort, Mr. Hooker, I
am quite vapour'd with Idlenefs; and were it not for that
Amuſement of Coffee-Houses, I ſhou'd long before this have
been under Dr. Monro's Management. I would not have
think me a Man of no Religion, for tho' I fhould have had
more if I had taken care to ſtudy more, yet the little Educa-
tion my Father gave me, whilft he liv'd, has given me fome
Senfe of my Duty; and, I thank God, I am without thoſe
loofe Notions and Practices which in my frequent Converfa-
tion with our Coffee-Houfe Infidels, I find to be the Effect of
Ignorance and Illiterature. But to go on-You may con-
ſtantly ſee me at the moſt frequented Affemblies of Politicians
and News-Mongers, waiting at the Door for the Entrance of
a Paper, with as much Impatience, as a Bridegroom on his
Wedding-Day for the Canonical Hour, as Part of my Buſineſs
for the Day, I call'd for the Miſcellany, and to my great Sur-
prize found you in the Hands of a young Gentleman, who, I
imagin'd, would have been afham'd of your Company. But
when I faw fuch Strokes of Humour, and fo happy an Inven-
tion in the inſtructive and entertaining Letter from Agricola, I
fhould have wonder'd much more if its Credit had not excited
his Curiofity to look into it, and its Ingenuity had not obliged
him to read it through.
I was extremely entertain'd with this, as I was with your
former Letter; and have carried your Athenian Couple, your
curious Brace of Antiques, to every Family of my Acquaintance.
Having no Bufinefs of my own, I am naturally inquifitive
about other People's, and am as well-informed of the Matri-
monial State of their Affairs, from the Reception of this Paper,
as if I had fee'd my Lady's Woman, or confulted a diſguſted
Servant.
of LETTERS.
447
Servant. One Lady whofe red Eyes, tho' with a chearful Be-
haviour, has for fome Time convinced me that all is not well at
Home, feem'd very well pleaſed with the Performance, but
thought fomething wanting as to the Huſband's Conduct, and
ſpoke her own Diſtreſs in the following Remarks.
" It is a
CC
CC
r
Pity, Sir, the Lady made no Reply, nor offered fome Things
"for his Confideration. She might have urged the Neceffity
"of his being the fame kind complaiſant Man after, as before
Marriage, and not letting the too fuppliant Lover foon change
"into the morofe, domineering Hufband. How deplorable is the
Wife's State, whofe Houfe is fo haunted with a Huſband's
" evil Spirit, that all her Friends and Acquaintance are afraid
"of approaching it when he is at home. He takes care,
"indeed, of the main Chance, but can't bear a Butcher's Bill,
"or any neceffary Expence, without putting himself out of
"Humour, and making every one unhappy about him. I
"wonder the Lady did not read him fome Lecture of Beha-
"viour, touching that Civility and Good-manners, which I
"think a Woman is nevertheleſs intitled to, becauſe ſhe is a
Wife, but rather more, fince ſhe has done every thing to
oblige him, made herſelf the Partner of his Cares and In-
"conveniencies, and put fo much Confidence in him, as to
<c
give him the Guardianſhip of her Perſon and Fortune." You
may fee, Mr. Hooker, where this Lady's Shoe pinches, and
what a growling Piece of Humanity is fallen to her Share.
Another Lady who has not been thus treated, in whom the
Coquet ftill reigns with all its Pertneffes and Levities, who is
matched to the other Extreme, to a fond careless Huſband, who
will let her run into Bankruptcy, with her Follies and Extra-
vagance, who confults the Faſhions more than his Circumftances,
and whofe Pleaſures and Wardrobe bear no Proportion to his
Fortune; She, Sir, took my Preſent in high Dudgeon, aſk'd
ine how long I had commenc'd Member of the Club of Anti-
quarians, and where I had raiſed this Athenian Ghoſt for her
Amuſement? As foon as the Alarm had run itfelf down, I
took the Liberty of telling her, that, tho' it was Old Stile, it
was
448
A COLLECTION
was to her a very new Mode of Conduct; fuch as I believe had
not been ſeen or worn by her Ladyſhip; and that I thought if
ſhe would put it on, it would better become her than any
Habit I ever faw her wear. I was afraid to ſtay for the Reply,
and went to my Chamber, to ſpend the Evening in ferious
Reflexions upon the Subject of that Paper. I admired this
beauteous Piece of Submiffion, drawn in her native Modefty,
and genuine Simplicity. It was an additional Beauty in the
Copier, to keep fo cloſe to his Original. Had he given us his
ufual Ornament and Embelliſhment of Drefs, tho' the Colour-
ing would have been more faſhionable, the Drawing could not
have been juſter, nor the Picture more agreeable. Lady Townly's
Vices are not the lefs contemptible for appearing dress'd with
modern Exactnefs, and I prefer this Athenian Couple in their
antient Dialect, and juſt Notions, to any unhappy Pair of
Modern Gentry, who appear Sick of each other before the
Moon, that Emblem of their Fickleneſs and Inconftancy, has
gone through her Monthly Changes; who loll in a Chariot to-
gether at a proper Diftance, and are uneafy till the Vifit is
over, which Decency, not Affection, has prevail'd upon them
to make together. I have often lamented the unhappy Cafe of
many young Ladies, who are taken only with the carved Image
and Figure of a Man, looking at the Tie of his Sword Knot,
more than the Turn of his Temper, and taking his Character
from the bribed Abigail, or his Taylor, or Milliner. You'll
think me very Whimſical, in comparing a new drefs'd Bride,
with all her Friends about her, to a new built outward-bound
Veffel receiving her Owners in the River; and with Sails ſpread-
ing, Colours flying, and Mufic playing, fetting out on
Ocean of Rocks and Quickfands. I have grieved to fee the
laft Day of a fingle Life, the only one of real Happineſs; and
much Beauty and Treafure given for a fhort Month of Pomp
and Pageantry. I pafs'd this Summer in a public Place, where
many Inſtances of fuch Misfortune pafs'd daily in Review. I
mean, Ladies wedded to a Title, without any other good
Quality to recommend the Huſband. One, whom I remember
2
an
to
of LETTER S.
449
4
to have triumph'd in the City, and to have been the Toaſt and
Admiration of wealthy Merchants and Traders, appeared in this
Place a moving Skeleton, the pale Picture of her Huſband's
Vices and Debaucheries; fhe is Quality indeed, and is called
my Lady; poor Purchaſe! fhort-liv'd Amufement! which
palls upon Ufe; and when your Ladyfhip has been naufeouſly
repeated, by Sycophants and Servants, for a little while, it is
made contemptible by Familiarity, and like a rich Brocade
grows common and diftafteful by conftant Wearing. The
Thouſands gain'd by her Father's Care and Induſtry have found
their Way from his Counter to the Hazard-Table, and have
ferved only to pamper Gamefters and Sharpers; thofe Lac'd-out
Plunderers, who only change the Terms, not the Nature of
the Crime; who, befides that upon their Company, commit
another Robbery upon Virtue, and demand their Impotitions.
under the falfe Appellation of Debts of Honour. Upon fuch as
theſe and vile Proſtitutes (whofe Distempers in a good Humour
have been civilly convey'd to her) her whole Fortune is con-
fum'd, and nothing left of her Father's, but Taunts and Re-
vilings on his Trade and Occupation. As for her Quality, it
only ſerves to bring her Mifery more within Notice, and to
point her out as a Beggar of Diſtinction. I wish my Friend,
Merchant Wronghead, and Mifs Fanny's Mamma, would take
this Hint, and not think Grandeur the only Foundation of a
Child's Happineſs, but look out for a Man of Religion and
Virtue, and eſteem the good Qualities of his Mind the moſt
valuable Rent-Roll, beyond what any Parchments or Heraldry
can give him. As Man is a fociable Creature, not made for
Solitude but Converfation, Marriage is a noble Inſtitution, and
a little ufeful Society, from whence many Advantages arife.
The Sorrows of Life are leffen'd by this Divifion, and the Com-
forts of it increaſed by Communication. Marriage is, or fhould
be, the moſt perfect State of Friendship. Mutual Intereft pro-
duces mutual Affiftance. 'Tis owing to this Inftitution, that
Families have been raiſed and formed: Where the most con-
ftant Cohabitation wants this divine Licenfe, the innocent Iffue
L11
is
450
A COLLECTION
is loaded with Reproach. All Parentage and Proximity pro-
ceed from hence, and in a happy Marriage, where both Parties
behave well in their refpective Stations, the Honey-Moon in-
creaſes to Years of Blifs. Long Poffeffion rivets the Affection;
and nothing but parting can be a material Affliction. No Age
nor Infirmity can unhinge a matrimonial Efteem. The many
good Qualities, Services, and obliging Ufage of each other, are
fo lodged in the Memory, as to make Life a continual Scene of
Courtship, and the Huſband to carry always the Lover about
him. This brings to my Mind a favourite Ballad, thought
worthy of a Tranflation, by the beſt Latin Poet of the
Age.
Old Darby with Joan by his Side,
You have often regarded with Wonder;
He's Dropfical, fhe is Sore-ey'd,
Yet they're always uneafy afunder.
Together they totter about,
Or fit in the Sun at the Door;
And at Night when Old Darby's Pot's out,
His Joan will not smoke a Whiff more.
1
I wiſh the Imagination of its Author had been a little purer,
and that he had laid the main Strefs of this old Couple's Af-
fection, upon their former Virtue and good Behaviour, which
alone could make it ſo real and lafting. When I fee Quarrels
and Difagreements in that State, I am concerned for the Defo-
lation which the divided Houſe will certanly come into. How
moving is the Sight of an innocent Offspring in fuch a Family
of Difcord, with a Tenderneſs of Nature pleading for both,
not knowing which Side to take, and ty'd up by Duty and filial
Affection, from acting againſt either. What Inſtruction can
Children receive in fuch Confufion? And how pernicious to
Pofterity ſuch evil Example? It is Matter of the greateſt Sur-
prife,
of LETTER S.
451
prife, that a Man, who aims at Character and Reputation, that
in the Buſineſs and Affairs of Life, will keep his Word to pre-
ſerve his Credit, fhould forfeit all Honour and Integrity at
Home, and have no regard to the folemn Engagements made to
a Wife. Ifhould judge in fuch a Cafe, like the well diſtinguiſh-
ing Emperor, who would not employ nor depend upon any
Man's Oath or Fidelity to him, who had forfeited his folemn
Engagements to his God. The Good Man was the only Great
Man of that Court. It was another well judg'd Action of a
Prince I have read of, who took an Officer's Commiffion from
him, queftioning his Courage upon an Information that he beat
his Wife. The Paw of the Lyon or Bear, which deals Slaughter
to every one elſe, is a nurfing Arm to the Female. But fuch
rough Diſcipline is chiefly confin'd to the Vulgar and underbred
Part of Mankind. Porters and Carmen are chiefly diſtinguiſh'd
for fuch Domestic Heroifm. The Beau Monde content them-
felves with filent Hatred and Indifference. Strangeness and
Ceremony, ſeparate Beds and Apartments, kept Miftreffes, &c.
are the genteel Exerciſes of their Averfion. In fhort, no Man
can be a fine Gentleman, who is not a Man of Honour, and no
Man can be a Man of Honour that makes a bad Hufband. The
Perfumer may perform his Part well; the Valet may powder
and drefs him with Exactnefs; he may be a Judge of every
Air of Handel's, and be a Credit to his Dancing Maſter in every
Minuet; he may have an entertaining Wit, and ſprightly Con-
verſation; but if the Harp is always hung up at the Door, and
he carries Home none of that Pleafantry and Good-Humour,
which makes him agreeable Abroad; whatever Talents of In-
genuity he may be poffeffed of, however dignify'd by Birth, or
honour'd by Station, he moves the Contempt of all wife and
good Men, and has no Claim to the good Opinion, which every
where but in his own Houfe he ftrives to eſtabliſh,
1
н
SIR,
Your's, Sc.
Ut
L112
45.2
A COLLECTION
Ut Alimenta Sanis corporibus Agricultura, fic Sanitatem
Ægris Medicina promittit.
CELSUS.
SIR,
A
S I have conftantly one of the Weekly Bills of Mortality
left at my Houſe, it often gives me a pleafing Reflexion
upon the Goodnefs of Providence, in affording us by the Study
of Phyfic an immediate Help, in any of thofe Diſeaſes which fud-
denly affault us in this State of Infirmity, and without which, in
all probability, the melancholy Account thus diftributed would
be much increaſed. Of all the Misfortunes incident to human
Nature, Sickneſs ftands in the foremoſt Rank, by reafon where-
of the Pulſe, thoſe Wheels of Life, move heavily, till the Matter
whereof we are compofed gradually stiffens into its original Slug-
giſhneſs and Inactivity. When this Misfortune feizes us, it
puts a stop to all our Purfuits, deprives Families of their Sup-
port and Comfort, and is a Calamity fo common and fatal, that
had not the SCIENCE before-mentioned been brought to the Per-
fection it happily is, the mournful Sight of Widows and Or-
phans would oftner move and affect us; and this gay Landſkip
of a World be fo darkly fhaded with their fable Appearances, as
to render the Piece a moft melancholly Object.
<
<
Sir William Temple feems to point out the national, as well
as private Benefit of Phyfic, in one of his ingenious Effays,
when he finely remarks, That Accidents of Health grow to
be Accidents of State, and public Conſtitutions come to de-
pend in a great Meaſure upon thoſe of particular Men. Not
only Humour and Invention, but Judgment and Reſolution
change and languifh with the ill Conftitution of Body, and
Kingdoms, and States as well as private Families may
Distempers and Weakneffes, by the Diſeaſes and Decays of
thoſe that manage and fupport them.' Sicknefs and Infirmity
were annex'd to Sin, and if Man had preferved his State of In-
<
<
<
fall into
nocence,
of LETTER Š.
453
nocence, he had preferved his State of Health. From his Fall
this Evil arofe, and acute Pains and Diſeaſes then came to be
part of this Earth's galling Productions, its Thorns and Thistles.
But that we might not be remedilefs in this natural Calamity,
Mercy exerted itſelf with the Attribute of Justice, and every
Field was made a fort of Difpenfary. The DivinePreferver of Men
has been pleaſed to infuſe a healing and medicinal Virtue into
many Herbs and Plants, and to impart to his Creatures a Know-
ledge of their particular Qualities, fo as to make them become
his glorious Inftruments to help their fick and infirm Brethren,
by a diligent Inquifition and Scrutiny into the Nature and Ope-
rations, and a Skill to appropriate and accommodate them to
their proper and fingular Ufes. The Honour paid to Phyficians
is of an early Date. Give Place (fays the Son of Syrach) to the
Phyfician, for the Lord hath created him, i. e. qualify'd him for
this uſeful Office. The Romans dedicated a Temple to fcu-
lapius, and the PHYSICIAN whofe Preſcriptions were thought
fubfervient to Auguftus's Recovery, had a Statue of Brafs. In
ſhort the Knowledge of Phyfic ftands very high amongſt human
Bleffings; and not to pay a proper Deference and Regard to a
Set of Gentlemen, whofe Profeffion and Learning make them.
fo uſeful, and fo ornamental to Society, would be unjust and
undiſtinguiſhing. I fhall be grofly miſunderſtood therefore, if
any thing in this Letter fhould be conftrued reflective upon the
Faculty in general, upon as Polite a Body of Scholars as our
Nation can boaſt of; who are fo immediately ferviceable in a
fick Chamber, and improving and entertaining in all Converfa-
tion which they compofe a Part of.
But as it is a great Mark of good Senfe to be impartial, and
as no Man is fo fond of the Productions of his own Garden, as
not willingly to part with the Weeds, ſo I queſtion not but they
would be as ready to give up, as I am to expofe, any ill or im-
proper Behaviour, injurious to the Faculty, and more detrimental
than may be apprehended to its Intereſt.
No Profeffion can fuffer by a juft Reflexion on an unworthy
Profeffor, and I am inclined to think, every impartial Man will
allow
454
A COLLECTION
allow him worthy of Cenfure, who reflects upon that Divine
Providence, which muft co-operate with his Pre-ordination, by
whoſe Ill-nature and private Advice, another Body of Scholars
and Gentlemen are unjustly render'd odious and contemptible.
As Man is compos'd of a Body and Mind, fo the latter, like
the former, has its Maladies and Imbecilities, and ſome of fuch
a Nature as are not properly within the Province of the Bodily
Phyſician, and which require the Affiftance of thoſe who have
directed their Studies another Way, and whofe Vifits, inſtead of
being difpiriting and unneceſſary, have been proved of the
greateſt Service in their Pains and Diſeaſes; and eſpecially in
their Perturbations at the Approaches of Death.
In a View of that Eternity which the Sick Perfon imagines
himſelf on the Brink of, there are Anxieties beyond the Power
of Phyfic to remove; in which Cafe fome Help is unqueftion-
ably requifite. The Soul, like the Body in Anguiſh, ftands in
need of Advice and Affiftance, and there is a Goſpel as there are
Cordials difpens'd for the Service of the one as of the other. The
Clergyman therefore, whofe Education must give him fome
Judgment in thoſe Debates, and is early in his Advice to his
Friends and Parishioners cannot be prejudicial, fince Affiftance
in one Cafe leads to Recovery in the other.
The prudent Viſit of a Divine may in fome Terrors and
Apprehenfions of Mind be ferviceable, nay inftrumental to the
better Operation of his own Medicines, and jointly tend to the
Benefit of the Patient; why, any Phyfician then ſhould repre-
fent him as unnecessary and impertinent, troublefome and difpirit-
ing, I can only lay at the Door of Infidelity, which I ſhould be
forry to think of, much more to charge that learned Body with.
If there is the leaft Ground for that proverbial Saying of, Where
there are three Phyſicians there are two Atheiſts, it muſt have
taken riſe from the loofe Principles and Converfations of fome
Dery Children of Paracelfus, fome weak Novices in the Science; it
muſt be underſtood only of fuch who are not Masters of their Art,
who are ignorant of the Nature and Caufes of Things, from
which Dizzineſs, inftead of Clearnefs of Head, fome few may
have
of LETTER S.
455
have fallen into the Gulph of Atheiſm, and from fuch only, fuch
an unhappy few, the Clergy must have met with the Treat-
ment I am complaining of.
From a Knowledge of Nature, we are led to a Knowledge
of God, and the more we know of Man's Frame and Confti-
tution, the more we muſt be convinc'd of the Wiſdom and
good Providence of his Creator. No Man has a more effectual
Antidote againſt the Poiſon of Infidels than a good Phyſician,
and Galen, with feveral others, have enlarged much to this
Purpoſe from the Make and Parts of Man's Body, wherein
there muſt be allowed the ſweeteſt Harmony in the feveral
Executions of their Offices, without any Intrenchment or En-
croachment upon one another, all obferving the greateſt Order
and Decorum: Can his Vifit be then fhocking or improper,
who dictates a Truft and Confidence in fuch a Creator? And
implores his Blefling on the Remedies which are given them,
without which they will be unavailing; for tho' Medicine is
the Means ordered by Providence, tho' the falutary Herb grows
for fuch Service of Man, and we are not to neglect the uſe
thereof, yet the Bleffing of God muft accompany, or a Phy-
fician's Preſcription is only a Scrap of Learning fignifying
nothing.
may
By a judicious Employment of his great Talent, the Phyfi-
cian, under God, may return a Patient to his Family and Station
in Life; and by a faithful Difcharge of the Minister's Office, he
be rendered ſtill more uſeful in his Station; for as if, in
the lofty Expreffion of Scripture, the Sickness had been unto
Death, he had been enabled and ſtrengthen'd to depart in Peace;
fo by being made fitter to die, he is rendered fitter to live, and is
recovered by the one to a Senfe of Religion and Virtue, as by
the other to a State of Soundneſs and Vigour. 'Tis true, that
as there
may be ignorant Phyficians, who apply Blifters unfea-
fonably, and torment Patients when the Cafe don't require it;
ſo there may be imprudent Clergymen, there may be fome wild
Enthufiafts, Methodists I think they are call'd, to terrify and
difpirit, to fill the Head with Nonfenfe and Abfurdity, but will
this
456..
A COLLECTION
this be any Reaſon to be general in the Accufation, and is the
Vifit of a prudent Minister of no Uſe, becauſe there may be an
Abuſe of his Office.
Notwithſtanding the Sneers and Reflexions, the pretty
Coffee-Houſe Harangues, of thoſe few who talk themſelves out
of Reputation, and the Employment of ſerious Families; there
is not a more uſeful Member of Society than a good Parish
Minifter, and nothing more tends to the finiſhing that Character
than a due Vifitation of the Sick, as well in the meanest Cot-
tage, as moft magnificent Manfion. Can he difpirit, who up-
on a Review of an ill-fpent Life points out the Means of For-
giveneſs and Acceptance with God, and will endeavour to give
that Quiet to the Mind, which will raiſe the Spirits, and go a
great Way towards raiſing the Patient? Is this at all improper?
Or can thoſe who alienate Men's Affections to the Clergy, by
thus rendering their Perfons and Functions deſpicable; can they
plead any Thing in Favour of fuch ungentleman-like, as well as
unchriftian-like Proceeding?
It can be no View of Intereft that leads to any Complaint of
this Treatment, fince no Fee is due, ever demandable, or taken
by Clergymen of Reputation; nay, were they not to viſit, it
would promote their Eafe and leffen the Duty of large Pariſhes :
But I hope they will be always ready to perform, and be ac-
cepted in this important Part of their Office, nor fhould any be
denied or diffuaded from the Comfort of Prayer, and fpiritual
Inftructions.
The Family of a fick Man for their own Sakes are careful
that, tho' he may be difpirited, he ſhould be told the Neceffity
of fettling his Temporal Affairs. The Lawyer who brings the
difcouraging Inftrument of a Man's laft Will and Teftament, is
readily admitted; and why muft a Bill of Exclufion paſs only
againſt a Clergyman, whofe prudent Vifit may do much Good,
can do no Hurt, and whofe Buſineſs tends to the Settlement of
Concerns the moſt material and important? Who cannot
diſpirit a fick Man, becauſe in the Courfe of his Duty he muſt
acquaint
of LETTERS.
457
acquaint him with the Power and Mercy of Him that can kill
and make him alive, that wounds and can heal.
I fhall only intrude upon your Patience further, whilſt I re-
mark, that as the Clergy are no Patrons of Quackery of any
Kind, and for the Good of Mankind contribute all in their
Power to the Credit of a regular Phyfician, it would be to the
general Detriment, and ungenerous and ungrateful, in any one,
to prejudice his Patients againſt the Parish Minifter. It would
fpeak, if not a thorough Infidelity, that Slight and Difregard
of religious Offices which will make him, how ingenious and
witty foever, dif-eſteemed by the fober Part of the World. A
religious Man, who believes in the divine Power and Provi-
dence, will be afraid of fuch a one's Prefcription, and his ill-
timed Wit and Ridicule of Things Sacred may keep him, as I
have before hinted, out of Buſineſs and Equipage.
I am,
Sir,
Your's, &c.
A Letter wrote in 1670, to a Gentleman of confider-
able Note and Learning, running into the Folly of
that Age, called fearching after the Philofopher's
I
Stone.
SIR,
Greatly honour
your Defign, in applying yourſelf cloſely to
Philofophy, a Science fo neceffary in Human Life, and re-
quifite to form a great Man; but I cannot help condemning the
Opinion you have entertained, that it will enable you to find
what I cannot help laughing at the Thought of, the Philofo-
pher's Stone; how is it poffible that Learning, which Wiſdom
M m m
dictates
ě
458
A COLLECTION
dictates the Purfuit of, fhould become the Slave of a fond I-
magination? or how can that which hath fomething real for its
Object, follow a Shadow and be contented to feed upon Fic-
tion? Some Enemies of Learning have fet up this Phantom,
to make Philofophy ridiculous; if it has any good Tendency,
'tis to make Avarice more ridiculous, in tempting the Mifer to
be a Spendthrift, and throw away his Fortune. Prodigality
and Extravagance never found out fuch a Vanity, after an Ig-
nis Fatuus to fling away Money upon, and nothing but Diſtrac-
tion and Amazement at our own Folly can be the Confequence
of this fottiſh Philofophy. Believe me, my dear Friend, there
is no Way to make Gold, but by preferving our Silver, and
Prudence and Oeconomy are the only true Philofopher's Stones
to raife Riches. If you had not imparted to me your Scheme,
I ſhould not have taken the Liberty of giving you my Advice,
which is earneſtly to diffuade you from running into fuch Mad-
nefs and Folly, which muft impoverish, but cannot enrich you,
whereby you will forfeit all that Title to a Man of Senfe, which
you have ſo juſtly acquired, and be ranked among the Number
of thofe Fools, who throw down the Houſes which their An-
ceftors have built for them, to build Caſtles in the Air, which
will afford no Shelter, nor Security from the Inclemency of the
Weather; which will give you the Camelion's Diet, without
its Quality to digeft or receive Nouriſhment from it. I am
afhamed to think of the Vanity and frantic Hypotheſis of your
Letter of Gold being multiplied by the Virtue of Herbs, in the
Manner you propoſe; and I am forry there fhould be Room
for fuch Chimera's, in a Head which I thought fo full and well
furniſhed. Dear Sir, return to your Reaſon, and build not,
like Children, Houfes of Cards and Sand, which the leaft
Breath of Reflexion and returning Senfe, muft throw down
and demoliſh; live contentedly with the Fortune God has given
you, which, if you manage prudently, will always give you a
Sufficiency, for, if I am not miſtaken, you have no expenfive
Vices that want great Supplies. If you ſhould continue in this
Delirium, by heating the Furnaces you talk of, you will melt
all
of LETTER S.
459
-
all the Gold you have, without making as much as will be
worth a fingle Drachma; if you confider what I have faid, as
you ought, you will now think me your true Friend, if not,
Poverty, and Experience of your Miftake, when it too late,
will convince you that I was fo.
1 am,
Dear Sir,
Yours, &c.
A Letter from Mifs ++++ to Lady †††††
a former Maid of Honour, on her Recovery from
the Small-Pox.
My dear Lady Charlotte,
T
HE Concern which your Illneſs gave me, could be
equalled by nothing but the preſent Contraft, my Joy at
your Recovery. I am told you are very angry at my not com-
ing to fee you; but pray, my Dear, hear the Reaſon before
you condemn me. You muſt know I never had the Smail-
Pox, and tho' there may be no Danger, I cannot help my
Fears ; I had once plucked up my Spirits, and fent for my
Chair ; but the Thought immediately came into my Head,
that the Hail which fell upon you, without its ufual Effects,
might revenge itſelf on me, and pepper me off for a ceremo-
nious and imprudent Civility; and then what muſt have become
of a poor Maid of Honour, with nothing but her royal Mif-
trefs's Bounty, to get her a Huſband?
As yet my Face has no Pimples nor have I drank it into
Redness, nor painted it into Wainscot, but it retains the to-
Mmm 2
lerable
A
{
460
A COLLECTION
lerable Form and Features which my good Maker gave it.
If it has not Charms enough to catch a Duke or an Earl,
yet it may get a young Pair of Colours in the Guards, or throw
perhaps an old battered Colonel at my Feet: But disfigured by
that fpightful and ugly Diftemper, I muft either die a Maid, or
end my Days behind a Counter in the City, with no more
BALLS, or PLEASURES in my Profpect, but a Walk with my
fpruce Hufband to his Hall on a LORD MAYOR'S DAY, to
open the Ball with fome clean fhirted Prentice, or Merchant's
Book-keeper. If this is not a fufficient Plea to excufe my not
waiting on your Ladyſhip, your good Nature, that Beauty of
your Mind, is gone, however favourable that Diſeaſe, which
is the common Enemy of a Complexion has been to your
Face. All her Friends trembled for Lady Charlotte but my-
felf: And now mark how I am going to prefent you with a
fine Stroke, and a Simile. As the Sun drives back the Va-
pours of the Earth, by the Strength of its Beams; fo your
bright Eyes have fent back the Malignity of the Small-Pox,
from your lovely Face, which Heaven would not fuffer
that Diftemper to pit and fpoil, becauſe it was unwilling one
of the fineſt of its Works fhould fall its Victim, and ceaſe
to promote its Creator's Praife and Honour. I forget, the Prin-
cefs has fent, and the Chair waits, or I could fay a thouſand
fuch Things. Lord keep every Girl of Face and Condition
from fuch a Misfortune as you have wonderfully eſcaped, to
the Joy of all the pretty Fellows in Town, and the particular
Pleaſure and Satisfaction of,
My dear Lady,
Your whimsical Friend,
H
:
A. B.
In
训
​$
of LETTER S.
461
17
F
2
In nova fert animus, mutatas dicere formas.
SIR,
Publiſhed in a Weekly Paper in 1738.
Ovid.
{
Was the other Day at a crouded Coffee-houſe near the Royal
I Was near
Exchange, when, to my great Surpriſe, not a Word was
ſpoke of the Convention, which obtained for that Time a moft
favourable Reprieve from Cenfure and Remark; even the Pa-
pers of the Day went without their uſual Compliment of Per
rufal, and the Adventures of the Mafquerade, expelled every
other Topic of Converſation. The Night before it ſeems had
had opened this Scene of Gallantry and Politeness, and drawn
moſt of the preſent Company from their Shops, and their
Compting-houfes. As their Minds had been unbent to Bufinefs
fome time before, fo I found them as yet unfit for their respect
tive Employments, and the looſe Behaviour, which it would
have been next to virtuous to conceal, theſe Boafters of their
Shame feemed labouring for an Opportunity to diſcover, info-
much, that out of Charity I could have almoſt wiſhed the
Coffee-houſe a Maſquerade, and that theſe Mirrors of Folly and.
Indifcretion had ftill been incog.
J
In fhort, every one had fome Intrigue to brag of; and the
the only Misfortune hinted at in this ingenious Diverſion was,
any favourable Opportunity loft of injuring fome Husband or
Father. The charming Shepherdess, the pretty Quaker, the
mart running Foctman, and coy Nun, &c. which compofed this
whimſical Group of Figures, were the Subjects of Converfa-
tion and Encomium. The Chriftian and the Turk, the Short
Cloak, and the Popish Domine, were there feen in Coalition, and
could all play and get drunk together; even the Merchant was
there reconciled to the Spaniards, and the Search and unlaw-
ful vifiting, which the former had fo much complained of, was
an
{
462
A COLLECTION
an unjuſtifiable Liberty with another Man's Veffel, which now,
under this Cover, he had no Objection to.
I found from their Deſcription, that the Jokes greatly lay in
fuiting a Dreſs to a Man's Perfon and Capacity. The Habit of
a fat, greafy Cook was thought extremely proper for a Man of
Bulk and Corpulency, and the plump Gentleman fo ingenioufly dif
pofed of was quite charming and engaging; that of a Chim-
ney-fweeper was eſteemed very witty and humourous in a dirty
Fellow, who is naturally averfe to Cleanlineſs and Decency. A
four ill natured Man, or a growling Hufband was mightily ad-
mired in a Bear-Skin; a rustling Bar Gown was expreffive of
Loquacity and Affurance; and fome Stations of Eminence were
archly, tho' faucily, reprefented in old Womens Dreffes; and
to the Man of complying Party Principles, Leading-ftrings
were thought properly adapted. From this Defcription of the
most innocent and pleafing Part of the Diverfion, they proceed-
ed to an Account of their Amours and Affignations, of the il-
legal Captures and Seizures which the Morning produced; of
the whispered Obscenities, looſe Witticiſms, and impure Dialect
of the Place; and the whole ended with a filthy Declaration
of Intemperance and Debauchery, in a vain Boaſt of theſe
young Prentices, that they had eat and drank out the Value
of their Tickets. I had almoſt forgot to tell you, that among
that wide Circle of Liftners to this ingenious Converfation,
there were two ſpruce Gentlemen of the Cloth, whofe Prefer-
ments were thoſe upper Kind of Servants called Lords Chap-
lains, tho' they both confeffed their Promotions to be Sine
Cures; and one of them in particular faid, there had not been
Prayers read in his Lord's Family fince the Death of his Grand-
mother; however, it furniſhed them with broad Scarfs; they ap-
peared fat with the Dainties and Luxuries of their noble Patron's
Table, and were qualified for two Livings, which they intended
to leave to the Curate they could get cheapeft, and to make
the fame Sine Cures of to themfelves, as their prefent Preferment.
Theſe Gentlemen, who as Divines appeared in Mafquerade
themſelves, with a ſmart French-ſhaped Coat, and a button'd-
I
up
}
of LETTERS.
:
463
up Hat, were extremely attentive to this captivating Topic;
and upon my fhaking my Head at fome of the Defcriptions of
this high Diverfion, they looked as if they thought me a
ſtupid old Put, and unfit for any genteel or polite Affembly:
However, I could gather nothing from thefe fine Gentle-
men to alter the Opinion I had long entertained of this
expenfive Diverfion, and which I take to be corruptive to
the Morals, and hurtful to the Fortunes and Perfons of
Men; for without gaming and intriguing, I have heard ma-
ny Lovers of Mafquerades fay it would be very infipid, af-
fording very little more Pleaſure than the ſkipping of Harle-
quins, and fqueaking of Fools, with a Do you know me? which
compoſes great Part of the Wit of the Place. What a Con-
feffion is this of the Badneſs of a Diverfion whofe Pleaſure
and Entertainment are built upon two of the moſt enormous
and deſtructive Vices of the Age. Every one put on a Diſguiſe
to conceal himſelf and his Actions from Notice and Obferva-
tion, and which no one has Occafion for, whofe Deeds and
Words are always in Character. A Maſk is put on for Liberty
to fay Things we are aſhamed of without one; and the Tongue
indulges itſelf in Impurity and Indecency under this Cover and
Secretion of the Perfon. To the Honour of the Fair Sex, and
particularly the English Ladies, they have a native Modefty,
which is an additional Beauty of the Sex And can a Parent
anfwer fending his Daughter in the Bloom of Innocence and
Virtue, where the will be in Danger of hearing Things to
bluſh, and be confounded at! There is fomething awful in
Virtue which keeps Lewdnefs and Obfcenity out of a Maſk
at a Diſtance: And why ſhould the chafte Ear be a Moment
liable to the Offence of Ribaldry and Indecency? We are natural-
ly averfe to Reproof, and hate nothing more than to hear of our
Faults, and yet croud to a Place where the Moment we are difco-
vered, whatever our Rank or Quality may be, every minute
and ridiculous Action of our Lives is with great Freedom re-
lated to us by fome conceal'd and faucy Remonftrancer; the
Liberty which we will not allow a Preacher at Church, we fuf-
fer any Fellow to take at the Mafquerade, are upbraided with
ΟΗΣ
464
A COLLECTION
*
:
our Miſtakes and Failings, and are treated there with the
greateſt Familiarity by thofe, who at another Time we ſhould
think much beneath our Notice and Acquaintance. Per-
fons of high Rank and Dignity are not fecure from Abuſe
and Impertinence; and the greater a Man is diſcovered to be,
the greater Whetſtone he is made of faucy Wit and Raillery.
The Limits of your Paper will not fuffer me to enumerate
the many Dangers and Inconveniencies which, in my Opinion,
may arife from this Diverfion; the many random Shots of Fol-
ly and Impertinence, which to a Man of Reaſon and good
Senſe muſt render it odious and difagreeable, at leaſt vain and
whimſical.
"I am, &c.
፡
[ *379 ] ·
APPENDIX.
From Sir HENRY COBHAM, Ambaſſador, to the
Earl of LEICESTER, in the Time of the Civil
War in Fraunce.
I Receaved your Lordſhippes lafte Letters by Mr. Floride, fynce
whoſe comynge the Affaires of this Countrey do procede to
warde the Preparatione of Warres, which is the more doubted,
fynce the Prince of Conde and Monfieur la Val's paffinge into Ger-
manye; fo as by many Wayes the Princes and others of the Reli-
gione, are throughely conftrayned to take Armes for the Safegarde
of their Lyves. The Extremityes which have dryven them ther-
unto, are fett downe in a Difcourfe of the Kynge of Navarre,
which he hath directed to the Nobility of this Realm, and of all
other Countreys; the Copy wherof your Lordſhips may hearwith
receave, togither with the Copy of the Prince of Conde his Letter
fent to the Kynge at his partynge from la Fere: So as your Lord-
ſhips may eaſily perceave by theis how that the Proteftaunte Prin-
ces, are moved to enter into Hoftility, dryven therunto, not only
by apparante Oppreffiones and Indignityes ufed, but farder ftyrred
uppon the Confideratione of certayne Difcoueryes of fome extrem
violent Practiſes pretended againſt the generall Profeffoures of the
Religione; as appeareth not only by the Devyfes and maſked Def-
feigns:
#380
APPENDIX.
feigns which are daily tramped in Fraunce, but by the ceremonyall
Proceffiones, Fafting, and Pilgrymages, extraordinary uſed at
Rome, by the Popes Perfonne and Cardinals at the renued Bulles
againſte her Majefty: The Emperouers extirpinge of the Exerciſe
of Religione out of Vienna: His Meanes made to levye great
Sommes in Bohemia and Hungarye, with the plantinge of fome Je-
fuites in Bohemia: The Meanes uſed in Germany by ſetting forthe of
Corp. Doct. by thoſe two Preachers, wherby the Princes of the
Empire and the other Eftates might growe to fome Defagremente:
The procured Rebellyones in Irelande: The fendinge of D'Aubigny
into Scotlande: The making of Seminaryes in Rheims and Parys for
English and Scottiſhmen: The repairinge of fo many indifpofed Sub-
jects of her Majeſty into theis Parts from all other Coaftes: The
Spaniſhe Kyngs takinge of Truce with the Turke, which is thoughte
to be contryved with the Confent of the beſt in their Parts: The
Army addreffed into Spayne by the Confederates, which is now
(upon Occafione) as yet emyloyed againfte Portugalle, howfoever it
hath or is ment to be beſtowed, and all this to falle out at one Tyme,
whych diſcovereth it to be put in Action by fome generall Order and
chief Confent. So as this muche being allready knowne to your
Lordships, and now hearby remembred, I hope will move your
Lordſhips with your greateſt Zeale to imploye thoſe your Counfailes
which have hitherto happily ferved God, her Majefty, and your
Contrey; and for that by my Pens only, I have fhewed my Mynde
bent toward your Lordfhipp. I am now defyrous for the farder Sa-
tisfactione of the Love I bear you, and your Salfety, to preſent
your Lordship with a Horfe of the Kingdome of Naples, which
may ſerve under you, being a Beaſte alltogither without Feare, as
your Lordſhipp may eaſily by any Proof perceave, and is fufficiently
readye; with the which, I wifhe your Lordſhipp may be as well
pleafed, as I do willinglye prefent him at your Fete, with that Af-
fectione I bear to your Lordship, havinge meanes to bynde me to
you
APPENDIX.
381
I
you more, yf more can be. I do humbly thank your Lordships for
the Words you have uſed lately to her Majefty in my Favoure, as I
am advertiſed by Mr. Secretary Willfonne, befeching you to ad-
vaunce my Good, as willinglye as I have gyven Place to receave Be-
nefits at your Commaundement; the which, and all other Things
fytte for me, I leave to your honorable Confideration.
Doe betake Mr. Wade, the Bearer hearof, unto your Lord-
fhipps favourable receaving, hearing and ufinge, being inſtructed
throughly in the State of thefe Affaires, and one which is fufficiently
knowne to your Lord fhipp to have beftowed his Tyme very well,
havinge Parts whych can deferve fo well of her Majefty, as I wifhe
he was her Highnes's fworne Servaunte, and fo retourned hither;
of whofe Company I fhall have Nede in theis dangerous Tymes, for
I know him affured to his Countrey, and particulerly my honeft
Friend. I befech your Lordship to delyver unto him wherein I may
beſt ſerve her Highnes and content you moft, being very defyrous to
obey your Commaundements, wishing your Lordship profperous
Eftate. Mr. George Hoptonne is on his Retourne into England,
whom I perceave to be a fufficient well-difpofed Gentleman, and
hathe particularly furniſhed himſelf with the Obfervationes of the
Grand Seignior's Court, and the Manner and Quallity of the nego-
ciating for that Place efpecially; fo as her Majefty may very well
ſerve herſelf of him that Waye, (yf ther be Occafione) as otherwife
into Italye, which I leave to your Lordihipps Judgement and
Lykinge.
From PARIS, the
9th of June, 1750.
To
Q99
382
APPENDIX.
{
To the Lord TREASURER.
HOUGH ther hath ben (my Lorde) fome Opinione con-
TH
ceaved hitherto of the Contynuance of Peace, now it ſemeth
they of the Religione doubte therof, and begin to provide fome-
what more warily, as they may for ther Salfeties; fo, as feing the
chiefeſt Prynces have ben fo delt with as they are, for their better
Defenſe dryven to join themſelves with their Friends: The Gentle-
men and others do fhrink from Parys and fuche like Places, retyr-
inge them, the rather for that the Kynge dothe not only feke them
which take Armes, but doth inquire after and apprehend thoſe,
whych any waye with Money or otherwife do comforte or affifte the
afflicted Proteftaunts. I doe hear inclofe the Copy of the Prince of
Conde's Letter directed to the Kynge at his Partinge; and Mr. Wade
hath to fhew your Lordfhipp tranflated into Englishe, the Copy of
the Kynge of Navarre his Proteftations: I do lykewife fend your
Lordſhip an Edicte, now fett forthe by the Courte of Parliament,
for the levyeng on the inclofed Tounes fo muche Moneye as fhall
pay the Wages of fiftie thouſand Footemen.-Ther are Preparations
made for the Siege of La Fere. The Kynge gyveth out many Com-
miffiones, for levyeng of armed Men in fondry Provinces of his
Realm; eſpecially in Languedoc, Prouence, Bourgoigne, Champagne,
and Picardye-as yet Monfeigneur is at Fours; but I heare he part-
eth from thence to vifitte the Duke of Montpenfier, and fo paffeth to
Angiers; his Highnes as yet contynueth the Treatye of Peace with
the Kynge of Navarre, but the Kynges Majeſtie hath fo lymited his
Commiffione, as ther is finall Fruicte looked to come therby.-The
three Commiffioners for the Lowe Countreys doe as yet contynue with
Monfeigneur.-The Kynge of Spayne went to Badajos the lafte Week,
wher he hath gyven Order for the divydinge of his Army by Sea into
three fondry Partes; the greateſt Parte to make their Entry at the
Mouthe
APPENDIX.
383
Mouthe of the Ryver of Tajo befyde Lisbona; the others are ap-
poynted to keepe the Coafte of Aphrica, and the Coafte towarde Ga-
lizia; on the other Side, the Portugais haue putte themſelves in order
for their Defence; fo as this Daye it is reported, the Kynge fhold be
entred the Frontiers of Portugalle; but I have fene no Letters therof.
I have delt with the Lord Hammiltonne, accordinge to the Inftructi-
ons receaued from her Majeſty; he hath wrytten and affured her
Highnes of his Service towarde her, but loathe as yet, that he and
his Brother both fhold be togither in Englande. Uppon Miftruſte
that the Lorde Mortonne hath fo great Friends in Englande.-I doe
attend daily for the comynge of the Italyane from Mylane, whom
your Lordſhip in your lafte Letters willed me to fend for.-I fup-
pofe that Mr. Waad's Service, and affured Devotione to your Lord-
fhip is fo well knowne, as I nede not recommend him unto you;.
but I fhold thinke myfelf beholden to your Lordship, yf that by
your Meanes he mighte become the Quenes fworne Servante, yf it
fo like you; for that he doth attend only uppon thofe Favoures.
whych it fhall pleafe your Lordſhip to beſtowe on him, having al-
wayes belonged unto you only; if it may be to your Lykinge, he
maye ſtande me in very good Stead, for the Service of her Majefty
in theis Tymes; I have enlarged to him my Mynde, for to delyver
to your Lordſhipp as to the particuler Eftate of this Countrey, and
fome other Cauſes, defyringe the Contynuance of your good Healthe
and profperous long Lyfe.
From PARIS, the 19th
of June, 1580.
The
384
APPENDIX.
The Duke of LENOX, 12 of December, 1639, to
the Earle of LEICESTER, concerning his Brother,
Lord LODOVIC STEWARD.---From the Original.
I
My LORD,
Am not fo unreaſonable to wifh you had not Power to oblige,
becauſe I would not reft only concluded in that Condition: I con-
feffe you deſerve all Advantages, and in my Particular, have long
bine poffeft, fo abfolutely, as nothing from mee hath proceeded to
alter the Ballance, or moderate my Engagement; and yet that
Courſe is not ended; for now my Fortune throws mee upon you
to feeke Favour, which hitherto you have allwaies prevented with
fo actiue Heartineffe as would not fuffer you to bee intreated. The
Matter wherin you may add to the Varietie of Obligations which
hold mee, is in what Protection and Affiftance you may pleaſe to
give my Brother Lodowicke, to which you have the Kinges good
Wiſhes, and the oblidging ftill more the Familie of,
WHITEHALL, Iober 12:
our Stile, 1639.
Your LORDSHIPS
Most humble Servant,
1
J. LENOX.
Note, The Signet of this Letter is a Bull's Head, with a Ducal
Coronet, and the Motto of the Garter round it, Honi foit qui
maly penfe.
The
APPENDIX.
385
:
}
The firft Audience of Sir HENRY WOTTON, Knt.
fent as Ambafadour Extraordinary, from the
King of Great Britain, to the States General of
the United Provinces.
TH
THURSDAY, 4 AUGUST, 1614.
HE faid Ambaſſador (after the Solemnity) faid, That his
Majeſty had understood by the Notices of his proper Mini-
fters, and by the Complaints of the Lords, the Arch-Dukes, re-
peated by the Mouth of their Ambaffadour in Ordinary; that the
Lords, Arch-Dukes, had made new Levies of Men of War, under
certain Umbrage by them taken, at a ſtrong Garriſon put into the
Town of Juliers, by the States. Wherefore his Majefty having
Reaſon to be dubious, that. fuch Jealoufies may begett exceeding
great Miſchiefs, to ſee the Truce broke, and the Quiet which the
Provinces at prefent enjoy, by the Mediation of their Neighbours;
thought it his Duty, without any particular End, than the Dif-
charge of his own Confcience, towards God and the World, imme-
diately to diſpatch the faid Ambaffadour to the States, to whom
his Majefty gave Order to reprefent very earneſtly, how freſh in
Memory the Troubles paft were: And the prefent good Quiet, and
the Difficulty of making Return on eaſy Confiderations, and the
Dependance of their Lords: Wherefore his Majefty adviſed them,
as a good Friend and Neighbour, to proceed in this Affair, with a
flow Foot: And to difpofe themſelves to fome peaceable League,
for reconciling the whole honourably. The faid Ambaffador added,
that his Majeſty had conceived great Hopes, that his Interceſſion,
with his good Neighbours, in this Bufinefs, would not be fruitlefs;
* Rrr
fince
386
APPENDIX.
fince that the Chevalier Carion, their Ambaſſador, and a Gentleman
by his Deſerts, and eſteemed by his Majefty, had affured him by his
prefent Commiffion, that the faid States would be contented to ho-
nour the King of Great Britain, to take his Propoſals and Advice
upon the prefent Subject, and to referr it to his Decifion. To con-
clude; the faid Ambaſſadour humbly entreated the States, as from
himſelf, to confider of what he has faid, and what herafter he ſhall
fay, not only the Imperfections and Infufficiencies in declaring; but
the natural Frame of his Mafter, abſtracted by his own Goodneſs,
from the ordinary Rytes of Princes, who uſe themſelves rather to
cherish their Neighbours Diftractions than to deftroy them: And to
lay on a great deal of Wood, and but little Water; and fomewhat
more was faid to the fame Purpoſe.
The fecond Audience of the faid Ambaſſadour.
TH
HE Ambaffadour faid, That according to the Rules of the
Philofophers, all well-diſpoſed Actions ought to have a good
End, and an equal Middle. As to the firſt, He has well compre-
hended that his Majefty and the States agreed in the fame good
End and Intention; for the King his Maſter had no other End, than
the Tranquility of their Provinces, which he had Reafon to love
and nouriſh, as Mothers do their Children, whom they have brought
forth with much Labour. That the Meaning being good, after-
wards it was convenient to fearch out the moſt proper Means to at-
tain it. That his Majefty judged of Matters more to the Purpoſe,
than to put the Town of Juliers into any dangerous Hands, till the
Decifion of the Right. And to that End had commanded the faid
Ambaffa-
APPENDIX.
387
1
Ambaffadour, to propofe thefe Princes, the moft indifferent and
difintereſted of all others, to wit: Maurice, Lantgrave of Heffe,
Chriftian, Prince of Anbault, and the Prince of Orange. After
which, the ſaid Ambaſſadour paus'd a-while, upon fome Exception,
which they might make againſt the Perfon of the laft propoſed;
ſeeing he was the Eldeft of the Illuftrious Houfe of Naffau; to
which the faid Ambaffadour oppos'd a Confideration of the other
Side, by Way of Counterballance, viz. That he was a Subject of the
Arch-Dukes. To conclude; the Ambaffadour humbly advis'd the
States not to march their Forces, without a more evident Neceffity.
Adding thereto, that he had try'd a Way, foon to know the Incli-
nation of the Arch-Dukes.
SIGN'D,
HENRY WOTTEN.
Sir Frances Vere to Sir Robert Sidney (after Earl
of Leicester) Lord Governor of Fluſhing.
SYR,
I've as no you make me, an
N youres of the laft January, you make mentyon to have re-
ceaved as then no Anſwer to any of yours; whearfore I am
forcead to curfs the Meffengers, and to proteaft unto you, this is
the Fyfth fynce I parted from you, of which Mufer and Tench car-
ried two: And I pray, Sir, reaft affured, that I wyll rather deferve
Blame for hantyng you with idle Lynes, then for want of Writing.
Since
388
APPENDIX.
Since that your Journey heather is deferread, I cannot be forrye for
your going into England; for that I am out of Doubt the Journey
wyll afforde you Contentment many Wayes: And among the reſt,
in doyng theſe Offyces for your Friendes which you mention; and
for which, I muſt needes geve you great Thanckes. Now, Sir, my
thinckes, you have halfe donn in England; and thearfore, as to the
Meanes which you have fett downe to draw you heather, I muſt let
you knowe, that wee prepare a Mayne to be in the Fielde this Sum-
mer; and the Generall doth conceaue already fo well of the Bra-
very of his Troupes, that he fayth, if the States wyll make Sale
of them, it muſt be this Summer; and, indeed, I am perfwadead,
they byde fayrer then ever I fawe them yeatt. This Day I had
ſpeache with him about your Compagnye, and that of Syr Nycho-
las Parker, and made this Motyon, That the States fhould make
upp boathe the Compagnes, to be defaltead againe when her Ma-
jeſtie and they do accompt for all; which he feamed to lyke, and
promiſead, ſo thatt I make no Doubt butt ſome good Effeact wyll
enfue. And as for the honoryng you with fome Command in the
Fielde, as Occafyon fhal be offread; I will not fayle boathe to
move his Excellencie, and Madame, whofe Furtherance I am fure
ſhal not be wantyng. Of my Lord of Effex goyng to Sea, I am
forry to hear, unleafs I could perfwade myſelf, that before his
yng, he would furnyfhe the Court with Offyces, for thatt itt wyll
ealſe prove his Adverfaryes Work whylft he is abfent: And I
ſhould gueſs, that Rawleygh's goyng from the Court, ſhould be a
Stratagem to make the Earle careleſs. When you are thear, you
muſt houlde ftyfflye to the profecutyng of this Worcke. Itt is
marveyled very muche, why Caron fhould be thus itagered, and
fearead of oure Generall---that he bryngeathe new Matter or other,
to leffen his Army, and to breake his Purpos of fhewyng his Ar-
my to the Kyng this Seafon.
go-
Hence
to
APPENDIX.
389
Hence I can fende you no Newes of Moment. The Matter of
Hulft is ftyll hardeheld betwyxt Juftyce and Favor. Howbeit, we
gather, thatt in the End Mattres wyll be handlead to the falvyng of
his Creditt. Thear hathe been Speache he ſhould be Generall of
the Hors: And now of late, of gyving him the Regyment of the
Count Philypp; for which in generall he is healde fytter. The Count
Hulocke hathe been att Square with me about our late Searvice, and
ſent me a Lettre, whearin he requyread Satisfaction to fome idle
Exceptyones, whearunto I have made hym Anfwear, fome Dayes
ſynce, fo thatt I heare no more of that Mattre. Itt was the worſe
Dayes Searvice for me, thatt ever I was att, if itt doe me as muche
Hurtt in Englande as heare; whereat, I knowe you wyll geave a
good Guefs, when you read the Difcourfe they have publiſhed,
whearin I am not mentyoned but fo as I am not only barred of my
Deuty, butt difparragead in theyr futyng me with a Companyon.
In the feconde Place, I am namead in theyr fayd Difcours; agaynſt
theas Encounters I have prepared an Anfuer de breyve mayn, which
now fearveth my Turn very weall: And in the Middle of theas
Croffes, I have Recours to the Contentment I promiſe my fealf in
the Royal Favour, whearunto I doe alfo acknowleadg you my
only Meanes, nott doubtyng, but you wyll contynew to me thofe
good Offices you have geaven me hope off; which I could wyfhe
weare confyrmed, with the Teſtimony of true Favour from her, to
honor heartylie, and geave me Curradge, and care to doe nothing
unfytt for him that ſhould be worthye to wear itt.
be already bounde to the uttermoſt of my Abylity for your other
Favoures, to doe you beaft Service; yeat fhall I account of this
above all the reaft, and thearfore ftudy how to inable myſealf to
requyte itt; whearunto I ſhal be greatly helpt, if you will geave me
fure Lyght how I may doe you Service in the fame Kynde. And
*Sff
fa,
And though I
390
APPENDIX.A
fo, Sir, afhamead to have fyllead a Sheete of Paper, with fo fpun-
gie Stuff, I humbly take my Leave.
HAGUE, this 8th
February, 1596.
Your LORDSHIP'S.
J
Moft ASSURED,
To doe you Service,
F. VERE.
Sir Francis Vere to Sir Robert Sidney (after Earl
of Leiceſter) Lord Governour of Fluſhing.
S Y R,
OURS of 26th February and fyrft March, were delyveread
YOURS of
me at one Inftant; for which humblye I geave you great
Thanckes, and wyll as Occafyn fearveth, make the beaſt Requytall
I can for the fame. I am glad you have fuſpended the fendyng of
your Horſes, for that my Man Collynnes is not here, and that myſelf
expeact every Day Ordre to follow his Majefty into Guelderland,
by which Meanes your Servantes and Horfes fhall want the Addrefs
of us, who would have been ready to have affyſted them: But if
you
have no Uſe of them thear, I doe thincke you wear as good to
fend them heather, for that your Charge fhall nott be yncreafead,
as
APPENDIX.
391
as that on every fadayne Occafion you may have them to fearve
your Turne. For your Compaynye of Hors, Syr Nicholas Parker, I
am fure hathe informead you att large, what Courfe fhal be taken
at the Return of Monfieur de Caron, to whome the States will feri-
ouſly recommend the Pourfuit. Touchyng the Diſfordere of your
Companye, I have hearde nothyng but from your fealf; all which,
I am perfuaded, would eafely be redreffead, with a little more Se-
veritye in your Offycer, whofe greateſt Defeact I have noated to be
his Lenitye; but if they had fo gotten the Head, that he could nott re-
duce them to Reafon, I fhall ufe the beaft Meanes I can. You fhall
know when his Majeftie hathe any thyng in Hand, and thoughe
you fhould be fyngle, the Honour you doe him is ſo great, that he
cannott butt take itt exfecdyng kyndlye; att the leaft, you fhall fa-
tisfy yourſelf, and take awaye the Occafion of blamyng you att
Home, when you tranfgrefs nott her Majefties Commandments. I
doe know the Ammyrall hath movead his Majeftie in an Exployt;
but, whether it be thatt you meane, I know nott weall, but gheafs
itt is fome other whearof you knowe not, and fhal be the Execu-
tor of hym fealf. I have nott yeatt in Readynes the Order; nott
thatt itt is a Matter thatt requyreath muche Labor; butt nott to
hyde my Fault, a Sloughfullnes in my fealf which keapeth me
from doyng itt in fome good Sortt: I wyll amend that Fault, and
fend you them by the Fyrft, whearin I wyll make fumwhatt the
more Haft; for that I fhall nott dare to afke of you the Order fentt
downe at Plymouth, by my Lord of Effex, till I have fatisfyead
your Requeaſt. I cannott wryte one Jott of Newes, butt thatt we
have a frafhe Rumor from the other Quarter, that three of the E-
nemyes newe Regyments marche towards Tylmont. This Change
of Wynde hathe made you acquayntead how Matters ftand at
Home;
1
392
APPENDIX.
Home; whearof, when your Leyfure ferveathe, I ſhall be gladd to
have Part. And fo, Syr, I leave you to God.
HAGUE, this 9th
Marche, 1596.
Your LORDSHIPS
Moft Affectyonat,
To doe you Service.
F. VERE.
Copy of the Letter which his Majefty CHARLES the II.
King of England, fent to the Baron of Freſheim.
My Lord Baron of FRESHEIM,
INCE I find myſelf under a Neceffity of continuing here for
SIN
ſome Time, my Affairs obliging me thereto, I was very wil-
ling to lett you underſtand, that though I fent for my Goods for my
Ufe here; I continue nevertheleſs in the Mind to return to Aix,
there to fojourn, fo foon as I can diſpatch my Buſineſs here.
Wherefore, I beseech you, to have the fame good Will towards
me, as heretofore you have had, and to keep your Houſe for me,
in the fame Condition it now is, till my Return. And as I know
you have been at extraordinary Charges to make Things commo-
dious for me, ſo I will have particular Care to give you Satisfaction,
and alſo upon all Occafions that ſhall offer, wherin I can do any
good Offices for you or yours, I will ſhow you in fact that I am ex-
treamly fenfible of the good Services you have done me, and how
truely, I am,
At COLOGNE, 20
Oct. 1654.
My Lord Baron DE FRESHEIM,
Your Good Friend,
CHARLES R.
A Ma-
APPENDIX.
393
A Manufcript, intituled, An Antient Fragment of
the Ecclefiaftical and Temporal Government, of a
well conftituted Realm; with the proper Oeconomy
and Duty of each Individual; the former Part
is an old Hand, and the latter ſeems to be an Ad-
dition, and wrote fome Years after.
THER
HE GOVERNANCE of this Realme is divided into two Parts,
one Ecclefiaftical, the other Temporal: The Ecclefiaftical
confifteth, in ordering the Word of God to be preach'd and ſet
forth, and the People to continue in Prayer and godly Diſcipline.
The fetting forth of the Word of God confifteth, in the good dif-
creet Doctrine, and Example of the Teachers and Spiritual Offi-
cers: For as the good Huſbandman maketh his Ground good and
plentifull, foe doth the true Preacher with Doctrine and Example,
print and grafte in the Peoples Mindes the Word of God, that they
at length become plentifull. Prayers to God alfo muſt bee made
continually of the People and Officers of the Church to affift them
with his Grace. And theſe Prayers muſt firſt with good Confide-
ration bee fett fourth, and Faults therein bee amended; nexte be-
ing fett fourth, the People muft continually bee allured to heare
them. For Difcipline, itt were very good that itt went forth; and
that theſe that doe notably offend in fweareing, riotting, neglect-
ing of Gods Word, or fuch like Vices, were duly puniſhed; for
that thoſe that ſhould bee the Executors of this Difcipline, were
Men of tryed Honefty, Wiſdom, and Judgment. But becauſe
theſe Biſhops who fhould execute, fome for Papiſtry, ſome for Ig-
norance, fome for Age, fome for their ill Name, fome for all thefe,
* Ttt
are.
390
APPENDIX.
are Men unable to execute Difcipline; it is therefore a Thing un-
meet for theſe Men. Wherefore itt were neceffary, that theſe that
were appointed to be Bifhops or Preachers, were honeſt in Life,
and learned in their Doctrine; that by rewarding of fuch Men,
others might be allured to follow there good Life. As for the
Prayers, and the divine Service, itt were meet, the Faults were
drawne out as itt was appointed by learned Men, and foe the
Booke to bee eſtabliſhed, and all Men willed to turne thereunto, to
heare the Service, as I have putt in Remembrances in Articles
touching the Statutes of this Parliament. But for Diſcipline, I
would wiſh noe Authority given generally to all Biſhops, but that
Commiffion bee given to thofe that bee of the beſt Sorte of them,
to exerciſe itt in theire Dioceffes. Thus much generally for Re-
ligion.
TEMPORALL REGIMENT.
TH
HE Temporal Regiment confifteth in well ordering, enriche-
ing, and defending the whole Body Politicke of the Com-
monwealth, and every Parte of the Whole, foe óne hurt not the
other; the Example whereof may bee beft taken of a natural Body;
for even as the Arme defendeth, helpeth, and aydeth the whole Bo-
dy, cheifely the Head; foe ought Servingmen and Gentlemen cheife-
ly, and fuch like Kind of People bee alwayes ready to the defence
of theire Country, and cheifely of theire Superiour and Governour,
and ought in all Things to bee vigilant and painfull, for the increaſe-
ing and ayding of their Countrey: And, forafmuch as they in ferve-
ing
APPENDIX.
391
1
ing theire King and Country, haue diuers great and manifold
Charges; even as the Arme doth many times beare great Streffes
for Defenſe of the Head and Body, having noe Kind of Way to
inrich themſelves, neither by Merchandife, neither by Handicrafte,
neither by Husbandry: As the Arme doth decoct noe Meat itt felfe,
nor ingendreth Bloode; therefore, even as the Stomache, Liuer
and Lights, which Partes ingender the Blood, do fend Nouriſh-
ment to the Armes and Leggs, fufficient to ftrengthen the Part;
even ſoe muſt the Artificiers, fo uſe theire Game in Workeing, and
foe truely and juftly make that that they worke; the Merchants
muſt foe fell theire Ware, and foe labour to bring in ftrange Com-
modities; the Husbandmen muſt pay fuch Rent, and be diligent in
his Labour of Agriculture, that he may be uſeful in his Generation:
and though a poor Yeoman and Cottager, may be deſpis'd: He is
more ſerviceable to the World with his Cart and Team, than a Squire
with his Coach, Huntſman and Hounds. The poor induſtrious Gar-
dener, is an Inftrument of God, to bring forth the Fruits of his gra-
tious Providence: And whilft he maintains his own Family, prepares
the Fruit for those, who, God help them, would never feaſt on any, if
the Ground was to be dung'd, the Vines prun'd and drefs'd with their
delicate Fingers. All the garnifh'd Tables, and elegant Deferts of
the Rich, are procur'd from the Labour and Sweat of the Poor;
who, if faithful and induftrious, are a moft valuable Part of Man-
kind.
Society is a large Family, a firft rate Ship, with a Number of
Hands; fome at the Helm, others in lower Offices at the Stern:
Some are in Command, others Paffengers, or at the Boatfwain's
Whiſtle, and all uſeful and profitable in their Degrees. The Paf-
fenger pays for his idle Station, and to be carried on his Way to
fome wifh'd-for Port. All the Members of the Community,
are
1
396
APPENDIX.
are to defign and labour for the common Good; fome with their
Parts and Learning to inftruct; others with their large Fortune to
releive; and others to viſit, comfort, amuſe and entertain the Unhap-
py and Low-fpirited; theſe are what Scholiafts and Divines call focial
Virtues; all ſhould be harmonious and uſefull in the Body Politick,,
as in the Body Natural.
A King is the fupreme Head and Governor, and his Throne
fhould bear what Refemblance it is capable of to the Throne of God,
which is called in Scripture the Throne of Grace.
Subjects, the inferior Members of the Body Politick, in their Poſts
fhould be Affectionate, Loyal and Dutyful to their Prince; not mur-
muring and diſcontented, adding to the Weight and Toyl of Empire,
by promoting popular Uneafineffes and Difatisfactons; but ſhould
chearfully give God and Cæfar, the Things which are theirs, Tribute
to whom Tribute is due, Cuſtom to whom Cuftome, Fear to whom
Fear, Honour to whom Honour; they ſhould abftain from all Ap-
pearance of Sedition and Faction, keep from all private Cabals and
Meetings, and act like the prudent Man, who in a Street croffes the
Way to avoid the Mobs and tumultuous Affemblys, which may en-
danger his Pocket and his Perſon. He ſhould ſtudy to be quiet, and
do his own Business, that he may enjoy peacefibly the Fruits of his.
Labours, fecure from the Frowns and Scourges of Authority. No-
thing is more prejudicial to the middleing Claſs of Mankind, than
Politicks and an improper medling in State Affairs, which often hinder
the things more needful to themſelves and Familys, and are frequent-
ly.un fafe and ruinous. St. Paul lays down a good Plan for a free;
and, indeed, for all People; which is not to ufe Liberty for a Cloke of
Malitioufnefs, but as the Servants of God, to be obedient to higher
Powers, as fet up by God, the great Governor of the World; to fear
Him, honour the King, and not meddle with them that are given
to change.
Lords
7
APPENDIX.
397
Lords and Maſters of Servants, are to be affable and tender
hearted; giving Labour its due and juft Hire; fhould confider Ser-
vants as Part of their own Species, and that they are their Inferi-
ors, not by Nature, but by Accident. Servants on their Parts,
are to be civil, humble, and fubmiffive, honeft and induftrious;
remembring the Sentence of God's Word against the Idle and
Slothful, that, he that worketh not, neither should be cat. Per-
fons of Quality and Diftinction fhould let their Minds as well as
their Coronets declare their Nobility; fhould be exalted Patterns
of Virtue, and give out Faſhions of Sobriety and Goodneſs,
as well as of Drefs for their Inferiors to follow; fhould be pure
in their Converſation, and chaft in their Actions; not tarnishing
their Quality and Birth, by a mean and vulgar Deportment.
In the married State, Hufbands are to love their Wives, and not be
bitter againſt them; are never to depart from the true Courage and
Spirit of Manhood, by lifting up their Hand againſt a weak, un-
arm'd, and defenceless Woman. Amongst all Creatures, but favage
and inhuman Man, the Female is treated with Love, Tenderneſs,
and Affection. The Paw of the Lyon and the Bear are nurfing
Arms of Love and Protection to the Female; and Tygers receive a
Courtship from the Male. Woman, lovely Woman, has a Preroga-
tive and Privilege of Sex; and there is no greater Act of Cowar-
dice, than Cruelty to thoſe who have chofe us for their Guardians;
left all their Friends, and given their whole Fortunes for the Protec-
tion and Care of their Perfons from Wrong and Infult. Labour and
Study for a Family, is the Provence of the Huſband, and Care, So-
briety, and a frugal Management of his Houſe, is the District of
the Wife; bufy'd and fatigu'd in the Affairs of Life, a Man's Houſe
is to be his pleafant Afylum from all worldly Frowns and Vexati-
* Uuu
ons;
398
APPENDIX.
!
ons; and he ſhould always be receiv'd with Smiles and Affection.
The Huſband ſhould reſerve ſome Chearfulneſs for his Family, as
well as other Companions, not be lively at the Tavern and fullen
at home; hanging up the Harp at the Door of his Manſion, and
carrying in only Morofenefs and Ill-temper. Jealoufy, is of all
Things to be avoided in a married State, as the certain Bafis of
Miſchief and Unhappineſs; there is nothing fo rude and offenfive;
no Injury like a Suppofition of fuch Guilt and Robbery, to a Wo-
man of a great Soul, difdaining to forfeit that nobleft Charter
of her Sex, her Virtue, muſt be galling and diftracting; nay,
fometimes, 'tis a Provocative to the Crime we ſuſpect; Who thinks
us falſe, ſays the Poet, Shall never find us true. The ſame will hold
on the other Side, and all the fine Features and Symetry of Beauty
are loft, when jaundic'd and tinctur'd with Jealoufy. Lastly, No
Diſparity of Fortune or Birth ſhould cauſe any upbraiding, Unea-
finefs, or Reflection. The loweſt Inferior is conftituted by Mar-
riage an Equal; 'tis our own folemn Act and Deed, made in the
Houſe and Preſence of him, who is a Witneſs of the Contract,
and will puniſh the Breach of it, by a withdrawing of his Bleffing
and Protection. Theſe are the Rules and Orders to be obferved
under a Chriſtian Government and Society, which will render all
Orders and Degrees of Men, as happy and eafy, as this Road of
Life will permit, till we are arrived at that delightful Home,
which will want no Regulation, becauſe it will be a State of as
great Perfection, as Felicity.
A Coppie
APPENDIX.
399
A Coppie of the late Earl of Argiles Speech.
of
is
OB tells us, Man that is born of a Woman, is of few Days, and
of Trouble; and I am a cleare Inſtance of it.
Joull
is
I fhall not fay any thing of my Sentence now, or my Eſcape
about 3 Years and a Half agoe, nor the Grounds of my Returne,
leaft, I may thereby give Offence and be tedious; onely being to
end my Days in your Prefence, I fhall in my laſt Words, atteft the
Truth of the Matter of Fact, and the Sinceritie of
and Profeffions that are publiſhed.
my Intentions.
All that I intend mainly to fay now, is to expreffe my humble,
and (I thank God) cheerfull Submiffion to his divine Will; and
my Willingneffe to forgive all Men, even mine Enemies; and, I
am heartily well fatisfied, there is no more Blood fpilt, and that
the Sheame of it may ftop at me; that if it pleaſe the Almighty to
ſay, as to Zerubbabel, Zach. iv. 6.
I know Afflictions fpring not out of the Duſt; God hath won-
derfully delivered me and provided for me, and hath now by his fpe-
ciall Providence brought mee to this Place; I hope none will infult
or ſtumble att itt; for God Almighty doth alll Things well, for
good and holy Ends; though we do not allways underſtand it.
Love or Hatred is not known to God, who is over us..
Afflictions are not onely foretold, but promiſed to Chriftians;
and are not only tollerable, but defireable; we ought to have a
deep Reverence and Feare of God's Diſpleaſure; and, withall, a
firme Hope and Dependance of him, for enableing us to comply
with his Will; for GoD chaftens his own, to refine, and not to
ruine them; whatever the World thinks, We muſt not ſhun Suffer-
ings, we are called to them.
We
400
APPENDIX.
+
We are neither to difpife our Afflictions, or faint under them;
both are Extreames; we are not to fuffer our Spirits to be exafpe-
rated againſt the Inftruments of our Troubles; for the fame Af-
"fliction may be to one Effect; that the Paffion is fent to puniſh us
for our Sin, though it is a Comfort, when we can fay with David,
Pfal. lix. 3.
เ
Nor are we by fraudulent, pufilanimous Compliances in wicked
Courſes, to bring Sin upon ourſelves (faint Hearts are ordinary
falſe Hearts) chooſeing Sin rather than Suffering, and a ſhort Life
with eternall Death, and a Temporal before a Crown of Glory;
fuch, who ſeeking to fave a little, loofe all, GoD ufually hardens
to their own Diftruction. I know many like Hazael, Goe to Ex-
ceffes they never thought they were capable of.
Lett Rulers and others ſeriouſly read and weigh, Prov. i. 20. Avoid
that is bad, and follow that is good; as for me, I hope with GoD's
Strength, to joyne with Job, Cap. xiii. 15. To truft, as Pfal.
cxlvii. II. Shall pray, as Pfal. lxxiv. 19. And ſhall hope, as
Pfal. lciv. 14, 15.
I doe hereby forgive all that have been the Caufe either directly
or indirectly to bring me to this Place; I pray GoD fend Peace and
Truth in theſe 3 Kingdomes, and continue and encreaſe the glori-
ous Light of the Goſpel, and reftraine all Spirit of Prophanity,
Atheiſme, Oppreffion, Popery and Profecution; and reſtore all
that have backflidden from the Purity of their Lives and Princi-
ples; and bleffe the whole People with Bleffings fpiritual and tem-
poral, and put an End to the preſent Tryalls.
1
I entreat
APPENDIX.
401
I entreat all preſent to forgive me in what I have offended them;
and concur with me, that the great, good, and merciful God would
fanctifie my preſent Lott; and, for JESUS CHRIST Sake, pardon all
my Sins, and receive me into everlaſting Glory.
It is fuggeſted to me, that I have ſaid nothing of the Royall Fa-
mily; and it remembers me, before the Juſtices at my Tryall about
the Teſt; I ſaid, that at my Death, I would pray that there would
never want one of the Royall Family to be a Defender of the true
antient Apoftolique, Catholique, and Proteftant Faith, in which I
now dye. And that God would enlighten and forgive all of them
that are either hid in Error, or are ſhrunk from the Profeffion of it:
And in all Events, I pray, God may provide for the Security of
his Church; and that Antichrift, or the Gates of Hell may never
prevaile against it.
JULY 1, 1685.
That this is the true, juft, and authentique Coppie of the ſaid
Argiles Speech, all written with his own Hand, and ordered to be
tranfmitted to the Lords Secretary of the State of the Kingdome of
Scotland, is atteſted,
!
By Sir W. PATTERSON,
Clerke of his Majeftyes Privy Councell.
An
* X X X
P
402
APPENDIX.
A
The folemn Oath that is adminiftred to the Princes
Electors, when they meet for choofing a King of
the Romans, the Spiritual having their Hands
upon their Breafts, the Secular upon the Book all
the while.
EGO
GO R. Sacri imperii Princeps Elector, jurc ad fanita Dei Evan-
gelia, bic præfentialiter coram me pofita, quod Ego, per fidem qua
Deo, & facro Romano Imperio fum aftrictus, fecundum omnem difcreti-
onem, & intellectum meum, cum Dei adjutorio, eligere volo Temporale
Caput populo Chriftiano, id eft, Regem Romanorum in Cæfarem promo-
vendum, qui ad hoc exiftat idoneus, in quantum difcretio, & fenfus mei
me dirigunt, & fecundum fidem prædictam. vocemque meam, & votum
five Electionem præfatam dabo abfque omni Palto, Stipendio, Precio, feu
Promiſſo, vel quocunque modo talia valeant appellari, fic me Deus adjuvet,
& omnes Janeti.
I
TRANSLATE D.
R. Prince Elector of the Sacred Empire, do fwear, by the Holy
Goſpel of God put here before me, That I by the Faith wherin
I am bound to GOD, and the Holy Roman Empire, will chooſe ac-
cording to all my Difcretion and Underſtanding, with the Help
of God, a temporal Head for Chriftian People, to wit, a King of
the Romans to be promoted to be Cafar, one that may be idoneous
for it, according as my Difcretion and Senfes fhall direct me; and
according to my forefayed Faith, I fhall give my Voice and Vote,
or forenamed Choice, without any Pact, Stipend, Price, or Pro-
mife,
•
APPENDIX.
403
2
mife, or by what Names foever fuch Things may be call'd. So
help me GoD, and all his Saints.
This tremendous Oath is pronounc'd in Latin, the Language of
the Empire in all Negotiations with foreign Princes; though the
Electors be enjoyned by the great Charter of the Imperial Confti-
tutions, viz. the Golden Bull, to ſpeak the Teutonique or High Dutch,
the Italian, and Slavonique Languages.
Some monumental Infcriptions in Mr. Campden's
own Hand Writing.
E
Dwardo Stanhopo, Michaelis Stanhopi, ex ordine equeftri filio,
Equiti aurato, Legum Doctori, Epifcopi Londinenfis Cancellario,
Archiepifcopi Cantuarienfis Vicario Generali in publicis Ecclefiae &
Reipub. negotiis verfatiffimo qui certa fpe in Chrifto refurgendi pie pla-
placideque obdormivit Die Anno Salutis, M,DC,VII.
Joannes Baro Stanhopus de Harrington, & Michael Stanhopus,
Eques auratus fratres mæftiffimi officiofæ pietatis & memoria ergo.
P. P.
Hic obdormit in Domino.
Joannes Rooperus, Eques auratus Capitalis Clericus ad Placita in Curia
Regis una cum Elizahetha uxore filia Richardi Parki, Armigeri, e
qua progenuit Chriftopherum Rooperum, Equitem auratum, Eliza-
betham uxorem Georgii Vaulx, matrem Edwardi Baronis Vaulx,
Joanem uxorem Roberti Lovelli, Equitis aurati. Vire qui bonique
cultor,
40.4
APPENDIX.
cultor, hofpitalis, pauperibus largus, vicinis benignus, &c. qui mor-
talitatis memor certa fpe refurgendi in Chrifto hoc monumentum fibi
binus pofuit..
1.
Hic fitus eft Thomas Heneagius, Eques auratus qui primum facri cubi-
culi Thefaurarius, deinde procamerarius, demum Ducat. Lancaftriæ,
Cancellarius, &c. ab intimis confiliis Elizabethæ Reg. cui & privatae
& Principi fidei famaque integra maximis negotiis fpectatus annos in-
Servivit hic, certa fpe refurgendi, requiefcit, una cum Anna uxore filia
Nicholai Pointz, Equitis aurati ex Joanna filia Thomæ Baronis
Berkley, e qua progenuit unicam filiam Elizabetham Moilo Finch
equiti aurato enuptam quae parentibus chariſſimis fupremum boc pieta-
tis pofuit monumeutum.
The Names of the Lords of Allemagne, that were for
the Prince of Conde in the French Civil War.
L
E Conti Palatin Electeur Grand Maistre de l'Empire.
Le Duke de Wirtemberg,
Le Duke de Gomor.
Le Duke de Sirexbourge.
Le Prince d'Orange.
Le quatres Princes Lantgrave des Heffe.
Le Duc Gulliame de Saxe.
Le Margrave de Brandebourge Elector.
Le Margrave de Baden.
Le Duc de Prufe.
Le Duc de Pomerane.
Le Duc de Luneburg.
Les huit
Les Membres de l'Empire.
Item dix Villes de l'Empire.
1
71
A very
APPENDIX.
405
A very ſcarce and curious Tract of the first Rife of
the Roman Empire, and the fundry Rotations, or
Retrogradations of Government that happened in
Rome, &c. Anno 1650.
OW for a clearer Illuftration of Things, and a more regu-
NOW
lar Proceeding, it is not amifs to fetch in Matters from their
Fundamentals (for the furtheft Way about is fometimes the neereft
Way home, ſpecially in the Referches of Truth ;) and to do this,
we must go to Rome, a City that hath had as many ſtrange Tra-
verfes of Fortune, and Turns of Government, as any other upon
Earth, having bin eight feveral Times ravifh'd and ranfack'd by
fundry warlike Nations. Firſt, by Brennus the Bold Britain, then
by Alaric the Goth, afterwards by Genfericus the Vandale, then twice
by Totila the Hun, after him by the Moores and Saracens; then by
three Chriſtian Emperours, viz. by Henry the Fourth, Otho the
Third, and Charles the Fifth, when his General the Duke of Bour-
bon breath'd his laſt in ſcaling her Walls (and ſhe was lately like to
receive an ill-favour'd Shock by the Duke of Parma) yet ſhe never
fell fans recource as they fay, or was ever layed fo flat upon her
Back, but fhe recovered herſelf, and rays'd up her Creft again,
whence it may be inferr'd, that an extraordinary Providence, and
tutelar Genius attended that Citty; 'tis tru, that the tranflating
of the Imperial Court by Conftantine to Bizantium (which he chriſt-
ned afterwards with his own Name) was fatal to Rome, when the
Glory of the Tyber and Tyrrhene Sea pafs'd over to the Hellefpont;
yet a ſpiritual Head preferv'd her ftill in fome Luftre; infomuch,
Yyy
that
406
APPENDIX.
that when the Pope came to be her Mafter, the might have bin
fayed to have bin reduc'd to her firft Principles, and to have paſs'd
from one Shepheard to another, viz. from Romulus to Sylvester; but
ther were a World of Viciffitudes, and Revolutions of Govern-
ments interven❜d, and pafs'd between; her primitive and original
Way of ruling was by Kings, but, after a hundred and forty Years
Continuence, fhe furfetted upon that, which Surfett may be ſayed
to have proceeded from the Peoples Wantonnefs, rather than from
Tarquins Luft; then fhe was govern'd a-while by Confulls, fo
call'd a Confulendo, carrying a Memento of their Duty in their
Names: Then followed the Decemvirs, who were put down for the
fame Vice that deftroyed the Kings; after that, the Supremacy was
elated to two Tribunes; then it revolved to Confuls, then to Tri-
bunes again, but more than two, which lafted a good Tract of
Time above feventy Yeers; then came Confuls in again the third
Time; after that Dictators, until Caius Julius Cæfar's Time, who
was the firſt perpetuall Dictator, and a little after the first Emperor,
though it coft him dear; for, he might be fayed to have cimented
the Foundation of the Roman Empire with his own Bloud, being
murther'd in the Senat by fmall contemptible Tools, yet it re-
main'd in his Progeny to fix Defcents, viz. to Domitius Nero.
Thus after fo many Rotations or Retrogradations of Govern-
ments, and a Kind of Cuſhion Dance of ſeveral Kind of Rulers,
the Imperial was eſtabliſhed at laſt, and the fucceffive Emperours
were us❜d to be chofen by the Senat, and then faluted by the Army;
but afterwards the legionary Soldiers and Pretorian Bands made
Emperours fub hafta in the Field, and Galba was the first who was
chofen fo, and that with the Confent of the Senat; now it was the
moft unpolitique Act that ever the Roman Senat committed, which
prov'd fo fatal to fo many of the following Emperours who held
not their Security as much as their Lives from the Soldiers, which
took
**
APPENDIX.
407
took them away at Plefure; for after that the Election paſs'd from
the Senat to the Sword, ther were above thirty Emperours that
were put to violent Deaths, and fom of them very tragical, four
murthered themfelfs, many alfo of thofe that were adopted Cafars,
and defign'd to fucceed in the Empire were untimely made away,
being rays'd to that Pitch that they might perifh the fooner, as an
Author fayes.
But to go more punctually to work, we will mufter up here moſt
of thoſe Emperours that came to immature and violent Deaths,
Julius Cæfar was affaffinated in the Senat. Octavius the firft Au-
guſtus (called fo, ab augendo Imperium, from enlarging the Territo-
ties of the Empire) was made away by his Wife Livia, Tiberius
by Marco; Caligula by Caffius Cibereus; Claudius poyfon'd by his
Wife Agrippina; Nero and Otho flew themfelfs; Galba and Vitellius
were done away by the Soldiers; Domitian by Stephanus; Commodus
by Letus, and Electus, Pertinax and Julianus by the Prætorian
Bands; Caracalla by Macrinus Command; Macrinus, Heliogabalus,
Alexander, Maximinus, Maximus, and Balbinus, by the Soldiers;
Hoftilianus by Gallus and Æmilianus, and they by the Legions; Va-
lerianus died in Parthia; Florianus was acceffary to his own Death;
Aurelianus murther'd by his own meniall Servants; Gallienus, Quin-
tillus, Tacitus and Probus, by the Militia, &c.
Now, that which heightned the Spirits of the Soldiery to fuch In-
folencies, was the Largeneffes, and Encreaſe of Salary, that the Præ-
torian Bands us'd to receave from the new Emperour, which per-
nicious Kind of Bounty was begun firft by Claudius Cæfar, and is
now practiſed by the Turk: For every new Sultan ufeth to enhance
the Pay of the Spahies and Janiffaries, to fo many Afpers more for
fear of mutinieing, which in time may be the Bane of the Ottoman
Empire, for fuch hath bin the Prefumption allready of the fayed
Janizaries
408
APPENDIX.
Janizaries of late that they have murther'd two of their Emperors
in leffe than five and twenty Yeers.
In the Roman Empire the military Bands came to fuch an
Exorbitancy of Power, that fometimes they did proſtitute, and
put the Empire to Sale by publique Outcry, as we read how Sulpi-
tianus offered twenty Seftertiums (which are neer upon eight Pounds
Sterling a-piece) to every Soldier; but Julianus rays'd the Market
higher, and out-bad him; Conftantine the Great (the firſt
Chriſtian Emperour, and a Britain born) found out the Policy to
regulate, and leffen the Prætorian Bands, till he quite cafheerd
them, and at laft reduc'd them to fuch a Number that they
could do no hurt.
The Removal of the Imperial Court to Conftantinople, though it
prov'd advantagious to the Bishop of Rome, who had the City
transferr'd unto him by way of a pious Donation from Conftantine
about his Departure from Italy to the Levant, as the Church Annals
affirm, though fome by Way of Drollery and Derogation to the
Pope do fay, that he hath the fame Right to Rome, as Venice hath
to the Dominion of the Adriatique Gulph, and that they are both
inferted in one Patent, though that Patent cannot be found upon
any Record; I fay, though this Removall was an Advantage to
the Biſhop of Rome, yet it prov'd very prejudiciall to Italy in ge-
neral, and to all the weſtern Parts of the Empire; for many ruff-
hewn northern Nations, that defir'd to come neérer the Sun, took
the Advantage hereby to ruſh in, not only to Italy, and haraffe her
fo often, but like fo many Swarms of Locufts they cover'd other
Countreys (and fome fear'd the like of the late Swedish Army, had
they profper'd in Poland.) The Hunns took fuch firm footing, that
they gave the Name to Hungary; the Longobards to Infubria, and
the Territorie about Milan; the Goths and Vandales piercing the
very
J
1
APPENDIX.
409
very Heart of France overcame Spain, and denominated Andaluzia;
infomuch, that the prefent King of Spain doth acknowledge himſelf
to be de la fangre de los Godos, to defcend from the Goths, whereby
fome would inferr, that he is a German, not only by Extraction
from the Houfe of Auſtria, but alfo from the Gothique Race, who
were a Branch of the Teutons or Germans, taking the Word in the
largeſt Senſe; but more properly may Germany challenge the French
and English to be her Children, the firſt coming from the Territo-
ries of Franconia, the other from the lower Circle of Saxony, wherof
they bear the Names (Saiſſons) among the Welsh and Iriſh to this
Day.
But to proceed from the main Subject, the Eaſtern Part of the
Roman Empire bore up many Ages after Conftantine with fome
Luftre in the Levant, though the northweſt Parts ſuffered many
Eclipfes, being fo pittifully dilacerated and torn by the Fury of fo-
rein Nations. Now the chiefeft Cauſe therof may be afcrib'd to
the Remotenes of the Emperours Perfon at Conftantinople, who by
Reafon of fo incommunicable a Diftance could not reach a timely
Hand to affift them with Auxiliaries, but about the Yeer eight
hundred, a new kind of aufpicious Star appear'd in the Weſt, which
was Charlemain, whom the Germans do claym to be their Compa-
triot, though they go a great Way back, and fetch him from Pha-
ramond, or the firſt Race of the Kings who invaded Gallia, and by
Way of Conqueft, call'd it France.
Charlemain was the Grandchild of Charles Martell, who being
Maire of the Place, or chief Steward, and Surintendent of the
King's Court, gott his Son Pepin to be crown'd King of France,
over the Head of Chilperic his Liege, Lord and Mafter; Martel
giving out, that he did not follow the Ambition of his Heart, but
the Infpirations of Heaven in this Act; fo the Scotts Stories tells.
us, that the Family of the Stewards came to be Kings of Scotland,
* Z Z Z
by
410
APPENDIX.
by taking their Surnames from their Office; for as Charles Martell
was in France, fo the firft of them was Steward of the Kings Court
in Scotland.
Pepin though a little Man did great Exploits, for he crofs'd the
Alpes, and recover'd Lombardy where a Race of Goths had bin Kings
above 200 Yeers, and at his Return to France conferr'd the Exar-
chatſhip, or Viceregency of Italy upon the Bishop of Rome.
Charlemain his Son did higher Atchiavements, for he clammer'd
ore the Pyreneans, and debell'd the Saracens in Spain, difcomfited the
Saxons, and confirm'd the Conqueft of Italy, fo that he was fo-
lemnly faluted Emperour of the Weſt at Rome, by the general Voice
and wonderful! Acclamations of the Peeple, and fo confirm'd by
the Popes Benediction Leo the 4th on Chriſtmas Day.
Nicephorus in Conftantinople ftorm'd extremely at first ther ſhold be
another Emperour befides himfelf, alledging that he was the fole
Roman Emperour, and accordingly us'd to fend his Exarques, or
Viceroyes to govern Italy, but not knowing how to remedy it, he
complied at laſt with Charlemain, who then kept his Court in Ger-
many, where he died, and was buried at Aquifgrave, leaving Ludovicus
his Son to fucceed him, who partitioning the Empire afterwards
twixt his three Sons did wonderfully enervat and enfeeble it, as a
great River cut out into many Armes and Sluces, muft needs grow
weaker and ſhallower in her firft Bed.
Now, though Charlemain was an extraordinary heroique, and a
magnanimous gallant Man as his Actions tell us, yet his Children
for four Defcents together did ftrangely degenerat, and prov'd but
poor fpirited Men: His Son Lewis was call'd the Gentle for his foft
Nature, Charles the Bald was of a bafer Alloy than hee, Lewis the
Stuttering inferior to both, Charles the Groffe the laft Emperour and
King
APPENDIX.
411
King of France died a moſt diſaſtrous Death: After him the Empire
was foly devolv'd to the Germans; Charlemain and his Dependants
enjoy'd it 118 Yeers, then it came to the Houfe of Saxony who held
it 117 Yeers, the Houfe of Suevia 110; other Families (whereof the
Houſe of the Count Palatin of the Rhin, and of Naffaw were fome-
times) held the Empire 112 Yeers, untill it came to the Houſe of
Auftria, who have held it longer than any one Family ever did..
Now, there is a remarquable Tradition how the Houfe of Auftria
came to that Comble of Greatnefs, which they report thus:
Rodulph Earl of Habfpurg returning home from hunting one Day
overtook a Prieft that had the Eucharift under his Habit, comming;
from viſiting a fick Body, the Earl finding he was tyr'd alighted,
and help'd the Prieft a Horfback, and holding the Bridle in his
Hand wayted upon him as a Lacquay till he came to the Church, and.
replac'd the Hoft upon the Altar, the Prieft fang an extraordinary
Maffe (where the Earl devoutly attended all the while) and pro-
nouncing the Benediction at the End, he crofs'd the Earl, faying
that for ſo ſignal, and a ſweet Act of Piety, his Houſe ſhould be one
of the greateſt, and moſt glorious Families that ever was upon Earth;.
which prov'd tru, for a while after not only the German Empire,,
but the East and West-Indies, with all the Dominions of Spain, where--
of fome are the other fide of the World, came to that Family.
絞
​A fux-
412
APPENDIX.
די
A further Account of the Empire, and Election of
the King of the Romans, in a Letter to a noble,
Perfonage.
X
N.B. As about the Yeer 1658. the Election of the King of the Ro-
mans was, at this Time, the Converfation of Europe; I therefore
thought it might be acceptable to add to the Collection in this
Volume, an Extract from the fame curious Piece publiſh'd in
that Period, which I have met with very few that have feen
it, and is extremely fcarce, and very inftructive in the Af-
fairs and State of the Empire at that Time.
MY LORD,
THE
HE Election of a King of the Romans, and confequently of
a weſtern Emperor, being now the grand Buſineſs in Agita-
tion, and wheron the Eyes not only of all Chriſtendom, but of
other Princes (as well Turk as Tartar) are more earneſtly fix'd than
at other Times, becauſe of fo long a Vacancy, and a Kind of De-
mur; as alfo for the Oppofition which France, with all her other Con-
federates, are like to make for fecluding, and putting by the Houſe
of Auſtria (eſpecially the young King of Hungary) wherin the Ger-
man Empire hath continued above two hundred and odd Yeers.
And wheras, that after fome looſe extemporall Communications
lately upon this Subject, your Lordfhipp defired much to be in-
form'd of the preſent Eſtate and Intereſts of Germany, together
with the Power and primitive Conſtitution of the Septemvirat, or
the Colledge of Electors, with other Reflexes upon that Point; be-
ing returned home, I fell a rummaging my old Papers, and fuch
Remarques
3
[
1
APPENDIX.
413
Remarques, that I gathered when I was employ'd in fome Parts of
the Empire, and to comply with your Lordfhipps Defires (which
demand the Dilligince, and will always be an Honour to my
Lord, &c.
FOR
1
Your LORDSHIPS, &c.
OR a long Time ther was no certain or regular Way of Election
of a King of the Romans, and the Cuſtom was that the Emperor
regnant us'd to nominate and recommend his Son, or neereft Kinf-
man to the German Princes; but in the Yeer about 1000 after the
Incarnation, Rome began to rayſe up her Creſt and brusſle, by re-
demanding and challenging the Election of the Emperour, alledg-
ing, 'twas a Prerogative of hers de jure antiquo. The raking up of
the Aſhes of this old Right, was like to kindle a great Fyre on
both Side of the Hills, for the Italian Princes ftuck to her in the
Claym; but Otho the Third, a prudent Prince found a Way to
prevent it, by procuring a Coufin of his to be created Pope, by the
Name of Gregory the Fifth, who being a German born, was fo fa-
vorable and indulgent of his own Countrey, that he confirm'd the
choofing of the weſtern Emperour to the German Nation; but the
Romans, with fome Italian Princes ftomaching heerat, they depos'd
Gregory, and chofe the Biſhop of Placentia Pope in his Place, by
the Title of John the Ninth: Otho took this in fo great Indigna-
tion, that he fuddenly rays'd an Imperial Army, clammer'd ore
the Alpes, and made his Way by the Point of the Sword towards
Rome, which open'd her Gates unto him without much Difficulty,
fo he feaz'd upon the Perfon of the new Pope, difoculated that
counterfeit Light of the Church, by plucking out his Eyes, and
replac'd Gregory the Fifth his Coufin in Saint Peters Chair with
Triumph.
Otho being victoriouſly return'd to Germany, convoqued the chief-
eft Princes, and propos'd unto them the Multiplicity of Inconve-
* Aaaa
niencies,
414
APPENDIX.
niencies, Incumbrance, and Caufes of Confufion, that the incer-
tain, and uneſtabliſh'd Way of choofing an Emperour, and his
immediat Succeffor, was fubject unto, therfore he defir'd them to
confider of a more regular Way of Election; fo after many mature
Deliberations, and Bandings of Opinions they fell upon fettling a
Septemvirat, viz. feven Princes, in whom a plenary Power fhold
be inveſted, to elect an Emperour and his next Succeffor: herupon
the Colledge of Electors was founded and conftituted, but they
muſt be all within the German Pale. Addreffes were made to the
Pope about this Bufinefs, who not only approv'd herof, but was
ready to confirm the Act, provided that three of the fayed Electors
were Ecclefiaftiques; fo the weſtern Empire was made purely elec-
tive, giving Encouragements therby for Princes of Vertue and Me-
rit to aſpire.
Herupon the Archbishop of Mentz, the Archbifhop of Collen,
and the Archbishop of Tryers were chofen for the three Spiritual;
and for the Secular, the Palfgrave of the Rhin, the Duke of Sax-
ony, the Marquis of Brandenburg; and, in Cafe their Suffrages were
equal, the Duke of Bohemia (made about 80 Yeers after King) was
choſen to have a Seffion among them, and whom he nam'd of thoſe
two that they had elected fhold be Emperour; fo that the Bohemian
might be call'd rather an Umpire than an Elector in thefe Tranf
actions.
This great Act was folemnly voted and enroll'd in the Imperial
Chamber, and ſom hundred of Yeers after 'twas ratified and forti-
fied by the famous Aurea Bulla, the Golden Bull, who regulated
Matters more punctually touching the Offices, the Precedencies,
and other Particulars reflecting upon the fayed Electors. The
Archbiſhop of Mentz was made High-Chancellor of Germany, he
of Colen High-Chancellor of Italy, and he of Tryers High-Chan-
cellor of France; the Duke of Saxony was made facri imperii Archi
Marfcallus, Lord high Marſhall of the facred Empire; the Count
Palatin
APPENDIX.
415
Palatin of the Rhin facri imperii Archidapifer; Lord high fewer of
the facred Empire; the Marquis of Brandenburg was made facri
imperii Archicamerarius, Lord high Chamberlain of the facred Em-
pire; the Duke (now King of Bohemia) was made facri imperii Ar-
chipincerna, Lord Chief Buttler of the facred Empire, all which Of-
fices are contracted in this tetraſtique.
Moguntinenfis, Trierenfis, Colonienfis,
Quilibet Imperii fit Cancellarius borum;
Et Palatinus Dapifer, Dux portitor enfis,
Marchio Præpofitus camera, Pincerna Bobemus.
TRANSLATE D.
Mentz, Colen, Tryers, let theſe Three
Each of them an Arch-Chancellor bee,
Duke, bear the Sword; Count, the firft Difh take up;
Marquis look to the Chamber, Boheme the Cup.
So the fecular Electors are compos'd of a King, a Duke, a Mar-
quis, and a Count.
Upon an Occafion of a new Choife, theſe with the Ecclefiaftiques
were to be fummon'd by the Archbishop of Mentz, to affemble
within three Months Time, and to be guarded by the Country as
they paffed along, but their Retinue was not to exceed two hun-
dred Horſe, wherof ther ſhold be but Fifty armed.
Being conven'd, the Ecclefiaftical Electors were to put their
Hands only on their Breafts, the Secular Princes folemnly upon
the Book, to choofe a fit Imperial Head for Christendome, and
they were to do this within the Compaſs of thirty Days, and not to
go
416
APPENDIX.
go out of Frankford, or the Place where they met in the Interim,
and jury-like, to have no other Nutriment but Bread and Water
after the Expiration of the fayed thirty Dayes.
The Choice being made by the Affembly of Electors, the new
Emperour according to the Tenure of the Golden Bull, the Grand
Charter of the Empire (fo call'd, becaufe 'twas confirm'd by the
Pope) is faluted by the Title of the King of the Romans, and not
Emperour till he be crown'd with the golden Crown repreſenting
Rome, with a Silver Crown reprefenting Germany, and with an Iron
Crown repreſenting Lombardy, which Ceremony ufeth to be per-
form'd at Aquisgrave for all three Places, but he is not to be call'd
Auguſtus till confirm'd by the Pope.
At the first Day of the Emperors Inauguration, the forefaid E-
lectors were to give their perfonal Attendance in the Emperours
Court, but now they are difpens'd withall to do it by proxy.
Before the Palace Gate ther us'd to ftand a Heap of Oats to the
Breaſt of a Horſe, then comes the Duke of Saxony mounted, hav-
ing in his Hand a Sylver Wand, and a Sylver Meaſure ſtood by,
which was to weigh two hundred Marks; he fills the Meaſure,
ſticking his Wand afterwards in the Remainder, and fo goes to at-
tend the Emperour; the three Archbishops fay Grace; the Marquis
of Brandenburg comes alfo on Horfback with a Sylver Bafon of
Water, of the Value of twelve Marks, and a clean Towel, which
being alighted he holds to the Emperour; then comes the Count
Palatin of the Rhin a Horfback alfo, and being alighted, he car-
ries four Diſhes of Meat, every Diſh of the Value of three Marks;
then the King of Bohemia comes with a Napkin on his Arm, with
a cover'd Cup of twelve Marks which he prefents.
Touch-
}
APPEN D I X.
417
Touching the Precedence of the Electors among themſelves one
may judge of it by the Manner of their Seffion with the Empe-
rour, when he fitts in Majefty, which is thus.
The Archbishop of Tryers, High-chancellor of France, fits over
against the Emperor; the Archbishop of Moguntia or Mentz, as
High-Chancellor of Germany, fitts on the right Hand of the Em-
peror; the Archbishop of Collen, now call'd Cologn and an Elector
on the Left-hand; the King of Bohemia hath his Seat on the Right-
hand of the Archbiſhop of Mentz, and next him the Count Palatin
of the Rhyn; the Duke of Saxony fitts on the Left-hand of the
Archbishop of Collen, and by him the Marquis of Brandenburgh.
Moreover, when they us'd to go in Proceffion with the Em-
peror, 'twas ordain'd in the Golden Bull, that the Archbiſhop of
Tryers fhold go before his Imperial Majefty, and neer him on both
Sides one of the Ecclefiaftical Electors; the King of Bohemia was
to go alone after the Archbishops; and after him the Elector of
Saxony, with the naked Sword of the Empire on his Hand, having
on his Right-hand the Count Palatin of the Rhyn, carrying the
Golden Apple, which denotes the World to be under the Roman Em-
pire; and on the Left-hand of the Duke of Saxony, the Marquifs
of Brandenburgh was to march with a Scepter in his Hand; then
followed the Emperor himſelf.
By what hath bin fpoken you may judge who had the Priority
of Place, the Count Palatin of the Rhyn, or the Duke of Saxony, a
Conteft that hath gravell'd many.
Bbb b
Of
418
APPENDIX.
C
Of the Title of EMPEROR, &C.
Oncerning the Character and Title of Emperour, it is of a
younger Date than that of King; and among the Romans,
it was in the Beginning given to him who was Commander in chief
of the Militia, nor was it neer of ſuch a Tranſcendency then as
now it is; he was at firſt but tutoye; he was but Thou'd when he
was ſpoken unto; but afterwards in regard, he had the Preroga-
tive to conferr Honors and Offices, to grant Pardons, and Patents
of Grace, with other obliging Motives, the Courtiers, eſpecially
the Churchmen began to magnifie, or rather deifie him with fu-
blime Attributes, as we read in Symmachus's Epiftles to Theodofius
and Valentinian, wherein his Stile unto them is, Veftra æternitas,
veftrum numen, veftra perennitas, veftra clementia, &c. then he be-
gan to be call'd, Divus Imperator; but touching the Title of Ma-
jeftas, which was given ab augendo Imperium (as was touch'd be-
fore) or as ſome wold have it, a majori ſtatu; it is an Attribute of
no great Antiquity, for it is not found among the old Authors,
and it came not till Henry the Second's Time to France, who is not
us'd to be backward in affuming, and applying Title of Great-
nefs to herſelf.
But concerning the Dignity of Emperour, as heretofore, fo is
he ſtill accounted the Prime Potentat, and Prince Paramount among
Chriſtians, and not only among them, but the Turk next himfelf;
accounts the German Emperour the greateſt Monark upon Earth,
and eſteems him accordingly; which appeer'd in the Perfon of Da-
vid Ungnadius, who being not an Age fince Ambaffador in Conftan-
tinople for the Chriftian Emperour, and coming for Audience to
the Duana in the Seraglio; the Perfian Ambaffador had come be-
སྐ
fore,
APPENDIX.
419
fore, and got the Chair, but Ungnadius offering to go away, there
was an upper Chair put
for him.
Another Time, upon the Celebration of Mahomet the Third's
Circumfion, which lafted forty Daies and Nights, there being then
in Conftantinople the Legats of the greateſt Monarks upon Earth;
yet hee who was Ambaffador at that Time for the Emperour Ro-
dulphus the Second, had alwayes the firſt Place.
Some Civilians exalt the Emperour with divers tranfcendent Ti-
tles, whereof one is, Dominus totius terra, the Lord of the whole
Earth; that Cæfar is Proximus Deo; Cæfar is next to God Al-
mighty; but though the Emperour be accounted the fole Supere-
minent Prince in Chriſtendom, yet there have bin other Kings who
affum'd that Title befides him; fome of the Kings of Spain have
bin call'd, Imperatores Hefperia; King Edgar, who was row'd upon
the River of Dee by four Kings, whereof the Scot was one, had
his Title, which appears upon good Record, by this bouncing
Character.
Ego Edgarus Altonantis Dei largiflua clementia Anglorum Bafileus
omniumque Regum Infularumque, Oceanique Britanniam circumjacentis,
Cun&tarumque Nationem quæ infra eam includuntur Imperator, & Domi-
nus; he was call'd alfo, Albionis Imperator.
TRANSLATE D.
I Edgar, by the bountifull Clemency of the high-thundring
God, King of the English, Emperour, and Lord of all the Kings,
Iſlands, and Seas, circumjacent to Britcin, and of all the Nations
included therein; he was ftil'd in another Place, Emperour of
Albion.
Moreover,
420
APPENDIX.
Moreover, the Realm of England was declared an Empire, by
Act of Parlement, octavo Henrici octavi, and in divers other Acts,
the Crown of England is call'd the Imperiall Crown, and the City
of London the Imperiall Chamber.
Now touching the Refpects that other Chriftian Kings owe the
Emperour, they acknowledge no other but that of Precedence
only, though Henry the Second of England in his Letter (which
ſtands upon Record) to Frederique Barbaroffa, and Richard the
First, in his to Henry the 6th, Emperour, feem to acknowledge a
Kind of Subordination, by Way of Complement; but Edward
the Third of England would not kiffe the Emperor Lewis of Ba-
varia's Feet, at their Enterview in Colen; and the Reafon he al-
ledg'd was, becauſe he was Rex inunetus habens vitam & membrum in
poteftate fua, &c. becauſe he was anointed King, having Life and
Limb in his Power, &c. which Edward, as the German Annals at-
teft, Ab Electoribus fuit vocatus, & nominatus Vicarius Imperii, he
was call'd, and nominated Vicar of the Empire; and as fome have
it, was offer'd to be Emperour, in regard of his Acquefts, and
glorious Exploits in France, whence he brought the Three Flower
de Luces upon his Sword, after the French had ſent him that geer-
ing Anſwer, that, La Couronne de France n'est pas liee a la quenoville;
that the Crown of France was not tied to a Diftaff.
Add hereunto, that the Emperour cannot be call'd fo pure, and
independent a Monark as fome other Kings; for befides that, he
is but Tenant for Life, and govern'd by Diets, which are Impe-
rial Parlements; the Electors may be faid to be his Affociats, and
to have a Share in the Government; nay, the Emperour, by the
ancient Cuſtoms of the Empire may be brought to anſwer in Cau-
fis pro quibus impetitus fuerit, fayeth the Bull, before the Count Pa-
latin of the Rhin, but he can paffe no Judement unleffe the Em-
perour himſelf be prefent in Imperiali curia.
The
1
421
APPENDIX.
There wants no Examples, that fome Emperours have bin de-
pos'd for their mal-adminiſtration, an Inſtance fhall be made in
Wenceslaus, in the Yeer 1400. who was formally degraded by the
Archbishop of Mentz, upon a publique Theater in the Plaines of
Brubach neer the River of Rhin by a judicial Sentence, which I
thought worthy the inſerting here.
Wee John, Archbishop of Moguntia, Prince, Elector, and Arch-
chancellor of the German Nation, in the Name of other Princes, E-
lectors, Dukes, Landgraves, Counts, and other Lords, Barons, and Po-
tentats of the Empire, in regard of divers dammageable interests, and for
the Special Importance of all the Empire, we do depofe, and deprive by
common Confent, and mature Deliberation, Wenceslaus as negligent, un-
profitable, and unworthy of the Roman Empire; we degrade him of all
the Dignities, and of all the Honors which were due to him from the
Empire; and we publifh him in the Prefence of all the Princes, Barons,
and Potentates of the Empire for a prophane Perfon, and unworthy of
fuch an Honor and Dignity; enjoyning every one of what Quality or Con-
dition foever he bee, not to yeeld him Obedience as Emperour, prohibiting
every one to pay him any Kind of Tribut, Fief, or Forfeiture, either by
Right or by Covenant, or any Office appertaining to the Empire; nay,
we will, that thofe Perquifits be referv'd untill God doth give us the
Grace to elect an Emperour, that may be for the Benefit of the whole
Empire and the Chriftian Commonweale. And it is well known bow
often he hath bin admonish'd by the Princes, Electors, both in publique
and privat, and particularly by ev'ry one of our Order, that he wold
leave his unworthy Deportments, and carry himself as his Dignity
requir❜d.
Concerning the King of the Romans, it is but a modern Title,
peculiar to him who is declar'd Heir apparent, or the defign'd
Succeffour of the Empire; but at firft, he who was fo chofen, was
Cccc
called
422
APPENDIX.
}
called Cæfar; and it was the Emperour Adrian who first call'd Æ-
lius Verus by that Title; infomuch, that the Family of Julius Cae-
far being extinct in the Perfon of Domitius Nero, who was the Sixt
in Deſcent (as afore was told) the Name Caefar ceas'd to be us'd as
the Name of a Family or Blood, but it was us'd as a Name meer
honorary, and Precedent to the Empire; afterwards the deſign'd
Succeffor to the Empire was call'd Defpote; after that, he was
call'd King of Italy, then King of Germany; and laftly, King of
the Romans, Romifcher Konig in High Dutch; and the Emperour
himſelf was called Caefar Keyfer, in Dutch, which Appellation con-
tinueth to this Day; and it was Charles the 5th who introduc'd the
Title of King of the Romans, who fince is acknowledg'd the im-
mediat and unquestionable apparent Heir, and to fucceed in the
Empire, whether it be by Refignation, by Deprivation or Death,
being in proximo faftigio collocatus to the Emperor; nay, fome Ci-
vilians hold, that the King of the Romans may make Edicts with-
out the regnant Emperour, being bound only as they fay, Maje-
Atatem imperialem comiter obfervare, making him hereby to owe a
Duty of Reverence, but not of Superiority to the Keyfer or Em-
peror.
Note, There are four Archbishopricks in the Empire, viz. MAG-
DINBURGH, SALTSBURGH, BESANSON, and BREME, which laft,
the Kings of Denmark had a long Time.
Ý
of LETTER Ś.
*521
The Two following LETTERS not coming tỏ
Hand foon enough, could not be placed in their
proper Order.
From ROBERT Earl of Effex, who was beheaded in the
Reign of Queen ELIZABETH, to the Earl of South-
ampton, when he was under Sentence of Death.
My LORD,
S neither Nature nor. Cuſtom ever made me a Man of Com-
pliments, fo now I fhall have lefs Will than heretofore to
ufe fuch Ceremonies, when I have left to Martha to be follicita
circa multa, and believe with Mary that unum fufficit. But it is
no Compliment or Ceremony, but a real and neceffary Duty that
one Friend owes to another in Abfence, and eſpecially at their
Leave-taking; when, in Man's Reaſon, many Accidents may keep
them long divided, or perhaps bar their Meeting, till they meet
again in another World: For then fhall I think that my Friend,
whofe Honour, whoſe Perfon, and whofe Fortune is dearer unto
me, fhall profper and be happy wherefoever he goeth, and what-
foever he taketh in Hand, when he is in Favour of that God, under
whoſe Protection there is only Safety, and in whoſe Service there
is only true Happineſs to be found.
What I think of your natural Gifts, or your Abilities, in this Age,
or in this State, to give Glory to God, and to win Honour to your-
felf, if you employ the Talents you have received to the beft Ufe, I
will not now tell you; it fufficeth, that when I was fartheft of all
Times from diffembling, I fpoke freely, and had Witneffes enough.
But theſe Things only I will put your Lordship in mind of: Firſt,
That you have nothing which you have not received: Secondly,
*Uuu
That
*522
COLLECTION
A
That you poffefs them, not as a Lord over them, but an Accompt-
ant for them: Thirdly, If you employ them to ſerve this World, or
your own worldly Delights, which the Prince of this World will
ſeek to entertain you with, it is Ingratitude, it is Injuſtice, yea, it
is perfidious Treachery. For what would you think of fuch a Ser-
vant of yours, that fhould convert your Goods committed to his
Charge to the Advantage or Service of your greateſt Enemies? And
what do you do leſs than this with God; fince you have all from
Him, and know that the World, and the Prince thereof, are at con-
tinual Enmity with Him? If ever therefore the Admonition of
your trueſt Friend fhall be heard by you, or if your Country,
which you may ſerve in fo great and fo many Things, be dearer unto
you; your God, whom you muſt, if you deal truly with yourſelf,
acknowledge to be Powerful over all, and Juſt in all, fhould be feared
by you; yea, if you be dearer to yourſelf, and preſerve an everlaſt-
ing Happineſs before a pleaſant Dream, which you muſt ſhortly
awake out of. Then repent in the Bitterness of your Soul, if any
of theſe Things be regarded by you; then, I fay, call yourſelf to
Account for what is paft, cancel all Leagues you have made with-
out the Warrant of a religious Confcience, make a refolute Cove-
nant with your God, to ferve Him with all your natural and fpiri-
tual, inward and outward Gifts and Abilities; and then He that is
faithful and cannot lie, has promiſed to honour them that honour
Him: He will give you the inward peace of Soul, and true Joy of
Heart, which till you have you ſhall never reft, and which when
you have
you can never be ſhaken, and which you can never attain
to by any other Way than this that I have fhewed unto you. I know
your Lordſhip, when you read this, may ſay unto yourſelf, and ob-
ject to me, this is but a Vapour of Melancholy, the Style of a Pri-
foner, and that I was far enough from it when I lived in the World,
as you do now, and may be ſo again when
be ſo again when my Fetters are taken
I
from me.
I answer, Though your Lordſhip ſhould think fo, yet
cannot diftruft that Goodness of my God, that his Mercy will fail
me, or his Grace forfake me. I have fo deeply engaged myſelf,
as
I
of LETTER S.
*523
I was
I ſhould be one of the miſerableft Apoftates that ever was; I have
fo avowed my Profeffion, and called fo many from Time to Time
to witneſs it, and to be Watchmen over me, as I fhould be the
holloweft Hypocrite that ever lived, and the moft detefted Atheiſt
that ever was born. But though I ſhould periſh in my own Sin, or
draw upon myſelf mine own Condemnation, fhould not you take
hold of the Grace and Mercy of God that is offered to you, and
make your Profit by my wretched and fearful Example?
longer a Slave and Servant to the World, and the Corruption of it,
than you have been, and therefore could hardly be drawn from it.
I had many Callings, and anſwered fome of them, thinking a
ſoft Pace faſt enough to come to Chriſt, and myſelf forward enough
when I faw the End of my Journey, though I arrived not at it;
and therefore I have been, by God's Providence, violently pulled,
haled, and dragged to the Marriage Feaft, as all the World have
feen. It was Juft with God to afflict me in this World, that He
might give me Joy in another. I had too much Knowledge while I
performed fo little Obedience, and was therefore to be beaten with
double Stripes. God grant your Lordship may quickly feel the
Comfort I now enjoy in my unfeigned Converfion, but that you
may never feel the Torment I have fuffered for my long delaying it.
I had none but Deceivers to call upon me; to whom I faid, if
my Ambition could have entered into their narroweft Breaſts,
they would not have been ſo humble; or if my Delights had been
once tafted by them, they would not have been fo precife. But
your Lordship hath One to call upon you that knoweth what it is
you now enjoy, and what the greateſt Fruit and End is of all Con-
tentment that this World can afford. Think therefore, dear Earl,
that I have ſtaked and buoyed all the Ways of Pleaſure unto you,
and left them as Sea Marks for you to keep the Channel of religious
Virtue. For ſhut your Eyes never fo long, they muſt be open at
the laſt; and then you muſt ſay with me, There is no Peace to the
Ungodly.
* Uuu 2
T
*524
A COLLECTION
I will make a Covenant with my Soul not to fuffer my Eyes to
ſleep in the Night, or my Thoughts to attend the firſt Buſineſs of
the Day, till I have prayed my God that your Lordship may be-
lieve, and make Profit of this my plain and faithful Admonition;
and then I know your Country and Friends fhall be happy in you,
and all you take in Hand, which ſhall be an unſpeakable Comfort
to
Your Lordship's Coufin,
And true Friend,
Whom no worldly Caufe can divide from you.
ROBERT ESSEX.
A Copy of the Earl of Effex his LETTER to the
Earl of Rutland about his Travel.
I
My LORD,
•
Hold it for a Principle in the Courfe of Intelligences of State,
not to diſcourage Men of mean Sufficiency from writing to me,
though I had at the fame Time very able Advertiſes. For either
they ſent me ſome Matter which the others had omitted, or made it
clearer by delivering the Circumſtances; or if they added nothing,
yet they confirmed that, which coming fingle I might have the
more doubted. This Rule I have hitherto preſcribed to others, and
now give it to myſelf. Your Lordship hath many Friends, who
have more Leiſure to think, and more Sufficiency to counſel than
myfelf;
of LETTER S.
*525
myſelf; yet doth my Love to you dedicate theſe firſt free Hours,
to ſtudy of you and your intended Courſe. In which Study if I
find out nothing but that which you have from others, yet I fhall
perhaps confirm the Opinion of wifer Men than myſelf. Your
Lordship's Purpoſe is to travel, and your Study muft be, what Ufe
to make of your Travel. The Queſtion is ordinary, and there is
to it an ordinary Anſwer; that is, That your Lordſhip ſhall ſee the
Beauties of many Cities, know the Manners of the People of many
Countries, and learn the Languages of divers Nations. Some of
theſe Things may ferve for Ornament, and all of them for Delight.
But your Lordſhip muſt look further than thefe; for the greateſt
Ornament is the inward Beauty of the Mind: And when you have
known as great Variety of Delight as this World can afford, you
will confefs that the chiefeft Delight is, fentire te indies fieri me-
liorem; to feel that you do every Day enworthy (if I may ſo ſpeak)
and endear yourſelf. Therefore your Lordship's End and Scope
ſhould be that which in Moral Philoſophy we call Cultura Animi,
the Tilling and Manuring of your own Mind. The Gifts or Excel-
lencies of the Mind are the fame that thofe are of the Body; Beauty,
Health, and Strength. Beauty of the Mind is fhewed in grateful
and acceptable Forms and Sweetness of Behaviour; and they that
have that Gift, fend them to whom they deny any Thing, better
contented away than Men of contrary Difpofition do thoſe to whom
they grant. Health confifteth in an unremoveable Conftancy and
Freedom from Paffions, which are indeed the Sickneſſes of the Mind.
Strength of the Mind is that active Power which makes us perform
good Things, and great Things, as well as Health; and even Tem-
per of the Mind keeps us from thofe that are evil and baſe. All
theſe three are to be fought for, though the greateſt Part of Men
have none of theſe. Some have one, and lack the other two; a few
attain to have two of them, and lack the third; and almoſt none
have all.
The firſt Way to attain excellent Form and Behaviour, is to make
the Mind itſelf excellent. For Behaviour is but a Garment, and it is
eafy
*526
A COLLECTION
eafy to make a comely Garment for a Body that is of itſelf well pro-
portioned; whereas a deformed Body can never be fo helped by
Taylors Art, but that the Counterfeitings will appear. And in the
Form of our Minds it is a true Rule, that a Man may mend his
Faults with as little Labour as he may cover them. The fecond
Way is by Imitation; and to that End good Choice is to be made of
thoſe with whom you converſe: Therefore your Lordſhip ſhould
affect their Companies whom you find to be worthieſt, and not par-
tially think them worthy whom you affect. To attain to Health
of Mind, we muſt uſe the ſame Means which we do for the Health
of our Bodies; that is, to make Obfervation what Diſeaſeas we are
apteſt to fall into, and to provide againſt them. For Phyſic hath not
more Medicines againſt the Diſeaſes of the Body, than Reafon hath
Prefervations against the Paffions of the Mind.
The Stoics were of Opinion, that there was no Way to attain to this
even Temper of Mind, but to be fenfelefs; and fo they part with
Good to ranſom themſelves from Evil. But not only Divinity, but
even Philoſophy her Handmaid, doth condemn our Want of Care
and Induſtry, if we do not win very much upon ourfelves. To
prove which, I will only uſe one Inftance. There is nothing in
Nature more general nor more ftrong than the Fear of Death;
and there is nothing to a natural Man more impoffible than to re-
folve againſt Death. But both Martyrs for Religion, Heathens for
Glory; fome for Love of their Country, others for Affection to one
ſpecial Perfon, have encountered Death without Fear, and ſuffered
it without Shew of Alteration. And therefore, if Man have con-
quered Paffion's chiefeſt and ſtrongeſt Fortreſs, it is Lack of Under-
ftanding in him if he get not an abfolute Victory. To fet down
Ways
how a Man ſhould attain to that active Power, which in this
Place I call Strength of Mind, is much harder than to give Rules
in either of the other two. For Behaviour and good Forms may
be gotten by Education, and Health and even Temper by Obfer-
vation. But if there be not in Nature fome Aptneſs to this active
Strength, it can never be obtained by any Induſtry. For the Vir-
tues
of LETTER S.
*527
tues which are proper unto it are Liberality and Magnificence, and
Fortitude or Magnanimity. And fome are by Nature ſo covetous
and cowardly, that it is as vain to ſeek to inflame or inlarge their
Minds, as to go about to plow the Rocks. But while theſe active
Virtues are but budding, they muſt be ripened by Clearneſs of Judg-
ment, and Cuſtom of Well-doing. Clearnefs of Judgment makes
Men liberal; for it teacheth Men to eſteem the Goods of Fortune,
not for themſelves, for fo they are but Jaylors to them; but for
their Uſe, and fo they are Lords over them: And fo it makes us
know that it is-beatius dare quam accipere; the one being a Badge
of Sovereignty, the other of Subjection. Alfo it leads us to Forti-
tude; for it teaches us, that we ſhould not too much prize Life, which
we cannot keep, nor fear Death, which we cannot fhun: That he
that dies nobly doth live for ever, and he that lives in Fear doth
die continually: That Pain and Danger are made great only by
Opinion, and that, in Truth, nothing is fearful but Fear itſelf:
That Cuſtom makes the Thing uſed as it were natural to the Ufer.
I fhall not need Proof in theſe two Things, fince we fee by Expe-
rience it holds true in all Things. But yet thoſe that do give with
Judgment, are not only encouraged to be liberal by the Return of
Thankfulneſs from thofe to whom they give, but do find in the
very Exerciſe of that Virtue a Delight to do Good. And if Cuſtom
be ſtrong to confirm any one Virtue more than another, it is the
Virtue of Fortitude; for it makes us triumph over Fear which we
have conquered, and anew to challenge Danger which we have al-
ready happily conquered, and to hold more dear the Reputation
and Honour which we have encreafed. I have hitherto fet down
what Defire or what With I would have your Lordſhip to take into
your Mind; that is, to make yourſelf an excellent Man; and what
are the general Helps which all Men may uſe which have the fame
Defire. I will now move your Lordship to confider what Helps.
your Travel may give you. Firſt, When you fee infinite Variety of
Behaviours and Manners of Men, you may chufe and imitate the
beſt. When you fee new Delights which you never knew, and
have
*528
A COLLECTION
have Paffions ſtirred in you which you never felt; you ſhall both
know what Diſeaſes your Mind is apteſt to fall into, and what the
Things are that breed that Diſeaſe. When you come into Armies,
or Places where you fee any Thing of Wars, as I would wiſh you
fee them before you return, you ſhall both confirm your natural
Courage, and be made more fit for true Fortitude, which is given
to no Man by Nature, but muft grow out of the Diſcourſe of Rea-
fon. And Laftly, In your Travel you ſhall have great Helps to at-
tain to Knowledge, which is not only the excellenteſt Thing in
Man, but alſo in Man who would be eſteemed for Manners and Be-
haviour. Your Lordſhip muſt not be caught with Novelty, which is
pleafing to young Men; nor infected with Custom, which makes
us keep our own ill Graces, and participate of thoſe we ſee every
Day; nor given to Affectation, the general Fault of moſt of our
English Travellers, which is both difpleafing and ridiculous. In
diſcovering of your Paffions, and meeting with them, give not Way
to yourſelf, nor difpence with yourſelf in little Things, refolving to
conquer yourſelf in great Things. For the fame Streams which
may be ſtopped by one Man's Hand at the Spring-Head, may drown
whole Armies of Men when they have run long. In your being
at the Wars, think it better at the firft to do a great deal too much,
than any thing too little; for a young Man's, eſpecially a Stranger's
firſt Actions are looked upon; and Reputation once, gotten, is eafily
kept, but an ill Impreffion conceived at the firft is not quickly re-
moved.
The laſt Thing which I am to speak of, but the first that you are
to feek, is Knowledge. To praife Knowledge, or to perfuade your
Lordship to the Love of it, I fhall not need to uſe many Words.
I will only remember, where it is wanting, that Man is void of all
Good. Without it there can be no Fortitude; for all other Kind of
Daring comes of Fury, and Fury is a Paffion, and Paffions ever turn
into their Contraries; and therefore the moſt furious Men, when
their firft Blaze is fpent, are commonly moft fearful. Without it
there can be no Liberality; for giving is but Want of Audacity to
"T
deny,
2
of LETTER S.
529
deny, or of Difcretion to prize. Without it there can be no Juf-
tice; for giving to one Man that which is his own, is but Chance,
or Want of a Corrupter or Seducer. Without it there can be no
Conftancy or Patience; for Suffering is but Dulneſs or Senfeleſneſs.
Without it there can be no Temperance; for we fhall reſtrain our-
felves from Good as well as from Evil; for they that cannot diſcern,
cannot elect or chufe. Nay, without it there can be no true Re-
ligion; all other Devotions being but blind Zeal, which is as ſtrong
in Herefy as in Truth. To reckon up all the Ways of Knowledge,
and to fhew the Ways to obtain to every Sort, is a Work too great
for me to undertake at any Time, and too long to difcourfe of at
this. Therefore I will only ſpeak of fuch Knowledge as your
Lordſhip ſhould have Defire to feek, and have Helps to compaſs.
I forbear alſo to treat of divine Knowledge, which muſt direct your
Faith, both becauſe I find my own Infufficiency, and alſo becauſe I
hope your Lordſhip doth ftill nourish the Seeds of Religion, which,
during your Education at Cambridge, were fown in you. I will
only fay this, that as the irrefolute Man can never perform any Ac--
tion well, fo he that is not refolved in Soul and Confcience, can ne-
ver be well refolved in any Thing elſe. But that civil Knowledge
which will make you live to do well by yourſelf, and to do Good
unto others, muft be fought by Study, by Conference, and by Ob-
ſervation. Before I perfuade your Lordſhip to ſtudy, I muſt look to
anſwer an Argument, drawn from the Example of the Nobility in
all Places almoft in the World, which now is utterly unlearned, if
it be not fome very few; and the Authority of an English Proverb,
made in Deſpite of Learning, "That the greateſt Clerks are not com-
monly the wiſeſt Men.”
To the Firſt I anſwer, that this Want of Learning hath been in
Countries ruined by civil Wars, or in States corrupted through
Wealth, and too great Length of Peace. In the one Sort Mens
Wills were employed to their own neceffary Defence, in the other
drowned in ſtudying the Arts of Luxury; but in all flouriſhing
States, Learning hath ever flouriſhed. If it ſeem ftrange that I ac-
* X x X
count
+
*530
A COLLECTION
count no State flouriſhing but that which neither hath Civil Wars
nor too long Peace; I answer, that politic Bodies are like our na-
tural Bodies, and muſt as well have fome Exerciſe to ſpend their ill
Humours, as they muſt be kept from too violent or too continual
Exerciſes, which ſpend their beft Spirits. The Proverb I take to
be made in that Age when the Nobility of England brought up their
Sons as they enter their Whelps, and thought them wife enough
if they could chaſe their Deer; and I anfwer it by a notable Pro-
verb, made by a wife Man, Scientia neminem habet Inimicum
præter Ignorantem;-" Knowledge hath no Enemy but him that
knoweth nothing." All Men that live well, live by Rule or by Ex-
ample. And in Book-Learning your Lordship fhall find, in what
Courſe foever you propound to yourſelf, Rules prefcribed by the
wiſeſt Men, and Examples left by the worthieſt that have lived before
us.
Therefore Knowledge is to be fought by your private Study;
and Opportunity you fhall have to ftudy, if you do not too often
remove from Place to Place, but ſtay ſome Time, and refide in the
beft. In the Courfe of your Study, and Choice of your Books, you
muſt firſt ſeek to have the Grounds of Learning, which are the libe-
ral Arts; for without them you ſhall neither gather other Know-
ledge eaſily, nor make Uſe of that which you have. And then uſe
Studies of Delight, but fometimes for Recreation; and neither
drown yourſelf in them, nor omit any Studies whereof you are to
have continual Ufe. Above all other Books be converfant in Hif
tories; for they will beſt inſtruct you in Matters Moral, Politic, and
Military; by which, and in which, you muſt ripen and ſettle your
Judgment. In which Study you are to ſeek out Two Things: The
Firſt, to conceive and underſtand; The Second, to lay up or re-
member; for as the Philofopher faid,-Difcere eft tantum recorderi.
To help you to conceive, you may do well in thofe Things in which
you are but raw yourſelf, to read with ſomebody that may give you
Help; and to that End, you muſt either carry over with you ſome
good general Scholar, or make fome Abode in the Univerſities
Abroad, where you have the Profeffors in every Art. To help you
to
M
of LETTER S.
*531
to remember, you muſt uſe Writing or Meditation, or both: By
Writing, I mean the making of Notes or Abridgments of that
which you would remember. I make Conference the fecond Help
to Knowledge in Order, though I have found it the first and greateſt
in Profiting: And I have fo placed them, becauſe he that hath not
ſtudied, knows not what to doubt, nor what to afk. But when
the little I had learned taught me to find my own Emptiness, I pro-
fited more by fome excellent Man in half a Day's Conference, than
by myſelf in a Month's Study. To profit much by Conference,
you muſt firſt chooſe to confer with excellent Men, I mean excel-
lent in that you defire to know. Next with many; for excellent
Men will be of fundry and contrary Opinions, and every one will
make his own probable. So as if you hear but one, you ſhall know
in all Queſtions but one Opinion; whereas by hearing many, you
fhall, by feeing the Reaſon of the one confute the Reaſon of the
other, be able to judge of the Truth. Befides, there is no Mán
that is excellent in all Things, but every great Scholar is excellent
in fome one; ſo as both your Wit ſhall be whetted by converfing
with many great Wits, and you ſhall have the Cream or Quinteffence
of every one of thefe. In Conference, be neither fuperftitious in be-
lieving all you hear (what Opinion foever you have of the Man that
delivers it) nor too defirous to contradict. For of the firſt grows a
Facility to be led into all Kind of Error; fince you fhall ever think,
that he that knows all you know, and fomewhat more, hath infi-
nite Knowledge, becauſe you cannot found nor meaſure it. Of
the ſecond, grows fuch a carping Humour, as you fhall,` without
Reaſon, cenfure all Men, and want Reaſon to cenfure yourſelf. I
do conclude this Point of Conference with this Advice, that your
Lordship fhould rather go a hundred Miles out of your Way to
fpeak with a wife Man, than five to fee a fair Town.
The Third Way to obtain Knowledge is Obfervation. I fay
Obfervation, and not long Life, or feeing much; becauſe, as he
that rides a great Way often, and takes no Note or Marks to direct
* X X X 2
him
*532
A COLLECTION
upon
him if he come the fame Way again, or to make him know where
he is if he come near to it, ſhall never prove a good Guide; fo he
that lives long, fees much, and obferves nothing, fhall never prove
a wife Man. The Uſe of Obſervation is in noting the Coherents
of Cauſes and Effects, Counfels and Succeffes, and the Proportion
of Likeneſs between Nature and Nature, Fortune and Fortune,
Action and Action, State and State, Time paſt and Time preſent.
The Philofopher did think that all Knowledge did fo much depend
the Knowledge of Cauſes, that he ſaid, Id demum fciemus
cujus Caufam fciemus,-"We only know that whereof we know the
Cauſe." And therefore a private Man cannot prove fo great a Soldier
as he that commands an Army, nor ſo great a Politician as he that
rules a State, or is a chief Minister of State; becauſe the one ſees
only the Events, and knows not the Caufe; the other makes the
Cauſe that governs the Events. The Obſervation of Proportion or
Likeneſs between one Perfon or Thing and another, makes nothing
without Example, no nothing new. And although Exempla illuf
trant non probant,-"Examples may make Things plain that are
proved, but prove not themſelves;" yet when Circumftances agree,
and Proportion is kept, that which is probable in one Cafe is probable
in a thouſand; and that which is Reafon once is Reafon for ever.
Your Lordſhip now fees that the Ends of Study, Conference, and
Obſervation, is Knowledge; you muſt know alſo, that the true End
of Knowledge is Clearneſs and Strength of Judgment, and not Often-
tation and Ability to difcourfe; which I do the rather chufe to put
your Lordship in mind of, becauſe the moſt of the Noblemen and
Gentlemen of our Time have no other Uſe of their Learning, but
in Table-Talk; and the Reaſon is, becauſe they before ſetting down
That their Journey's End, as they attain to it they reſt, and travel
not fo far as they fhould. But God knows, they have got little
that have only this Difcourfing Gift. For though, like empty
Cafks, they found loud when a Man knocks upon their Outfide;
yet if you pierce into them, you ſhall find that they are full of no-
thing but Wind. This Rule holds, not only in Knowledge, or in
the
of LETTER S.
*533
{
the Virtue of Prudence, but in all other Virtues. That is, that we
fhould both feek and love Virtue for itfelf, and not for Praife. For
as one fays well,-Turpe eft Proco Anfillam follicitare; eft autem Vir-
tutis Anfilla Laus:-"It is a Shame for him that woes the Miftrefs to
court the Maid; and Praife is but the Handmaid of Virtue."
I will here cut off; for I find I have both exceeded the conve-
nient Length of a Letter, and come fhort of fuch a Difcourfe as this
Subject doth deferve. Your Lordship perhaps may find in this Pa-
per many Things fuperfluous, moft Things imperfect and lame,
and all without Method, and confuſed. But what you find fuperflu-
ous, caft that away; it is but my Labour loft: What you find lame,
I will, as well as I can, fupply upon a fecond Adviſement, if you
call me to Account: What Confufion you find in my Order and Me-
thod, is not only my Fault, whofe Mind is confounded with too
much Buſineſs; but the Fault of the Seafon: This being written in
Chriſtmas, in which Confufion and Diſorder have, by Tradition,
not only been winked at but warranted. If there be but any one
Thing which your Lordship makes ufe of, I think my Pains well
beſtowed in all: And how weak foever my Counfels be, my Wishes
ſhall be as ſtrong as any Man's for your Lordship's Happineſs. And
fo I reft, &c.
P. S. My Lord, if any curious Scholar, happening to fee this
Diſcourſe, fhall quarrel with my Allufion of the Gifts of the Mind,
becauſe he finds it not perhaps in his Book; and fays, that Health
and conftant Temper of Mind, is a Kind of Strength, and fo I have
offended againſt the Rule that, Membra dividentia non deberent con-
fundi; I anfwer him, that the Qualities of Wealth and Strength,
as I have fet them down, are not only unlike, but mere contrary,
for the one omits in the Mind, and reſtrains it; the other raiſes
and enlarges it.
*534
A COLLECTION
A remarkable Stratagem of a former Dutchefs of Ba-
varia, to fave and to gain the Duke her Husband's
Liberty.
TB
HE Emperor Conradus having claſhed with Guelphus Duke of
Bavaria, he bore up a good while againſt him; at laſt the
Emperor, recruiting his Army with Italian Auxiliaries, ſhut up the
Duke in Winberga, and beleagred him ſo cloſe that he was ready
to famiſh; and the Emperor having been provoked ſo far that he
vowed to put all to Fire and Sword; the Dutchefs, being a comely
courageous Lady, went through the Throng of the Army into the
Emperor's Tent, and made fuch a flexanimous Speech which fo
much melted the Emperor, that he publiſhed a Proclamation, that
for her Sake all the Women of Winfberga fhould have Conduct to
depart and carry away upon their Backs as much of their moſt pre-
cious Wealth as they could bear. Hereupon the Dutchefs took
the Duke upon her Back; and every Wife, by her Example, her
Huſband; Maids and unmarried Women took up their Brothers,
and Kindred; and fo all marched out. The Emperor being much
taken with this witty Piece of Humanity, publiſhed a general A&t
of Amneftia, and fo the Duke was redintegrated into his Favour.
This memorable Story I couched once into Verfe, being a Taſk im-
pofed upon me, and the Epigram runs thus.
Tempore quo Bavarum fuperat Roma Guelphum,
Seria feftivo Res fuit a&ta joco;
Conradus victor Winfbergam obfefferat Urbem,
Hinc fame, Deditio facta, premente, fuit;
Matribus
of LETTER S.
*535
Matribus at miferans Bavaris, fponfæq; Guelphi,
Indupator iis tale Diploma dedit;
Quælibet ut Mulier ruto cum Rebus abiret
Quas humeris poffet fuftinuiffe fuis.
Cum reliquis Comitiffa novo Diplomate nixa
Inde viros portant, pondera grata, fuos.
Pendebant collo nati natæq; lacertis
Sic abiit licita Femina Virq; fugâ ;
Hac delectatus Cæfar pietate, pepercit
Omnibus, atq; novum cum Duce fædus init.
An Original LETTER of Lord Haftings, who
was beheaded by Richard III. for espousing the Caufe
of Jane Shore, to Richard Butler, Efq; in Behalf of
his Servant, Thomas Myles; figned with his own
Hand.
I
Trusty and rythe wel beloved Friend,
Comende me to you, and praye you, infomuch as I am in-
formed ye bend youre Labors to vexe a Servant of myne, Tho-
mas Myles, of Everden, whom I love wel, withoute Cawſe reaſon-
able; that ye vouchfaf, becauſe of this my Prayer, to have hym the
rather in your Favor, as he be not fo vexed herafter, but that he
may fit in Reſt; for I am loth that any of my Servantes fhoulde
have Cawſe to compleine upon you, or I to have any Thyng againſte
you. Wreten at London, the 17th Day of March.
To my wel beloved Friend,
Rycbarde Butler, Squiere.
Your Friend,
HASTYNGS,
The End of the First Volume.
T
HE Second Volume contains fome curious Antiquities, Let-
ters, &c. in this Period; and through the fucceeding Reigns,
to the preſent Times: With fome Originals of Queen Ann, Dutcheſs
of Marlborough, Lord Bolingbroke, Sir Robert Walpole, &c. To
which are added, Several remarkable Originals, and fcarce Pieces,
Poetry, &c. Religious, Political, and Moral.
A
CONTENTS of the FIRST VOLUME.
Letter concerning the Expedition of Pen and Venables againſt
the Iſland of Hiſpaniola, in the Protectorſhip of Oliver
Cromwell
A Letter, as fuppofed, from Sir Thomas Bodley to King James I.
From Sir Thomas Lake, Secretary of State, ad ignotum
From the fame
From the fame
From the fame on the Proceedings in the Star-Chamber
From the fame
p. I
22
40
4.3
44
48
49
From the fame
From Mr. Secretary Colvert
From the fame
From the fame
From the fame
51
53
55
56
59
565
66
From Lord Chancellor Bacon
61
From the Archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer) to Mr. Cecil, &c. 62
From Mr. Montague to the King
From Monfieur Dupleffis in French
From Lord Scroop to Harry IV. 1405,
From the Magiftrates of Nurenberg to Harry IV. 1412
63
64
65
66
The Charges, Speeches, &c. of Sir Henry Butler, from 69 to 146
Francis Phillips's Petition to the King, in Behalf of Sir Robert Phillips,
his Brother, Prifoner in the Tower
ib.
Mr. Cuff's remarkable Speech
152
A Character of Mr. Haftings
ib.
From Margaret, King Henry the VIIth's Mother, from the Ori-
ginal in her own Hand
155
The original Commiffion in King Henry the VIIIth's own Hand,
to take Poffeffion of Cardinal Woolfe,'s Eftate
157
From the Lords of Council Tem. Edw. VI, about Bells, &c. in
Parish Churches
159
From the Earl of Northumberland to the Princess Mary, Daughter
to King Henry the VIIIth
160
Council of York to Cardinal Woolfey
161
An Original of Edw. VI. excufing of Peers Attendance
16.
From one Castle to Mr. James Mills
ib.
From Sir Thomas Wharton to Lord Privy Seal, 1545
168
King Henry the VIIlth's Declaration concerning Lady Anne of
Cleves
170
170 to 181
Account of Letters in the Cotton Library, in 1584
An Order of Council, Anno 3d and 4th of Philip and Mary 188
A Rate of Abſtenance put into Parliament, 10 Edw. VI, by John
Rich, Cofferer
ib.
A
1
11
CONTENT.S.of the FIRST VOLUME.
A Remembrance of Henry Killigrew's
Letter from Lord Northumberland to the Earl of Suffex
From Sir Francis Knolly's to ditto
184 to 188
ib.
189
Letter or Warrant from Richard Earl of Warwick Tem. to Hen. VI. 190
From Queen Katherine, Tem. Henry VIII.
ib.
From Richard Sampson, &c. to King Henry VIIIth,
From the Lords of the Council to Sir Henry Radcliff
191 to 194
195
ib.
- From the Lords of the Council to Mr. Chancellor North, Tem.
Henry VIII.
From the Earl of Salisbury to Segar
From the Lords of the Council to Lord North
Paſs for ſafe Conduct figned by Q. Elizabeth
From Mr. William Peters to the Earl of Suffex
From the Bishop of Carlisle to ditto
From Lady Mountegle to the Duke of Norfolk
W. Cecil to Lord Suffex
196
197
198
199
200
201
203
Lord Barghley to ditto
ib.
Lord Hunfdon to ditto
203
Letters from the Duke of Norfolk to ditto-ditto to
205
۱۰
Duke of Norfolk to Secretary Cecil
206
Lord Wharton to the Earl of Suffex
207
Lord Windfor to ditto
208
To Mr. Secretary P
209
Lord Strange to the Earl of Suffex
ib.
Lord R. Dudley to ditto
210.
Two Letters of Lord Cobham to ditto
Warrant from Queen Katherine, 1526.
Katherine Baffet to her Mother the Lady Lifle
Lord Admiral to Lord Suffex
Sir Edw. Haftings to Sir William Petre, &c.
Lady Mary Sidney to the Earl of Suflex
Marquifs of Winchester to ditto
Sir Edw. Haftings to ditto
Richard Rich to ditto
Lord Hunfdon to Auditor Tompson
Sir William Fitz-Williams to Lord Suſſex
Lord Windſor to ditto
Secretry Maſon to ditto
Lord Admiral Clinton to ditto
Lord Pembroke to ditto
Sir Thomas Smith to Sir Henry Radcliff
Earl of Southampton and his Lady to Lord Suffex,
Ab Ignota to ditto
✓ Lady Howard to ditto
211
212
213
214
215
216
ib.
217
218
219
220
221
い
​222
223
Owen Bray to ditto
224
ib.
225, 226
227
228, 229
230
Ori-
CONTENTS of the FIRST VOLUME.
Óriginal Order to inftal Lord Gray, then Priſoner in France
Earl of Effex to Lord Chamberlain
Letter to the Privy Council concerning Rioters in the North 1569. ib.
Lady Stanley to the Earl of Suffex
Walfingham to ditto
Lord Shrewsbury to Lord Burghley
Marquis of Winchester to Hare
Lord Northumberland to Lord Suffex
Commiffion for the Execution of the Q. of Scots, pen'd by Burghley 239
King James to Queen Elizabeth
King James to Douglas
Two Letters from King James in his own Hand
Queen Elizabeth to the Scottish King
Lord Howard to Lord Suffex
29
William Crew to John Carre
iii
231
232
234
ib.
235
237
238
241
244
ib.
256
246
248
Commiffion and Directions concerning the Treaty of Peace between
England, Spain, and Burgundy
From the Biſhop of Rofs to the Council of England
249
260
The Flowers of Grace, by King James 1614.
262
Lord Grey to the Earl of Suffex
270
Lady Morley to ditto
ib.
Lady Moore to Cromwell Tem. Henry VIII.
271
· Duke of Norfolk to K. Henry VIII.
272
Letter from Margaret and Jane Seymour to the King, in Latin, very curi-
ous
276
Council of the North to Lord Privy Seal
ib.
Mr. Magnus to Cardinal Woolfey
278
A Brief concerning Tenant-Right to the Barony of Kendall
Lady Westmorland to the Earl of Suffex
279
280
Earl of Suffex to Lord Fitzwater
Biſhop of Wincheſter to ditto
Biſhop of Glouceſter to ditto
Mr. Denny to Sir Robert Carr
Epiſtle of Eleutherius, Biſhop of Rome, to King Luccus
Warrant from Edw. VI. to degrade the Duke of Somerſet
Ditto from Queen Mary againſt the Duke of Suffolk
Sir Humphry Radcliff to the Earl of Suffex
Confeffion, &c. figned by the Duke of Somerfet
Sir Thomas Randolph to Buchannan
Ditto to Peter Young
Lord Buckingham to Cardinal Woolfey
Duke of Norfolk to Sir James Strangeways
Archbishop of Canterbury to Lord Suſſex
Bishop of Chichester to ditto
281
169, 282
283
284
ib.
285
286
288
289
290
291
292
293
ib.
294
Earl
iv
CONTENTS of the FIRST VOLUME.
Earl of Derby to ditto
Lady Ruffel ad ignotum
Lord Buckhurft to Lord Suffex
Parry, Ambaffador to Lord Suffolk
Powlet, Ambaffador to Lord Suſſex
Lord Grey to ditto
295.
296
297
298
299
300
Lord Burleigh to ditto
Lady Oxenford, his Daughter, to ditto
Earl of Shrewsbury to Queen Mary
Secretary Walfingham to Sir R. Rich
301
ib.
302
303
Countess of Lenox to Lord Leiceſter
ib.
Tho. Wright concerning Methwold Warren in Norfolk
304
Sir Henry Wotton, Anno 1608, in anſwer to Lord Rofs
307
Ditto to Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury
308
Lord Delawar to Mr. Cromwell
309
Lord Mawtravers to Lord Privy Seal
310.
Lady Elizabeth Bruce to Lord ***
311
Lady Berkley to Mr. Cromwell, afterwards Earl of Effex
ib.
Lady Kingſton to Mr. Wriothefly
312
Sir John Parrot to Lord Leiceſter
313
Lord Burghley to Lord Suffex
314
George Carew to Lord ***
315
John Brown to Camden
316
Sir Henry Sidney to Lord Suffex
317
Lord Fitzwater to ditto
31
An Account of Strangers, &c, that inherited Lands before the Statute
of Edw. III.
ib.
A few Precedents of divers Kings creating Perfons into Titles of Ho-
nour, having no Lands in the Places of their Titles
Intelligencies in Norris's, Paulet's, and Cobham's Ambaffies during
321
the religious Civil Wars in France
323
Articles from the Prince of Condé, &c.
332
Proclamation against the Prince of Condé, &c.
335
Requeſt in behalf of the Prince of Condé, &c.
336
Speeches of Sir Amias Paulet, Cobham, &c. their Audiences in a Let-
ter to the Queen's Majefty
339
Sir Hen. Cobham to Lord Chamberlain Suffex
351
Ditto to Sir Chriftopher Hatton
Ditto to Mr. Secretary Wilfon
Ditto to Mr. Secretaries
Advertiſements to ditto
Ditto to the Lords of Privy Council
To the Queen's Majesty, Elizabeth
To the Lord Treaſurer Burleigh and Lord Chamberlain Suſſex
**
359
*360
**361
ib.
352
355
358
CONTENTS of the FIRST VOLUME.
To Sir Francis Walfingham
To Sir Francis Walsingham
To Mr. Secretaries
To the Earl of Leicester
To Mr. Stafford
To Lord Chamberlain, Suffex
To Mr. Secretaries
To the Earl of Leicester
Certain Demands of the States General, and Monfieur's Anſwer
To Sir Francis Walfing bam
Letters from & Greville, Lord Howard of _473xx — to
APPENDIX.
P. 363
ib.
ib.
367
368
369
373
378
379
*
377
536xxx
IR Henry Cobham to the Earl of Leiceſter
379
A
To the Lord Treaſurer
382
The Duke of Lenox to the Earl of Leicester
The first Audience of Sir Harry Wotton
His fecond Audience
384
385
386
Sir Francis Vere to Sir Robert Sidney
387
Sir Francis Vere ad eundem
390
King barles the IId to the Baron of Frefheim
392
An ancient Fragment of the Ecclefiaftical and Temporal Govern-
ment
A Copy of the late Earl of Argyle's Speech
A Letter from Robert Earl of Effex to the Earl of Southampton,
when under Sentence of Dea h
Robert Earl of Effex to Lord Rutland, about his Travels
Remarkable Stratagem of the Dutchefs of Bavaria
An original Letter of Lord Hastings, beheaded by Richard III,
Richard Butler, Efq;
to
*
393
3994049
521
* 524
*
534
535
b